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diff --git a/old/63444-0.txt b/old/63444-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index bbf465a..0000000 --- a/old/63444-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,20225 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Life and Times of Queen Victoria; vol. -4 of 4, by Robert Wilson - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license - - -Title: The Life and Times of Queen Victoria; vol. 4 of 4 - -Author: Robert Wilson - -Release Date: October 12, 2020 [EBook #63444] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE LIFE AND TIMES OF QUEEN *** - - - - -Produced by Chuck Greif and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images available at The Internet Archive) - - - - - - - - [Illustration: THE PRINCE AND PRINCESS OF WALES AND THEIR FAMILY. - - (_From a Photograph by Messrs. Russell & Sons, London._)] - - - - - THE - - LIFE AND TIMES - - OF - - QUEEN VICTORIA. - - BY - - ROBERT WILSON. - - Illustrated. - - VOL. IV. - - [Illustration] - - CASSELL & COMPANY, LIMITED: - _LONDON, PARIS & MELBOURNE_. - - [ALL RIGHTS RESERVED.] - - - - -CONTENTS. - - -CHAPTER XVI. - -THE ILLNESS OF THE PRINCE OF WALES. PAGE - -Effect of Prussian Victories on English Opinion--Sudden Changes of -Popular Impulse--Demand for Army Reform--Opposition to the Princess -Louise’s Dowry--Opening of Parliament--The Army Bill--Abolition of -Purchase--Opposition of the Tory Party--Mr. Disraeli Throws Over his -Followers--Obstructing the Purchase Bill--Mr. Cardwell’s -Threat--Obstruction in the House of Lords--A Bold Use of the Queen’s -Prerogative--The Wrath of the Peers--They Pass a Vote of Censure on the -Government--The Ballot Bill--The Peers Reject the Ballot Bill--The -University Tests Bill--The Trades Union Bill--Its Defects--The Case of -Purchon _v._ Hartley--The Licensing Bill and its Effect on -Parties--Local Government Reform--Mr. Lowe’s Disastrous Budget--The -Match Tax--_Ex luce lucellum_--Withdrawal of the Budget--The Washington -Treaty and the Queen--Lord Granville’s Feeble Foreign Policy--His -Failure to Mediate between France and Germany--Bismarck’s Contemptuous -Treatment of English Despatches--_Væ Victis!_--The German Terms of -Peace--Asking too Much and Taking too Little--Mr. Gladstone’s -Embarrassments--Decaying Popularity of the Government--The Collier -Affair--Effect of the Commune on English Opinion--Court Life in -1871--Marriage of the Princess Louise--The Queen Opens the Albert -Hall--The Queen at St. Thomas’s Hospital--Prince Arthur’s Income--Public -Protests and Irritating Discussions--The Queen’s Illness--Sudden Illness -of the Prince of Wales--Growing Anxiety of the People--Alarming -Prospects of a Regency--Between Life and Death--Panic in the Money -Market--Hopeful Bulletins--Convalescence of the Prince--Public Sympathy -with the Queen--Her Majesty’s Letter to the People 385 - - -CHAPTER XVII. - -THE “ALABAMA” CLAIMS. - -Thanksgiving Day--The Procession--Behaviour of the Crowd--Scene in St. -Paul’s--Decorations and Illuminations--Letter from Her Majesty--Attack -on the Queen--John Brown--The Queen’s Speech--The _Alabama_ Claims--The -“Consequential Damages”--Living in a Blaze of Apology--Story of the -“Indirect Claims”--The Arbitrators’ Award--Sir Alexander Cockburn’s -Judgment--Passing of the Ballot Act--The Scottish Education Act--The -Licensing Bill--Public Health Bill--Coal Mines Regulation Bill--The Army -Bill--Admiralty Reforms--Ministerial Defeat on Local Taxation--Starting -of the Home Government Association in Dublin--Assassination of Lord -Mayo--Stanley’s Discovery of Livingstone--Dr. Livingstone’s Interview -with the Queen--Her Majesty’s Gift to Mr. Stanley--Death of Dr. Norman -Macleod--The Japanese Embassy--The Burmese Mission--Her Majesty at -Holyrood Palace--Death of Her Half-Sister 414 - - -CHAPTER XVIII. - -GOVERNMENT UNDER DIFFICULTIES. - -A Lull Before the Storm--Dissent in the Dumps--Disastrous -Bye-Elections--The Queen’s Speech--The Irish University Bill--Defeat of -the Government--Resignation of the Ministry--Mr. Disraeli’s Failure to -Form a Cabinet--The Queen and the Crisis--Lord Derby as a Possible -Premier--Mr. Gladstone Returns to Office--Power Passes to the House of -Lords--Grave Administration Scandals--The Zanzibar Mail -Contract--Misappropriation of the Post Office Savings Banks’ -Balances--Mr. Gladstone Reconstructs his Ministry--The Financial -Achievements of his Administration--The Queen and the Prince of -Wales--Debts of the Heir Apparent--The Queen’s Scheme for Meeting the -Prince’s Expenditure on her Behalf--The Queen and Foreign -Decorations--Death of Napoleon III.--The Queen at the East End--The -Blue-Coat Boys at Buckingham Palace--The Coming of the Shah--Astounding -Rumours of his Progress through Europe--The Queen’s Reception of the -Persian Monarch--How the Shah was Entertained--His Departure from -England--Marriage of the Duke of Edinburgh--Public Entry of the Duchess -into London 431 - - -CHAPTER XIX. - -THE CONSERVATIVE REACTION. - -Questions of the Recess--The Dissenters and the Education Act--Mr. -Forster’s Compromise--The Nonconformist Revolt--Mr. Bright Essays -Conciliation--Sudden Popularity of Mr. Lowe--His “Anti-puritanic -Nature”--Mr. Chamberlain and the Dissidence of Dissent--Decline of the -Liberal Party--Signs of Bye-elections--A Colonial Scandal--The Canadian -Pacific Railway--Jobbing the Contract--Action of the Dominion -Parliament--Expulsion of the Macdonald Ministry--The Ashanti War--How it -Originated--A Short Campaign--The British in Coomassie--Treaty with King -Koffee--The Opposition and the War--Skilful Tactics--Discontent among -the Radical Ranks--Illness of Mr. Gladstone--A Sick-bed -Resolution--Appeal to the Country--Mr. Gladstone’s Address--Mr. -Disraeli’s Manifesto--Liberal Defeat--Incidents of the -Election--“Villadom” to the Front--Mr. Gladstone’s Resignation--Mr. -Disraeli’s Working Majority--The Conservative Cabinet--The Surplus of -£6,000,000--What will Sir Stafford do with it?--Dissensions among the -Liberal Chiefs--Mr. Gladstone and the Leadership--The Queen’s -Speech--Mr. Disraeli and the Fallen Minister--The Dangers of Hustings -Oratory--Mr. Ward Hunt’s “Paper Fleet”--The Last of the Historic -Surpluses--How Sir S. Northcote Disposed of it--The Hour but not the -Man--Mr. Cross’s Licensing Bill--The Public Worship Regulation Bill--A -Curiously Composed Opposition--Mr. Disraeli on Lord Salisbury--The -Scottish Patronage Bill--Academic Debates on Home Rule--The Endowed -Schools Bill--Mr. Stansfeld’s Rating Bill--Bill for Consolidating the -Factory Acts--End of the Session--The Successes and Failures of the -Ministry--Prince Bismarck’s Contest with the Roman Catholic -Church--Arrest of Count Harry Arnim--Mr. Disraeli’s -Apology to Prince Bismarck--Mr. Gladstone’s Desultory -Leadership--“Vaticanism”--Deterioration in Society--An Unopposed -Royal Grant--Visit of the Prince and Princess of Wales to -Birmingham--Withdrawal of the Duchess of Edinburgh from Court--A Dispute -over Precedence--Visit of the Czar to England--Review of the Ashanti War -Soldiers and Sailors--The Queen on Cruelty to Animals--Sir Theodore -Martin’s Biography of the Prince Consort--The Queen tells the Story of -its Authorship 457 - - -CHAPTER XX. - -EMPRESS OF INDIA. - -Mr. Disraeli recognises Intellect--Lord Hartington Liberal Leader--The -Queen’s Speech--Lord Hartington’s “Grotesque Reminiscences”--Mr. Cross’s -Labour Bills--The Artisans’ Dwellings Act--Mr. Plimsoll and the -“Ship-knackers”--Lord Hartington’s First “Hit”--The Plimsoll -Agitation--Surrender of the Cabinet--“Strangers” in the House--The -Budget--Rise of Mr. Biggar--First Appearance of Mr. Parnell--The -Fugitive Slave Circular--The Sinking of the Yacht _Mistletoe_--The Loss -of the _Vanguard_--Purchase of the Suez Canal Shares--The Prince of -Wales’s Visit to India--Resignation of Lord Northbrook--Appointment of -Lord Lytton as Viceroy of India--Outbreak of the Eastern Question--The -Andrassy Note--The Berlin Memorandum--Murder of French and German -Consuls at Salonica--Lord Derby Rejects the Berlin Memorandum--Servia -Declares War on Turkey--The Bulgarian Revolt Quenched in Blood--The -Sultan Dethroned--Opening of Parliament--“Sea-sick of the Silver -Streak”--Debates on the Eastern Question--Development of Obstruction by -Mr. Biggar and Mr. Parnell--The Royal Titles Bill--Lord Shaftesbury and -the Queen--The Queen at Whitechapel--A Doleful Budget--Mr. Disraeli -becomes Earl of Beaconsfield--The Prince Consort’s Memorial at -Edinburgh--Mr. Gladstone and the Eastern Question--The Servian War--The -Constantinople Conference--The Tories Manufacture Failure for Lord -Salisbury--Death of Lady Augusta Stanley--Proclamation of the Queen as -Empress at Delhi 482 - - -CHAPTER XXI. - -THE REIGN OF JINGOISM. - -Opening of Parliament--Sir Stafford Northcote’s Leadership--The Prisons -Bill--Mr. Parnell’s Policy of Scientific Obstruction--The South Africa -Confederation Bill--Mr. Parnell’s Bout with Sir Stafford Northcote--A -Twenty-six Hours’ Sitting--The Budget--The Russo-Turkish -Question--Prince Albert’s Eastern Policy--Opinion at Court--The -Sentiments of Society--The Feeling of the British People--Outbreak of -War--Collapse of Turkey--The Jingoes--The Third Volume of the “Life of -the Prince Consort”--The “Greatest War Song on Record”--The Queen’s -Visit to Hughenden--Early Meeting of Parliament--Mr. Layard’s Alarmist -Telegrams--The Fleet Ordered to Constantinople--Resignation of Lord -Carnarvon--The Russian Terms of Peace--Violence of the War Party--The -Debate on the War Vote--The Treaty of San Stefano--Resignation of Lord -Derby--Calling Out the Reserves--Lord Salisbury’s Circular--The Indian -Troops Summoned to Malta--The Salisbury-Schouvaloff Agreement--Lord -Salisbury’s Denials--The Berlin Congress--The _Globe_ Disclosures--The -Anglo-Turkish Convention--Occupation of Cyprus--“Peace with Honour”--The -Irish Intermediate Education Bill--Consolidation of the Factory -Acts--The Monarch and the Multitude--Outbreak of the Third Afghan -War--The “Scientific Frontier”--Naval Review at Spithead--Death of the -Ex-King of Hanover--Death of the Princess Alice 513 - - -CHAPTER XXII. - -PEACE WHERE THERE IS NO PEACE. - -Ominous Bye-Elections--The Spangles of Imperialism--Disturbed state of -Eastern Europe--Origin of the Quarrel with the Zulus--Cetewayo’s Feud -with the Boers--A “Prancing Pro-Consul”--Sir Bartle Frere’s Ultimatum to -the Zulu King--War Declared--The Crime and its Retribution--The Disaster -of Isandhlwana--The Defence of Rorke’s Drift--Demands for the Recall of -Sir Bartle Frere--Censured but not Dismissed--Sir Garnet Wolseley -Supersedes Sir Bartle Frere in Natal--The Victory of Ulundi--Capture of -Cetewayo--End of the War--The Invasion of Afghanistan--Death of Shere -Ali--Yakoob Khan Proclaimed Ameer--The Treaty of Gundamuk--The -“Scientific Frontier”--The Army Discipline Bill--Mr. Parnell attacks the -“Cat”--Mr. Chamberlain Plays to the Gallery--Surrender of the -Government--Lord Hartington’s Motion against Flogging--The Irish -University Bill--An Unpopular Budget--The Murder of Cavagnari and -Massacre of his Suite--The Army of Vengeance--The Recapture of -Cabul--The Settlement of Zululand--Death of Prince Louis Napoleon--The -Court-Martial on Lieutenant Carey--Its Judgment Quashed--Marriage of the -Duke of Connaught--The Queen at Baveno 562 - -CHAPTER XXIII. - -FALL OF LORD BEACONSFIELD. - -General Gloom--Fall of the Tay Bridge--Liberal Onslaught on the -Government--The Mussulman Schoolmaster and the Anglican Missionary--The -Queen’s Speech--The Irish Relief Bill--A Dying Parliament--Mr. Cross’s -Water Bill--“Coming in on Beer and Going out on Water”--Sir Stafford -Northcote’s Budget--Lord Beaconsfield’s Manifesto--The General -Election--Defeat of the Tories--Incidents of the Struggle--Mr. Gladstone -Prime Minister--The Fourth Party--Mr. Bradlaugh and the Oath--Mr. -Gladstone and the Emperor of Austria--The Naval Demonstration--Grave -Error in the Indian Budget--Affairs in Afghanistan--Disaster at -Maiwand--Roberts’s March--The New Ameer--Revolt of the Boers--The -Ministerial Programme--The Burials Bill--The Hares and Rabbits Bill--The -Employers’ Liability Bill--Supplementary Budget--The Compensation for -Disturbance Bill--Boycotting--Trial of Mr. Parnell and Mr. Dillon--The -Queen’s Visit to Germany--The Queen Presents the Albert Medal to George -Oatley of the Coastguard--Reviews at Windsor--The Queen’s Speech to the -Ensigns--The Battle of the Standards--Royalty and Riflemen--Outrages in -Ireland--“Endymion”--Death of George Eliot 581 - - -CHAPTER XXIV. - -COERCION. - -Lord Beaconsfield Attacks the Government--The Irish Crisis--The Coercion -Bills--An All-night Sitting--The Arrest of Mr. Davitt--The Revolt of the -Irish Members--The Speaker’s _Coup d’État_--Urgency--New Rules of -Procedure--The Speaker’s _Clôture_--End of the Struggle against -Coercion--Mr. Dillon’s Irish Campaign--Mr. Forster’s First Batch of -“Suspects”--The Peers Censure the Ministry--Mr. Gladstone’s “Retort -Courteous”--Abolition of the “Cat”--The Budget--Paying off the National -Debt--The Irish Land Bill--The Three “F’s”--Resignation of the Duke of -Argyll--The Strategic Blunder of the Tories--The Fallacy of Dual -Ownership--Conflict between the Lords and Commons--Surrender of the -Peers--Passing the Land Bill--Revolt of the Transvaal--The -Rout of Majuba Hill--Death of Sir George Colley--The Boers -Triumphant--Concession of Autonomy to the Boers--Lord Beaconsfield’s -Death--His Career and Character--A “Walking Funeral” at Hughenden--The -Queen and Lord Beaconsfield’s Tomb--A Sorrowing Nation--Assassination of -the Czar--The Queen and the Duchess of Edinburgh--Character of the Czar -Emancipator--Precautions for the Safety of the Queen--Visit of the King -and Queen of Sweden to Windsor--Prince Leopold becomes Duke of -Albany--Deaths of Dean Stanley and Mr. Carlyle--Review of Scottish -Volunteers--Assassination of President Garfield--The Royal Family--The -Highlands--Holiday Pastimes--The Parnellites and the Irish Land -Act--Arrest of Mr. Parnell--No-Rent Manifesto 610 - - -CHAPTER XXV. - -ENGLAND IN EGYPT. - -The Duke of Albany’s Marriage Announced--Mr. Bradlaugh Again--Procedure -Reform--The Closure at Last--The Peers Co-operate with the -Parnellites--Their Attacks on the Land Act--Mr. Forster’s Policy of -“Thorough”--A Nation under Arrest--Increase in Outrages--Sir J. D. Hay -and Mr. W. H. Smith bid for the Parnellite Vote--A Political Dutch -Auction--The Radicals Outbid the Tories--Release of Mr. Parnell and the -Suspects--The Kilmainham Treaty--Victory of Mr. Chamberlain--Resignation -of Mr. Forster and Lord Cowper--The Tragedy in the Phœnix Park--Ireland -Under Lord Spencer--Firm and Resolute Government--Coercion Revived--The -Arrears Bill--The Budget--England in Egypt--How Ismail Pasha “Kissed the -Carpet”--Spoiling the Egyptians--Mr. Goschen’s Scheme for Collecting the -Debt--The Dual Control--The Ascendency of France--“Egypt for the -Egyptians”--The Rule of Arabi--Riots in Alexandria--The Egyptian -War--Murder of Professor Palmer--British Occupation of Egypt--The -Queen’s Monument to Lord Beaconsfield--Attempt to Assassinate Her -Majesty--The Queen’s Visit to Mentone--Marriage of the Duke of -Albany 630 - - -CHAPTER XXVI. - -THE INVINCIBLES. - -The Married Women’s Property Act--The Opening of Parliament--Changes in -the Cabinet--Arrest of Suspects in Dublin--Invincibles on their -Trial--Evidence of the Informer Carey--Carey’s Fate--The Forster-Parnell -Incident--National Gift to Mr. Parnell--The Affirmation Bill--The -Bankruptcy and other Bills--Mr. Childers’ Budget--The Corrupt Practices -Bill--The “Farmers’ Friends”--Sir Stafford Northcote’s Leadership--The -Bright Celebration--Dynamite Outrages in London--The Explosives Act--M. -de Lesseps and Mr. Gladstone--Blunders in South Africa--The Ilbert -Bill--The Attack on Lady Florence Dixie’s House--Death of John -Brown--His Career and Character--The Queen and the Consumption of -Lamb--A Dull Holiday at Balmoral--Capsizing of the _Daphne_--Prince -Albert Victor made K.G.--France and Madagascar--Arrest of Rev. Mr. -Shaw--Settlement of the Dispute--Progress of the National League--Orange -and Green Rivalry--The Leeds Conference--“Franchise First”--Lord -Salisbury and the Housing of the Poor--Mr. Besant and East -London--“Slumming”--Hicks Pasha’s Disastrous Expedition in the -Soudan--Mr. Gladstone on Jam 652 - - -CHAPTER XXVII. - -GENERAL GORDON’S MISSION. - -Success of the Mahdi--Difficult Position of the Ministers--Their -Egyptian Policy--General Gordon sent out to the Soudan--Baker Pasha’s -Forces Defeated--Sir S. Northcote’s Vote of Censure--The Errors on Both -Sides--Why not a Protectorate?--Gordon in Khartoum--Zebehr, “King of the -Slave-traders”--Attacks on Gordon--Osman Digna Twice Defeated--Treason -in Khartoum--Gordon’s Vain Appeals--Financial Position of -Egypt--Abortive Conference of the Powers--Vote of Credit--The New -Speaker--Mr. Bradlaugh _Redivivus_--Mr. Childers’ Budget--The Coinage -Bill--The Reform Bill--Household Franchise for the Counties--Carried in -the Commons--Thrown Out in the Lords--Agitation in the Country--The -Autumn Session--“No Surrender”--Compromise--The Franchise Bill -Passed--The Nile Expedition--Murder of Colonel Stewart and Mr. Frank -Power--Lord Northbrook’s Mission--Ismail Pasha’s Claims--The “Scramble -for Africa”--Coolness with Germany--The Angra Pequena -Dispute--Bismarck’s Irritation--Queensland and New Guinea--Death of Lord -Hertford--The Queen’s New Book--Death of the Duke of Albany--Character -and Career of the Prince--The Claremont Estate--The Queen at -Darmstadt--Marriage of the Princess Victoria of Hesse--A Gloomy -Season--The Health Exhibition--The Queen and the Parliamentary -Deadlock--The Abyssinian Envoys at Osborne--Prince George of Wales made -K.G.--The Court at Balmoral--Mr. Gladstone’s Visit to the Queen 671 - - -CHAPTER XXVIII. - -THE NEW DEPARTURE. - -An _Annus Mirabilis_--Breaking up of the Old Parties--The -Tory-Parnellite Alliance--Mr. Chamberlain’s Socialism--The Doctrine of -“Ransom”--Effect of the Reform Bill and Seats Bill--Enthroning the -“Sovereign People”--Three Reform Struggles: 1832, 1867, 1885--“One Man -One Vote”--Another Vote of Censure--A Barren Victory--Retreat from the -Soudan--The Dispute with Russia--Komaroff at Penjdeh--The Vote of -Credit--On the Verge of War--Mr. Gladstone’s Compromise with -Russia--Threatened Renewal of the Crimes Act--The Tory Intrigue with the -Parnellites--The Tory Chiefs Decide to Oppose Coercion--Wrangling in the -Cabinet--Mr. Childers’ Budget--A Yawning Deficit--Increasing the Spirit -Duties--Readjusting the Succession Duties--Combined Attack by Tories and -Parnellites on the Budget--Defeat of the Government and Fall of Mr. -Gladstone’s Ministry--The Scene in the Commons--The Tories in -Power--Lord Salisbury’s Government--Places for the Fourth Party--Mr. -Parnell Demands his Price--Abandoning Lord Spencer--Re-opening the -Question of the Maamtrasna Murders--Concessions to the Parnellites--The -New Budget--Sir H. D. Wolff sent to Cairo--The Criminal Law Amendment -Act--Court Life in 1885--Affairs at Home and Abroad--The Fall of -Khartoum--Death of General Gordon--Marriage of the Princess -Beatrice--The Battenbergs 697 - - -CHAPTER XXIX. - -THE BATTLE OF THE UNION. - -Mr. Chamberlain’s Doctrine of “Ransom”--The Midlothian Programme--Lord -Randolph Churchill’s Appeal to the Whigs--Bidding for the Parnellite -Vote--Resignation of Lord Carnarvon--The General Election--“Three Acres -and a Cow”--Defeat of Lord Salisbury--The Liberal Cabinet--Mr. -Gladstone’s Home Rule Scheme--Ulster Threatens Civil War--Secession of -the Liberal “Unionists”--Defeat of Mr. Gladstone--Lord Salisbury again -in Office--Mr. Parnell’s Relief Bill Rejected--The “Plan of -Campaign”--Resignation of Lord Randolph Churchill--Mr. Goschen becomes -Chancellor of the Exchequer--Riots in the West End of London--The Indian -and Colonial Exhibition--The Imperial Institute--The Queen’s Visit to -Liverpool--The Holloway College for Women--A Busy Season for her -Majesty--The International Exhibition at Edinburgh--The Prince and -Princess Komatsu of Japan 724 - - -CHAPTER XXX. - -THE JUBILEE. - -The Fiftieth Year of the Queen’s Reign--Mr. W. H. Smith Leader of the -Commons--Sudden Death of Lord Iddesleigh--Opening of Parliament--The -Queen’s Speech--The Debate on the Address--New Rules for -Procedure--Closure Proposed by the Tories--Irish Landlords and -Evictions--“Pressure Within the Law”--Prosecution of Mr. Dillon--The -Round Table Conference--“Parnellism and Crime”--Resignation of Sir M. -Hicks-Beach--Appointment of Mr. Balfour--The Coercion Bill--Resolute -Government for Twenty Years--Scenes in the House--Irish Land Bill--The -Bankruptcy Clauses--The National League Proclaimed--The Allotments -Act--The Margarine Act--Hamburg Spirit--Mr. Goschen’s Budget--The -Jubilee in India--The Modes of Celebration in England--Congratulatory -Addresses--The Queen’s Visit to Birmingham--The Laureate’s Jubilee -Ode--The Queen at Cannes and Aix--Her Visit to the Grande -Chartreuse--Colonial Addresses--Opening of the People’s Palace--Jubilee -Day--The Scene in the Streets--Preceding Jubilees--The Royal -Procession--The German Crown Prince--The Decorations and the -Onlookers--The Spectacle in Westminster Abbey--The Procession--The -Ceremony--The Illuminations--Royal Banquet in Buckingham Palace--The -Shower of Honours--Jubilee Observances in the British Empire and the -United States--The Children’s Celebration in Hyde Park--The Queen’s -Garden Party--Her Majesty’s Letter to her People--The Imperial -Institute--The Victorian Age 733 - - - - -LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. - - - PAGE -The Prince and Princess of Wales and their Family _Frontispiece._ - -Osborne, from the Solent 385 - -The Princess Louise (_From a Photograph by -Elliott and Fry_) 388 - -The Marquis of Lorne (_From a Photograph by -Elliott and Fry_) 389 - -Inverary Castle (_From a Photograph by G. W. -Wilson and Co._) 393 - -Mr. W. E. Forster (_From a Photograph by Russell -and Sons_) 396 - -Balmoral Castle, from the North-west (_From a -Photograph by G. W. Wilson and Co., Aberdeen_) 400 - -After Sedan: Discussing the Capitulation (_From -the Picture by Georg Bleibtreu_) 401 - -Metz 405 - -Marriage of the Princess Louise _To face_ 408 - -Opening of the Royal Albert Hall 409 - -The Prince of Wales’s Illness: Crowd at the -Mansion House Reading the Bulletins 412 - -Thanksgiving Day: the Procession at Ludgate -Hill (_From the Picture by N. Chevalier_) 413 - -Thanksgiving Day: St. Paul’s Illuminated 416 - -The Thanksgiving Service in St. Paul’s Cathedral 417 - -Geneva 421 - -Dr. Norman Macleod (_From a Photograph by -Elliott and Fry_) 425 - -The Queen receiving the Burmese Embassy 428 - -Queen’s College, Cork (_From a Photograph by -W. Lawrence, Dublin_) 432 - -Professor Fawcett (_From a Photograph by the -London Stereoscopic Company_) 433 - -Queen’s College, Galway 436 - -Views in Windsor: Old Market Street, and the -Town Hall, from High Street 440 - -Sandringham House 441 - -The Queen’s Visit to Victoria Park 445 - -Blue-coat Boys at Buckingham Palace 448 - -The Shah of Persia Presenting his Suite to the -Queen at Windsor _To face_ 449 - -The Duke of Edinburgh 452 - -The Duchess of Edinburgh (_From a Photograph -by W. and D. Downey_) 453 - -Marriage of the Duke of Edinburgh (_From the -Picture by N. Chevalier_) 456 - -Coomassie 460 - -King Koffee’s Palace, Coomassie 461 - -Lord Salisbury (_From a Photograph by Bassano, -Old Bond Street, W._) 465 - -Review in Windsor Great Park of the Troops from -the Ashanti War: the March Past before the -Queen 469 - -The Bishop of Peterborough (Dr. Magee) addressing -the House of Lords 473 - -Alexander II., Czar of Russia 477 - -The Albert Memorial Chapel, Windsor (_From a -Photograph by G. W. Wilson and Co._) 480 - -Mr. Plimsoll Addressing the House of Commons 484 - -The Marquis of Hartington (_From a Photograph -by Russell and Sons_) 485 - -Abergeldie Castle (_From a Photograph by G. W. -Wilson and Co._) 488 - -View on the Suez Canal 492 - -Count Ferdinand De Lesseps 493 - -The Mosque at San Sophia, Constantinople 496 - -Heralds at the Mansion House, Proclaiming the -Queen as “Empress of India” 497 - -The Queen Visiting the Wards of the London -Hospital 500 - -The Albert Memorial, Charlotte Square, Edinburgh 501 - -Holyrood Palace, from the South-east 504 - -Sir James Falshaw (_From a Photograph by -J. Moffat, Edinburgh_) 505 - -Lord Beaconsfield at the Banquet in the Guildhall 508 - -General View of Constantinople 509 - -Trooping the Colours in St. James’s Park on the -Queen’s Birthday _To face_ 513 - -Lord Cairns (_From a Photograph by Russell and -Sons_) 513 - -Horseshoe Cloisters, Windsor Castle 517 - -Lord Derby (_From a Photograph by Elliott and -Fry_) 521 - -The Tower of Galata, Constantinople 525 - -Russian Wounded Leaving Plevna 528 - -Hughenden Manor (_From a Photograph by Taunt -and Co._) 529 - -The Queen’s Visit to Hughenden: at High Wycombe -Railway Station 533 - -Prince Gortschakoff 537 - -Russo-Turkish War: Map showing Position of -Russian and Turkish Lines outside of Constantinople, -and of the British Fleet 540 - -The Marina, Larnaca, Cyprus 544 - -Salonica 545 - -Prince Bismarck (_From the Photograph by -Loescher and Petsch, Berlin_) 548 - -Shere Ali, Ameer of Cabul 553 - -The Queen Reviewing the Fleet at Spithead 557 - -The Albert Memorial, Kensington 561 - -Isandhlwana: the Dash with the Colours 565 - -Baveno, on Lago Maggiore 568 - -The Villa Clara, Baveno 569 - -The Duchess of Connaught 572 - -The Duke of Connaught 573 - -Marriage of the Duke of Connaught (_From the -Picture by S. P. Hall_) 576 - -Queen Victoria (1887) _To face_ 577 - -The Mausoleum, Frogmore 577 - -Osborne House, from the Gardens (_From a Photograph -by J. Valentine and Sons_) 581 - -The First Tay Bridge, from the South 584 - -Windsor Castle: a Peep from the Dean’s Garden 585 - -After the Midlothian Victory: Mr. Gladstone Addressing -the Crowd from the Balcony of Lord -Rosebery’s House, George Street, Edinburgh -(_From the Picture in “The Graphic”_) 589 - -Mr. Chamberlain (_From a Photograph by Russell -and Sons_) 593 - -Old Palace of the Prince of Montenegro, Cettigne 597 - -Windsor Castle: Queen Elizabeth’s Library, from -the Quadrangle 600 - -The Queen Presenting the Albert Medal to George -Oatley, of the Coastguard 604 - -Review in Windsor Park: Charge of the 5th and -7th Dragoon Guards 605 - -Ballater 609 - -Mr. Parnell (_From a Photograph by William -Lawrence, Dublin_) 613 - -Grafton Street, Dublin 616 - -Lord Beaconsfield’s Last Appearance in the Peers’ -Gallery of the House of Commons (_From a -Drawing by Harry Furniss_) 617 - -Lord Beaconsfield’s House, 19, Curzon Street, Mayfair 621 - -The Prince of Wales in his Robes as a Bencher of -the Middle Temple (_From a Photograph by -W. and D. Downey_) 624 - -The Princess of Wales (_From a Photograph by -W. and D. Downey_) 625 - -The Royal Family in the Highlands: Tug of War--Balmoral -_v._ Abergeldie 629 - -Lord Frederick Cavendish (_From a Photograph -by the London Stereoscopic Company_) 633 - -The Karmous Suburb, Alexandria, and Pompey’s -Pillar 637 - -Ahmed Arabi Pasha (_From the Portrait by -Frederick Villiers in A. M. Broadley’s “How -we Defended Arabi and his Friends”_) 640 - -Lord Wolseley (_From a Photograph by Fradelle -and Young_) 641 - -The Duchess of Albany 644 - -The Duke of Albany 645 - -Marriage of the Duke of Albany _To face_ 648 - -Mentone (_From a Photograph by Frith and Co., -Reigate_) 649 - -Lambeth Palace 652 - -Charles Darwin (_From a Photograph by Elliott -and Fry_) 653 - -The Round Tower, Windsor Castle 657 - -The Royal Albert Hall, Kensington 661 - -John Brown (_From a Photograph by G. W. Wilson -and Co., Aberdeen_) 665 - -The Parish Church, Crathie 669 - -Braemar Castle 669 - -General Gordon (_From a Photograph by Adams -and Scanlan, Southampton_) 673 - -Khartoum 677 - -Sir Stafford Northcote, afterwards Lord Iddesleigh -(_From a Photograph by Barraud, Oxford -Street_) 680 - -The Citadel, Cairo 681 - -Balmoral Castle, from Craig Nordie (_From a -Photograph by G. W. Wilson and Co._) 685 - -Funeral of the Duke of Albany: the Procession -Entering Windsor Castle 688 - -View in Claremont Park 689 - -The Linn of Dee (_From a Photograph by G. W. -Wilson and Co._) 693 - -The Queen Receiving the Abyssinian Envoys at -Osborne 696 - -Prince Henry of Battenberg (_From a Photograph -by Theodor Prümm, Berlin_) 700 - -Princess Beatrice (_From a Photograph by Hughes -and Mullins, Ryde_) 701 - -The Queen in her State Robes _To face_ 705 - -Mr. Gladstone (_From a Photograph by Elliott -and Fry_) 705 - -Drawing-Room in Buckingham Palace 709 - -Map of the War in the Soudan 716 - -Marriage of the Princess Beatrice 721 - -Opening of Parliament in 1886: the Royal Procession -in Westminster Palace on the way to -the House of Peers 725 - -Lord Tennyson (_From a Photograph by H. H. H. -Cameron, Mortimer Street, W._) 729 - -Opening of the Indian and Colonial Exhibition: -The Queen’s Tour 733 - -The Queen’s Visit to Edinburgh (1886): Her -Majesty Leaving Holyrood Palace 737 - -The Crown Prince, afterwards the Emperor -Frederick III. of Germany (_From a Photograph -by Reichard and Lindner, Berlin_) 745 - -The Crown Princess, afterwards the Empress -Victoria of Germany (_From a Photograph by -Reichard and Lindner, Berlin_) 745 - -The Jubilee Garden Party at Buckingham Palace: -The Royal Tent 749 - - - - -[Illustration: OSBORNE, FROM THE SOLENT.] - - - - -CHAPTER XVI. - -THE ILLNESS OF THE PRINCE OF WALES. - - Effect of Prussian Victories on English Opinion--Sudden Changes - of Popular Impulse--Demand for Army Reform--Opposition to - the Princess Louise’s Dowry--Opening of Parliament--The Army - Bill--Abolition of Purchase--Opposition of the Tory Party--Mr. - Disraeli Throws Over his Followers--Obstructing the Purchase - Bill--Mr. Cardwell’s Threat--Obstruction in the House of Lords--A - Bold Use of the Queen’s Prerogative--The Wrath of the Peers--They - Pass a Vote of Censure on the Government--The Ballot Bill--The - Peers Reject the Ballot Bill--The University Tests Bill--The Trades - Union Bill--Its Defects--The Case of Purchon v. Hartley--The - Licensing Bill and its Effect on Parties--Local Government - Reform--Mr. Lowe’s Disastrous Budget--The Match Tax--_Ex luce - lucellum_--Withdrawal of the Budget--The Washington Treaty and - the Queen--Lord Granville’s Feeble Foreign Policy--His Failure - to Mediate Between France and Germany--Bismarck’s Contemptuous - Treatment of English Despatches--_Væ Victis!_--The German Terms - of Peace--Asking too Much and Taking too Little--Mr. Gladstone’s - Embarrassments--Decaying Popularity of the Government--The Collier - Affair--Effect of the Commune on English Opinion--Court Life - in 1871--Marriage of the Princess Louise--The Queen Opens the - Albert Hall--The Queen at St. Thomas’s Hospital--Prince Arthur’s - Income--Public Protests and Irritating Discussions--The Queen’s - Illness--Sudden Illness of the Prince of Wales--Growing Anxiety - of the People--Alarming Prospects of a Regency--Between Life and - Death--Panic in the Money Market--Hopeful Bulletins--Convalescence - of the Prince--Public Sympathy with the Queen--Her Majesty’s Letter - to the People. - - -The closing weeks of 1870 and the early days of 1871 were full of -anxiety to the Queen. Despite its services to the country, the Cabinet -was obviously losing ground. The Franco-Prussian War had brought about -a great change in the minds of the people as to the kind of work they -wanted their Government to do, and it was certain that Mr. Gladstone -and his colleagues did not respond quickly to the new impulse which the -fall of Imperialism in France, and the rise of the new German Empire -had given to public opinion in England. When the Cabinet took office, -retrenchment and reform at home, and isolation abroad, were objects -which the nation desired the Government to pursue. The victories of -Prussia certainly strengthened the hands of the Ministry in carrying -out their education policy. But in every other department of public -life the people began to expect from the Cabinet what the Cabinet -was not, by its temperament, likely to give. Ministers, in their -handling of the Army and Navy, for example, made economy the leading -idea of their policy. The country, on the other hand, alarmed at the -collapse of France, put efficiency before economy. Non-intervention in -Foreign Affairs, which was the policy of the Ministry, and which had -been the policy of the Tory Opposition, was discredited when Russia -repudiated the Black Sea Clauses of the Treaty of Paris, and when it -was discovered that somehow Lord Granville’s management of Foreign -Affairs had left England with enemies, and not with allies, in the -councils of the world. Forgetful of the stormy sea of foreign troubles -through which Palmerston was perpetually steering the labouring vessel -of State, the nation began to long for a Minister who could make -England play a great part in the drama of Continental politics. Lord -Granville’s “surrender” in the Black Sea Conference was admittedly -dignified and adroit, but it did not on that account satisfy the -country. Why had he not pressed for an equivalent right on the part -of England and the Powers to pass the Dardanelles? That would, at all -events, have made the Black Sea an European instead of a Russian lake, -or rather a lake whose waters Russia shared with a weak and decaying -Power like Turkey. Why did he not recast the Foreign Policy of England, -and proceed to check Russia diplomatically by strengthening Austria -in the Danube? If the irritation of the United States was paralysing -England in Europe, why was no decided action taken to bring about an -equitable settlement of the _Alabama_ Claims? Why was the recognition -of the new French Republic delayed, when it was known that even Von -Bismarck deigned to treat with it for peace, and when its recognition -would raise up for England a friendly feeling in France? All these and -other questions were asked by men who were not partisans, and who were, -on the whole, well disposed to Mr. Gladstone’s administration. - -The only reform movement, indeed, that excited any popular enthusiasm -at the beginning of 1871, was that which Mr. Trevelyan had started -after he resigned his Civil Lordship of the Admiralty, because Mr. -Forster’s Education Bill increased the grant to denominational schools. -It was significant, too, that this movement was one for making the -army more efficient by abolishing the system that permitted officers -to buy their commissions and their promotion. It had been said that -nothing could be done to render the army formidable, so long as the -Commander-in-Chief was its absolute ruler. The result was that the Duke -of Cambridge was made subordinate to the Secretary of State. Next it -was said that nothing could be done to improve the army so long as it -was pawned to its officers, who had acquired by purchase something like -a vested right in maintaining the existing military system. Abolition -of Purchase, therefore, in 1871, seemed to be the only point of contact -between the nation and the Cabinet, who were supposed to favour Mr. -Trevelyan’s agitation. The demand for increasing the army, when -sanctioned by a Parliamentary vote, Mr. Cardwell evaded. When merely -sanctioned by public opinion he either ignored it, or, as in the case -of issuing breech-loading rifles to the Volunteers, yielded to it after -resisting it for about eight months. The changes in the Cabinet due to -Mr. Bright’s resignation further lessened confidence in the Government. -Mr. Chichester Fortescue, in spite of his half-hearted Fenian amnesty, -was on the whole a popular and active Irish Secretary. He, however, was -appointed to succeed Mr. Bright at the Board of Trade, where he had -to guide a department charged with interests of which he was utterly -ignorant. Lord Hartington, on the other hand, whose transference to -the War Office would have been gratifying to the country, was sent -to the Irish Office, to the consternation of those Liberals who had -been dissatisfied with the reactionary tone of his speeches on Irish -affairs. The general desire for new War and Foreign Ministers was -ignored.[1] - -But perhaps the most extraordinary change in public sentiment in 1871 -was that which marked public opinion in relation to the marriage of the -Princess Louise. When it was announced, popular feeling was clearly in -favour of the alliance. But towards the end of January, 1871, there was -hardly a large borough in England, the member for which on addressing -his constituents, was not asked menacingly if he meant to vote for a -national dowry to the Princess. Too often, when the member said he -intended to give such a vote, he was hissed by the meeting. Mr. Forster -escaped a hostile demonstration by humorously parrying the question. -He said he could not consent to fine the Princess for marrying a -Scotsman. At Halifax Mr. Stansfeld was seriously embarrassed by the -question. At Chelsea both members nearly forfeited the usual vote of -confidence passed in them by their constituents. Mr. White at Brighton -had to promise to vote against the dowry; at Birmingham Messrs. Dixon -and Muntz could hardly get a hearing from their constituents when they -defended it. The annoyance which the Queen suffered when she saw her -daughter’s name rudely handled at angry mass - -[Illustration: THE PRINCESS LOUISE. - -(_From a Photograph by Elliott and Fry._)] - -meetings was unspeakable. This unexpected ebullition of public feeling -was due to a belief among the electors that when Royalty formed -matrimonial alliances with subjects it ought to accept the rule which -prevails among persons of private station, and frankly recognise that -it is the duty of the husband to support the wife. To demand a dowry -of £40,000 and an income of £6,000 a year for the Princess Louise, -it was argued, was preposterous. The lady, it was said, could not -possibly need it, seeing that she was to marry a nobleman who was -able to maintain his wife, and who, had he not married a princess, -would have been expected to maintain her in the comfort befitting his -inherited rank and social position. But common sense soon reasserted -its sway over the nation. It was then speedily admitted that a great -country lowered its dignity when it chaffered with the Sovereign over -allowances which were necessary to sustain a becoming stateliness of -life in the Royal Family.[2] - -[Illustration: THE MARQUIS OF LORNE. - -(_From a Photograph by Elliott and Fry._)] - -In the course of the discussions that were carried on as to the dowry -of the Princess Louise many ill-natured allusions had been made to the -Queen’s life of seclusion, and it had been broadly hinted that she -was neglecting her public duties. It was unfortunate that steps were -not taken by some person in authority to refute this calumny, for, if -her Majesty shunned the nervous excitement of public ceremonials, it -was for the purpose of husbanding her strength for the transaction of -official business. Still, the people were kept in ignorance of that -fact, and the result was that when the Queen proceeded in person to -open Parliament on the 9th of February, 1871, she was for the first -time in her life rather coldly received on the route from the Palace -to Westminster. The Speech from the Throne dealt chiefly with Foreign -Affairs, and it represented fairly the national feeling in favour of -a policy of neutrality, tempered, however, with a strong desire to -preserve the existence of France as “a principal and indispensable -member of the great Commonwealth of Europe.” Two points in it were -recognised as being in a special sense the expression of the Queen’s -own views. These were (1), the cordial congratulation of Germany -on having attained a position of “solidity and independence,” and -(2), the carefully-guarded suggestion that Germany should be content -with the cession of a mountain barrier beyond the Rhine on her new -frontier, and not endanger the permanence of the peace, which must -soon come by pressing for the cession of French fortresses, which, in -German hands, must be a standing menace to France. Perhaps the most -popular paragraph in the Speech was the one which indicated that the -Governments of England and the United States, after much futile and -bitter controversy, were at last agreed that the _Alabama_ dispute -should be settled by friendly arbitration before a mixed Commission. -The instinct of the masses taught them that the “latent war,” as Mr. -Hamilton Fish called it, between the two kindred peoples, explained -why England had suddenly lost her influence in the councils of Europe. -By its reference to Home Affairs, the Royal Speech, for the time, -strengthened the popularity of the Ministry. It promised a Ballot Bill, -a Bill for abolishing University Tests, for readjusting Local Taxation, -for restricting the grants of Licences to Publicans, for reorganising -Scottish Education, and for reforming the Army. When the Debate on -the Address was taken, the House of Commons was obviously in a state -of high nervous tension. It was half angry with Mr. Gladstone because -he had not pursued a more spirited Foreign Policy, and because, by -submitting to the abolition of the Black Sea Clauses of the Treaty of -Paris, and assuming an isolated attitude towards France and Germany, -he had made England the mere spectator of great events, the course of -which she yearned to influence, if not to control. On the other hand, -the House showed plainly that it was thankful that the country had been -kept out of the embarrassments and entanglements of war. Indeed it was -clear that, if Mr. Gladstone had pursued a more spirited policy at the -risk of enforcing it by arms, he would have been hurled from power by -the votes of the very men who now sneered at his policy because it was -spiritless. - -Mr. Disraeli’s tone was less patriotic than usual. He was careful to -say nothing that would commit him and his party to any other policy -than that of neutrality; but he was equally careful to encourage a -belief that this policy had been adopted, not from prudence, but from -cowardice. To use one of his own phrases, he “threatened Russia with a -clouded cane;” though, as he knew well, the Black Sea dispute had by -that time ended. He endangered the prospects of peaceful arbitration -on the _Alabama_ Claims, by his bitter allusions to the United States. -He poured ridicule on the military feebleness of the country at a -crisis when a patriotic statesman would have naturally preferred -to remain silent on such a theme. But the effect of his attack was -somewhat diminished by his attempt to show that military impotence was -naturally associated with Liberal Governments. Everybody knew that all -governments, Liberal or Tory, were equally responsible for the bad -state of the army, and that they had all equally resisted the popular -demand for reform, till it grew so loud that Mr. Cardwell was forced to -yield to it. - -The great measure of the Session was of course the Army Bill, which -was introduced by Mr. Cardwell, on the 16th of February. It abolished -the system by which rich men obtained by purchase commissions and -promotion in the army, and provided £8,000,000 to buy all commissions, -as they fell in, at their regulation and over-regulation value.[3] In -future, commissions were to be awarded either to those who won them -by open competition, or who had served as subalterns in the Militia, -or to deserving non-commissioned officers. Mr. Cardwell also proposed -to deprive Lords-Lieutenant of Counties of the power of granting -commissions in the militia. He laid down the lines of a great scheme -of army reorganisation which bound the auxiliary forces closer to the -regular army, gave the country 300,000 trained men, divided locally -into nine _corps d’armée_, for home defence, kept in hand a force -of 100,000 men always available for service abroad, and raised the -strength of the artillery from 180 to 336 guns. This, however, he did -at the cost of £15,000,000 a year--a somewhat extravagant sum, seeing -that 170,000 of the army of defence consisted of unpaid volunteers. -The debate that followed was a rambling one. The Tory Party defended -the Purchase system because good officers had come to the front by -its means. Even a Radical like Mr. Charles Buxton was not ashamed to -argue that promotion by selection on account of fitness, would sour -the officers who were passed over with discontent. Lord Elcho, though -he made a “palpable hit” in detecting the inadequacy of Mr. Cardwell’s -scheme of National Defence, sedulously avoided justifying the sale of -commissions in the army. He based his objection to the abolition of -Purchase on the ground that it would involve “the most wicked, the most -wanton, the most uncalled for waste of the public money.” Here we have -depicted a vivid contrast between the House of Commons of the Second, -and the House of the Third Reform Bill. In these latter days Lord -Wemyss--who in 1871 was Lord Elcho--would hardly venture to obstruct -any measure of reform because there was tacked on to it a scheme for -compensating “vested interests” too generously. The Representatives -of the People would now meet such an objection by simply cutting down -the compensation. And Mr. Cardwell had an excellent opportunity for -doing this ready to his hands. The money paid for commissions was -far above the regulation price, and yet it was a statutory offence -punishable by two years’ imprisonment to pay over-regulation prices. -In fact, Parliament may be said to have betrayed the country in -this transaction. Not only had it connived at the offence of paying -over-regulation money, but it made its connivance a pretext for -compensating the offenders for the loss of advantages they had gained -by breaking the law. - -Only two arguments worthy of the least attention were brought forward -by the Opposition. The first was that abolition of Purchase would -weaken the regimental system. For it was contended that promotion -by selection for officers above the rank of captain--which was the -substitute proposed for promotion by Purchase--involving, as it did, -transfers from one regiment to another, must destroy the regimental -home-life.[4] The second was, that it would tend to create a -professional military caste, who might, as Mr. Bernal Osborne argued, -prove dangerous to the liberties of the people. It was, however, felt -that it was absurd to sacrifice the efficiency of the Army to its -regimental home life, and that one of the strongest objections to -the Purchase system was that it rendered the Army amateurish rather -than professional. But in the long controversy that raged through -the Session no argument told more effectively than Mr. Trevelyan’s -citation of Havelock’s bitter complaint that “he was sick for years -in waiting for promotion, that three sots and two fools had purchased -over him, and that if he had not had a family to support he would not -have served another hour.” Mr. Cardwell, too, left nothing to be said -when he told the House of Commons that Army reformers were paralysed -by Purchase. Every proposal for change was met by the argument that -it affected the position of officers who had paid for that position. -In fact, the British Army was literally held in pawn by its officers, -and the nation had virtually no control over it whilst it was in that -ignominious position. The debate, which seemed interminable, ended in -an anti-climax that astonished the Tory Opposition. Mr. Disraeli threw -over the advocates of Purchase, evidently dreading an appeal to the -country, which might have resulted in a refusal to compensate officers -for the over-regulation prices they had paid for their commissions -in defiance of the statute. The Army Regulation Bill thus passed the -Second Reading without a division. In Committee the Opposition resorted -to obstructive tactics, and attempted to talk out the Bill by moving -a series of dilatory and frivolous amendments. The clique of “the -Colonels,” as they were called, in fact anticipated the Parnellites of -a later date in inventing and developing - -[Illustration: INVERARY CASTLE. - -(_From a Photograph by G. W. Wilson and Co._)] - -this form of factious and illegitimate opposition. Mr. Cardwell -so far succumbed that after weary weeks of strife he withdrew his -reorganisation scheme, merely insisting on the Purchase clauses, -and on the transference of control over the auxiliary forces from -Lords-Lieutenant of Counties to the Queen. But the Opposition still -threatened to obstruct the Bill, and it was not till Mr. Cardwell -warned them that he could stop the payment of over-regulation money -for commissions by enforcing the law, that the measure was allowed to -pass. In the House of Lords the Bill was again obstructed, in spite -of Lord Northbrook’s able argument that until Purchase was abolished -the Government could not develop their scheme of Army reorganisation, -which was to introduce into England the Prussian system without -compulsory service. The Tory Peers did not actually venture to vote in -favour of Purchase. But they passed a resolution declining to accept -the responsibility of assenting to its abolition without further -information. Mr. Gladstone met them with a bold stroke. By statute -it was enacted that only such terms of Purchase could exist as her -Majesty chose to permit by Royal Warrant. The Queen therefore, acting -on Mr. Gladstone’s advice, cancelled her warrant permitting Purchase, -and thus the opposition of the Peers was crushed by what Mr. Disraeli -indignantly termed “the high-handed though not illegal” exercise of -the Royal Prerogative.[5] The rage of the Tory Peers knew no bounds. -And yet what could Mr. Gladstone have done? The Ministry might have -resigned, but in that case the Tory Party, as mere advocates of -Purchase, could not have commanded a majority of the House of Commons. -New Peers might have been created, but to this obsolete and perilous -method of coercing the Lords the Queen had a natural and justifiable -antipathy. Parliament might have been dissolved, but then the appeal -to the country would probably have raised the question whether it was -desirable to continue the existence of an unreformed House of Lords -side by side with a reformed House of Commons.[6] The only other course -was to bow to the decision of the Peers, admitting that they must be -permitted to quash a reform, which was passionately desired by the -nation, and that they must be allowed to coerce the House of Commons, -as in the days when they nominated a majority of its members. To have -adopted either of these courses would have been fatal to the authority, -perhaps even to the existence, of the Upper House. Thus the excuse -of the Royal Prerogative, which removed the subject of contention -between the two Houses, was really the means of saving the Lords from a -disastrous conflict with the People. The Peers, however, carried a vote -of censure on the Government, who ignored it, and then their Lordships -passed the Army Regulation Bill without any alteration, nay even -without dividing against the clauses transferring the patronage of the -Militia from Lords-Lieutenant of Counties to the Crown. - -The Session of 1871 was also made memorable by the struggle over -the Ballot Bill, in the course of which nearly all the devices of -factious obstruction were exhausted. The Ballot had become since 1832 -the shibboleth of Radicalism.[7] Resistance to it had been accepted -as the first duty of a Conservative. The arguments for the Ballot -were (1), that by allowing men to vote in secret they were free from -intimidation, and (2), that when votes were given in secret men were -not likely to buy them, for they had no longer any means of knowing -whether value was ever given for their money. On the other hand, the -Tories argued (1), that to vote in secret was cowardly and unmanly; -(2), that it was unconstitutional; and (3), that it weakened the sense -of responsibility in the voter who had no longer the pressure of public -opinion on him.[8] But though these arguments were elaborated at -enormous length, they were felt by the average elector to be wiredrawn -and academic. To him the practical object of any system of election -was to get the voter to give effect to his own real opinion, and not -the opinion of somebody else, in choosing a member. There could be -nothing constitutional, or moral, or distinctively “English,” in a -man who desired to be represented by A voting for B, either because -his landlord or his employer or some of his neighbours intimidated or -bribed him into doing so. Nor could his sense of duty be strengthened -under a system which enabled him to cast the responsibility for a false -vote on those who had coerced or bribed him into giving it. No doubt -the prospect of getting rid of violent scenes and of the demonstrations -of turbulent mobs round the polling-booths where men voted in public, -induced many independent politicians, who were not insensible to the -weight of some of the Conservative arguments, to accept the Ballot. -Strictly speaking, when the question was lifted out of the mire of -mere party controversy it came to this--whether Englishmen, in giving -their votes, preferred the protection of secrecy, to the protection -of a strong law punishing those who attempted to interfere with their -independence. To set the law in motion against a rich man in England -is a costly, and sometimes a dangerous, process. Hence the majority of -Englishmen preferred the protection of secrecy. - -Mr. Forster’s Ballot Bill was introduced on the 28th of February, -and when the Second Reading had been passed after three nights’ dull -debate in June, the Conservatives attempted to talk it out by reviving, -on various frivolous pretexts, a discussion on the principle of the -Bill in Committee.[9] After these tactics had been exhausted, the -Opposition endeavoured to smother the Bill with dilatory amendments. -The supporters of the Government, on the other hand, attempted to -defeat the factious obstruction of their opponents by remaining silent -during the debates. The obstructive party, after a long and tedious -fight, were beaten, and the Bill passed through Committee, but shorn -of the clauses which cast election expenses on the rates, and made -all election expenses not included in the public returns, corrupt -expenses.[10] When the Bill reached the House of Lords, the real -motive which dictated the apparently futile and stupid obstruction -of the Conservative Opposition in the House of Commons, was quickly -revealed. The Lords rejected the Bill on the 18th of August, not merely -because they disliked and dreaded it, but because it had come to them -too late for proper consideration.[11] - -[Illustration: MR. W. E. FORSTER. - -(_From a Photograph by Russell and Sons._)] - -Ministers were more successful with some other measures. In spite of -much Conservative opposition they passed a Bill abolishing religious -tests in the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge, and throwing open -all academic distinctions and privileges except Divinity Degrees and -Clerical Fellowships to students of all creeds and faiths. Mr. Bruce -passed a Trades Union Bill, which gave all registered Unions the legal -_status_ and legal protection of ordinary corporations.[12] The vague -language of the old Act touching intimidation was swept away, and -only such forms of coercion as were not only in themselves obviously -brutal, but could also be clearly defined, were made punishable. A -decision of the law courts, however, deprived the Unions of many of the -benefits they had expected to gain under the Act.[13] Mr. Bruce’s Bill, -regulating the licensing of public-houses, another large measure, was -abandoned, but not till it had converted all the Radical and Liberal -publicans and their _clientèle_ into stern and uncompromising Tories. -Mr. Goschen’s scheme for reforming Local Government and Taxation was -far-reaching and comprehensive, but it alarmed the landlords, for it -divided rates between owners and occupiers, and levied rates on game -rents.[14] - -But by far the most damaging failure of the Session was Mr. Lowe’s -Budget. It was known that the large outlay on the Army, due to the -abolition of Purchase and other causes, would leave a deficit of -about £2,000,000 to be met by Mr. Lowe in the coming year’s accounts. -How was he going to meet it? An elastic revenue and rigid economy in -expenditure had left Mr. Lowe with a surplus of £396,681. But he had -on the next year’s account an estimated deficit of £2,713,000,[15] -which he proposed to meet by a tax on matches--“not on matrimonial -engagements,” as he remarked,--by a readjustment of the Probate and -Succession Duties, and by an increase of about one penny farthing in -the £ of income-tax.[16] The Radicals attacked the Budget furiously, -and Mr. Disraeli formed with them what Mr. Gladstone termed an -“unprincipled coalition.” But the Tories and the Radicals objected -to the Budget on entirely different grounds. Mr. White, member for -Brighton, quoting Mr. Bright’s declaration that a Government which -could not rule the country with £70,000,000 of revenue did not deserve -public confidence, complained of the increase in the Army Estimates, -and warned the House that if such enormous sums were spent on the -protection of property, the people would elect a Parliament pledged -to tax property to pay them. Mr. Disraeli, correctly gauging popular -feeling, objected to the match tax, the proposal of which enraged the -poor match-makers of the East End of London. He gave just expression -to the feeling not only of his own Party, but of almost all the rich -men on the Liberal benches, when he denounced any increase in the -Succession Duties. The Government only escaped defeat by hinting -that they would abandon the Match Tax. After some fencing, the whole -Budget was reconstructed, the Succession Duties being also given up, -and the additional supplies needed by the Government being met by a -twopenny income-tax.[17] There could be no better illustration of the -strength and weakness of the Gladstone Government than this Budget. -Theoretically and logically, it was quite defensible. Purchase in the -Army had existed for the convenience and advantage of the wealthy -classes. It was, therefore, fair to increase the Succession Duties -in order to pay the expense of abolishing it. The Match Tax again -satisfied the ideal of public financiers, who all yearned for the -discovery of an impost that should fall on an article which, though -used by the masses, was yet not food, or one of those “luxuries” like -tea, which can with difficulty be distinguished from necessaries. -Moreover, as Professor Stanley Jevons proved, the Match Tax would have -laid even on the very poor less than one-third of the burden which had -been imposed by the shilling duty on corn, that Mr. Lowe had repealed -in 1869.[18] Unfortunately, however, Mr. Lowe, in preparing his Budget, -ignored the prejudices and foibles of the people. He imagined that if -he could defend his proposals logically, they would be accepted with -gratitude and unanimity. - -In Foreign Affairs, the Government did not improve their position in -1871, and yet they achieved one success, for which they failed to -obtain sufficient credit. In May, the Queen was gratified to learn that -a basis for settling the outstanding dispute between the United States -and Great Britain had been at last discovered. It had been her firm -conviction that this quarrel had caused England to lose her traditional -influence over the affairs of Europe. The first essential step towards -regaining that influence, in her opinion, was taken when it was agreed -to submit to a Joint Commission of eminent Englishmen and Americans -in Washington the points at issue between the two nations.[19] The -American Commissioners, when they met their English colleagues, -refused to consider claims for damages due to the Fenian raids in -Canada. Not ignoring the Confederate raids from Canada on Vermont, -the English Commissioners, on their side, did not press this point. -With great courage and frankness, the British Government, through -their Commissioners, expressed their sincere regret that Confederate -cruisers had escaped from British ports to prey on American commerce. -But they did not admit that they were to blame for such an untoward -occurrence, nor did they offer what Mr. Sumner had demanded, any -apology for recognising the Southern States as belligerents. American -claims against England, and English claims against America, “growing -out of” the Civil War, it was agreed should be alike referred to a -Commission of Arbitration,[20] and the English Commissioners admitting -that some just rule for determining international liability in such -cases should be laid down, accepted the principle that neutrals are to -be held responsible for negligence in allowing warships to be equipped -or built in their ports for use against a belligerent. The English -Commissioners next agreed to let this principle be applied to the -_Alabama_ Claims, and though they were blamed for allowing these claims -to be determined by an _ex post facto_ rule, it was difficult for them -to adopt any other course. The rule was one that was essential to the -protection of British commerce from American privateers in the event of -England being engaged in any Continental war. To adopt it as just and -right for claims that might accrue in the future, rendered it hardly -possible to reject it as unjust and wrong for outstanding claims that -had accrued in the past. As to the Fishery dispute, citizens of the -United States, it was agreed, were to have for ten years the right to -fish on the Canadian coast, and Canadians were to have a similar right -of fishing on the coasts of the United States down to the 39th parallel -of latitude. As the British Commissioners insisted that the balance of -advantage was here conceded to the United States, and that it therefore -ought to be paid for by them, that point was by mutual agreement -referred to another Commission for adjustment. The chronic controversy -as to the San Juan boundary was to be referred to the Emperor of -Germany. These arrangements as embodied in the Washington Treaty were -subjected to some carping criticism in England. Lord Russell moved, -in the House of Lords, that the Queen should be asked to refuse to -ratify the instrument, and Lord Salisbury taunted the Government with -sacrificing the position of England as a neutral power. But the tone of -the debate showed that in their hearts the Conservatives and the old -Whigs were thankful that the country had been so honourably extricated -from an embarrassing diplomatic conflict, and their attack on the -Treaty was like that made by Mr. Sumner and General Butler on the other -side of the Atlantic, merely a Party sortie.[21] In a few weeks it was -universally admitted that the object which the Government had in view -had been attained. As if by magic, the feeling of the United States -towards England changed from one of menacing exasperation, to one of -growing sympathy and friendliness. For the first time in the course of -eighty years the average American stump orator found he could not evoke -a round of applause, by hotly-spiced denunciations of England and -Englishmen. - -[Illustration: BALMORAL CASTLE, FROM THE NORTH-WEST. - -(_From a Photograph by G. W. Wilson and Co., Aberdeen._)] - -But, speaking generally, the Foreign Policy of the Government -discredited it. In the struggle between France and Germany the Cabinet -preserved a cold - -[Illustration: - -General Faure. General Wimpffen. Von Moltke. Von Bismarck. - -AFTER SEDAN: DISCUSSING THE CAPITULATION (_From the Picture by Georg -Bleibtreu._)] - -neutrality, at a time when popular feeling would have supported it -in protesting against the cession of Alsace and Lorraine to the -conquering power. For this attitude, however, Lord Granville had a -plausible excuse. Though the nation was sulky because an effective -protest had not been made, it would not have tolerated any policy that -might have led the country into war. Moreover, the Army had yet to be -reorganised, and till that was done the voice of England was naturally -of little account in the affairs of Europe. At the same time the meek -and spiritless expression which Ministers habitually gave to their -neutrality, irritated a proud and sensitive democracy who were every -day taunted by Tory orators and writers with permitting themselves to -be governed by a cowardly Cabinet. It seems just to say, even when -one makes every allowance for the difficulties of their position, -that in their handling of the diplomacy of the Franco-German War, Mr. -Gladstone and Lord Granville missed a great opportunity. After the -collapse of France at Sedan had been followed by that long series of -German victories which ended in the capitulation of Paris, and the -Armistice Convention between M. Jules Favre and Count von Bismarck -(28th January, 1871), Englishmen were all agreed on one point. To -cede Alsace and Lorraine to Germany was, in their opinion, to create -a French Poland, or Venetia on the Rhine, whose chronic discontent -must permanently imperil the peace of the world. But when the English -Government in February attempted to dissuade Germany from exacting -terms that inevitably rendered revenge the first duty of every French -patriot, England found herself isolated. None of the Powers were -prepared to join her in reviewing the conditions of peace which Germany -might impose, and the German Chancellor never even deigned to answer -the English remonstrance. England, in fact, had moved in the matter too -late. - -As far back as the 17th of October, 1870, Sir Andrew Buchanan told -Lord Granville that the Czar, in his private letters to King William -of Prussia, had expressed a hope that no French territory would be -annexed. On the 4th of November the Italian Minister informed Lord -Granville that whilst Italy admitted that French fortresses must -be surrendered to the Germans, yet she held that there should be -no cession of territory. Sir A. Paget, writing from Florence, also -conveyed to Lord Granville about the same time the views of Signor -Visconti to the effect that “the Italian Government had several times -expressed the opinion that a peace in which Germany would seek her -guarantees by the dismantling of fortresses, &c., would afford better -securities for its duration than one which would be likely to create -a new question of nationalities.” Here there was a basis for a joint -representation on the part of the European Powers--for Austria all -through had only been held back through fear of Russia--both to France -and Germany. France might have been warned that, in spite of M. Jules -Favre’s formula,[22] she, as the defeated aggressor, had no right to -object to her menacing strongholds being razed. Germany might have -been reminded that, in the interests not of France but of Europe, it -was her duty as a great and civilising Power not to demand a cession -of territory, the recovery of which must be to France an object of -ceaseless striving. - -The Queen would gladly have used her personal influence with the German -Emperor in urging on the Court of Berlin the policy and justice of -this representation. Lord Granville’s subordinates had assured him -that France, despite M. Favre’s heroics, would agree to anything if -spared the surrender of territory. It is now known that even Bismarck -himself was not desirous of the annexation of Alsace and Lorraine -against the will of their inhabitants.[23] The German generals had, -however, claimed what they deemed a safe, military frontier, and though -Von Bismarck induced them not to insist on the cession of Belfort, he -could not repel their demand for Alsace, a third part of Lorraine, and -Metz and Strasburg. The German Crown Prince was, moreover, understood -to be opposed to any irritating and unnecessary annexation. Hence all -the chances were in favour of success, if Lord Granville, acting with -Russia and Italy, had approached Germany with a cordial and courteous -appeal, to reject the advice of her military party, and moderate their -demands in the interests of Europe.[24] But the golden opportunity of -strengthening Von Bismarck’s hands was lost. Lord Granville not only -refused to abandon his attitude of rigid neutrality, but he couched -his policy in phrases so ostentatiously deferential to Germany, that -they almost justified the half-contemptuous replies which Von Bismarck -at this time sent to all despatches from the English Foreign Office, -which he did not entirely ignore. In February, 1871, when Lord -Granville at last plucked up heart to remonstrate with Germany, her -victorious armies had made sacrifices that rendered his tardy protests -impertinent. Italy and Russia had sense enough to recognise this -fact. They therefore refused to join England when Lord Granville sent -his remonstrance to Von Bismarck, who tossed it into his diplomatic -waste-paper basket.[25] - -It may be readily conceived, then, that, despite its public services, -its invincible majority, and the failure of the Tory leaders to put -before the country any policy of their own, signs of decay were already -visible in the Government. Mr. Bruce had converted every publican into -an enemy. The Dissenters had vowed vengeance against the Ministry, -because Mr. Forster had increased the grant to denominational schools. -The officers of the Army and the upper and upper-middle classes of -society had resolved to punish Mr. Gladstone because he had allowed -Mr. Cardwell to abolish Purchase. A few Radicals and many Whigs were -also alarmed, because it had been abolished by Royal Prerogative, -the use of which to coerce the Peers was resented by the aristocracy -as an insult. The abolition of Purchase was to have been followed -by an effective reorganisation of the Army. Hence the nation was -profoundly disappointed to find the question of Army organisation -made light of by Ministers during the recess. Mr. Cardwell’s project -for autumn manœuvres on a large scale on the Berkshire Downs had to -be abandoned, because his Control Department could not feed or supply -his troops. When he substituted for this scheme a sham campaign in the -neighbourhood of Aldershot, the Transport Service was found to be so -bad that the Artillery had to be drawn upon to supply it with horses, -carts, and drivers. The disaster to the _Agincourt_ and the wreck of -the _Megæra_, also gave colour to slanders against the Government which -had issued from the Admiralty from the day that Mr. Childers began to -reform its wasteful administration, and Mr. Goschen had continued his -work.[26] - -The Duke of Somerset, after the failure of the Berkshire campaign, had -scoffed at the Government because they gave the nation “armies that -could not march and ships that could not swim,” and the epigram was -soon everywhere repeated. Mr. Gladstone’s appointment of Sir Robert -Collier, the Attorney-General, to a seat on the Judicial Committee of -the Privy Council was denounced far and wide as a job perpetrated by a -tricky evasion of the law.[27] The Prime Minister’s management of the -House of Commons had also cost him many friends. As Mr. Disraeli once -said, it was like that of a - -[Illustration: METZ.] - -schoolmaster who was a little too fond of exhibiting the rod. Mr. -Ayrton and Mr. Lowe during the Session even enhanced their reputation -for irritating those who transacted business with them. But at every -turn Mr. Gladstone was embarrassed by his Parliamentary majority. It -had been elected to carry reforms which most of them individually -dreaded. Their desire was therefore to discover, not pretexts for -pushing the Ministry onward, but excuses which they could plausibly -justify to their constituents for holding Ministers back. As for the -working classes, they had imagined when Mr. Gladstone came to office -“something would be done for them.” But nothing except the Trades Union -Bill had been conceded to their demands, and even that measure was -defaced by irritating provisions, inserted to please their masters. -Mr. Disraeli’s strategy in these circumstances was artful, if not -altogether admirable. He gently fomented every rising discontent. -Without committing his Party to redress the wrongs of the discontented, -he left on the country the impression that under his administration -there would be less social friction than then existed, whilst there -could not be much less social reform. - -Other circumstances tended to strengthen Conservative feeling in -England. Just as the triumph of democracy in the United States at -the end of the Civil War gave a great impetus to English Liberalism, -so did the march of events in France after the conclusion of peace -produce a reaction in England against democracy. The French elections -resulted in the return of the Assembly which met at Bordeaux on the -12th of February. Its majority consisted of Legitimists and Orleanists, -and, since the Convocation of the Estates General in 1789, no French -Parliament had ever met which contained so many men of high rank and -good estate. It had no special mandate, but it very sensibly took in -hand the task of making peace with Germany, and, having superseded -the Government of National Defence, it elected M. Thiers as Chief of -the Executive. He formed a Ministry which represented the best men of -all parties. The new Government were confronted at the outset with an -unexpected difficulty. The National Guard of Paris had been allowed -to retain their arms, and they not only broke into revolt, but seized -the capital and established in Paris the revolutionary Government of -the Commune, General Cluseret, a revolutionary “soldier of fortune,” -being appointed Minister of War. The idea of the revolt seems to have -been to convert the ten great cities of France into autonomous States -in federal alliance with the rest of the country, and the insurgents -began by giving Paris a separate Government, Executive, Army, and -Legislature. The Red Republicans imagined that by this device they -could emancipate the artisans from the control of the peasants, -who, under universal suffrage, were masters of France. The Commune -was founded by honest fanatics, but it let loose the suppressed -blackguardism of Paris, and before it was stamped out by the Army and -the Government of Versailles, terrible atrocities not unworthy of the -worst days of the “Terror” had been committed by the rabble whom it had -armed, and was powerless to restrain. In England the excesses of the -Commune were pointed to by Conservative writers and speakers as an apt -illustration of the natural and logical tendencies of Radicalism. - -The Queen’s domestic life during 1871 was not much disturbed by the -petty demonstrations of Republican feeling which were in vogue at the -beginning of the year. They did not influence either the Ministry or -Parliament; and when, on the 13th of February, Mr. Gladstone proposed -the vote for the Princess Louise’s dowry in the House of Commons, -only three Members voted against it.[28] Mr. Disraeli, though he -supported the proposal, gently tickled the sympathies of its opponents -by suggesting that the system of voting Royal grants should be -changed. His idea was to maintain the Crown by an estate of its own, -ample enough to cover all its personal and family expenses, and that -Parliament should not be called on to grant money to the Queen save for -expenditure on public pageantry. - -When it was announced that the Queen had fixed the 21st of March for -the Princess Louise’s marriage, the High Church Party were indignant -that the ceremony was to be performed in Lent. They argued that when -Royalty set an example contrary to the teachings of the Church, -the influence of the clergy was weakened over, what the _Guardian_ -newspaper called, “the large area of society which lies between -the inner circle of the devout and the multitude of the unattached -outside the consecrated ground.” No heed, however, was paid to these -remonstrances, and the Royal wedding, when it took place at Windsor, -completely diverted popular attention from the Communist Reign of -Terror in Paris. The enthusiasm of the capital, it is true, was rather -qualified. The West End tradesmen were sulky because of the withdrawal -of the Queen from the gaieties of the London season; and the populace -was annoyed because the marriage did not take place in Westminster -Abbey or St. Paul’s. But the provinces were unusually lavish in their -demonstrations of sympathy with the Sovereign, and with the wedded -pair who had broken down the barrier of caste which had been so long -maintained between the Royal Family and the nation.[29] - -The town of Windsor was _en fête_ for the occasion, the people crowding -the Castle Green, and the Eton boys occupying the Castle Hill. The -police and soldiery kept a passage open for the guests who came from -London by special train, and who were conveyed in Royal carriages -to St. George’s Chapel amid general cheering and joyous ringing of -bells. The Ministers of State, Foreign Princes and Ambassadors, and -other prominent persons, were gay in rich and glittering uniforms. Of -the bridal party, the first to arrive was the Duke of Argyll, with -his family. He wore the dress of a Highland chieftain, with philabeg, -sporran, claymore, and jewelled dirk. A plaid of Campbell tartan was -thrown across his shoulders, over which was also hung the Order of -the Thistle. He was accompanied by the Duchess of Argyll, who shone -in silver and white satin. The Lord Chancellor, in wig and gown, and -Lord Halifax, in Ministerial uniform of blue and gold, walked up the -central aisle and took their seats, along with members of the Cabinet -and the Privy Council, in the stalls to the left of the altar. Then -came the Princess Christian, in pink satin, trimmed with white lace, -and some Indian potentates, radiant in auriferous scarlet. Lord Lorne, -the bridegroom, next entered, arrayed in the uniform of the Argyllshire -Regiment of Volunteer Artillery, of which he was Colonel, looking -pale and nervous. He was supported by his groomsmen, Lord Percy and -Lord Ronald Leveson-Gower. The Princess Beatrice arrived evidently in -high spirits, and wearing a pink satin dress, her sunny hair flowing -freely down her back. The Princess of Wales, who received an almost -affectionate greeting, was the last of the Royal party to come. All the -members of the Royal Family were then present, with the exception of -Prince Alfred. As the procession advanced up the nave, the bride was -supported on the right by the Queen, and on the left by the Prince of -Wales and the Duke of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha. The Princess, in her dress -of white satin and veil of Honiton lace, was voted one of the most -charming brides on whom the sun had shone. Eight bridesmaids followed, -all daughters of dukes and earls, clad in white satin, decorated with -red camellias. The Queen appeared in black satin, relieved by the -broad blue ribbon of the Garter, and by a fall of white lace, which -nearly reached to the ground. The service was read by the Bishop of -London, the Queen giving away her daughter.[30] After the ceremony, the -Queen took the bride in her arms, and kissed her heartily, while the -Marquis of Lorne knelt and kissed the Queen’s hand. The Royal wedding -breakfast was served in the magnificent oak-room of Windsor Castle, -the company including the Prince and Princess of Wales, Prince Arthur, -the Duke and Duchess of Cambridge, Prince and Princess Teck, the -Duke of Saxe-Coburg, Prince and Princess Christian. Another breakfast -for the general company was served in the Waterloo Gallery. When the -newly-married pair left the Castle for Claremont, it was noticed that -the bride wore a charming travelling costume of Campbell tartan. As -they departed, their numerous relatives showered over them a quantity -of white satin slippers, and, following an ancient Highland usage, a -new broom was also thrown after them as they got into the carriage. The -Oriental custom of flinging rice after a wedded couple, introduced into -England by the family of Musurus Pasha, the Turkish Ambassador, had not -then become the _mode_ in the highest circles of Society.[31] - -[Illustration: MARRIAGE OF THE PRINCESS LOUISE. (_See p. 408._) - -(_After the Picture by Sydney P. Hall._)] - -[Illustration: OPENING OF THE ROYAL ALBERT HALL.] - -On the 29th of March, in the presence of a brilliant and fashionable -crowd of upwards of 10,000 persons, the Queen opened the Royal Albert -Hall at Kensington. The Members of the Provisional Committee met the -Prince of Wales, their President, and, on the arrival of the Queen at -half-past twelve o’clock, the Heir Apparent read the address to her -Majesty, which could hardly be heard, because a provoking echo mimicked -the tones of his voice whilst he described the completion of the Hall. -The Queen having handed to the Prince a written answer, said, “I wish -to express my great admiration of this beautiful Hall, and my earnest -wishes for its complete success.” After a prayer from the Bishop of -London, the Prince exclaimed, “The Queen declares this Hall to be now -opened!” an announcement which was followed by a burst of cheering, the -National Anthem, and the discharge of the Park guns. Then a concert was -given, which included the performance of a cantata written expressly -for the occasion by Sir Michael Costa. - -On the 21st of June the Queen again appeared in London to open the new -buildings of St. Thomas’s Hospital on the Albert Embankment, and her -neatly-worded reply to the address which was presented to her on that -occasion attracted considerable attention, because it was rumoured that -it had been carefully written out by herself. It ran as follows:-- - - “I thank you for your loyal Address. I congratulate you on the - completion of a work of so much importance to the suffering poor of - the Metropolis. The necessity for abandoning the ancient site of - your Hospital has been wisely turned to account by the erection of - more spacious and commodious buildings in this central situation, - and I rejoice that a position of appropriate beauty and dignity - has been found for them on the noble roadway which now follows the - course of this part of the Thames, of which they will henceforth - be among the most conspicuous ornaments. It gives me pleasure to - recognise in the plan of your buildings, so carefully adapted - to check the growth of disease, ample and satisfactory evidence - of your resolution to take advantage of the best suggestions of - Science for the alleviation of suffering, and the complete and - speedy cure of the sick and disabled. These great purposes are not - least effectually promoted by an adequate supply of careful and - well-trained nurses, and I do not forget that in this respect your - Hospital is especially fortunate through the connection with it of - the staff trained under the direction of the lady whose name will - always remain associated with the care of the wounded and the sick. - I thank you for the kind expressions you have used in regard to the - marriage of my dear daughter.” - -Early in summer it was bruited about that an application would be made -to the House of Commons for a settlement on Prince Arthur. At first -it was whispered that he was to be created Duke of Ulster, and that -he was to live in Ireland, an eccentric tribute to the loyalty of the -Orangemen, who when the Irish Church was disestablished threatened -to “kick the Queen’s Crown into the Boyne.” The idea, however, was -abandoned, and the agitation against the Princess Louise’s dowry now -broke out anew, especially in Birmingham, in the form of a protest -against the usual portion being voted to the Prince on the attainment -of his majority. But Mr. Gladstone was not to be intimidated by the -Republicans. On the 27th of July he brought down to the House of -Commons a Royal Message requesting the customary allowance for a Prince -of the Blood to be voted.[32] A few days afterwards the Royal Message -was debated, Mr. Peter Taylor moving the rejection of the resolution -voting £15,000 a year to the Prince, and Mr. Dixon moving its reduction -from £15,000 to £10,000. Eleven members voted for Mr. Taylor, and Mr. -Dixon found fifty-one supporters. The grant was easily carried, Mr. -Gladstone basing his case on the implied contract made by Parliament to -support the Royal Family when the Crown Lands were taken over by the -State, and Mr. Disraeli arguing that the English workmen could easily -afford to pay for their Monarchy because they were the richest class -in the world. But Mr. Gladstone seemed a little nervous when Mr. Dixon -indicated that he was forced to demand a reduction of the vote by his -constituents, among whom Republicanism, he said, was spreading, because -they considered it cheap. The Prime Minister accordingly took occasion -to hint that it might be well to establish an arrangement which -would render similar applications to Parliament unnecessary, and Mr. -Disraeli, not to be outdone, made his bid for popularity by suggesting -that the Crown should be allowed to charge Crown Lands for the Queen’s -children, just as English nobles charged their estates with portions -for their younger sons. Perhaps some of the acerbity of the Radical or -Republican members was due to the meddlesomeness of the Home Secretary, -Mr. Bruce, who prohibited a public meeting in Trafalgar Square which -was fixed for the same evening on which the Royal Message was debated, -in order to protest against the grant.[33] The Prince took the title of -Duke of Connaught, and settled down to follow a useful career in the -Army. - -In September the country was greatly grieved to learn that the Queen -had fallen seriously ill. Those who had been reproaching her for -retiring from active life now began to suspect what was the truth, -namely, that the Queen’s labours were not materially lessened by her -withdrawal from the exciting functions of each London season. Her -illness took the form of a sore throat, accompanied by glandular -swellings under the arm, and the sympathetic sentiment of London was -expressed by the _Times_, which mournfully regretted that the Sovereign -had ever been pressed to overwork herself. - -Gradually the prostration which this illness had caused passed away; -but, unhappily, no sooner had her own health ceased to give the Queen -cause for anxiety, than that of her eldest son broke down. Nothing -could exceed the alarm of the country when it was announced on the -20th of November that the Heir to the Throne was smitten at Sandringham -with typhoid fever--the very malady which had cut off his father in -his prime. The disease, it was said, had probably been contracted -when the Prince was visiting Lord Londesborough at Scarborough, and -it was a significant coincidence, not only that Lord Chesterfield, -who was staying there at the same time, had been attacked by and had -quickly succumbed to the fever, but that six other guests of Lord -Londesborough’s had complained of being unwell. On the other hand, -it was pointed out that a groom at Sandringham, who had not quitted -the place, was smitten at the same time as the Prince, and that it -was therefore to bad sanitation at Sandringham that the mishap must -be traced. Day by day the nation read the reassuring bulletins with -growing anxiety, - -[Illustration: THE PRINCE OF WALES’S ILLNESS: CROWD AT THE MANSION -HOUSE READING THE BULLETINS.] - -relieved only by the knowledge, not only that the Queen herself -had taken her place at the sufferer’s sick bed, and that the ever -self-sacrificing Princess Louis of Hesse--a nurse of high technical -skill--had installed herself in charge of the sick room. The Princess -of Wales was herself suffering, doubtless from the same poison which -had attacked her husband. Day by day the bulletins were eagerly -scanned, not only in the newspapers, but by excited crowds at public -places like the Mansion House and Marlborough House, where they were -exhibited. After twenty-five days of suffering the Prince, who had -shown signs of recovery, had a relapse, and then the worst was feared. -The Prince it was thought must die, and the shock of the bereavement -might be fatal to the Queen, whose health was already sadly impaired. -Englishmen remembered for the first time that only two precarious -lives--one of which was flickering between life and death--stood -between the country and a Regency. But what might a Regency portend? It -had been fatal to the Monarchy in France; within the memory of living -men it had nearly proved fatal to the Monarchy in England. When it -was announced on the 9th of December that all the members of the Royal -Family had suddenly been summoned to Sandringham, securities in the -Money Market, with the exception of Consols, fell from one to - -[Illustration: THANKSGIVING DAY: THE PROCESSION AT LUDGATE HILL. (_From -the Picture by N. Chevalier._)] - -two per cent. Twice the physicians warned the Queen that the end was -at hand, but at last, on the 14th of December--strangely enough the -tenth anniversary of his father’s death--the Prince made a rally, and -the bulletins again became more hopeful. Prayers had been offered -up for his recovery in every church in the empire, and even the -Republican societies had sent addresses of sympathy to the Sovereign. -The heart of the people had gone forth to her and to the Princess of -Wales in sincere and unrestrained sympathy, and as the year closed -an official announcement was made which dispelled the gloom that had -settled on all classes. It stated that, though Sir James Paget had -not left Sandringham, the Prince was then (29th December) progressing -favourably. This was followed by a letter from the Queen to the Home -Secretary, in which she said:--“The Queen is very anxious to express -her deep sense of the touching sympathy of the whole nation on the -occasion of the alarming illness of her dear son the Prince of Wales. -The universal feeling shown by her people during these painful, -terrible days, and the sympathy evinced by them with herself and her -beloved daughter the Princess of Wales, as well as the general joy -at the improvement in the Prince of Wales’s state, have made a deep -and lasting impression on her heart which can never be effaced. It -was, indeed, nothing new to her, for the Queen had met with the same -sympathy when, just ten years ago, a similar illness removed from -her side the mainstay of her life--the best, wisest, and kindest of -husbands. The Queen wishes to express at the same time, on the part of -the Princess of Wales, her feelings of heartfelt gratitude, for she -has been as deeply touched as the Queen by the great and universal -manifestation of loyalty and sympathy. The Queen cannot conclude -without expressing her hope that her faithful subjects will continue -their prayers to God for the complete recovery of her dear son to -health and strength.” - - - - -CHAPTER XVII. - -THE “ALABAMA” CLAIMS. - - Thanksgiving Day--The Procession--Behaviour of the Crowd--Scene - in St. Paul’s--Decorations and Illuminations--Letter from Her - Majesty--Attack on the Queen--John Brown--The Queen’s Speech--The - _Alabama_ Claims--The “Consequential Damages”--Living in a Blaze - of Apology--Story of the “Indirect Claims”--The Arbitrators’ - Award--Sir Alexander Cockburn’s Judgment--Passing of the Ballot - Act--The Scottish Education Act--The Licensing Bill--Public Health - Bill--Coal Mines Regulation Bill--The Army Bill--Admiralty - Reforms--Ministerial Defeat on Local Taxation--Starting of the - Home Government Association in Dublin--Assassination of Lord - Mayo--Stanley’s Discovery of Livingstone--Dr. Livingstone’s - Interview with the Queen--Her Majesty’s Gift to Mr. Stanley--Death - of Dr. Norman Macleod--The Japanese Embassy--The Burmese - Mission--Her Majesty at Holyrood Palace--Death of Her Half-Sister. - - -During the first weeks of 1872 the convalescence of the Heir Apparent -seemed to obscure all other topics of political interest. The -anti-monarchical agitation, which Sir Charles Dilke had fomented, not -only by his votes in Parliament, but by his speeches in the country, -suddenly subsided, showing that the sentiment of affectionate regard -which had linked the Crown and the nation together in the past, was not -to be destroyed by political factions who were trading on the temporary -and local estrangement of the Queen from her subjects in the capital. -Faction, indeed, was for the time silenced throughout the land, and the -Queen soon saw that it was the universal desire of the nation that the -recovery of the Prince, which had saved the country from much anxiety -as to its future under a Regency, should be celebrated by a solemn -public function. It was therefore announced in the middle of January -that the Queen would proceed in State to St. Paul’s Cathedral on as -early a day as could be fixed after the 20th of February, to return -thanks for the recovery of her son. Ultimately Tuesday, the 27th of -February, was fixed for the ceremony. - -The day was clear and bright, though cold, and a wintry sun shone on -the splendid pageant, for which elaborate preparations had been made -many days before. The demand for tickets to view the spectacle was -unprecedented. Carriages were hired at fabulous prices, and writing on -the morning of the ceremony to his daughter-in-law, Lord Shaftesbury -tells her that when he had ordered a brougham on the previous day at -his job-master’s he was told “that every vehicle had been pre-engaged -for weeks. Thoroughfares like St. James’s Street were impassable, -because for two days before the event they were blocked by crowds who -had come to see the preparations.”[34] In fact, as Bishop Wilberforce -says in a passage in his Diary, London was “quite wild on Thanksgiving -Day.”[35] By general desire the day was celebrated as a national -holiday. As for the crowds in the streets along the line of _route_, -they were said to number from a million to a million and a quarter of -spectators, and the decorations far surpassed any similar display ever -seen in London. The procession started from Buckingham Palace at five -minutes past twelve o’clock, led by the carriages of the Speaker, the -Lord Chancellor, and the Duke of Cambridge, and was composed of nine -royal carriages, in the last of which the Queen was seen accompanied -by the Prince and Princess of Wales. Her Majesty seemed to be in good -health, and she looked supremely happy. The Prince was pale and rather -haggard, but his bright and happy nature shone through a countenance -radiant with gratitude, and he kept bowing all along the way to the -multitudes who cheered him. The hearty reciprocal feeling between the -Queen, the Prince, and the populace, which the shouts of such a vast -crowd expressed, rendered the scene a magnificent demonstration of -national loyalty to a popular Sovereign. At Temple Bar the Queen was -met by the Lord Mayor and municipal dignitaries of the City of London, -arrayed in their robes, and mounted on white horses. Having alighted, -the Lord Mayor delivered to and received back from the Queen the City -sword, according to the usual custom. But, contrary to precedent and to -general expectation, the gates of Temple Bar were not closed against -the Queen, so that it was unnecessary to present her with the - -[Illustration: THANKSGIVING DAY: ST. PAUL’S ILLUMINATED.] - -keys. The Lord Mayor and his colleagues having re-mounted their -steeds, preceded the Royal procession to St. Paul’s. Precisely at one -o’clock the Queen entered the Cathedral through the pavilion erected -upon the steps. Its approach was covered with crimson cloth, and it was -ornamented with the royal arms and with the escutcheon of the Prince of -Wales. On it there was the inscription “I was glad when they said unto -me, We will go into the house of the Lord.” Within the Cathedral the -scene was imposing and impressive, for all that was exalted in station, -high in official position, or eminent by reason of genius, talent, and -public services was represented in the congregation of 13,000 persons. -Representatives of the Court, the Princes of India, the Colonies, the -Houses of Parliament, the Episcopate, the Judges, the Lords-Lieutenant, -and the municipal authorities of the provincial towns, were especially -prominent. The Queen was received at the Cathedral by the Bishop of - -[Illustration: THE THANKSGIVING SERVICE IN ST. PAUL’S CATHEDRAL.] - -London and the Dean and Chapter of St. Paul’s, and by the officers of -her household, who were already waiting for her. With the Prince of -Wales on her right hand and the Princess of Wales on her left, the -Queen, leaning on the Prince’s arm, walked up the nave in a procession -which was marshalled by the Lancaster and Somerset Heralds. The special -service began at one o’clock with the _Te Deum_, which was arranged by -Mr. Goss for the occasion, and sung by a choir of two hundred and fifty -voices. The voice of the Archbishop of Canterbury was inaudible, but -the choral part of the ritual was listened to reverently. The words -of special thanksgiving were:--“O Father of Mercies and God of all -Comfort, we thank Thee that Thou hast heard the prayers of this nation -in the day of our trial. We praise and magnify Thy glorious name for -that Thou hast raised Thy servant, Albert Edward Prince of Wales, from -the bed of sickness. Thou castest down and Thou liftest up, and health -and strength are Thy gifts; we pray Thee to perfect the recovery of Thy -servant, and to crown him day by day with more abundant blessings, both -for body and soul, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.” Here there -was a long pause, during which the dead silence of that vast hushed -congregation was described by those present as being almost painful to -the ear. Archbishop Tait having pronounced the benediction delivered -a sermon which was striking for its brevity and its simple unadorned -eloquence. He took for his text the words “Every one members one of -another,” and illustrated in a few apt sentences the Divine origin of -family life and of the State and of the Church, which, he said, was but -the family and the State in relation to God. The illness of the Prince -had given a fresh meaning to this conception. Hence “such a day,” -observed the Archbishop in his concluding sentence, “makes us feel -truly that we are all members one of another.” The religious ceremony -ended at two o’clock, and the Royal procession returned to Buckingham -Palace amid thunders of artillery from the guns of the Tower and the -Park. - -With one exception the decorations were successful. That -exception--which was noted as curious at the time by the Queen--was -at Ludgate Circus, where the triumphal arch, which ought to have been -one of the grandest in the metropolis was, by reason of backward -preparation, almost a failure. It was not till the procession was -nearly within sight that the scaffoldings were taken down, and the -scene of confusion as the distracted workmen removed the poles, -delighted the mob amazingly.[36] Unfortunately in the hurry, so much -damage was done to the gorgeous gold mouldings of the arch, that it -presented the appearance of an ancient but freshly gilded ruin. As for -the illuminations at night, they were not general--probably because -many people did not regard a religious thanksgiving day as a fit -occasion for illuminating. The centres of attraction were the dome and -west front of St. Paul’s, the dome being picked out by a treble row -of coloured ship’s lanterns. The cathedral itself stood out in lurid -splendour when transient shafts of lime-light, and the fitful glow -of the red light on the gilded ball fell on the building. Two days -after the ceremony the following letter was published in the _London -Gazette_:-- - - -“Buckingham Palace, February 29, 1872. - -“The Queen is anxious, as on a previous occasion, to express publicly -her _own_ personal _very deep_ sense of the reception she and her dear -children met with on Tuesday, February 27th, from millions of her -subjects, on her way to and from St. Paul’s. - -“Words are too weak for the Queen to say how very deeply touched -and gratified she has been by the immense enthusiasm and affection -exhibited towards her dear son and herself, from the highest down to -the lowest, on the long progress through the Capital, and she would -earnestly wish to convey her warmest and most heartfelt thanks to the -whole nation for this great demonstration of loyalty. - -“The Queen, as well as her son and her dear daughter-in-law, felt that -the whole nation joined with them in thanking God for sparing the -beloved Prince of Wales’s life. - -“The remembrance of this day and of the remarkable order maintained -throughout, will for ever be affectionately remembered by the Queen and -her family.” - -On the very day on which this letter was dated a strange attack was -made on the Queen. When she returned from her afternoon drive in the -Park, she passed along by Buckingham Palace wall, and drove to the gate -at which she usually alighted. The carriage had hardly halted when a -lad rushed to its left side, and bending forward presented a pistol -at the Queen, while he flourished a petition in his hand. He then -rushed round the carriage and threw himself into a similar attitude -on the other side. The Queen remained calm and unmoved, and the boy’s -pistol was taken from him, when it was discovered that it was unloaded. -The petition was a poor scrawl, demanding the release of the Fenian -prisoners, and the lad gave the name of Arthur O’Connor, and stated his -age to be seventeen.[37] - -When Parliament assembled in 1872 Mr. Gladstone found himself -confronted by an Opposition which had been rendered almost insolently -aggressive by their triumphs at the bye-elections. He found himself -supported by a majority, each section of which had its special -grievance against him. And if he looked beyond Parliament for support -he might have seen that a subtle popular suspicion was growing up round -his name which was fast neutralising the magic of his personality. -It was said, alike by friends and foes, that an overweening love for -personal power, and a passion for exercising personal authority over -others, had become the guiding motives of his life, and the inspiring -ideas of his policy. Had this been true, it is hardly likely that the -Prime Minister would have identified himself with legislation which -had set the vested interests, and the fanatical sectaries up in arms -against him. But the important point was that, whether true or false, -the calumny was believed, and the Queen, like many other careful -observers, saw the Ministry growing weaker and weaker every day, whilst -Mr. Gladstone and his colleagues were themselves under the delusion -that every day increased their popularity. And yet, as if to justify -the maxim that in politics it is the unexpected that happens, the year -was not fruitful in crises or in sensational scenes. Mr. Disraeli -held his followers in check, and the Session was a business-like one, -which, when it ended, left the Government stronger than could have been -anticipated. - -The Parliamentary year was opened on the 6th of February, the Queen’s -Speech being read by Commission. It promised a Ballot Bill, and Bills -for organising Education in Scotland, for regulating Mines, and for -improving the Licensing System. The passage in the Speech to which, -however, all eyes turned was the one dealing with the _Alabama_ Claims. -On this subject the country had suddenly become profoundly agitated, -and from an observation in Bishop Wilberforce’s Diary we gather that -the Queen, shared the popular feeling of the hour.[38] After the nation -had congratulated itself on discovering a diplomatic solution of its -difficulties with the American Republic, it was amazed to find that the -Americans were endeavouring to seize by chicane what they had failed -to gain by diplomacy. When they forwarded the case which they meant -to submit to Arbitration, it was discovered that they had included in -it not only a claim for the actual damage done to American commerce -by the Confederate cruisers, but also the claims for the indirect or -“consequential damages” which Mr. Sumner had put forward, and which -the British Commissioners understood were abandoned. The sum asked -under this head would have covered half the cost of the whole Civil -War. It was therefore the clear opinion of the Queen that England could -not consent to go into Arbitration till this preposterous demand was -withdrawn. Lord Granville, on the other hand, though he inclined to -this opinion, was slow to reply to a demand which he was in honour -bound to promptly repel. He was chiefly concerned about saving the -Washington Treaty, and he therefore sent to the American Government a -mild letter requesting the withdrawal of the “indirect claims” in terms -so deferentially conciliatory, that had he been dealing with a less -pacific Power his despatch would probably have been answered with the -cynical - -[Illustration: GENEVA.] - -_brusquerie_ that marked Von Bismarck’s dealings with him. But the -country was not as meek as the Minister. There was an outburst of -popular anger against the Americans for the “sharp practice” which -sullied their statement of claim, and Mr. Gladstone soon saw that to -go into Arbitration before the demand for “consequential damages” was -withdrawn would lead to his expulsion from office. His declarations in -Parliament on the subject thenceforth showed that he meant to repudiate -the American interpretation of the Treaty under which the “indirect -claims” had been dragged into the American case, and he spoke with the -high spirit of a statesman rejecting a humiliating demand for tribute -greater than conquest itself could extort. The Opposition in both -Houses, on the whole, gave the Government generous support in this -emergency, though Mr. Disraeli--referring to the torrent of Ministerial -oratory which had deluged the recess--could not refrain in his comment -on the Queen’s Speech from deriding the Cabinet for having lately lived -“in a blaze of apology.” - -The story of the controversy on the “indirect claims” may here be told. -The United States, in extremely conciliatory despatches, insisted on -including these claims in their case. They argued that it was for the -arbitrators at Geneva to say whether they were or were not admissible -under the Treaty. They rested their contention on an ambiguous phrase -which Lord Ripon and Sir Stafford Northcote had unfortunately permitted -to pass unconnected into the Treaty. The first Article of that -instrument described its object to be that of removing and adjusting -“all complaints and claims,” &c., “_growing out_ of acts committed by -the said vessels, and _generically known as the ‘Alabama’ Claims_.” -This certainly gave the Americans a plausible excuse for demanding -“consequential” as well as direct damages. On the other side, the -English Government argued that all the concessions made by the British -Commissioners at Washington were made on the understanding that the -“indirect claims” were not included in the Treaty; that in all their -correspondence with the Washington Department of State no claims save -direct claims were ever “generically” known as the _Alabama Claims_; -and, lastly, that their interpretation was publicly expressed and well -known to the United States Government, people, and Minister at the -Court of St. James’s, and was never objected to by either of them. It -would, however, have been easy to put the point beyond dispute when -the Treaty was drawn up by specifically barring all indirect claims. -When Lord Ripon and Sir Stafford. Northcote failed to do that they were -guilty of negligence which, if brought home to the diplomatists of -either Russia or Germany, would have procured for them, not rewards and -honours, but punishment and degradation. Fortunately the dispute ended -happily. Lord Granville for once acted with the firmness becoming the -representative of a great nation. When the arbitrators met at Geneva, -the representatives of England persistently refused to take part in the -proceedings till the “indirect claims” were withdrawn. The arbitrators -then adroitly extricated the agents of the Washington Government from -a false position. They met and declared that, without reference to -the scope of the Treaty or to the merits of the dispute as to its -interpretation, which England refused to discuss before them, they -were agreed that “indirect claims” could never, on general principles -of international law, be a tenable ground for an award of damages in -international disputes. - -The Americans then withdrew the obnoxious part of their “case,” and -the arbitrators awarded to the United States £3,229,000 damages -against England for the depredations committed by three out of the ten -Confederate cruisers which, it was alleged, the British Government had -negligently permitted to escape from British ports. The American claim -for naval expenses incurred in chasing these cruisers was, however, -rejected, because the arbitrators held that it could not be practically -distinguished from the general cost of the war. The Lord Chief Justice -of England--one of the members of the Tribunal--concurred in the -judgment as regards the _Alabama_. He differed from all his colleagues -in regard to the _Florida_, and he and the Brazilian arbitrator -differed from the majority as to the case of the _Shenandoah_.[39] The -failure of the English Government to seize the _Florida_ and _Alabama_, -when they put into British ports after they had made their escape, was -evidently the fact which bore most strongly against England in the -opinion of the Geneva Tribunal. The American claims for damages in -respect of the _Georgia_, _Chickamauga_, _Nashville_, _Retribution_, -_Sumter_, and _Tallahassee_, were rejected. On the whole, public -opinion on both sides of the Atlantic, though not quite satisfied with -the verdict, allowed that there had been a fair fight and a fair trial. -Lord Chief Justice Cockburn’s dissenting judgment, however, expressed -the feeling of the English people, which was this. “Let us admit,” they -said, “the _ex post facto_ rule making neutrals liable for damages -if they do not exercise ‘due diligence’--the ‘dueness of diligence’ -to be always proportionate to the mischief the vessels might do--in -preventing the escape of cruisers, and in re-capturing them when they -get the chance. English officials were, however, not aware that, when -these cruisers escaped and when on re-entering British ports they were -not detained, international law demanded from them more ‘dueness’ of -diligence than they had exercised or been taught to exercise. Hence it -surely was wrong to give damages for their unconscious negligence, just -as if their negligence had been conscious.” This argument, indeed, Sir -Alexander Cockburn pressed to the point of cutting down to zero the -claim for damages in respect of the _Shenandoah_ and _Florida_. - -One of the most important Government measures of the year was the -Ballot Act. But the opposition to it was marked by no novelty of -argument, and it need only be said about it here that it was passed, -the Lords not venturing to reject it a second time.[40] The Scottish -Education Bill, which also passed, established a School Board system -of public instruction all over Scotland far in advance of that -which England had been able to obtain. A Licensing Bill of a mildly -regulative character was carried, the publicans grudgingly accepting it -as a compromise, while the Temperance Party attacked it as miserably -ineffective.[41] Mr. Stansfeld’s Public Health Bill, defining the -authority which must in future be responsible for local sanitation, and -embodying the principle that rates should be divided between the State -and the locality was so adroitly managed by Mr. Stansfeld, that at last -Mr. Disraeli supported the Government in carrying it. Another useful -measure regulating the working of Coal Mines was carried in spite -of many protests against interfering with private contracts between -masters and servants, and many attempts on the part of the vested -interests who were supported by the bulk of the Tory Party, to render -the Bill inoperative. Among other things it prohibited the employment -of women underground, and it made mine-owners responsible for the -results of preventible mining accidents. - -Mr. Cardwell’s Army Bill was received with unlocked for favour. It -attempted to adapt the territorial system of Prussia to the exigencies -of military service in England. The nine existing military divisions -were subdivided into sixty-six military districts. In each of these -a small army or brigade was formed, consisting of two battalions of -Regulars, to which were linked the local Militia and Volunteers. One -of the regular battalions was to be told off for foreign service, and -its “waste” supplied by drafts from the territorial _depôt_. The main -objection to the scheme urged by Conservative officers was that it -destroyed the family life of the old regiments--that it even destroyed -their identity by substituting local titles for the numbers which their -prowess in war had in many cases made historic. According to this -scheme the country would have an Army of 446,000 men, of whom 146,000 -were available for service abroad. The evidence given before the -Commission which reported on the wreck of the _Megæra_, concentrated -attention on Admiralty Reform. On the whole, the country gave Mr. -Childers credit for having brought order into that chaotic department. -Before he came to power the various branches of the Admiralty had -little or no connection with each other, and when a blunder was made -by conflicting authority or contradictory orders, nobody could be -made responsible. Mr. Childers set responsible officers at the head -of each department, and made excellent arrangements for their mutual -co-operation. But the weak point of his scheme was that he as First -Lord was the real _nexus_ which bound the whole organisation together. -The system accordingly broke down when his health gave way, for Mr. -Lushington, who was in a sense the Grand Vizier of the First Lord, -was a civilian comparatively new to the department, and unable to act -as an efficient substitute for Mr. Childers.[42] Mr. Goschen met the -difficulty, not by appointing a naval expert as his second in command, -but by casting responsibility for all orders on three officials--a -Naval Secretary who was to be responsible for orders concerning the -_personnel_, a Controller who was to be responsible for those relating -to the _matériel_, and a Permanent Secretary who was to be responsible -for those affecting finance and civil business. To secure unity of work -the Board of Admiralty was to meet daily for consultation, and in the -First Lord’s absence the supreme authority was to pass to the First -Naval Lord of the Admiralty. - -[Illustration: DR. NORMAN MACLEOD. - -(_From a Photograph by Elliott and Fry._)] - -In spite of a serious defeat on Sir Massey Lopes’ motion on the -question of Local Taxation,[43] a narrow escape from defeat on -the Collier scandal, and a clever mocking attack by Mr. Disraeli -at Manchester in the spring on their sensational policy and their -ambiguous utterances on the proposals of their extreme supporters, -the Ministers were stronger in Parliament when the Session ended -than when it began. Mr. Lowe’s Budget further helped the credit of -the Government, for such was the elasticity of the revenue that -it foreshadowed a surplus of £3,000,000, and enabled him to remit -the twopenny Income Tax which he had imposed in 1871.[44] Ireland, -however, was as usual a source of anxiety to the Cabinet. The Tories -and Orangemen, indignant at the Disestablishment of the Church, had -coalesced with the more moderate Repealers, and set on foot the Home -Government Association,[45] from which the Home Rule Party under the -leadership of Mr. Isaac Butt sprang. Whenever the Ballot Act was -passed, Home Rule candidates began to carry the Irish bye-elections -against the Ministerialists--in fact, it was apparent to shrewd -observers that the destruction of the Liberal Party in Ireland was -now only a matter of time. Earl Russell was probably of this opinion -when, in August, he startled the town by publishing a letter in the -_Times_ virtually conceding the principle of Home Rule in order to -lighten the burden of Imperial legislation with which Parliament was -overweighted.[46] - -As for the Opposition, their councils were divided. Lord Salisbury -was averse from promising any programme. Mr. Disraeli seemed afraid -to suggest one that went beyond sanitary reform. Yet the Tories had -completely broken the absolute power of Mr. Gladstone in the country, -and were still, as the Municipal Elections in November showed, a -growing party. The causes which contributed to a reaction in their -favour in 1871 were still at work. Mr. Gladstone’s opposition to Sir -Massey Lopes’ motion on rating, and the sudden appearance of Trades -Unionism among the agricultural labourers gave Conservatism hosts of -fresh recruits, for the squires and the farmers naturally rallied to -the Party whose leaders stood forth as champions of the threatened -interests. - -The attempt of O’Connor on the Queen’s life was not the only crime of -the kind that darkened the year. On the 8th of February Lord Mayo, -the Viceroy of India, was stabbed to death by a Mahommedan convict at -Port Blair, the port of the penal settlement on the Andaman Islands, -to which Lord Mayo was paying a visit of inspection. The assassin was -a sullen, brooding fanatic who had been transported for killing a -relative with whom he had a “blood feud.” The Queen was as much shocked -as the country by the event, for by this time it was universally -recognised that Lord Mayo was one of the most competent Viceroys who -had ever ruled India. His intuitive insight into difficulties, his -shrewd perception of character, his frank resoluteness of action, -his clearness and decision of purpose, and his dignified and stately -bearing rendered Lord Mayo an ideal viceroy. His great work consisted -in cementing an alliance with the Afghan Ameer, in imposing an -income-tax to rehabilitate the finances of India, and suppressing a -rebellious movement among the Wahabee fanatics. - -Early in May telegrams were received in London announcing that Dr. -Livingstone, the African explorer, as to whose safety much anxiety had -been felt, had been discovered by Mr. Stanley, a special correspondent -on the staff of the _New York Herald_, who had been despatched by -Mr. J. Gordon Bennett, the proprietor of that journal, to look for -the missing traveller. The Queen received these tidings with the -deepest gratification, not unmingled with regret that the honour of -the discovery should pass to an American expedition. Her interest -in Livingstone, and in his last efforts to discover the sources of -the Nile, was well known--indeed, when in England the explorer had a -private interview with her Majesty, of which an account is given in Mr. -Blaikie’s “Personal Life of Dr. Livingstone.” “She [the Queen] sent -for Livingstone,” writes Mr. Blaikie, “who attended her Majesty at the -Palace without ceremony, in his black coat and blue trousers and his -cap surrounded with a stripe of gold lace. This was his usual attire, -and the cap had now become the appropriate distinction of one of her -Majesty’s Consuls--an official position to which the traveller attaches -great importance as giving him consequence in the eyes of natives and -authority over the members of the expedition. The Queen conversed -with him affably for half-an-hour on the subject of his travels. Dr. -Livingstone told her Majesty that he would now be able to say to the -natives that he had seen his chief, his not having done so before -having been a constant subject of surprise to the children of the -African wilderness. He mentioned to her Majesty also that the people -were in the habit of inquiring whether his chief were wealthy, and when -he answered them that she was very wealthy they would ask how many cows -she had got, a question at which the Queen laughed very heartily.” Mr. -Stanley had found Livingstone at Ujiji near Lake Tanganyika, and on -his way back to Zanzibar he met the English Expedition, which had been -despatched by the Royal Geographical Society, carrying succour to the -explorer. As Livingstone’s orders were to refuse this tardy aid, the -chiefs of the British Expedition had to return. Some people were at -first sceptical as to the story told by Mr. Stanley, but doubts were -set at rest on the 27th of August, when Lord Granville sent to Mr. -Stanley a gold snuff-box set with diamonds as a gift from the Queen. -Accompanying the present was the following letter:-- - - “I have great satisfaction in conveying to you, by command of - the Queen, her Majesty’s high appreciation of the prudence and - zeal which you have displayed in opening a communication with Dr. - Livingstone, and relieving her Majesty from the anxiety which, in - common with her subjects, she had felt in regard to the fate of - that distinguished traveller. The Queen desires me to express her - thanks for the service you have thus rendered, together with her - Majesty’s congratulations on your having so successfully carried - out the mission which you so fearlessly undertook. Her Majesty - also desires me to request your acceptance of the memorial which - accompanies this letter.” - -[Illustration: THE QUEEN RECEIVING THE BURMESE EMBASSY.] - -In June the Queen had to mourn the loss of a highly trusted old family -friend, Dr. Norman Macleod of Glasgow. He had been long ailing, and -when at Balmoral, in May, the Queen at her last interview with him was -so struck with his physical weakness that she insisted on his being -seated whilst he was in her presence. Macleod’s influence as a courtier -was built up partly on his ability as an eloquent pulpit orator, and -his tact as a kindly, genial, shrewd, tolerant man of the world. He had -genuine goodness of heart, and he had not only the supple diplomatic -skill of the Celt, but the Celt’s inborn and honest love and reverence -for rank and dignities. It was quite a mistake to suppose that his -“flunkeyism” made him a _persona grata_ at Court. On the contrary, -he was in the unique position of being a Royal Chaplain on whom the -Queen could not confer any favour or dignity. She could not give him a -richer living in the Church than the one he had obtained without her -patronage, and as a Presbyterian clergyman he could never be suspected -of intriguing for hierarchical rank when he approached the Sovereign. -His disinterestedness, too, was well known, for it was to Macleod’s -credit that during his long connection with the Court, though he was -frequently entrusted with missions concerning matters of delicate -family business, he never even asked for a favour either for himself or -any of his relatives. When the vague rumour of his death reached the -Queen she addressed the following letter to Dr. Macleod’s brother:-- - -“BALMORAL, _June 17, 1872_. - -“The Queen hardly knows how to begin a letter to Mr. Donald Macleod, -so deep and strong are her feelings on this most sad and most painful -occasion, for words are all too weak to say what she feels, and what -all must feel who ever knew his beloved, excellent, and highly-gifted -brother, Dr. Norman Macleod. - -“First of all to his family--his venerable, loved, and honoured mother, -his wife and large family of children--the loss of the good man is -irreparable and overwhelming! But it is an irreparable public loss, and -the Queen feels this deeply. To herself, personally, the loss of dear -Dr. Macleod is a very great one; he was so kind, and on all occasions -showed her such warm sympathy, and in the early days of her great -sorrow gave the Queen so much comfort whenever she saw him, that she -always looked forward eagerly to those occasions when she saw him here; -and she cannot realise the idea that in this world she is never to see -his kind face and listen to those admirable discourses which did every -one good, and to his charming conversation again. - -“The Queen is gratified that she was able to see him this last time, -and to have had some lengthened conversation with him, when he dwelt -much on that future world to which he now belongs. He was sadly -depressed and suffering, but still so near a termination of his career -of intense usefulness and loving-kindness never struck her or any of us -as likely, and the Queen was terribly shocked on learning the sad news. -All her children, present and absent, deeply mourn his loss. The Queen -would be very grateful for all the details which Mr. D. Macleod can -give her of the last moments and illness of her dear friend. - -“Pray say everything kind and sympathising to their venerable mother, -to Mrs. N. Macleod and all the family, and she asks him to accept -himself of her true heartfelt sympathy.” - -The letter--one of the most remarkable ever written by a sovereign -to and of a subject--is worth quoting, not only on account of its -biographical interest, but as a model of sincerity, tenderness, and -good taste exhibited in an order of composition usually disfigured by -artificiality both of sentiment and style. - -The lions of the London season of 1872 were two foreign embassies--one -from Japan and one from Burma. The Japanese were Envoys from a great -Asiatic monarch, and were nobles of the first rank specially chosen to -represent their Sovereign. Their refined manner, shrewd observations, -quick intelligence, and mastery over the English tongue, rendered them -general favourites. The so-called “Ambassadors” from Burma came to -England on a different footing, and some authorities on Eastern affairs -complained that they received an amount of attention and hospitality -far beyond their deserts or their importance. It was said that they -were officials chosen because of their low rank for the purpose of -publicly slighting England; that they were sent to this country in -order to establish a precedent for ignoring the Indian Viceroy, and -enabling the King of Burma to treat with the Queen of England as a -Peer. The Indian Viceroys had certainly been averse from permitting -the Burmese Court to form direct diplomatic relations with European -Courts; but in the East, Missions of Compliment are sometimes sent from -Sovereigns to each other, and such Missions do not necessarily engage -in diplomatic business. In this case the Burmese King Mindohn, by far -the ablest ruler of the Alompra dynasty, had accepted the arrangement -by which the diplomatic relations of Burma and the British Empire were -carried on through an agent of the Indian Viceroy at Mandalay.[47] -Indeed, one of the chief diplomatic difficulties between the two -Governments--the great “Shoe Question,” as it was called--was not one -capable of direct discussion between the Courts of St. James’s and -Mandalay.[48] As to the rank of the Burmese Envoy, misconceptions on -that point arose because Englishmen failed to understand that in Burma -there was no such thing as hereditary rank outside the royal family -of Alompra, the hunter king. Rank was conferred solely by official -position, and the head of the Burmese Mission was a high official of -the first grade, who was really President of the _Hloht_ or Council -of State. Under King Theebaw, who succeeded Mindohn, he became better -known as the Kin-Woon Mingyee, and represented the party of peace and -order at Mandalay with great ability and honesty of purpose. The Queen -was rather better informed as to the antecedents of these distinguished -visitors, and accordingly on Friday, the 21st of June, she received -them at Windsor Castle. They brought with them many costly presents to -her Majesty, of which an exceptionally magnificent bracelet, made of -seven pounds of solid gold, was much talked about at the time. They -also delivered a letter from the King, which began, “From His Great, -Glorious, and Most Excellent Majesty, King of the Rising Sun, who -reigns over Burma, to Her Most Glorious and Excellent Majesty Victoria, -Queen of Great Britain and Ireland.” After her Majesty had received the -presents, and made her acknowledgments through Major MacMahon, late -Political Agent at Mandalay, the Embassy withdrew, and returned to -London. - -On the 1st of July the Queen, accompanied by the Duke of Edinburgh, -Princess Louise, Princess Beatrice, and Prince Leopold visited the -National Memorial erected in Hyde Park to the memory of the late Prince -Consort. This was a strictly private visit, the monument being at the -time incomplete. - -Between the 15th and 20th of August the Queen broke her journey to -Balmoral, and resided at Holyrood Palace, Edinburgh, for a few days. -Though her visit was private, she was so gratified with the reception -she everywhere received that she caused Viscount Halifax to address the -following letter to the Lord Provost of Edinburgh:-- - - “DEAR LORD PROVOST,--It is not the practice unless the Queen - has visited any city or town in a public manner, to address any - official communication to the chief magistrate or authority of - the place. I am commanded, however, by her Majesty to convey - to you in a less formal manner the expression of her Majesty’s - gratification at the manner in which she was received by the people - of Edinburgh in whatever part of this city and neighbourhood her - Majesty appeared. Her Majesty has felt this the more because, as - her Majesty’s visit was so strictly private, it was so evidently - the expression of their national feeling of loyalty. Her Majesty - was also very much pleased with the striking effect produced by - lighting up the park and the old chapel.” - -The death of the amiable and accomplished Princess Feodore of -Hohenlohe-Langenburg on the 23rd of September plunged the Queen into -deep despondency. The Princess was half-sister to her Majesty, and -the tie that bound them together through life had been close and -affectionate. “All sympathise with you,” wrote the Princess Louis to -the Queen when she heard of her mother’s bereavement, “and feel what a -loss to you darling aunt must be, how great the gap in your life, how -painful the absence of that sympathy and love which united her life and -yours so closely.” - - - - -CHAPTER XVIII. - -GOVERNMENT UNDER DIFFICULTIES. - - A Lull Before the Storm--Dissent in the Dumps--Disastrous - Bye-Elections--The Queen’s Speech--The Irish University - Bill--Defeat of the Government--Resignation of the Ministry--Mr. - Disraeli’s Failure to Form a Cabinet--The Queen and the - Crisis--Lord Derby as a Possible Premier--Mr. Gladstone Returns to - Office--Power Passes to the House of Lords--Grave Administration - Scandals--The Zanzibar Mail Contract--Misappropriation of the Post - Office Savings Banks’ Balances--Mr. Gladstone Reconstructs his - Ministry--The Financial Achievements of his Administration--The - Queen and the Prince of Wales--Debts of the Heir Apparent--The - Queen’s Scheme for Meeting the Prince’s Expenditure on her - Behalf--The Queen and Foreign Decorations--Death of Napoleon - III.--The Queen at the East End--The Blue-Coat Boys at Buckingham - Palace--The Coming of the Shah--Astounding Rumours of his Progress - through Europe--The Queen’s Reception of the Persian Monarch--How - the Shah was Entertained--His Departure from England--Marriage of - the Duke of Edinburgh--Public Entry of the Duchess into London. - - -When the Session of 1873 opened, it is a curious fact that in London -the universal complaint was that politics had become depressingly dull. -But the lull really presaged a storm, in which the Government was -wrecked. It was known that Mr. Gladstone intended to make the question -of Irish University education the chief business of the Session, and -it was admitted that next to this question the one of most consequence -to the Government was that which was raised by the Dissenters, who -demanded the extension of School Boards, and the establishment of -compulsory education all over England, together with the repeal of the -25th clause of Mr. Forster’s Education Act. The bye-elections, which -had been disastrous to the Ministry, showed that the Dissenters were in -revolt, and that they “sulked in their tents,” instead of supporting -Ministerial candidates. The Irish University Bill could not possibly -be carried without Nonconformist support, and that could obviously not -be hoped for if anything like “concurrent endowment” for the Roman -Catholics defaced it. On the other hand, if the revenues of Trinity -College were shared with Catholic scholars, Liberals like Mr. Fawcett -and Mr. Vernon Harcourt would support Mr. Disraeli in opposing the -measure. The Cabinet resolved to neutralise the expected secession of -the small Fawcett-Harcourt group, by rendering their Bill acceptable -to their powerful Nonconformist contingent, and Liberal tacticians -were full of joyful anticipations when it leaked out that this plan -was contemplated. As will be seen, one important contingency was never -taken into consideration--the possible desertion of Mr. Gladstone’s -Roman Catholic followers; and yet it was their desertion which wrecked -the Bill and destroyed the Government. - -[Illustration: QUEEN’S COLLEGE, CORK. - -(_From a Photograph by W. Lawrence, Dublin._)] - -The Queen’s speech was read to Parliament by Commission on the 6th of -February, and it promised an Irish Education Bill, a Judicature Bill, -a Land Transfer Bill, an Education Amendment Act, a Local Taxation -Bill, and a Railway Regulation Bill. In the debate on the Address the -Opposition leaders dwelt mainly on foreign questions, pressing the -Government to say whether they were prepared to recommend the rules -under which the _Alabama_ case had been decided to the European -Powers; and if so, whether they would recommend them as interpreted -by the legal advisers of the Crown, or as interpreted by the majority -of the arbitrators. Mr. Gladstone first said that the rules had been -recommended for adoption by the Powers, but without any special -construction being put on them. Then he had to correct himself before -the debate closed, by explaining that he had made a mistake, for the -rules had not yet been brought under the notice of Foreign Governments. -This confession naturally forced the public to conclude that the Tories -could not be far wrong when they declared that foreign affairs were -neglected because Lord Granville was indolent and Mr. Gladstone neither -knew nor cared anything about them. - -[Illustration: PROFESSOR FAWCETT. - -(_From a Photograph by the London Stereoscopic Company._)] - -On the 13th of February Mr. Gladstone introduced the Irish University -Education Bill. It affiliated several other educational institutions -besides Trinity College to the University of Dublin. Two of the Queen’s -Colleges, established by Sir Robert Peel, were to be associated -with the University, and the Queen’s University itself was to be -abolished. Queen’s College at Galway was to be suppressed, because -it had failed to attract students to its classrooms. The so-called -Catholic University and several other Roman Catholic seminaries were -also, in the same manner, to be attached to the Dublin University. -The new University was to have an income of £50,000 a year, a fourth -of which was taken from Trinity College, a fourth from the endowment -for Queen’s University, three-eighths from the Irish Church surplus, -whilst fees, it was expected, would make up the balance. It was -to have professors for teaching in Dublin all academical subjects -excepting history and mental philosophy, which were tabooed as too -controversial for Ireland. Bursaries, Scholarships, and Fellowships -were liberally endowed. Tests were to be abolished, the Theological -Faculty of Trinity College was to be transferred--with an endowment--to -the Disestablished Church, and the prohibited subjects, History and -Philosophy, were not to be compulsory in examinations for degrees. -The constituency of the University was to consist of all graduates of -the affiliated colleges. The governing council of twenty-five was to -be nominated in the Bill, after which, vacancies were to be filled -up alternately by co-optation and Crown nomination. After ten years, -however, equal numbers of the council were to be chosen, by the Crown, -by co-optation, by the professors, and by the graduates. The Bill, -according to the Bishop of Peterborough--by far the ablest Protestant -ecclesiastic Ireland has produced in the Victorian period--“was as -good as could be under the circumstances,” and “ought to have pleased -all parties.”[49] Unfortunately it pleased nobody, and its weak point -was obvious. It attempted to provide for separate denominational -education in the affiliated colleges, and for mixed secular education -in Trinity College and the University of Dublin, to which they were -affiliated--the one system being as incompatible with the other as -an acid with an alkali. As Mr. Gathorne-Hardy said, the exclusion of -History and Philosophy rendered the new University a monster _cui -lumen ademptum_. The proposal to make the Irish Viceroy its Chancellor -recalled, he declared, the lines of Milton, - - “Its shape, - If shape it can be called, which shape had none - Distinguishable in feature, joint, or limb--” - -all the more that - - “What seemed its head, - The likeness of a kingly crown had on.” - -At first the Bill was very well received, and there was a general -disposition to admit that, in view of the limiting conditions of the -problem, it was impossible to find a solution less offensive to the -Protestants, and more generous to the Catholics of Ireland. But in a -few days it became apparent that the measure was doomed. Ministers -had been led to believe by their colleague, Mr. Monsell, who was -the spokesman of the Catholic clergy, that the compromise would be -accepted by them. But the Catholic Bishops met in secret, and decided -to oppose the Bill.[50] As the Catholics opposed it for giving them -too little, the Protestants opposed it because it gave the Catholics -too much. The apostles of culture opposed it because it cut History -and Philosophy out of the University curriculum, and in doing so they -furnished all discontented Liberals with a good non-political excuse -for voting against the Government. The Bill was defeated on the 12th of -March by a vote of 287 to 284, the votes of 36 Catholic Members and 9 -Liberals[51] having turned the scale. To the very last moment the issue -was uncertain, because it was known that if Mr. Gladstone had offered -to abandon the teaching clauses of the Bill, he would have won over a -sufficient number of Catholic votes to carry it.[52] - -Mr. Gladstone’s defeat was followed by the resignation of his Ministry, -and the crisis was a most embarrassing one for the Queen. Mr. Disraeli, -when sent for by the Sovereign, attempted to form a Cabinet, but -did not succeed, mainly because Mr. Gathorne-Hardy objected to the -party holding office on sufferance. When Mr. Disraeli reported his -failure to the Queen, she again consulted Mr. Gladstone, who, however, -suggested that some other Conservative leader--obviously hinting at -Lord Derby--might succeed where Mr. Disraeli had failed. But Lord Derby -was at Nice when the crisis became acute; and though the Tory Party -felt that he was in a special sense their natural leader at such a -juncture,[53] they knew that it was decidedly inconvenient for the -Prime Minister to be a member of the Upper House, and that he would -refuse to enter into anything like rivalry with Mr. Disraeli. Yet a -restful Ministry, competent in administration, under a cool-headed, -sensible Conservative aristocrat, was what the majority of the people, -alarmed by harassed “vested interests,” desired at the time. Be that -as it may, Mr. Disraeli, when appealed to a second time by the Queen, -refused to assist her out of the difficulty, and Mr. Gladstone was -again summoned to the rescue. He returned to power with his Cabinet -unchanged and disavowed any intention to dissolve Parliament. Mr. -Disraeli’s refusal to take office had given the Queen infinite anxiety, -and his defence of his conduct was lame and halting. He was, he said, -in a minority; he had not a policy, and could not get one ready till -he had been for some time in office, so that he might see what was to -be done. He did not desire to experience the humiliation of governing -the country under a _régime_ of hostile resolutions. The Queen and -the country were alike conscious of the flimsiness of these excuses. -Mr. Disraeli never met the question--which, to the Queen, seemed -unanswerable--Why did he paralyse the existing Administration, if he -was not prepared to put another in its place? - -[Illustration: QUEEN’S COLLEGE, GALWAY.] - -Mr. Disraeli in refusing to govern England himself whilst he prevented -Mr. Gladstone from governing it, was pursuing a policy which was as -unconstitutional as it was unpatriotic. When he said he could not take -office because he must dissolve in May in any case, and that he could -not dissolve because he had not a policy to go to the country with, and -when he explained that till he had time to study the archives of the -Foreign Office he could not tell what ought to be done with questions -such as the Russian advance on Khiva, and the Three Rules of the -Washington Treaty, men smiled cynically. They asked each other if Lord -Palmerston in 1869 was afraid to take the place of the Tory Government -because he wanted time to form an opinion on Lord Malmesbury’s policy -towards the Italian war of Liberation. Yet Mr. Disraeli gave a truthful -account of his motives. He had no policy. Hence when he dissolved -Parliament, as he was bound to do after winding up the business of -the Session, he must have gone to the country on a purely personal -issue between himself and Mr. Gladstone. Doubtless at a time when the -nation was getting wearied of restless statesmen, a contest of the sort -would have been disastrous to Mr. Gladstone, but not when raised by -Mr. Disraeli, who was notoriously even flightier than his antagonist. -To have won a General Election on such an issue the Tories must have -fought under Lord Derby’s banner. Mr. Disraeli, however, had no -intention of giving way to Lord Derby, and his followers did not dare -to put him aside, more especially as he had in view a clever scheme of -strategy. His idea was to force Mr. Gladstone to dissolve on a positive -programme, and then to defeat him by a running fire of destructive -criticism. These tactics might bring the Tories back to office under -his own leadership, absolutely uncommitted to any definite policy -whatever. - -When Mr. Gladstone resumed office it was soon seen that he had not -only wrecked his party, but compromised the _prestige_ of the House of -Commons. His was admittedly a weakened and discredited Ministry. It had -been one of Mr. Disraeli’s favourite theories that whenever a feeble -Ministry attempted to govern England, power passed from Parliament -to the Crown. At one time, no doubt, the theory seemed plausible -enough, but the Session of 1873 completely upset it. No sooner had -Mr. Gladstone returned to office than power passed from the Crown and -the House of Commons to the House of Lords. The will of the Peers was -supreme over all. They said or did what they pleased, and quashed Bill -after Bill without the least regard to the sentiments of the Queen, -the desire of the Commons, or the interests of the country. The Peers -rejected the Bill improving Church organisation contemptuously, though -it had passed the Commons without a division. By asserting obsolete -privileges of appellate jurisdiction over Scotland and Ireland, they -disfigured the Judicature Bill, which consolidated the law courts and -constituted a high court of appeal. They destroyed Mr. Stansfeld’s -useful Rating Bill almost without debate. They opened a way for the -reintroduction of purchase in the army, rejected the Landlord and -Tenant Bill without even seeing it, and quashed a Bill, promoted by Mr. -Vernon Harcourt and supported by the Government, to protect working men -against being imprisoned under the law of conspiracy for non-statutable -offences committed in the course of a strike. And the curious thing was -that from the day Mr. Gladstone returned to office to lead a moribund -Ministry and a disorganised House of Commons, the people submitted -without a murmur to the resolute and decisive despotism of the Peers. -Thus it came to pass that when the Session ended the Ministry seemed -to have sunk into a dismal swamp of humiliation--a humiliation which -was intensified by administrative scandals and internal feuds. It was -shown that Mr. Lowe, as Chancellor of the Exchequer, prepared plans of -his own for public works, without consulting the Public Works Office. -Mr. Ayrton, as head of that Department, in his place in the House of -Commons, repudiated all responsibility for the votes of money for his -department which were altered without his knowledge and consent by -Mr. Lowe. There was a painful “scene” in the House of Commons at the -end of July when these disclosures were made, and when Mr. Ward Hunt -formally asked the Government if its Chancellor of the Exchequer and -Chief Commissioner of Works were on speaking terms. Mr. Baxter created -another scandal by suddenly resigning office as Financial Secretary -to the Treasury, because Mr. Lowe had ignored him in the matter of -the Zanzibar mail contract. Mr. Lowe was proved to have given the -contract for carrying letters from the Cape to Zanzibar to the Union -Steam Company for £26,000, whereas the British India Steam Company -had offered to do the work for £16,000. Mr. Lowe declared he had -never heard of the offer; yet Lord Kimberley, the Secretary for the -Colonies, knew of it, and the tender was transmitted by the Indian -Postmaster-General to Mr. Monsell, the British Postmaster-General, who -passed it on to the Treasury. At the Treasury Mr. Lowe concealed the -papers relating to the contract from Mr. Baxter, avowedly because he -was known to be hostile to it. A Committee of the House investigated -the scandal, and disallowed the contract. This affair was also -accompanied by the final revelation of the truth as to what was known -as the telegraph scandal. - -In spring the working classes were profoundly disturbed by a rumour -that the Government had seized the Savings Banks balances, and were -building great extensions of telegraph lines with the money without -consulting Parliament on the subject. The foundation for the story -was a discovery made by the Auditor-General of Public Accounts. He -reported that the Telegraph Department of the Post Office had for some -time evaded the control of the House of Commons over its expenditure. -Instead of submitting to the House estimates for proposed works, -and asking for a vote on account, Mr. Scudamore, the Chief of the -Department, a brilliant but too zealous official, took whatever money -he wanted from the Post Office receipts, and spent it as he pleased -on works of extension and improvement. He submitted no estimates -in detail, but always asked the House of Commons for a sum for new -works, which enabled him to replace the Post Office receipts which he -had used. A large portion of the money thus spent was taken from the -Savings Banks balances which everybody understood were always paid in -for safety to the Commissioners of National Debt, who invested them -in Consols. Though no money was missing, it shook public confidence -in the Government to find its administrative power so feeble that it -could not prevent its own servants from tampering with the Savings -Banks Deposits, and further investigation aggravated the scandal. It -was shown that Lord Hartington when Postmaster-General had, like Mr. -Monsell, allowed Mr. Scudamore to manage the Telegraph Department -without any supervision, and that the Treasury had so far condoned -this gross and culpable negligence that when it did business with -Mr. Scudamore it communicated with him directly, and not through -either Lord Hartington or Mr. Monsell, who had meekly submitted to be -treated as official “dummies.” It was shown that the Treasury knew of -Mr. Scudamore’s irregularities in 1871, and condoned them; that in -1872 it knew of them again, and acted so feebly that even Mr. Lowe -admitted he regretted his lack of firmness. It was utterly impossible -to defend the conduct of Mr. Lowe, Lord Hartington, Mr. Monsell, and -the Chief Commissioner of National Debt, for countenancing these -grave irregularities, and the scandal was simply disastrous to the -administrative _prestige_ of the Ministry. - -The Queen was alarmed at the dismal prospect of ruling England by means -of a Cabinet so hopelessly discredited, and Mr. Gladstone was equally -conscious of the gravity of the situation. Whenever Parliament was -prorogued he tried to parry attacks on the administrative incapacity of -his Cabinet by reconstructing it. To the great relief of the Queen, he -himself took the Chancellorship of the Exchequer into his own hands, -so that the public might have a guarantee that the era of chaos at -the Treasury was closed.[54] Mr. Bruce was elevated to the Peerage as -Lord Aberdare, and became President of the Council, Lord Ripon having -retired for private reasons. Mr. Childers (also for private reasons) -vacated the Chancellorship of the Duchy of Lancaster, and Mr. Bright -took his place and re-entered the Cabinet. Mr. Lowe was removed to the -Home Office, and ere the year closed Mr. Adam became Chief Commissioner -of Works, Mr. Ayrton taking the office of Judge-Advocate-General. Mr. -Monsell also retired from the Postmaster-Generalship, and was succeeded -by Dr. Lyon Playfair. The death of Sir William Bovill, Chief Justice -of the Common Pleas, in November, elevated Sir J. D. Coleridge to the -Bench. Mr. Henry James accordingly became Attorney-General, and, to -the amazement of the Bar, he was succeeded as Solicitor-General by Mr. -Vernon Harcourt, whose attacks on the Ministry had thus met with their -reward. - -Mr. Gladstone’s hope was to reinvigorate the Government with a little -new blood, and rehabilitate it by means of his influence and reputation -as a financial administrator and Mr. Bright’s personal popularity among -the Nonconformists. Yet the financial work of the Government alone, -when administrative - -[Illustration: VIEWS IN WINDSOR: OLD MARKET STREET, AND THE TOWN HALL, -FROM HIGH STREET.] - -blunders were detached from it, and relegated to their true place in -political perspective, ought to have won for them the gratitude of the -nation. Mr. Vernon Harcourt, who perpetually harassed the Ministry -because of its growing expenditure--like many financial critics -with an imperfect knowledge of book-keeping--failed to see that the -apparent growth was not real because much of it was a mere matter of -accounting.[55] - -[Illustration: SANDRINGHAM HOUSE.] - -During their five years of power the Government had remitted £9,000,000 -of taxation. They had reduced a chaotic Naval Administration to -something resembling order, and not far removed from efficiency; and -yet at the Admiralty there had been a saving of £1,500,000 on the -Estimates of their predecessors. They had taken the Army out of pawn -to its officers by abolishing Purchase, and had laid the basis for a -compact military organisation; yet they had saved £2,300,000 a year at -the War Office. The Army and Navy, though by no means efficient, were -much more efficient than they had been when Mr. Gladstone’s Ministry -came to power; and yet they were costing the country £4,000,000 -less a year.[56] In spite of the great increase in Civil Service -expenditure--much of which, like the Education Vote, being morally -rather than financially reproductive, showed no “results” in figures -on the credit side of the public ledger--there had been since 1857 -a decrease in the drain on the taxes of about £1,500,000.[57] Mr. -Lowe’s last Budget in 1873 did not discredit the Ministry. In spite -of his reductions of taxation in the previous year, he had obtained -£2,000,000 more than his estimated income. For the coming year (1873-4) -he estimated a surplus of £4,746,000; but he could promise no great -remission of taxation, for he had to pay the damages (£3,000,000) which -had been awarded at Geneva to the United States Government. Still, he -halved the sugar duties and took another penny off the Income Tax. -With all his faults, he was accordingly entitled to claim credit -for reducing the Income Tax to the lowest point it had ever touched -(threepence in the £) since it had been imposed by Peel in 1842. -And yet Mr. Lowe could not, even with such a Budget, refrain from -expressing his thankfulness in an acrid gibe against the populace. -Referring to the marvellous increase in the receipts from Customs and -Excise, he said he had been able to produce a good Budget because the -nation had drunk itself out of debt. - -Apart from the political strife and Ministerial embarrassments which -so severely taxed the nerves of the Queen, life at Court was not very -eventful. Indeed, it centred chiefly round the Prince and Princess -of Wales, who were discharging vicariously and with great popular -acceptance most of the social duties of the Crown. This fact was -recognised by the Queen herself in a curious indirect kind of way. -The Prince of Wales, though very far from being a spendthrift, has -never shrunk from incurring expenditure which, in his judgment, was -necessary to maintain the dignity and _prestige_ of the Crown in a -manner worthy of the great nation whose Sovereignty is his heritage. -But he has always refrained from appealing to Parliament for subsidies -and subventions, either for himself or his family, other than those -to which he is equitably and legally entitled by his official -position in the State. This was all the more creditable to him, for -two reasons. He was surrounded by companions, some of whom did not -scruple to take advantage of his generosity. A considerable section -of the public during the controversy that raged over the Princess -Louise’s dowry had expressed a strong opinion in favour of limiting -future Royal grants to an additional allowance to the Heir Apparent, -for the purpose of meeting the unanticipated expenditure which he had -incurred by taking the Queen’s place as the head of English Society. -Sandringham, moreover, had not turned out a remunerative property, and -the Prince was therefore under strong temptations to give a favouring -ear to unwise counsels on this delicate subject. These, however, he -put aside with manly common sense, and his affairs were arranged on -a business-like basis, which would have met with the approval of his -father, who was always of opinion that matters of the sort were best -managed inside the family circle. The only public indication that was -given of arrangements which must necessarily be spoken of with great -reserve was afforded by Mr. Gladstone when, on the 21st of July, he -introduced a Bill enabling the Queen to bequeath real property to the -Prince of Wales, so that he could alienate it at will. The obvious -advantage of such a measure was that it imparted a fresh elasticity to -the financial resources of the Heir Apparent. For he had discovered -a fact hitherto unrevealed in the history of his dynasty in England, -namely, that though the Sovereign could bequeath to the Heir Apparent -alienable personality, such as hard cash, land or real property -so bequeathed, became, when vested in his person on ascending the -Throne, the property of the State, and therefore inalienable. In fact, -supposing the Queen had left Balmoral, an estate which she and her -husband bought out of their private purse, to her eldest son, then, -though it had been her own private property, it must become public -property whenever the Prince of Wales became King. The state of the -law on the subject was inequitable and inconvenient. For if the Queen -wished to aid her eldest son in meeting expenses which he was every day -incurring on her behalf, she had either to sell her private estates, -endeared to her by a thousand tender family associations, or appeal -to Parliament for a grant, a course which was as objectionable to her -as to the Prince. On the other hand, if these private estates, when -inherited by the Prince at her death, could be treated as private -property, the Heir Apparent could easily obtain any additional -subsidies he might need, by mortgaging his expectations. And yet the -generous intentions of the Queen, and the honest purposes of the Prince -which formed the motives for the Bill, were snappishly and churlishly -misrepresented by several Radicals, and by at least one aristocratic -Whig. Mr. George Anderson opposed the Bill because Sovereigns kept -their wills secret. Sir Charles Dilke objected to it because he said it -allowed the indefinite accumulation of private property in the hands -of the Sovereign. His argument, in fact, came to this, that profligacy -in the Monarch should be encouraged by the posthumous confiscation -of his private estates. As for Mr. Bouverie, he asked what business -the Sovereign had to possess large private means? The Bill, however, -passed, and an incident which at one time threatened to be unpleasant -for the Queen and her children was discreetly closed. - -In March, the Queen’s refusal to permit the persons who represented -England at the French Exhibition of 1867 to accept decorations, was -made the subject of debate by Lord Houghton in the House of Lords. Her -Majesty’s prejudice against introducing Foreign Orders and titles into -England had often given offence to naturalised stockjobbers and pushing -_parvenus_. She never even took kindly to the use of the title of -“Baron” by the Rothschilds, though she tolerated it for reasons of an -entirely exceptional nature. But if the Orders were admitted the titles -must soon follow, and society might be inundated some day with Russian -“Counts,” who, as the French say, had “a career behind them,” or with -Austrian “Barons,” who had bought their honours out of the profits of -financial gambling. The English Court, for this reason, has such strong -opinions on the point that even English nobles, inheriting foreign -titles, conceal them so successfully that few people ever suspect that -the Duke of Wellington is a Portuguese prince, the head of the House -of Hamilton a French duke, or Lord Denbigh a Prince of an uncrowned -branch of the Imperial House of Hapsburg. It need not be said that Lord -Houghton’s complaints were generally admitted to be frivolous, and that -the Queen’s feeling that she must be the sole fountain of honour in -England, was shared by the nation. If the services which an individual -has rendered abroad have benefited England or mankind, or if it is -possible to form a correct estimate of their value in England, the -Queen held she must either reward them herself, or retain the right to -permit the individual to receive a foreign decoration for them. There -never has been any practical difficulty in dealing with such cases, -and no self-respecting person has ever felt aggrieved because he was -debarred from accepting Foreign Orders.[58] - -On the 4th of January the Queen was grieved to hear of the death of -the ex-Emperor of the French, at Chislehurst. Her tender sympathy -was freely bestowed on the ex-Empress, who was prostrated by her -misfortunes and her sorrow. Five years before, the death of this -strange man, whose Imperial life seemed ever shadowed by the great -crime of the _coup d’état_, would have convulsed Europe. Now the world -seemed quite indifferent to it, and when politicians spoke of it, all -they said was that by disorganising the Imperialist party in France, -it lessened the labours of M. Thiers in founding the Third Republic. -The English people, whom Napoleon III. had kept in feverish dread for -two decades, and whose support and friendship he had rewarded with -the perfidy of the Benedetti Treaty, did not pretend to mourn over -his grave. They spoke of his character, which was a moral paradox, -and his career, which was a political crime, without prejudice or -ill-feeling. But as they thought of the horrors of the Crimean War, -the wasted millions which Palmerston spent in fortifying the South -Coast, and the final act of treachery which the German Government had -revealed in July, 1870, there were some who considered that the Queen -might have been less demonstrative in her manifestations of sorrow. -But Her Majesty has never been free from the defects of her qualities. -Quick to resent betrayal, her anger passes away as swiftly, when the -betrayer broken by an avenging Destiny, and prostrate amid the wreck -of his fortunes and his reputation, appeals to her sympathies. When -Louis Philippe stood before her as a hunted fugitive, the Queen forgot -the Spanish marriages. When Charles Louis Bonaparte fled for refuge to -Chislehurst, she was too generous to remember his scheme for stealing -Belgium. - -[Illustration: THE QUEEN’S VISIT TO VICTORIA PARK.] - -When spring came round, “the great joyless city,” as Mr. Walter Besant -calls the East End of London, was gladdened by the Queen, for on the -2nd of April her Majesty went there to visit Victoria Park. She was -accompanied by the Princess Beatrice, and drove from Buckingham Palace -to the park in an open carriage. Her route was along Pall Mall, Regent -Street, Portland Place, Marylebone Road, and Euston Road to King’s -Cross, up Pentonville Hill to the “Angel” at Islington, beyond which -point along Upper Street, Essex Road, Ball’s Pond Road, through Dalston -and Hackney, surging crowds of people lined both sides of the entire -way. Streamers of gaudy bunting floated overhead from house to house -across Islington Green. The Dalston and Hackney stations of the North -London Railway, the Town Hall, and shops of Hackney were conspicuously -decorated, and it was noticed that the Queen went among the poor of -the East End without any military escort, a feat that few European -Sovereigns would have dared to emulate. At the Town Hall she halted -and received a bouquet, while the people sang the National Anthem. -At the temporary entrance to Victoria Park a triple arch, of triumph -had been erected, deep enough to resemble a long _marquee_ in three -compartments, open at both ends. It was handsomely fitted up in scarlet -and gold, and here was stationed a guard of honour of the Fusiliers, -while an escort of Life Guards was in waiting to conduct her Majesty -round the park. Even the slums in this dismal quarter exhibited meagre -decorations, eloquent alike of loyalty and indigence. A poor shoemaker, -having nothing better to show, hung out his leather apron, on which the -Queen saw with a thrill of interest that he had chalked up in flaming -red letters, “Welcome as flowers in May. The Queen, God bless her.” The -enthusiasm of the populace on this occasion was due to a curious idea -that prevailed all over the East End. This visit, they said, was no -ordinary one, because the Queen had come of her own free will to see -the East End--a very different thing from the East End going westwards -to see her. Hence a hurricane of cheers greeted the Queen wherever she -went, and was more gladsome to her ears than the ornate language of the -loyal addresses which she received. Her Majesty returned by Cambridge -Heath Road, and when she came to Shoreditch the way was rendered almost -impassable by an eager crowd. From Bishopsgate Street to the Bank she -was hailed with passionate loyalty, which seemed to lose all restraint -when on passing the Mansion House she rose in her carriage and -smilingly bowed to the Lord Mayor, who stood in his State robes under -the portico and saluted her. She then drove along the Embankment to -the Palace, having charmed the sadder quarters of London with a visit -which the people took to mean that they were not forgotten or ignored -by their Queen. - -On the 3rd of April, at three o’clock in the afternoon, the Duke of -Cambridge, as President of Christ’s Hospital--the famous Blue-coat -School--visited the Queen at Buckingham Palace to present the boys -of the Mathematical School, who had come to exhibit their drawings -and charts to her Majesty. A number of gentlemen connected with -the Hospital had the honour of being presented by the Duke to the -Queen when she entered the Drawing-room. Her Majesty then inspected, -apparently with great interest, the maps and charts which were held -before her by each boy separately. - -The foreign curiosity of the London season in 1873 was the Shah of -Persia. Soon after the Queen’s visit to the East End ceased to be -discussed, the coming of the Shah was the favourite topic of talk. At -the end of April his departure from Teheran amidst the blessings of -an overawed crowd of 80,000 subjects was chronicled. On the 12th of -May he was heard of, painfully navigating the waters of the Caspian -in a Russian steamer, and wonderful tales of his progress were told. -He had three wives, and nobody knew how many other ladies in his -train holding brevet-matrimonial rank. Was he going to bring them to -England? If so, could more than one of them be received, and in that -case how were the rest to be disposed of? A cloud of despondency began -to settle over the subordinates in the Lord Chamberlain’s department. -Would it be possible, it was asked, to persuade the Queen to invite -each of the Shah’s wives separately--one to Buckingham Palace, one to -Windsor, and one to Osborne? Later on it was reported that not only -was the Shah bringing his harem, but his Cabinet Ministers also. Was -his visit likely to be free from danger? Might not people begin to -cherish strange fancies, if the Shah thus gave them ocular proof that -an ancient country could get on wonderfully well without a sovereign -and without a government? Gradually astounding rumours of his wealth -were sent round. He had brought only half a million sterling for -pocket-money, because there had just been a famine in Persia; still -the sum would meet the modest wants of his exalted position. Indeed, -through a telegraphic blunder, the sum was first stated as £5,000,000. -He was said to be covered with jewels and precious stones, and he wore -a dagger which blazed with diamonds, so that one could only view it -comfortably through ground glass. In June the officials of the Court -were relieved from a supreme anxiety. Ere he got half-way over Europe -the Shah had sent his harem back to Persia. As he approached England he -was described as looking terribly bored, and his black velvet doublet, -covered with diamonds, and ornamented with emerald epaulettes, was said -by one irreverent journalist to give him the appearance of “a dark -shrub under the early morning dew.” To the good English people he was -a mighty Asiatic potentate, representing an ancient dynasty, and the -popular cry was that he must be impressed with the power of England. -Had they understood that his great grandfather was a petty chief, who -at a time of revolution established a dynasty, and promptly began, -with the aid of his relatives, to ruin Persia, and that their visitor -himself ruled over a country with the population of Ireland and twice -the area of Germany, they might have made themselves less ridiculous. -Mr. Gladstone was even pestered on the subject, and had to turn the -matter off with a smiling suggestion that it would be well to let the -Shah fix his own programme, and not put him in chains when he landed -on our shores. But in Court circles it was whispered with dread that -it might be well to fetter the bedizened barbarian, for he had odd -notions of etiquette, and had even rudely poked the august arm of the -German Empress, when he wanted to call her attention at the theatre to -something on the stage. On the 18th of June, however, the long-expected -guest landed at Dover from Ostend. The cannon of the Channel fleet -thundered forth a salute, and the Duke of Edinburgh and Prince Arthur -welcomed him as he stepped - -[Illustration: BLUE-COAT BOYS AT BUCKINGHAM PALACE.] - -[Illustration: THE SHAH OF PERSIA PRESENTING HIS SUITE TO THE QUEEN AT -WINDSOR.] - -on the pier. His Majesty arrived at Charing Cross in the evening, -and London forthwith went mad about him. It talked and thought about -nothing else, much to the disgust of the Tory wirepullers, who saw with -sorrow the scandal of the Zanzibar mail contract absolutely wasted -on a frivolous metropolis. It may be recorded that when he appeared -the Shah disappointed sightseers, who were looking out for the black -velvet tunic powdered with diamonds, and ornamented with epaulettes of -emeralds. His Majesty, in fact, was clad in a blue military frock-coat, -faced with rows of brilliants and large rubies; his belt and the -scabbard of his scimitar were likewise bright with jewels, and so was -his cap. - -The _suite_ of apartments placed at the disposal of his Imperial -Majesty in Buckingham Palace had been put in direct telegraphic -communication with Teheran, and though it was expected he would be -impressed by being able to talk to anybody in his capital without -leaving his room, the arrangement seemed rather to bore him than -otherwise. An infinite variety of entertainments was prepared for him, -and the programme he had to work through seemed too extensive for human -endurance during the last ten days of his visit. On the 20th of June -the Queen, who was at Balmoral when he arrived, came to Windsor to -receive the Persian monarch in State. - -The preparations for the Shah’s public welcome were worthy of the -Royal borough. As the train steamed into Windsor Station, the Princes -and others in waiting to receive him welcomed him as he stepped out, -arrayed in a State uniform flashing with gems. The Mayor and Recorder -then read an Address, to which the Shah briefly replied, both the -Address and reply being translated by Sir Henry Rawlinson. Accompanied -by Prince Arthur and Prince Leopold he was driven to the Castle, where -the Queen received him. The reception was held in the White Drawing -Room, and the Shah conferred upon the Queen the Persian Order, and also -the new Order which he had then, with a gallantry hardly to be expected -of an Asiatic, just instituted for ladies. Luncheon was served in the -Oak Room, after which the Queen accompanied her guest to the foot of -the staircase on his leaving the Castle. - -In the evening a splendid entertainment was given to his Majesty by the -Lord Mayor at Guildhall, to which 3,000 persons were invited. At this -banquet the Shah was placed on a daïs with the Princess of Wales, the -Lord Mayor on his left hand, and the Czarevna, wife of the Czarewitch, -on his right. The Shah wore a blue uniform with a belt of diamonds, -and the ribbon and Star of the Garter, which had been conferred on him -at Windsor in the afternoon. The scene at the ball which followed was -unusually brilliant and picturesque. When the Shah had taken his seat -the first quadrille was formed. He did not dance, but when the company -had gone through four dances he joined the supper-party. About midnight -his Majesty and the Royal Family left the scene. This magnificent -entertainment was the first of many. The Shah was hurried in rapid -succession to a Review of Artillery at Woolwich, and another of the -Fleet at Spithead, to a State performance at the Italian Opera, to -the International Exhibition, to a concert in the Royal Albert Hall, -and to a Review in Windsor Park of 8,000 troops. At this Review what -impressed him most were the batteries of Light Artillery, the physique -and drill of the Highlanders, and the brilliant skirmishing of the -Rifles. When the spectacle was over he presented his scimitar to the -Duke of Cambridge. An odd sight was witnessed when the Shah visited -the West India Dock and Greenwich on the 25th of June. He went in an -open carriage from Buckingham Palace to the Tower Wharf, and embarked -amidst a salvo of artillery. The river was filled with an extraordinary -collection of ships, barges, boats, and vessels of every description. -Crowds, cheering and shouting like crazy beings, swarmed on decks, -rigging, wharves, roadways, and even on the roofs and crane stages of -the warehouses. A striking effect was produced during this trip by the -floating steam fire-engines of the Metropolitan Fire Brigade, which, -closely lashed together, all at once saluted the Shah as he passed, by -casting up many perpendicular jets of water to a great height in the -air. On the evening of this day, by command of the Queen, a State ball -was given at Buckingham Palace, at which the Persian Sovereign and -the British Princes and Princesses were present. After a short visit -to Liverpool, the Shah left England on the 5th of July, no abatement -having taken place in the entertainments in his honour up to the last. - -The Shah’s departure from London, and his embarkation for Cherbourg on -board the French Government yacht _Rapide_, was the final act of these -remarkable proceedings. He was accompanied to the Victoria Station by -the Prince of Wales, the Duke of Edinburgh, Prince Arthur, the Duke of -Cambridge, and Prince Christian, all in full uniform. The Shah having -been made a Knight of the Garter during his visit to England, her -Majesty presented him with the badge and collar set in diamonds. He in -turn gave his photograph set in diamonds to the Queen and the Prince -of Wales. To Earl Granville he offered his jewelled portrait, but that -wily diplomatist, knowing what was meant, demurely said he could only -accept the portrait if the precious stones were removed from it. London -never had such a lion before or since, and the fuss made over him led -many to imagine that his visit was of high political importance. It -was certainly odd that the heir to the Russian throne, who must have -been satiated with the Shah’s society in St. Petersburg, persisted in -being seen everywhere in his train in London. Perhaps at his interview -with Lord Granville he had asked for some promise of protection against -Russian encroachment, and as it was impossible for Russia to conquer -the Tekke Turcomans unless she could draw her supplies from the Golden -Province of Khorassan, such a promise, if given and kept, would have -effectually barred the march of the Cossack towards Herat. If these -matters were talked of, events subsequently showed that no such -promises had been made, and that Lord Granville, like his predecessors, -firmly adhered to the fatal policy initiated by England in order to -buy the aid of the Czar against Napoleon I.--the policy of abandoning -Persia to Russian “influence.” - -It was semi-officially announced in the middle of July that the Duke -of Edinburgh had been betrothed (11th July) to the Grand Duchess Marie -Alexandrovna, the only daughter of the Czar of Russia. The affair had -been the subject of some difficult and delicate negotiations, not so -much because there was some difference of religion between the bride -and bridegroom, but because, being an only daughter, the parents -of the Grand Duchess felt that parting with her would be a bitter -heart-wrench. She was devoted to her father, as he was to her, and it -was said that if he had given his crown to the English Prince he could -not have testified more strongly his esteem for him than he had done -by bestowing on him his daughter’s hand. “I hear,” writes the Princess -Louis of Hesse from Seeheim (9th July), to the Queen, “Affie [the -Duke of Edinburgh] comes on Thursday night. Poor Marie is very happy, -and so quiet.... How I feel for the parents, this only daughter (a -character of _Hingebung_ [perfect devotion] to those she loves)--the -last child entirely at home, as the parents are so much away that the -two youngest, on account of their studies, no longer travel about.”[59] - -This alliance was unusually interesting, for the Duke of Edinburgh -was practically within the Royal succession.[60] Nothing but an Act -of Parliament barring him from the succession, such as men talked of -passing against the hated Duke of Cumberland, who conspired with the -loyal Orangemen of Ulster to oust the Queen from the throne, could -prevent the Duke from succeeding to the Crown if the Prince of Wales -and his children did not survive the Queen. There was a very general -feeling that this marriage was worthy of the country. Apart from her -great wealth, the only daughter of the Czar of All the Russias appeared -to the average British elector to be a much more fitting mate for a -Prince who stood very near the English throne, than an impecunious -young lady from a minor Teutonic “dukery”--if we may venture to borrow -a term which Lord Beaconsfield made classical. Thoughtful observers of -public life were grateful to the Queen for establishing a precedent -which enlarged the area of matrimonial selection for English Princes. -Since the reign of George II. this had been so closely limited to -Germany, that the Royal Family of England from generation to generation -had been purely and exclusively German. There was, therefore, no -popular outcry against a Parliamentary settlement for the Duke of -Edinburgh. Mr. Gladstone, on the 29th - -[Illustration: THE DUKE OF EDINBURGH.] - -of July, carried a resolution in the House of Commons, giving the Duke -of Edinburgh an annuity of £25,000 a year, and securing to the Grand -Duchess Marie £6,000 a year of jointure in the event of her becoming -a widow. The Minister was not met with any formidable opposition. -When Mr. Holt and Mr. Newdegate began to attack the Grand Duchess’s -religion, the House instantly flew into a passion and hooted them -into silence. When the resolution was debated two days afterwards, -Mr. Taylor, who objected to the vote on the ground that the bride was -one of the richest heiresses in Europe, was literally effaced by Mr. -Gladstone. Amid deafening cheers from all parts of the House, he asked -Mr. Taylor if he dared to stand up before his own constituents and beg -the Russian Czar to accept a poor English Prince for a son-in-law on -the plea that his daughter had a large fortune? The grant was carried -by a vote of 170 to 20. - -[Illustration: THE DUCHESS OF EDINBURGH. - -(_From a Photograph by W. and D. Downey._)] - -The marriage itself was solemnised on the 23rd of January, 1874, at -the Czar’s Winter Palace in St. Petersburg in accordance with the -Greek and the Anglican rite. All that wealth and absolute power could -do to invest the ceremony with Imperial pomp and splendour was done. -Among those invited were members of the Holy Synod, and of the High -Clergy of Russia; the members of the Council of the Empire, Senators, -Ambassadors, and other members of the Corps Diplomatique, with the -ladies of their families, general officers, officers of the Guard, of -the Army and Navy. The great Russian ladies wore the national costume, -while the nobles and gentlemen were in full uniform. The Queen of -England was represented by Viscount Sydney and Lady Augusta Stanley. -On their arrival at the church the Duke and Grand Duchess took their -places in front of the altar, where were standing the Metropolitan -of St. Petersburg and the chief priests, attired in magnificent -vestments. The Czar and Czarina were on the right of the altar, the -Prince of Wales and the Russian Grand Dukes standing opposite. The most -interesting portions of the ceremony were the handing of the rings to -the bride and bridegroom, the crowning of the Royal couple, and the -procession of the newly wedded pair, with the Metropolitan and clergy, -Prince Arthur, and the Grand Dukes round the analogion or lectern, the -bride and bridegroom carrying lighted candles in their left hands. On -the conclusion of this part of the ceremony, the bride and bridegroom -proceeded to the Salle d’Alexandre, where the Anglican ceremony was -performed by Dean Stanley, the bride being given away by the Emperor, -while Prince Arthur officiated as his brother’s groomsman. The Duke of -Edinburgh and the Grand Duchess Marie used prayer books which had been -sent to them by the Queen, and the Grand Duchess carried a bouquet of -myrtle from the bush at Osborne, which had been so often laid under -tribute for the marriages of the Queen’s children. The wedding-day was -celebrated in the principal towns of Great Britain with much popular -rejoicing. - -The Queen deeply regretted her inability to be present at a ceremony -so interesting to her, and, in some respects, momentous for her House. -Nor was she the only member of the Royal circle who entertained the -same feeling. Her daughter, the Princess Louis of Hesse, writing to her -from Darmstadt on the 23rd of January, 1874, says, “On our dear Affie’s -[Prince Alfred’s] birthday, a few tender words. It must seem so strange -to you not to be near him. My thoughts are constantly with them all, -and we have only the _Times_ account, for no one writes here. They are -all too busy, and, of course, all news comes to you. What has Augusta -[Lady Augusta Stanley] written, and Vicky and Bertie? Any extracts or -other newspaper accounts but what we see would be most welcome.... God -bless and protect them, and may all turn out well.” Artless passages -like these are worth quoting, if for no better reason than this, -that they illustrate the strength of the sentiment of domesticity -which has not only bound the Royal children to the Queen, but to each -other, all through life. Even after the Queen had complied with her -daughter’s request, and sent her some letters about the ceremony, the -Princess recurs to the same theme, saying, “Dear Marie [the Duchess of -Edinburgh] seems to make the same impression on _all_. How glad I am -she is so quite what I thought and hoped. Such a wife must make Affie -happy, and do him good, and be a great pleasure to yourself, which I -always liked to think.” And again, a few days later, she writes to the -Queen as follows:--“I have a little time before breakfast to thank you -so much for the enclosures, also the Dean’s [Stanley’s] letter through -Beatrice. We are most grateful for being allowed to hear these most -interesting reports. It brings everything so much nearer. How pleasant -it is to receive only satisfactory reports.”[61] - -The Grand Duchess, when she came to her new home, brought her own -weather with her. She was introduced by the Queen to London and the -Londoners on the 12th of March, in the midst of a bleak and blinding -snowstorm. That dense crowds of people should line the street, and -stand for hours in the half-frozen slush, for an opportunity of bidding -the Grand Duchess welcome to her new home, afforded an impressive -testimony to the deep-seated loyalty of the capital. The Queen, the -Grand Duchess, the Duke of Edinburgh, and other members of the Royal -Family, left Windsor Castle at 11 o’clock in closed carriages for -the railway station, under a brilliant escort of Scots Greys. The -Royal train steamed to Paddington terminus, which was all ablaze -with Russian and English colours. The people thronged the windows, -balconies, the house-tops, and the pavements, and each side of the -roadway, all along from Paddington to Buckingham Palace, and the -Queen and the Royal couple showed their appreciation of the splendid -reception which was given to them by braving the snowstorm in an open -landau. The Queen, who was dressed in half-mourning, smilingly bowed -in acknowledgment of the hearty cheering, and the Grand Duchess, who -sat by her side, attired in a purple velvet mantle edged with fur, a -pale blue silk dress and white bonnet, was evidently surprised at the -warm greeting she received. The route was lined by the military and -police. The streets were full of loyal but bedraggled decorations, -and grimly festive with limp flags and illegible mottoes. Nothing -could be more gracious than the smiling demeanour of the Queen and -her new daughter-in-law, and nothing more pitiable than the obvious -discomfort of the poor ladies-in-waiting, who sat palpably shivering -in their carriages. At night the chief thoroughfares were brilliantly -illuminated. “I hope,” writes the Princess Louis of Hesse to the -Queen, “you were not the worse for all your exertions.... Such a -warm reception must have touched Marie, and shown how the English -cling to their Sovereign and her House.” Yet, after the first flush -of excitement had passed away, the Russian Princess began to suffer -from the common complaint of all Northern women--_nostalgia_, or -home-sickness. “Marie must feel it very deeply,” writes the Princess -Louis to the Queen (7th April), “for to leave so delicate and loving a -mother must seem almost wrong. How strange this side of human nature -always seems--leaving all you love most, know best, owe all debts of -gratitude to, for the comparatively unknown! The lot of parents is -indeed hard, and of such self-sacrifice.” This incident seems to have -led to a curious correspondence between the Queen and her daughter, in -which her Majesty apparently gave her some solemn warnings about the -evil done by parents who bring up their daughters for the sole purpose -of marrying them. “This,” observes the Princess Louis in her reply to -her - -[Illustration: MARRIAGE OF THE DUKE OF EDINBURGH. - -(_From the Picture by N. Chevalier._)] - -mother, “is said to be a too prominent feature in the modern English -education of the higher classes.... I want to bring up the girls -without _seeking_ this as the sole object for the future--to feel that -they can fill up their lives so well otherwise.... A marriage for the -sake of marriage is surely the greatest mistake a woman can make.... -I know what an absorbing feeling that of devotion to one’s parent is. -When I was at home it filled my whole soul. It does still in a great -degree, and _heimweh_ [home-sickness] does not cease after so long an -absence.” - - - - -CHAPTER XIX. - -THE CONSERVATIVE REACTION. - - Questions of the Recess--The Dissenters and the Education Act--Mr. - Forster’s Compromise--The Nonconformist Revolt--Mr. Bright Essays - Conciliation--Sudden Popularity of Mr. Lowe--His “Anti-puritanic - Nature”--Mr. Chamberlain and the Dissidence of Dissent--Decline of - the Liberal Party--Signs of Bye-elections--A Colonial Scandal--The - Canadian Pacific Railway--Jobbing the Contract--Action of the - Dominion Parliament--Expulsion of the Macdonald Ministry--The - Ashanti War--How it Originated--A Short Campaign--The British - in Coomassie--Treaty with King Koffee--The Opposition and the - War--Skilful Tactics--Discontent among the Radical Ranks--Illness - of Mr. Gladstone--A Sick-bed Resolution--Appeal to the Country--Mr. - Gladstone’s Address--Mr. Disraeli’s Manifesto--Liberal - Defeat--Incidents of the Election--“Villadom” to the Front--Mr. - Gladstone’s Resignation--Mr. Disraeli’s Working Majority--The - Conservative Cabinet--The Surplus of £6,000,000--What will Sir - Stafford do with it?--Dissensions among the Liberal Chiefs--Mr. - Gladstone and the Leadership--The Queen’s Speech--Mr. Disraeli and - the Fallen Minister--The Dangers of Hustings Oratory--Mr. Ward - Hunt’s “Paper Fleet”--The Last of the Historic Surpluses--How - Sir S. Northcote Disposed of it--The Hour but not the Man--Mr. - Cross’s Licensing Bill--The Public Worship Regulation Bill--A - Curiously Composed Opposition--Mr. Disraeli on Lord Salisbury--The - Scottish Patronage Bill--Academic Debates on Home Rule--The - Endowed Schools Bill--Mr. Stansfeld’s Rating Bill--Bill for - Consolidating the Factory Acts--End of the Session--The Successes - and Failures of the Ministry--Prince Bismarck’s Contest with - the Roman Catholic Church--Arrest of Count Harry Arnim--Mr. - Disraeli’s Apology to Prince Bismarck--Mr. Gladstone’s Desultory - Leadership--“Vaticanism”--Deterioration in Society--An Unopposed - Royal Grant--Visit of the Prince and Princess of Wales to - Birmingham--Withdrawal of the Duchess of Edinburgh from Court--A - Dispute over Precedence--Visit of the Czar to England--Review of - the Ashanti War Soldiers and Sailors--The Queen on Cruelty to - Animals--Sir Theodore Martin’s Biography of the Prince Consort--The - Queen tells the Story of its Authorship. - - -Two questions disturbed the recess of 1873-74--would Mr. Gladstone -attempt to conciliate the Dissenters, and would Mr. Bright, at their -bidding, denounce the Education Act which had been recently passed by a -Government of which he was a leading and authoritative member? - -The great grievance of the Dissenters was, that the 25th Clause of the -Education Act sanctioned the payment of denominational school-fees for -pauper children out of the school-rate. The Dissenters argued that -it was as wicked to make them pay rates for Anglican teaching in a -school, as it was to make them pay tithes for it in a church. Their -opposition was mainly led and organised by Mr. Chamberlain and the -Birmingham Secularists, who had so effectually made war on the Liberal -Party at bye-elections, that even Mr. Forster deemed it prudent to -conciliate them early in 1873. He offered them a compromise in his -Education Amendment Act, which passed before Parliament rose. This -Act repealed the 25th Clause, which ordered the payment out of the -school rate of fees for pauper children in denominational schools. -Instead of that it compelled Boards of Guardians to pay the fees to -the indigent parent, leaving it to him to select a school for his -child. He might choose a denominational school if he preferred it, -only it must be an efficient school under Government inspection. This -compromise had, however, been rejected by Mr. Chamberlain, who also -complained bitterly that Mr. Forster refused to make the formation of -School Boards compulsory in every parish. Nor was the bitterness of the -Nonconformists assuaged by an indiscreet speech which Mr. Gladstone -had made during the recess at Hawarden, in which he advised the people -of that parish to be content with their Church Schools, and not to -elect a School Board. The attempts which were made to explain away this -speech were not successful, and so when Mr. Bright came before his -constituents at Birmingham, he found the Dissenters in open revolt. He -therefore deemed it prudent to condemn the Education Act, and oppose -Mr. Forster’s Education policy. As he had joined a Cabinet in which -Mr. Forster held high rank, Mr. Bright’s utterances on the subject did -the Government more harm than good. The Dissenters put no faith in -them, because, they said, amidst all the Ministerial changes that had -occurred, Mr. Forster was still at the Education Office. Independent -supporters of the Ministry were, on the other hand, surprised to -find a statesman of Mr. Bright’s reputation condemning on high moral -principles an Act which he had himself helped to pass only a year -before. Mr. Bright’s unfortunate position was further aggravated by the -defence which was put forward on his behalf. It was contended that he -had no responsibility for Mr. Forster’s Education Act. All he had seen -was the draft of the Bill, and of that he had, as a Cabinet Minister, -formed a favourable impression. But his illness had withdrawn him from -active work, and when the measure was passing through the House of -Commons evil changes, it was argued, were made in it, and for these -Mr. Bright could not be blamed. Unfortunately it was written in the -inexorable chronicles of _Hansard_ that the only changes made in the -Bill were all in favour of the Dissenters. Mr. Bright was accordingly -too clearly responsible for the original measure, which was infinitely -more odious to the Nonconformists than the one that was finally passed, -and which he now disowned and denounced on account of its injustice. - -Curiously enough, it was Mr. Lowe who was most successful in winning -popularity for the Ministry during the recess. The police found in him -a zealous defender. The working-classes heard with pleased surprise a -rumour to the effect that he had drafted a Bill conceding the demand -of Trade Unionists for a reform of the Labour Laws. His manner of -receiving deputations had suddenly become bland and suave. When, for -example, the representatives of the Licensed Victuallers went to -complain to him of the Licensing Laws, he was so sympathetic that the -leader of the deputation sent a graphic account of the interview to the -Press. He explained how he and his colleagues had waited on the new -Home Secretary in fear and trembling, but how delighted they were to -find that “the great scholar and debater cheered the meeting with many -sunny glimpses of his own Anti-puritanic nature.” - -Still, in spite of Mr. Bright and Mr. Lowe, the Liberal cause was -waning among the electors. Every day Mr. Chamberlain was driving deeper -and deeper into the heart of the Liberal Party the wedge of Dissenting -dissension, that ultimately split its electoral organisation in twain. -On the whole, the bye-elections favoured the Conservatives. But Mr. -Henry James, the new Attorney-General, carried Taunton, and Captain -Hayter, owing to an imprudent letter which Mr. Disraeli wrote in -support of the Tory candidate, was successful at Bath.[62] - -A Colonial scandal and a Colonial war also attracted much attention -during the recess, and though the scandal did not affect the Ministry, -the war somewhat chilled the sympathies of many of their strongest -supporters. - -The story of the scandal was as follows:--The Canadian Government -had decided to construct a Pacific Railway that would bridge the -wildernesses by which Nature had separated those Provinces, which -were united by the British North American Act. The project was deemed -so hopeless as a commercial undertaking that the money to carry it -on could not be raised. But during the negotiations which ended in -the Treaty of Washington, Canada, at the instance of the British -Commissioners, made certain concessions, in return for which the -British Government undertook to guarantee a loan for the construction -of the Canadian Pacific Railway. The money was then raised without -delay, and Sir Hugh Allen, the richest capitalist in Canada, formed a -syndicate, who applied for and obtained the contract for constructing -the railway from the Government of Sir John Macdonald, which then held -office in the Dominion. It was soon alleged that Sir John Macdonald -and his colleagues in the Canadian Cabinet had been bribed to “job” -away the contract into Sir Hugh Allen’s hands. The Canadian House of -Commons believed in the charge, insisted on an investigation, and -appointed a Committee of Inquiry. Vigorous efforts were made to hush -up the scandal, and by means of the veto of the Crown the Committee -was paralysed. An Act authorising it to examine witnesses on oath was -passed by the Dominion Parliament, but was vetoed by the Crown on -technical grounds. The Members of the Opposition, however, defeated -this attempt to stifle effective inquiry, by refusing to serve on -what they declared would be a sham tribunal, and public opinion was -so incensed that the Government were compelled to appoint to the -vacant seats in the Committee persons of high judicial position. When -under examination by the Commissioners Sir Hugh Allen admitted that -he paid Sir John Macdonald £36,000 in order to secure the election of -candidates pledged to support his Ministry in the Canadian Parliament. -Sir John Macdonald and his colleagues admitted that they received this -money, and that they had used it to carry seats in the Province of -Ontario for their faction. After the money was paid the contract was -given to Sir Hugh Allen. But in this transaction Sir John Macdonald -denied that there was any taint of bribery. Like his celebrated -countryman, Sir Pertinax Macsycophant, he said, “Dinna ca’t breebery. -It ’s juist geenerosity on the ae haun’, an’ grawtitude on the ither.” -In Canada and England a different view was taken of the matter. The -Macdonald Ministry was driven from office amidst public execration, and -even Lord Dufferin the Governor-General, and the Colonial Office did -not escape censure, when it became clear that they were at least privy -to the matter. - -[Illustration: COOMASSIE.] - -The Colonial war broke out on the West Coast of Africa. In -consideration of being permitted to annex as much of Sumatra as they -could subdue, the Dutch had handed over to England their possessions on -the West Coast of - -[Illustration: KING KOFFEE’S PALACE, COOMASSIE.] - -Africa. The English Government soon became involved in a dispute with -the King of the Ashantis over a subvention which the Dutch had always -paid him. The Ashantis attacked the English settlements near Elmina, -but were beaten off by a small party of English troops. When the -cool season came it was decided to send Sir Garnet Wolseley with an -expedition strong enough to march to Coomassie, the Ashanti capital, -and, if need be, lay the country waste. Sir Garnet arrived before his -troops, and engaged with success in several unimportant skirmishes. The -main army left England in December, and on the 5th of February, 1874, -it entered Coomassie in triumph. The place was so unhealthy that it had -to be evacuated almost immediately. But ere the troops left a Treaty -was signed by which King Koffee renounced his claim to sovereignty -over the tribes who had been transferred from the Dutch to the British -Protectorate. The management of the expedition was not perfect. But -it at all events showed that the administrative departments of the -Army had improved somewhat since the Crimean War, and that whilst -the English private soldier had lost none of his superb fighting -qualities, he was now led by officers possessed of a considerable -degree of professional skill. And yet the Ashanti War failed to arrest -the decay of public confidence in the Government. With masterly tact -the Tory leaders put forward Lord Derby to deprecate wasteful military -enterprises and extensions of territory in pestilential climes, whilst -Sir Stafford Northcote attacked the Ministry fiercely in September -for engaging in such a war without consulting the House of Commons. -The effect of this criticism was soon manifest. The sympathies of -a large section of the Radicals and of the entire Peace Party were -alienated from the Ministry, who now found the arguments they had -used to embarrass Mr. Disraeli during the Abyssinian War, turned -against themselves. Mr. Bright, in joining a Cabinet which waged -a costly war on some wretched African savages without the consent -of Parliament, sacrificed the last remnant of authority which his -inconsistent attitude to the Education Act had left him. Nor did he -regain this authority by writing a letter early in January, in which -he expressed an opinion that all difficulties with Ashanti might be -settled by arbitration. As the country was actually at war with -King Koffee, Mr. Bright’s suggestion was taken to mean that England -should, by an act of surrender, pave the way for arbitration between -herself and the Ashantis. This could not possibly be the opinion of the -Government which was vigorously prosecuting the war, and it was clear -that on this subject, as on the Education question, there was chaos -in the Cabinet. In these circumstances the question came to be would -Ministers dissolve, or would they meet Parliament and attempt to regain -popularity through the work of a reconstructed Cabinet, whose latest -and most influential recruit never spoke in public without showing -that, when he did not abandon his principles, he was at variance with -his colleagues? Various rumours were current as to a conflict of -opinion on the subject between Mr. Gladstone and his colleagues and the -Queen. Ultimately it was decided that there should be no dissolution -before spring. - -Worn with anxiety, irritated by the failure of his plans for recovering -popularity through a reconstruction of his Cabinet, sick in body and -mind, the Prime Minister in January fell seriously ill. A fortnight -before the opening of the Session he paralysed his Party with amazement -by deciding to dissolve Parliament. Seldom has so momentous a decision -been arrived at in circumstances so strange and so peculiar. Writing -to Lord Salisbury on the 26th of January, 1874, Mr. Hayward says: -“Alderson (whom I saw yesterday) thought it unlikely that you would be -brought back earlier than you intended by the Dissolution, which has -come on every one by surprise. The thought first struck Gladstone as he -lay rolled up in blankets to perspire away his cold, was mentioned as -a thought to daughter and private secretary, then rapidly ripened into -a resolution and submitted to the Cabinet. The secret was wonderfully -well kept by everybody. The Liberals are delighted, and the Disraelites -puzzled and amazed.”[63] - -Parliament was dissolved on the 20th of January, and it was reckoned -that the new House of Commons would be elected by St. Valentine’s -Day. Mr. Gladstone’s Address to the electors of Greenwich set forth -at great length the reasons for his sudden appeal to the country. But -Mr. Forster gave the best and briefest explanation, when he told his -constituents at Bradford that the Dissolution was due to the petty -defeats and humiliations which the Government had suffered since -Mr. Disraeli’s refusal to relieve them of the cares of office, and -to a desire that the electors should decide whether Mr. Disraeli or -Mr. Gladstone should have the spending of the enormous surplus of -£6,000,000 at the disposal of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. Mr. -Gladstone in his declarations of policy referred to the Ashanti War as -a warning against “equivocal and entangling engagements.” He complained -that the House of Commons was overburdened with work, and, with an eye -to the Irish vote, he approved of delegating some of its business to -“local and subordinate authorities” under the “unquestioned control” -of Parliament. He held out no hopes of effecting any great changes in -the Education Act, but he promised a measure of University Reform, -supported the extension of Household Franchise to the Counties, and -pledged himself to abolish the Income Tax. His meagre references to -Foreign Affairs seemed to show that Mr. Bright had forced the Cabinet -to accept the unpopular policy of selfish and self-contained isolation, -which virtually ignored the higher international duties of England as -one of the brotherhood of European nations. - -Mr. Disraeli’s manifesto was not at first sight captivating. Instead -of attacking Mr. Gladstone’s proposal to abolish the Income Tax as -an attempt to secure a Party majority by taking a _plébiscite_ on a -Budget which had not yet come before Parliament, Mr. Disraeli fell in -gladly with the idea. The abolition of the Income Tax was apparently -to him what emigration was to Mr. Micawber when he had it suggested -to him for the first time--the dream of his youth, the ambition of -his manhood, and the solace of his declining years. The Tory chief -also over-elaborated his complaints that Mr. Gladstone had imperilled -freedom of navigation in the Straits of Malacca by recognising the -right of the Dutch to conquer the Acheenese if they could. Nor was -he apparently successful in attacking the Government for entering on -the Ashanti War without waiting to ask Parliament for leave to repel -Ashanti assaults on our forts. But when he demanded “more energy” in -Foreign Affairs than Mr. Gladstone had exhibited, and when he said -that measures could be devised to improve the condition of the people -without incessant “harassing legislation,” he cut the Government to the -quick. - -The elections ended in a signal disaster to the Liberal Party. Nobody -was ready for the fray. Everybody was irritated at being taken -unawares. The influences and the “interests” that had caused the decay -of Mr. Gladstone’s Administration have been already described. It will -be enough to say here that they smote it with defeat at the polls. -The attempt to neutralise these influences by promising to spend the -surplus in abolishing the Income Tax and readjusting local taxation -completely failed. The working classes were not eager to take off a tax -which they did not pay. The majority of the Income Tax payers argued -that Mr. Disraeli’s manifesto showed that he was prepared to give -them whatever relief was possible. Independent electors felt that it -was desirable to censure a project which might establish a precedent -for including the Budget in an electoral manifesto,[64] and throwing -the financial system of the country into the crucible of a General -Election.[65] The City of London decisively abandoned Liberalism. The -counties were swept by Tory candidates. The working classes refused to -support candidates of their own order, save in Stafford and Morpeth, -where the miners returned Mr. Macdonald and Mr. Burt to Parliament. Men -of high capacity, unless their names were known to newspaper readers, -were ruthlessly rejected. The electors preferred either candidates -of loudly-advertised eminence, rich local magnates, or young men of -family--especially if they had titles. Only two tenant-farmers were -chosen--Mr. Clare Read, a moderate Conservative, and Mr. McCombie, a -moderate Liberal. The “professors” and academic politicians went down -helplessly in the _mêlée_--even Mr. Fawcett failing to hold his seat -at Brighton, though shortly after Parliament met he was returned by -Hackney, where a vacancy accidentally occurred. The Home counties, -where “villadom”--to use Lord Rosebery’s term--reigns supreme, went -over to Conservatism, and the success of the Tories in the largest -cities was amazing. The middling-sized towns, and, generally speaking, -the electors north of the Humber, were pretty faithful to Liberalism. -But in Ireland the Liberal Party almost ceased to exist--the Irish -electors preferring to return either Home Rulers or Tories. Roughly -speaking, Mr. Disraeli could count on a steady working majority of -fifty, even reckoning the Irish Home Rulers as Liberals. - -[Illustration: LORD SALISBURY. - -(_From a Photograph by Bassano, Old Bond Street, W._)] - -Mr. Gladstone tendered his resignation at once when the results of -the Elections were known, and Mr. Disraeli on being sent for formed -a Cabinet, in which the offices were distributed as follows:--First -Lord of the Treasury, Mr. Disraeli; Lord Chancellor, Lord Cairns; -Lord President of the Council, Duke of Richmond; Lord Privy Seal, -Lord Malmesbury; Foreign Secretary, Lord Derby; Secretary for India, -Lord Salisbury; Colonial Secretary, Lord Carnarvon; Home Secretary, -Mr. R. A. Cross; War Secretary, Mr. Gathorne-Hardy; First Lord of the -Admiralty, Mr. Ward Hunt; Chancellor of the Exchequer, Sir Stafford -Northcote; Postmaster-General, Lord John Manners. The minor offices -were distributed either among administrators and men of business, or -young men of high birth and promising abilities, who were thus put in -training for the duties of leadership in the future.[66] - -Ministers and ex-Ministers soon had their troubles thick upon them. The -“interests” were impatient for satisfaction, and there was an ugly rush -after the surplus. Deputations of Income Tax repealers, Local Taxation -Leaguers, clergymen demanding subsidies to Consular chaplains, brewers -demanding the repeal of their licence, Malt Tax repealers, Sugar Duty -repealers, clerical supporters of voluntary schools, who, according -to Lord Sandon, virtually asked for the suspension of payment by -results, waited on Sir Stafford Northcote to claim their share of Mr. -Gladstone’s surplus. Other Ministers, too, were pestered by the various -“interests” who had worked for the Tory Party at the General Election -on the understanding that Mr. Gladstone’s “harassing” legislation would -be undone if Mr. Disraeli came back to power. The new Government were -sufficiently courageous to resist this pressure. Indeed, they were -generous enough to retract much of the hostile criticism which in the -heat of electioneering contests had been hurled against Mr. Gladstone’s -Administration. The Liberal Party, on the other hand, was not only -shattered, but practically leaderless. Its chiefs, it was said, were -fighting among themselves. Stories flew about to the effect that Mr. -Lowe declared he would never again follow Mr. Gladstone, that Sir -William Harcourt was convinced he must lead the Party himself if it was -to be saved from extinction, and that Sir Henry James vowed that he -would never permit Mr. Gladstone to sit as his colleague in any future -Liberal Cabinet. Naturally Mr. Gladstone retired from the duties of -leadership, but pressure was put upon him to resume them. He consented, -but only on the understanding that his service was to be temporary, -and that he should not be expected to be in regular attendance in the -House of Commons. His advanced age, his broken health, and his need -of rest, were the reasons which he gave publicly for his action. His -real motive, however, he confided to Mr. Hayward, who, in a letter to -Lady Emily Peel (27th of February, 1874), says, “I had a long talk with -Gladstone yesterday. He thinks the Party in too heterogeneous a state -for regular leadership, that it must be let alone to shake itself into -consistency. He will attend till Easter, and then quit the field for -a time. He does not talk of permanent abdication.”[67] Mr. Gladstone, -it would seem, at this time considered his functions as a leader ended -after he had shattered his Party. Not till it had been reorganised by -somebody else, or had reorganised itself, did he apparently deem it -worthy of his guidance. - -On the 19th of March the Queen’s Speech was read to both Houses of -Parliament. It referred joyfully to the termination of the war with -the Ashantis, the marriage of the Duke of Edinburgh, but mournfully -to the famine which was then devastating Bengal. It promised a Land -Transfer Bill, the extension of the Judicature Act fusing law and -equity to Ireland and Scotland, a Bill to remedy the grievances of -the publicans, a Bill dealing with Friendly Societies, and a Royal -Commission on the Labour Laws.[68] In the debate on the Address several -Peers took occasion to make sport of the great Minister who had fallen -from power. But the Commons were spared this exhibition of political -vulgarity, mainly because Mr. Disraeli snubbed most mercilessly the -first of his followers who attempted to indulge in it. - -When Sir William Stirling-Maxwell, who moved the Address, taunted Mr. -Gladstone with his defeat, Mr. Disraeli assured the House that Sir -William had, contrary to custom, spoken without consulting him as to -what he should say--in fact, without consulting anybody. As for the -silence of the Liberal Members on the results of the Dissolution, “I -admire,” said Mr. Disraeli, “their taste and feeling. If I had been a -follower of a Parliamentary chief as eminent as the Right Honourable -gentleman, even if I thought he had erred, I should have been disposed -rather to exhibit sympathy than to offer criticism; I should remember -the great victories he had fought and won. I should remember his -illustrious career; its continuous success and splendour; not its -accidental or even disastrous mistakes.” Mr. Gladstone’s frank and -candid statement was a model of dignified simplicity well worthy of -Mr. Disraeli’s chivalrous admiration. The defeated Minister simply -said that his policy of fiscal reorganisation in his judgment could -not be carried save by a Government possessing the full confidence -of the country. The bye-elections--notably the Liberal defeat at -Stroud--during the recess rendered it doubtful if his Administration -possessed this confidence. His appeal to the country confirmed that -doubt. Nay, the verdict of the electors so emphatically declared their -desire to entrust power to the Tory Party, that he felt it his duty to -make way for Mr. Disraeli and his colleagues as soon as possible, and -to afford them every reasonable facility for giving effect to the will -of the people.[69] These chivalrous courtesies foretold a dull Session. -Nor did the statements of Ministers seem promising to the “young -bloods” of the Tory Party, who held it as an axiom that they were -badly led if their leaders did not show them plenty of “sport.” What -did Lord Derby mean, for example, by telling the House of Lords that -Lord Granville had left the Foreign Affairs of the country in the most -satisfactory condition? Had they not all assured their constituents -that he had brought England to such a depth of degradation that there -were now none so poor as do her reverence? What did Mr. Disraeli mean -in moving the Vote of Thanks to the Ashanti troops by praising Mr. -Cardwell for the preparations he made for bringing the war to a speedy -and victorious conclusion? Had they not all declared on the hustings -that the conduct of the war was a model of mismanagement? Moreover, was -it necessary for Lord Salisbury to exhaust the vocabulary of eulogy on -Lord Northbrook for his energy in dealing with the Indian Famine? and -was Mr. Hardy true to his followers and supporters when, on moving the -Army Estimates (30th March), he contradicted every one of the charges -that had been made against Mr. Cardwell, who had been accused of -stopping Volunteering, exhausting stores, wrecking fortifications, and -failing to arm the troops?[70] One passing gleam of hope shot across -the horizon when Mr. Ward Hunt in his speech on the Naval Estimates -stood by the wild and whirling rhetoric of Opposition criticism. He -declared that the Fleet was inefficient, and warned the House he might -need a Supplementary Estimate. Whilst he, at least, remained at the -Admiralty he would not tolerate a “fleet on paper” or “dummy ships.” -But alas! even Mr. Ward Hunt’s alarmist statement vanished in a peal -of laughter when it was discovered that all he asked for to convert -his “paper fleet” into a real one was £100,000! Cynical critics soon -reassured a scared populace. The best proof that the Services had not -been starved or rendered inefficient by Mr. Gladstone’s Administration -was afforded by Sir Stafford Northcote, who made no secret of his -intention to distribute the surplus of £6,000,000 which every one -regarded with hungry eyes. - -The eventful day for the division of the spoil came on the 16th of - -[Illustration: REVIEW IN WINDSOR GREAT PARK OF THE TROOPS FROM THE -ASHANTI WAR: THE MARCH PAST BEFORE THE QUEEN.] - -April, when Sir Stafford Northcote made his statement. In spite of Mr. -Lowe’s remission of taxes, his payment of the _Alabama_ Claims, his -disbursement of £800,000 on the Ashanti War, the year 1873-74 ended -with a surplus in hand of £1,000,000. On the basis of existing taxation -Sir Stafford Northcote for the coming year estimated his revenue at -£77,995,000, to which he added £500,000 from interest on Government -advances for agricultural improvements heretofore added to Exchequer -balances and never reckoned in the revenue. His expenditure was taken -at £72,503,000, so that he had the magnificent surplus of £6,000,000 -to play with. Never did a Finance Minister use a great opportunity -more tamely. With such a sum at his disposal he might have re-cast the -fiscal system of England and won a reputation rivalling that of Peel. -But Northcote had not the heart to climb ambition’s ladder. He pleaded -lack of time as an excuse for attempting no great stroke of financial -policy, and he frittered away his six millions as follows:--He gave -£240,000 in aid of the support of pauper lunatics; £600,000 in aid -of the Police rate; £170,000 in increased local rates on Government -property, and this sum of £1,010,000 was to be raised in succeeding -years by further payments for pauper lunatics to £1,250,000 as an -Imperial subvention to local taxation.[71] He devoted £2,000,000 to -the remission of the Sugar Duties; he took a penny off the Income Tax, -which absorbed £1,540,000, and he remitted the House Duties, which -cost him £480,000. The half-million of interest on loans which he had -included in revenue Sir Stafford Northcote used to create terminable -annuities, which would in eleven years extinguish £7,000,000 of -National Debt. The fault of the Budget was that nothing historic was -done with a surplus such as rarely occurs in the history of a nation. -Even if Sir Stafford Northcote felt unequal to the task of re-casting -the whole financial system, and giving relief to the poorer taxpayers, -he could easily have earned for his Government the enduring gratitude -of the nation. He might, for example, have created terminable annuities -to pay off twenty or thirty millions of National Debt before 1890. - -Mr. Cross’s Licensing Bill was introduced early in May, when the -publicans, who had worked hard to put the Government in power, expected -Mr. Austin Bruce’s restrictions on the hours of opening public-houses -to be swept away. Mr. Cross, however, found that the magistrates and -police, and more respectable inhabitants of every town and parish, -were of opinion that these restrictions had done good. He was, -therefore, forced to disappoint his clients. He left the Sunday hours -untouched. On week-days he fixed the hours for closing at half-past -twelve in London, half-past eleven in populous places, and eleven in -rural districts.[72] He cancelled the permission given by Mr. Bruce -to fifty-four houses to remain open till one in the morning, in order -to provide refreshments for playgoers and theatrical people. Inasmuch -as the Government were at the mercy of the publican vote in a great -many constituencies, the Bill was most creditable to Mr. Cross. It -was, in truth, a Bill not in extension but in further restriction -of the hours of opening, and in passing it he risked giving offence -to Ministerialists who had won their seats under a pledge that the -existing restrictions would be relaxed.[73] - -Quite unexpectedly the Ministry plunged into the stormy sea of -ecclesiastical legislation, and as was hinted at broadly, not without -encouragement from the Queen. This much might also have been inferred -from two facts. The churchmen who had most strongly influenced the -Court in matters of ecclesiastical government were Dr. Tait, the -Archbishop of Canterbury, and Dr. Norman Macleod, Minister of the -Barony Parish in Glasgow. The Bill dealing with the English Church -represented the ideas of Tait. That dealing with the Kirk of Scotland -embodied the policy of Macleod. Indeed, pressure of an unusual -character must have been applied to the Prime Minister to support the -former measure, which he knew only too well must provoke dissensions in -his Cabinet. It was on the 20th of April that Dr. Tait introduced the -Public Worship Regulation Bill in the House of Lords, and the best and -briefest description of it was that which was subsequently given by Mr. -Disraeli, who said, in one of the debates in the House of Commons, that -it was a Bill “to put down Ritualism.” At first Ministers did not give -it warm support, in fact, Lord Salisbury opposed it vigorously. After -it had passed through the House of Lords the fiction that it was a -private Member’s Bill was still kept up, the Second Reading being moved -in the House of Commons by Mr. Russell Gurney. Mr. Hall, the new Tory -member for Oxford, moved an amendment to Mr. Gurney’s motion, and Mr. -Gladstone opposed the measure as an attack on congregational liberties, -which had been consecrated by usage. The three great divisions of the -Established Church, the Evangelical, Broad, and High Church Parties, -had each been allowed a large scope of liberty. Why single out the last -for an invidious assault? Mr. Gladstone, however, did not deny that -some Ritualistic practices were offensive, and he moved six resolutions -which would sufficiently protect congregations from priestly -extravagances, and yet leave the clergy ample freedom in ordering their -church service. These resolutions disintegrated both parties in the -State. Sir William Harcourt led a Liberal revolt against Mr. Gladstone. -The Secretary for War (Mr. Gathorne-Hardy) replied hotly to Sir William -Harcourt’s ultra-Erastian harangue. Mr. Disraeli here cast in his lot -with the supporters of the Bill; which, despite the opposition of Mr. -Hardy, Sir Stafford Northcote, and Lord John Manners, accordingly -became in a few days a Cabinet measure. In the House of Lords matters -grew still more serious. When the House of Commons sent the Bill back -to the Peers, one of Mr. Gladstone’s defeated amendments was speedily -inserted in it, and Lord Salisbury “utterly repudiated the bugbear of a -majority in the House of Commons.” A few days afterwards Mr. Disraeli -replied with caustic humour to the taunts of Lord Salisbury, whom he -ridiculed as “a great master,” so he called him, “of gibes, and flouts, -and sneers.” Still, the Commons accepted the Lords’ Amendments, which -were for the most part in favour of individual freedom, and so the -Bill passed. But Mr. Disraeli paid a great price for his complaisance -to the Court and its confidential ecclesiastical adviser. The High -Church Party, who had ever marched in the van of his supporters, -became disaffected, and in every future electoral contest those of -them who did not fall sulking to the rear went over to the enemy. Mr. -Disraeli’s tactical blunder in identifying his Cabinet with the Public -Worship Regulation Bill of 1874 was notoriously one of the causes of -the collapse of the Tory Party in the General Election of 1880. His -other adventure into the perilous region of ecclesiastical legislation -was not so disastrous to his Party as to the institution it was his -desire to protect and strengthen. In 1869 Dr. Macleod had headed a -deputation which waited on Mr. Gladstone, asking him to abolish lay -Patronage in the Scottish State Church. Mr. Gladstone asked if Macleod -and his colleagues had considered what view was likely to be taken of -the proposal by the other Presbyterian churches of Scotland, “regard -being had to their origin.” This phrase struck the deputation dumb. -It was as if Mr. Gladstone had asked whether they thought it right -that the clergy of the Free Church, who sacrificed their endowments in -1843 because the Party whom the deputation represented successfully -prevented the abolition of lay Patronage, should be ignored now, when -this very Party proposed that the price they agreed to pay for the -enjoyment of their benefices should no longer be exacted. The project, -according to Dr. Macleod, excited no great enthusiasm in Scotland,[74] -but the Courts of the Scottish Established Church supported it -strongly. In 1874 Mr. Disraeli, yielding to pressure, which it was -admittedly difficult to resist, permitted Lord Advocate Gordon to -introduce his Scottish Patronage Bill. It abolished the rights of -lay patrons, and vested presentations to livings in the hands of the -congregations of the Established Church of Scotland. When the patron -was a private individual he was compensated, but when the patronage to -a benefice was held by - -[Illustration: THE BISHOP OF PETERBOROUGH (DR. MAGEE) ADDRESSING THE -HOUSE OF LORDS.] - -a Corporation it was confiscated without compensation. The idea of -the Government was that Presbyterians outside the Established Church -were deterred from joining it by the existence of lay Patronage. When -this was abolished it was supposed that they would immediately go over -to the State Church, whose services they could command gratuitously, -and leave their own pastors, whose stipends they had to pay out of -their own pockets, to starve. Mr. Disraeli did not understand that -lay Patronage, by bringing the Church courts and civil courts into -collision, was merely the occasion and not the cause of the Disruption, -and that what separated the Free Churchmen from the State Church was -a difference of opinion on the relative position of Church and State, -as wide as that which separated Dr. Pusey from an Erastian like Sir -William Harcourt. But the Patronage Bill was passed in spite of Mr. -Gladstone’s opposition, though, like the Public Worship Regulation -Bill, it failed in its object. The congregations of the non-established -Presbyterian churches refused to justify Mr. Disraeli’s cynical -estimate of their character, and therefore did not desert their -pastors. The powerful Free Kirk of Scotland, representing the principle -that the Church should be established and endowed but left free from -State control, had been debarred from joining in the Disestablishment -movement. It now, however, cast in its lot with those Presbyterian -dissenters who clamoured for Disestablishment in Scotland, which -thus for the first time came within the range of practical politics. -Perhaps, if Mr. Disraeli had insisted on the rights of patrons being -transferred to all parishioners his policy might have been more -successful. But by transferring these rights to the congregations -in actual attendance at established churches, he gave the Free -Churchmen a pretext for arguing that he had sectarianised the national -ecclesiastical endowments, and that, therefore, the State Church -could no longer be defended on principle. These endowments were not -sectarianised, but secularised, when controlled by private patrons and -civil courts, for patron and judge could alike be regarded in theory -as legal trustees for the nation. They were bad trustees according to -the Free Churchmen, but then they represented the nation officially, -and did not, like their successors, the congregations of the parish -churches, constitute a sect. - -Academic debates on Parliamentary Reform and Home Rule varied the -monotony of ecclesiastical controversy which Ministers seemed to -take a morbid delight in stirring up. Their next achievement in this -direction led to a defeat. Lord Sandon unexpectedly introduced in -July an Endowed Schools Bill, which virtually undid the work of -1869. It restored the ascendency of the Church of England in Grammar -Schools, and substituted the authority of the Charity Commissioners -for that of the Endowed Schools Commission. The Bill would probably -have done much to conciliate the clergy who had been offended by the -Public Worship Regulation Act, but, on the other hand, it closed the -ranks of the Opposition, and recalled the Dissenters to the Liberal -colours. The result was that, after fierce controversy in both Houses, -Mr. Disraeli professed himself satisfied with the appointment of the -Charity Commission to superintend the working of Mr. Forster’s Act, -and postponed the contentious clauses till the following year. They -were never heard of again. Mr. Stansfeld’s Rating Bill, which the Lords -had rejected in the previous Session, was adopted by the Ministry and -passed. Mr. Mundella’s Bill for consolidating the Factory Acts, which -had been shelved in 1873, was adopted by Mr. Cross and carried. - -The popular verdict on the Ministry, when the Session closed on the -8th of August, was, that as administrators they had done nothing -brilliant, and as legislators they were timidly reactionary, when -they did not adopt the ideas and measures of their predecessors. The -Premier, perhaps, suffered most in reputation. It was impossible to -admire the strategy that brought into prominence Church questions -which divided his Cabinet, and were uninteresting to the populace, or -which, like the Endowed Schools Bill, when they were of great popular -interest, were dealt with in an offensively reactionary spirit. On the -other hand, the success with which the famine in Bengal and Behar was -arrested, and indeed the whole tone of the administration at the India -Office, greatly increased Lord Salisbury’s _prestige_. Lord Carnarvon’s -management of the Colonies was sympathetic and popular. Foreign affairs -had been conducted by Lord Derby with admirable prudence. This was -aptly illustrated by his skill in avoiding entangling engagements -committing England to approve of changes in international law which -would have greatly extended the powers of invading armies in an enemy’s -country. These changes were proposed at a Conference at Brussels, which -had been promoted by Russia and Germany ostensibly to mitigate the -evils of modern warfare. - -Only one cloud shadowed the Foreign policy of the Cabinet during this -uneventful year. The contest between Prince Bismarck and the Roman -Catholic Church was raging in Germany, and the personal rivalry of the -German Chancellor and Count Harry Arnim--who had been German Ambassador -at Paris--had ended in the arrest of the latter on the charge of -embezzling State documents. This arrest had been effected after Count -Harry Arnim’s house had been ransacked by the police, and the Continent -rang with the scandal. Mr. Disraeli, at the Lord Mayor’s Banquet, on -the 9th of November, congratulated the country on the Conservatism of -the British working classes, who, he said, enjoyed so many liberties -that they were naturally loyal to the institutions under which their -freedom was safeguarded. “They are not,” said he, “afraid of political -arrests or domiciliary visits.” The Queen was somewhat pained at an -utterance which the German Government regarded as an impertinent -interference with its domestic affairs, but a few days afterwards the -wrath of Prince Bismarck was appeased by an official explanation in the -Times to the effect that Mr. Disraeli had not meant to refer to the -affairs of Germany, or to the arbitrary conduct of the Berlin police. -In this unfortunate speech Mr. Disraeli, however, struck a popular -note when he referred to the extension of the Empire by the annexation -of the Fiji islands, in terms that foreshadowed a policy of Colonial -expansion. - -As for the Opposition, it remained in a state of disorganisation, under -Mr. Gladstone’s desultory leadership. Its prospects were not improved -by his publication of two pamphlets, in which he attacked what he -called “Vaticanism,” and attempted to prove that good Catholics, who -were mostly Liberals, must be incapable of reasoning, if they were not -traitors. That was the sum and substance of his amazing tirades against -the extravagant pretensions of the Papacy under Pius IX. - -During the year the Queen seldom appeared in public, which was, -perhaps, one reason why a marked deterioration in the moral tone -of society was discernible. A curious languor crept over the upper -classes. They were consumed with a quenchless thirst for amusement, -and the genius who could have invented a new pleasure would have had -the world at his feet. Frivolity seemed to prey like a cancer on the -vitality of the nation. When the Prince of Wales gave a State Fancy -Ball in July, the _Times_ actually devoted three columns of space -to an elaborate description of the dresses. Sport became a serious -business to all classes of society, and even grave and earnest men -of affairs like Mr. Gladstone wasted their lives in the laborious -idleness of ecclesiastical controversies. The more vigorous youth of -the aristocracy now began to make their “grand tour,” not as did their -ancestors to study foreign affairs and institutions, but merely to -kill big game. Fashionable life became so costly that rents had to be -exacted with unusual rigour, and the strikes among the agricultural -labourers that mitigated the advantages of a good harvest, were -accordingly spoken of in West End drawing-rooms as if they had revived -the horrors of the _Jacquerie_. Though prices had begun to fall, the -mercantile classes vied with the aristocracy in the ostentatious -extravagance of their personal expenditure, and in the City the old -and substantial Princes of Commerce were pushed aside by gamblers who -termed themselves “financial agents,” and who had suddenly grown -rich by “placing” Foreign Loans and floating fabulously successful -Joint-Stock Companies. The pace of life was too rapid even for the -Prince of Wales, whose financial embarrassments during a dull autumn -formed the subject of some discussion. It was publicly stated that he -had incurred liabilities to the extent of £600,000, and that the Queen, -disgusted with Mr. Gladstone’s refusal to apply to Parliament for -money to discharge them, had paid them herself. From what has already -been said on this delicate subject it is hardly necessary to point -out here that this statement was not quite accurate. It was true that -the debts of the Heir Apparent amounted to one-third of his income, -but it was equally true that on the 1st of October his Controller’s -audit showed that he had a balance to his credit sufficient to meet -them. At the same time there could be no doubt that the Prince’s -expenditure far exceeded his resources, for sums varying from £10,000 -to £20,000, taken from the great fund accumulated for him by the -Prince Consort’s thrifty administration of the revenues of the Duchy of -Cornwall, were sacrificed every year to prevent his debts from becoming -unmanageable.[75] - -His brothers were more fortunately situated. Prince Arthur, who had -been created, in May, Duke of Connaught and Strathearn and Earl of -Sussex,[76] was able to devote himself quietly to his military studies, -and lead a life of dignified simplicity. “Many thanks,” writes the -Princess Louis of Hesse to the Queen (May 4th, 1874), “for your last -dear letter, written on dear Arthur’s birthday, of which, though late, -I wrote you joy. Such a good, steady, excellent boy as he is! What a -comfort it must be to you never to have had any cause of uneasiness or -annoyance in his conduct! He is so much respected, which for one so -young is doubly praiseworthy. From St. Petersburg, as from Vienna, we -heard the same account of the steady line he - -[Illustration: ALEXANDER II., CZAR OF RUSSIA.] - -holds to, in spite of all chaffing, &c., from others, which shows -character.”[77] Prince Leopold was equally fortunate; indeed, his -delicate health would of itself have compelled him to shun the -exhausting gaieties of London seasons, when Society was worn out with -_ennui_ every year ere the rosebuds burst into bloom. When Parliament -voted him an income of £15,000 a year, Mr. Disraeli described Prince -Leopold as an invalid student of “no common order,” and to the Queen -it was an increasing source of delight to watch in her youngest son -the growth of the same pensive nature, the same studious habits, and -the same refined and cultured tastes which, in the Prince Consort, -Mr. Disraeli averred somewhat effusively, “gave a new impulse to our -civilisation.” - -With the exception of the grant to the Duke of Edinburgh on his -marriage, this was the only Royal grant voted by Parliament which -was not made a matter of controversy. But it must be noted that in -1874 the spirit of Republicanism in the country was almost dead. -Mr. Chamberlain, by his writings and speeches, made an ineffectual -effort to keep it alive, but even he had to bow his austere knee to -the popular idols of the time, who were undoubtedly the Prince and -Princess of Wales. As if to throw out a jaunty challenge to the enemies -of the Monarchy, the Prince and Princess paid a visit to Birmingham -in November, where it was the duty of Mr. Chamberlain as Mayor to -receive them, and where they met with a welcome from the populace, the -significance of which he was quick to recognise. Mr. Chamberlain, who -had not been expected to make pleasant speeches to his guests, behaved -to them with the tact of an astute if not an accomplished courtier. -His undisguised appreciation of the Prince’s visit to his mansion, -and of the Princess’s delight in his conservatories, famed for their -priceless exotics, recalled the devotion of the Lady Margaret Bellenden -in “Old Mortality,” when Charles II. accepted the hospitalities of her -castle. - -One marked feature of the London season in 1874 was the sudden -withdrawal of the Duchess of Edinburgh from Court ceremonials. An -attempt was made to account for this by explaining that as her Royal -and Imperial Highness was expecting to become a mother she deemed her -retirement from Society necessary.[78] According to statements current -at the time, however, her absence was due not exactly to a dispute, -but to a difficulty about her precedence, which must have considerably -embarrassed the Queen. As the daughter of a powerful Emperor, the -Duchess of Edinburgh not unnaturally thought that she had a right to -take precedence of the Princess of Wales, who was but the daughter -of a petty king. An Imperial Highness should, in her opinion, take -precedence of a Royal Highness. On the other hand, it was intolerable -to the English people that even by implication should the inferiority -of the English Monarchy to that of any Imperial House in Europe be -recognised--in fact, the kings of England had never admitted that any -of the Continental Emperors had a title to precedence over them. The -country, therefore, heard with interest a report that the Russian Czar -was about to come to England, not merely to visit his daughter, but -if possible to settle with the Queen the question of precedence that -had disturbed her family. Her Majesty was understood to be willing -to assent to any arrangement which did not confer on the wife of her -second son, the right to take precedence over the wife of the Heir -Apparent, and so matters stood when the Czar arrived at Dover on the -13th of May. He was received with the utmost cordiality by the Queen -in person at Windsor. The first effect of his visit was to replace -the Duchess of Edinburgh in the _Court Circular_ among the ladies of -the Royal Family next to the Princess of Wales, and to cause her to -be described as “Her Royal _and Imperial Highness_ the Duchess of -Edinburgh (Grand Duchess of Russia).”[79] The Czar was well received by -the people, among whom he was popular as the Liberator of the Serfs, -and after a dreary week of sightseeing and State banquets, he left -England on the 22nd of May. - -On the 30th of March the Queen proceeded to Windsor Great Park to -review the troops who had been engaged in the Ashanti War. The force, -2,000 in number, went through their evolutions in gallant style, and -her Majesty with her own hands awarded the Victoria Cross to Lord -Gifford for personal bravery in the campaign. On the 13th of April the -Queen also inspected the sailors and marines of the Royal Navy who had -fought in the Ashanti War. The review took place at Gosport, and many -of the officers were, by the Queen’s desire, personally presented to -her. - -The controversy then raging over Vivisection seemed to have interested -her Majesty greatly, for at the Jubilee meeting of the Society for the -Prevention of Cruelty to Animals there was read a letter written by Sir -Thomas Biddulph by the Queen’s instructions, which ran as follows:-- - - “MY DEAR LORD,--The Queen has commanded me to address you, as - President of the Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals, - on the occasion of the assembly in this country of the foreign - delegates connected with your association and of the Jubilee of - the Society, to request you to give expression publicly to her - Majesty’s warm interest in the success of the efforts which are - being made at home and abroad for the purpose of diminishing the - cruelties practised on dumb animals. The Queen hears and reads - with horror of the sufferings which the brute creation often - undergo from the thoughtlessness of the ignorant, and she fears - also sometimes from experiments in the pursuit of science. For - the removal of the former the Queen trusts much to the progress - of education, and in regard to the pursuit of science, she hopes - that the entire advantage of those anæsthetic discoveries, from - which man has derived so much benefit himself in the alleviation of - suffering, may be fully extended to the lower animals. Her Majesty - rejoices that the Society awakens the interest of the young by the - presentation of prizes for essays connected with the subject, and - hears with gratification that her son and daughter-in-law have - shown their interest by distributing the prizes. Her Majesty begs - to announce a donation of £100 to the funds of the Society.” - -On the 23rd of November her Majesty was present, with the Empress of -Russia, the Prince and Princess of Wales, and other members of the -Royal Family, at the christening of the infant son of the Duke and -Duchess of Edinburgh--Prince Alfred of Edinburgh; and on the 3rd of -December she received a deputation from France to present her with an -Address of thanks for services rendered by Englishmen to the sick and -wounded in the war of 1870-71. The Address was contained in four large -volumes, which were placed on a table for the purpose of being shown -to her Majesty. M. d’Agiout and Comte Serrurier explained the nature -of their contents. Having accepted the volumes, the Queen said to the -deputation in French, “I accept with pleasure the volumes which you -have presented, and which will be carefully preserved by me as records -of the interesting historical events which they commemorate. They are -beautiful as works of art, but their chief value in my eyes is that -they form a permanent memorial of the gratitude of the French people -for services freely and spontaneously rendered to them by Englishmen -acting under a simple impulse of humanity. Your recognition of those -services cannot fail to be appreciated by my subjects, and it will -increase the friendly and cordial feeling which I am happy to believe -exists between the two nations.” The volumes were placed in the British -Museum. - -[Illustration: THE ALBERT MEMORIAL CHAPEL, WINDSOR. - -(_From a Photograph by G. W. Wilson and Co._)] - -On the 3rd of December her Majesty at Windsor personally presented -several seamen and marines with the medals which they had won for -conspicuous gallantry in the Ashanti War. A few days after this -ceremony the attention of the country was absorbed in the first volume -of the biography of the Prince Consort, which had been compiled with -sedulous care, delicate tact, and refined feeling by Mr. (afterwards -Sir) Theodore Martin. The verdict of the public was one of immediate -and unreserved approval. They were delighted with Mr. Martin’s -idyllic picture of Prince Albert’s domestic life, and of the tender -companionship in which he and the Queen lived lovingly together. -Glimpses, too, of the Queen’s own strength of character and of her -shrewd judgment in politics, such as, for example, her letters and -memoranda on the affair of the Spanish marriages, and her keenly-etched -portrait of the Czar Nicholas after his visit in 1844, suggested very -plainly that the Sovereign was not exactly a cipher in the State. If in -some of its lines Mr. Martin’s portrait recalled memories of William -III., it reminded the people that, like William III., the Prince, -though unable from his intellectual detachment to inspire the people -with love, won their confidence and respect through his unpretending, -but unswerving fidelity to the interests of his adopted country. But -the frankness and absence of reserve with which the book was written -displeased a few of the Queen’s foreign relatives; indeed, this feature -of the biography had been commented on by some who thought it was -derogatory to the dignity of the Royal Caste. The Princess Louis of -Hesse, if she did not share this opinion, felt it her duty to convey it -to the Queen. In a letter to her mother at the beginning of 1875, the -Princess says, “It is touching and fine in you to allow the world to -have so much insight into your private life, and allow others to have -what has been only _your_ property, and _our_ inheritance.... For the -frivolous higher classes how valuable this book will be if read with -real attention, as a record of a life spent in the highest aims, with -the noblest conception of duty as a leading star.” To this letter the -Queen replied from Osborne, 12th of January, 1875:--“If,” she wrote, -“you will reflect a few minutes, you will see how I owed it to beloved -papa to let his noble character be known and understood, as it now is, -and that to wait longer when those who knew him best--his own wife, and -a few (very few there are) remaining friends--were all gone, or too -old and too far removed from that time, to be able to present a really -true picture of his most ideal and remarkable character, would have -been really wrong. He must be known for his own sake, for the good of -England and of his family, and of the world at large. Countless people -write to say what good it does and will do. And it is already thirteen -years since he left us! Then you must also remember that endless false -and untrue things have been said about us, public and private, and that -in these days people will write and will know; therefore the only way -to counteract this is to let the real full truth be known, and as much -be told as can be told with prudence and discretion, and then no harm, -but good, will be done. Nothing will help me more than that my people -should know what I have lost!... The ‘Early Years’ volume was begun -for private circulation only, and then General Grey and many of papa’s -friends and advisers begged me to have it published. This was done. -The work was most popular, and greatly liked. General Grey could not -go on with it, and asked me to ask Sir A. Helps to continue it; and he -said that he could not, but recommended Mr. Theodore Martin as one of -the most eminent writers of the day, and hoped I could prevail on him -to undertake this great national work. I did succeed, and he has taken -seven years to prepare the whole, supplied by me with every letter and -extract; and a deal of time it took, but I felt it would be a national -sacred work.” - - - - -CHAPTER XX. - -EMPRESS OF INDIA. - - Mr. Disraeli recognises Intellect--Lord Hartington Liberal - Leader--The Queen’s Speech--Lord Hartington’s “Grotesque - Reminiscences”--Mr. Cross’s Labour Bills--The Artisans’ - Dwellings Act--Mr. Plimsoll and the “Ship-knackers”--Lord - Hartington’s First “Hit”--The Plimsoll Agitation--Surrender of - the Cabinet--“Strangers” in the House--The Budget--Rise of Mr. - Biggar--First Appearance of Mr. Parnell--The Fugitive Slave - Circular--The Sinking of the Yacht _Mistletoe_--The Loss of the - _Vanguard_--Purchase of the Suez Canal Shares--The Prince of - Wales’s Visit to India--Resignation of Lord Northbrook--Appointment - of Lord Lytton as Viceroy of India--Outbreak of the Eastern - Question--The Andrassy Note--The Berlin Memorandum--Murder of - French and German Consuls at Salonica--Lord Derby Rejects the - Berlin Memorandum--Servia Declares War on Turkey--The Bulgarian - Revolt Quenched in Blood--The Sultan Dethroned--Opening of - Parliament--“Sea-sick of the Silver Streak”--Debates on the - Eastern Question--Development of Obstruction by Mr. Biggar and Mr. - Parnell--The Royal Titles Bill--Lord Shaftesbury and the Queen--The - Queen at Whitechapel--A Doleful Budget--Mr. Disraeli becomes Earl - of Beaconsfield--The Prince Consort’s Memorial at Edinburgh--Mr. - Gladstone and the Eastern Question--The Servian War--The - Constantinople Conference--The Tories Manufacture Failure for Lord - Salisbury--Death of Lady Augusta Stanley--Proclamation of the Queen - as Empress at Delhi. - - -The year 1875 opened less gloomily for the Ministry than for the -Opposition. Mr. Disraeli had sanctioned the despatch of a Polar -Expedition, and in a curious letter, since published by Mr. Froude, he -had tendered Mr. Carlyle the Grand Cross of the Bath on the ground that -“a Government should recognise Intellect.”[80] He had also offered Mr. -Tennyson--“if not a great poet, a real one,” to use his own phrase--a -baronetcy. Both offers had been refused, but the scientific and -literary classes--potent agencies for influencing public opinion--sang -loud the praises of a Ministry that was so obviously in sympathy with -them. As for the Opposition, Mr. Gladstone’s definite refusal to lead -them any longer, compelled them to elect a successor, whereupon an -infinite amount of dissension, heartburning, and jealousy was stirred -up in their ranks. Mr. Goschen, Sir William Harcourt, and Mr. W. E. -Forster were the candidates who had most partisans, and the last was -undoubtedly the one on whom the public choice would have fallen, if -the public had been permitted to arbitrate between the rivals. The -Nonconformists, however, had not yet forgiven Mr. Forster, and Mr. -Bright put him out of the field by using his powerful influence in -favour of Lord Hartington, who was finally selected. According to one -of the ablest of Liberal political critics, Lord Hartington “succeeded -in making the whole party content, if not enthusiastic, with their -choice.”[81] Lord Hartington had, in the course of the Session, -virtually nothing to do, and, like the Peers in Mr. Gilbert’s opera, -he “did it very well.” The Queen’s Speech outlined a temperately -progressive policy, and when the Opposition leader taunted Ministers -with failing to carry out the scheme of reaction to which they stood -pledged on the hustings and in the Conservative Press, Mr. Disraeli, -with demure gaiety, protested against his “grotesque reminiscences.” -Lord Hartington, he complained, sought out “the most violent speeches -made by the most uninfluential persons in the most obscure places, -and the most absurd articles appearing in the dullest and most -uninfluential newspapers,” and took these as the opinions of “the great -Conservative Party.”[82] The opinions of the Conservative Ministry, he -added, were now expressed from the front Ministerial Bench, and for -these alone did he hold himself responsible. - -Mr. Cross was the popular Minister of the Session. His Artisans’ -Dwellings Bill embodied a resolution which Mr. U. Kay-Shuttleworth and -Sir Sidney Waterlow had induced Mr. Gladstone’s Government to accept, -and though in practice it proved disastrous to local ratepayers, it was -taken as a kindly recognition of claims which Liberal Cabinets had too -often ignored.[83] Mr. Cross was much more successful with his Labour -Bills, drafts of which, it was said, had been prepared by Mr. Lowe. The -Home Secretary had framed his Bills to conciliate Tory members who had -eloquently denounced Trades Unions during the General Election. But -in Committee he accepted amendments which removed from the law every -trace of the evil spirit that punished breach of contract by a workman, -not as a civil offence, but as a crime. Though he fought hard against -the repeal of the Criminal Law Amendment Act, he finally surrendered -to Mr. Lowe, and not only accepted his definition of “molestation” or -“picketing,” but further agreed to his proposal to make that offence -punishable when committed by anybody--be he master or servant. The -growth of a Conservative spirit among the Trades Unions dates from the -passing of Mr. Cross’s Employers and Workmen Bill, and his Conspiracy -Bill. Mr. Gathorne-Hardy’s Regimental Exchanges Bill was a reactionary -concession to “the Colonels,” for it gave rich officers facilities for -bribing poor ones to relieve them from arduous foreign service. Lord -Cairns, however, did much more harm to the Government by withdrawing -his Judicature Bill under the menaces of a secret Junta of Peers, -headed by the Duke of Buccleuch, who had resolved to restore to the -House of Lords its Appellate Jurisdiction. Whilst independent Peers -protested against this course as a slight to the Upper House, the -country considered that it indicated a deplorable want of courage. For -when Lord Cairns’ new Bill, postponing till the 1st of November, 1886, -the provisions of Lord Selborne’s Act (1873),[84] and establishing -an Intermediate Court of Appeal as a kind of judicial makeshift, -came before the House of Commons, Sir John Holker, with indiscreet -frankness, explained why the Government had dropped their own measure. -The Peers, he said, meant to retain their jurisdiction in spite of the -House of Commons, and it was, therefore, futile to resist them. This -admission that the Cabinet, which ought to be responsible only to the -Queen and to Parliament, was really controlled by a small caucus of -Peers, whose very names were kept secret, was one which Government -could now-a-days survive. The Bill, however, passed before the Session -closed. - -[Illustration: MR. PLIMSOLL ADDRESSING THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.] - -Ministers also lost much of their popularity through Mr. Disraeli’s -tenderness towards owners of unseaworthy ships. Mr. Plimsoll had stirred - -[Illustration: THE MARQUIS OF HARTINGTON. - -(_From a Photograph by Russell and Sons._)] - -up public opinion against the “ship-knackers,” as he called them, who, -having over-insured vessels that were rotten, sent them away to founder -at sea with their crews, and then put the insurance money in their -pockets. The Board of Trade had rather frowned on his efforts to get -it to detain unseaworthy ships for survey, but in deference to popular -pressure the Government had promised to bring in a Merchant Shipping -Bill to check the evil which Mr. Plimsoll had discovered and denounced. -The Bill was read a second time in the Commons without opposition, -and it was one in which the Queen was said to be as much interested -as Mr. Plimsoll himself. But Mr. Disraeli had brought forward a -measure permitting farmers to receive compensation for unexhausted -improvements, and enabling landlords to deny them this compensation -by contracting themselves out of the Bill. He had contrived to get -Government business into confusion by trying to push on Ministerial -measures abreast instead of in single file, and in a fatal moment -he shelved the Merchant Shipping Bill, in order to make way for the -perfectly worthless Agricultural Holdings Bill. He announced the fact -on the 22nd of July, when Mr. Goschen entered a mild protest. - -Mr. Plimsoll, however, rose quivering with rage and passion, and -moved the adjournment of the House. He not only protested against the -Government postponing a Bill that interfered with “the unhallowed -gains” of the “shipknackers,” but said that some of them sat in the -House, and mentioned by name one of “the villains” he was determined -to “unmask.” In vain the Speaker called him to order. Louder and -louder grew the turmoil, and in the midst of it Mr. Disraeli grew -visibly pale when Mr. Plimsoll rushed up the floor of the House with -his clenched fist extended in front of him. However, he did not strike -the Premier or Sir Charles Adderley--who was officially in charge of -the Bill--as had been dreaded. He merely stood on one leg, placed a -written protest on the table, and then, having shaken his fist in the -Speaker’s face, marched out of the Chamber amidst a scene of terrible -disorder. Mr. Disraeli lost his temper and, with it, touch of the -House for a moment. In angry accents he moved that Mr. Plimsoll be -reprimanded there and then, whereupon the Speaker interfered, and -said that before a motion of that sort could be put Mr. Plimsoll, -who was now standing below the bar, must be heard in his place. Mr. -Plimsoll, however, preferred immediate withdrawal, and the House was -on the eve of entering into conflict with a defiant Member, supported -by an irresistible force of democratic passion in the country, a -conflict from which it must have emerged with impaired authority, -when suddenly Lord Hartington came to the rescue. His frigid accents, -in strong contrast with Mr. Disraeli’s tremulous tones of wrath, -immediately cooled the temper of the House. Mr. Plimsoll was, said -Lord Hartington, merely suffering from “overstrain acting on a very -sensitive temperament, and before taking any strong measures against -a man so universally respected, it would be more consonant with the -dignity of the House to give him reasonable time to put himself right.” -Mr. Disraeli instantly saw that Lord Hartington’s phlegmatic sense -had suggested the course that would extricate him from the dangerous -position into which he was leading the House, and he consented to -adjourn the matter for a week. Mr. Plimsoll made an honourable apology -to the Speaker, and the matter ended happily, but the incident, to the -gratification of the country, revealed in Lord Hartington a capacity -for cool and adroit leadership, the existence of which had hitherto -been unsuspected. The day after the scene in the House of Commons a -storm of agitation broke over the country on behalf of Mr. Plimsoll. -From every constituency remonstrances couched in terms of strong -indignation poured in upon the House of Commons. Tory Members warned -the Whips that they did not dare to run athwart the wave of passion -that swept over the land. The Cabinet accordingly held a meeting in a -panic, and resolved to bring in a temporary Bill empowering the Board -of Trade to detain rotten ships and to prohibit grain cargoes from -being carried in bulk. The measure was passed, even the Peers shrinking -from the responsibility of rejecting it. - -Another blunder damaged Mr. Disraeli’s leadership. In April Mr. Charles -Lewis moved that the printer of the _Times_ be summoned to the Bar -and dealt with for printing a letter reflecting on a Member of the -House of Commons, in a report of evidence given before the Foreign -Loans Committee. It was an attempt to carry out the old Standing -Order, which made it an offence for newspapers to report Parliamentary -proceedings. Mr. Disraeli first spoke against the motion, and then -voted for it. It was carried. But next day he moved that the Order be -discharged, and when Mr. Sullivan asked him if he intended to put the -relations of the Press and Parliament on a less anomalous footing, he -answered “No.” Thereupon Mr. Sullivan warned him he would insist on -carrying out the ridiculous old Standing Order, and clearing the House -of reporters every night till Mr. Disraeli yielded. Lord Hartington -induced Mr. Sullivan to refrain, but Mr. Biggar next stepped in, and -with elfish humour, one night when the Prince of Wales was listening -to a debate, rose and said he “espied strangers in the House,” which -was duly cleared of every one--including the Prince--save Members. The -two leaders then carried a motion suspending the ridiculous Order for -that evening. Mr. Disraeli, however, still refused to alter the rule or -accept a proposal from Lord Hartington for altering it. Mr. Sullivan -accordingly retorted by again “espying strangers,” clearing the -House, and compelling the Government to adjourn an important debate. -Mr. Disraeli now saw he had no choice but to surrender. He therefore -carried a new Standing Order, enabling the Speaker to exclude strangers -when he saw fit, but submitting the attempt of a private Member to -clear the House, to the check of an immediate and undebateable vote. - -Sir Stafford Northcote’s Budget was ominous of hard times coming. -Prices were beginning to fall, and unsound Foreign Loans, in which -rich people had invested, were beginning to collapse. Sir Stafford -Northcote, therefore, though he received half a million more revenue -than he expected, wisely made no sanguine estimate for the ensuing -year. His anticipated expenditure he put at £75,268,000, an increase of -£939,000, and his revenue at £75,685,000, showing a probable surplus -of £417,000, which was ultimately converted by supplementary estimates -into an estimated deficit of £300,000--a bad contrast to the miraculous -surplus of £6,000,000, which in the previous year he inherited from Mr. -Gladstone. There was no special feature in the Budget, save the scheme -fixing the charge for the paying up the interest and the principal -of the National Debt in future at £28,000,000 a year, and making it -obligatory to meet this sum before any surplus could be declared. It -was, in fact, a plan for establishing a rigid Sinking Fund to discharge -the National Debt, and though it was popular at the time, it failed, as -all such plans fail, because whenever a difficulty arises Ministers of -Finance always confiscate a Sinking Fund in preference to imposing new -taxes. - -[Illustration: ABERGELDIE CASTLE. - -(_From a Photograph by G. W. Wilson and Co._)] - -Ireland, represented by the new National Party, under Mr. Butt, -gained little during 1875, but she gained something. Under a Liberal -Government half the Home Rule Party could have been bribed by places -into silence. But an ostentatiously hostile Tory Ministry could -not offer them places, and yet they had to be quieted somehow, for -the Irish people had by this time lost faith in their insincere -Parliamentary action. Fenian agents were telling the Irish peasantry -that they could expect no concessions unless they extorted them by -revolution. The Government, accordingly, relaxed the existing Coercion -Acts, and the debate on one of these--the Westmeath Act--was, on -the 22nd of April, 1875, rendered historic by the intervention of -Mr. Biggar, who talked against time for five hours, by the simple -device of reading long extracts from Blue Books.[85] Shortly after -this feat, Mr. Charles Stewart Parnell, a young Wicklow squire, who -had been educated at Cambridge, and was notable for his shyness, his -aristocratic reserve, and his faltering and confused speech, took -his seat as Member for Meath, in succession to John Martin, who had -died. Nothing was known of him save that he had the reputation of -being a Protestant landlord who was on good terms with his tenants, -that from his mother--a daughter of the celebrated Commodore Stewart -of the United States Navy--he had inherited Republican ideas, that he -was a lover of field sports, and that he was a cadet of the family of -which his great-grandfather, Sir John Parnell, Chancellor of the Irish -Exchequer in 1782, was a distinguished member, and the head of which -was the present Lord Congleton. That his beautiful estate of Avondale -was heavily mortgaged was _not_ regarded as noteworthy. Mr. Joseph -Gillies Biggar, whose quaint b_ourgeois_ humour had already made him, -if not the favourite, at least one of the privileged “diversions” -of the House, and who was destined to be Mr. Parnell’s coadjutor -in organising the largest and most powerful Irish National Party of -the Victorian period, was a prosperous provision-dealer, of Scottish -extraction, trading in Belfast. His experience of affairs had been -gained as Chairman of the local Water Board. - -Parliament was prorogued peacefully on the 13th of August, and, on the -whole, Ministers emerged from the Session with credit. Mr. Disraeli’s -bright wit, his cheerful temper, and his airy jocularity in meeting -serious attacks, recalled pleasant memories of Lord Palmerston, and -tempted the House to forget his occasional blunders as its Leader. The -Recess, however, brought serious peril to his Cabinet--peril which, -however, it had done little to deserve. In the middle of September -it was discovered that the Foreign Office had induced the Admiralty -to issue a Fugitive Slave Circular to naval officers. They were told -they must not receive fugitive slaves in territorial waters unless -their lives were in danger. If the fugitive slave came on board a -British ship in territorial waters, he was not to remain if it were -proved he were a slave. If received on the high seas, he must be -surrendered when the ship came within the territorial waters of the -country from which he had escaped. The Circular, in fact, defined the -legal obligations under which British ships of war must logically lie -if they chose to enter the territorial waters of slave States, with -which England was not at war. It was a Circular embodying regulations -on which every Liberal Minister had habitually acted, but the Liberal -Party immediately proceeded to make political capital out of it. An -agitation as fierce as that which was caused by the abandonment of the -Merchant Shipping Bill sprang up, and Lord Derby, at whose instance -the Admiralty issued the Circular, was accused of attempting to commit -England to a furtive partnership with slave-owners. The most that -could be said in fairness against the document was that it was so -badly drafted as to imply that the deck of a Queen’s ship was subject -to foreign jurisdiction. Moreover, the order to surrender a fugitive -slave who had taken refuge on a Queen’s ship on the high seas, was so -completely indefensible that Lord Derby himself struck it out of the -second edition of his Circular. He might as well have ordered a British -Consul in Rio to arrest and surrender a Brazilian slave who, having -gained freedom by escaping to English soil, had afterwards returned -to that port. Till Parliament met in 1876, the country rang with the -inflated protests of Liberal partisans against the amended Circular, -which was published after the original one had been suspended in -October, and cancelled in November. - -But the issue and publication of the Slave Circular was not the only -blunder at the Admiralty that rendered the Government unpopular during -the Recess. They were guilty of one which gave the Queen the utmost -annoyance. When she was crossing the Solent from Osborne to Gosport -on the 18th of August her yacht ran down another yacht called the -_Mistletoe_. The owner (Mr. Heywood) and his sisters-in-law, Miss -Annie Peel and Miss Eleanor Peel, were on board, and, though the -last-named was rescued, Miss Annie Peel and the sailing-master were -drowned. The Queen happened to be on deck, and her emotion during the -scene was painful to witness. The Prince of Leiningen, as commander -of the Royal yacht, was blamed by the people for the catastrophe, -and unfortunately the Admiralty not only refused to try him by -court-martial, but, after a secret inquiry, condemned the navigating -officer. This roused public wrath, and it was ungenerously alleged -that the Queen had forced a servile Minister to protect her nephew -from just punishment. The fact is, as a subsequent case showed, the -Admiralty merely followed the stereotyped rule, which, in those days, -was to punish subordinate officers for the blunders of their superiors. -It used to be asked, What was a navigating officer on board a Queen’s -ship for, unless to take his captain’s punishment? Unfortunately for -the Prince of Leiningen, there was a tribunal from which he could not -escape--the coroner’s inquest on the bodies of those for whose death -he was morally responsible. The evidence given before the coroner -still further exasperated the ill-feeling which had been roused. -Yachtsmen--proverbially a loyal body of men--were irritated at the -tone of a letter addressed to the president of the Cowes Yacht Club -(the Marquis of Exeter), in which General Ponsonby expressed the -Queen’s wish that in future members of the Club would not approach too -closely to the Royal yacht when the Queen was on board. The insinuation -contained in this document and assumption that no blame rested on the -officers of the _Alberta_, provoked yachtsmen in every club in Great -Britain to retort that, in their painful experience, the Queen’s yachts -were navigated in the Solent with a disregard of the “rules of the -road” which rendered them a constituted nuisance. - -In this particular instance the Royal yacht had been driven at the -rate of seventeen miles an hour, and the Prince of Leiningen and -his subordinates had paid no attention to the Board of Trade rule -which makes it the duty of a steamer to get well out of the way of -a sailing-vessel. The quartermasters of the yacht, too, gave their -evidence in a manner which not only cast suspicion on their testimony, -but suggested that they stood in terror of their officers. A letter -which the Queen wrote to her nephew expressing her satisfaction -with their conduct, was moreover taken to be an attempt to unduly -influence the Coroner’s Court. The first jury did not agree on a -verdict, and the outcry about the Queen’s letter was so loud that -the case had to be tried again. The Queen had for a moment forgotten -that the vast influence which she had acquired during her reign -rendered it imperative for her to be silent on all matters of -controversy--especially if they were under judicial investigation. -She forgot that the mere expression of her individual opinion gave -an advantage to one side in a dispute, the extent of which she -herself had clearly never dreamt of--an advantage so great, that it -bore unfairly against the side that had not got it. The second jury, -however, brought in a verdict of “Accidental Death,” and condemned the -officers of the Royal yacht (1), for steaming at too high a speed, -and (2), for keeping a bad look-out. The verdict was quite illogical. -If the look-out on the _Alberta_ was bad and her speed too high, and -if, as was proved, her officer had violated the rule of the road, the -verdict ought to have been one of Manslaughter. But no further steps -were taken to do justice. Mr. Anderson brought the case before the -House of Commons, and though he was defeated in his effort to make the -Government move in the affair, he created a great stir in the country, -by declaring that public funds had been used as hush-money to prevent -further inquiry.[86] So far as the verdict of the jury went, demanding -that the Royal yachts should steam at less speed in the Solent, it was -absurd. State business often forces the Queen and her messengers and -Ministers to travel fast. What the jury should have recommended was a -new rule of the road, to the effect that everything must make way on -the water for a yacht flying the Sovereign’s personal flag. - -The other blunder of the Admiralty arose out of an inquiry into the -loss of two ironclads off the Wicklow coast. On the night of the 1st -of September the _Iron Duke_ rammed and sank the _Vanguard_. There was -a fog at the time, and the captain of the _Vanguard_ left the deck at -the moment of greatest peril, and was stupid enough to reduce speed -for no discernible reason without warning the _Iron Duke_, which was -coming behind him. The captain of the _Iron Duke_ was stupid enough to -increase her speed in the fog, and she was not only badly steered, but -her fog-signal was not blown. Had they been employed in the merchant -service these two officers would have been subjected to the severest -punishment. As it was, the captain of the _Vanguard_ was dismissed -the service. The captain of the _Iron Duke_, who had been condemned -by the court-martial for ramming the _Vanguard_, was acquitted, on a -review of his sentence by the Admiralty. The Admiralty then, by way -of compensation, cashiered his subordinate, Lieutenant Evans, without -a trial, and without giving him leave to make a defence. As for the -Admiral, who, from lack of skill or from negligence permitted the ships -of his squadron to sail close to each other in a fog, he was freed from -blame. - -Fortunately for Mr. Disraeli, an opportunity for a great stroke of -policy occurred, which diverted public attention from these blunders, -and re-established the waning popularity of his Ministry. On the -26th of November it was announced that the Government had bought for -£4,000,000 the Khedive’s shares in the Suez Canal, and what a French -writer described as “a conquest by mortgage” was hailed by the English -people, with a shout of gratification. The impecunious ruler of Egypt -had been literally hawking - -[Illustration: VIEW ON THE SUEZ CANAL.] - -his Canal shares among the Powers. It was possible that at any moment -Germany or France might buy them up, and then impede the passage of -English troops to India. Not a day was to be lost, and Mr. Disraeli, -therefore, on his own responsibility, and without consulting his -Cabinet, purchased the Shares. There was joy in the City over this -operation. The bankruptcy of Turkey, declared at the end of October, -had converted Turkish Bonds into waste paper, and it was some -compensation to speculators that Mr. Disraeli’s purchase of the Canal -Shares sent up the price of Egyptian Stock by leaps and bounds. Lord -Hartington, it is true, in a speech at Sheffield (15th of December), -querulously carped at the transaction. But as his contention was that -England was in a better position to secure the neutrality of the Canal -without than with a solid proprietary interest in it, nobody paid the -least attention to his unpatriotic cavillings. They merely convinced -the country that, despite Mr. Disraeli’s bungling Parliamentary -leadership, his inaccuracy of statement, his loose hold of principle, -and the administrative blunders of his subordinates, he was the only -living statesman of first rank, in whose hands the higher interests of -the Empire were safe. - -[Illustration: COUNT FERDINAND DE LESSEPS.] - -It was announced in March that the Prince of Wales was to visit India -in November, with Sir Bartle Frere as his guide. In July it was decided -that his tour should be a State Progress, the expenses of which should -be paid for out of the revenues of England and India. The marine escort -was to be provided by the Admiralty at a cost of £52,000; the Indian -Treasury was to contribute £30,000; and when Mr. Disraeli asked the -House of Commons for £52,000, Lord Hartington had no complaint to make -except that he thought the vote ought to be larger. Messrs. Macdonald -and Burt, when they objected that the working-classes would not approve -of the grant, were literally “howled down” by the House. Yet all Mr. -Burt said was that as he himself lived on a salary derived from his -constituents, he could not decently vote away their money to pay the -cost of what they believed was a tour of pleasure for a rich Prince. -His argument was fair enough from his point of view. It was faulty -because he failed to see that a vote for a State pageant which meant -to individualise the Monarchy to the Indian mind, was not a grant to -the Prince as a private individual. Mr. Bright’s support of the grant, -which was voted, was useful to the Government. But as his argument -was that the visit of the Prince might be serviceable in checking the -harsh and cruel treatment to which the natives of India are subjected -by their English rulers, it was condemned as unjust to the devoted -servants of the Queen, who wear out their lives in honourable exile, -maintaining peace in an Empire that, without them, would be converted -into a pandemonium of slaughter. - -The opening days of 1876 were marked by the announcement of Lord -Northbrook’s resignation as Viceroy of India. The Indian Viceroy had -for some time thwarted the policy of the Secretary of State, and the -final rupture was made when they differed in opinion as to the kind of -Envoy the Government should have at Cabul. It was a quaint controversy. -Lord Salisbury said the face of the British Envoy should be white. Lord -Northbrook contended that it should be black, whereupon Lord Salisbury -wrote Lord Northbrook a despatch, couched in terms that left him no -alternative save resignation. According to Lord Salisbury, unless a -white Envoy kept watch over the Ameer, Shere Ali, our information from -Cabul would be defective. According to Lord Northbrook, if we sent an -European Envoy to Cabul, he would be promptly assassinated, in which -case we should get no information at all, and India would be dragged -into a ruinous war of vengeance. Lord Northbrook had nothing on his -side but facts. No Afghan Ameer had ever been able to guarantee a -Christian Envoy at Cabul against assassination. When Lord Salisbury -did send an European Envoy to Cabul he was not only murdered, but, -pending his inevitable murder, the only information worth having that -came from Cabul, came from native sources. It was, moreover, a slight -on the Indian Government to say that they had not been able to train a -Mahommedan official of rank up to the duties of effective diplomatic -espionage at Cabul. However, the dispute ended in Lord Northbrook -coming back to England, and in Lord Lytton going out to India as -his successor. There was no doubt a time when the appointment of a -diplomatist who was a Peer and a passionate poet, to the Viceregal -Throne might have been useful. Unhappily, in 1876, a different type of -ruler was needed in India. The war cloud in Eastern Europe was about -to break, and it was well known that in any diplomatic contest between -Russia and England, it would be the aim of Russia to weaken England -by making trouble for her on her Indian frontier. For the stress of -the times, a man like Lord Mayo was necessary, and Lord Lytton was -everything that Lord Mayo was not. - -All through 1875 there had been in Bosnia and Herzegovina disturbances -precisely similar to those in the Principalities which preceded the -Crimean War. After Lord Derby had been appealed to by Musurus Pasha, -the Turkish Ambassador in London, he suggested to Count Andrassy that -Austria should prevent her subjects on her frontier from supporting the -insurgents in the mutinous Turkish provinces, and a similar suggestion -was made to the Servian Government. His advice to the Turks was to -stamp out rebellion as quickly as possible, so as to prevent it from -spreading and provoking European intervention. The Porte, instead of -acting on this advice, desired that the Consuls of the Great Powers -should mediate between the Sultan and the rebels, and Lord Derby, -instead of adhering to his original counsels, weakly fell in with -this proposal, and consented, though with great hesitancy, to let the -British Consul join the delegation. The rebels were delighted with the -proposals of the Consuls for their better government, but refused -to lay down their arms unless the Powers guaranteed that the Turks -would carry them out. The Consuls were pleased that the demands of the -insurgents were moderate and reasonable, but could give no guarantees -for the good faith of Turkey. As they were returning from their mission -fighting began again. - -From their public utterances during the recess of 1875 it was inferred -that while Lord Derby was averse from further intervention on the -part of England in the business, because in the East, he said, “we -want nothing, and fear nothing,” Mr. Disraeli was of opinion that -England had great interests in Eastern Europe, which the Government, -he said at the Lord Mayor’s Banquet, “are resolved to guard and -maintain.” There are no novelties in English politics. The situation -was the same as that which led to the Crimean War, and it also had to -be dealt with by a Cabinet which, like Lord Aberdeen’s, was divided -into interventionists and non-interventionists. But an acute observer -might have detected what Mr. Disraeli failed to see, that English -opinion had changed since 1853. In 1853 the electors were in favour -of intervention, whereas, since the defeat of Palmerston by the Court -and Mr. Cobden in 1864, they had always been against it. As the -insurrection spread, the Porte promised reforms. Three Powers--Austria, -Germany and Russia, afterwards joined by France and Italy--sent a Note -to Turkey known as “the Andrassy Note” (30th of December, 1875), -condemning the misgovernment of the insurgent provinces, bewailing the -broken promises of the Porte, and demanding certain reforms in Bosnia -and Herzegovina to prevent a general rising. Lord Derby, after about -a month’s hesitation, instructed the British Ambassador to give the -Note a general support. Turkey accepted most of its proposals, and -issued another _Iradé_ to carry them out. The _Iradé_ was never made -operative, and though Lord Derby was not offended by the contumacy of -Turkey, the other Powers resented it. Count Schouvaloff persuaded him -to permit Lord Odo Russell to meet the representatives of the five -Powers at Berlin in May to consider the situation. At this meeting the -Berlin Memorandum was produced and agreed to by the Continental Powers. - -[Illustration: THE MOSQUE OF SAN SOPHIA, CONSTANTINOPLE.] - -It assumed, that as the Porte had promised to carry out the reforms -in the Andrassy Note, the Powers had now the right to force it to -keep its pledges. It formulated the guarantees which Europe asked for -in order to give effect to the Andrassy Note, and threatened Turkey -with “more effective measures” of coercion if she failed to give them -within two months after an armistice between her and her rebellious -provinces had been concluded. The reason why the Note was minatory lay -on the surface. The Consuls of France and Germany had been murdered -by the Turks at Salonica, and before any redress could be obtained -Prince Bismarck had to send the Porte an ultimatum that meant war. Lord -Derby declined to assent to the Memorandum, on the ground that England -had not been consulted in the preparing of it, and did not believe -that it would do any good if presented. The Foreign Ministers of the -Powers in vain implored him to reconsider his decision, and then the -Memorandum was tossed into the waste-paper basket of diplomacy. Turkey, -seeing that Lord Derby had broken up the European Concert at Berlin, -behaved exactly as she did when Clarendon broke up the same instrument -of coercion at Vienna. Her contumacy was intensified, and what was -still more serious, her European vassals, seeing that diplomacy had -failed to rescue them from misrule, took up arms. Within a month after -the diplomatic triumph of England, the Turks found it had secured to -them the following advantages:--(1), The Continental Powers withdrew -from the field, and adopted an attitude of vigilant inactivity. (2), -Servia and Montenegro declared war on Turkey. (3), The soil of Bulgaria -was soaked with the blood of her Christian population, whose revolt -had been quelled by massacres and ghastly atrocities, that rendered -expulsion from Europe the manifest destiny of the Ottoman race. (4), -The Sultan Abdul Aziz was dethroned by a mob of fanatical Moslems, and -his European Empire lay wrecked in anarchy. It had been made a matter -of complaint that the Foreign Policy of England in 1853 was slow in -producing any effect. When we consider what happened in the month that -followed the failure of the Berlin Memorandum, and the collapse of the -European Concert, that complaint cannot be justly advanced against Mr. -Disraeli’s Foreign Policy in 1876. - -[Illustration: HERALDS AT THE MANSION HOUSE, PROCLAIMING THE QUEEN AS -“EMPRESS OF INDIA.”] - -Parliament was opened on the 8th of February by the Queen in person, -with great pomp and ceremony; and the Royal Speech promised several -useful measures dealing with the Court of Appeal, Merchant Shipping, -and Prisons. But the one that excited most public interest was the Bill -to confer on the Sovereign a new title derived from India, in gracious -acknowledgment of the enthusiastic reception given to the Prince of -Wales by the natives of that Empire. As for the Slave Circular, the -questions raised by it were to be referred to a Royal Commission. -The Foreign Policy of the Government was expressed by Mr. Disraeli, -in terms that appealed sympathetically to national feeling. It was -based on the idea that England was responsible for the good use of her -influence in the councils of Europe, and it united the Tory Party, and -caused the country to condone all Ministerial blunders. The debate -on the Eastern Question showed that Mr. Gladstone and other eminent -Liberals approved of Lord Derby’s adherence to the Andrassy Note. But -it clearly indicated that the Opposition would attack the Government -if it adopted the old Crimean policy of supporting Turkey whenever -she rejected the demands of Europe. The purchase of the Suez Canal -Shares provoked more controversy. It turned out that they had been -mortgaged by the Khedive, and could not yield dividends for nineteen -years, a fact unknown to Mr. Disraeli when he bought them. Sir Stafford -Northcote, therefore, proposed to borrow £4,000,000, and exact from -the Khedive 5 per cent. a year on that sum to cover the loss of the -mortgaged dividends. Mr. Gladstone attacked the financial details of -the transaction,[87] and though his criticism was logical it failed -to influence the country. Had the purchase of the Shares been solely -a commercial speculation, the unbusiness-like manner in which it had -been effected would have been of some importance. But it was also a -stroke of high policy, and it appealed to the imperial instincts of the -nation which, as Mr. Disraeli said, was getting “sea-sick of the silver -streak.”[88] Most of Mr. Gladstone’s prophecies have been falsified -by events. Oddly enough the only valid objections to the purchase of -the Canal Shares were not pressed by him. They were (1), That a Canal -which could be easily blocked and wrecked by an enemy’s ship, was not a -safe route to India; and (2), That the fault of Mr. Disraeli’s policy -was in his failure to carry it out to its logical conclusion--the -establishment of a British Protectorate over Egypt, which would -have rendered the final fate of Turkey, a matter of indifference to -Englishmen. Parliament ratified the policy of the Government with -enthusiasm. The appointment of the Royal Commission to examine all the -difficulties raised by the Slave Circular saved Ministers from defeat -at the end of the Debate on the issue of that stupid State Paper. The -Government was also fortunate in its domestic legislation. The Merchant -Shipping Bill, when it passed, was found to be a compromise which -remedied most of the wrongs for which Mr. Plimsoll sought redress. Lord -Sandon’s Education Act was a concession to the advocates of compulsory -education, for it prohibited the employment of children under ten, and -it prohibited the employment of children between ten and fourteen, who -had not attended school 250 times a year and passed an examination -in the Fourth Standard. In fact, the Bill legalised, not direct, but -indirect compulsion. Bills restricting the practice of vivisection, -and restoring to the House of Lords its Appellate Jurisdiction, but -adding to it Judges of Appeal, who would be Peers during their tenure -of office, and who, with the ex-Chancellor, would discharge the -judicial functions of the Upper House, were also passed. For the meagre -achievements of the Session three reasons may be given: (1), Much time -was lost over the Education Act, because not only was it necessary for -the Opposition to tone down its reactionary clauses, but concessions -to the opponents of School Boards were suddenly sprung upon the House -by Lord Sandon, which had to be fiercely resisted. (2), The policy of -obstruction which had been adopted with so much success to delay Mr. -Forster’s Ballot Bill in 1883, was now developed in an ingenious manner -by Messrs. Biggar and Parnell. They “blocked” Bills indiscriminately, -so as to bring them under the rule which forbade opposed measures to -be taken after half-past twelve at night. They moved adjournments in -various forms at half-past twelve, on the ground that the hour was too -far advanced for discussion. They were always on the watch to “count -out” the House, and they never missed a chance of “talking out” a -Bill,[89] quite regardless of its merits. Mr. Parnell and Mr. Biggar -thus taught themselves to be formidable debaters at the expense of the -House, for, as Mr. Parnell once told a friend, the best way to learn -the rules of Parliament is to break them.[90] (3), A great deal of -time was also wasted in discussing the Royal Titles Bill, to which the -Liberals offered an amount of opposition out of all proportion to the -significance of the measure. - -The Royal Titles Bill was introduced by the Prime Minister on the 7th -of February. He had some idea that it would be an offence against the -prerogative if he stated what the new title was to be, but it was -said that the Queen, ever since the Duchess of Edinburgh had claimed -precedence over her sisters-in-law, on the ground that hers was an -Imperial, whilst theirs was a Royal title, desired to be styled Empress -of India. On the other hand, most people objected to change the Queen’s -designation. Why, it was asked, should the successor of Egbert wish to -be a modern Empress? To insert India in the existing form of the Royal -title would adequately meet any - -[Illustration: THE QUEEN VISITING THE WARDS OF THE LONDON HOSPITAL.] - -real necessity for change. The Imperial title was also surrounded -with evil associations, and it suggested that Imperialism or personal -Government, tempered by casual appeals for support to the democracy -or the Army over the head of Parliament, was the end aimed at by the -Ministerial policy. Mr. Disraeli’s haughty refusal to communicate the -new title to the House of Commons was met by a motion that no progress -be made with the Bill till the title was revealed. The Prime Minister -accordingly yielded the point, and promised to give the necessary -explanations before the Bill was read a second time. The debate on the -Second Reading showed clearly that the House of Commons was hostile to -the Bill; but as the Government gave a pledge that the title should be -used in India only, the Second Reading was carried. This pledge was -soon broken, for the Proclamation was made, not that the new title -should be used in India, but that it might be used - -[Illustration: THE ALBERT MEMORIAL, CHARLOTTE SQUARE, EDINBURGH.] - -everywhere save in the United Kingdom. The Peers were as reluctant as -the Commons to sanction the adoption of any exotic titles by the Crown, -and the Court did not scruple to bring personal pressure to bear on -them for the purpose of overcoming their threatened opposition. Lord -Shaftesbury was summoned to Windsor in early spring, and as it was -twenty years since he had been the Queen’s guest, he says in his Diary -that he assumed his invitation was brought about by the controversy -then raging over the Royal Titles Bill. “I dread it [the visit],” he -writes in his Diary, on the 12th of March, “the cold, the evening -dress, the solitude, for I am old, and dislike being far away from -assistance should I be ill at night.... She [the Queen] sent for me -in 1848 to consult me on a very important matter. Can it be so now?” -The next entry showed his foreboding to be correct. He says, on the -14th of March, “Returned from Windsor. I am sure it was so, though not -distinctly avowed. Her Majesty personally said nothing.” But though -she did not discuss the views he expressed to her, a Lord-in-Waiting -formally requested him to communicate them to Mr. Disraeli. Mr. -Disraeli paid no heed to them, and Lord Shaftesbury accordingly moved -(3rd of April), in the House of Lords, an Address to the Queen praying -her not to take the title of Empress. He pointed out that in time -it would lose its present impression of feminine softness, and be -transformed into “Emperor,” whereupon “it must have an air military, -despotic, offensive, and intolerable.” To scoff as Mr. Disraeli had -done at the popular dislike to the Imperial title as a mere “sentiment” -was a mistake. “Loyalty itself,” observed Lord Shaftesbury, “was a -sentiment, and the same sentiment that attached the people to the word -Queen, averted them from that of ‘Empress.’” In the division, though -the Government obtained 137 votes in favour of what the _Saturday -Review_ called a “vulgar and impolitic innovation,” eight Dukes and -a large body of habitual courtiers voted with Lord Shaftesbury in -the minority of 91.[91] The dismal predictions of the opponents of -the measure have not been verified--possibly because their protests -convinced the Court that any ostentatious display of modern Imperialism -by an ancient Constitutional Monarchy would lead to a recrudescence of -the Republic agitation. Fortunately the heated debates on the Titles -Bill did not affect the personal popularity of the Sovereign. In the -midst of the controversy the Queen visited Whitechapel on the 6th -of March, to open a new wing of the London Hospital, which had been -built by the munificence of the Grocers’ Company. Her Majesty was -enthusiastically received, the only complaint being that she drove too -fast along the route where the populace swarmed in their thousands to -gaze on her. The visit was taken to be an intimation that the Crown was -not a mere toy of the aristocratic quarters of the capital, and that -when the Queen emerged from her seclusion it was not solely for the -purpose of benefiting the West End shopkeepers. “The bees welcome their -Queen,” was one of the mottoes displayed on the route. “I was sick and -ye visited me,” was another, and both inscriptions reflected the kindly -feeling with which her Majesty was greeted by industrial London. In -the Hospital many interesting incidents were recorded, one of the most -touching being that of a little girl who was suffering from a severe -burn, and who had said she was sure she would get better if she “could -only see the Queen.” When this was communicated to her Majesty, she -smiled, went straightway to the child’s cot, where she kissed her, and -soothed her with many tender words of comfort. - -Sir Stafford Northcote’s Budget was a doleful statement of increased -expenditure, and diminished income from a revenue that had ceased to be -elastic. He estimated a deficit for the coming year of £774,000, and -so he increased the income-tax to 5d. in the £, and added 4d. on the -pound to the duty on tobacco. The latter tax was a mistake. It did not -raise the price of tobacco to the poor, but it caused the manufacturers -to adulterate their tobacco with water so as to add to its weight. The -Session ended on the 15th of August, and next day the world heard with -great surprise that Mr. Disraeli had become Earl of Beaconsfield, and -to use his own jocose expression, that, “abandoning the style of Don -Juan for that of Paradise Lost,” he would in future lead the House of -Lords. Sir Stafford Northcote was left to represent him in the House of -Commons. - -On the 17th of August the Queen unveiled the Scottish National -Memorial of Prince Albert, which had been erected in Charlotte Square, -Edinburgh. The monument consisted of a colossal equestrian statue of -the Prince Consort, and the four panels of the pedestal contained -bas-reliefs illustrating notable events in his Royal Highness’s career. -At each of the four corners of the platform on which the pedestal -stands were groups of statuary, symbolical of the respect paid to -Prince Albert’s memory by all classes of the community: one group -typifying Labour, another Science and Art, a third the Army and Navy, -and the fourth the Nobility. The equestrian figure and the panels -were the work of the veteran Scottish sculptor, Mr. John Steell, who -designed and superintended the construction of the memorial. The -subordinate groups were executed by Mr. D. W. Stevenson, Mr. Clark -Stanton, Mr. Brodie, and Mr. George McCallum, a young artist of high -promise, who died before his group was completed. The ceremony of -unveiling was unusually interesting. A gaily-decorated pavilion had -been raised for the occasion. The Queen was accompanied by Prince -Leopold, the Princess Beatrice, and the Duke of Connaught. Under -the command of the Duke of Buccleuch, the Royal Company of Archers -formed the bodyguard. The Duke of Roxburghe, Lord Rosebery, Sir W. -Gibson-Craig, the Earl of Selkirk, the Earl of Lauderdale, Lord -Provost Falshaw, and the Town Council, were among the distinguished -persons present. After the statue had, at her Majesty’s command, been -uncovered, she walked round it and expressed her entire satisfaction -with the memorial. To signalise her appreciation of what had been -done, and to manifest her desire to honour her “faithful city,” Mr. -Falshaw was created a baronet, and a knighthood was conferred on Mr. -John Steell, and on Mr. Herbert Oakeley, Professor of Music in the -University. - -During the Recess, the country could think of nothing save the Eastern -Question. Mr. Gladstone’s taste - - “For writing pamphlets and for roasting Popes” - -was bent in a new direction, and he threw himself with all his might -into the controversy that ended in turning English public opinion -irrevocably against Turkey. Throughout the Session Mr. Gladstone and -Lord Hartington had, with commendable patriotism, abstained from -putting questions to Ministers with reference to their Eastern policy. -Parliament and the country were, therefore, in the dark as to what was -going on. But towards the end of - -[Illustration: HOLYROOD PALACE, FROM THE SOUTH-EAST.] - -June disquieting rumours flew about to the effect that there had been -a revolution in Bulgaria, and that the Turks had suppressed it by -massacres of the most revolting barbarity. The Government met these -tales with jaunty persiflage. On the 10th of July Mr. Forster put a -question on the subject, which Mr. Disraeli answered by saying that he -considered the reports exaggerated, nor did he think that torture had -been resorted to by “an Oriental people who, I believe, seldom resort -to torture, but generally terminate their connection with culprits in -a more expeditious manner.”[92] This ill-timed jest was hailed with a -great guffaw of laughter from the Ministerial Benches. It destroyed Mr. -Disraeli’s authority in the country when the awful truth was revealed, -not by the diplomatic agents of England, who strove hard to conceal -it, but by two American gentlemen, Mr. J. A. Macgahan, a distinguished -journalist, and Mr. Eugene Schuyler, the United States Consul-General -in Turkey. They went to Philippopolis on the 25th of July, and Mr. -Macgahan’s description of what he saw in the country, which had been -ravaged by the Turks, when published in the _Daily News_, sent a thrill -of horror through the - -[Illustration: SIR JAMES FALSHAW. - -(_From a Photograph by J. Moffat, Edinburgh._)] - -civilised world. The partisans of Turkey were enraged beyond -self-control, and vowed that the worst of all outrages that had been -committed was that which was perpetrated by the publication of Mr. -Macgahan’s report on the brutalities of the Turkish soldiery. The -wild work of the Sepoys at Cawnpore was indeed merciful and humane -compared with what had been done by the Turks at Batak. Indiscriminate -butchery could alone be laid to the charge of the Indian mutineers. -But in Bulgaria, before the Turk murdered his victims, he inflicted on -them fiendish tortures and bestial outrages. The Province was one vast -desolation covered with blackened ruins, devastated fields, putrefying -corpses, and bleached skeletons. Neither age nor sex had been spared. -The land would have been as silent as a desert, save for the wailing -of the scattered remnant of the Christian population who had eluded -the vengeance of their oppressors. As for the Porte--whose promises -of reform in Bulgaria were cheerily cited by Mr. Disraeli to cast -doubt on the descriptions of these atrocities--it gave but one sign -of action. It promoted Achmed Aga, the barbarian who was responsible -for all this wickedness, to be Governor of the Province which he had -laid waste.”[93] The effect of these revelations on public opinion was -heightened by Mr. Gladstone’s pamphlet, entitled “Bulgarian Horrors,” -and by his speech at Blackheath on the 9th of September, wherein he -convicted the Government of apologising for Turkish barbarities, when -it could no longer venture to deny their existence. He laid down the -lines of the new Eastern policy which England must support. The Turkish -officials must be expelled from Bulgaria “bag and baggage,” and the -European Provinces of Turkey granted such powers of self-government -under the suzerainty of the Sultan, as would protect them from being -seized by Austria and Russia on the one hand and devastated by Asiatic -savages on the other. Sir Stafford Northcote and Lord Derby, in -subsequent speeches, seemed to adopt the principle of Mr. Gladstone’s -policy. They admitted that it was the duty of England to join the -civilised Powers in preventing Turkey from opening again the floodgates -of lust, rapine, and murder in Bulgaria, and the English people for the -first time understood how, with the cries of their tortured neighbours -ringing in their ears, the Servians and Montenegrins had flown to arms. - -Some Conservative writers and speakers still tried to persuade the -world that the Russian Government had bribed the Turkish Pashas -to commit and the Bulgarians to submit to outrages, in order to -discredit Ottoman rule in Europe. But their efforts were futile, and -the word went forth from all sides that never again would England -draw her sword, as in 1854, to save Turkey from the consequences of -her incurable barbarism. Strange to say, Lord Beaconsfield failed -to gauge the strength of this feeling. On the 20th of September, in -his speech at Aylesford, he neither adopted nor rejected the policy -suggested by Sir Stafford Northcote and Lord Derby, but he spoke in a -querulous tone of the popular meetings which were being held all over -England expressing sympathy with Bulgaria and urging the Government -to shield her from the cruelty of her oppressors. The agitation, -he said, was “impolitic, and founded on erroneous data.” Those who -got up these meetings, he declared, were guilty of outrages on “the -principle of patriotism, worse than any of those Bulgarian atrocities -of which we have heard so much.” His negative policy which destroyed -the Berlin Memorandum without putting any counter proposals in its -place, would, he contended, have had a happy issue in negotiations. -These, however, were upset by the unexpected Servian declaration of -war against Turkey, which was prompted by “the Secret Societies.” Yet -England had signed the Andrassy Note, which warned Turkey that this -unexpected war would be waged against her by Servia, unless she granted -the reforms demanded in the Note. When Turkey, instead of granting -these reforms, massacred the population that craved for them, it was -absurd to suppose that “the Secret Societies of Europe,” rather than -the popular sympathies of the Christian Slavs, forced the Servian -Government into war. That the speech fell flat was seen by the polling -at the Buckinghamshire Election next day, when in Lord Beaconsfield’s -own county Mr. Freemantle only saved the seat from the attack of Mr. -Rupert Carrington, the Liberal candidate, by the small majority of -186. There were now two voices in the Cabinet; for on the day after -Lord Beaconsfield’s speech was made and was taken by Turkey to mean -that she had the English Cabinet on her side, Lord Derby ordered Sir -H. Elliot to go to the Sultan, and not only denounce the outrages in -Bulgaria, but, in the name of the Queen, who was profoundly shocked -by them, demand that the officials who perpetrated them be adequately -punished. It is hardly necessary to say that the Sultan, imagining that -the Prime Minister was all-powerful, paid no heed to remonstrances from -the Foreign Secretary. On the 25th of September, the day after the war -with Servia began, Sir H. Elliot pressed the Porte to make peace on -terms which Lord Derby suggested, and which were most creditable to his -diplomatic sagacity. Lord Derby’s proposals, if carried out, would have -saved Turkey from the supreme disaster which was awaiting her, for they -provided that the Porte should effectively guarantee administrative -reforms in her Christian Provinces, while Servia and Montenegro should -lay down their arms and return to the _status quo ante bellum_. The -Porte would only accept an armistice which would have been unfair -to Servia and Montenegro, and Servia would not accept a settlement -which did not provide for the withdrawal of the barbarous soldiers of -Turkey from Bulgaria. Whilst negotiations were pending, the Turks, -on the 29th of October, beat down the Servian defence at Alexinatz, -whereupon, to the mortification of England, the Czar effected in an -instant that which Lord Derby, after many weary weeks of negotiation, -had failed to accomplish. Ignatieff was instructed to tell the Porte -that if it did not accept an armistice of six weeks within forty-eight -hours, diplomatic relations between Turkey and Russia would cease. -When the same threat had been delivered by the British Ambassador, -the Turks ignored it; in fact, they were impudent enough to meet it -with a counter-proposal so absurd, that the Italian Minister said they -were obviously playing with England. Although strengthened by a great -victory, they did not, however, dare to treat the representative of -the Czar as if he were the representative of the Queen. They accepted -his ultimatum without demur or delay, and thus owing to the feebleness -of English diplomacy, Russia emerged with the honours of the game -in which, up to the last moment, Lord Derby held the winning cards. -This was, however, a minor matter. Lord Beaconsfield and Lord Derby -had now given Russia not only a plausible pretext for taking the lead -in dealing with the Eastern Question, but also an opportunity for -intimating to the world that, in circumstances which extorted the -sanction of the Continental Powers, she had the right, in case of a -deadlock, to deal with it single-handed. In other words, the English -Government, by allowing the Porte to trifle with it during September, -1876, flung away at one cast the only practical results won by the -Crimean War. - -[Illustration: LORD BEACONSFIELD AT THE BANQUET IN THE GUILDHALL.] - -The Czar now proposed that a coercive naval demonstration by the Powers -should be made in the Bosphorus, but Lord Derby rejected the idea. -After some weeks he suggested that a Conference of the Powers should be -held to - -[Illustration: GENERAL VIEW OF CONSTANTINOPLE.] - -consider the situation on the basis of his own excellent proposals for -peace, which have been already described. The Conference was assented -to, and Lord Derby to some extent retrieved the position he lost on the -morrow of Alexinatz. The Czar had also given the English Government -the fullest assurances that he had no design on Constantinople, and -in proof of his sincerity he had withdrawn a suggestion he had thrown -out for the temporary occupation of Bosnia and Bulgaria by Austrian -and Russian troops, and frankly accepted the English proposals for -a settlement. It has been seen that during the negotiations which -led up to the Crimean War, whenever the question was on the point of -being settled somebody always interfered in England and in France to -break the accord of the Powers. On this occasion history repeated -itself. On the 9th of November Lord Beaconsfield delivered a speech -at the Lord Mayor’s Banquet, which suppressed all information as to -the conciliatory mood of the Czar, and not only terrified Englishmen -into a belief that Russia was scheming to seize Bulgaria, but that -England was determined to oppose her by arms. The Czar, on the other -hand, in an address to the Notables of Moscow, said that he was “firmly -resolved to act independently if necessary” to obtain justice for -the Christian subjects of Turkey.[94] At Constantinople there was -joy among the Pashas, for they argued that after Lord Beaconsfield’s -Guildhall speech they might regard the verdict of the Conference with -indifference. The Czar, on his side, by way of emphasising his Moscow -speech, mobilised six _corps d’armée_,[95] and Sir Stafford Northcote -and Mr. Cross, in order to minimise the effect of Lord Beaconsfield’s -threats, delivered addresses showing that they thought Turkey must be -coerced if she trifled with Europe.[96] Lord Salisbury visited the -European capitals on his way to the Conference at Constantinople, at -which he was to represent England, and at each one he was informed -that he must expect no aid in supporting Turkey. An appeal was made -by the _Times_ to Prince Bismarck to check Russia--but in vain. When -Lord Salisbury had an interview with Prince Bismarck he found he -was virtually a diplomatic ally of Russia. In fact, ere he reached -Constantinople, Lord Salisbury found that Lord Beaconsfield’s policy -of applying the obsolete ideas of the Whigs of 1854 to solve the -Eastern Question in 1876, had isolated England. In the preliminary -Conference, from which the Turks were excluded, Mr. Gladstone’s plan of -giving administrative autonomy to the European Provinces of Turkey was -adopted, Lord Salisbury supporting it with great ability and skill.[97] -He even consented to allow 6,000 troops from some minor State--Belgium -was suggested--to support the International Commission for reorganising -the Government of an autonomous Bulgaria. This scheme was to have been -adopted by the Porte at a Plenary Conference. Relying on the support of -Lord Beaconsfield, and misled by the denunciations of Lord Salisbury -which appeared in the Ministerial Press--then busy manufacturing -failure for the English representatives at the Conference--the Porte -met the demands of the Powers for reform, by proclaiming a grotesque -Parliamentary Constitution for the Ottoman Empire. But it obstinately -refused to grant the reforms demanded by the Conference, which -accordingly broke up on the 20th of January, 1877. The Ambassadors -of the Powers were then recalled from Constantinople. On the 8th of -December (1876) a National Conference, under the presidency of the -Duke of Westminster, and representing not only the heads of the Whig -nobility, but most of the leaders of literature, science, and art, -the High Church clergy, the Nonconformists, and politicians of every -shade of Liberal opinion, met in St. James’s Hall to condemn Lord -Beaconsfield’s policy, and protest against England giving armed aid to -Turkey. - -Early in 1876 the death of Lady Augusta Stanley, wife of the Dean of -Westminster, removed one of the Queen’s most trusted friends. She had -been for many years in personal attendance on her Majesty, and her -services were so valuable that for many years her marriage with Dean -Stanley had been postponed simply because the Royal Family could not -spare her from their domestic circle. This gentle lady, throughout -her life of unobtrusive usefulness at the Deanery of Westminster, -served as one of the connecting-links between the upper, the middle, -and the lower classes. She was as well known and as well loved in -the dismal “slums” of London as in the radiant circle of the Court, -and her death somewhat dimmed the brightness of the London season -of 1876. It was a feverish, ill-conditioned season, agitated by -financial scandals, by the pressure of hard times, by the failure -of trade due to the uncertainty of the political situation, and by -fierce and factious controversies as to the relative merits of Turks -and Eastern Christians. To be in the mode one had to affect a strong -admiration, not only for the ethics of the Koran, but for those of the -Bashi-Bazouk, and a compassionate regret that Christianity had failed -to elevate the European subjects of the Sultan, to the plane of Asiatic -civilisation. The china mania, or craze for collecting old pottery, -represented the fashionable movement in Art. Rinking, or skating on -roller-skates in very mixed assemblies,[98] was the favourite form of -physical recreation, and persons of quality kept their intellects alive -by holding the spelling competitions known as “Spelling Bees.” Besides -the “hard times” due to the collapse of investments, the Colorado -beetle and the tropical heat of summer were added to the torments -of the time; and the publication of the Domesday Book, showing that -710 individuals owned more than one-fourth of the soil of England -and Wales, still further aggravated the uneasiness of a territorial -aristocracy, whose margin of income for expenditure on luxuries was -daily diminishing. The year closed with the sudden return of the Polar -Expedition under Sir George Nares. Its record of achievement was most -meagre, and its retreat after enduring only one winter in the ice was -felt to be discreditable to the manhood of the British Navy. It was, -however, discovered that the disaster was due to a terrible outbreak -of scurvy in the crews of the Arctic ships, which was traced to their -neglect to use lime-juice. The reputation of the explorers for pluck -and endurance was thus redeemed at the expense of their intelligence. - -The daily papers were filled with glowing accounts of the proclamation -of the Queen as Empress of India (Kaiser-i-Hind) at Delhi, in the -presence of the Viceroy and the great feudatories of the Empire on -the 1st of January, 1877. The ceremony was accompanied by salvoes -of artillery. A banner and a medal were given to the Princes to -commemorate the event, and five of the most powerful magnates, Holkar, -Scindiah, the Maharajah of Cashmere, the Maharajah of Travancore, and -the Maharanee of Oodeypore, were granted rank, typified by salutes of -twenty-one guns, equivalent to that of the Nizam. But as the viceregal -salute was raised to thirty-one guns, Holkar and Scindiah, whose claim -was to hold higher status than the Viceroy in their own dominions, -and equal rank with him elsewhere, went away discontented. The scenic -display was a little tawdry and theatrical, and grizzled Anglo-Indians, -who had been accustomed to see austere statesmen or stern soldiers on -the viceregal throne, were perplexed to find the Empress represented by -a Viceroy who appeared to enjoy keenly the Orientalism of the function, -and saw no absurdity in representing the majesty of Empire from the -back of an elephant, which had been painted white for the occasion. -Yet the ceremony was not without a deep meaning. It represented the -final triumph of the new system which was introduced into India by -Canning, the system by which, instead of ruling India by a paternal -bureaucracy, whose aim was to sweep away all magnates who stood between -it and the people, the hereditary rights of the native Princes were -recognised, and they themselves admitted as corner-stones in the -fabric of Empire of which the Kaiser-i-Hind was now proclaimed the -apex and crown. It was, therefore, not without significance that the -only class unrepresented at the Coronation was the Indian people. Yet -one occasionally heard of the Indian people. A quarter of a million of -them had been drowned by a cyclone in Bengal when the debates on the -Imperial title were going on in London. Eight millions of them were in -the agonies of famine in Central India when that title was proclaimed -at Delhi. - -[Illustration: TROOPING THE COLOURS IN ST. JAMES’S PARK ON THE QUEEN’S -BIRTHDAY.] - -[Illustration: LORD CAIRNS. - -(_From a Photograph by Russell and Sons._)] - - - - -CHAPTER XXI. - -THE REIGN OF JINGOISM. - - Opening of Parliament--Sir Stafford Northcote’s Leadership--The - Prisons Bill--Mr. Parnell’s Policy of Scientific Obstruction--The - South Africa Confederation Bill--Mr. Parnell’s Bout with Sir - Stafford Northcote--A Twenty-six Hours’ Sitting--The Budget--The - Russo-Turkish Question--Prince Albert’s Eastern Policy--Opinion - at Court--The Sentiments of Society--The Feeling of the British - People--Outbreak of War--Collapse of Turkey--The Jingoes--The Third - Volume of the “Life of the Prince Consort”--The “Greatest War - Song on Record”--The Queen’s Visit to Hughenden--Early Meeting of - Parliament--Mr. Layard’s Alarmist Telegrams--The Fleet Ordered to - Constantinople--Resignation of Lord Carnarvon--The Russian Terms of - Peace--Violence of the War Party--The Debate on the War Vote--The - Treaty of San Stefano--Resignation of Lord Derby--Calling Out the - Reserves--Lord Salisbury’s Circular--The Indian Troops Summoned - to Malta--The Salisbury-Schouvaloff Agreement--Lord Salisbury’s - Denials--The Berlin Congress--The _Globe_ Disclosures--The - Anglo-Turkish Convention--Occupation of Cyprus--“Peace with - Honour”--The Irish Intermediate Education Bill--Consolidation - of the Factory Acts--The Monarch and the Multitude--Outbreak of - the Third Afghan War--The “Scientific Frontier”--Naval Review at - Spithead--Death of the Ex-King of Hanover--Death of the Princess - Alice. - - -The “green Yule,” which bodes ill-luck, ushered in the year 1877. The -attitude of the Ministry to the Eastern Question was still one of -indecision; but there was joy in City circles when, on the 11th of -January, it was announced that Lord Derby had recalled the British -Fleet from Besika Bay. This was a warning to the Sultan that England -had no sympathy with the contumacy of the Porte, which still refused to -concede the guarantees for reform in its European provinces that the -Conference insisted on. - -On the 8th of February the Queen opened Parliament in person, and -was well received in the crowded streets, but Mr. Gladstone, Lord -Beaconsfield, and the Chinese Ambassador and his suite were for the -time the real heroes of the mob. The scene in the House of Lords -was one of exceptional brilliancy, and after the Speech, was read -by Lord Cairns, the Queen, descending the steps of the Throne, left -the Chamber, the ceremony, so far as her Majesty was concerned, not -occupying more than fifteen minutes. It need not be said that in both -Houses the debates on the Address centred round the Eastern Question. -The Conference had been a failure, and the Government were seriously -embarrassed. Logically, Ministers, as men of spirit, were bound to -make the demands of the Conference effective, for was it not their own -device for settling the Eastern Question, and were not its demands -their demands? That was the view which Lord Hartington vindicated in a -speech of great power and cogency. - -On the other hand, it was clear that the Cabinet had no fixed aim -when it organised the Conference--that if it ever contemplated the -contingency of failure, which its supporters by their fierce attacks -on Lord Salisbury had virtually manufactured, it had hoped to tide -over the difficulty by letting matters drift. Lord Derby had begun by -assuming that it was not the right or duty of England to insist on -Turkey conceding reforms to Bulgaria. The autumnal agitation about -the atrocities induced him to change front, and to admit that it -was alike the duty and right of England, as one of the Powers whose -support maintained the Turkish Empire, to demand that its European -Provinces should not be submerged in barbarism. He had organised the -Powers in support of this demand, and now, when the Turks refused to -yield to it, he reverted to his original theory that England had no -more right to interfere with Turkey, than with Austria or France. What -made matters worse for the Cabinet was the prevailing belief that, -though they sent Lord Salisbury to Constantinople to insist on reforms, -their agents privily assured Midhat Pasha, then Grand Vizier, that -no harm would come if Turkey upset the Conference. The State Papers -furnish no confirmation of this belief. Indeed, they show that Lord -Derby told Lord Salisbury to warn the Turks that though England would -take no part in coercive measures against them, the Porte “is to be -made to understand that it can expect no assistance from England in -the case of war.”[99] The Turks, however, had a fixed conviction that -England would help them in a war with Russia. Nothing but a strong -statement from Lord Beaconsfield would have eradicated this belief, -and all that the English Government can be blamed for is, that Lord -Beaconsfield failed or refused to make this statement. According to -Prince Bismarck, no statesman who aspires to influence abroad will -permit his Government to be associated with a failure in diplomacy. Yet -not only had Lord Beaconsfield and Lord Derby permitted their project -of the Conference to be laughed to pieces by the Turks, but all they -had to say to Parliament was that they were sorry that Turkey had -misunderstood her own interests. They were quite contented to accept -the defeat of their scheme meekly. Their position appears rather abject -to those who look at it critically, and yet no other was practically -open to them. Only a small faction, led by Lord Hartington and Mr. -Gladstone, were for coercing Turkey. A still smaller faction of idle -loungers, whose favourite phrase was that “Piccadilly wanted a little -wholesome blood-letting,” were for joining Turkey in a war against -the Slav States headed by Russia. The people were divided between -their spasmodic fear of Russia and their equally spasmodic loathing -for the Turks, and Radical Russophobes, like Mr. Joseph Cowen, were -just as loud in demanding non-intervention as Radical Russophiles -like Mr. Bright. Thus the policy of the Government--that of demanding -concessions from Turkey from a love of Humanity, and tamely submitting -to a contemptuous refusal, from fear of Russia, fairly well reflected -the mind of the English democracy. - -Sir Stafford Northcote’s leadership of the House of Commons was not -promising. He tolerated the obstruction of a small group of members, -who caused the Bill which closed public-houses in Ireland on Sundays -to be abandoned, after Ministers stood pledged to its principle, and -all parties in the House were willing to pass it. He permitted his -more devoted followers to oppose a Resolution moved by Mr. Clare -Read--who had left the Government because he considered that they -neglected agricultural interests--in favour of County Government -Reform. But at the last moment he put forward Mr. Sclater-Booth -to accept the Resolution in a speech which was evidently meant as -a conclusive argument against it. Mr. Cross’s Prisons Bills, too, -spread disaffection among the squirearchy. These measures reduced the -management of gaols in the three kingdoms to something like uniformity. -But they made the prisons national and not local institutions, -centralised their administration in the hands of the Imperial -Government, deposed the local justices from their position of control -over them, and charged their cost to the Consolidated Fund. - -The debates in Parliament were rendered memorable by the appearance of -a cool and adroit gladiator on the Irish benches, whose business-like -methods of attacking the Prisons Bill in Committee extorted admiration -from all old Parliamentary hands. This was Mr. Charles Stewart Parnell. -It was known to be his intention to obstruct the Prisons Bill, in -defiance of the wishes of Mr. Butt, the leader of the Irish Party. But -it was assumed that a combination of the two great English Parties -would easily crush opposition of the frivolous and factious order -with which Mr. Beresford Hope and a section of the Tories had met Mr. -Forster’s Ballot Bill.[100] But Mr. Parnell had evidently foreseen this -contingency, and he met it by inventing a higher and more scientific -type of obstruction than Mr. Hope had been capable of devising. His -obstruction paralysed the two front benches, because he took care that -it was not frivolous. He had evidently spent many nights and days -in the minute dissection of the Bill, and he had manifestly toiled -without stint in reading up the whole question of Prison discipline. -It was not till he had made himself master of the entire subject that -he intervened in the Debates, and then the House, to its amazement, -found that the Home Secretary himself, when pitted against this bland -young Irish squire with his soft voice, his lugubrious intonation, his -funereal manner, and dull, prosaic Gradgrind-like form of speech, was -but a poor amateur wriggling in the firm grip of a pitiless expert. To -the dismay of the three leaders of the House--Sir Stafford Northcote, -Lord Hartington, and Mr. Butt--there was no easy means of getting rid -of Mr. Parnell, simply because his amendments--and their name was -legion--were not vamped up. Nay, with Machiavelian ingenuity he had -draughted them so skilfully that most of them appealed strongly to -the sympathies of other sections of the House than those connected -with Ireland. Indeed, but for the persistency with which Mr. Parnell -and one or two of his friends “bored” the House with the sufferings -of certain Fenian prisoners under discipline, one would have thought -that his treatment of the Bill was simply that of an English country -gentleman, who had made himself an authority on the question, and had -a genuine desire to eliminate from it stupid provisions which had -been palmed off on a credulous Home Secretary. Nor was it in mastery -of detail and skill of draughtsmanship alone that Mr. Parnell showed -himself formidable. His ingenuity in inventing amendments drawn on -lines that appealed to English popular feeling was inexhaustible. If -at one moment the Home Secretary found himself contending with Mr. -Parnell in the guise of a healthy-minded Tory squire, who was a hater -of centralisation and a champion of the rights of visiting justices, -at another he found himself battling with a philanthropist in whom -the spirit of Howard lived again. Few who witnessed the long duel -between Mr. Cross and Mr. Parnell will ever forget the pitiful and -perturbed embarrassment of the Home Secretary when he found himself at -every turn so maliciously cornered by his enemy, that he must either -surrender, offend the prejudices of the rural magistracy, who hated the -Bill, or raise up hosts of enemies in Exeter Hall and other centres -of philanthropic activity, where any proposal to humanise Prison -Discipline was hailed with delight. And when the duel was over it was -impossible to deny that whatever might be Mr. Parnell’s motive, he had -by his opposition extorted from Mr. Cross a series of concessions, -which not only improved the Bill, but converted it from a bad one into -a good one. - -One more point remains to be noted. Mr. Parnell’s party practically -consisted of one--namely, Mr. Joseph Gillies Biggar. If it was Mr. -Parnell’s desire “to scorn delights and live laborious days” in -reforming the administration of English prisons, it was the firm and -austere resolve of Mr. Biggar that this great work should be done with -a solemnity of deliberation - -[Illustration: HORSESHOE CLOISTERS, WINDSOR CASTLE.] - -worthy of such an august Assembly as the House of Commons. The business -in hand was too serious to be transacted without a quorum--so Mr. -Biggar invariably tried to “count” out the House. Public affairs ought -not to be transacted at an hour when, to use his favourite phrase, -“no decent person would be out of _their beds_,” so Mr. Biggar would -insist on adjourning the House or the Committee about one o’clock in -the morning.[101] And Mr. Biggar played his part in the serio-comedy -with so much elfish delight and quaint, grotesque humour, that if the -House now and then roared with rage at him, it still oftener roared -with laughter. Those who saw deeper than the surface saw that something -more serious than a comedy was being produced by these new performers -from Ireland. They saw sprouting the germ of that extraordinary -policy of Parliamentary pressure by which the new school of Irish -Nationalists sought to gain their end--the policy that offered the -Imperial Government the choice of one of two alternatives--concession -of autonomy in Ireland, or the sacrifice of the ancient liberties and -privileges of Parliament. - -Still Englishmen were loth to believe that an issue so grave would be -forced upon them. Indeed, the Conservative Party regarded obstruction, -so far as it had gone, with merely a Platonic hatred. It had been used -only to check legislation, and Conservative interests were not hurt by -keeping things as they were. Then it was also said that the success of -Mr. Parnell was due to the feebleness of Mr. Cross, who, however, was -in a position to smile at such innuendoes. Whether he had been strong -or weak, Mr. Cross had, at all events, got his Prisons Bill passed in -a form that brought him great credit in the country. However, in the -lobbies of the House of Commons and in the political clubs the general -opinion was, that there was no need for Conservatives to be alarmed -so long as Mr. Parnell merely delayed legislative changes. He would -not venture to obstruct administrative work, and he must assuredly -succumb if he challenged a vigorous and resolute Minister like Mr. -Gathorne-Hardy. Mr. Parnell accordingly put up Mr. O’Connor Power to -block Mr. Hardy’s Army Estimates on the 2nd of July. Mr. Power waited -till the Army Reserve Vote came on, and then he met it with a motion to -report progress, first, because money ought not to be voted away after -midnight, and secondly because Ireland, not being allowed to raise -a Volunteer Force, ought not to pay taxes to support the Volunteer -Forces of England and Scotland. Would Mr. Hardy explain why Ireland -should not have Volunteers? Mr. Hardy seemed speechless with wrath at -the audacity of the attack, and met the question with contemptuous -silence. The interest of the House was now roused. It would be seen -whether the strong Minister of the Government, would be more successful -than Mr. Cross in coping with obstruction. Of course the motion was -defeated--but eight members, including Mr. Whalley, voted for it. Mr. -Parnell, it was then seen, had a small party at his back, nay, he -had lieutenants at his call ready to serve. Mr. O’Donnell next moved -that the Chairman of Committee leave the chair, and defiantly warned -Mr. Hardy that, till he did answer Mr. Power’s question, no Supply -would be voted. Mr. Hardy still refused, and then the struggle went on -merrily, dilatory motions being moved one after the other, till at last -the Government gave up the fight, and allowed the House to be counted -out at a quarter past seven in the morning.[102] Mr. Cross was the -only Conservative member who did not appear crestfallen next day. His -“feeble” method of dealing had, at all events, borne fruit. He had got -work, and good work, done. Mr. Hardy’s vigour had simply demonstrated -to the world that six Irish members could keep the House of Commons -sitting till seven o’clock in the morning, and keep it sitting for -nothing. Sir Stafford Northcote accordingly carried the feeling of -the House with him when, at next meeting, he threatened to move that -the rules of Procedure be reconsidered. But on going into the matter -he found that this would take time. The rules were dear to Members -opposed to reform, because they were so contrived as to give the utmost -facilities for impeding legislative change. Hence, he intimated, on the -5th of July, that he would deal with the difficulty after the Recess. -Mr. Parnell’s retort was to obstruct business at that sitting till -about three in the morning. He and his friends not only opposed the -clause in the Irish Judicature Bill fixing the salaries of the Irish -Judges,[103] but they affected to have suddenly taken an absorbing -interest in the Solicitors Examination Bill which had come down from -the House of Lords. On the 23rd of July Sir Stafford Northcote, still -shrinking from altering the rules of the House, tried to meet the case -by moving that the Government should confiscate for their business the -nights allotted to private members. This enabled the Parnellite Party -to again obstruct business, as champions of Parliamentary privileges. - -By this time the House of Commons was working itself up into a fit of -burning indignation. The anger of the Conservatives indeed knew no -bounds, for they saw that they must either submit to Mr. Parnell, or -surrender privileges of obstruction which they had themselves found -useful in defeating measures of reform in bygone days. Mr. Parnell’s -Party sat maliciously cool and annoyingly calm through all the turmoil; -indeed, Mr. Parnell seemed bent on provoking the Tories opposite him, -by assuming towards them a demeanour of supercilious aristocratic -superiority that cut them at every moment like a whip. His manner of -disdainful mastery indicated that he must have some dire instrument -of torture in reserve for them. And so he had. He and his friends had -picked up a Bill which nobody dreamt of seriously attacking, because -it was purely an administrative measure proposed by the Colonial -Office. It gave the Colonies and the two Dutch Republics in South -Africa the means of forming a Confederation if they chose to do so. -It was perfectly harmless and permissive, but it was unfortunately -complex and loaded with detail. Mr. Parnell and his band had devoted -their unremitting energies to mastering, not only this Bill, but -every imaginable point in South African policy. Hence, when it came -before the House, they suddenly appeared in the character of South -African “experts,” who knew infinitely more about the subject than the -unfortunate Minister in charge of the measure. The Government had also -annexed the Transvaal Republic under the erroneous impression that the -Boers desired annexation, and Lord Grey had frankly admitted in the -House of Lords that South Africa was not ripe for Confederation. A few -Radical doctrinaires, led by Mr. Courtney, alarmed at the annexation of -the Transvaal, also disliked the Bill. In fact, an ideal opportunity -for practising obstructive tactics had been presented to Mr. Parnell -by the Government, and he took advantage of it ruthlessly. He and his -Party opposed the South Africa Bill line by line, nay, almost word -by word,[104] contemptuously asking Ministers to explain why they -persisted in giving to Colonies that did not want it, the autonomy -for which Ireland sued in vain. What, however, chiefly embarrassed -the Ministry was the factiousness of several powerful Radicals, -like Mr. Chamberlain, Professor Fawcett, and Mr. Rylands, who, not -content with expressing dissent in the constitutional manner on the -Second Reading, voted with Mr. Parnell in obstructing the formal -proposal to go into Committee on the Bill.[105] It would have been -comparatively easy to rouse an overwhelming force of public opinion -against Mr. Parnell at this juncture, had not Messrs. Chamberlain, -Rylands, Courtney, and Fawcett thrown over his opposition the ægis -of their personal authority. Their unexpected alliance emboldened -Mr. Parnell, who accordingly blocked the Bill in Committee to such -an extent, that Sir Stafford Northcote, on the 25th of July, moved -that the Irish leader be suspended for two days because he had said -he had “satisfaction in preventing and thwarting the intentions of -the Government in respect of the Bill.” In the wrangle that followed, -Mr. Parnell’s cool, supercilious manner rendered the House almost -ungovernable, until several Members recalled it to reason. It was -seen that the words expressed no more in themselves than a legitimate -act of critical opposition. Mr. Whitbread moved that the debate on -the motion to suspend Mr. Parnell be adjourned for twenty-four hours. -Mr. Hardy accepted the proposal, whereupon Mr. Parnell with frigid -imperturbability rose and resumed his speech at the very sentence in -delivering which Sir Stafford Northcote had interrupted him exactly two -hours before. During that sitting, from noon till a quarter to six in -the evening, only two clauses were passed. But one point was gained. -Mr. Parnell had inflicted on Sir Stafford Northcote a personal defeat -so detrimental to his authority as leader of the House, that he was at -last compelled to consent to a modification of the rules of procedure. - -On the 27th of July he moved two Resolutions, one prohibiting a Member -from moving dilatory motions of adjournments more than once on the same -night, and another enabling the Chair to put without debate a motion -silencing a Member for the rest of the debate who had been “named” as -defying the authority of the Speaker or Chairman of Committees. As -for Sir Stafford Northcote’s motion to suspend Mr. Parnell, that was -dropped at Lord Hartington’s suggestion. After apologetic explanations -were given by Lord Beaconsfield and Sir Stafford Northcote to the -Members of the Tory Party at a private meeting at the Foreign Office, -these resolutions were carried. Independent critics predicted that -they would be futile; that, indeed, no remedy short of the Continental -_clôture_, which the Conservatives dreaded much more than Mr. Parnell, -could be effective. - -[Illustration: LORD DERBY. - -(_From a Photograph by Elliott and Fry._)] - -Mr. Parnell proceeded without delay to give a practical illustration of -the defects of the new rules. He played his game more warily, but more -persistently than ever, and every day the House of Commons found itself -an object of contempt to the nation, because it could not vindicate -its authority against one man. At last, on the 31st of July, Sir -Stafford Northcote in despair resolved to resort to physical methods. -He arranged with Lord Hartington to force the South Africa Bill through -Committee, by getting the House to sit on without a break till the -Parnellites were worn out from sheer bodily exhaustion. Relays of -Members were brought up to keep the House in Session, and Mr. Parnell -and his friends were allowed to talk themselves out. For twenty-six -consecutive hours the struggle went on with the seven Irish Members, -who, ere it was half through, lost their Radical ally, Mr. Courtney, -who flounced out of the House muttering his disgust at the hideous -scene of anarchy. At two o’clock in the afternoon of the following day, -Sir Stafford Northcote threatened “further proceedings,” and then, and -not till then, did the Irish forlorn hope give way. Mr. O’Donnell, -whose voice was now scarcely audible, said that this menace[106] -changed the situation, and the Bill was forthwith passed through -Committee. The Government triumphed, but at a terrible cost. They had -to drop all their best Bills, because Mr. Parnell kept them using up -the time at their disposal in passing a measure which was of little -interest to Englishmen, and which ultimately proved, not only useless, -but mischievous. The Session was therefore barren of legislative -fruit. Even the Budget failed to excite debate, for, as Sir Stafford -Northcote said, it was “a ready-made” one, and changed nothing.[107] -No old taxes were remitted, and no new ones imposed. Sir Stafford -Northcote perhaps underrated the depression in trade, which was even -then obviously growing. He hardly appreciated the rapidity with which -the working classes were exhausting their savings at a time when wages -were more likely to fall than rise. But otherwise his statement was -unobjectionable. - -Foreign Policy was, however, the mainstay of the Ministry, and it is -curious to note how completely the anti-Turkish agitation, which Mr. -Gladstone had fomented with passionate zeal, forced the Cabinet to -change their attitude to the Eastern Question. In 1876 the Ministerial -doctrine was that England had no more to do with a quarrel between -the Sultan and his subjects than between the Austrian Emperor and his -people--the Ministerial theory, in fact, was, that if England was bound -to protect anybody, it was the Sultan, and not his subjects. In 1877 -Ministers acknowledged that, as England had been mainly responsible -for keeping the Turk in Europe, she was in honour bound to protect his -Christian subjects from the torture which his Pashas inflicted on them. -There was also a change in regard to another point. In 1876 Ministers -were all for maintaining the “integrity and independence” of Turkey. -The Atrocities agitation, however, forced Lord Derby to make demands on -Turkey, and to assent to demands being made on her, which ignored her -visionary integrity and her mythical independence. It was said at the -time that the Court, having strongly supported the pro-Turkish policy -of 1876, was disappointed at the change of front in 1877. It is quite -certain that these views were not shared by the Duke and Duchess of -Edinburgh and their _entourage_. A passage in one of the letters of -the Princess Alice to the Queen makes that point tolerably clear.[108] -But as to the other question the evidence is faulty. The policy of the -Prince Consort, which was always supposed to dominate the ideas of -the Court, was certainly not pro-Turkish. In his celebrated Memorandum -to Lord Aberdeen’s Cabinet in 1853 he laid down two principles: It was -the duty and interest of England to prevent Russia from imposing in -an underhand way a Protectorate on the European provinces of Turkey -“incompatible with their own independence.” It was also the duty and -interest of England to prevent Turkey from using English diplomacy -so as to enable the Pashas to impose “a more oppressive rule of two -millions of fanatic Mussulmans over twelve millions of Christians.” -England might go to war to prevent Bulgaria from falling into the -hands of Russia, but not for the mere maintenance of the integrity -and independence of Turkey. Nay, the Prince considered that such a -war ought to lead, in the peace which must be its object, “to the -obtaining of arrangements more consonant with the well-understood -interests of Europe, of Christianity, liberty, and civilisation, than -the re-imposition of the ignorant barbarian and despotic yoke of the -Mussulman over the most fertile and favoured portion of Europe.”[109] -Lord Aberdeen, Lord Clarendon, Sir James Graham, and Mr. Gladstone -accepted this view of English policy. On the other hand, Lord -Palmerston repudiated it. He contended that it was the duty of England -to maintain the integrity of Turkey at all hazards; that the Prince -Consort’s policy pointed to the ultimate expulsion of the Ottomans from -Europe; and that any reconstruction of Turkey such as that which the -Prince foreshadowed simply meant “its subjection to Russia, direct or -indirect, immediate or for a time delayed.” - -But Lord Beaconsfield’s policy was simply a reproduction of Lord -Palmerston’s, hence it might be inferred that if the Prince Consort’s -ideas still prevailed at Court, his policy in 1876 could not have -had Royal sanction. On the other hand, there is no proof that Prince -Albert’s ideas on the subject--which in the main were those of the -great bulk of the English people--were still held as authoritative -at Court. In a curious letter, the significance of which is obvious -in its relation to the Queen’s personal opinions, written by the -Princess Alice to her mother (25th July, 1878) there occurs, after an -outburst against the advance of the Russians on Bulgaria, the following -passage: “What do the friends of the ‘Atrocity Meetings’ say now? How -difficult it has been made for the Government through them, and how -blind they have been! All this must be a constant worry and anxiety -for you.”[110] As the Princess’s letters, where they touch on English -public affairs, invariably reflect the opinions of the Queen, and as -it cannot be imagined that in a matter of bitter political controversy -she would venture to obtrude on the Queen so contemptuous a view of the -“Atrocity Meetings” and of the conduct of the Opposition, had it not -been in sympathy with the Queen’s own feelings, we may safely draw -one conclusion. Despite the conjectures which have been ingeniously -based on the Prince Consort’s Memorandum of 1853, the policy of the -Court was identified with that of the Cabinet all through 1876, and -if it was changed in 1877, it was changed in deference to the popular -hostility to Turkey, which Mr. Gladstone had aroused. Among those -persons, however, who were closest in contact with the Court, and who -usually reflected Royal ideas most correctly, there was no change -of opinion. Mr. Hayward’s correspondence teems with references to -the fierce hatred with which Mr. Gladstone and the Opposition were -denounced by “the upper ten thousand;”[111] in fact, Society vilipended -Mr. Gladstone with the same obloquy that it had bestowed on him for his -pamphlet denouncing the Neapolitan atrocities. But Mr. Hayward is at -pains to state that, “all that the Government have been doing in the -right direction is owing to the flame kindled by him [Mr. Gladstone]”; -and the Hayward Correspondence proves that at the different embassies -the diplomatists were at one on three points (1), the insulation of -England; (2), the necessity of protecting the Bulgarians effectually -from Turkish oppression; (3), the necessity of refusing Russia any -cession of Turkish territory in Europe; a condition which, says Mr. -Hayward in his account of a celebrated diplomatic dinner-party at the -Austrian Embassy, Russia accepted.[112] - -Events justified the accuracy of Mr. Hayward’s information, for it was -the fatal error of Lord Beaconsfield’s policy that it assumed there was -no genuine accord among the Powers, and that they were neither able nor -willing to prevent Russia from seizing Turkish territory in Europe. -Indeed, Mr. Hayward seems to have been the only observer of public -affairs who clearly understood why they were drifting in the direction -indicated by the table-talk of the embassies. In a letter to Lady -Waldegrave (7th October, 1876) he says, “the power of public opinion -is a remarkable feature of the Eastern Question. Russia is so strongly -impelled by it that the Government would be endangered by holding back. -Austria is impelled by the Magyar to oppose the construction of any new -Slav State. The Porte is afraid of exasperating its Mahometan subjects -by what might be deemed unworthy concessions. The English Government -is completely controlled by public opinion.” And again in a letter to -Mr. Gladstone he says, “One of the strongest features of the situation -is, that the popular voice or national will is bettering or impelling -diplomacy and statesmanship in Russia, Austria, England, and Turkey, and - -[Illustration: THE TOWER OF GALATA, CONSTANTINOPLE.] - -fortunately so as concerns England. Whatever England is doing in -the right direction is owing to the popular impulse for which you -are mainly responsible, and which will redound to your lasting -honour.”[113] At the same time, there was a point at which Mr. -Gladstone and the nation parted company. He thought that if England -admitted that she ought to see that the Bulgarians were protected from -oppression, she ought to force Turkey to give effectual guarantees -for their protection. If she did not, Russia would step in as their -champion, and establish a claim to exclusive influence over European -Turkey, which it was not politic to give her even a pretext for -exercising. The great majority of Englishmen, however, held (1), that -it was not their business to waste their taxes in winning freedom for -the Bulgarians; (2), that they sufficiently discharged their duty -to them when they paralysed Turkey by withdrawing British support -from her; and (3), that the futile results of the Crimean War proved -that Austria and Germany, from their geographical position, were the -only Powers who could be safely trusted to effectively check Russian -aggression in Eastern Europe. The masses, as distinguished from the -aristocratic and academic classes, here proved themselves wiser than -their leaders, on whom they forced a policy of non-intervention, which -practically meant benevolent neutrality to the oppressed provinces of -Turkey. The manner in which the Treaty of San Stefano was transformed -into the Treaty of Berlin, every concession extorted from Russia being -obviously exacted in Austro-German interests, more than justified the -somewhat cynical anticipations of the British people. - -It is not necessary to describe at length the steps which led up to -the outbreak of war between Russia and Turkey on the 23rd of April, -1877. In vain did Lord Derby implore Turkey to grant of her own free -will the concessions she had refused to the abortive Conference. Russia -stood grimly on the frontier, with her hand on her sword-hilt, asking -Europe how long she was to wait ere she unsheathed her weapon. In -March a Protocol was signed by the Powers pressing Turkey to yield. -To this Russia appended a declaration that she would disarm if Turkey -accepted the advice of the Powers, and also sent an ambassador to St. -Petersburg to arrange for mutual disarmament. But otherwise Russia -clearly indicated her intention to use force. Lord Derby accepted, as -did the other Powers, this declaration, only he added, on behalf of -England, a reservation that she would consider the instrument null and -void if it did not lead to disarmament. The Turks rejected the appeal -of the Protocol. Prince Bismarck rejected a personal appeal which the -Queen made to him to hold back Russia; and so war was declared. To the -last the Turks expected that England would take their side, and they -had been confirmed in their attitude of contumacy by the appointment -of Mr. Layard, a notorious supporter of Turkey, to the British Embassy -at Constantinople on the day on which the Protocol was signed. If it -was the object of Lord Beaconsfield to prevent the outbreak of war -and to save the Ottoman Empire in Europe from ruin, his policy must -be described as an utter failure. And it failed for obvious reasons. -Lord Beaconsfield and the British diplomatic agents in Turkey talked -and wrote in terms which persuaded the Turks that, if they resisted -the demands of Europe, England would defend them, as in 1853-4. On the -contrary, if Lord Beaconsfield desired the Foreign Policy of England -to succeed, and to save Turkey from being crushed by Russia, he should -have taken steps to convince her that, even if he had the will, he had -not the power to do battle for her. - -Others besides the Turks shared the opinion that Lord Beaconsfield -meant to drag England into a new Crimean War. On the 5th of May Mr. -Carlyle stated in the _Times_, “not on hearsay, but on accurate -knowledge,”[114] that Lord Beaconsfield was contemplating a feat “that -will force, not Russia only, but all Europe to declare war against -us.”[115] The idea of the Government was to occupy Gallipoli to -protect British interests. This would have forced Russia to declare -war against England, and then English public opinion would, of course, -have supported Lord Beaconsfield in fighting on the side of Turkey. But -Mr. Carlyle’s sudden revelation of the scheme roused public opinion in -favour of non-intervention, and Mr. Gladstone “took occasion by the -hand” to inflame the populace against Lord Beaconsfield’s supposed -designs. Stormy meetings were held all over England during the first -week of May, and then Ministers seemed to have changed their offensive -tone towards Russia. On the 6th of May Lord Derby buoyed out for Russia -the torpedoes called “British interests” which lay in her way. He laid -down in a polite despatch the precise conditions under which England -would remain neutral, conditions so plainly reasonable that Prince -Gortschakoff accepted them with the utmost frankness. Meanwhile Mr. -Gladstone was seriously misled by the public indignation which had -been roused against a conspiracy to fight for Turkey under the pretext -of protecting British interests. He imagined it would enable him to -carry out his own project of coercing Turkey in company with Russia. He -therefore submitted to the House of Commons six Resolutions, which were -discussed early in May. Of these, however, he was forced to withdraw -two, because a powerful section of the Liberal party considered that -they bound England to joint action with Russia. Thus Mr. Gladstone’s -formidable array of Resolutions dwindled down to the simple and -harmless proposition that the Turk was a bad man, who did not deserve -English sympathy or support. The House, however, by a majority of 131, -carried a colourless amendment declining to embarrass the Government -by any formal vote, and leaving “the determination of policy entirely -in their hands.” The debate on the Resolutions was one of those high -and sustained triumphs of Parliamentary eloquence which at great crises -display the British House of Commons at its best. It may be said to -have exhausted the controversy on the Eastern Question. Mr. Gladstone’s -speech (which would of itself have rendered the debate historical) -admittedly soared as high as the loftiest flights of Chatham and of -Burke. - -There is no need to narrate the events of the war, how Osman Pasha, -from behind his earthworks at Plevna, blocked the Russian advance, and -Mukhtar held the Russians at bay in Asia Minor. As the star of fortune -shed its beams on either side, public opinion in England grew feverish -and excited, the Tories all the while clamouring for intervention on -behalf of Turkey. Some of them, indeed, seemed to hold that it was -the duty of England to head a new Crusade on behalf of Islam against -Christianity. But the public utterances of Ministers indicated their -determination to remain neutral, and Lord Derby did his best to -convince Musurus Pasha that Turkey was abandoned to her fate. - -[Illustration: RUSSIAN WOUNDED LEAVING PLEVNA.] - -Though the fact was not known at the time, a perfectly frank and -friendly understanding existed between the English and Russian -Governments; in fact, Russia had informed England, through her -ambassador, what terms of peace she would offer to Turkey, if Turkey -were to yield before Russian troops were compelled to cross the -Balkans. This information was given so that Lord Derby might have an -opportunity of modifying these terms if necessary for the protection of -British interests, prior to their presentation to the Porte, and Lord -Derby thought them so reasonable that he made more than one fruitless -effort to get Mr. Layard to press them on Turkey. Unfortunately the -diplomacy of 1877 was kept a profound secret, and as the people -were not aware of the good understanding between the Governments of -Russia and England, a fierce and exasperating controversy between the -Russophiles and the Russophobes raged through the land. On the 14th -and 15th of October the Turkish defence in Asia Minor collapsed. On -the 11th of December the fall of Plevna was announced, and when it was -intimated that Parliament was to meet on the 13th of January, 1878, -the country was panic-stricken. Nobody knew that Lord Derby and Count -Schouvaloff had practically agreed about the terms of peace that were -to be imposed on Turkey, and that Lord Derby had repeatedly warned the -Turks to expect no help from England. Everybody, in fact, inferred, -from the tone of the Ministerial press and of the speeches of Lord -Beaconsfield, Mr. Hardy, and Lord John Manners, that a scheme of -intervention was “in the air,” and that the early meeting of Parliament -implied a demand for supplies to carry on a war with Russia. The -Money Market rocked and swayed with excitement, and securities fell -with amazing rapidity.[116] Throughout England meetings were held by -business people protesting against any divergence from a policy of -neutrality. At night bands of young men, representing the War Party, -marched about London, the only English city which favoured war, singing -the chorus of a song then becoming popular in the music-halls, and -which began-- - - “We don’t want to fight, - But by Jingo if we do, - We’ve got the ships, we’ve got the men, - And we’ve got the money too.” - -[Illustration: HUGHENDEN MANOR. (_From a Photograph by Taunt and Co._)] - -A new political term crept into use, namely, “Jingoism,”[117] or the -cult of the war-god Jingo, whose worshippers, however, were bellicose -rather than warlike, for they always prefaced their hymnal invocations -by the assurance that they did “_not_ want to fight.” The Ministry, -too, was divided--Lord Beaconsfield, Lord John Manners, and Mr. Hardy -leading the “Jingo” faction, whilst Lord Derby, Lord Carnarvon, and -Mr. Cross represented the Peace Party. This split in the Cabinet was -deplored at the time, and yet it was of enormous advantage to England. -It prevented her from being dragged into the war. It is true that it -buoyed up the expectant Turks with false hopes of aid from England, -and thus tempted them to reject the easy terms of peace which Russia -would have accepted after the fall of Plevna.[118] But the wrecking of -Turkey was not in 1877 a matter that deeply moved the British taxpayer, -unless he held Turkish Bonds, and if Lord Beaconsfield, Mr. Hardy, -Lord John Manners, and their group, by their bellicose attitude, lured -the Ottoman race to disaster, it was for the Turkish or War Party, and -not for the nation, to call these Ministers to account.[119] As for -the policy of neutrality which the English people literally forced on -Lord Beaconsfield and Mr. Gladstone, it was justified in the second -week of December, by a statement which Count Andrassy made to the -Austro-Hungarian Delegations on the 8th and 9th of that month. He -frankly said that Austrian sympathies were with the Christian subjects -of the Sultan, and that he “would not dare to stand up for the _status -quo_” in Turkey. - -It needed little insight to discern that when Austria--a Power that -could have hurled 150,000 men on the flank of Russia--declared herself -against Turkey, and the _status quo_, it meant that Russia had bought -her alliance by consenting to an Austrian occupation of Bosnia and -Herzegovina. In such a crisis the true policy of a high-spirited -English statesman was to have safeguarded British interests in the -Ottoman Empire by “temporarily” occupying Egypt, as Austria was to -“temporarily” occupy Bosnia. Lord Beaconsfield, however, adopted -the surest means for paralysing his arm for such a bold stroke. -He summoned Parliament to meet three weeks earlier than usual, and -permitted his supporters to divert the attention of the country from -Egypt--obviously endangered by the impending fall of Turkey--to -wild schemes for occupying Gallipoli, sending a fleet to defend -Constantinople, and an army to obstruct the advance of Russia in Asia -Minor. As any one of these projects meant war with Russia, popular -excitement soon grew intense. - -In this crisis it was to be expected that the policy of the Court would -be the subject of criticism, even though it were based on conjecture. -The pro-Turkish party were artful and adroit in their insinuations that -the Queen was on their side; though it is doubtful if the country would -have paid heed to them but for a curious coincidence. The third volume -of the “Life of the Prince Consort” was published at this juncture, -and it was assumed by both the partisans of Lord Beaconsfield and Mr. -Gladstone that Sir Theodore Martin had issued it by the Queen’s desire -in the form of a violent pamphlet against Russia. Perhaps it might -have been more discreet to have suppressed some passages, in which the -Prince, carried away by the excitement of the Crimean struggle, had -naturally taken a less sober and far-seeing view of European diplomacy -and English duty than he formulated in his famous Memorandum of 1853. -On the other hand, there is no reason to suppose that when the work was -compiled Sir Theodore Martin, or rather the Queen, who selected the -documents for publication, could have anticipated that the London Press -and the Pall Mall clubs would be agitated by a frenzied controversy -as to whether the Cossack was a more moral man than the Bashi-Bazouk, -or Lord Beaconsfield a greater traitor than Mr. Gladstone. Nor can it -be said that a just view of the Prince Consort’s opinions would have -been obtained if his letter to Stockmar, penned in April, 1854, and his -Memorandum to the Cabinet of the 3rd of May, 1855, had been withheld. -The former expressed the Prince’s regret that the English public -were too excited to permit the Government to stand by, and, having -let Turkey dash herself to pieces against Russia, step in and take -guarantees against Russia using her victory to the prejudice of Europe. -Public opinion in 1854, the Prince regretfully admitted, recognised no -way of taking these guarantees but one--that of supporting Turkey at -the outset, so that the influence thus gained might be used to persuade -the Porte to behave decently. As for the Memorandum of May, 1855, -written during the negotiations at Vienna, it merely put on record -his strong feeling against giving Russia an excuse for enforcing, -single-handed, demands which Europe might make on Turkey. It is simply -amazing that by these documents the Russophobes pretended to prove that -the Queen was on the side of Turkey, and the Russophiles that she was -for attempting to raise another Crimean War. The natural inferences -from the documents read in connection with the Memorandum of 1853, were -(1), that as English public opinion had now changed so as to tolerate -the policy of expectancy, for which Prince Albert hinted his personal -preference, he would, if alive, have supported the “sordid” national -policy of neutrality, and that, too, all the more readily that Austria -and Germany were better able to curb Russia in 1877 than in 1854; (2), -that he would have either accepted the Berlin Memorandum, or have -taken steps to give executive effect to the demands formulated by the -Conference of Constantinople. - -But another circumstance gave colour to the floating gossip as to -the Queen’s pro-Turkish sympathies.[120] She resolved to confer on -Lord Beaconsfield a distinction she had bestowed only on three of her -Premiers--Melbourne, Peel, and Aberdeen--that of paying him a visit -at his country seat. It was on the 15th of December that the Queen -arrived at High Wycombe, which she found lavishly decorated with -evergreens, flowers, and flags. At one part of her route there was -built a triumphal arch of chairs (representing the staple manufacture -of the town), in which she displayed a special interest. Accompanied -by the Princess Beatrice, her Majesty was received at High Wycombe -railway-station by Lord Beaconsfield and the Local Authorities, who -presented her with a loyal address. The Mayor’s daughter then presented -bouquets to their illustrious visitors, after which the Royal party -drove, amidst the cheers of the townspeople, to Hughenden Manor. Her -Majesty had luncheon there with the Prime Minister, and spent about two -hours in his house. She and the Princess planted trees in the grounds -in memory of their visit. - -[Illustration: THE QUEEN’S VISIT TO HUGHENDEN: AT HIGH WYCOMBE RAILWAY -STATION.] - -If political significance could be attributed to the visit, it must -have had some relation to the most recent action of the Government. -That had, however, consisted in sending a despatch to Russia (13th of -December) expressing a hope that, if the Russians crossed the Balkans, -they would not occupy Constantinople or menace the Dardanelles.[121] -To this Gortschakoff’s answer was a repetition of the pledge given -in July, that British interests would be respected, and that -Constantinople should only be occupied if the obstinacy of the Turks -forced that step on Russia as a military necessity.[122] That the Queen -should approve of such a despatch as that which Lord Derby sent two -days before she visited Hughenden, and of its frank warning that the -occupation of Constantinople would leave England free to take active -steps for protecting British interests, was only natural. Yet it was -out of this visit that there grew up a great fabric of foolish gossip, -the purport of which was that the Sovereign was goading the Cabinet -into war with Russia! The Ministerial Press made matters worse by -pretending that Prince Gortschakoff’s reply to the despatch of the 13th -of December was insulting to England. But on the 2nd of January, 1878, -Lord Carnarvon, addressing a South African deputation, took occasion -to contradict these assertions. The fall of Plevna, he said, had not -materially affected the policy of the Cabinet, which was still one of -neutrality, and there had been nothing in the Russian communications -with the Ministry of an insulting or discourteous character. The war -scare now subsided as if by magic, and Funds rose a quarter per cent. -But the Ministerial newspapers heaped obloquy on Lord Carnarvon, -declaring that he merely spoke for himself; and at a Cabinet Meeting -on the 3rd of January there was quite a “scene” between him and Lord -Beaconsfield. The Prime Minister condemned the speech of his colleague, -who, however, put on a bold front, and read a Memorandum before the -Cabinet vindicating his position, and re-affirming everything that -he had said. Lord Beaconsfield merely asked him for a copy of this -document, and no Minister then or at any subsequent period hinted -at a private or public disavowal of Lord Carnarvon’s statement. A -very conciliatory answer was sent on the 12th of January to Prince -Gortschakoff. It did not even suggest that the temporary military -occupation of Constantinople would endanger British interests, but it -asked Russia not to touch Gallipoli. On the 15th of January Prince -Gortschakoff answered that Russia would not occupy Gallipoli unless -Turkish troops were massed there; but he said that a British occupation -of the Peninsula would be regarded by Russia as a breach of neutrality. -On the 17th of January Parliament met, and, to its surprise, found -itself greeted with a Royal Speech couched in the most dove-like terms -of peace. The War Party were abashed. Even Lord Beaconsfield spoke not -of daggers, though he hinted vaguely at the chances of using them. -There was also a clause in the Queen’s Speech which, after admitting -that none of the conditions of British neutrality had been violated, -alluded darkly to the possibility of something occurring which might -render “measures of precaution” necessary. Lord Salisbury, however, -went out of his way to state that the Czar, so far from having -aggressive designs, had shown himself anxious to defer to the wishes of -Europe, and was possessed with “an almost tormenting desire for peace,” -so that Members went about asking each other--Why had Parliament been -summoned so soon, to the great disturbance of business and the alarm of -the nation, merely to be told that everything was going on smoothly? -The fact is, that it had been Lord Beaconsfield’s original intention to -send the Fleet to the Dardanelles. - -On the 12th of January, 1878, this proposal was discussed in the -Cabinet, and it would have been necessary to follow up the step by -asking the House of Commons for a war vote. At a meeting on the 14th, -from which Lord Derby was absent, the proposal was adopted. On the -15th Lord Carnarvon sent in his resignation, but Mr. Montagu Corry -came to him with a message from Lord Beaconsfield to say that certain -telegrams had arrived which had caused the order to the Fleet to be -cancelled. These telegrams must obviously have been from Lord Augustus -Loftus, conveying Prince Gortschakoff’s pledge that Gallipoli would -not be touched, and his warning that Russia would regard the British -occupation of it as a breach of neutrality. On the 16th Lord Carnarvon -was at the Cabinet meeting, but his resignation was not returned to -him till the 18th, when Lord Beaconsfield assured him that there was -no longer any difference between them. Lord Beaconsfield, indeed, -went further in his soothing assurances to the House of Lords on the -17th. Though he had Lord Carnarvon’s resignation at that moment in -his pocket, he said “there is not the slightest evidence that there -has _ever_ been any difference between my opinions and those of my -colleagues.”[123] As for the rumours of dissensions in the Cabinet, -Lord Salisbury scornfully averred that they were only the inventions of -“our old friends the newspapers.” - -To understand the events that followed, and which again threw the -country into a panic, two facts must be kept in view. First, the -resolution to send the Fleet to the Dardanelles had been taken on -the 14th of January, after the receipt of a telegram from Mr. Layard -warning the Government that the Russians were moving on Gallipoli. -This false statement had been neutralised by Lord Augustus Loftus, -who sent on the 15th the telegram conveying Gortschakoff’s renewed -pledges to respect British interests, in time to enable Lord -Beaconsfield to cancel the orders to the Fleet. But the second point -is, that the public and Parliament were kept in complete ignorance -of Gortschakoff’s fresh pledges not to approach Gallipoli, and not -to occupy Constantinople. If the one pledge was to be trusted, so -was the other, and the withdrawal of the orders to the Fleet proved -that the Government thought that the one pledge was valid. Yet Lord -Beaconsfield’s friends strove without ceasing to impress the public -with the false notion that Russia meant to seize Constantinople. On -the 17th Mr. Layard sent another alarmist telegram. The Russians, -he said, were marching on Adrianople. They were next to occupy -Constantinople, and the Sultan was making ready to fly to Broussa. On -the 22nd a deputation of the Tory War Party, representing seventy-five -malcontents in the House of Commons, urged a policy of intervention -on Sir Stafford Northcote. On the 23rd the Cabinet resolved to send -immediate orders to Admiral Hornby to take the Fleet to Constantinople. -Lord Derby and Lord Carnarvon thereupon resigned. The order to the -Fleet was countermanded, and Hornby was instructed to anchor in Besika -Bay, whereupon Lord Derby returned to the Cabinet, but without Lord -Carnarvon. Lord Derby afterwards admitted that neither he nor his -colleagues had altered their opinions about the propriety of sending -the order to the Fleet, so that the Ministry and its Foreign Secretary -were now avowedly at variance as to a vital point of principle in -Foreign policy. If the Cabinet was trustworthy Lord Derby should not -have left it. If it was not trustworthy he was right to leave it, -but wrong to go back. As for Lord Beaconsfield, that he should have -permitted Lord Derby to return in such circumstances was, it need -hardly be said, discreditable to him as a man of honour. On January -24th Sir Stafford Northcote gave notice that on the 28th he would move -“a supplementary estimate for the military and naval services,” and the -Ministerial press immediately circulated the most startling accounts -of the oppressive conditions which Russia sought to impose on Turkey, -then negotiating for an armistice. The Liberal press, on the other -hand, accused Sir Stafford Northcote of breaking his promise, passed on -the opening day of the Session, that he would not ask for a Vote till -he knew what the Russian terms of peace were, and saw that they plainly -put British interests in peril. - -As for the public, it had not the faintest idea that Ministers had -received assurances from Prince Gortschakoff which they had dealt with -as satisfactory. The official excuse for the War Vote now was that -Russia, by delaying to communicate the terms of peace which were the -basis of the armistice, rendered precautionary measures necessary. On -the 25th, Count Schouvaloff communicated these terms to the Foreign -Office, and they were found to be simply those which Russia had, with -unusual frankness, forewarned England and the Powers at various stages -of the war, she would exact from Turkey. On the evening of the 25th, -Lord Beaconsfield alluded to these terms as a possible basis for an -armistice. He must have regarded them as eminently moderate, for he -said that they had induced him to cancel the order to the Fleet to -proceed to Constantinople.[124] But the Ministry still persisted in -going on with the War Vote, and on the 28th of January Sir Stafford -Northcote denounced the terms of peace, in language which would have -induced Turkey to reject them had Russia not astutely kept them secret -till Turkey had accepted them. On the same day Lord Carnarvon, in the -House of Lords, explained his reasons for quitting the Cabinet.[125] - -[Illustration: PRINCE GORTSCHAKOFF.] - -The feeling in the House of Commons was now running high against the -Ministry, whose dissensions could no longer be concealed. But the War -Party organised with some difficulty a strong agitation in London in -their favour, and the streets and public-houses soon rang again with -the hymnal invocation to the war-god Jingo. His worshippers attacked -and broke up meetings called to protest against the War Vote, and they -themselves held meetings in Sheffield, in Trafalgar Square, and in -Exeter Hall (6th February). Still these demonstrations were empty of -real meaning, and the Opposition would not have been intimidated by -them but for a curious circumstance. - -On the 7th of February the debate on the War Vote was still dragging -on, and every night the case of the Cabinet seemed to grow feebler -and feebler. The accommodating Mr. Layard, however, once more came -to their rescue. He began again to pour in his stereotyped telegrams -that the Russians, in spite of the armistice, were still marching on -Constantinople. Finally his despatches formed the basis for a rumour -that was circulated at Countess Münster’s ball, on the 6th of January, -that the Russians had actually occupied Constantinople. Next day the -panic-stricken City was literally occupied by raging “Jingoes,” and but -for the police Mr. Gladstone’s house would have been sacked. Every man -who did not bow to the war-god was a traitor and a Russian spy, and -the violence of the War Party ultimately frightened the wits out of -the Opposition. When the House of Commons met, Sir Stafford Northcote, -in reply to Lord Hartington, read Mr. Layard’s alarming telegrams, and -then the Liberal leaders ran from their guns in a panic. Mr. Forster -made haste to withdraw his Resolution against the War Vote. Nobody -would listen to Mr. Bright, who shrewdly suggested that Mr. Layard -was again misleading the Government; and the Liberal Party, deserted -by its leaders, sat in abject dismay, cowering beneath the triumphant -cheering of their opponents. But in a moment the whole scene changed, -as if by the touch of a magician. While Mr. Bright was casting doubt on -Mr. Layard’s telegrams, a note was passed on to Sir Stafford Northcote, -after reading which he grew visibly agitated. He handed it to his -colleagues, and when Mr. Bright sat down, Sir Stafford Northcote rose -and, with a shame-faced visage, said he had something of importance to -communicate. Both sides strained every ear to learn what fresh act of -Russian perfidy had been discovered; but the reaction was indescribable -when he read out an official denial from Prince Gortschakoff of Mr. -Layard’s sensational despatches. “The order,” said Gortschakoff, “has -been given to stop hostilities along the whole line in Europe and in -Asia. There is not a word of truth in the rumours which have reached -you.” Peals of derisive laughter greeted this anti-climax, only it was -difficult to know whether the Opposition and Ministers were laughing at -themselves, or at each other. - -The end of the affair was that Mr. Forster could not muster up enough -courage to press his Resolution, and when a division came he and Lord -Hartington and about a hundred bewildered Liberals walked out of the -House. Hence the Vote was carried into Committee by a majority of 295 -to 199. The country did not conceal its contempt for Mr. Forster’s -manœuvre. Men of sense agreed that there was only one ground on which -such a Vote could be fairly opposed. It was that till Ministers -stated definitely, whether their policy was to be that of Lord Derby -or Lord Beaconsfield, tempered at intervals by a telegraphic romance -from the British Embassy at Constantinople, not a farthing should -be granted to them. No such statement of policy was made, and the -withdrawal of the Liberals from their position served to convince -impartial observers that their opposition had been factious from the -beginning.[126] After this unexpected victory the “Jingoes” pressed the -Government to follow it up. To please them the Fleet was ordered to -Constantinople, but to soothe Lord Derby he was permitted to explain -that it went there merely to protect British residents who were -alarmed by the prevailing anarchy. The Turks, enraged at what they -deemed their betrayal by Lord Beaconsfield and Mr. Layard, churlishly -refused to grant a firman opening the Straits to the Fleet. Prince -Gortschakoff said, that as the protection of Europeans from anarchy -was a duty which Russia and England ought to undertake in common for -the sake of Humanity, Russia would now, as a matter of course, occupy -the fortified lines that covered Constantinople, and, if need be, -the city itself. It was a pretty “situation” in the high comedy of -diplomacy, in which Lord Beaconsfield was, for the moment, outwitted -and outmanœuvred. He lowered the point of his foil with good temper and -good grace, but when he effected a compromise with Gortschakoff there -was wailing and gnashing of teeth in the Temple of “Jingo.” And yet -Lord Beaconsfield may be forgiven much, on account of the dexterity -with which he extricated the country from a position which rendered war -with Russia, and the immediate expulsion of the last remnant of the -Ottoman race to Asia, a dead certainty. He, or Lord Derby in his name, -promised Gortschakoff not to occupy Gallipoli nor the lines of Bulair, -if Russia would promise not to land troops on the European shore of -the Dardanelles. This compromise was accepted by Russia, with the -additional proviso that neither Power was free to occupy the Asiatic -side of the Straits. - -After the Government obtained the Vote of Six Millions, they began -to spend the money as quickly as possible in the arsenals, for the -strangest part of their policy was, that their Army and Navy Estimates -were essentially peace estimates. Meantime, everybody was speculating -as to what terms of peace were being forced on Turkey, and the War -Party were busy spreading abroad the most alarming rumours about the -exactions of Russia. The veil of secrecy in which the negotiations -were wrapped excited the suspicion of the people, who, it must be -remembered, were kept in ignorance of the fact that the Russian -Government had frankly told Lord Derby the conditions on which they -would make peace. There was thus a distinct oscillation of public -feeling towards the “Jingoes.” The Treaty of Peace was signed at San -Stefano on the 3rd of March. Nineteen days afterwards the full text -of this Treaty, by which, as Prince Bismarck told General Grant, -“Ignatieff had swallowed more than Russia could digest,” was printed in -the English newspapers. At first, the War Party collapsed. It was clear -that the Russians had not touched British interests, and that to offer -to fight on behalf of Turkey after she was annihilated as a fighting -Power, and had signed a Treaty of Peace, was a palpable absurdity. Some -other basis for a policy had thus to be discovered, and it was soon -found. The ghastly phantom of “the public law of Europe” was conjured -up from the Crimean Museum of diplomatic antiquities. It was said that -England was bound to defend that law against the Treaty of San Stefano -which had violated it, by upsetting the Treaty of Paris as modified in -1871 by the Powers. Austria also took a line that again inspired the -War Party with false hopes. The Treaty of San Stefano had not arranged -for an Austrian occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, as a counterpoise -to a Bulgaria under Russian influence. Austria therefore began to arm. -At the instance of Germany, however, she invited all the Powers to meet -in Congress and endeavour to harmonise the Treaty of San Stefano with -the general interests of Europe. As Lord Derby was blamed, somewhat -unjustly, for the failure of the project of a Congress, it may be well -to state precisely his attitude to it. Unfortunately for himself he -deemed it desirable to conceal his real objection to the scheme, which -was this: he held that more harm than good results from a discussion -among rival Powers on their competing interests in any Congress, unless -they shall have arrived beforehand at a complete agreement as to the -concessions which they will give and take. - -[Illustration: RUSSO-TURKISH WAR: MAP SHOWING POSITION OF RUSSIAN AND -TURKISH LINES OUTSIDE OF CONSTANTINOPLE, AND OF THE BRITISH FLEET.] - -Lord Derby’s idea evidently was to delay the Congress till the Powers -were so far agreed that their meeting would be virtually one to -register foregone conclusions. Lord Beaconsfield and the War Party, -on the other hand, knew that their only hope lay in preventing the -Congress from meeting. Up to a certain point Lord Derby and Lord -Beaconsfield could, therefore, hold common ground. But as Lord Derby’s -policy of obstructive procrastination destroyed the popularity of the -project before it had brought about such an agreement among the Powers -as would render the Congress innocuous, even in his eyes, it was easy -for Lord Beaconsfield to take some warlike step that would get rid -of Lord Derby and the Congress also. Hence throughout the period of -diplomatic conflict that followed we find Lord Derby allowed to object -to the Congress, first because Greece was not to be represented, and -lastly because the Russians did not distinctly promise to submit the -whole Treaty of San Stefano to it. The dispute finally centred round -this last point. Out of England nobody at the time could understand -Lord Derby’s objection. He seemed, from beginning to end, either to -be quibbling about words and phrases, or trying to force Russia to -enter the Congress with less liberty of action and on a lower status -of dignity and independence than the other Powers. Before England -accepted the Congress he wrote to Sir Henry Elliot, saying that she -would not enter it unless he distinctly understood that “every article -in the Treaty between Russia and Turkey will be placed before the -Congress, _not necessarily for acceptance_, but in order that it may -be ascertained what articles require acceptance or concurrence by -the several Powers, and what do not.” Russia had already admitted -that at the Congress each of the Powers “would have full liberty of -appreciation and action” as regards the Treaty of San Stefano, and on -the 9th of April Prince Gortschakoff’s Circular Note further stated -that “in claiming the same right for Russia we can only reiterate the -same declaration.” Lord Beaconsfield, on the 8th of April, complained, -in the House of Lords, that the phrase “liberty of appreciation and -action” was involved in classical ambiguity. “Delphi herself,” said -he, with a provoking sneer at the Russian Chancellor, “could hardly -have been more perplexing and august.” Yet, on the 27th of March, -Count Schouvaloff wrote to Lord Derby as follows: “The liberty of -appreciation and action which Russia thinks it right to reserve to -herself at the Congress the Imperial Cabinet defines in the following -manner. It leaves to the other Powers the liberty of raising such -questions at the Congress as they may think it fit to discuss, and -reserves to itself the liberty of accepting or not accepting the -discussion of those questions.”[127] Russia had communicated the Treaty -in its entirety to all the Powers. She had expressly and explicitly -informed Austria, who had summoned the Congress, that she admitted -the competence of that body to overhaul every clause of the Treaty in -European interests--a fact of which Lord Derby was well aware. Austria -and the Continental Powers were satisfied that Russia had sufficiently -recognised the competence of the Congress. England alone denied this, -and pressed for a declaration which would have technically left -all the Powers except Russia free not only to decide what affected -their individual interests, but free to decide what affected those of -Russia also. Lord Derby’s demand seemed as if meant to put the Russian -Government, behind which stood a great and irritable army, flushed with -victory, in the position of a criminal at the bar of Europe, and to -force from her an admission that on certain vital points she pledged -herself to bow to the decision of the Congress, though no other Power -was to be put under a similar obligation.[128] Whilst this pedantic -controversy was going on the “Jingoes” beat the war-drum with so much -sound and fury that Lord Beaconsfield was misled into the idea that -they were strong outside London. On the 26th of March the Cabinet -accordingly resolved to call out the Reserves, to summon a contingent -of native troops from India, to seize Cyprus, and land an army at a -port in Syria. Lord Derby was not much alarmed about the order to call -out the Reserves, but to seize one portion of the Turkish Empire, and -land an army on another, without a declaration of war, was to his -mind an act of piracy. Moreover, it would have instantly led to the -catastrophe which he had made every sacrifice to avoid--the Russian -occupation of Constantinople. - -At this crisis Lord Derby saved his country from the direst calamity--a -war between England and Russia, in which victory could bring no other -gain to England than the privilege of restoring the liberated Turkish -provinces to barbarism, and in which, since India had been put down by -Lord Beaconsfield as one of the stakes in his game, defeat would have -meant the loss of her Asiatic and Colonial Empire. Lord Derby resigned, -and the panic caused by his withdrawal from the Cabinet compelled -Lord Beaconsfield to abandon the filibustering expedition to Cyprus -and Syria, and confine himself to those steps which did not make war -inevitable. Russia, who was strengthening her own forces, could not -object to England calling out her Reserves. As for the summons to the -Indian troops, it would have been harmless, but for a circumstance -not known at the time. It gave Prince Gortschakoff an opportunity -for carrying out a diabolically malignant scheme of vengeance. He -considered himself free to ignore the arrangement by which Russia -was bound not to interfere in the “neutral zone” between her Asiatic -Empire and the Indian frontier. Russian troops were accordingly ordered -to move towards the Oxus for the invasion of India. Russian agents -hastened in advance to the frontier to brew trouble for England in -Afghanistan. Nay, so swift and secret were these counter-strokes, that -even after the dispute between Russia and England in Europe had been -settled, Russia was unable to undo the mischief she had wrought in -Asia. England was dragged into the costly agony of another Afghan War, -and it may therefore be said that the luxury of bringing the native -troops to Europe in 1878 not only permanently disorganised the finances -of India, but cost the country hecatombs of lives and £20,000,000 of -money in 1879-80. Though the step was at first popular, the nation in -time began to appreciate the grave political and fiscal objections -which could be urged unanswerably against the employment of Indian -troops out of Asia, or out of that portion of Eastern Africa which is -practically Asiatic. - -But when Lord Derby resigned it was not known that Indian troops were -to be brought to Cyprus and landed in Syria, and the Ministerial -explanations were so couched as to make it appear that he left the -Government merely because the Reserves were called out. His real -reasons could not be given at the moment, and he had to submit to a -tirade of abuse from Tory speakers and writers unparalleled in its -ferocity. Even his personal character was attacked by abominable -slanders. Violence and virulence are the outward and visible signs -of decaying power in a political Party. These evil qualities had, -however, never been displayed to a greater extent by the Tories since -the wars of the Protectionists and the Peelites in 1852, when a band -of the former one day after dinner at the Carlton Club explored the -drawing-room in order to “fling Mr. Gladstone out of the window.”[129] -Yet it is curious to observe that Lord Beaconsfield and his followers -were forced by events to adopt the policy and even the method of their -slandered colleague. They floundered deeper and deeper every day into a -quagmire of difficulties, till they actually made a secret arrangement -with Russia as to the points in the Treaty of San Stefano, about which, -however much they might wage a sham fight in the coming Congress, -neither Power would go to war. - -In fact it is now evident that of the statesmen who figured in the -controversy at this crisis, Lord Derby is the one who emerges from -it with least damage to his reputation. Alike in his strength and -weakness, in his resolute determination to spend neither British blood -nor British treasure for the sake of Turkey, and in his lack of red-hot -enthusiasm for the cause of Slavic - -[Illustration: THE MARINA, LARNACA, CYPRUS.] - -nationality, Lord Derby’s diplomacy was the diplomacy of the British -people in their saner moments, when they were not under the spell of -passion or partisanship. His blunders--the rejection of the Berlin -Memorandum and the refusal to give an executive character to the -decisions of the Constantinople Conference--had at all events wrought -no evil to England or the world, unless it were an evil to hasten -the destruction of Ottoman tyranny in Europe, and the deliverance -of Bulgaria from barbarism.[130] As for his successes, they are -now obvious. His shrewd appreciation of British interests, and his -firmness, candour, courtesy, and lucidity in defining them at the -outset of the struggle between the belligerents, made it easy for -Russia to avoid a collision with England. That he fell short of his -opportunity in neglecting to establish British influence in Egypt was a -mistake excusable in a minister whose leader, like a character in one -of his own novels, “had but one idea in Foreign - -[Illustration: SALONICA.] - -Policy, and that was wrong”--the “maintenance of the integrity of the -Ottoman Empire.” But the net result of Lord Derby’s administration -was that he kept the country out of war, and out of enfeebling -and disreputable alliances. He thrust a peace policy on bellicose -colleagues. Even when they broke from his control he still forced them -back to the paths of peace by inflicting on them the penalty of his -resignation. In quitting them he left them as his legacy the secret of -going into the Congress, and bringing back from it “Peace with Honour.” - -Mr. Gladstone, in a famous speech at Oxford, said, on the 30th -of January, that he had devoted his life, during the past year, -to counteract the Machiavelian designs of Lord Beaconsfield. Mr. -Gladstone, however, never appeared to less advantage than when he -made that statement. It was not Lord Beaconsfield but Lord Derby who -was the master-mind of the Cabinet during 1877-78, and who moulded -its diplomacy and controlled its action in Foreign Affairs. That Mr. -Gladstone strengthened Lord Derby’s hands by rendering a war for the -sake of Turkey unpopular is true; but that he weakened them by seeming -to advocate a military alliance with Holy Russia for a crusade against -Islam, is true also. - -Lord Derby’s successor was Lord Salisbury. His first act was to -issue a Circular to the Powers, which was a furious and unrestrained -condemnation of every line of the Treaty of San Stefano. If it were to -be taken seriously it meant the condemnation even of the proposals of -the Constantinople Conference, to which he was himself a party. Prince -Gortschakoff, however, did not take it seriously. He replied to it with -polite irony in his Circular of the 9th of April, pointing out that the -difficulty Lord Salisbury put him in was that he confined himself to -saying what England did _not_ want. The situation, however, could not -be understood by the Powers till Lord Salisbury stated plainly what -she did want. The only logical answer which Lord Salisbury in terms of -his Circular could give was, “The restoration of the _status quo_ in -Turkey.” Hence it is needless to say that he did not find it convenient -to issue a direct reply to Prince Gortschakoff’s cynical despatch. - -The Resolution calling out the Reserves was carried in the House of -Commons by 319 against 64, the Liberal leaders, with the exception of -Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Bright, refusing to take part in the division. -That fewer than half the House supported the Government was bitterly -bewailed by the War Party, but was taken by the country as a good omen -of peace. So was the proposal to adjourn Parliament for a holiday of -three weeks at Easter, though, when the order summoning the Indian -troops to Malta was issued immediately after the adjournment, war -alarms again vexed the nation. Peace meetings were once more held, and -the provinces grew so restive that in the end of April Mr. Hardy and -Mr. Cross, speaking at Bradford and Preston, tried to soothe public -opinion by the most pacific assurances. When Parliament met after the -Recess the Government were taken to task because, in sending for the -Indian troops, they seemed to be endeavouring to nullify Parliamentary -control over the Army. Though the Opposition were beaten in the -division in the House of Commons, independent Conservatives did not -conceal the suspicions and the dislike with which they regarded a -proceeding which appeared more in harmony with the policy of Rome in -her decay, than of the British Empire in the full vigour of virility. -Though the War Party were more noisy than ever in London, there grew -up a strong feeling towards the end of May that the Congress would -meet after all, and that the risk of war was over. Intimidated by -the Peace demonstrations, the feeble vote of support on the motion -for calling out the Reserves, and the suspicions with which many -Conservatives viewed the employment of Asiatic troops to fight the -battles of England in Europe, the Government adopted Lord Derby’s plan, -and entered into a secret agreement with Russia as to what was to be -conceded in Congress. After that agreement it mattered little on what -terms the two Powers met. The compromise between Lord Salisbury and -Count Schouvaloff pushed back the Bulgaria of the San Stefano Treaty -from the Ægean Sea to the limit fixed by the Constantinople Conference, -cutting it off from all possible contact with England, an arrangement -not altogether disadvantageous to Russia. It divided Bulgaria into two -provinces--one to be free, but tributary to Turkey, and the other to -have an autonomous government, under a Christian Pasha, appointed by -the Porte with the sanction of the Powers. This weakened Bulgaria so as -to give Russia a dominant influence in both provinces, which was not -shaken till 1885, when their aspirations for union were realised by a -Revolution, which it was Lord Salisbury’s fate to sanction, perhaps, -indeed, in some measure to encourage. Greek populations were excluded -from the new Bulgarias, greatly to the satisfaction of Mr. Gladstone -and Lord Derby. Bayazid was restored to Turkey, but Batoum and Kars -were to be taken by Russia, who thus had the Asiatic frontier of Turkey -at her mercy. Russia was to take Bessarabia, and Turkey to cede Kolour -to Persia--obviously to earn Persian gratitude for Russia. Subject to -this compromise Lord Beaconsfield agreed not to make a _casus belli_ of -any Article in the Treaty of San Stefano, each one of which had been so -fiercely condemned by Lord Salisbury’s Circular of the 1st of April. - -The intention of the Government was to keep the Salisbury-Schouvaloff -compromise secret. The people were to be left to imagine that Ministers -had won a diplomatic victory by forcing Russia into the Congress -fettered, whilst England entered it free. All the points agreed on -privately were to be fought over publicly by the representatives of -England in the Congress as if no such agreement were in existence, -and Englishmen were to be deluded into the idea that their diplomatic -agents had, by superhuman efforts at Berlin, not by private -huckstering in London, obtained enormous concessions from Russia. -But when the _Globe_ newspaper astonished the world by divulging -the secret agreement, the people--more especially the enthusiastic -Tories--refused to be - -[Illustration: PRINCE BISMARCK. - -(_From the Photograph by Loescher and Petsch, Berlin._)] - -deluded. What, they asked, had Ministers made such a fuss about? Why -had they passed war votes, brought Indian troops to Malta at the risk -of violating the Constitution, and kept Europe in a fever of unrest, -if they were prepared to accept a compromise with Russia, so fatal to -the Turk as this? In fact, public opinion was so much excited that -Lord Salisbury, on the 3rd of June, had the courage to deny that the -secret compromise published by the _Globe_ on the 31st of May was -“authentic.” Ministerial organs, also tried to convince the world that -it was a forgery which had been treacherously uttered from the Russian. -Embassy.[131] For a time this denial lulled all popular suspicions. By -way of enforcing it Sir Stafford Northcote, when pressed, on the 6th of -June, as to what policy Ministers would pursue in Congress, referred -the House of Commons to the drastic Circular of the 1st of April, which -tore every Article in the Treaty of San Stefano to pieces. As a matter -of fact that Circular became a bit of waste-paper when Lord Salisbury -signed his secret agreement with Russia, the existence of which the -Government were now denying. - -Three days after this compromise was arrived at, Germany, on the -3rd of June, issued invitations to the Powers to meet in Congress -at Berlin on the 14th.[132] Lord Beaconsfield and Lord Salisbury -then proceeded to represent England at the conclave in the Radziwill -Palace. Few will forget the almost breathless excitement with which -the people of England watched what they believed would be a terrible -diplomatic duel for the honour of their Queen and country between -Lord Beaconsfield and Prince Gortschakoff, for all this time the -country had accepted as true Lord Salisbury’s denial of his secret -compact with Count Schouvaloff.[133] But the tension of public feeling -suddenly relaxed in the reaction of a ludicrous anti-climax. On the -day after the Congress met (14th June) the _Globe_ published the full -text of the Secret Agreement. In vain did Sir Stafford Northcote and -the Duke of Richmond repeat Lord Salisbury’s equivocal denials of -its authenticity. Lord Grey indignantly condemned the Government for -their misleading disclaimers. Lord Houghton, a Liberal supporter of -Lord Beaconsfield’s foreign policy, said “the effect of the document -on the whole of Europe had been portentous,” and had lowered the -dignity of the Government.[134] The theory of the Ministerial Press, -that the document came from the Russian Embassy was refuted in a few -days by the Ministry. They raised criminal proceedings against Mr. -Charles Marvin, a writer in the Foreign Office, for surreptitiously -copying the paper and sending it to the _Globe_.[135] The prevarication -of Ministers and the revelations attendant on the disclosure of the -Secret Agreement shocked the confidence of the nation in the Cabinet. -Lord Salisbury and his colleagues earned for themselves at this time -an evil reputation for mendacity, which did much to bring about the -defeat of Lord Beaconsfield’s Administration at the General Election -of 1880. And yet it was difficult for them to be quite candid with -Parliament in the circumstances. On the day after they had signed the -Secret Agreement with Russia (which, it must be kept in view, bound -her to encroach no further on Turkey in Asia) they began to negotiate -a Convention with the Porte by which England promised to defend the -Asiatic frontier of Turkey, on condition that the Sultan would reform -the Government of Asia Minor, and permit the British Government to hold -Cyprus as long as Russia kept Kars. It would have been inconvenient -to divulge this scheme before Congress had decided the fate of -Bulgaria. Hence Lord Salisbury was really within the mark in saying -that the Secret Agreement with Russia did not “wholly” represent -the Government policy. On the 8th of July it was announced that the -Anglo-Turkish Convention had been signed on the 4th of June--most -reluctantly, as it seemed, by Turkey. Her hesitancy, indeed, was not -overcome till Lord Salisbury in the Congress abandoned, and Lord -Beaconsfield actively opposed, the cause of the Greeks, whom they had -buoyed up with delusive hopes. In an instant the scandal of the Secret -Agreement was forgotten. The wildest tales of the wealth that was to -be exploited in Cyprus flew from mouth to mouth. Englishmen saw with -prophetic eye, “in a fine frenzy rolling,” Asia Minor “opened up,” -under a British Protectorate, by the British prospector and pioneer. -Indeed, it was not till the 9th of November, when the nauseous wines -of Cyprus (of which such glowing accounts had been published) were -served at the Lord Mayor’s Banquet, that the truth dawned on the -City. Then it was recognised that the country had been deceived as -to the teeming riches of its new possessions and positions in the -East. Cool-headed men did not, however, at the outset conceal their -opinion that the privilege of occupying Cyprus and of defending the -Asiatic frontier of Turkey was a poor substitute for the occupation -of Egypt as a means of restoring British influence in the East and -safeguarding British communications with India. Mr. Gladstone and Lord -Hartington both denounced the Anglo-Turkish Convention, as an “insane -covenant,” and the Opposition attacked it savagely in Parliament, but -without success. Independent Members attributed less importance to the -arrangement than Mr. Gladstone. They argued that, as the introduction -of reforms into Asia Minor was the condition precedent of defending the -frontier by arms, the Treaty, so far as England was concerned, would -remain a dead-letter. Great commercial interests, if created in Asia -Minor by English adventurers, might doubtless need defence. But, on -the other hand, it was impossible to create those interests so long as -Asia Minor was desolated by misgovernment, which the Sultan had not the -power, even if he had the will, to reform. Lord Beaconsfield and Lord -Salisbury returned to London on the 15th of July, bringing with them, -as they said, “Peace with Honour.” Applauding crowds welcomed them with -passionate enthusiasm. The Tories were delighted with the Anglo-Turkish -Convention, for as yet the gilt had not been rubbed off their Cyprian -toy. The Liberals, though indignant at the betrayal of Greece, were -pleased that Lord Beaconsfield had come out of the Congress without -involving England in war. They could say very little against a Treaty -the net result of which was to free eleven millions of Christian -Slavs from the direct rule of the Sultan, to render even divided -Bulgaria practically autonomous, and to create Servia and Roumania -into independent Kingdoms. On the 18th of July Lord Beaconsfield -gave the House of Lords an apologetic explanation of the Treaty of -Berlin, which was only the Treaty of San Stefano modified by the -Salisbury-Schouvaloff Agreement, and by the concession to Austria of -the right to occupy Bosnia and Herzegovina. The debate raised no point -of interest, save Lord Derby’s disclosure of the Ministerial decision -in May, to send a naval Expedition to Syria, a project which was -abandoned when he quitted the Cabinet. Lord Salisbury created a scene -by comparing Lord Derby’s revelations to those of Titus Oates, and he -gave them a flat denial. But Lord Derby had spoken from a Memorandum -which he had made of the decision to which he referred at the time it -was arrived at. As Lord Salisbury’s reputation for veracity had been -sadly shaken by his statements about his Secret Agreement with Russia, -the country paid little heed to his disclaimers, and Lord Derby’s -version of the facts has ever since been taken as correct. - -Triumphant majorities endorsed the policy which had been adopted -in the Congress, and at the end of the year Ministers went about -predicting for the country halcyon days of peace. Domestic affairs gave -them little trouble. Irish obstruction was bought off by the Irish -Intermediate Education Bill, which appropriated £1,000,000 to encourage -secondary schools in Ireland, by prizes, exhibitions, and capitation -grants. An attempt was made to pass a Bill, which, under the pretext -of excluding diseased cattle from English ports, might have been so -applied as to shut out foreign competition in the cattle trade. But -when it was discovered that the effect of the measure would be to raise -meat to eighteen-pence and two shillings a pound, the Tory borough -members threatened to revolt, and after a long and obstructive struggle -in Committee concessions were extorted from the Government which -satisfied the Opposition. The Government and the Opposition agreed to -pass a Bill consolidating forty-five Factory and Workshop Acts--a most -useful measure which removed many legal ambiguities. But no other Bills -of importance were carried, and no debates of much consequence raised, -save on foreign questions. - -The Budget was introduced on the 4th of April. But for the money spent -under the Vote of Credit, Sir Stafford Northcote would have had a -balance in hand of £859,000. As it was he had a deficit on the accounts -of 1877-78 of £2,640,000. Supposing that no change either in taxation -or ordinary expenditure occurred in the coming year, he admitted -that he would also have a deficit in the accounts of the coming year -of £1,559,000. But besides this, Sir Stafford Northcote contended -that he must make provision for an “extraordinary expenditure” of -£1,000,000, or perhaps £1,500,000, in addition to what appeared in -the regular estimates for the Army and Navy for 1878-79. The ordinary -income and expenditure he estimated at £79,640,000, but his attempt -to introduce the vicious system of bankrupt or half-bankrupt States, -whose Governments confuse their accounts by mixing up ordinary and -extraordinary expenditure could not conceal one fact. Adding his -extraordinary expenditure to his past and estimated deficits, the -existing taxation of the country would fail to meet the expenditure of -1878-79 by at least £5,300,000. Hence it was necessary to impose new -taxes. Sir Stafford Northcote therefore added 2d. to the income-tax, -and 4d. per pound to the duty on tobacco, but even then he estimated a -deficit of about £1,500,000, which he added to the floating debt. - -Parliament was prorogued on the 16th of August, and, amidst optimist -anticipations of peace, an end was put to a Session in which the House -of Commons, for the first time in the century, had permitted itself -to be treated by the Ministry like a Bonapartist _Corps Législatif_. -When it adjourned many people wondered why it had been summoned. -In the stirring crises of the year the Government had on every -momentous occasion carried out their policy without consulting it. The -legislative work that it was allowed to do might have been deferred for -another year without serious inconvenience. It had been converted into -a court of registration for the decisions of a Minister who treated it -as an ornamental appendage to a new system in which the Monarch and the -Multitude, under his guidance, were the only real governing forces. -Ministers, however, when they went down to their constituents in the -autumn, and told them to hope for peace, plenty, and - -[Illustration: SHERE ALI, AMEER OF CABUL.] - -reduced taxation, did not apparently know that a cunning trap had been -set for them by Russia. Before Parliament rose there were rumours -afloat that the policy of the Indian Government was becoming restless -and disquieting. Lord Lytton had put the vernacular Press under a -harsh censorship. The native Princes were threatened, or they expected -to be threatened, with a demand for the reduction of their armies. A -frontier policy of perilous adventure was mooted, greatly to the alarm -of experienced Indian officials like Lord Lawrence. - -It has been already stated that Lord Salisbury, when Secretary of -State for India, had a scheme in view for covering Afghanistan with -European residents, and that Lord Northbrook resigned office rather -than further it. In 1878 Lord Lytton found an opportunity made for -him by Russia for developing this scheme, and he hastened to seize -it. He had already estranged Shere Ali, the Afghan Ameer, by his -menaces, and this prince was perhaps not indisposed to intrigue with -a rival Power. When Lord Beaconsfield brought the Indian troops to -Malta, Russia not only made secret preparations for the invasion of -India, but sent a Mission to Cabul for the purpose of securing the -co-operation of the Afghans. It does not appear that Shere Ali entered -into any bargain with the Russian Envoys, whom he sent away as soon -as he could, because whilst they were in Cabul he seems to have been -very nervous about their safety. But the Indian Government, hearing of -what was going on, demanded that they too should send an Embassy to -Cabul, urging that the reception of the Russian Mission showed that -Shere Ali’s apprehensions as to the safety of Europeans in his capital -were groundless. A Mahometan official of rank, the Nawab Gholeim Hasan -Khan, was entrusted with the task of conveying the demand to Shere -Ali, and he did his work honestly, and with great tact and skill. The -Nawab, on the 30th of August, left Peshawur, where the British Envoy, -Sir Neville Chamberlain, and his escort of a thousand troops were -waiting for the Ameer’s reply. The Nawab apparently did not see Shere -Ali till the 12th of September, who told him that he did not like the -idea of the Mission being forced on him. The advice of the Nawab, who -appears in these transactions as the only diplomatist who correctly -appreciated the situation, was to delay the Mission, “otherwise some -harm will come.” By “some harm” Gholeim Hasan Khan meant an Afghan war, -at all times a dire calamity for India, whether it ended in victory -or defeat. The Nawab, as the result of further negotiations, reported -that Shere Ali was willing to send for the British Mission, and clear -up any misunderstanding that might have arisen about his reception -of the Russian Envoys, if the Indian Government would give him time. -The Russians had come to Cabul uninvited, and they had all been sent -away, save some who were ill, and who were to be sent back whenever -they recovered. As the Nawab sensibly said, Shere Ali did not want -his people to suspect that the British Mission was thrust on him. “If -Mission,” said the Nawab, “will await Ameer’s permission, everything -will be arranged, God willing, in the best manner, and no room will -be left for complaint in future.”[136] But during September all these -details--afterwards revealed in the Blue-books--were concealed from -the British people. The Indian Government primed the correspondents -of the Press with mendacious accounts of Shere Ali’s insulting -refusal to receive a British Envoy, whereas he had not only invited a -Russian Mission to Cabul in violation of his pledges to us, but was -loading them with attentions, whilst Sir Neville Chamberlain was kept -ignominiously waiting his pleasure at Peshawur. British _prestige_, -it was said, rendered it necessary to coerce the Ameer, and so Sir -Neville Chamberlain was ordered to enter Afghan territory without the -Ameer’s permission, with a force “too large,” as Lord Carnarvon said, -“for a mission, and too small for an army.” When the advance guard of -the Mission came to the fort of Ali Musjid the Commandant stopped -it. At the time the country was told in the inspired telegrams in the -newspapers that the Commandant, Faiz Muhammed Khan, was violent and -insulting, and threatened to shoot Major Cavagnari. When the Blue-book -appeared with Major Cavagnari’s account of the affair it showed that -the Khan behaved with the greatest courtesy, and though he said he -must, in obedience to orders, oppose the advance of the Mission, he had -actually prevented his troops from firing on Cavagnari and his men. -What need to expand the story? The Mission returned. A pretext for a -quarrel with Shere Ali, which Lord Salisbury had instructed Lord Lytton -to find, was at last discovered. War was declared on Afghanistan, and -Parliament was summoned on the 5th of December to hear the news. - -Of course Parliament was called into consultation too late. The Viceroy -of India had deliberately put himself into a position to invite and -receive a blow in the face from a semi-barbarous Asiatic prince. The -Government were therefore compelled either to recall Lord Lytton, and -treat the whole affair as a blunder, or avenge the rebuff which he had -received by war. They chose the latter alternative, and the hearts -of Liberal wirepullers were lifted up, because manifestly even Lord -Beaconsfield’s Administration could not survive such an escapade as -a third Afghan war. The debates on the policy of the Government were -dismal reading for those who knew what Afghan campaigns meant. The -Government shrank from resting their case on the transactions which -caused the war. It could not be concealed that on the 19th of August -Lord Salisbury asked Russia to withdraw her mission from Cabul, and -that on the 18th of September he received a scoffing reply informing -him that the Mission was only a temporary one of courtesy. As Sir -Charles Dilke put it, Lord Salisbury was naturally dissatisfied with -this reply, but being “afraid to hit Russia, yet determined to hit -somebody,” he “hit Shere Ali.” Ministers, however, took up a broader -ground of defence. They said that the Russian advances in Asia rendered -it necessary for England to secure the independence of Afghanistan. All -Indian statesmen were agreed that this could be done by guaranteeing -his throne to Shere Ali, he on his side giving the Indian Government -control over his policy. Shere Ali had been always willing to accept -the guarantee and the pledge to defend him against foreign and domestic -foes. But he would never consent to pay for it by putting his country -under a diplomatic or military protectorate. On no consideration would -he permit European agents to be stationed at Cabul, though he had no -objection to receive Mussulman agents, and neither Lord Mayo nor Lord -Northbrook thought it wise to press him on the point. They confined -themselves to a promise of aid, reserving to themselves the right of -determining when they should give it. Shere Ali was not satisfied -with this arrangement, but he had to make the best of it. In 1875 -Lord Salisbury urged Lord Northbrook to find some pretext for forcing -European residents on the Ameer. Lord Northbrook refused and resigned. -Lord Lytton took his place. Lord Lytton roused Shere Ali’s suspicions -at the outset by occupying Quetta. At a conference at Peshawur in 1876, -between Sir Lewis Pelly and Shere Ali’s representative, Mir Akbor, -menaces were exchanged for persuasion, and even the conditional promise -of support given by Lord Mayo and Lord Northbrook to Shere Ali was -withdrawn. This aggravated Shere Ali’s suspicions, and it was while -he was in this frame of mind that Lord Lytton attempted to force a -British Mission upon him. The theory of the Government was that as -diplomacy had failed to make the Ameer accept our protectorate, resort -must be had to coercion. This had led to war, it was true. But war -must end in victory, and victory in the occupation of the southern -part of Afghanistan, which, as Lord Beaconsfield said, would give -India a “scientific frontier.” The objection to his idea was that to -push our outposts farther north was to put ourselves at a disadvantage -in defending India. Not only would the occupation of Afghanistan be -ruinously costly, but it would lengthen and attenuate the line of our -communications with our base--a line, moreover, which would run through -the lands of wild and fanatical hill-tribes. The debates in both Houses -perhaps served to render the war unpopular. But it had begun, and it -was absurd to refuse supplies to carry it on, because such a refusal -merely exposed British troops to disaster in the field. However, it was -notorious that in the majorities who supported the Government were many -who, like Lord Derby, felt forced to support in action a policy which -in opinion they disapproved. - -During the Session of 1878 only one matter personally affecting the -interests of the Queen came up for discussion. On the 25th she sent -to both Houses a Message announcing the approaching marriage of the -Duke of Connaught with the Princess Louise, third daughter of Prince -Frederick Charles of Prussia, the celebrated cavalry leader, popularly -known as “The Red Prince.” He was a man of large private fortune, and -his daughter was described by Lord Beaconsfield as “distinguished -for her intelligence and accomplishments, and her winning simplicity -of thought and manner.” As for the Duke of Connaught, Lord Napier of -Magdala bore testimony to his efficiency as a soldier. In the House of -Commons an addition of £10,000 a year was voted to the Duke’s income, -thus raising it to £25,000, of which £6,000 a year was to be settled on -his wife in the event of her surviving him. The vote was passed without -a division, the only protest made coming from Sir Charles Dilke, who -asserted that no good precedent could be cited for such a provision for -a Prince, when it was not manifestly a provision for succession to the -Crown. - -The only great public function of the year in which the Queen took part - -[Illustration: THE QUEEN REVIEWING THE FLEET AT SPITHEAD.] - -was the Review of the Fleet at Spithead on the 13th of August. The -spectacle was marred by the storm of wind and rain, which too often -spoils naval reviews, but it was one which had a special interest. It -was designed to show the country what kind of naval defence could be -organised on short notice, amidst rumours of war, when the Channel -Fleet was absent in foreign waters. It represented a naval force which, -but for its ordnance which was utterly obsolete and inefficient, would -have been equal in strength to the navy of any of the Continental -Powers, and the Queen saw for the first time the manœuvring of two -malevolent-looking little torpedo boats, which astonished her by -dashing about in all directions at the rate of twenty-one knots an -hour. At noon the ships were dressed. At half-past three the Royal -Yacht with the Queen on deck passed down the lines. Salutes were fired, -and yards manned, and her Majesty, accompanied by the Prince and -Princess of Wales, Princess Beatrice, and the Lords of the Admiralty, -was enthusiastically cheered. When the Queen’s vessel emerged from the -lines it was followed by a gay flotilla of yachts. Those that were -sailing craft luffed their wind and, headed by Mr. Brassey’s _Sunbeam_, -went round by starboard, the steamers going round by port, and with -the Royal Yacht in the centre the brilliant pleasure fleet came back -with the Squadron. All evolutions were countermanded on account of the -weather, but at night the Fleet was illuminated. - -At Paris, on the 12th of June, there died George V., ex-King of -Hanover, Duke of Cumberland, grandson of George III. of England and -first cousin of the Queen. Court mourning was ordered for him, though -it was not very generally displayed. The old jealousy with which the -people regarded English Princes, who had interests separate from -England, accounted for their indifference to his death. Nor was there -any strong family sentiment at Court to counteract this feeling. On the -contrary, the sentiment of the Queen’s family was as anti-Hanoverian -as that of the nation. She had not forgiven the treasonable intrigues -which his father, her uncle, King Ernest Augustus of Hanover--the -most universally hated of all the sons of George III.--carried on -with the Orange Tories to set up Salic law in England, and usurp her -throne. She had unpleasant memories of his arrogance in persistently -conferring the Guelphic Order on Englishmen, not only without asking -her permission, but in defiance of her prohibition, as if in suggestive -assertion of an unsurrendered hereditary right of English sovereignty. -More recently the Queen had been still further offended by the -pretensions of his son, her cousin George V., to sanction or veto -the marriages of English princes and princesses, as male head of the -House of Brunswick-Sonneberg. His attempt to treat the marriage of the -Duchess of Teck (the Princess Mary of Cambridge) as a mere morganatic -connection, and his refusal to let the Duke of Teck sit beside the -Duchess at dinner, had also strained the relations between the Queen -and her cousin. Still, in 1866, she had, in response to his appeal, -used her influence on his behalf with the German Emperor. She had even -pressed Lord Derby and Lord Stanley to save Hanover from Prussian -annexation, and though they refused, she had induced them to mediate on -his behalf in order to secure for him a comfortable personal position -as a dethroned monarch. His misfortunes roused her sympathies, and -when he died, so far as the Queen was concerned, all feuds with the -Hanoverian branch of the Royal Family were buried in his grave. - -But the end of the year brought a more bitter sorrow to the Queen than -the death of George V. The Princess Alice, Grand Duchess of Hesse, -died in extremely touching circumstances. She had spent the summer -months with her children at Eastbourne, where she had endeared herself -to the people by her sweetness of disposition, and by the personal -interest she manifested in the poor of the town. She was usually to -be seen visiting the cottages of the sick in the fishing quarter. -She had taken a keen interest in studying the management of certain -charitable institutions, evidently with a view to making use of her -knowledge when she returned to Darmstadt, and a charming visit to -Osborne completed a holiday that was for her full of happiness. Her -life was uneventful at Darmstadt till the 8th of November, when her -daughter, the Princess Victoria, was smitten with diphtheria. The -Grand Duchess was herself a skilled and scientifically-trained nurse, -and she tended her child personally. She was the first to detect the -appearance of the diphtheritic membrane in the little Princess’s -throat, and she promptly attacked it with inhalations of chlorate of -potash. In spite of careful isolation, the whole family, including the -Grand Duke, with the exception of the Princess Elizabeth, caught the -disease, and it need hardly be said that the strength of the Grand -Duchess soon began to give way under the strain of mental anxiety and -bodily fatigue. The Princess May died, but on the 25th of November -the Grand Duke recovered. On the 7th of December the Grand Duchess -went to the railway station to see the Duchess of Edinburgh, and next -day she too was prostrate with diphtheria. Lord Beaconsfield, in his -speech of condolence in the House of Lords on the 16th of December, -described her, with ornate rhetoric, as receiving “the kiss of death” -from one of her children, and he recommended the tragic incident as -fit to be commemorated by the painter, the sculptor, or the artist in -gems. There was no foundation for this histrionic flight. Nobody knew -how the Princess caught the contagion, but her biographer states “it -is supposed that she must have taken the infection when one day, in -her grief and despair, she had laid her head on her sick husband’s -pillow.”[137] Her sufferings were severe and protracted, and on the -13th of December it was seen that she must die. Still she lingered -on. In the afternoon she welcomed her husband with great joy. She saw -her lady-in-waiting, and even read two letters, the last one being -from the Queen, her mother. Then she fell asleep and never woke again. -At half-past eight on the morning of the 14th, the anniversary of -her father’s death, she passed away, quietly murmuring to herself -these words: “From Friday to Saturday, four weeks--May--dear papa!” -All through her life she had worshipped her father’s memory with -passionate devotion, and in death his name was the last on her lips. - -The grief of the Queen was only equalled by that of the Prince of -Wales, who seems to have regarded the Grand Duchess as his favourite -sister. As for the English people, they mourned for her with -simple-minded sincerity. The character of the Princess Alice--so full -of sense and enterprise, and high-spirited self-helpfulness--had been -to them peculiarly attractive. She had won their gratitude by her -devotion to her mother in the first hours of her widowhood, and to -the Heir Apparent, when in 1871 his life hung in the balance. That -her daily existence was clouded with sordid cares due to straitened -means was not known to her countrymen till after her death. But they -were well aware that much domestic sorrow had entered into her life. -Her efforts to raise the condition of her sex in Germany procured for -her many enemies in a country where it is deemed desirable to reduce -the house-mothers to the position of upper servants in their families, -who, however, do their work without claiming wages. Sticklers for -Court etiquette were shocked by the unconventional activity manifested -by the Princess in furthering the organisation of charitable and -educational movements. Even the poor in most instances viewed her -visits to their homes--visits which she ultimately found prudent to -make _incognito_--with suspicious hostility. She had the character in -fact of being bent on revolutionising the domestic and social life -of Darmstadt by English ideas. She loved learning, and delighted in -the society of men of letters and artists, who were always her most -favoured guests. Hence it was bruited about that she was an infidel, -and a foe to religion. Undoubtedly at one time, when she cultivated -close relations with Friedrich Strauss, under whom she studied the -works of Voltaire, her theological views ceased to be orthodox. But -her musings on the mystery of life, the problem of duty, the conflict -between Will and Law in the world, reveal a profoundly reverent and -eagerly upstriving spirit, ever struggling towards the light. Some day -the story of the spiritual conflict that went on in the still depths -of this pure and gentle soul may be told. Here it is enough to say -that personal influences played a great part in bringing it to a happy -issue. Some time after her philosophical conclusions had crumbled away -like dust, one of her most intimate relatives writes, “She told me -herself, in the most simple and touching manner, how this change had -come about. I could not listen to her story without tears. The Princess -told me she owed it all to her child’s death, and to the influence of -a Scotch gentleman, a friend of the Grand Duke’s and Grand Duchess’s,” -who was residing with his family at Darmstadt.[138] “I owe all - -[Illustration: THE ALBERT MEMORIAL, KENSINGTON.] - -to this kind friend,” she said, “who exercised such a beneficial -influence on my religious views; yet people say so much that is cruel -and unjust of him, and of my acquaintance with him.”[139] In Germany, -her biographer[140] admits “her life and work were not easy,” and she -had not the intrepid intellect, the ardent temperament, the caustic wit -and the soaring ambition, which enabled her sister, the Crown Princess, -to conquer for herself a position of dominant influence in the midst -of an unsympathetic Court, and an antipathetic Society. Perhaps this -explains why through life she had every year been drawn more closely to -the land of her birth, where her worth was more justly appreciated than -in the land of her exile. “How deep was her feeling in this respect,” -writes the Princess Christian in her touching preface to her sister’s -memoirs, “was testified by a request which she made to her husband, in -anticipation of her death, that an English flag might be laid on her -coffin; accompanying the wish with a modest expression of a hope that -no one in the land of her adoption would take umbrage at her desire to -be borne to her rest with the old English colours above her.” - - - - -CHAPTER XXII. - -PEACE WHERE THERE IS NO PEACE. - - Ominous Bye-Elections--The Spangles of Imperialism--Disturbed state - of Eastern Europe--Origin of the Quarrel with the Zulus--Cetewayo’s - Feud with the Boers--A “Prancing Pro-Consul”--Sir Bartle Frere’s - Ultimatum to the Zulu King--War Declared--The Crime and its - Retribution--The Disaster of Isandhlwana--The Defence of Rorke’s - Drift--Demands for the Recall of Sir Bartle Frere--Censured but - not Dismissed--Sir Garnet Wolseley Supersedes Sir Bartle Frere - in Natal--The Victory of Ulundi--Capture of Cetewayo--End of the - War--The Invasion of Afghanistan--Death of Shere Ali--Yakoob - Khan Proclaimed Ameer--The Treaty of Gundamuk--The “Scientific - Frontier”--The Army Discipline Bill--Mr. Parnell attacks the - “Cat”--Mr. Chamberlain Plays to the Gallery--Surrender of the - Government--Lord Hartington’s Motion against Flogging--The Irish - University Bill--An Unpopular Budget--The Murder of Cavagnari - and Massacre of his Suite--The Army of Vengeance--The Re-capture - of Cabul--The Settlement of Zululand--Death of Prince Louis - Napoleon--The Court-Martial on Lieutenant Carey--Its Judgment - Quashed--Marriage of the Duke of Connaught--The Queen at Baveno. - - -From the bye-elections it was clear, when the New Year (1879) opened, -that the _prestige_ of the Ministry was waning. The spangled robe -and gaudy diadem of Asiatic Imperialism began to sit uneasily on -Constitutional England. The Treaty of Berlin had not brought Englishmen -much “honour.” But it had not even brought Europe “peace.” Austria -had to make good her hold of Bosnia and Herzegovina by war. Albania -was in the hands of a rebel League that executed “Jetdart justice” -on Turkish Pashas of the highest rank. Bulgaria and Thrace were only -saved from anarchy by the Russian army of occupation. Eastern Roumelia -was the scene of daily conflicts between the Turkish troops, and the -people of Greece were clamorous to know when Turkey would respond to -the invitation of the Conference, and rectify the Hellenic frontier. -The discovery that Cyprus was a poor pestilential island, infinitely -less valuable than most of the Ionian group, which Englishmen had -given to Greece as a gift, was a profound disappointment to popular -hopes, and led to an undue and exaggerated depreciation of its value -as a place of arms. The Anglo-Turkish Convention was already seen to -be a farce. The Sultan, after the resources of diplomatic menace had -been well-nigh exhausted, conceded to the agents of England in Asia -Minor a few illusory rights of surveillance. But he set on foot no -reforms, and he made it plain that he would resist to the death any -attempt to “open up” his Asiatic provinces under a British Protectorate -to the enterprise of the British projector and pioneer. The Afghan -War was unpopular, and though victory did not prove, as was feared, -inconstant to our arms, the people seemed convinced, from the history -of the first and second Afghan Wars, that a triumph would be almost -as disastrous in its cost to India as a defeat. It was impossible -now to conceal the fact that when the Indian troops were brought to -Malta, the country was placed in a position of far greater peril than -had been imagined. While Ministers were wasting their energies in -protecting more or less imaginary interests in Eastern Europe, they -were apparently quite ignorant that their policy had exposed the vital -interests of the Empire to attack in Asia. Nay, it was seen that their -policy of irritating and menacing the Afghan Ameer, and of terrifying -the Native Princes with enforced disarmament, had rendered it easy for -Russia, without doing more than giving our enemies and discontented -feudatories merely some unofficial support, to shake the fabric of -Indian Empire to its very centre. To put the Imperial Crown of India -down among the stakes in Lord Beaconsfield’s game with Russia in Europe -was magnificent. But men of sense and prudence now began to suspect -that it was not good business or good diplomacy. Never was England less -restful or less easy in mind. Abroad Lord Beaconsfield, as was said, -had created a situation which was neither peace with its security, nor -war with its happy chances. At home the classes were groaning over -the collapse of their most remunerative investments, and the masses -writhing under a fall of wages, which, in many trades, amounted to -fifty per cent. To complete the popular feeling of depression, it was -plain that the Government were fast drifting into another Kaffir War. -On the 3rd of February, 1879, in fact, it was officially announced that -hostilities with the Zulus had begun. - -There is no difficulty in understanding the causes of the Zulu War. The -Zulu king (Cetewayo) had ever been a staunch ally of England. But he -had a blood-feud with the Boers of the Transvaal, and he claimed part -of their territory as having been originally stolen by them from his -race. When England in an evil moment annexed the Transvaal, she found -that she took over with it the quarrel of the Boers with the Zulus. -Cetewayo pressed his claims all the more confidently that a friendly -Power now held the land which had been taken from him. In every colony -there is a clique of land-speculators, who also, as a rule, form the -War Party, and, by a singular coincidence, net most of the profits -that are to be derived from a colonial war waged at the expense of the -British taxpayer. This Party in Natal ridiculed the notion of giving -Cetewayo his land. They also stirred up a war panic, vowing that the -Zulus were only waiting for a favourable opportunity to pounce upon -Natal and exterminate the Europeans. Sir Bartle Frere--“a prancing -pro-consul,” as Sir William Harcourt called him--was High Commissioner -at the Cape, and the Commander-in-Chief of the Forces there was Lord -Chelmsford. A more ominous combination could hardly be imagined. Sir -Bartle Frere even in India had been a hot annexationist. He had the -restless brain to devise schemes of conquest, whilst his military -colleague had neither the brain nor nerve to carry them out. The -Blue-books indicate that Sir Bartle Frere had been preparing beforehand -a grand project of conquest in South Africa.[141] Unfortunately, Sir -M. Hicks-Beach was not sharp enough to detect and blight this scheme -in the bud, and it is doubtful if he even suspected its existence till -he was galvanised into vigilance by the startling ultimatum which Sir -Bartle Frere suddenly sent to the Zulu king. The award of the British -Boundary Commissioners on the dispute between the Zulus and the Boers -had been in favour of the Zulus. It was given in June, 1878. Yet it -had been kept back by Sir Bartle Frere, apparently to stimulate the War -Party among the Zulus with the provocation of delay. Then when it was -communicated to King Cetewayo, there was tacked on to it an irrelevant -and menacing demand that King Cetewayo should immediately disband his -whole army. “To make the case our own,” wrote Lord Blachford, one -of the highest living authorities on Colonial Policy, “it is as if -the Emperor of Germany, in concluding with us a Treaty of Commerce, -suddenly annexed a notice that he would make war on us in six weeks -unless before the expiration of that time we burnt our Navy.”[142] -And the ultimatum was not only a crime, but a hideous blunder. To -annihilate instead of utilising the Zulu power was to relieve the Boers -of the Transvaal from the pressure on their flank that alone prevented -them from throwing off the British yoke. But it was of no use to argue -the case on the grounds of justice or common sense. “The men who had -been in the country”--who always come forward to defend every act of -folly that is about to be perpetrated in a distant colony--dinned their -defence of Sir Bartle Frere into the ears of Englishmen, who were at -last half persuaded that it must be the duty of England to exterminate -the Zulus, when a satrap like Sir Bartle Frere was eager to annihilate -them in the interests of Christianity. Moreover, as in the case of the -Afghan War, the people were kept in utter ignorance of the arrogant -ultimatum by which Frere had gone out of his way to fix a quarrel on -King Cetewayo. - -But if the crime was rank, the retribution by which it was avenged was -swift and stern. Chelmsford’s advance guard crossed the Tugela on the -12th of January. A petty success was recorded at Ekowe on the 7th, -and then on the 22nd of January the English column at Isandhlwana was -smitten as with the sword of Gideon. Our troops were beaten not only in -the actual conflict, but they were out-manœuvred and out-generalled. -The barbarians under Cetewayo had fought like lions, and they had -inflicted on a British army a defeat so disgraceful that the history -of half a century supplies no parallel to it. Frere, like a reckless -gambler, had staked everything on this cast of the die. Neither he -nor Chelmsford had made provision for a disaster, and the result was -that the rout of Isandhlwana left the whole colony of Natal, even -then discounting the spoils of victory, open to invasion. Nothing, in -fact, stood between the Europeans in Natal and extermination, save the -little post of Rorke’s Drift. There Lieutenants Bromhead and Chard, -with a handful of men, stemmed the tide of invasion, and redeemed the -honour of England which had been smirched by the political incapacity -of Frere, and the military failure of Chelmsford. In vain did the Queen -and the Duke of - -[Illustration: ISANDHLWANA: THE DASH WITH THE COLOURS.] - -Cambridge send sympathetic messages to the seat of war. It was -reinforcements that were needed, if the English in South-East Africa -were not to be driven into the sea. Parliament, when it met on the 8th -of February, was as wrathful as the country. The Government had let -Sir Bartle Frere drag the country into a war, which in a few days the -disaster of Isandhlwana showed they were incompetent to conduct with -credit to the Empire. If Ministers were not able to emerge, without -ignominy, from a conflict with the Zulu king, what must have happened -had they been allowed to challenge the Czar of Muscovy to mortal -combat? Criticism was felt to be futile, in view of the pressing need -to retrieve the disgrace of a defeat, none the less ignominious that -the Government and their agents had courted it. But a stern demand was -heard on all sides for the recall of Frere and Chelmsford, a demand -which, like a vote of censure that was proposed in the House of Lords -by Lord Lansdowne on the 25th, and in the Commons by Sir Charles Dilke -on the 11th of March, Ministers evaded by administering a strong -rebuke to the High Commissioner. As a man of spirit, Frere would have -naturally resigned after this rebuke. But he held on to his place, and -this was so discreditable, that to account for his conduct a strange -theory was mooted. It was said that private letters were sent to -him by high personages, some of them connected with the Government, -assuring him that the censure of the Secretary of State was not meant -to be taken as real, but had been penned merely to save Ministers from -a Parliamentary defeat.[143] Sir M. Hicks-Beach’s despatch with the -censure ended with these words: “But I have no desire to withdraw the -confidence hitherto reposed in you.” Such was the feeble manner in -which the Government dealt with a satrap who had virtually usurped the -prerogative of the Sovereign to declare war. Soon after the Ministry -had warded off the vote of censure in Parliament, the country was -again agitated by tidings of further reverses in Zululand, and it was -not till the 21st of April that the Government could announce that -Pearson’s column, which had been locked up at Ekowe since the outbreak -of the war, had been able to save itself by retreat. The indignation of -the country grew apace, and at last it was found necessary to allay it -by superseding Sir Bartle Frere’s authority in Natal and the Transvaal. -Sir Garnet Wolseley was accordingly sent to take supreme command at the -scene of action. Ere he could arrive Chelmsford, stimulated into action -by Colonel Evelyn Wood, had however taken a decisive step. He gave the -Zulus battle at Ulundi on the 3rd of July, and won a victory which put -an end to the war. Cetewayo was taken prisoner on the 28th of August, -and, despite the efforts made by Sir Garnet Wolseley and others to set -up another Government for the one which had been destroyed, Zululand -lapsed into the confusion and anarchy in which it has since remained. - -The Afghan War had been more skilfully managed. The British invaders -overcame all resistance, and when Parliament assembled General Stewart -was in possession of Candahar, and Shere Ali had fled from Cabul. Soon -afterwards he died, and his heir, Yakoob, came with his submission to -the British camp at Gundamuk. There, on the 25th of May, he signed -a Treaty which bound the Indian Government to give him a subsidy of -£60,000 a year and defend him against his enemies, in return for which -he ceded the “scientific frontier,” and agreed to manage his foreign -policy in accordance with the advice of a British Resident who was to -be received in Cabul. This gleam of success neutralised the effect -of the reverses in South Africa, and both Houses voted their thanks -to the Indian Viceroy and to the Generals who had carried out the -expedition. The Government had no difficulty in persuading Parliament -to sanction a loan of £2,000,000 without interest to India, to enable -her to pay the expenses of the campaign. In fact, when the Session -closed Ministers were jubilant at having upset the predictions of the -experienced Anglo-Indians, who had declared that it was impossible to -keep a British Resident at Cabul. They assured the nation not only that -the British Resident was there, but that the Cabulees were delighted to -receive him. - -The severe winter of 1879 aggravated the distress which had settled -like a blight on the labouring and trading classes, and the existence -of which Ministers attempted to ignore. They were, indeed, so -ill-advised as to propose a grant of money for the relief of the Turks, -who were enduring great sufferings in the Rhodope district. But -some of the Tory borough Members threatened to rebel if this project -were persisted in, and it was withdrawn. The programme of domestic -legislation was long and ambitious, and Ministers very properly began -the Session by an attempt to guard against obstruction. They carried -a rule which prevented any amendment from being made to the motion -that the Speaker of the House of Commons leave the Chair on going into -Committee of Supply on Monday nights. This enabled a Minister who -came to explain his Estimates to do so at once, because it prevented -private Members from interposing, between him and the Committee, with -long and irrelevant debates on real and imaginary grievances. The -chief measure of the Session was a Bill to consolidate the Mutiny Act -and the Articles of War--a measure which still further extended the -Parliamentary control of the Army by incorporating these Articles into -an Act of Parliament. It was read a second time on the 7th of April; -but when it went into Committee it attracted the attention of Mr. -Parnell and his followers. - -Mr. Parnell now appeared in the character of a British patriot and -philanthropist who took an absorbing interest in perfecting the -discipline of the Army and in ameliorating the condition of the -private soldier. As in - -[Illustration: BAVENO, ON LAGO MAGGIORE.] - -the case of the Prisons Bill, he had mastered every detail of the -subject, only he had become a much more formidable personage than -he had been in 1877. He had deposed Mr. Butt from the leadership of -the Irish party, and, for all practical purposes, he had taken his -place.[144] He had shown Ireland that he had been able to procure for -her, by one short year’s obstruction in 1877, not only the endowment -of her secondary education, but even the release of several Fenian -convicts in 1878--a year, said the _Times_, marked by the cessation -of obstruction, and the good relations which obtained between the -Government and the Home Rulers. In March he had discussed the Army -Estimates with an ability and knowledge which even the Minister for War -recognised; and when the Army Discipline Bill was sent before the House -in Committee Mr. Parnell was conspicuous for his cleverness in exposing -its anomalies, its obsolete applications of the principles of martial -law, and its prevailing bias in favour of the officers and against the -rank-and-file. When the 44th clause was reached, Mr. Parnell and his -friends made a stand against the continuance of flogging in the Army, -and at this stage Liberals vied with Ministerialists in denouncing -their obstructive tactics. But Mr. Parnell persisted. He had foreseen -that he was raising a popular cry. A General Election was at hand, and -he knew that the moment it was discovered that he had touched the heart -of the constituencies, it would be a question with the Liberals and -Conservatives who were then storming at him as to who should be the -first to fall into line with him. Mr. Parnell’s cynical prevision was -justified by events. - -[Illustration: THE VILLA CLARA, BAVENO.] - -Both parties, to do them justice, held out manfully night after night -against the pressure of this appeal to the sordid side of their -political character. But the longer the game of obstruction on the -flogging question was played, the stronger grew the feeling among the -populace against flogging, and night after night Mr. Parnell was at his -post with cold malice giving an additional turn to the electoral screw. -The first to succumb to the torture was Mr. Chamberlain, and something -like a faded smile flitted across Mr. Parnell’s stony visage when -that successful and practical politician scurried into his camp. Mr. -Chamberlain’s unexpected speech against flogging fell like a bombshell -in the House of Commons, where it was understood that Englishmen of -all parties had entered into an honourable understanding to meet Mr. -Parnell’s obstructive policy with a firm and united resistance. It was -a speech which, as Sir Robert Peel very justly said, “entirely upset -the calculations of the Government,”[145] a fact which was forgotten -or concealed by those critics of Lord Beaconsfield’s Administration -who afterwards vilipended them for their weak and vacillating attitude -to this question. No sooner had Mr. Chamberlain deserted to the Irish -ranks than he found himself the object of unsparing obloquy which -Liberals and Conservatives impartially bestowed on him. Of course other -Radicals, if they desired to save their seats in a General Election, -were forced to follow him, and as soon as Mr. Parnell found that he had -lured nearly the whole Radical party into his net, he and the Irish -Members suddenly vanished from the scene as leaders in the struggle. -They were never absent from their posts, and they never failed to -support the cause they had espoused by their votes. But they thrust -the work of obstruction and of speaking on the Liberal and Radical -Members who had tardily become their allies. The advantage they gained -was soon apparent. Mr. Chamberlain speedily lost his temper, and not -only publicly quarrelled with Lord Hartington, but one evening he -even insulted him amidst furious cries of protest from the Liberal -benches, by describing him as “the _late_ Leader of the Liberal -Party.”[146] Nothing could be more complete than the disintegration -of the Liberal Party which Mr. Chamberlain thus produced, unless it -were the perplexity of the Ministry. The Tories did not dare to stand -by the lash as a British institution unless they got what they had -been promised--the loyal support of the Opposition. Yet under Mr. -Chamberlain’s obstructive agitation, and under popular pressure from -the constituencies, it was clear that the Opposition was going over -piecemeal to the opponents of flogging. What wonder, then, that Colonel -Stanley, the Minister of War, temporised, when Mr. Chamberlain extorted -from him a damaging schedule, giving a list of the offences for which a -soldier could be flogged? - -Debates instinct with a strange kind of fierce frivolity raged as to -the sort of “cat” that should be used in flogging a soldier. Infinite -time was wasted in discussing whether the word “lashes” should be used -instead of “stripes” in the Act, Mr. Chamberlain being beaten in his -effort to get the word “stripes” inserted. Endless discussions arose -as to the maximum number of lashes that should be sanctioned. When -there was any sign of hesitancy Irish obstructionists were always ready -to join in the fray, and not only screw Mr. Chamberlain up to the -“sticking point,” but ironically suggest that Liberal and Conservative -leaders would alike find it profitable to go to the country in the -coming election, with a “new cat and an old Constitution,” as a taking -“cry.” Colonel Stanley at last gave way, and offered to reduce the -_maximum_ number of lashes from fifty to twenty-five, whereupon Mr. -Chamberlain showed that he was as dangerous to run away from as Mr. -Parnell. Indeed, all through these debates Mr. Chamberlain fought -the battle of obstruction with an amount of courage and fertility of -resource that placed him in the front rank of Parliamentary gladiators. -Friends and foes alike admitted that but for his asperity of temper he -might have disputed the palm of success even with Mr. Parnell himself. -The fight was virtually won when Colonel Stanley proposed to reduce the -number of lashes from fifty to twenty-five. Even Lord Hartington then -made haste to go over to Mr. Chamberlain whilst it was yet time, just -as Mr. Chamberlain had made haste to desert to Mr. Parnell. - -On the 17th of July Lord Hartington accordingly proposed that corporal -punishment should be abolished for all military offences. Though on -a division he was beaten by a majority of 106, it was felt that the -“cat-o’-nine-tails” was doomed whenever a Liberal Government came into -power. It was foreseen that at the next election many Conservative -Members would be driven from their seats, because they had been -forced to vote in the majority, and the Ministerialists denounced -Lord Hartington’s surrender to Mr. Parnell and Mr. Chamberlain with -exceeding bitterness. As Lord Salisbury said in addressing a Tory -meeting in the City of London, Lord Hartington was like the Sultan, -because, though he had a group of political Bashi-Bazouks in his party, -whom he could not control, and whose conduct he politely deprecated, -yet his motion showed he would not hesitate to profit by their -misdeeds, when the conflict of parties was fought out at the polls. -As it was, the Government were only able to obtain their majority by -agreeing to restrict corporal punishment to those offences which were -then punishable by death. - -The only other Bill of importance passed during the Session was one -dealing with Irish University education. It abolished the Queen’s -University, and substituted for it the Royal University of Ireland, -an examining body like the University of London, empowered to grant -degrees, except in Theology, to all qualified students who might -present themselves. - -The Budget, as might be expected, was by no means a popular one. Since -1878 extraordinary expenditure, incurred on account of an adventurous -Foreign Policy, had simply been treated as a deferred liability. On the -3rd of April Sir Stafford Northcote, in explaining his Budget, admitted -that the revenue, which he had estimated at £83,230,000, had fallen -short of that sum by £110,000. As for his expenditure, it had exceeded -his estimate by £4,388,000. He had therefore no money in hand with -which to meet the deferred liabilities of 1878-79; in fact, he was face -to face with a fresh deficit. Comparing his actual revenue with his -actual expenditure, the deficit was seen to amount to £2,291,000. The -position, then, was this. In 1878 he had paid off £2,750,000 by bills, -which he thought he would have been able to meet in 1879. Now he found -he could not meet them. These he reserved - -[Illustration: THE DUCHESS OF CONNAUGHT.] - -for another year, adding to them a fresh set of bills for the new -deficit, which transferred to the future a lump sum of debt equal to -£5,350,000. Leaving this item out of account, and ignoring the cost -of the South African War, he estimated the expenditure of 1879-80 at -£81,153,000. The revenue, he hoped, would amount to £83,000,000, so -that the estimated surplus he expected would suffice to cover the cost -of the operations in Zululand. It was a dismal statement, at best. -But ere the Session ended it was discovered that the real position -of affairs was even worse than Sir Stafford Northcote had admitted. -In August he had to inform the House that the Zulu War was costing -the country £500,000 a month, and that he must get a Vote of Credit -of £3,000,000. This, with an addition of £64,000 to the ordinary -Estimates, raised the original estimate of expenditure to £84,217,000. -Thus the estimated surplus of £1,847,000 vanished, and in its place -there stood a deficit of £1,217,000 for 1879-80, which might probably -be increased. The plan of evading the payment of debt, so as to render -a costly policy palatable to the electors, was thus a failure. The -longer the payment of the debt was deferred the more it grew, and -it was clear that the finances of the country were drifting into -inextricable confusion. - -[Illustration: THE DUKE OF CONNAUGHT.] - -Parliament was prorogued on the 15th of August, and it had hardly risen -when the predicted calamity in Afghanistan arrived. As experienced -Anglo-Indians had anticipated, Sir Louis Cavagnari, the British Envoy -at Cabul, was murdered, and his suite massacred (3rd September), by -the fanatical soldiers of the Ameer. During the short period of his -residence, Cavagnari had justified the arguments of those who averred -that a European Envoy would never be able to furnish his Government -with any valuable information from Cabul. The only intelligence worth -having that was received by the Indian Government came from native -sources, and it had consisted of warnings that Cavagnari’s life was in -grave peril.[147] It was necessary to order an Army of Vengeance to -enter Afghanistan, and this was done. But, in England, the verdict of -public opinion was that Lord Beaconsfield’s Afghan policy had proved an -irredeemable failure. It was no longer possible to dream of avoiding -the costly and harassing annexation of Afghanistan, by extending over -it a veiled British Protectorate, to be administered by a British Envoy -at Cabul as Political Resident. There was no alternative but a military -occupation, which meant that England must be ready to hold down by -the sword a country as large as France, as impracticable for military -movements as Switzerland, and inhabited by wild fanatical tribes as -fierce, lawless, and savage as the hordes of Ghengis Khan.[148] The -Army of Vengeance under Sir Frederick Roberts, after much toil and many -struggles, fought its way through the Shutargardan Pass, and captured -Cabul on the 12th of October. The Ameer, Yakoob Khan, was forced to -abdicate, and he was deported to Peshawur, and in the meantime Roberts -governed the country by sword and halter. The hillmen attacked his -communications. The attitude of the Cabulees was, from the first, -threatening, though General Roberts disregarded the warnings of the -Persian newswriters, who told him that Afghanistan was going to rise -about his ears. On the 14th of December the insurrection broke out in -Cabul, and Roberts had to leave the city and fight his way round to the -cantonments at Sherpore, where his supplies were stored, and where he -took refuge, and was soon besieged. In fact, in the middle of December -the public learnt with extreme anxiety that every British post in -Afghanistan was surrounded by swarms of fierce insurgents, and that a -rescuing army must be organised at Peshawur without delay. Cabul itself -was in the hands of Mahomed Jan, the victorious Afghan leader. Bitterly -did Englishmen recall Lord Beaconsfield’s speech a month before at -the Lord Mayor’s Banquet, in which he assured his audience that the -operations in Afghanistan “had been conducted with signal success,” -that the North-West frontier of India had been strengthened and -secured, and that British supremacy had been asserted in Central Asia. -Fortunately, ere the year closed, General Gough, who had advanced from -Gundamuk, was able to join hands with Roberts, who again made himself -master of Cabul. - -In South Africa affairs began to assume a more hopeful aspect towards -the end of the year. After the victory of Ulundi the Zulu chiefs one -after another submitted to the British Government. Cetewayo--who, as -we have seen, had been captured on the 28th of August--was sent as a -State prisoner to Cape Town, and Sir Garnet Wolseley made peace with -the Zulu chiefs and people.[149] The Kaffir chief, Secocoeni, who had -defied the Government before the Zulu War broke out, was attacked and -subdued. He had been secretly aided by the Boers, who had warned Sir -Bartle Frere that they did not accept the annexation of the Transvaal. -At Pretoria Sir Garnet Wolseley, however, told the Boer leaders that -the annexation which they were resisting was irreversible, and the -Boers for a time confined themselves to obstructing the judicial and -fiscal administration of the British Government. - -The Zulu War was marked by one incident that powerfully influenced -the destiny of Europe: it cost the heir of the Bonapartes his life. -The young Prince Louis Napoleon--or the “Prince Imperial,” as the -Bonapartists insisted on calling him--had resolved to serve with -the British Army in Zululand. His object was to acquire a military -reputation that might be useful to him as a Pretender. A proud and -self-respecting Government, however hard pressed, cannot accept the -services of a foreign mercenary, however high his rank might be. But, -in deference to Courtly influences, the Prince was permitted to proceed -to the seat of war in an ambiguous position. He held no commission, -but he was treated like a junior officer of the General Staff, and the -Duke of Cambridge requested Lord Chelmsford to let the Prince see as -much of the war as he could. Lord Chelmsford issued instructions to -the military authorities, which made the Prince a burden--perhaps, in -some degree, a nuisance--to them. When he joined Lord Chelmsford Prince -Louis seems to have been attached to the Quartermaster-General’s -Department. But he was not to be allowed to go out of the camp without -Lord Chelmsford’s permission, and even then he was to be guarded by -an escort under an officer of experience. On the 1st of June Colonel -Harrison allowed the Prince to make a reconnaissance for the purpose of -choosing the site of a camp, but without obtaining Lord Chelmsford’s -sanction. The Prince’s party was to consist of six troopers and six -Basutos, and though no officer was sent to accompany him, Lieutenant -Carey, an accomplished and intelligent soldier, happened, by an -accident, to join the band. Carey had been employed to survey and map -out some of the adjoining ground, and he asked leave to go with the -Prince to clear up a doubtful topographical point on which he and Lord -Chelmsford differed in opinion. Carey merely went for his private -convenience. He was not told to look after the Prince; in fact, he was -told that, if he went, he was not to interfere with him, because his -Imperial Highness, eager to re-gild the tarnished Eagles of his House, -desired to have all the credit of conducting the - -[Illustration: MARRIAGE OF THE DUKE OF CONNAUGHT. - -(_From the Picture by S. P. Hall._)] - -[Illustration: QUEEN VICTORIA (1887). - -(_From a Photograph by Lafayette, Dublin._)] - -[Illustration: THE MAUSOLEUM, FROGMORE.] - -Expedition. The Prince was in command of the party,[150] and in a fit -of boyish impatience, and in defiance of Carey’s advice, ordered it to -march without waiting for the six Basutos, who were late of putting -in an appearance. He led his little troop on for some distance, and -then, without taking the most ordinary precautions against surprise, he -halted--again against Carey’s counsel--for a rest in a deserted kraal -surrounded by a field of - -tall Indian corn. This was a fatal blunder, for the cover of the -cornfield rendered the place eminently convenient for the concealment -of an ambuscade. Here the Prince waited an hour, whilst the Zulus -surrounded him. Then he gave his men the order to move. The Zulus -sprang from their hiding-places and fired on the little band, whose -startled horses were difficult to mount. It was impossible to see what -was going on in the cornfield, and it was not till the troopers had -retreated for some distance that Lieutenant Carey and his comrades -discovered that the Prince was missing. To have made a stand in the -cornfield would have been to court instant death. It appeared that the -Prince had been unable to mount his horse, which was frightened and -restive, and that the Zulus overtook him and stabbed him with their -assegais. Thanks to Carey’s knowledge of the ground, the rest of the -party, with the exception of two troopers, were saved, and Carey was -able to give Colonel Wood’s force the valuable intelligence that the -enemy, contrary to the general belief, were infesting the country in -front. - -The indignation of the French Bonapartists at the death of the Prince -Imperial was without limit. The ex-Empress, who had encouraged her son -to go to South Africa, was prostrated with sorrow and remorse. Even the -tender sympathy of the Queen could not console her for the loss of one -whose life was necessary for her ambition, and whose death shattered -the last hopes of Imperialism in France. It was thought desirable -that somebody should be sacrificed to appease the ex-Empress, and -Lieutenant Carey was accordingly tried by Court-martial and promptly -condemned for “misbehaviour in front of the enemy” while in command -of a reconnoitring party. There were only two reasons for attacking -Carey. He was the officer of lowest rank who had any connection with -the Prince’s ill-fated reconnaissance, and he had absolutely nothing -whatever to do with the command of that expedition, or with the -Prince’s mismanagement of it. In fact, all that Carey could be blamed -for was for saving, by his superior knowledge of the ground, four of -the six troopers whom the Prince had led into a fatal ambuscade. It -need hardly be said that, on review, the finding of the Court-martial -was set aside by the Duke of Cambridge, and Lieutenant Carey restored -to his rank. The Duke laid all the blame on Colonel Harrison, who, -however, was not tried by Court-martial. But he also complained that -Carey made a mistake in imagining that the Prince was in command of the -party, a mistake which was not only natural but inevitable, and which -was shared by all his comrades. The melancholy and stubborn imprudence -of the Prince obviously led the expedition to disaster. The Duke of -Cambridge argued that Colonel Harrison should have warned the Prince -to be guided by Carey. Having blamed Harrison for not giving Carey -sufficiently definite instructions as to the command of the expedition, -he made Carey responsible for the defects in Harrison’s instructions. -Carey, according to the Duke, should have provided that military skill -which the Prince lacked. The truth was that Carey was warned not to -meddle with the Prince, who from first to last took command, and who, -when advice was tendered to him, rejected it in a manner that did not -encourage a spirited and self-respecting officer to press it on him. - -The family life of the Court in 1879 was brightened by a Royal -wedding. On the 13th of March the marriage of the Duke of Connaught -with the Princess Louise Marguerite of Prussia was celebrated with -some display. The ceremony took place in St. George’s Chapel, Windsor. -At noon the four processions--those of the Queen, the Princess of -Wales, the bride and the bridegroom--quitted the quadrangle. The -Queen drove in her own carriage, drawn by four ponies, the remainder -of the Royal Family occupying the gilded State coaches, driven by -the Royal coachmen in their liveries of scarlet and gold. The display -of decorations and uniforms and costumes among the august guests -was seen to be very brilliant as the Royal party took their places -round the Communion rails, where were assembled the Archbishop of -Canterbury, the Bishops of London, Winchester, Worcester, and the Dean -of Windsor. As Mendelssohn’s march from _Athalie_ resounded through -the sacred building the Queen was observed to take her place, dressed -in a complete Court dress of black satin, with a white veil and a -flashing coronet of diamonds. The Princess Beatrice had discarded Court -mourning, and appeared in a turquoise blue costume with a velvet train -to match. The bridegroom, wearing the uniform of the Rifle Brigade, was -supported by the Prince of Wales and the Duke of Edinburgh. The bride -was accompanied by her father, Prince Frederick Charles of Prussia, -better known as the “Red Prince,” and the German Crown Prince, who -wore the uniform of the 2nd or Queen’s Cuirassiers. The German Crown -Princess and the King of the Belgians were also present. The Red Prince -gave his daughter away. At the close of the ceremony the Queen and -Royal Family returned to the Palace amidst a salute of twenty-one guns. - -On March the 25th the Queen and Princess Beatrice, attended by General -Sir H. F. Ponsonby, Lady Churchill, Sir W. Jenner, and Captain Edwards, -left Windsor Castle for the North of Italy. The Royal departure took -place in very wintry weather, snow and sleet falling heavily. In spite -of this the railway platform was crowded by visitors, who offered many -loyal salutations as the train steamed out of the station at 9.40 a.m. -Portsmouth was reached at noon, and the Royal party embarked on board -the _Victoria and Albert_, the yacht sailing at once for Cherbourg, -which was reached early in the evening. The Queen slept on board, and -left for Paris. When she arrived in Paris she found that though crowds -had collected at the station, no one was admitted to the platform -except the British Ambassador, Lord Lyons. The Queen, who was dressed -in deep mourning, though almost invisible to the people as she drove -to the English Embassy, was, nevertheless, greeted with cheers and -waving of hats all along the way. On the 27th her Majesty left Paris -for Arona. Prior to starting, she was much affected by the receipt of -a message announcing the death of her grandson, Prince Waldemar of -Prussia. She, however, went through the appointed tasks of the day -with her customary self-possession, and received President Grévy and -M. Waddington, both visits being brief and formal. The Duc de Nemours -also paid her a friendly visit, accompanied by Prince and Princess -Czartolyski. On the 28th the Queen, preserving the strictest incognito, -arrived at Modane, and after a short interval continued the journey to -Turin and Baveno on Lake Maggiore, which was her final destination. On -reaching the Italian frontier the Queen received a despatch from the -King and Queen of Italy welcoming her Majesty upon Italian soil. The -Queen sent a reply immediately, expressing her thanks in cordial terms. -On March 31st Prince Amadeus, brother of the King of Italy, arrived at -Baveno and had an audience of the Queen. During her stay in Italy her -Majesty assumed the title of the Countess of Balmoral, and occupied -the Villa Clara, which was placed at her disposal by M. Henfrey, the -owner. At first the weather was bad, but in spite of that the Queen -made many excursions to places of interest, and as her incognito was -respected, her holiday was not burdened with the wearisome formalities -of Court etiquette. Alike in France and Italy she was received with -hearty good wishes by the people. Garibaldi and the Pope vied with -King Humbert in welcoming her with congratulatory messages. On the -17th of April King Humbert and Queen Margherita and the members of -their household left Rome for Monza, and on the 18th proceeded to the -railway station to meet the train which was to bring the Queen and her -suite from Baveno. Punctually at the time arranged the Queen arrived, -and, on alighting from her carriage, warmly greeted the King and Queen -of Italy. The party then drove to the Royal Castle, where lunch was -served, after which the Queen returned to Baveno, which she left on -the 23rd of April, arriving in Paris next day. Her return was clouded, -as her setting out had been, by the shadow of death. On her arrival -at Turin she received the painful intelligence of the death at Genoa -of the Duke of Roxburghe, the husband of one of her valued friends. -She left Paris on Friday, the 25th, and before her departure she gave -away memorial tokens to several of the members of the Embassy. She -arrived at Windsor on the 27th, where the German Empress came to spend -some days with her in May. During this visit both Royal ladies became -great-grandmothers, for the Queen’s first great-grandchild was born -on the 12th of May. This was the first-born daughter of the Princess -Charlotte of Saxe-Meiningen, the eldest daughter of the German Crown -Prince and Princess. - -[Illustration: OSBORNE HOUSE, FROM THE GARDENS. - -(_From a Photograph by J. Valentine and Sons._)] - - - - -CHAPTER XXIII. - -FALL OF LORD BEACONSFIELD. - - General Gloom--Fall of the Tay Bridge--Liberal Onslaught on - the Government--The Mussulman Schoolmaster and the Anglican - Missionary--The Queen’s Speech--The Irish Relief Bill--A Dying - Parliament--Mr. Cross’s Water Bill--“Coming in on Beer and Going - out on Water”--Sir Stafford Northcote’s Budget--Lord Beaconsfield’s - Manifesto--The General Election--Defeat of the Tories--Incidents - of the Struggle--Mr. Gladstone Prime Minister--The Fourth - Party--Mr. Bradlaugh and the Oath--Mr. Gladstone and the Emperor - of Austria--The Naval Demonstration--Grave Error in the Indian - Budget--Affairs in Afghanistan--Disaster at Maiwand--Roberts’s - March--The New Ameer--Revolt of the Boers--The Ministerial - Programme--The Burials Bill--The Hares and Rabbits Bill--The - Employers’ Liability Bill--Supplementary Budget--The Compensation - for Disturbance Bill--Boycotting--Trial of Mr. Parnell and Mr. - Dillon--The Queen’s Visit to Germany--The Queen Presents the Albert - Medal to George Oatley of the Coastguard--Reviews at Windsor--The - Queen’s Speech to the Ensigns--The Battle of the Standards--Royalty - and Riflemen--Outrages in Ireland--“Endymion”--Death of George - Eliot. - - -If 1880 opened cheerfully, it was solely because men felt a sense of -relief at getting rid of what they called “the bad old year.” It had -begun with bitter frosts, varied by black fogs. Its spring was a -prolonged winter. Cold gloom marked its dog-days. There was no summer -worth recording, and as for autumn, October and November saw the -crops rotting in the fields. Farmers and squires, like Sheridan, were -striving “to live on their debts.” Two great bank failures--that of the -City of Glasgow Bank and that of the West of England Bank--had shaken -the fabric of credit and reduced thousands of the well-to-do middle -class to penury, while trade seemed going from bad to worse. Even -science and invention appeared to be in a conspiracy to ruin people, -for Edison’s contrivance of the electric lamp frightened investors in -gas shares into a panic, which seriously depreciated the value of their -property. Disasters in war, which are courteously called blunders, were -followed by catastrophes by flood and field, which it is customary to -call accidents. The ghastly tale of misfortunes was completed by the -frightful hurricane that swept over the country on the last Sunday of -the old year. At half-past seven of the evening of that day a furious -gust swept down the Firth of Tay and cut a section out of the great -railway bridge that spanned the estuary. A train crossing at the moment -was blown, with the wreckage of the bridge and its precious freight -of human life, into the surly waters of the Firth.[151] Very promptly -did the Queen instruct Sir Henry Ponsonby to telegraph from Osborne a -sympathetic message from her to the relatives of the dead.[152] Her -Majesty had herself crossed the bridge on her way to Balmoral, and the -shock of the disaster struck her to the heart. - -It was when the people were moodily pondering over the evil fate -of England under the Government that was to have given it rest and -prosperity, that Lord Beaconsfield’s opponents became unusually -active. Mr. Gladstone reprinted his speech on Finance which he had -delivered in Edinburgh in November (1879), and reminded the electors -how Lord Beaconsfield, after promising to repeal the Income Tax in -1874, had raised it; how in bad times he had increased expenditure, -whereas in good times the Liberals had reduced it; how he had imposed -£6,000,000 more taxes than he remitted, whereas the Liberals remitted -£12,500,000 more than they imposed; how he had transformed a surplus -into a deficit, and kept on rolling up debt, instead of paying off -the nation’s liabilities as they were incurred. There was a stroke of -high art in publishing this sombre speech when the New Year opened. -Sir Stafford Northcote had, at Leeds, essayed a mild and apologetic -reply to it. Mr. Gladstone thus considered it necessary, when men were -beginning to suspect that they were ruled by a Government of bad luck, -to answer Sir Stafford in an appendix to the November speech, which -tended to deepen the prevailing depression of spirits. Sir William -Harcourt, in his New Year orations at Oxford, on the other hand, dealt -with the Government from a comic point of view. He touched with caustic -wit on their incongruities and inconsistencies, and by contrasting -their swelling words with their small deeds, their affluence of promise -with their poverty of performance, contrived to create an impression -that Ministers were making the country the laughing-stock of the world. -When Mr. Gladstone showed that the nation was being ruined, Sir William -Harcourt immediately followed up by declaring, in speeches which -everybody read, because they were amusing and personal, that it was -being ruined by a group of mountebanks. To him succeeded Mr. Bright, -who, at a Liberal banquet at Birmingham (20th of January), elaborately -explained how that which had happened was only what might have been -looked for. He exhibited, from the treasure-house of his memory, an -interminable series of examples to illustrate one simple thesis. It was -that the history of England had ever been a tragic conflict between the -Spirits of Good and Evil--the Tory Party representing the Spirit of -Evil. His political Manichæism would not have influenced the country if -it had not been downhearted. Inasmuch as it manifestly affected public -opinion, it ought to have warned Lord Beaconsfield that the people -were out of humour with him. The Tories, however, had eyes and ears -for nothing, save Sir William Harcourt’s jokes and gibes, and flouts -and sneers. These were not highly refined or polished, but they were -just what was wanted to make the average voter laugh at Imperialism. -The Imperialists being sensitive, not to say short-tempered persons, -instead of pleading their own case rationally before the country, -spent their force in vituperative attacks on Sir William Harcourt. It -was also the misfortune of Lord Beaconsfield, that at this juncture -he became nervous over the growing hostility of the clergy of all -denominations to his foreign policy, the tone of which they deemed -anti-Christian. - -A desperate effort which was made to counteract this impression, -displayed Sir Henry Layard at Constantinople--an Envoy who was supposed -to be more Turkish than the Turks--figuring as a champion of the Cross -against the Crescent. People, in fact, were startled at the beginning -of the year to learn that the Government had suspended diplomatic -relations with Turkey, because the Turkish authorities had threatened -to execute a Mussulman schoolmaster for helping an Anglican missionary -to translate the Bible.[153] Sir Henry Layard had been unmoved by the -massacre and judicial murder of thousands of Christian subjects of the -Sultan in Epirus, Macedonia, and Armenia, in defiance of Treaty law. -It was, therefore, amazing that he should have suddenly burst into a -convulsion of diplomatic wrath because a Turkish Court - -[Illustration: THE FIRST TAY BRIDGE, FROM THE SOUTH.] - -passed on a Turkish Mussulman the sentence appointed by the law of his -race and creed for an act which, when done by him, was legally a crime. -Still, from the point of view of the practical statesman on the eve -of a General Election, the step taken by Sir Henry Layard would not -have been open to criticism merely because of its inconsistency and -injustice. The fatal objection to it was that, whilst it failed to -conciliate the religious world, it made the Government seem ineffably -ridiculous to the electors. The foreign policy that was to give England -ascendency in the councils of Europe, had reduced her to such a poor -pass that, at Constantinople, Sir Henry Layard had to threaten war ere -the Porte would even listen to his appeal for clemency to the obscurest -of offenders against the letter of a harsh and obsolete law. Nor was -the situation improved as the quarrel developed. The Turks resolutely -refused even to deliver up Dr. Köller’s MSS., which they hardly had any -right to keep, and it was not till the German Ambassador interfered -on behalf of the English missionary that they were restored. When Sir -Henry Layard pressed for the dismissal of Hafiz Pasha, he was foiled -by the Sultan averring that he, and not the Minister, had ordered the -arrest of Ahmed Tewfik. After Lord Beaconsfield’s Guildhall eulogies on -the Sultan, Ministers were seriously embarrassed by this new turn in -the affair. Ultimately the intervention of Germany and Austria induced -the Sultan, who listened to the menaces of the British Government -with imperturbable serenity, to offer concessions. He still refused -Sir Henry Layard’s demand for the annulment of the sentence of death -on Ahmed Tewfik. But he offered to commute it by exiling Ahmed to a -remote Turkish island with a Christian population. He also ordered -Hafiz Pasha, the Minister of Police, to apologise.[154] The commutation -of Ahmed’s sentence meant that, though England had saved him from the -gallows, “Kismet” had destined him for a premature grave. The apology -from Hafiz was immediately converted into a further insult to the -British Government, for, as soon as it had been delivered, the Sultan -decorated him with the Grand Cordon of the Medjidie. Nor was this act -quite atoned for by the issue of an Imperial edict forbidding the -Mohammedan Press to laugh at the British Ambassador. It was, therefore, -easy to predict that the Queen’s Speech would be demure, if not -actually meek in tone, when it touched on Foreign Affairs. - -[Illustration: WINDSOR CASTLE: A PEEP FROM THE DEAN’S GARDEN.] - -Parliament was opened on the 5th of February, and her Majesty’s Speech -was read by the Lord Chancellor. Events, according to the Royal -Message, still tended to safeguard the peace of Europe on the basis -of the Berlin Treaty, and the Sultan had signed a Convention for the -suppression of the Slave Trade. The abdication of the Ameer rendered -it impossible to recall the army of occupation. But the Government, in -their dealings with Afghanistan, merely desired to strengthen their -Indian frontier and preserve the independence of that State. The -success of Sir Garnet Wolseley’s policy in South Africa was touched -on. It was stated that the Irish authorities had been instructed to -make special provisions for coping with distress in Ireland, which -would necessitate an Indemnity Bill; and a Criminal Code Bill, a -Bankruptcy Bill, a Lunacy Bill, and a Conveyancing Bill were promised. -Mr. Cross had, at the end of the previous Session, also promised a -Bill to transfer the Metropolitan Water Companies to the ratepayers -of London. The debates on the Address were uninteresting. The Tories -tried to discredit their opponents by proving that in election contests -they angled for the Irish vote by promising to support an inquiry -into the demand for Home Rule. The Liberals retorted by proving that -though Lord Beaconsfield was ever ready to pass sentence of political -excommunication on Home Rulers, he was equally ready to confer honours -on Home Rulers,[155] that the Home Rule movement was started by -Tories, and that it was a rich Tory who found the money for the Fenian -candidature of O’Donovan Rossa in Tipperary. - -The Irish Relief Bill was introduced on the 7th, and read a second time -on the 23rd of February. It granted loans to the amount of £1,092,985 -without interest for two years and a half, but bearing 1 per cent. -interest after that time, to landlords and sanitary authorities for -works of improvement; it also permitted the Baronial Sessions to -start such works, and relaxed the law of out-door relief. Most of the -Irish members complained that as a measure of relief, the Bill was -inadequate. Some, like Mr. Synan, objected to the loans being taken -from the Irish Church surplus. Others wished Boards of Guardians to -be able to give out-door relief in money, and to take up loans for -improvements. The Bill was passed on the 15th of March, and Major Nolan -also passed a Seed Bill which enabled poor farmers to get seeds on -loan. It is now clear that the Government had no true conception of the -state of Ireland. They had been satisfied with the jaunty assurances of -the Chief Secretary, Mr. Lowther, in the previous year, that there was -no exceptional agrarian distress in that country. Yet, as a matter of -fact, a famine was imminent, and at the beginning of 1880 the Duchess -of Marlborough, wife of the Lord-Lieutenant, and Mr. E. Dwyer Gray, -Lord Mayor of Dublin, were compelled to start Relief Funds to avert -that dreadful calamity. - -Even with this evidence before them, the Tory Ministry in 1880 fell -into a blunder worthy of the Whigs in 1847-9. They adopted the fatal -Whig principle, that the best way to relieve the Irish peasant’s -distress was to vote the relief money to be doled out in wages by -his landlord, who, by rack-renting and evictions had aggravated that -distress, and who, though in most cases an absentee, was yet for -some inexplicable reason supposed to be the best almoner the State -could find in Ireland.[156] That this mistake was made can only be -accounted for by the fact that Lord Beaconsfield’s advanced age, and -his absorption in Foreign Affairs, rendered it possible for his less -competent colleagues to control his policy.[157] - -However, all Englishmen were predisposed to believe that Mr. -Gladstone’s Land Act of 1870 had averted famine for ever from Ireland. -They did not know that it had broken down because it made no provision -against rack-renting, and, therefore, no real provision against unjust -eviction. It permitted eviction in cases where a tenant was unable -to pay rent; so that, in order to evict, a landlord had merely to -put up his rent to the point at which the tenant could not pay it, -the tenant’s claim for improvements on eviction being in such a case -usually swallowed up in long out-standing arrears. It was quite obvious -to those who looked beneath the surface that the coming question was -the agrarian difficulty in Ireland. And yet the Ministry treated it -as a matter of trivial importance, a blunder which, however, was also -committed by the majority of Liberals, who were convinced that Mr. -Gladstone’s Land Act had brought content to Ireland. - -Still, the Session was quiet and business-like, and the Liberal leaders -were studiously polite to Ministers. They helped to pass a Standing -Order checking obstruction, hinting that it was not strong enough. By -these tactics they artfully neutralised the insinuation that they were -fishing for the Home Rule vote.[158] But it was clear that Parliament -was moribund and quite “gravelled for lack of matter.” It could not -legally survive another year; in fact, since the sixteenth century -only four Parliaments had existed as long. Naturally public opinion -was pressing for a dissolution, and it merely remained for Ministers -to select the “psychological moment” which was most advantageous -to themselves for going to the country. Lord Beaconsfield suddenly -resolved in spring not to exhaust his mandate, and on the 8th of -March Sir Stafford Northcote intimated that the Budget would be -brought in before Easter, and that, after taking formal and necessary -business, Parliament would be dissolved. Lord Beaconsfield was guided -to this step by three considerations. He thought that the glamour of -his Asiatic Imperialism still blinded the eyes of the nation to the -disasters in Afghanistan and South Africa. He imagined that, because -the returns from three bye-elections were favourable to the Tory -Party, public opinion was still with him.[159] He trusted that Mr. -Cross’s Water Bill would consolidate the popularity of the Ministry, -not only in the Capital, but among municipal reformers all over -the country. This last forecast was most untoward. When Mr. Cross -produced his Water Bill on the 2nd of March, the _Standard_, which -was the organ of the Ministry in the Press, suddenly deserted its -Party and its leaders, and assailed Mr. Cross’s scheme with astounding -ferocity.[160] The opposition of the _Standard_ at the critical moment -not only depressed the spirits of the Tories, but also forced the hand -of the “independent” newspapers, who had up till now supported Lord -Beaconsfield loyally. They could not be more royalist than the King, so -they, too, poured forth their invective on Mr. Cross’s Bill. The effect -of this sudden attack of the whole metropolitan Press was to paralyse a -vast body of metropolitan opinion that up till then had run in favour -of the Ministry. “It came into power on beer,” said a malicious Liberal -one afternoon in the Tea-room of the House of Commons, “and it will -float out on water.” A more cautious statesman would have postponed -dissolution till a happier moment; but Lord Beaconsfield persisted -in appealing to the people, and the Government passed an Electoral -Bill repealing the law which prohibited candidates from paying for -the carriage of voters to the poll. It was obvious that in the coming -struggle the Tories were at least resolved to give the rich men on both -sides all the advantages of their opulence. - -When the Budget was produced Sir Stafford Northcote had a sad tale to -tell. His revenue for the past year, instead of yielding £83,055,000, -only yielded £80,860,000, showing a deficit of £2,195,000, to which had -to be added - -[Illustration: AFTER THE MIDLOTHIAN VICTORY: MR. GLADSTONE ADDRESSING -THE CROWD FROM THE BALCONY OF LORD ROSEBERY’S HOUSE, GEORGE STREET, -EDINBURGH. (_From the Picture in “The Graphic.”_)] - -supplementary estimates for South Africa, bringing it up to £3,340,000. -For the coming year, however, he estimated, supposing there were no -changes of taxation, a revenue of £81,560,000, and an expenditure of -£81,486,472. But it was no longer possible to postpone payment of past -deficits. These had accumulated to a sum of £8,000,000. He proposed to -pay this off by creating £6,000,000 of annuities terminable in five -years, and meeting the yearly charge for them by adding £800,000 a -year to the service of the National Debt. As this would relieve the -Government from its existing payments for interest on Exchequer Bonds, -the fresh revenue needed to meet the payments for the new annuities -in reality came to £589,000, and not £800,000. As to the remaining -£2,000,000 of deficits, Sir Stafford Northcote seemed to trust to -luck for their payment. The additional revenue he proposed to get by -a revision of the Probate Duty. As he increased the Succession Duty -on personal property, and left that on land untouched, the Budget was -extremely unpopular with the landless class. But even his scheme as it -stood, with its £6,000,000 added for five years to the National Debt, -and its £2,000,000 of postponed deficits, involved the sacrifice of his -Sinking Fund for paying off the debt. Virtually the Government told the -electors that they had brought Britain to such a pass, that she had to -abandon for five years her scheme for paying off her National Debt, in -order to clear off £6,000,000 of their deficits. - -On the 24th of March Parliament was dissolved, and the new writs were -made returnable on the 29th of April. Lord Beaconsfield’s Manifesto, -however, had been issued in the shape of a letter to the Duke of -Marlborough, Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, on the 8th of March. In this -letter he called on the people to support the Ministry in order to give -England an ascendency in the councils of Europe, and check the Home -Rule movement in Ireland, which was “scarcely less disastrous than -pestilence or famine.” This movement had been patronised, he declared, -by the Liberal Party, whose “policy of decomposition” was meant to -destroy the Imperial character of the realm. On the other side, the -leaders traversed all Lord Beaconsfield’s insinuations. They scoffed -at his Foreign Policy, asserted that it was pretentious, futile, -and costly; they denounced his restless turbulence and his bankrupt -finance, and, though they declared against Home Rule, they promised -to give Ireland equal laws and equal rights with England. When the -struggle began it was predicted in London that Lord Beaconsfield’s -majority would be so vastly increased that the Liberals would be -ostracised from power for a generation. As the contest proceeded it was -noticed that at Liberal meetings no man could mention Mr. Gladstone’s -name without being stopped by prolonged outbursts of cheering. That -had happened in 1868, and it was a bad omen, whereupon it was said -that the Tories would come back with only a slight reduction in their -majority. Finally it was admitted, when the first day’s returns came -in, that Lord Beaconsfield’s majority had vanished, and that he himself -had fallen from power. The incidents of the struggle were curious. -Mr. Gladstone’s campaign in the North was a marvellous achievement, -and the sustained passion and energy of his attack on the policy of -the Government, alike in principle and detail, seemed to paralyse -the Tory leaders. Lord Hartington’s political duel with Mr. Cross in -Lancashire completed the wreck of that Minister’s reputation, already -damaged by his abortive Water Bill. Lord Derby’s letter to Lord Sefton -(12th March) intimating his inability to support the Ministry and -his adhesion to the Liberal Party, was a cruel blow, struck at the -Tory Party in their most formidable stronghold. Sir William Harcourt -and Mr. Lowe vied with each other in rendering Ministers ridiculous. -Mr. Bright roused the conscience of the nation against their warlike -policy. Mr. Chamberlain and Sir Charles Dilke stirred the latent -socialistic sympathies of the masses. As for the Irish vote, it was -cast solidly against the Tories, in order to avenge the passage -describing Home Rule in Lord Beaconsfield’s letter. Looking back on -this historic election, it is amazing to find how few Ministerial -speeches of importance were made. Lulled into a false sense of security -by the support of the London Press and the gossip of Pall Mall clubs, -Ministers seem to have permitted their opponents to talk them down. -As for the result, why dwell on it? The first day’s Borough elections -destroyed Lord Beaconsfield’s majority. The Counties deserted him in -the most unaccountable manner. In Scotland the Tory Party was almost -obliterated.[161] In Ireland two-thirds of the Members elected were -Home Rulers. The net result was, that when the Election was over, there -were returned 351 Liberals, 237 Tories, and 65 Home Rulers. The verdict -of the country, therefore, was this: the electors were more afraid -of Lord Beaconsfield’s Foreign Policy than of Mr. Gladstone’s Irish -Nationalist sympathies. The sweeping reforms which he was pledged to -demand and support by his Midlothian speeches did not displease the -country so much as Lord Beaconsfield’s manifest reluctance to pledge -himself to a strong programme of domestic legislation. - -While the elections were taking place the Queen was abroad. -Little dreaming that the verdict of the people would destroy Lord -Beaconsfield’s Ministry, she had arranged to visit Hesse-Darmstadt to -be present at the confirmation of the daughters of the late Princess -Alice, and after that ceremony to spend a brief holiday at Baden. Her -Majesty returned to England on the 17th of April, and on the 28th of -April Ministers resigned office. Lord Beaconsfield was not present on -the occasion. He had bade farewell to the Queen on the previous day. -After the results of the Election were known strenuous efforts were -made to prevent Mr. Gladstone from becoming Prime Minister. The general -opinion, however, was that, as Lord Beaconsfield’s fall from power was -due mainly to Mr. Gladstone’s energetic and persistent criticism of -his policy, Mr. Gladstone ought to take the responsibility of forming -a Government. His own views on the subject can be gleaned from two -letters which he wrote to Mr. Hayward. In one he seems to resent the -idea of taking any office lower than that of the Premiership, supposing -he took office at all.[162] In another he tries to explain away a -statement he was alleged to have made to a reporter of the _Gaulois_, -who asked him in November, 1879, if he would resume office, and to whom -he replied, “No; I am now out of the question.” He (the reporter), says -Mr. Gladstone, “rejoined, ‘_Mais vos compatriotes vont vous forcer_.’ -I said, ‘_C’est à eux à déterminer, mais je n’en vois aucun signe!_’ -I meant by these words to get out of this branch of the discussion as -easily as I could. My duty is clear: it is to hold fast by Granville -and Hartington, and try to promote the union and efficiency of the -Party led by them.”[163] - -In the ordinary course it was the duty of the Queen to send first for -the actual Leader of the Opposition, who was Lord Granville. On the -contrary, the first Liberal statesman summoned to Windsor was Lord -Hartington, who, when he arrived there on the 22nd of April, it was -remarked, declined the use of one of the Royal carriages, and strolled -in a leisurely manner to the Castle. He informed her Majesty that -a Liberal Ministry which was not headed by Mr. Gladstone could not -command the confidence of the country. Next day the Queen sent for Lord -Granville, who went to Windsor, accompanied by Lord Hartington. His -advice was to entrust Mr. Gladstone with the formation of a Cabinet. -They returned to London, and, after an interview with them, Mr. -Gladstone proceeded to Windsor and received the Queen’s commission to -organise a Government. Whenever Mr. Gladstone became Prime Minister the -Whigs (who had secretly done their utmost as a Party to prevent his -return to office) swarmed round him like a cloud of locusts. The Whigs -and moderate Liberals were, as of old, to have all the comfortable -places. - -As for the Radicals, they would, it was suggested, be amply repaid for -their services by a few of the minor offices under the Government, by -including Mr. Bright and Mr. Forster in the Cabinet, and by offering -a seat to Mr. Stansfeld, whose health prevented him from accepting -it. That, however, was not the view of the Radicals. North of the -Humber they constituted the bulk of the Liberal Party. Their system -of representative Party organisation, invented in Birmingham and -popularised by Mr. Chamberlain, had enabled them to consolidate the -opposition to the Tories, to prevent double candidatures, and to win -seats that, under a looser form of discipline, it would have been -hopeless to contest. If Mr. Gladstone was the Napoleon, - -[Illustration: MR. CHAMBERLAIN. - -(_From a Photograph by Russell and Sons._)] - -Mr. Chamberlain was the Carnot of the campaign. The cry went forth -that some uncompromising Radical must have a seat in the Cabinet, and -Mr. Chamberlain was suggested as the fittest person to select. But -what had Mr. Chamberlain done? His speeches--hard, brilliant, and -clever--were permeated with “socialism.” Good Tory matrons were said to -frighten their unruly babes with the whisper of his name. In Parliament -he had chiefly distinguished himself by his obstructive tactics and -his revolt against Lord Hartington’s leadership. He was even a more -persistent opponent of the Monarchy than Sir Charles Dilke, who had -abandoned the advocacy of Republicanism for the critical study of -Foreign Affairs. Mr. Gladstone’s chief objection to Mr. Chamberlain -was that he had no official training. Lord Hartington (who knew, to -his cost, that his obstructive opposition in the House of Commons -could be most embarrassing), on the other hand, was in favour of -including Mr. Chamberlain in the Cabinet. So was Lord Granville, who -probably thought that there was no surer way of muzzling a dangerous -Republican than that of making him a Cabinet Minister. Still, the -Whig antagonism to Mr. Chamberlain was too strong to be ignored, and -a compromise was arrived at when office was offered to Sir Charles -Dilke. He, however, refused to take any place unless one advanced -Radical, at least, was included in the Cabinet, and he said that Mr. -Chamberlain should be chosen. After much intriguing Mr. Gladstone -yielded, and Mr. Chamberlain became President of the Board of Trade. -At the end of April the Cabinet was complete. Mr. Gladstone combined -the two offices of Premier and Chancellor of the Exchequer; Lord -Selborne was Lord Chancellor; Lord Granville, Foreign Secretary; Sir -William Harcourt, Home Secretary; Lord Hartington, Indian Secretary; -Mr. Childers, War Secretary; Lord Northbrook, First Lord of the -Admiralty; Lord Kimberley, Colonial Secretary; Mr. Bright, Chancellor -of the Duchy of Lancaster; Mr. Forster, Chief Secretary for Ireland; -the Duke of Argyll, Lord Privy Seal; Mr. Dodson, President of the -Local Government Board; Lord Spencer, Lord President of the Council. -Outside the Cabinet, Mr. Fawcett became Postmaster-General; Sir Charles -Dilke, Under Secretary for Foreign Affairs (the office which he -specially desired, and for which he was specially qualified); Sir Henry -James, Attorney-General; Sir Farrer Herschel, Solicitor-General; Mr. -Mundella, Vice-President of the Council; Mr. Adam (the famous Whip), -First Commissioner of Works; and Mr. Shaw-Lefevre, Secretary to the -Admiralty. Mr. Lowe was sent to the Upper House with a Peerage as Lord -Sherbrooke. Mr. Goschen (whose opposition to any extension of Household -Franchise to the counties rendered him impossible as a Cabinet -Minister) was sent as a Special Ambassador to Constantinople. Sir H. -A. Layard was not recalled, but he was granted an indefinite leave of -absence. Lord Lytton having resigned the Indian Viceroyalty, Lord Ripon -was appointed in his place. - -No sooner had Parliament met, on the 29th of April, than it was -apparent that one gentleman had read aright the lesson to be derived -from Mr. Chamberlain’s successful career. To prove that one’s capacity -for obstruction was not inferior to that of Mr. Parnell, to reform on -a popular basis the organisation of one’s Party, and to flout openly -on fitting occasions the authority of one’s leader, these, argued Lord -Randolph Churchill, are the keys that unlock the doors of the Cabinet. -He, together with Sir H. D. Wolff, Mr. A. J. Balfour, and Mr. Gorst, -organised a small band of Tory obstructionists called the Fourth Party, -who hoped, by their unscrupulous tactics in embarrassing Mr. Gladstone, -that their gibes at Sir Stafford Northcote’s prudent leadership would -be forgiven. Their first opportunity for wasting the time of the -House arrived when Mr. Bradlaugh, the Member for Northampton, came -forward to be sworn on the 3rd of May. Mr. Bradlaugh was notoriously -an Atheist, and he claimed to make an affirmation. At first the Fourth -Party did not move in the matter, but the Speaker doubted if he could -affirm, and a Select Committee appointed to consider the question, -reported that he could not. Lord Frederick Cavendish had, in nominating -the Committee, included several members who being Ministers would have -to stand for re-election, and Sir Drummond Wolff and his friends raised -an acrimonious debate by objecting to the names of gentlemen who were -not technically members of the House being appointed to the Committee. -On the 21st of May Mr. Bradlaugh came forward and claimed to take the -oath. This the Fourth Party opposed as revolting to their consciences, -for had not Mr. Bradlaugh publicly declared that as he was an Atheist -the religious sanction in the oath was to him meaningless? There was no -precedent for refusing to swear a member. The law seemed to be that it -was his duty to his constituents to get himself sworn. But the point -was referred to another Committee, and they reported that Mr. Bradlaugh -could not be sworn. The absurdity of this proceeding is easily -illustrated. In the Parliament of 1886, Mr. Bradlaugh was allowed to -take the oath without a word of protest from the conscience-seared -pietists of the Fourth Party. But by that time most of them had become -Ministers, and were not anxious to encourage the obstruction of public -business. On the 21st of June Mr. Labouchere, the senior member for -Northampton, moved that Mr. Bradlaugh be allowed to affirm. The motion -was rejected on the 22nd of June by a vote of 275 to 230, and when Mr. -Bradlaugh, after speaking in his defence, refused to leave the bar, Sir -Stafford Northcote carried a motion that he be imprisoned in the Clock -Tower. This step made the House the laughing-stock of the nation, and -the Tories promptly released Mr. Bradlaugh from his luxurious retreat. -On the 1st of July Mr. Gladstone moved and carried a resolution -allowing Mr. Bradlaugh to affirm at his own risk, and subject to -any penalties he might incur by doing so, if it were found by the -Courts that he had broken the law. Three points had been gained. Lord -Randolph Churchill and his friends had forced Sir Stafford Northcote -to follow their lead. They had blocked Government business. They had, -to some extent, disseminated an impression abroad that the Cabinet was -a champion of Atheism--and no doubt there were many good people who -looked with suspicion on Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Bright for endeavouring -to prevent Northampton from being disfranchised by a combination of -faction and bigotry in the House of Commons. - -During the interval between the appointment of the Ministry and the -reading of the Queen’s Speech, a last attempt was made by the foreign -allies of Lord Beaconsfield--and not without some success--to damage -the new Government. One of the strange incidents of the Election had -been the appearance every morning in the London papers of extracts -from the Continental Press urging the English people to vote for Lord -Beaconsfield’s supporters. Lord Beaconsfield, as the candidate of the -foreigner, was pressed on the constituencies with abject servility by -Tory speakers, who, if they had reflected for a moment, must have seen -that they were deeply offending the insular instincts and prejudices -of Englishmen. But the zenith of imprudence was attained when one -morning a semi-official telegram purporting to emanate from the -British Embassy at Vienna, appeared in a Ministerial organ informing -Englishmen that it was the august desire of the Emperor of Austria that -Mr. Gladstone should be defeated in Midlothian. No Englishman will -tolerate, even from a foreign Emperor, any interference between him and -his constituents during a contested election. Mr. Gladstone accordingly -treated the Emperor of Austria as if he had been an interloper from the -Carlton Club, who had come down to Midlothian to give extraneous aid -to Lord Dalkeith, the Conservative candidate. He snubbed the successor -of the Cæsars mercilessly, and greatly to the delight of the British -Democracy. This called forth a denial from Sir Henry Elliot that the -Emperor of Austria had ever used the words attributed to him, though -Sir Henry did not explain how the correspondent of the _Standard_ had -come to publish them. Mr. Gladstone retorted that the interest of -Austria in preventing his election lay in his known determination to -upset her plans for absorbing the heritage of the rising nationalities -in Turkey. Austria had always shown herself to be an incompetent -tyrant in dealing with subject races, and his warning to the Austrian -intriguers, who hoped, if Lord Beaconsfield were returned to power, to -make a dash for Salonica, was “Hands Off.” When Mr. Gladstone became -Premier this speech was brought up for dissection. Would his Ministry -quarrel with Austria? Would Count Karolyi ask for his papers? Then -two long telegrams from Vienna were published in the Times, of date -28th of April and 6th of May, semi-officially denying that Austria was -conspiring to make a dash for Salonica. Her sole desire now was to -stand by the Treaty of Berlin. Count Karolyi had some interviews with -Lord Granville on the subject, and in return for assurances of Austrian -loyalty and goodwill, he pressed for some expression of opinion from -Mr. Gladstone that would allay irritation in Vienna. Mr. Hayward -seems to have been asked to use his influence over Mr. Gladstone -to get him to make this explanation. Mr. Gladstone accordingly, in -a letter to Count Karolyi (4th of May), declared that since he had -become a Minister he had resolved not to defend by argument polemical -language which he had used in a position of “greater freedom and less -responsibility.” He wished Austria well. He had threatened to thwart -her policy solely because the evidence at his command indicated that -she was hostile to the freedom of the rising nationalities of Turkey. -But he accepted the assurances of Count Karolyi that Austria had no -designs against that freedom, and added, “Had I been in possession -of such an assurance as I have now been able to receive, I never -would have uttered any one of the words which your Excellency justly -describes as of a painful and wounding character.” The moment this -letter was published, the Austrian organs in England, indeed, every -Tory speaker and writer, made political capital out of it. The Premier -was held up to odium for having humiliated England by an apology -which was, undoubtedly, somewhat too exuberant. The people would have -been better pleased if Mr. Gladstone had replied that an explanation -should have been sought when it was possible for him to give it as -the candidate for Midlothian. To ask for it now was to assume that a -foreign potentate had a right to expect the Prime Minister of England -to apologise for what he might choose to say, as a private person, -fighting a contested election. - -[Illustration: OLD PALACE OF THE PRINCE OF MONTENEGRO, CETTIGNE.] - -Difficulties of a more serious character soon gathered round the -Ministry. The Turks refused to make those concessions of territory -to Montenegro and Greece which had been recommended by the Treaty of -Berlin. Lord Granville succeeded in uniting the European Powers in a -vain attempt to induce Turkey to fulfil her obligations. The Porte was -warned that, unless Dulcigno was given up to Montenegro by a certain -date, the Powers would resort to coercion. When that date arrived -the European Fleets assembled at Ragusa, under the command of Sir -Beauchamp Seymour, to make a naval demonstration against Turkey, but, -as the captains of the ships were prohibited from firing a shot, the -naval demonstration amused rather than alarmed the Porte. At this point -Mr. Gladstone hit on a happy expedient for bringing the Sultan to -reason. He threatened to send a British fleet to Smyrna, and, though -France refused to join in the scheme, Russia and Italy were willing to -act with England. The mere threat was sufficient. The customs dues of -the port of Smyrna supplied the only ready money on which the Sultan -could depend for the payment of his household expenses. Mr. Gladstone’s -intention plainly was to intercept or impound these moneys till Turkey -fulfilled her obligations; and the Sultan, alarmed at the prospect, -instructed Dervish Pasha to hand over Dulcigno to the Montenegrins. The -Greeks were less fortunate. Finding that they could get no concessions -from Turkey by diplomacy, they threatened war. But, under pressure from -the European Powers, they were held down, and the diplomatists again -undertook to reconsider their claims. - -In India Lord Lytton resigned. One of his last acts was to deliver -a contemptuous speech refuting Mr. Gladstone’s suggestion that the -finances of that Dependency were in a state of confusion. To the very -last Lord Lytton endeavoured to persuade the English people that -the Afghan War had cost only six millions of money, and his Finance -Minister (Sir John Strachey) produced a most comforting “Prosperity -Budget.” It had, however, one defect. As Lord Hartington discovered -when he went to the India Office, a trifling sum of £9,000,000 sterling -had been dropped out of the expenditure side of the Afghan War -accounts; in other words, a mistake which would have been called by a -very ugly name indeed had it been made in the office of a bank or of a -railway company, had been made at the expense of the British taxpayer -by the Indian Government. While Lord Lytton was assuring England that -the war was costing £200,000 a month, it was costing £500,000. Nay, -for two years he had been paying away this excess of expenditure over -estimates without knowing it, or getting from the Treasury a monthly -statement of the money spent on the war! But the position of affairs in -Afghanistan was rapidly becoming unendurable. England held Cabul as the -Emperor Augustus held Rome--like a man who had a wolf by the ear. Lord -Lytton recognised Shere Ali Khan as independent Wali of Candahar, and -the ex-Ameer Yakoob was a prisoner in India. But Abdurrahman Khan (a -grandson of Dost Mahommed, and an exile in Russia) was a pretender for -the throne; and so was the warlike Ayoob Khan, a son of the ex-Ameer, -Shere Ali. Ayoob was, moreover, marching from Herat against the British -at Candahar with a force of fierce irregular troops. - -When Mr. Gladstone’s Government took office they began by trying to -discover a Prince who could take Afghanistan off their hands, and for -that purpose they tried to treat with Abdurrahman Khan. Unfortunately, -Candahar was not only held by a weak force under General Primrose, but -it had been decided by the Indian authorities to still further weaken -it by sending General Burrows with a moiety of its garrison--some 2,000 -men--to meet Ayoob Khan, and co-operate with the troops of the Wali of -Candahar in checking the advance of the Heratees. The troops of the -Wali, however, deserted to Ayoob Khan, and on the 27th of July Burrows -and his small force were overwhelmed by the Heratees at Maiwand. The -line of their retreat was covered with the bodies of those who perished -by the way, and comparatively few survivors arrived to tell the tale -of their terrible disaster. Of course Candahar was now at the mercy of -Ayoob Khan, and it was known that the fall of that stronghold would -shake the foundations of the British Empire in India. At this critical -moment Sir Frederick Roberts saved the situation. He set forth from -Cabul with a picked force of 10,000 men, and by a marvellous series -of forced marches he arrived in time to defeat Ayoob Khan and rescue -Candahar. Ere this crowning victory was won, it had been settled that -Abdurrahman was to be the new Ameer of Afghanistan, and as the year -closed the British Army of occupation had quitted Sherpore on its -homeward march to India. - -The mischievous policy of annexation which had been pursued in South -Africa was now bearing fruit. When the Transvaal Republic was annexed -Englishmen were told that the Boers desired annexation. As a matter -of fact, the Boers never meant to submit to the loss of their -independence. When the Boers in the Transvaal asked for the restoration -of their rights, they were told by Sir Bartle Frere that England would -never concede their claims; though, as a matter of fact, no sane -Englishman had ever dreamt of holding the Transvaal Republic by an -army of occupation against the will of its people. The effect of these -misrepresentations was somewhat neutralised by Boer deputations who -visited England, by Radicals like Mr. Courtney, and Home Rulers like -Mr. Parnell and Mr. F. H. O’Donnell, who warned Englishmen that the -Boers were discontented, and that they would rise in insurrection. Mr. -Gladstone, too, in his election speeches kept alive Boer aspirations -for independence, by condemning their enforced subjection to a British -Colonial bureaucracy. The Boers ultimately rebelled, the occasion of -the revolt being the refusal of a citizen at Pretoria to pay an illegal -claim made on him by the Treasury. On the 13th of December, 1880, at -Heidelberg, they proclaimed a Republic under the Triumvirate of Kruger, -Joubert, and Pretorius. A collision between the insurgents and British -troops under Colonel Anstruther occurred at Bronkhorst Spruit, which -ended in the defeat of the latter; and as the year closed, General Sir -George Pomeroy Colley was making a futile effort to quell the rising -and reconquer the Transvaal. - -The Ministerial programme of domestic legislation was popular, but it - -[Illustration: WINDSOR CASTLE: QUEEN ELIZABETH’S LIBRARY, FROM THE -QUADRANGLE.] - -took a long time to carry it out. At the end of July business was -seriously in arrear, and yet Ministers said that they were determined -to push on all their Bills. Towards the end of August no great progress -had been made, and the proposal of a Session which might be prolonged -into October was seriously discussed. The obstructive strategy devised -by Mr. Parnell in Lord Beaconsfield’s Parliament was now developed with -great success by the little band of Tories called the Fourth Party, -under the leadership of Lord Randolph Churchill. Their method differed -from Mr. Parnell’s in one point. He obstructed great measures in mass, -so to speak. The Fourth Party organised persistent and systematic -obstruction in detail, that is to say, they wasted small scraps of time -all through a sitting at odd moments, the cumulative effect of which -was most serious. Nor did they on this account refrain from obstruction -on the system practised by Mr. Parnell when occasion served, only -they carried it on without raising the clamant scandals that spring -from prolonged and melodramatic sittings. At the end of August their -efforts provoked Lord Hartington into revealing the fact that in the -course of the Session Mr. Gorst had made 105 speeches and asked 18 -questions, that Lord Randolph Churchill had made 74 speeches and asked -21 questions, that Sir H. Drummond Wolff had made 68 speeches and asked -34 questions, while three Irish Members had delivered 160 speeches -and asked 30 questions. In fact, six Members (Lord Randolph Churchill, -Mr. Gorst, Sir H. D. Wolff, Mr. Biggar, Mr. O’Connor, and Mr. Finigan) -had delivered during the Session 407 speeches. Still, the Government -persevered and, after Lord Hartington’s exposure of the tactics of -the Opposition, business progressed more rapidly. A Burials Bill, -allowing Dissenting ministers to hold services in parish churchyards -at the burial of their dead, was passed. Sir William Harcourt passed -a Bill giving farmers an inalienable right to kill hares and rabbits. -Mr. Dodson’s Employers’ Liability Bill was fiercely obstructed, but -it passed and gave great satisfaction to the working classes. It made -employers responsible for accidents to their work-people where the -accident was traceable to the conduct of the master’s representative, -or any workman or person who might reasonably be supposed to be his -representative. In the House of Lords, it is true, Lord Beaconsfield -succeeded in limiting the operation of the Bill to two years, but this -period was extended to seven years by the Commons. The Supplementary -Estimates had devoured the small surplus which Sir Stafford Northcote’s -Budget showed in March. Hence on the 10th of June Mr. Gladstone -brought in a Supplementary Budget, in which he abolished the Malt Tax, -substituting for it a Beer Duty, reduced the duties on light foreign -wines, increased and readjusted the licence duties on the sale of -spirits, and added a penny to the Income Tax. The general result was -that a final surplus of £381,000 could be shown on the year’s accounts. - -Nothing could be more embarrassing than the condition of Ireland -when Mr. Gladstone became Prime Minister. The Home Rulers returned -sixty-eight members to the House of Commons, and, though a few of -them were lukewarm Nationalists, they had organised themselves into -a separate Party, under the leadership of Mr. Parnell. He plainly -indicated that they would make use of the feuds between the Opposition -and the Government to further their own cause. Mr. Gladstone and -Mr. Forster first of all decided to rule Ireland without coercive -legislation. But during the debates on the Address to the Crown it -was made manifest that they had no clear idea of the extent to which -agrarian distress prevailed in Ireland; that they ignored the alarming -increase of harsh evictions, which were certain to excite the peasantry -to savage deeds of retaliation; that they failed to understand how -famine had been averted solely by the charitable funds raised during -the previous year; and that they accordingly did not mean to reopen -the Land Question. The Irish Party, therefore, at the outset ranged -themselves with the Opposition, and even sat beside the Tories below -the gangway on the left side of the Speaker’s chair. They began -operations by bringing in a Bill to suspend evictions for non-payment -of rent, which the Government opposed. But the case presented by the -Irish Members seemed too serious to be put aside. - -It was at last admitted that there was a crisis in Ireland to be dealt -with, and Mr. Forster therefore introduced a short Bill, which so far -amended the Act of 1870 as to make disturbance for non-payment of rent, -where the tenant was too poor to pay, a case for compensation. The -Bill passed through the House of Commons after violent recriminatory -debates, in the course of which Mr. Gladstone declared that in -the distressed districts eviction was “very near to a sentence of -death.”[164] The measure was promptly rejected by the House of Lords. -Ministers acquiesced in this rebuff, and from that moment they lost -their hold over rural Ireland. They had publicly declared that 15,000 -persons were to be evicted that year, in circumstances which rendered -eviction tantamount to a sentence of death. They had publicly admitted -that it was wicked to extort rack rents from these persons by threats -of eviction, and that, unless they were protected from the rapacity -of their landlords, the peace of Ireland would be imperilled. And -then they permitted the Peers to reject the protective Bill, which -Mr. Forster had pressed forward as necessary for the preservation of -tranquillity! Either the Government was wrong in introducing the Bill, -or it was wrong to remain responsible for the peace of Ireland after -the Bill had been rejected. All that Mr. Forster did in this crisis -was to promise a new Land Bill next year, and appoint a Commission -to inquire into Irish distress. Rural Ireland had by this time been -completely organised into a Land League by Mr. Michael Davitt, and this -Land League was really a gigantic trades-union, to promote a strike -against rack rents. Incidentally, its organisation was also used to -further the Home Rule cause. The leaders of the League advised the -people to resist eviction, and Mr. John Dillon used words to which -Sir W. Barttelot called attention in the House of Commons on the -17th of August, that seemed to advise a general strike against rent. -Acrimonious debates followed day after day, in the course of which -the hostility between the Parnellites and the Ministry deepened with -every turn. Mr. Parnell’s cynical argument that as Ministers could -not, because of a Parliamentary defeat, carry the Disturbance Bill, -which they admitted was essential for the good government of Ireland, -they ought, as men of honour, to free Ireland from the mischievous -interference of the Imperial Parliament, seemed to cut Mr. Forster to -the quick. At last, in Committee of Supply on the 26th of August, -it was clear that an organised attempt to coerce the Government by -obstruction was to be made. On the motion for going into Supply, Lord -Randolph Churchill raised an irrelevant and discursive debate on the -Irish policy of the Government, which had already been under bitter -discussion for the best part of a fortnight. This set the Parnellites -and the Ministerialists by the ears, and consumed a great part of the -sitting. Then, when the vote for the Irish Police was moved, Lord -Randolph Churchill and the Fourth Party vanished into the background, -and left the work of obstruction to the Parnellites, who kept it up -till one o’clock in the afternoon of the following day (Friday, the -27th of August). The debate was at this stage adjourned till next -Monday, when, after further discussion, the vote was carried. During -these exciting and troublous scenes Mr. Gladstone was absent from the -House of Commons. He had fallen ill on the 4th of July, and had gone -for a cruise in one of Sir Donald Currie’s steamers, the _Grantully -Castle_, to recover his health. During his absence his duties were -taken up by Lord Hartington, who led the House till Mr. Gladstone was -able to reappear on the 3rd of September. On the 6th of September -Parliament was prorogued. But during the recess the condition of -Ireland grew worse and worse. The landlords, dreading the forthcoming -Land Bill, pressed on evictions. The Land League urged the people to -refuse to pay rack rents, and the League had by this time become so -powerful, that it could enforce its decrees almost as surely as if it -had been the regular Government of the country. Its favourite weapon -of coercion was to pronounce against bailiff or landlord, land agent -or “land grabber”--_i.e._, a man who offered to take a farm from which -the tenant had been unjustly evicted--sentence of social ostracism. -The victim of this sentence was not assaulted or outraged, but he -was treated as if he were a leper by his neighbours, and the system -came to be known as “boycotting.”[165] Boycotting was indignantly -assailed in England, and yet it was in itself a mark of progress. Just -as slavery in primitive warfare was an improvement on cannibalism as -a means of disposing of prisoners, so boycotting, carefully carried -out within the law, was an improvement on assassination as a means of -agrarian coercion. But the demand for retaliatory measures against the -Parnellites was loud and strong among the upper and middle classes. -Mr. Forster at last yielded to it, and it was in vain that Mr. Bright -protested in one of his speeches that “force was no remedy.” Outrages -increased in Ireland. The ladies of the Tory aristocracy, and some of -the great Whig families, made arrangements for devoting their _salons_ -during the coming Session, to a social campaign against Mr. Chamberlain -and the Radical section of the Cabinet. On the 2nd of November, 1880, -the Irish Attorney-General filed an indictment of nineteen counts, -against Mr. Parnell, Mr. Dillon, and various leaders of the Land -League, for conspiring to incite tenants not to pay rent or take farms -from which the occupiers had been evicted, but the trial, after lasting -for twenty days, broke down, because the jury could not agree on a -verdict. Ere the year ended it was known that the Cabinet, though it -had nearly been broken up by the decision, had at last consented to let -Mr. Forster bring in a strong Coercion Bill next Session. - -[Illustration: THE QUEEN PRESENTING THE ALBERT MEDAL TO GEORGE OATLEY, -OF THE COASTGUARD.] - -The year was not an eventful one in the family life of the Court. -Before Parliament was dissolved the Queen arranged to visit her -relatives in Germany. The time had come when her granddaughters, the -Princesses Victoria and Elizabeth of Hesse, were to be confirmed, and -she desired to be present at the ceremony. Her Majesty and the Princess -Beatrice (travelling as the Countess of Balmoral and the Countess -Beatrice of Balmoral), attended by Sir H. F. Ponsonby, Viscount -Bridport, and Lady Churchill, left Windsor Castle on the 25th of March, -and embarked at one o’clock on the royal yacht _Victoria and Albert_. -It was intended that the Queen should proceed to Darmstadt to visit the -Grand Duke of Hesse and the tomb of Princess Alice. There the Queen -would be joined by the Prince and Princess of Wales. On the 25th the -Queen and her suite landed at five o’clock at Cherbourg, and entered -their special train. The public were excluded from the stations on - -[Illustration: REVIEW IN WINDSOR PARK: CHARGE OF THE 5TH AND 7TH -DRAGOON GUARDS.] - -the route, and every effort was made to respect the Queen’s incognito. -The Royal party arrived at Baden-Baden at half-past three in the -afternoon of the 27th, and the Queen drove immediately to the Villa -Hohenlohe, which was to be her residence during her stay. As for her -suite, they were lodged at the Hotel Europe. On the 30th her Majesty, -the Princess Beatrice, and suite, left Baden-Baden by special train for -Darmstadt, where they were received by the Grand Duke and the elder -Princesses of Hesse. A carriage drawn by four horses was in waiting -to convey the Royal party to the Castle, where the Queen occupied the -Assembly Chamber, whilst apartments were allotted to the Princess -Beatrice in the Clock Tower. The Prince and Princess of Wales, who had -left Marlborough House three days before, arrived at Darmstadt on the -29th. On the 31st the Queen and Princess Beatrice, accompanied by the -Grand Duke of Hesse, proceeded at half-past four to the mausoleum on -the Rosenhöhe, where Princess Alice was buried. On the morning of the -same day the Queen, with the Prince and Princess of Wales, and Princess -Beatrice, the German Crown Prince, the Grand Duke and Grand Duchess, -and the Hereditary Grand Duke of Baden, attended the confirmation of -the Princesses Victoria and Elizabeth, daughters of the Grand Duke of -Hesse. The Queen and Princess Beatrice then returned to Baden on the -1st of April. On April the 16th, on her return from Baden, her Majesty -arrived at Laeken, and was received at the railway station by the -King and Queen of the Belgians and Mr. Lumley, the British Minister. -After visiting the park and grounds of the Palace, and partaking of -luncheon, the Queen left for Flushing. On April the 17th her Majesty -and suite left Flushing for Queenborough, _en route_ for Windsor, where -she arrived in safety, to find the station thronged with residents, -who had gathered to welcome her on her return, while crowds of kindly -spectators lined the way to the Castle. She returned just as the -electoral crisis was over, to find the Ministry she had thought so -stable overthrown, and public opinion not only clamouring for the -dismissal of Lord Beaconsfield from office, but for the return of Mr. -Gladstone to power. On the 27th of April she gave Lord Beaconsfield his -farewell audience, and for the next fortnight was deeply absorbed in -transacting the business incidental to the formation of a new Ministry -amidst distracting intrigues which were not altogether friendly to the -new Ministers. - -On the 20th of May the Queen and the Princess Beatrice left Windsor for -Balmoral, and the Prince and Princess of Wales discharged her Majesty’s -social duties during her absence. On her way to her Highland home the -Queen took part in a ceremony of which she was, in fact, the promoter. -During a terrific storm on the 16th of February, a Swedish ship had -been thrown on the rocks near Peterhead. The Coastguard succeeded -in flinging a rocket over the wreck, but the crew were apparently -unable to understand the working of the apparatus. And so, in all -human probability, the vessel would have been lost with all souls -but for the bravery of George Oatley, one of the Coastguard. Oatley, -disregarding every appeal to the contrary, resolved to swim out to the -distressed ship. After a fierce conflict with the angry waves he gained -the vessel, fixed the rocket appliance, saw the crew safely conveyed -ashore, and was himself the last to take his place in the cradle. The -Duke of Edinburgh having recommended him for the Albert Medal of the -First Class, her Majesty presented it in person on the 22nd of May. -The interesting ceremony took place at Ferry Hill Junction, where -a platform had been erected for the occasion along the side of the -line. The Queen and Princess Beatrice were greeted with the heartiest -cheers as they left the saloon. Captain Best, R.N., Commander of the -coastguard division to which the hero of the day belonged, having -introduced him to her Majesty, the Queen attached the medal to Oatley’s -breast, and expressed the pleasure it afforded her to decorate him for -his gallant conduct. She then resumed her seat in the train, and her -journey was continued. The Court returned to Windsor on the 23rd of -June. - -On the 13th of July a General Order was issued by the Duke of -Cambridge, by command of the Queen, conveying her congratulations to -the Volunteers on the completion of the twenty-first year of their -existence, and expressing her regret that she was unable to hold a -review of the citizen soldiers in Windsor Great Park. On the afternoon -of the following day her Majesty reviewed 11,000 regular troops in -Windsor Great Park. This was a brilliant affair, the 5th and 7th -Dragoon Guards winding up the display with a most dashing charge. On -the 19th of July the Queen and the Princess Beatrice left Windsor and -took up their quarters at Osborne where, on the 28th, her Majesty -received a party of eight officers and men of the 24th Regiment, who -brought with them the colours of that corps, which had been rescued -from the hands of the Zulus by two ensigns at the cost of their lives. -Her Majesty inspected the colours, and spoke with brief and simple -eloquence of the bravery and loyalty of the regiment, touching with -manifest emotion on the death of the ensigns who had sacrificed their -lives for their standards. Curiously enough, Indian telegrams published -about this time in the newspapers showed that at the battle of Maiwand -the majority of the officers of the 66th Regiment were killed in the -vain attempt to defend their colours; in fact, the regiment lost 400 -out of its strength of 500 in this action. The attention of military -men was thus drawn to the practice of carrying colours into action, -and it was argued that it was one more honoured in the breach than the -observance. History hardly records a case where a regiment has been -rallied on its colours. On the other hand, a hundred fights besides -Isandhlwana and Maiwand testify that many valuable lives have been lost -in defending them. Nor are colours necessary as incentives to bravery, -for the Rifle regiments (whose record is one of unsullied glory) never -carried any colours, though they fought fully as well as the regiments -that encumbered themselves with flaunting banners.[166] On the 21st -of August the Queen crossed over to Portsmouth, and inspected the 1st -battalion of the Rifle Brigade previous to its departure for India. The -regiments were not drawn up in line in spick and span order, but were -visited by her Majesty as they sat at mess in undress uniform on board -the troopship, and, as she made a minute inspection of their quarters, -the novelty of the scene apparently interested and amused her very -much. The exceptional honour thus conferred on the Riflemen was due to -the close connection of the corps with the Royal Family.[167] - -On the 26th of August the Court went to Balmoral, from whence, just -before Parliament was prorogued, she addressed to the Ministry a strong -Memorandum drawing attention to the frequency with which railway -accidents were occurring, and urging that steps should be taken to -provide travellers with better security for safety. In October she held -many anxious consultations with Lord Granville and Lord Hartington -on the state of Ireland, where the increase in outrages, such as the -savage murders of Mr. Boyd and Lord Mountmorres[168] gave her great -pain. The result was that Lord Hartington, when he arrived in London -from Balmoral on the 11th of October, was immediately visited by Mr. -Gladstone and Lord Granville, and in political circles it was soon -rumoured that the Irish Government was about to prosecute the leaders -of the Irish Land League. On the 10th of October the Queen and Princess -Beatrice went to spend a few days amidst the snowdrifts of the Glassalt -Sheil. The Court returned to Windsor on the 17th of December, to find -the world--for a time at least--talking of something else besides Irish -outrages. - -Lord Beaconsfield had just published his last brilliant and audacious -political novel, “Endymion,” in what one of its characters describes as -“the Corinthian style, in which the Mænad of Mr. Burke was habited in -the last mode of Almack’s.” The town was in raptures over a burlesque -of Society, which blended together into amusing personalities such -opposite characters as Cardinal Wiseman and Cardinal Manning; Lord -Palmerston and Sidney Herbert; Poole the tailor, and Hudson the -railway king; which made Prince Bismarck tilt with Napoleon III. at -the Eglinton Tournament; which idealised the author as Endymion, Lady -Beaconsfield as Imogen, and Napoleon III. as Prince Florestan; which -travestied Lady Palmerston as Zenobia, caricatured Thackeray cleverly -but spitefully as Mr. St. Barbe, and George Smythe cleverly but not -spitefully as Waldershare. - -[Illustration: BALLATER.] - -The year closed with a more serious event in the world of literature, -the death (on the 22nd of December) of George Eliot, whose novels were -ever a perennial source of pure enjoyment to the Queen. George Eliot -was, at her death, the first of living novelists, and the womanhood of -England in the Victorian period produced no genius that in culture, -strength, tenderness, spiritual insight, and humour, could be compared -with hers. The sombre fatalism of the Greek tragedians overshadows her -“Mill on the Floss.” The humour of Shakespeare ripples through the -taproom scenes in “Silas Marner.” In “Romola,” were it not overweighted -with psychological analysis, she would have defeated Scott in the -glowing field of historical romance, and did defeat the author of -“Esmond” in an arena in which he was supposed to be peerless among -his contemporaries. In “Adam Bede,” which has probably been read more -widely than any other story of our time by the English-speaking race, -she revealed all the grace, sweetness, delicacy of feeling, nobility -of intellect, and purity of heart, that formed her fascinating and -sympathetic personality. - - - - -CHAPTER XXIV. - -COERCION. - - Lord Beaconsfield Attacks the Government--The Irish Crisis--The - Coercion Bills--An All-night Sitting--The Arrest of Mr. - Davitt--The Revolt of the Irish Members--The Speaker’s _Coup - d’État_--Urgency--New Rules of Procedure--The Speaker’s - _Clôture_--End of the Struggle against Coercion--Mr. Dillon’s - Irish Campaign--Mr. Forster’s First Batch of “Suspects”--The - Peers Censure the Ministry--Mr. Gladstone’s “Retort - Courteous”--Abolition of the “Cat”--The Budget--Paying off the - National Debt--The Irish Land Bill--The Three “F’s”--Resignation - of the Duke of Argyll--The Strategic Blunder of the Tories--The - Fallacy of Dual Ownership--Conflict between the Lords and - Commons--Surrender of the Peers--Passing the Land Bill--Revolt - of the Transvaal--The Rout of Majuba Hill--Death of Sir George - Colley--The Boers Triumphant--Concession of Autonomy to the - Boers--Lord Beaconsfield’s Death--His Career and Character--A - “Walking Funeral” at Hughenden--The Queen and Lord Beaconsfield’s - Tomb--A Sorrowing Nation--Assassination of the Czar--The - Queen and the Duchess of Edinburgh--Character of the Czar - Emancipator--Precautions for the Safety of the Queen--Visit of - the King and Queen of Sweden to Windsor--Prince Leopold becomes - Duke of Albany--Deaths of Dean Stanley and Mr. Carlyle--Review of - Scottish Volunteers--Assassination of President Garfield--The Royal - Family--The Highlands--Holiday Pastimes--The Parnellites and the - Irish Land Act--Arrest of Mr. Parnell--No-Rent Manifesto. - - -The year 1881 confronted the Government with four difficulties. The -Irish Question was growing more serious every day. With a heavy heart -England not only saw herself committed to a war of reconquest in -the Transvaal, but heard her most sanguine Imperialists admitting -that Sir Bartle Frere’s scheme for a South African Confederation had -utterly broken down. The Parliament of the Cape Colony would not even -seriously discuss it, and Sir Bartle Frere had been recalled at the -end of 1880. Victory had crowned British arms in Afghanistan, but Lord -Beaconsfield’s policy of holding Candahar, and controlling the rest -of the country by British Residents, was obviously impossible. Lord -Lytton, who now called it an “experiment,” admitted that the murder of -Cavagnari had proved it to be a failure. The claims of Greece to an -increase of territory and a better frontier, had been admitted to be -just by the Powers, but Turkey still refused to accept any compromise -which Europe suggested, and Greece pressed her demands with growing -impatience. The nation was therefore relieved to find that Parliament -was to meet earlier than usual, and when it assembled on the 6th of -January it was soon seen that the Session would be a stormy one. Among -the upper and upper middle classes the Government was denounced with a -bitterness that had no parallel, for permitting Ireland to fall into -“anarchy” under the dominion of the Land League. - -In the debate on the Address in the House of Lords, Lord Beaconsfield, -appealing to the prevailing sentiment of disappointment, sought to -show that all these difficulties were due to Mr. Gladstone’s sudden -reversal of the Conservative policy when he came into office. The -speech was pitched in a strange, shrewish note of anger, and it failed -to produce much effect. Men could not forget that only a few months -before Lord Beaconsfield had taunted the Ministry with meekly and -slavishly carrying out his policy. It was not easy to forget that -Lord Beaconsfield had abandoned the Coercion Act and allowed the Land -League to fix its grip on Ireland, that the troubles in Afghanistan -were entirely due to his desire to govern that country without being -at the expense of occupying it, that the alternative policy adopted -by him after the murder of Cavagnari--that of detaching Candahar and -putting it under a Wali, who was to be friendly and independent--ended -in the fall of the Wali and the desertion of his troops to the enemy -which produced the disaster of Maiwand. As for South Africa, even the -_Times_, which had supported Lord Beaconsfield’s policy in that region, -now wrote, “what a miserable business our whole connection with the -annexation of the Transvaal has been from first to last. The original -annexation of the country was a mistake, and it has been the parent -of all the rest.” Knowing that Englishmen would never sanction a war -for the conquest of a free European people who objected to come under -British rule, Lord Beaconsfield’s agents supplied Parliament with no -information on the subject, save that which indicated that the Boers -would welcome absorption in the British Empire as the surest means of -deliverance from native difficulties. The Greek difficulty obviously -was an evil inheritance from the Treaty of Berlin by which Lord -Beaconsfield conferred on England “Peace with Honour.” - -But the domestic crisis in Ireland was far too serious to permit men to -indulge in party recriminations, and Lord Beaconsfield showed his sense -in urging his followers not to do anything to weaken the Government. -Unfortunately, neither he nor Sir Stafford Northcote had much control -over the aggressive Tories who were led by the Fourth Party, and the -Fourth Party, when the Session opened, cemented more strongly than -ever their alliance with the Parnellites for purposes of obstructive -opposition. The Tory Party were ably led on two distinct lines of -attack. One wing did what it could to goad the Ministry into scourging -Ireland with coercive legislation. Another wing gave the Irish members -all the help it dared give them publicly in obstructing the domestic -legislation, and embarrassing the Foreign Policy of the Ministry. -Coercion Bills were announced on the first day of the Session, and -the consequence was that it was not till after eleven days’ wearisome -wrangling that the debate on the Address ended on the 20th of January. -On the 24th, Mr. Forster introduced his Protection of Persons and -Property (Ireland) Bill, giving the Lord-Lieutenant power to arrest by -warrant persons _suspected_ of treasonable intentions, intimidation, -and incitement to violate the laws. If he had this power, said Mr. -Forster, he could put under lock and key the “village ruffians” and -outrage-mongers who attacked people that were obnoxious to the Land -League, and then Ireland would be at peace. - -The violence with which the Irish Members obstructed this Bill provoked -Mr. Bright to attack them in a speech on the 27th of January, which -rendered him and them enemies for life. Mr. Gladstone followed in the -same vein, and on Monday, the 31st of January, a scene that became -historic was enacted. The debate was prolonged all day and all night, -and on through the dull, grey hours of the morning of the 1st of -February, and still on all night without ceasing, till the enraged -and exhausted House found itself at nine in the morning of the 2nd -of February still in session and with no prospect of release. Then -the Speaker interfered, saying that it was clear to him the Bill had -been wilfully obstructed for forty-one hours. In order to vindicate -the honour of the House, whose rules seemed powerless to meet the -difficulty, he declared his determination to put the main question -without further debate. This was done amidst loud shouts of “Privilege” -from the Irish Members, who left the House in a body, and the motion -for leave to bring in the Bill, a motion rarely obstructed by any -debate, was carried by a vote of 164 to 19. For the first time in -the history of Parliament, a debate had been closed by the personal -authority of the Speaker. - -Mr. Gladstone having announced that the Second Reading of the Bill -would be taken that day at noon, the Irish Members returned to the -charge. They attempted to challenge the action of the Speaker, and -moved the adjournment of the House; but in spite of the support which -they received from Lord Randolph Churchill, they were beaten on a -division, though they succeeded in wasting the whole of the sitting. -Next day (Thursday, the 3rd of February) the Irish Members began the -attack by asking if it were true that Mr. Davitt had been arrested. -“Yes, sir,” was the answer of Sir William Harcourt. Then, when Mr. -Gladstone rose to move the adoption of the new Rule of Procedure, -Mr. Dillon rose to a point of order. The Speaker requested him to be -seated, but he refused. He was then “named” for wilfully disregarding -the authority of the Chair, and, in conformity with the Standing Order, -Mr. Gladstone immediately moved his suspension for the rest of the -sitting. The motion was carried by a vote of 395 to 33, and, as Mr. -Dillon declined to withdraw, he was removed by the Serjeant-at-Arms. -After a futile attempt on the part of Mr. Sullivan to dispute the -legality of the Speaker’s action, Mr. Gladstone again rose, whereupon -The O’Donoghue moved the adjournment of the House. The Speaker ruled -that Mr. Gladstone should proceed. Mr. Parnell now moved that Mr. -Gladstone be not - -[Illustration: MR. PARNELL. - -(_From a Photograph by William Lawrence, Dublin._)] - -heard.[169] The Speaker “named” Mr. Parnell, who was then suspended -and removed like Mr. Dillon. Mr. Finigan next repeated Mr. Parnell’s -offence, and was removed in the same manner. On this occasion -twenty-eight Irish Members were reported as refusing to leave their -seats when the Speaker ordered the House to be cleared for a division. -The Speaker “named” them all, and though Mr. Balfour and Mr. Gorst, on -behalf of the Fourth Party, feelingly remonstrated against the vote for -their suspension _en bloc_ being put, the Speaker ruled that this was -a question not of order but convenience, and the vote was carried by -410 to 4. Then the Speaker ordered them one by one to be removed. Five -others, who were not included, procured their expulsion, and, after a -struggle of three hours and a half, “the Speaker’s _coup d’état_,” as -the Nationalists called it, ended.[170] - -Mr. Gladstone now, pale and worn out with the excitement, delivered -his speech in support of the new Rules of Procedure. Sir Stafford -Northcote showed that he still shared the hostility of the Tory Party -to any scheme for effectively crushing obstruction; but the conduct of -the Irish Members had so incensed the House, that he had to limit his -opposition to an amendment which but slightly weakened the force of -Mr. Gladstone’s proposal. The Rule finally adopted declared that, when -a Minister moved, after notice, that the state of public business was -urgent, the Speaker was to put the question without debate. If this -motion were carried by a majority of not less than three to one in a -House of 300 Members, then the powers of the House for the regulation -of its business should be transferred to the Speaker, who could enforce -such rules as he pleased for its management, till the state of public -business should be declared by him to be no longer urgent. A motion -could be made by a Member to terminate urgency, but it must be put -without debate. On the 9th of February the Speaker laid before the -House the new Rules which he had drawn up for the state of urgency -in which public business was now declared to be. They adopted the -principle of the _Clôture_, which Sir Stafford Northcote deprecated and -the Fourth Party abhorred, and gave the Speaker power, when supported -by a three-fourths’ majority, to close a debate by putting the question -without further discussion. No debate on a motion to go into Committee, -or on postponing the preamble of a Bill under urgency, was to be -allowed. Opportunities for moving adjournments were curtailed, and the -Speaker was to have power to order a Member to stop talking when he -became guilty of “irrelevance or tedious repetition.” In Committee the -_Clôture_ was not to be applied, but no Members (except those in charge -of Bills or those who had moved amendments) were to be allowed to speak -more than once to the same question. - -Even under urgency the debate on the Coercion Bill in Committee -went on slowly, and at one time (owing to Lord Randolph Churchill, -who supported the Bill “with reluctance and distrust,” and Sir John -Holker, who contended that “liberty was more precious than coercion,” -displaying much sympathy with the opponents of the measure) it was -feared that Ministers would lose the support of a large section of the -Opposition. This fear was baseless, but the debate went on till the -21st of February, when the Speaker, on a motion summarily moved by Lord -Hartington, suddenly terminated it under the new Rules. All amendments -not disposed of after seven o’clock on the 22nd were put and divided -on without debate. The measure received the Queen’s assent on the 2nd -of March. A Bill giving the Irish police power to search houses for -arms was introduced by Sir William Harcourt on the 1st of March, read -a third time on the 4th, and passed by the House of Lords on the 18th -of March. The struggle against coercion thus lasted nine weeks, and -the violence with which the Irish Party conducted it is defended by -Mr. T. P. O’Connor on the grounds that it consolidated the Nationalist -Party, and that the scenes in the House so roused the temper of the -Irish people that the Peers were afraid to reject the Land Bill of -1881, as they did the Compensation for Disturbance Bill of 1880.[171] -On the other hand, they permanently alienated from the Irish Party the -sympathies of a large class of moderate Liberals in England, who were -anxious to legislate for Ireland in a sympathetic spirit. - -After the Coercion Bill had passed, Mr. Dillon carried on a passionate -agitation against the Government in Ireland, and Mr. Forster retaliated -by imprisoning him and several other Land Leaguers as “suspects” -in May. Mr. Finigan was sent down to Coventry, where an election -was taking place, to canvass the constituency on behalf of the Tory -candidate, Mr. Eaton, a tangible expression of gratitude for the -occasional sympathy that had been extended to the Parnellites by Lord -Randolph Churchill, and some other Conservatives during the Coercion -debates. There was a lull in the storm, however, during which the Peers -censured the Government for refusing to occupy Candahar. A vote of the -House of Commons on the 25th of March reversed this censure, for the -House rejected by 336 to 216 a motion of Mr. Stanhope’s, blaming the -Government for withdrawing from Candahar “at the present time.” When -the Tories refused to commit themselves to the proposition that it was -the duty of the Government to hold Candahar permanently, and merely -demanded its occupation “at the present time,” their attack assumed -the complexion of a party demonstration. If England were to leave -Candahar at all the sooner she left it the better, for the longer her -troops stayed the more difficult it would be to establish the native -government of Abdurrahman in the Province. The Army Discipline Bill, -abolishing flogging, passed through the House of Commons without much -opposition from the Tories, and was read a third time by the House of -Lords on the 7th of April. The Budget was introduced by Mr. Gladstone -on the 4th of April, and on an estimated expenditure of £84,705,000, -and an estimated revenue of £85,900,000, he showed a probable surplus -of £1,195,000. This was reduced by £100,000, consumed in paying off -a loan for building barracks. Mr. Gladstone, therefore, reduced the -Income Tax to 5d. in the pound, and converted the deficit thereby -incurred of £275,000, into a surplus of £295,000, by levying an uniform -surtax of 4d. a gallon on foreign spirits, in accordance with the test -of standard strength applied to wines, and by minor changes in the -Probate, Legacy, and Succession Duties. The most important part of his -statement was that, during the past year, the National Debt had been -reduced by £7,000,000. He also foreshadowed a great scheme for the -extinction of £60,000,000 of debt, by the conversion of one-third of -the short annuities terminating in 1885 into long annuities terminating -in 1906. As this would make Consols scarce, it would put up their -price, and enable him or his successor, in the course of ten years, to -reduce the interest on the National Debt. - -[Illustration: GRAFTON STREET, DUBLIN.] - -The long-expected Irish Land Bill was introduced by Mr. Gladstone on -the 7th of April. It gave tenants the right to go before a Land Court -and have “fair rents” fixed for fifteen years, a fair rent being one -that would let the tenant live and thrive. During these fifteen years -eviction, save for non-payment of rent, was to be impossible. If a -tenant wished to sell his tenant-right or goodwill, the landlord had -the pre-emptive right of buying at the price fixed by the Court. The -Court was to have power to advance to tenants desirous of buying their -farms three-fourths of the purchase-money, or even the whole if need -be, and these advances were repayable on easy terms. Advances could -also be made to promote emigration. The Bill was well received on the -whole by the country, but the landed gentry denounced it as an act -of socialism and confiscation, and the Duke of Argyll resigned his -office. On the 24th of April long and stormy debates on the Second -Reading began, and it was not till the end of July that the Bill was -sent up to the House of Lords. The Tory Party made a mistake in basing -their opposition to the measure on the ground that it was socialistic, -confiscatory, and - -[Illustration: LORD BEACONSFIELD’S LAST APPEARANCE IN THE PEERS’ -GALLERY OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. - -(_From a Drawing by Harry Furniss._)] - -contrary to the laws of political economy. The principle of arranging -the business relations of landlord and tenant in Ireland by Act of -Parliament having been accepted by the country, the only practical -method of attacking the Bill was to have shown that it would not -arrange them to the mutual satisfaction of the parties interested. -The theory of the measure was, that every Irish farm is owned by two -persons--by the farmer, who owns the improvements he has made on the -soil, by the landlord who owns everything else. The Bill gave the -tenant additional means for protecting his share of the land from -being devoured by the landlord. Did it do this effectively, and if -effectively, in such a manner as to work no injustice to the landlord? -From the Tory point of view, it would have been easy to argue that no -system of dual ownership, which forces persons with hostile interests -into partnership in husbandry, can work smoothly. If prices rise the -landlord’s fixed rent will not rise with them. If prices fall the -tenant will refuse to pay the fixed rent, because it is no longer fair; -and then the old weary path of agrarian warfare has again to be trod. -A great scheme for establishing peasant proprietorship all over Ireland -with the help of the State might have saved the Irish landlords at this -juncture. But the Tories were led not by a Stein, but a Cecil, and the -golden opportunity was lost. From the Irish point of view, the Bill -bristled with weak points. It did nothing for leaseholders. It left -tenants loaded with arrears, and therefore still exposed to eviction. -Although Mr. Healy inserted a clause prohibiting the Courts from taking -a tenant’s improvements into the valuation on which a fair rent was -fixed, the Judges, by a decision in the case of Adams v. Dunseath, -virtually nullified the clause. - -It was not till the 29th of July that Mr. Gladstone carried the Third -Reading of the Bill after a desperate struggle. The House of Lords -mutilated it, so that it became worse than useless, and then there -came a deep cry of indignation from the country. Mr. Gladstone sent -the Bill back practically unaltered, and as the tempest of anger in -the country rose the Peers surrendered and let the measure pass. The -Ministry, however, had to drop all their other Bills, except those -abolishing flogging in the Army and Navy. The only private Members who -carried Bills of public interest were Mr. Hutchinson and Mr. Roberts. -Mr. Hutchinson’s Bill protected newspaper reports of lawful meetings -from prosecution for libel, and made it necessary to obtain the -Attorney-General’s sanction before criminal proceedings for libel could -be asked for. Mr. Roberts passed the Act closing public-houses during -Sundays in Wales. - -Mr. Bradlaugh’s case, however, again vexed the angry sea of political -strife at intervals during the Session. The law courts ruled that he -could not legally make an affirmation, and so Mr. Bradlaugh resigned -his seat, and again got elected for Northampton. This time he presented -himself on the 26th of April to be sworn as a new Member. Sir Stafford -Northcote objected, and though no precedent exists for preventing a -new Member from being sworn, the Speaker referred the matter to the -House, which decided against Mr. Bradlaugh. Thereupon ensued a shocking -scene, and Mr. Bradlaugh had to be removed by force. Nothing strikes -the reader now as more absurd than the protestations of the Tories, -that to concede this claim was to sanction sacrilege. The course they -objected to was precisely the one which Mr. Bradlaugh adopted when -they were in office in 1886, and which they and the Speaker found it -expedient to permit. A Bill was now brought in to allow all Members to -affirm who could not conscientiously take the oath. This was opposed -and so successfully obstructed that it had to be dropped. After that -Mr. Bradlaugh, on the 3rd of August, cheered by an immense crowd of -sympathisers, attempted to enter the House in defiance of an order -which Sir Stafford Northcote had carried excluding him from its -precincts. There were some of his Radical sympathisers--Mr. Fawcett was -among the number--who did not quite approve of this proceeding. At all -events Mr. Bradlaugh gained nothing by it, for he was flung into Palace -Yard by the police hatless, dishevelled, and with his coat torn in the -fray. - -The recall of Sir Bartle Frere did not settle the South African -difficulty. Sir G. P. Colley, in trying to avenge the defeat of -Bronkhurst Spruit, was early in the year beaten by the Boers at -Laing’s Nek and Ingogo. On the 26th of February, reinforced by Sir -Evelyn Wood, he let the Boers out-manœuvre him, and spring upon the -oddly variegated and composite force with which he had rashly occupied -Majuba Hill. Though the enemy’s troops only consisted of raw levies of -irregular sharpshooters, they soon dispersed the British host. It was -a shameful rout, in which a kind fate doomed the luckless Colley to -death. The unfortunate thing was that this fray should have happened -at all. Negotiations were actually going on between the British and -the Boers for a peaceful settlement.[172] Were they to be broken -off? After admitting by opening up these negotiations, that the war -was unjust, was a great and powerful Empire to go on with it for the -sake of _prestige_? And was it, after all, British prowess that would -be vindicated by victory? Was it not rather the fame of Sir George -Pomeroy Colley that had alone been sullied? In other words, was England -justified in slaughtering a few hundred Boer farmers, because Sir -George Colley had let them beat his heroic but mismanaged troops in -battle? It is impossible to say how the nation answered these difficult -questions. But Mr. Gladstone’s reply was an emphatic “No,” although -he had unfortunately declared, immediately after coming into office, -that he would not grant the demands of the Boers, till they laid down -their arms. The end of it was, that the Boers were allowed to set up an -autonomous Republic under a British Protectorate, British interference -being limited to controlling their foreign policy. It is curious to -observe that this was the only act ever done by Mr. Gladstone which the -European and American Press, with cordial unanimity, declared enhanced -the _prestige_ of England, as a State so confident of its giant’s -strength, that it deemed it ignoble to use it like a giant. - -In the spring the shadow of mourning fell over the nation. On the -morning of the 19th of April Lord Beaconsfield, who had been ailing -for some days, passed away peacefully to his last rest. Mr. Gladstone -at once telegraphed to his relatives offering a public funeral in -Westminster Abbey, but the executors were compelled to decline the -honour. Lord Beaconsfield’s will directed that he should be buried -beside his wife, and there were also legal obstacles that even the -Queen’s personal wishes could not overcome.[173] His life, to use a -favourite phrase of his own, was “really a romance,” and his career -a long and brilliant adventure. His strength lay in his freedom from -prejudices, in his intellectual detachment from English insularity, in -his consummate knowledge of the foibles of the lower middle class whom -he enfranchised. He achieved success by skilfully avoiding the mistake -of Peel, who led his Party without educating it. Lord Beaconsfield -did both. His fame as a writer of sparkling political burlesques, his -command of invective, his wit, and his audacity won for him the ear -of a Senate which loves men who can amuse it. The defection of the -Peelites left the Tory Party, in 1846, intellectually poverty-stricken, -and though a proud aristocracy long refused to recognise their most -brilliant swordsman as their leader, they had to accept him at last. - -At this period of his career the chief obstacle in Mr. Disraeli’s -path was believed to be the hostility of the Queen, who, however, -nobly atoned for it by subsequently loading him with favours. With -the exception, perhaps, of Lord Aberdeen, no Minister of the present -generation has been more sincerely beloved as a friend by his Sovereign -than Lord Beaconsfield. He had the subtle tact and the delicate -refinement of a woman, with the stubborn courage and iron will of a -man. As for his policy and his principles, the time has not yet come to -judge them fairly. He was no more to blame for bringing his generous -democratic impulses to the service of the Tory Party than the eldest -son of a Whig Peer is to blame for limping after the Radicals on the -crutch of Conservative instincts. In the one case it is the tyranny -of chance and opportunity, in the other the accident of birth, that -determines the choice. All through life Mr. Disraeli had to fight -his battle from false positions, and this gave his efforts an air of -gladiatorial insincerity. Not till 1874, when he came to power with -a large majority, was he entirely a free agent; and then it was seen -that, though comparatively indifferent to questions of administration -and questions involving the mere forms of Government, he took an eager -and practical interest in social reform. For nearly two years he was -at the zenith of his power. The House of Commons he managed with -bright urbanity, easy grace, conciliatory dexterity, and a light but -firm touch which had never been seen before. Suddenly and without the -least warning his spell seemed broken. His fine tact disappeared; his -touch grew hard and was felt to be a little irresolute; faint traces -of irritability ruffled the clear surface of his serene intelligence; -and in a sudden emergency he seemed to grow maladroit. The change first -became obvious when he attempted to deal with Mr. Plimsoll’s case -in 1875, and, as it grew, his personal ascendency over the House of -Commons slowly decayed. He seemed to live more and more in dreams, and -to grow less and less sensitive to the pulse of popular opinion. It was -in this mood that he fell into the two disastrous blunders of his life. - -[Illustration: LORD BEACONSFIELD’S HOUSE, 19, CURZON STREET, MAYFAIR.] - -He tried to solve the Eastern Question by applying to it the obsolete -ideas of Palmerston. When this mistake led him from one embarrassment -to another, he tried to retrieve the situation by applying his own -ideas to it. Unfortunately, when he went to find them he looked, not -into the depths of his own clear intelligence, but into a romance -written by one whom he had known in his youth, and who was styled -“D’Israeli the Younger.” “Yes,” he said to a friend who put the -question to him in those days, “I sometimes do read ‘Tancred’ now--_for -instruction_.” Because the stolid English people grew sick of vainly -trying to shape their destinies according to the Tancredian scheme of -the universe, Lord Beaconsfield fell from power at the moment when he -was most fully persuaded that monarch and multitude were alike under -the spell of his picturesque personality. Had he been ten years younger -when he obtained the majority of 1874, the crash of 1880 would probably -have been averted. There is a strange pathos in the close of this -dazzling career. According to Sir Stafford Northcote, the last words -he was understood to utter were these: “Is there any _bad_ news in the -_Gazette_?”[174] - -On the 26th of April a spectacle, at once affecting and beautiful, took -place in the church at Hughenden, where Lord Beaconsfield’s funeral -was solemnised. His body had been transferred from London to High -Wycombe, and thence conveyed to Hughenden Manor, without the slightest -pomp or display of any kind. He, on whose accents the world was wont -to hang breathlessly at supreme moments in its fate, received what -is known in Bucks as “a walking funeral.” Nothing was to be seen of -the ghastly mummery of undertakers. Only one feature in the simple -obsequies gave any hint as to the place which the deceased had filled -in the State. Before the bier walked his faithful servant, carrying -on a cushion of crimson velvet an Earl’s coronet and the insignia of -the Order of the Garter. Thus was he laid, as he wished, beside his -wife. Notwithstanding his desire for privacy, nothing could prevent -vast numbers of persons of wholly unofficial position, and in many -cases indifferent to political partisanship, from attending to pay the -illustrious dead the last homage of affection and respect. Uninvited -guests in serried masses swarmed around the churchyard, and lined -the road to Hughenden Manor. Royalty was present in the persons of -the Prince of Wales, the Duke of Connaught, and Prince Leopold, the -last-named representing the Queen.[175] Behind the Princes came the -Ambassadors and representatives of foreign Powers, the friends of the -deceased nobleman who were his colleagues in the Governments of 1868 -and 1874, and the general body of invited friends. Among these Lord -Beaconsfield left not a dry eye behind him. Not since the death of Fox -had any Statesman been so affectionately mourned by the people to whom -he had consecrated the powers of his brilliant genius.[176] - -On the 30th of April the Queen and Princess Beatrice visited Lord -Beaconsfield’s tomb, every precaution having been observed to prevent -the fact of the Royal movements from becoming known in the district. -At four o’clock Lord Rowton and Sir Philip Rose, with the Vicar of -Hughenden, completed the arrangements for her Majesty’s reception. At -half-past four her outriders passed through the lodge gate of Hughenden -Manor, being followed rapidly by her carriage, which proceeded to the -wicket gate, and stopped immediately at the entrance to the churchyard. -Here the Queen and Princess Beatrice were received by Lord Rowton, -with whom they walked to the south porch of the church. Her Majesty -proceeded to the tomb, and, with tearful eyes, placed a votive wreath -and cross of white camellias and other flowers beside the other -offerings, which completely covered the lid of the coffin. She then -drove through the grounds to the Manor House, and partook of tea in -the saloon; after which she inspected the late Earl’s study and other -apartments, and left Hughenden for Windsor. - -Although diplomatic controversies had created much ill-feeling between -the Governments of England and Russia, the Queen and the Czar had ever -maintained the friendliest personal relations. It was, therefore, with -the deepest pain that her Majesty was informed, on the 14th of March, -of the assassination of Alexander II. The Czar was returning from a -military review near St. Petersburg on Sunday, the 13th of March, -when a bomb was thrown, which exploded behind the Imperial carriage, -killing several soldiers. The Czar jumped out of the carriage to see -to the poor men who were hurt, and it was to this kindly act that he -owed his death. Another bomb was flung at his feet, which exploded and -mangled his body in the most cruel manner. The Queen did what she could -to console the Duchess of Edinburgh, who was prostrated with grief by -her father’s death. The Court was ordered to go into mourning for a -month. Both Houses of Parliament addressed messages of condolence to -her Majesty and the Duchess of Edinburgh. The nation, with hardly a -dissentient voice, echoed the sentiments of their representatives, and -the Press was filled with generous tributes of admiration and respect -for the Czar Emancipator. It was now recognised that Alexander II. -would live in history as one of the most enlightened and humane of -European Sovereigns. The great act of his life, the liberation of the -Serfs, had converted them into communal peasant proprietors, and put -them in a more secure position than any other peasantry in Europe. -His devotion to the highest interests of Russia knew no limits, and -no European Sovereign has, in our time, excelled him in the skill -and wisdom with which he guided and moderated the aspirations of his -excitable subjects. It was notorious that he was forced into the -Turkish War by a current of popular feeling he could not withstand. On -the other hand, when engaged in the war he quitted himself like a man. -Tales of his well-known kindness of heart and sympathy for suffering -spread from the camps and hospitals through Russia, and invested him in -the eyes of the Slav race with the mystic halo of a Divine Figure. His -firmness and - -[Illustration: THE PRINCE OF WALES IN HIS ROBES AS A BENCHER OF THE -MIDDLE TEMPLE. - -(_From a Photograph by W. and D. Downey._)] - -obstinacy in pressing on the war crushed the despondent party, who -would have ended it at any price after the first disaster at Plevna. -When his policy of forcing the Balkan passes triumphed, the same -firmness and obstinacy enabled him to curb those who, flushed with -success, would have abused their victory. It was by his orders that -deference was paid to German and Austrian opinions in the settlement -of peace. It was his moderation and loyal desire to live at peace with -Britain that enabled Count Schouvaloff to build for Lord Salisbury the -golden bridge of retreat which he crossed when he signed the Secret -Agreement, that was afterwards expanded into the Treaty of Berlin. -No foreign despot ever succeeded to the same extent in winning the -personal respect of the most thoughtful portion of the British people. -The assassination of the Czar called attention to the extraordinary -destructive - -[Illustration: THE PRINCESS OF WALES. - -(_From a Photograph by W. and D. Downey._)] - -forces which modern science had placed in the hands of the political -assassin. That the event produced a profound and prostrating effect -on the nerves of the Court was soon seen. The Queen left Windsor for -Osborne on the 6th of April, and the public were somewhat alarmed to -find that for the first time in her career precautions were taken to -protect her life, as if she were a despot travelling amidst a people -who thirsted for her blood. The Royal train was not only as usual -preceded by a pilot engine, but orders had been given to station -patrols of platelayers, each within sight of the other, along the -whole line. Every watchman was provided with flags and fog signals, so -that on the least suspicion the train could be stopped. The time of -the Queen’s departure had been announced for Tuesday. It was at the -last moment altered to Wednesday. When she arrived at Portsmouth, the -_Alberta_, in which it was supposed she was to embark, was discarded -for the _Enchantress_, which was suddenly ordered up; and from these -and other circumstances it was inferred that the Queen was afraid she -might be made the victim of a dark plot like that to which the Czar had -succumbed. Fenianism, indeed, was beginning to raise its head again in -Ireland under the stimulating application of repressive measures. Soon -afterwards attempts which were made to blow up the Mansion House and -the Liverpool Town Hall indicated that there was some justification for -the Queen’s alarm. - -Court life was not so dull during 1881 as it had been in previous -years. The Queen was ever flitting to and fro between Windsor and -Osborne, and almost every month during the season she held a Drawing -Room in Buckingham Palace. State Concerts were not infrequent, and -on the 17th of May the King and Queen of Sweden visited Windsor, and -the King was invested with the Order of the Garter. On the 20th the -Queen left Windsor and proceeded to Balmoral; and on the 24th it was -announced that she had determined to revive the ancient Scottish title -of Duke of Albany and confer it on Prince Leopold. It was a title of -evil omen. The fate of the first prince who bore it supplies a dark -and tragic episode to Scott’s “Fair Maid of Perth.” The second Duke -of Albany died on the castle hill of Stirling. When conferred on the -second son of James II. of Scotland it soon became extinct. Darnley -wore it before he was married to Mary Stuart. The second son of James -VI. and the second son of Charles I. bore it. Charles Edward Stuart was -long known as Count of Albany. It was conferred on Prince Frederick, -the second son of George II. Prince Leopold had, by his thoughtful and -sagacious speeches in public, attracted to himself much admiration, -and his feeble health and devotion to his mother had made him the -object of kindly popular sympathy. The announcement of his elevation -was therefore hailed with some expression of regret that he should -be doomed to wear a title that had invariably brought ill-luck or -misfortune to those on whom it was conferred. - -On the 22nd of June the Queen returned to Windsor, where she was -visited by the Crown Prince and Princess of Germany and their family -in July. A brilliant Review of 50,000 Volunteers was held before her -on the 9th of July in Windsor Great Park. On the 18th her Majesty lost -one of the most cherished friends of her family, the amiable Dean -Stanley, who died somewhat suddenly of erysipelas. Dean Stanley, it -has been well said, was the impersonation of the “sweetness and light” -which the disciples of Mr. Matthew Arnold strive to impart to modern -culture. His biography of the great Dr. Arnold has an assured place -among the classical works of the Victorian age. His influence on the -Anglican Church was that of a leader at once conciliatory and tolerant, -and singularly susceptible to popular impulses and aspirations. His -relations to the Royal Family were always close and intimate, and, -as the husband of Lady Augusta Bruce, the Queen’s faithful personal -friend and attendant for many years, his career was watched with great -interest and sympathy by her Majesty. Churchmen and dissenters of all -shades attended his funeral in Westminster Abbey, where he was buried -in Henry VII.’s Chapel under a mountain of floral wreaths, one of the -most superb being sent by the Queen. It was through Dean Stanley that -the Queen made the personal acquaintance of Mr. Carlyle, who had died -earlier in the year (the 5th of February), but without leaving behind -him the sweet and sunny memories that cluster round Stanley’s name. - -On the 24th of August the Queen arrived at Edinburgh, and took up her -quarters at Holyrood Palace. In the afternoon she visited the Royal -Infirmary, and on the following day she reviewed 40,000 Scottish -Volunteers (who had come from the remotest parts of the country) in -the great natural amphitheatre of the Queen’s Park. The spectacle was -marred by the torrents of rain that fell all day, and the troops had to -march past the saluting-point in a sea of slush and mud which reached -nearly to their knees. The fine appearance and discipline of the men, -the patience and hardihood with which they carried out their programme -through all the miseries of the day, deeply touched the Queen. In -spite of entreaties to the contrary, she persisted in sharing these -discomforts with them, holding the review in an open carriage, in which -she remained seated under a deluge of rain till the last regiment had -defiled before her. From Edinburgh the Court proceeded to Balmoral. -There the Queen received the melancholy news of the death of Mr. James -A. Garfield, President of the United States, who had been shot by an -assassin named Guiteau on the 2nd of July at the railway station at -Washington. The wound was a mortal one, and, after lingering for many -weeks in great pain, the President died on the 19th of September. The -Queen sent a touching letter of sympathy to Mrs. Garfield, and ordered -the Court to go into mourning, as if Mr. Garfield had been a member -of the Royal caste. In this she had the concurrence of the people, -who were profoundly moved by his tragic fate. His career, beginning -in a log-hut in the backwoods of Ohio, and ending in the White House -at Washington, was one of heroic achievement and independence, -illustrating, in its various phases of vicissitude, the best qualities -of Anglo-Saxon manhood. - -At Balmoral the Royal holiday was marked by the appearance of the Queen -at some of the local sports. The Prince and Princess of Wales were at -Abergeldie, and the retainers of the two families were frequently in -the habit of playing cricket matches with each other. One of these -took place at Abergeldie in September, when the Queen and her family -and a brilliant suite attended and witnessed the play, her Majesty -taking a keen interest in the varying fortunes of the day, and eagerly -stimulating her own people to strive for victory. After the cricket -match there were “tugs of war.” In this struggle the Abergeldie team, -who had lost the cricket match, retrieved their defeat by conquering -the Queen’s retainers. On the 23rd of November the Court returned to -Windsor, and soon afterwards it was announced that the Duke of Albany -was to be married to the Princess Hélène of Waldeck-Pyrmont. On the -16th of December her Majesty left Windsor for Osborne. - -The political movements of the Recess had been followed with growing -anxiety by the Queen. Bye-elections and municipal elections seemed -to show, not only that the hold of the Government on the country was -becoming feebler, but that a working alliance between the Tories and -the Irish Party had been formed. Mr. Parnell’s followers had been -divided in opinion as to how they should treat the Land Act, some -declaring that they should impede its working, others urging that every -advantage should be taken of it. Mr. Parnell, after some hesitancy, -united his Party on the policy of “testing” the Act. The Land League -was directed to push into the Land Courts a series of “test cases,” -that is to say, of cases where average rents were levied, so that a -clear idea might be gained of the practical working of the Act. At -the same time, the Irish people were led to believe that, unless the -Act reduced the rent of Ireland from £17,000,000 to £3,000,000, that -is to say, unless it reduced rent to “prairie value,” it would not do -justice. The tenantry were warned by the Land League not to go into -Court, but to stand aside till the decisions on the test cases were -given. When Mr. Gladstone visited Leeds in the first week of October, -he fiercely attacked Mr. Parnell for interfering between the tenants -and the Law Courts. Mr. Parnell retorted in an acrid and contemptuous -speech at Wexford on the 9th of October. On the 13th of October Mr. -Parnell was arrested in Dublin as a “suspect” under the Coercion Act, -and all his more prominent followers were in quick succession lodged -in Kilmainham Jail. Mr. Healy was in England, and Mr. Biggar and Mr. -Arthur O’Connor escaped the vigilance of the police and joined him. -This _coup d’état_ was somewhat theatrically contrived. It was so timed -that Mr. Gladstone was able to announce it at a municipal banquet at -the Guildhall, where he declared that the enemy had fallen, amidst -rapturous shouts of applause. The Land Leaguers retaliated by issuing -a manifesto to the Irish people to pay no rent whilst their leaders -were in prison--a false step, for, in view of the opposition of the -clergy, a strike against rent was not feasible. The Land League was -then suppressed by Mr. Forster as an unlawful association, and agrarian -outrages began to increase every day. According to the Nationalists, -this was the natural and necessary result of locking up popular -leaders, who could alone restrain the people. Mr. Forster, however, -regarded the growth of the outrages as an act of vengeance on the part -of the League, whose leaders secretly encouraged them. In Ulster, -however, the Land Act worked well, and rents were reduced from 20 to 30 -per cent. all round. Every week fresh drafts of “suspects” were lodged -in jail, and as the year closed it became evident that Ireland was fast -falling under the terrorism of the old secret societies. - -[Illustration: THE ROYAL FAMILY IN THE HIGHLANDS: TUG OF WAR--BALMORAL -v. ABERGELDIE.] - - - - -CHAPTER XXV. - -ENGLAND IN EGYPT. - - The Duke of Albany’s Marriage Announced--Mr. Bradlaugh - Again--Procedure Reform--The Closure at Last--The Peers Co-operate - with the Parnellites--Their Attacks on the Land Act--Mr. - Forster’s Policy of “Thorough”--A Nation under Arrest--Increase - in Outrages--Sir J. D. Hay and Mr. W. H. Smith bid for the - Parnellite Vote--A Political Dutch Auction--The Radicals Outbid - the Tories--Release of Mr. Parnell and the Suspects--The - Kilmainham Treaty--Victory of Mr. Chamberlain--Resignation of Mr. - Forster and Lord Cowper--The Tragedy in the Phœnix Park--Ireland - Under Lord Spencer--Firm and Resolute Government--Coercion - Revived--The Arrears Bill--The Budget--England in Egypt--How - Ismail Pasha “Kissed the Carpet”--Spoiling the Egyptians--Mr. - Goschen’s Scheme for Collecting the Debt--The Dual Control--The - Ascendency of France--“Egypt for the Egyptians”--The Rule of - Arabi--Riots in Alexandria--The Egyptian War--Murder of Professor - Palmer--British Occupation of Egypt--The Queen’s Monument to Lord - Beaconsfield--Attempt to Assassinate Her Majesty--The Queen’s Visit - to Mentone--Marriage of the Duke of Albany. - - -The Parliament of 1882 was opened on the 7th of February, and -the Queen’s Speech announced the approaching marriage of the -Duke of Albany. Foreign affairs were hopefully touched on. Local -self-government, London municipal reform, bankruptcy reform, corrupt -practices at elections, the conservancy of rivers, and the codification -of the Criminal Law, were the subjects of promised legislation. Very -early in the Session Mr. Bradlaugh renewed his attempt to take the -Parliamentary Oath, but was again excluded from the precincts of the -House by a resolution moved by Sir Stafford Northcote. On the 21st of -February the House refused to issue a new writ for Northampton, and Mr. -Bradlaugh, after the division, proceeded to swear himself in at the -Clerk’s table. Sir Stafford Northcote accordingly moved and carried a -resolution expelling him from the House. This caused a fresh election -to be held at Northampton, the result of which was that Mr. Bradlaugh -was again returned by a triumphant majority. On the 6th of March Sir -Stafford Northcote proposed a resolution excluding Mr. Bradlaugh from -the precincts of the House, and then, sated with its saturnalia of -intolerance, the Opposition permitted Ministers to get on with the most -pressing question of the hour--the reform of Procedure. The proposals -of the Government were, in the main, identical with those which the -Speaker had designed to defeat obstruction in the previous Session; -but they were to be of permanent application, and not dependent on -the carrying of a vote of urgency. It was provided that a debate -might be closed, on the Speaker’s initiation, by a bare majority, -only there must, in that case, be at least two hundred Members voting -in favour of closure if as many as forty members opposed it; but if -fewer than forty opposed, at least one hundred would be required -to carry it. Non-contentious business relating to Law and Commerce -might be delegated to two Grand Committees. The Tories objected to -closure by a bare majority, and they fortunately found a Liberal--Mr. -Marriott, Q.C.--to move an amendment to this part of Mr. Gladstone’s -plan, and the debate began on the 20th of February. In the meantime -the Irish Home Rulers, who had not scrupled to impede the working -of the Land Act, found unexpected allies in the Conservative Peers. -They attacked the Act as a failure, and carried a motion appointing -a hostile Committee to inquire into its working. It has always been -the practice of the Peers, when they dared not cut down the plant of -Reform, to insist on pulling it up to see if its roots were growing, -and in this case their strategy was ingeniously adapted to suit the -policy of obstruction in the Commons. It was necessary to neutralise -the hostile vote of the Peers by a Resolution in the Commons condemning -the proposed inquiry as mischievous; and, though this was carried, it -gave the Tory and Parnellite opponents of the Government an excellent -chance of wasting time by re-opening and discussing the whole Irish -Land Question. The Procedure debates were thus suspended for about a -month, Mr. Marriott’s amendment being rejected on the 30th of March. -Negotiations for a compromise between Sir Stafford Northcote and Mr. -Gladstone were interrupted by a catastrophe which revolutionised the -Irish policy of the Government, namely, the murder of Lord Frederick -Cavendish and Mr. Thomas Burke in the Phœnix Park, Dublin. - -During the first two months of the Session the Irish Party vied -with the Conservatives in assailing the Land Act. Radicals began to -murmur against the development of Mr. Forster’s coercive policy, -every incident and detail of which was subjected by the Irish Members -to bitter criticism and violent denunciation. In the meantime, Mr. -Forster’s scheme for pacifying Ireland was not prospering, and it -was seen that he had made a fatal mistake when he pledged himself to -suppress agitation, if he were only empowered to arrest the leading -agitators. From the day they were imprisoned, Ireland drifted towards -anarchy and terrorism. Then the experiment was tried of arresting, not -only the leaders, but their lieutenants. Finally Mr. Forster crowded -the prisons with the rank and file of the Home Rule host. Men began -to wonder whether the gaol accommodation of Ireland was adequate for -Mr. Forster’s policy. But the more people he put in prison the worse -the country grew, the more did evictions increase, and the less rent -was paid. A bid for the Irish vote was now made by the Tories. They -put up Sir John Hay to move that the detention of the “suspects” was -“repugnant to the spirit of the Constitution.” Through Mr. W. H. Smith, -in one of the debates on the Land Act, they offered the Nationalists -a scheme for buying out the landlords at the expense of the State, -and establishing peasant proprietorship in Ireland, such as had -been advocated by Mr. Davitt and Mr. Parnell. It was clear that the -Tory-Parnellite alliance was becoming a formidable combination, and -the Radicals urged the Government to make terms with the Nationalist -Party whilst there was yet time. But Mr. Gladstone hesitated, and -then the Radicals moved without him. An intrigue, instigated by Mr. -Chamberlain and Sir Charles Dilke, was set on foot to get Mr. Forster -removed from his place as Irish Secretary. Through Captain O’Shea as -an intermediary, Mr. Parnell was approached. He had certainly seen -with alarm the increase in evictions, and knew that if the struggle -were prolonged the financial resources of the Leaguers must fail them. -He was, therefore, disposed to come to terms. Letters were exchanged, -in one of which Mr. Parnell said that a promise to deal with the -question of arrears would do much to bring peace to Ireland, for the -Nationalists would then be able to exert themselves, with some hope -of success, in stopping outrages. But the Land Act would have to be -extended to leaseholders, and the Purchase Clauses enlarged. If this -programme were carried out, wrote Mr. Parnell on the 28th of August -to Captain O’Shea, it “would enable us to co-operate cordially for -the future with the Liberal Party in forwarding Liberal principles; -and I believe that the Government at the end of the Session would, -from the state of the country, feel themselves thoroughly justified in -dispensing with future coercive measures.” This letter was shown to -Mr. Forster, and it seems that the Cabinet was also put in possession -of Mr. Parnell’s views. Mr. Forster was not of opinion that they -justified his release. Mr. Chamberlain and Sir Charles Dilke thought -that they displayed a reasonable spirit which would justify a new -departure of conciliation in Irish policy. Mr. Parnell, Mr. Dillon, -Mr. Davitt, and the other suspects were therefore released, and Lord -Cowper, the Irish Viceroy, and Mr. Forster resigned office. Mr. -Forster was of opinion that Mr. Parnell should have been compelled -to promise publicly not to resist the law, or failing that, that a -stronger Coercion Act should have been passed before he was set at -liberty. Lord Spencer was appointed to succeed Lord Cowper, and Lord -Frederick Cavendish succeeded Mr. Forster as Chief Secretary. On -the 6th of May, within forty-eight hours of their appointment, Lord -Frederick Cavendish and Mr. Burke, the Under-secretary for Ireland, -were butchered by a band of assassins in broad daylight in the Phœnix -Park, Dublin. Mr. Forster, in fact, had allowed a secret society of -assassins, calling themselves “Invincibles,” to organise itself at his -own doors, whilst he was scouring the country far and wide to arrest -and imprison the patriotic but respectable _bourgeoisie_ of Ireland as -suspects. In his speech condemning the release of the suspects, whilst -he maintained that Ireland was not yet quiet, he had declared that the -country was quieter than it had been, that the Land League was crushed, -and boycotting checked! He had never suspected that the place of the -Land League had been taken by a secret society of desperadoes called -the “Invincibles” and that assassination was to be substituted for -boycotting. His administration had been indeed singularly ineffective. -With power in his hands, as absolute as that of a Russian Minister of -Police, he seems never to have suspected the existence of the band of -murderers who had organised themselves in Dublin, and who had dogged -his own steps in sight of the detectives who watched over him day after -day seeking for a chance of slaying him. This tragic event upset the -scheme for “a new departure,” which Mr. Chamberlain had induced the -Government to essay. Though Englishmen behaved with great calmness and -self-restraint after the first shock of horror which the Phœnix Park -murders sent through the nation had passed away, they were resolved to -offer no more concessions to Ireland till the Government took fresh -powers for enforcing law and suppressing outrages. Mr. Gladstone -interpreted the national will accurately when he determined not to -withdraw the conciliatory portion of his Irish programme. But he recast -his plans, and gave his coercive precedence over his remedial measures. - -[Illustration: LORD FREDERICK CAVENDISH. - -(_From a Photograph by the London Stereoscopic Company._)] - -The Irish Party were probably sincere in regretting and in condemning -the murders. The _prestige_ of their Parliamentary policy was -sullied when it ended in a new Coercion Bill for Ireland, and in the -demonstration of their impotence to control the forces which they -pretended to have in hand. The Tories and Ministerialists were alike -discredited by the untoward mishap. The alliance between the Tory Party -and the Home Rulers had influenced every Parliamentary bye-election -and every division in the House of Commons. The motion of Sir John Hay -condemning the imprisonment of the “suspects” and the offer of Mr. -W. H. Smith’s scheme for expropriating the landlords were palpable -bids for the Parnellite vote. By releasing the “suspects,” promising -to deal with the question of arrears, and to take the Land Purchase -Question in hand, the Ministry outbade their rivals. But the Opposition -and the Cabinet were alike guilty of intriguing and negotiating with -men whom in people they pretended to denounce as irreconcilable -enemies of the Empire; and the end of it all was the tragedy in the -Phœnix Park! That affair had only a coincidental relation to the -antecedent Party intrigues; but the people saw connection where there -was only coincidence. Hence Englishmen for a time lost faith in their -public men. They felt towards them as their forefathers did towards -Charles I. when the Glamorgan Treaty was revealed, and towards Lord -Melbourne and Lord John Russell when the “Lichfield House” compact -between O’Connell and the Whigs was unmasked. For a time this feeling -cowed partisans below the gangway on both sides who had been mainly -responsible for the negotiations and intrigues with the Home Rulers. -The Government tried to atone for its misfortune by continuing Lord -Spencer as Irish Viceroy and appointing Mr. George Otto Trevelyan as -Irish Secretary, Lord Spencer to be entirely responsible for Irish -policy in the Cabinet. This was the best possible selection that could -be made. Lord Spencer represented the type of Englishman who, from -his courage, common sense, love of justice, business-like habits, -administrative skill, and disinterested patriotism, was most likely to -establish an enduring and endurable system in Ireland, if that were -to be done by firm and resolute government tempered by strong popular -sympathies. Mr. Trevelyan was patient, industrious, and courteous as -an administrator, and his success as a man of letters rendered him in -some degree a _persona grata_ to the Irish Party, most of whose leaders -were writers for the Press. The new Coercion Bill was introduced on -the 11th of May, and read a second time on the 19th. It suspended -trial by jury in certain cases and in proclaimed districts; gave the -police fresh powers of arrest and search, and revived the Alien Act; -it defined as punishable offences intimidation, incitement to crime, -and participation in secret conspiracies and illegal assemblies; it -rendered newspapers liable to suppression for inciting to violence, -widened the summary jurisdiction of stipendiary magistrates, and levied -fines of compensation on districts stained with murderous outrages. It -was at once seen that the chief merit of the Bill lay in the fact that -it frankly attacked and punished criminals, thereby reversing, and by -implication condemning, the feeble and futile policy of Mr. Forster, -who attacked and imprisoned at will persons who were merely suspected -of crime or of inciting to crime. Great doubts were expressed as to -the utility of the Press clauses, Englishmen who are not political -partisans being at all times sceptical as to the good that is done -by suppressing newspapers and bottling up all their evil teaching in -private manifestoes for secret circulation in disaffected districts. -Some Radicals also thought the powers of arrest after nightfall given -to the police were rather vague, and suggested too painfully a revival -of Mr. Forster’s fatal principle of coercion on suspicion. But, on the -whole, the Bill was well received by the best men of both parties, the -responsible Tory leaders giving the Government much loyal support, -though some of their followers carped at the measure.[177] The Bill was -obstructed in the usual manner by the Irish Members, who had but few -Radical allies. On the 16th of June only seven clauses out of thirty -had gone through Committee. On the 29th it was clear a crisis had come, -and on the 30th there was a disorderly all-night sitting, which ended -in the suspension of sixteen Irish Members. Later in the day nine -others were suspended, and, after sitting for twenty-eight hours, the -Bill passed through Committee. Urgency was voted for its next stages, -and the Bill read a third time on the 7th of July. The Lords passed it -promptly, and it became law on the 12th of July. - -Along with the Coercion Bill the promised Arrears Bill was introduced, -and read a second time before Whitsuntide. It applied to holdings under -£30 of rental, and empowered the Land Courts to pay half the arrears -of poor tenants out of the Irish Church Surplus--but no payment was -to exceed a year’s rent, and all past arrears were to be cancelled. -After prolonged opposition from the Conservatives and from the House -of Lords, the measure was passed on the 10th of August. These Bills -exhausted the legislative energies of the Government; indeed, Mr. -Fawcett’s Bill establishing a Parcel Post, and Mr. Chamberlain’s -Bill enabling corporations to adopt Electric Lighting by obtaining -provisional orders from the Board of Trade, were the only measures -that had not to be abandoned. The Budget estimated expenditure at -£84,630,000 and revenue at £84,935,000, a reduction of between £900,000 -and £800,000 respectively on the preceding year’s disbursements and -receipts. The surplus was small. The revenue was stagnant, and there -was no scope for fiscal changes. A Vote of Credit for the Egyptian -Expedition had to be provided, which caused Mr. Gladstone to raise the -Income Tax to 6¾d. in the pound. - -The Egyptian difficulty, in fact, during this Session, became acute. -It was seized by the Fourth Party as a peg on which to hang an endless -series of questions to the Government, of an embarrassing character. -From questioning, Lord Randolph Churchill proceeded to wage an -irregular guerilla warfare, most harassing to Ministers engaged in -delicate diplomatic negotiations on which depended the issues of peace -and war. In this unusual course he and his friends were supported by -Mr. Chaplin and Lord Percy, and aided by many fiery assaults made -by Lord Salisbury. Sir Stafford Northcote and the majority of the -ex-Ministers in the House of Commons disapproved, at first, of tactics -which seemed to them an unprecedented violation of the decencies of -English party warfare. But Sir Stafford’s reserve and prudence, though -appreciated by the country, were so distasteful to his followers that -ere the Session ended he found he had to submit to be their instrument -in using the foreign complications of the nation for the interests -of faction. Had he refused, the combatant section of his followers -would have rebelled against his authority. It was part of the irony -of the situation that the Egyptian difficulty was one of the evil -legacies which the Foreign Policy of the Tory Party in 1879-1880 -left the country to deal with. In fact, the Egyptian crisis of 1882 -was the logical consequence of the system of Dual Control with which -Lord Salisbury had afflicted Egypt when he went into partnership with -France in managing the finances of that country for the benefit of its -usurious foreign creditors. It was in 1866 that Ismail Pasha took the -first step that gradually led to his downfall. To use his own phrase, -he “kissed the carpet” at Constantinople--in other words, bribed the -Porte to grant him the title of Khedive and confirm the succession of -the Pashalik in his family. Again and again did he “kiss the carpet,” -till in 1872 he was practically an independent Sovereign wielding -absolute personal power over Egypt--the suzerainty of Turkey being -marked only by the annual tribute, the Imperial cypher on the coinage, -the weekly prayer for the Sultan in the Mosque, and the preservation of -the _jus legationis_. In 1875 he abolished the Consular Courts before -which suits between Egyptians and foreigners were tried, substituting -for them the Mixed Tribunals on which representative judges of the -Great Powers sat. At this period the crop of financial wild oats which -Ismail Pasha had sown had ripened. He had spent money lavishly not only -on the Suez Canal, but on every conceivable scheme that wily European -speculators could persuade him was an improvement. He had borrowed -this money on the principles that regulate the financial transactions -of a rich young spendthrift and a usurer of the lowest class. In 1864 -he borrowed £5,700,000. In the succeeding years loans for £3,000,000, -£1,200,000, and £2,000,000 were added. In 1873 there was another -loan for £32,000,000--which, according to Mr. Cave, swallowed up -every resource of Egypt.[178] The Khedive’s private loans came to -£11,000,000, and the floating debt to £26,000,000 in 1876. How these -last loans were to be met, seeing that the 1873 loan swallowed up all -the resources of the country, was a perplexing point. The usurers would -lend the Khedive no more money, and in 1875 England helped him to meet -the interest on existing loans by giving him £4,000,000 for the Suez -Canal Shares. - -[Illustration: THE KARMOUS SUBURB, ALEXANDRIA, AND POMPEY’S PILLAR.] - -Something might have been done for Egypt, even at this time, if England -had occupied the country; but Mr. Disraeli lost the golden opportunity, -which did not return till France and Russia were in a position to offer -an effective resistance which could not be bought off. The Khedive -appealed for money to England, and Mr. Disraeli sent Mr. Cave to report -upon his affairs. Mr. Cave said in effect that it was impossible to -help the Khedive with money unless Englishmen were prepared to lose -it. That report, however, did not touch the position of those who held -with Mr. Edward Dicey that if England could establish a Protectorate in -Egypt, and administer her affairs like an Indian Native State, it would -be quite possible to extricate her from her financial difficulties -without inflicting injustice on her creditors. In the meantime, the -foreign bondholders sued the Khedive in his own Mixed Tribunals. They -got judgment against him, but were unable to execute it. In May, 1876, -his Highness met this judgment by a decree of repudiation, whereupon -Germany indignantly protested, and France and England followed suit on -behalf of the bondholders of their respective nationalities. It was -here that Lord Salisbury first left the traditional lines of sound -Foreign Policy. He interfered in Egypt, not on the ground that national -interests had to be safeguarded, but--like Lord Palmerston in the case -of Greece--to protect the interests of a few speculative individuals -who had a bad debt to collect from Ismail Pasha. British national -interests in Egypt, when really imperilled, can only be protected -effectively in one way--by the occupation of the country, or its -administration under a British Protectorate. They cannot be protected -by entering into an ambiguous partnership for regulating the Khedive’s -finances with Powers whose interests in Egypt are not national, but are -represented by those of their subjects who have lent Egypt money on bad -security. The Imperial interests of England demand that the government -of Egypt shall be good and effective all round, so that the highway to -India shall be through an orderly and contented people. The interests -of the other Powers demand that the government of Egypt, whether good -or bad, must be such as will enable her to give the Shylocks, whom they -represent, their pound of flesh. It was for the interest of England to -aim at a Protectorate, just as it was for the interests of the other -Powers to aim merely at obtaining financial control over Egypt; and the -fatal blunder which Lord Beaconsfield and Lord Salisbury made was in -identifying England, not with British, but with foreign interests in -Egypt. The French and English bondholders could not agree on the steps -which should be taken to extort their money from the overtaxed Egyptian -peasantry; and Mr. Goschen and M. Joubert were sent out to devise a -scheme for consolidating the Egyptian debt in the common interests of -all bondholders. By estimating the annual average revenue which could -be extracted from the wretched fellaheen at £12,000,000 instead of -£8,000,000, which would have been high enough, the Goschen-Joubert -scheme showed in 1876 that the Khedive could pay, as interest and -sinking fund, seven per cent. interest on a consolidated debt of -£100,000,000. Ismail agreed to pay this at first, but soon resisted, -on the ground that the estimate of revenue was erroneous. The French -Government then determined to appoint a Commission to investigate the -resources of Egypt, which England was induced to join. This Commission -reported that as the Khedive had appropriated to himself one-fifth of -the land of Egypt,[179] the first thing he should do was to hand a -million acres of it over to the creditors of the State. - -The Khedive now formed a Ministry under Nubar Pasha, in which Mr. -Rivers Wilson, the English Commissioner, was given the Ministry of -Finance. The French Government displayed so much jealousy of this -step, that Lord Salisbury, yielding to their demands, permitted the -Khedive to appoint M. de Blignières as Mr. Wilson’s colleague. This -was the beginning of the Dual Control of Egypt by two Governments -with opposite interests, from which all subsequent mischief arose. -The Khedive soon dismissed Nubar’s Ministry, and then France and -England, on the threat of Germany to interfere, arranged with the -Sultan to depose Ismail Pasha. He was succeeded by his son Tewfik, in -whose Ministry the care of finance was entrusted to M. de Blignières -and Mr. Baring, who was afterwards succeeded by Mr. Colvin. The effect -of the Dual Control was very simple. It increased the bureaucracy -but diminished its efficiency, for wherever an English official was -appointed M. de Blignières insisted on planting a French colleague by -his side to watch and hamper him. A similar vigilance was exhibited -by the English Controller. But above the Dual Ministry of Finance -there was established the International Commission of the Public -Debt, representing England, France, Italy, Austria, and Germany. This -Commission watched over the administration of the Dual Ministry of -Finance. It was entitled, if it could agree on a course of action, to -demand from the Ministry of Finance more efficient management, and -of course it distributed the sum handed over by that Ministry for -payment of the public creditors. The French and English Ministers or -Controllers of Finance were not removable save by consent of their -Governments. They had the right to seats in the Ministerial Council, -and to advise on all measures of general importance. As nothing can -be done in Egypt without money, nothing could be done without them. At -first, Major Baring was the most active of the controllers. But he was -removed, and Mr. Colvin, who took his place, played a subordinate part -to M. de Blignières, who had more experience and force of character. -Virtually De Blignières governed the country. History does not record -the occasion on which England as a Great Power occupied a position more -ignominious than the one she now held in. Egypt, where her influence -had been paramount till Lord Salisbury consented to share it with -France. The government of the Dual Control was conducted on simple -principles. Egypt was managed not for the Egyptians, but for the -bondholders. Everything and everybody were sacrificed for the Budget, -and the Budget was constructed primarily with a view to securing the -Debt and the payment of the European officials, who swarmed over the -land like locusts. At the time when Cyprus was occupied it must now be -stated that Lord Salisbury conciliated France, ever - -[Illustration: AHMED ARABI PASHA. - -(_From the Portrait by Frederick Villiers in A. M. Broadley’s “How we -Defended Arabi and his Friends.”_)] - -jealous of her Syrian interests, by supporting an extension of her -influence in Tunis. Tunis, however, in 1881 had, in spite of protests -from England and Italy, become simply a French dependency, and the -growing power of Blignières at Cairo forced acute observers to say of -Egypt-- - - “Mutato nomine, de te - Fabula narratur.” - -The natives now grew restless under the Dual Control, and this -restlessness ended in a military revolt, headed by Colonel Arabi Bey, -whose watchword was - -[Illustration: LORD WOLSELEY. - -(_From a Photograph by Fradelle and Young._)] - -“Egypt for the Egyptians.” This rising the Khedive pacified by -dismissing the Ministry of Riaz Pasha, who was succeeded by Cherif -Pasha. But though Cherif reigned Arabi ruled, and it soon became -evident that the partners in the Dual Control could not agree on the -course that should be adopted towards him. The Egyptian Assembly of -Notables, on the 18th of January, 1882, asserted their right to -control the Budget. The French and English Controllers disputed this -right, and then a new Ministry was formed, of which Mahmoud Samy was -the nominal, but Arabi Bey, now Minister of War, the real head. M. -Gambetta, who had vainly endeavoured to induce England to join France -in coercing Arabi and the national party, fell from power; M. de -Freycinet succeeded him, and his policy was one of non-intervention. -The Chamber of Notables refused to withdraw from their position. M. -de Blignières, finding he could get no support from M. de Freycinet, -resigned, and thus ended Lord Salisbury’s experiment of the Dual -Control. Arabi was loaded with decorations. The rank and title of Pasha -were given him, and he was virtually Dictator of the country, with -no policy save that of “Egypt for the Egyptians.” Alarmed by menaced -massacres of foreigners, France and England now sent their fleets to -Alexandria. The English and French Consuls, in a Joint Note to the -Khedive, advised the expulsion of Arabi, who had been intriguing with -the Bedouins. Arabi resigned, but no new Ministry could be formed, and -the army threatened to repudiate any authority save that of the Sultan, -who sent Dervish Pasha to quiet the country. On the 11th of June there -was a riot in Alexandria; the British Consul was injured, and many -French and English subjects were slain. This was the signal for a -stampede of the terrified foreign population of Alexandria, where the -Khedive held his Court, and of Cairo. A Cabinet, patronised by Germany -and Austria, under Ragheb Pasha, was formed; but Arabi was again -Minister of War. In July Arabi ostentatiously strengthened the forts of -Alexandria, but on the 10th Sir Beauchamp Seymour warned him that if -the forts were not surrendered for disarmament, they would be bombarded -by the British fleet. The French Government refused to join in this -coercive measure, and sent their ships to Port Said. On the 11th the -fortifications were shattered by the British cannonade; but as the town -was not occupied, it was seized by a fanatical mob, who wrought havoc -in it for two days. A force was then tardily landed by Admiral Seymour, -who restored order, and brought back the Khedive from Ramleh, where he -had fled, to Ras-el-tin. Arabi and the Egyptian army had taken up an -entrenched position at Tel-el-Kebir, but were still professedly acting -in the Khedive’s name. An English military expedition, under Sir Garnet -Wolseley, was sent to disperse them, and secure the protection of the -Canal. - -A diplomatic mission under Professor Palmer of Cambridge, an -accomplished Oriental scholar, who had acquired a great personal -influence over the tribes of the Sinai, was sent to detach the Bedouins -from Arabi, and engage them to assist in defending the Canal. The -other members of the mission were Lieutenant Charrington, R.N., and -Captain Gill, R.E., officers with a record of distinguished service -which fitted them for their hazardous employment. They had no military -escort, because the presence of one would have rendered their mission -hopeless. A reconnaissance conducted with great skill by Professor -Palmer, who travelled from Joppa through the Sinai desert disguised as -a Syrian Mahometan of rank, had given every promise of success. But -the members of the expedition were led by a treacherous guide into an -ambuscade soon after starting from the Wells of Moses, and murdered -and robbed by a band of brigands[180] (10th of August). But despite -this melancholy occurrence the safety of the Canal was secured. By a -movement conducted in swift secrecy Sir Garnet Wolseley sailed with his -force from Alexandria to Ismailia on the 19th of August, his plan being -to advance on Cairo by the Freshwater Canal. On the 28th Arabi, after -a repulse at Kassassin, retired to his entrenchments at Tel-el-Kebir, -which were carried by the British, on the 13th of September, after a -long march by night over the desert sands. General Drury Lowe and a -small force of cavalry pushed on to Cairo, which surrendered to them at -the first summons, Arabi Pasha and Toulba Pasha, his lieutenant, giving -themselves up as prisoners. The Khedive was reinstated in Cairo by the -British troops, who were paraded before him on the 30th of September. - -By a unique stroke of fortune, Mr. Gladstone’s Government had thus -been enabled to secure for England the position of ascendency in Egypt -which had been sacrificed by the Dual Control. France and the other -Powers, having cast on England the burden of supporting the Khedive’s -authority, had to accept a _fait accompli_, and submit to see a -British army of occupation of 10,000 men quartered in Egypt. But the -occupation was emphatically declared by Mr. Gladstone to be temporary, -and he pledged England to terminate it whenever the Khedive could -maintain himself without foreign aid. The war cost England £4,600,000, -and it did much to restore for the time the waning popularity of the -Ministry. Rewards and decorations were showered upon the victors. -Peerages were bestowed on Admiral Sir Beauchamp Seymour and Sir Garnet -Wolseley. As for Egypt, her Government was really under the control -of the British Consul-General. England forbade the restoration of the -Dual Control, and set limits to the organisation of the native Army. -The native Police was put under the command of Baker Pasha, and the -English Government rescued Arabi and the leaders of the insurgents from -the native court-martial, which would have doomed them to death. When -tried, they pleaded guilty to a charge of treason, and were exiled to -Ceylon. - -On the 27th of February a monument, which the Queen had commissioned -Mr. Belt to prepare for the perpetuation of the memory of Lord -Beaconsfield, was erected in Hughenden Church. It was a touching -record of rare friendship between Sovereign and subject. The centre of -the memorial is occupied by a profile portrait carved in low relief. -Beneath, is a tablet bearing the following dedication penned by the -Queen herself:-- - - To - the dear and honoured Memory - of - BENJAMIN, EARL OF BEACONSFIELD, - This memorial is placed by - his grateful and affectionate - Sovereign and Friend, - VICTORIA R.I. -“Kings love him that speaketh right.”--Proverbs xvi. 13. - - February 27, 1882. - -[Illustration: THE DUCHESS OF ALBANY.] - -The year was marked by an attempt to assassinate the Queen, which -created much public alarm. On the 2nd of March her Majesty was driving -from Windsor Station to the Castle, when a poorly-dressed man shot at -her carriage with a revolver. Before he could fire again a bystander -struck down his arm and he was arrested. He was a grocer’s assistant -from Portsmouth, named Roderick Maclean; his excuse was that he was -starving, and he probably desired to draw attention to his case. He -was tried next month at Reading Assizes, where it was shown that he -had been under treatment as a lunatic for two years in an asylum in -Weston-super-Mare, but had been dismissed cured. He was acquitted on -the ground of insanity, and ordered to be placed in custody during her -Majesty’s pleasure. The sympathy which was expressed by all classes -with the Queen, when tidings of the outrage were published, was -universal. On the night of Maclean’s arrest the National Anthem was -sung in all the theatres, and from every quarter messages came pouring -in congratulating her Majesty on her escape. These demonstrations -caused her to address a touching letter of heartfelt thanks to the -nation. - -[Illustration: THE DUKE OF ALBANY.] - -Another outrage on the Queen has to be set down in the record of 1882. -On the 26th of May a young telegraph clerk, named Albert Young, was -tried before Mr. Justice Lopes, and found guilty of threatening to -murder the Queen and Prince Leopold. He sent a letter, purporting to -come from an Irish Roman Catholic priest and fifty of his parishioners -who had been evicted by their landlords, warning the Queen of her -peril, and saying that if paid £40 a head these men would all emigrate. -The money was to be sent to “A. Y.,” at the “M., S., & L.” Office, -Doncaster. Young was sentenced to ten years’ penal servitude. - -On the 14th of March her Majesty left Windsor for Portsmouth, -accompanied by the Princess Beatrice. From thence she sailed to -Cherbourg, and proceeded to Mentone, where she arrived on the 17th. -The Chalêt des Rosiers, where the Queen lived, was a newly-built -villa, standing on a small artificial plateau, fifty yards from the -railway, and a hundred from the shore, about half-a-mile from the -old town, and three-quarters of a mile from the ravine and bridge of -St. Louis which divide Italy from France. Precipices, rugged steeps, -abysmal ravines, and rocky beds of old torrents rise from behind the -villa in wild confusion. Five miles away, mountains whose bases are -traversed by terraces covered with orange groves, soar grandly into -the sky. Her Majesty was soon joined by Prince Leopold, the King and -Queen of Saxony, and Lord Lyons, and she made daily excursions in the -neighbourhood. On the 21st of March there was a great _fête_, with -splendid illuminations held in her honour, and she witnessed the scene -from the balcony of her villa. Before leaving, on the 14th of April, -the Queen thanked the authorities and the residents for contributing -so cordially to the pleasure of her visit. As a memento of it, she -presented the chief of the municipal band, who had composed a cantata -in her honour, with a diamond breast-pin. - -The marriage of the Duke of Albany was now approaching, and it was -with deep regret that the Queen found it necessary to leave him at -Mentone, as he had not recovered from the effects of an accident he had -met with. The grant of £25,000 a year for his Royal Highness had been -moved by Mr. Gladstone in the House of Commons on the 23rd of March, -and carried by a vote of 387 to 42. Mr. Labouchere, however, opposed -the vote, because he said the savings from the Civil List ought to be -returned to the State by the Queen before any Royal grants were voted -by Parliament. Mr. Broadhurst also thought that £25,000[181] a year was -too much to vote for such a purpose in a country where the majority -lived on weekly wages. Mr. Storey opposed voting public money save -for public services, and described the House of Commons as “a large -syndicate interested in expenditure.” But there was no new point raised -in the debate, save Mr. Labouchere’s argument, based on the fact that -George III., who had £1,000,000 a year of Civil List, maintained his -own children. Mr. Gladstone, of course, challenged the precedent, by -pointing out that Parliament had not entered into an implied contract -with George III. to provide for his children. But for the first time -he admitted that savings were hoarded up out of the Civil List. Only, -he said, they were not large enough to provide for the maintenance -of the Queen’s children, and he assured the House that after he had -come to know the amount of them, his conclusion was that they were not -more than were called for by the contingencies which might occur in -such a family. As has been stated before, the Royal savings represent -an insurance fund against family emergencies, which it would not be -agreeable for the Queen to ask Parliament to meet for her. - -On the 27th of April the marriage of the Duke of Albany with the -Princess Hélène of Waldeck-Pyrmont was solemnised in St. George’s -Chapel, Windsor, with a sustained pomp and splendour rarely seen even -in Royal pageants. Most extensive and elaborate arrangements had been -made for the reception and processions of the Royal and illustrious -guests, the Queen, the bridegroom, and the bride. On the morning of -the 27th the earliest aspect of animation was lent to the peaceful -tranquillity of the chapel by the arrival of a strong detachment -of the Yeomen of the Guard, arrayed in their quaint Tudor costume, -consisting of plaited ruff, low-crowned black velvet hat encircled -by red and white roses, scarlet doublet embroidered with the Royal -cognisance and initials in gold, purple sleeves, bullion quarterings, -ruddy hose, and rosetted shoes. The Yeomen of the Guard were ranged -at intervals throughout the length of the nave, and were speedily -joined by a contingent of the Honourable Corps of Gentlemen-at-Arms, -resplendent in scarlet uniforms profusely laced with gold. After the -opening of the doors the edifice soon filled with ladies of rank, -nobles, statesmen, warriors, and diplomatists. The day was recognised -by the decorated as “a collar day”--_i.e._, the Knights did not wear -the robes of their Order, but only the ribbons of the Garter, the Bath, -the Thistle, and St. Patrick, with the collars and badges of gold. -Constellations of stars, crosses, and ribbons marked the uniforms of -the English generals, foreign ambassadors, and Ministers present in the -choir, and flashed light on the grey and timeworn walls associated with -the memories of Anne Boleyn, Catherine of Arragon, and Jane Seymour. -At noon the drapery veiling the door was thrown aside, and the first -procession--that of the Queen’s family and their Royal guests from -the Continent--entered. After this glittering group had passed into -the choir, the Queen’s procession appeared at the west door, when -the brilliant array in the nave stood up, and the organ burst into -the strains of Handel’s _Occasional Overture_. Her Majesty, who was -in excellent health and spirits, bowed her acknowledgments to the -salutations of the assembled guests. She was clad in widow’s sables -with long gauze streamers, and wore the broad riband of the Garter -and a magnificent parure of diamonds. The Koh-i-noor sparkled on her -bosom, while her head-dress was surmounted with a glittering tiara -girt by a small crown Imperial in brilliants. On entering the choir the -Queen was conducted to her seat close to the south of the altar. The -bridegroom’s procession next made its appearance. The Duke of Albany -wore the scarlet and gold uniform of a colonel of Infantry. The Prince -walked with some slight difficulty with the assistance of a stick. -The bridegroom was supported by the Prince of Wales in the uniform of -a Field Marshal, and by his brother-in-law, the Grand Duke of Hesse, -also clad in scarlet. Last came the procession of the bride, heralded -by the sound of cheering outside and the blare of trumpets. She was -supported by her father, the Prince of Waldeck and Pyrmont, and by her -brother-in-law, the King of the Netherlands, her train being borne by -eight unmarried daughters of dukes, marquises, and earls, decked in -white drapery trimmed with flowers. The celebration of the marriage -ceremony was performed by the Archbishop of Canterbury, assisted by an -array of Church dignitaries ranged behind the altar rails. The service -was brief, with no enlarged choral accompaniments, but the spectacle -was unusually impressive. There was not a vacant spot in the chapel; -it was gorgeous with diverse colours and flashing with jewels and with -the insignia of many grand Orders of chivalry. The scene, too, was at -intervals suddenly wrapped in gloom and as suddenly bathed in light -as the fitful sunshine streamed through the painted windows. As the -ceremony was being completed a cloud must have passed from the sun, -for its beams darted through the stained windows, and revealed the -bride and bridegroom in a tinted halo of radiance. After the ceremony -the Queen affectionately embraced her son and daughter-in-law, whose -united processions were formed and left the chapel whilst Mendelssohn’s -_Wedding March_ pealed forth from the organ and the cannon thundered in -the Long Walk. Her Majesty interchanged salutations with her relatives, -after which her own procession departed, and the regal pageant was -suddenly dissolved. After the signing of the register, which took place -in the Green drawing-room, the bride and bridegroom were conducted to -the State drawing-room, where the Royal guests had assembled, and where -the usual congratulations were exchanged. In the evening a grand State -banquet was given in St. George’s Hall, at which the health of the -bride and bridegroom and other toasts were honoured, Mr. John Brown, -her Majesty’s Scottish gillie, standing behind the Queen and giving, as -her toastmaster, the toast of the newly-wedded pair. Immediately after -the toast of the Queen--the last of the list--had been honoured, two -of the Royal pipers entered and marched twice round the tables playing -Scottish airs, to the astonishment of some of the guests, who had never -heard such music before. Then the Queen rose and left the hall, and the -other guests quitted the scene. The Duke and Duchess of Albany drove -from the Castle, amidst a shower of slippers and rice, to Claremont. - -Unusual interest was taken in this wedding, partly on account of the -splendour of the ceremony, and partly because it was understood that -the Duke of Albany had won a bride admirably suited to be the companion -of his refined and studious life. As he seemed destined to form a link -between the Court and Culture, so it was hoped that the Duchess might -become - -[Illustration: THE MARRIAGE OF THE DUKE OF ALBANY. - -(_From the Picture by Sir J. D. Linton, P.R.I., by Permission of the -Glasgow Art Union._)] - -the social head of a growing school ambitious of showing the world -that the lives of women of rank, need not necessarily be absorbed by -frivolity and philanthropy. - -After the marriage of Prince Leopold the Queen visited the East End -to open Epping Forest, which had been saved from further enclosure by -the efforts of the Corporation of London. On the 4th of December her -Majesty also visited in State the Royal Courts of Justice. - -[Illustration: MENTONE. - -(_From a Photograph by Frith and Co., Reigate._)] - -The death-roll of the year was a heavy one. On the 19th of April -the death of Charles Darwin robbed not only England but Europe of -a singularly original, painstaking, and conscientious scientific -investigator. No man of his stamp has so profoundly affected the -thought of the Victorian age or surveyed so wide a field of nature, in -such a fair, patient, and humble spirit. His keenness of observation -was only equalled by his wonderful fertility of resource. The caution -with which he felt his way to just inductions, the unerring instinct -with which his eye detected, amidst the maze of bewildering phenomena, -the true path that led him to the secrets he sought to discover, -and the masculine sagacity with which he reconciled, under broad -generalisations, facts seemingly irreconcilable, confer immortality -on the great work of his life. That work was his demonstration of the -extraordinary effect produced on every living thing by the pressure -of the conditions under which it lives--conditions which help or -hinder its existence or its reproduction. The organisms which are -so formed that they most easily meet the strain of these conditions -survive, and their offspring bend to the same destiny. In other words, -those organisms that inherit peculiarities of form and structure -and stamina that best fit them to survive in the struggle for life, -live. Those that do not inherit these advantages die. Such was the -Darwinian hypothesis of Evolution, or the doctrine of Survival of the -Fittest, and it gave to Science an impetus not less revolutionary and -far-reaching than that which it received from the Baconian system. - -A trusted and valued friend and servant of the Queen passed away on -the 3rd of December, when Dr. Tait, Archbishop of Canterbury, died -after a long and painful illness. Though he was not a man of brilliant -parts, or commanding intellect, he was the only Primate who, since -the House of Brunswick ruled England, had left a distinct mark on the -Anglican Church. He was in truth the only Primate, since the days of -Tillotson, who had a definite policy, and a will strong enough to carry -it out. Tait’s policy was to make the Church of England popular with -the governing class of his day--that is to say, with the intelligent -and respectable _bourgeoisie_. So long as they supported the Church it -could, in his opinion, defy disestablishment; and it is but fair to -say that he secured for it their support. He never alarmed the average -Englishman by intellectuality, or irritated the middle classes by any -obtrusive display of culture. He was careful not to offend them by -indecorous versatility. They were never frightened by flashing wit, or -bewildered by scholastic sophistry. He was faithful and zealous in the -discharge of his pastoral duties, generous and tolerant to opponents, -eager for what he called “comprehension,” slow in the pursuit of -heresy. In every relation of life he was the incarnation of common -sense and propriety. The Queen placed such unbounded confidence in his -judgment that it was generally supposed Dr. Tait virtually nominated -his successor. At all events, it was well known that Dr. Benson, Bishop -of Truro, who succeeded to the Primacy, was the candidate specially -favoured by the Sovereign, and that he was, of all the younger -prelates, the one whom Dr. Tait most desired to see reigning in his -stead. - -The death of Garibaldi on June 2, and of M. Gambetta on December -31, profoundly moved the English people. Garibaldi’s life of heroic -adventure, unselfish patriotism, and disinterested devotion to the -cause of liberty, had endeared him to the masses. M. Gambetta’s amazing -energy in endeavouring to lift France out of the mire of defeat in 1870 -had won for him the admiration of the world. His tempestuous eloquence -gave him an almost magical power over the French democracy, a power -which he wielded for no sordid personal aims. If latterly his policy -seemed to revive the restless aggressive spirit of his countrymen, -it was admitted that he sought nothing save the glory of France. And -yet for Europe it may be conceded that the death of Gambetta was not -a mishap. Had he lived it would have been hard to have avoided a -collision between France and England in Egypt. He encouraged those who, -in Paris and St. Petersburg, had for many years been intriguing for -a Russo-French alliance against Germany.[182] His death and that of -Garibaldi were followed by Signor Mancini’s disclosure to the Italian -Senate, of the adhesion of Italy to the Austro-German Alliance, and the -formation of the Triple League of Peace.[183] - -[Illustration: LAMBETH PALACE.] - - - - -CHAPTER XXVI. - -THE INVINCIBLES. - - The Married Women’s Property Act--The Opening of - Parliament--Changes in the Cabinet--Arrest of Suspects in - Dublin--Invincibles on their Trial--Evidence of the Informer - Carey--Carey’s Fate--The Forster-Parnell Incident--National Gift - to Mr. Parnell--The Affirmation Bill--The Bankruptcy and other - Bills--Mr. Childers’ Budget--The Corrupt Practices Bill--The - “Farmers’ Friends”--Sir Stafford Northcote’s Leadership--The Bright - Celebration--Dynamite Outrages in London--The Explosives Act--M. - de Lesseps and Mr. Gladstone--Blunders in South Africa--The Ilbert - Bill--The Attack on Lady Florence Dixie’s House--Death of John - Brown--His Career and Character--The Queen and the Consumption of - Lamb--A Dull Holiday at Balmoral--Capsizing of the _Daphne_--Prince - Albert Victor made K.G.--France and Madagascar--Arrest of Rev. - Mr. Shaw--Settlement of the Dispute--Progress of the National - League--Orange and Green Rivalry--The Leeds Conference--“Franchise - First”--Lord Salisbury and the Housing of the Poor--Mr. Besant and - East London--“Slumming”--Hicks Pasha’s Disastrous Expedition in the - Soudan--Mr. Gladstone on Jam. - - -An unnoticed Act of Parliament came into force on New Year’s Day, 1883, -which marked the progress of what may be termed the social revolution -in England. This was the Married Women’s Property Act, which had been -passed with very little debate in the previous Session. If it be true -that the position which women hold in a State is an unerring test of -its standard of civilisation, the reign of the Queen will be notable in -history, as one in which the social progress of England has been most -rapid. In England, said J. S. Mill, Woman has not been the favourite -of the law, but its favourite victim. During the last quarter of a -century, however, this reproach has been wiped - -[Illustration: CHARLES DARWIN. - -(_From a Photograph by Elliott and Fry._)] - -away. Year by year new avenues of employment have been opened up -to women. One of the first acts of Mr. Fawcett when he became -Postmaster-General was to admit them to the service of the State. -Parliament, under the wise guidance of Mr. Forster, decided to give -them a fair share of the public endowments set aside for secondary -education. They were afterwards admitted to the benefits of University -education; one of the learned professions--that of medicine--was thrown -open to them; and political enfranchisement is even within their -reach. But in 1883 the law for the first time recognised the fact -that married women could hold property, and abandoned the barbaric -doctrine that for women matrimony implied confiscation. The Married -Women’s Property Act, which was passed by Mr. Osborne Morgan, did for -the women of the people by law, what was done for women of the upper -classes by marriage settlements. It gave a married woman an absolute -right to her earnings, so that her husband could no longer seize them -under his _jus mariti_. It gave her, in the absence of settlements, an -indefeasible right to any property she might have before or that might -come to her after marriage, so that she could use it as she pleased -without her husband’s interference. It made her contract as regards her -own estate, as binding as if she were a man, quite irrespective of her -husband’s consent. On the other hand, it of course released the husband -from liability for all his wife’s debts, unless she contracted them as -his agent. That such an Act should have been passed by a Parliament -in which women were not represented, and in which, till recently, -arguments in favour of the emancipation of women from a state of -tutelage were disposed of by coarse jokes, speaks well for the chivalry -and high sense of justice that characterise British manhood.[184] - -The autumn Session of Parliament (which opened on the 24th of October, -1882) had been spent in a struggle over the new Procedure Rules, the -Ministry endeavouring to persuade the House of Commons to adopt the -principle of Closure, which the Conservatives opposed with all their -strength. In this struggle the Ministry won. They carried their Rules -for checking obstruction, and so when Parliament met, on the 15th -of February, 1883, it was expected that the Session would be a busy -one. The composition of the Cabinet had been considerably changed -during the previous year. Mr. Bright and Mr. Forster had left it, Mr. -Bright’s secession being due to his disapproval of the bombardment of -Alexandria; Lord Derby had now become Secretary to the Colonies; Lord -Kimberley had gone to the India Office; Lord Hartington was Secretary -for War; Mr. Childers, Chancellor of the Exchequer; and Mr. Dodson, -Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster. Sir Charles Dilke entered the -Cabinet as President of the Local Government Board. As Under Secretary -for Foreign Affairs he was succeeded by Lord Edmond Fitzmaurice, a -painstaking but unsteady Whig. The din of the extra-Parliamentary -strife of the recess was stilled, and the House of Commons, like the -country, was in a mood to welcome Liberal measures carried out in a -conservative spirit. Among those announced in the Queen’s Speech were -Bills for codifying the criminal law, for establishing a Court of -Criminal Appeal, for amending the Bankruptcy, Patent, and Ballot Acts, -for reforming Local Government, and for improving the government of -London. - -It was inevitable that Ireland should form the most prominent topic in -the Debate on the Address, because the country had scarcely recovered -from the tale of horror which had been unfolded by those who were -tracking the murderers of Lord Frederick Cavendish and Mr. Burke to -their lairs. On the 13th of January seventeen men were arrested in -Dublin, and on the 20th they were, with three others, charged with -conspiring to murder Government officials. For the most part they were -artisans of the inferior order, but one, James Carey, was a builder -and contractor, and a member of the Dublin Town Council. Under the -pressure of examination two of these men, Farrell and Kavanagh, turned -informers. Carey, finding that other members of the gang were going to -save their necks, offered to betray the conspiracy of which he had been -the guiding organiser. From his evidence, it appeared that after Mr. -Forster had put all the popular leaders of the Irish people in gaol, -a band of desperadoes, called “the Invincibles,” was formed for the -purpose of “making history,” by “removing obnoxious Irish officials.” -Though an attempt was made to show that the “Invincibles” were agents -of the Land League, the only evidence in favour of this supposition -rested on a statement which Carey admitted he had made. Two emissaries -from America furnished the “Invincibles” with their funds, and Carey -said that he thought they “perhaps” got the money from the Land League. -He also said that the knives used for the Phœnix Park murders were -delivered in Ireland by a woman, whom he took to be Mrs. Frank Byrne, -wife of a Land League official. When, however, he was confronted with -Mrs. Byrne he could not identify her. It is only just to add that the -diary of Mullett, one of the accused, was full of expressions of -scorn for the constitutional Home Rule agitators. We may therefore -safely infer that after Mr. Forster had suppressed the Land League -and put its chiefs in prison, what happened in Ireland is what has -happened in every country. For open agitation were substituted secret -societies, and midnight assassins took the place of constitutional -leaders. The conspirators appear to have long dogged Mr. Forster’s -steps, but failed to get a chance of killing him. They had no desire -to attack Lord Frederick Cavendish; indeed, till he was pointed out to -them, they did not know him by sight. He perished on the 6th of May -because he defended his companion, Mr. Burke, who had been marked for -“removal.” Carey was the man who had given the signal for the advance -of the murderers, and he was also base enough afterwards, at a meeting -of the Home Manufacturers’ Association, to propose that a vote of -condolence should be sent to Lady Frederick Cavendish. The end of it -all was that five of the conspirators, Brady, Curley, Fagan, Caffrey, -and Kelly, were hanged. Delaney, Fitzharris, and Mullett were sent -to penal servitude for life, and the others to penal servitude for -various terms. True bills were found against three individuals, Walsh, -Sheridan, and Tynan, the last said to be the envoy who supplied the -“Invincibles” with money, and who was only known to Carey as “Number -One.” Carey was shot dead at the Cape of Good Hope by a man called -O’Donnell, when on his way to a refuge in a British Colony, an offence -for which O’Donnell was tried at the Old Bailey and hanged. - -It was whilst the country was thrilled by Carey’s revelations that -Mr. Gorst raised the Irish Question in an amendment to the Address, -urging that no more concessions be made by the Government to Irish -agitation. The House resounded with attacks on Mr. Parnell, who was -reminded that Sheridan, against whom a true bill of murder had been -found as the result of Carey’s evidence, was the same individual, whose -aid in suppressing outrages he had promised to the Government. Mr. -Parnell was accordingly charged with conniving at murder, the loudest -of his accusers being Mr. Forster, who raked up the old story of the -Kilmainham Treaty, when he delivered his indictment of Mr. Parnell -on the 22nd of February. Mr. Parnell did not reply till next day. -Then he contemptuously told the House that he could hold no commerce -with Mr. Forster, whom he considered as an informer in relation to -the secrets of his late colleagues, nay, as an informer who had not -even the pretext of Carey, “namely, the miserable one of saving his -own life.” The _hauteur_ and bitterness of the speech, despite its -closely-knit argument, disproving the allegation that the Home Rule -leaders were consciously associated with the “Invincibles,” or could -be held responsible for what was going on in Ireland after Mr. Forster -had locked them up, greatly inflamed public opinion. Mr. Parnell stood -charged with being the head of a constitutional agitation, some of the -agents of which were now shown to be chiefs of secret societies of -assassins. Without assuming that he had anything to do with the hidden -lives or proceedings of these men, the public condemned Mr. Parnell -because he did not, at a moment when their deeds had horrified the -country, denounce their wickedness. In Ireland, however, his conduct -excited the warmest admiration. Mr. Forster’s taunts he had met with -supercilious disdain, and he had told Parliament that he did not care -to justify himself to any one but the Irish people, who did not require -him to prove that he was not an accomplice of Carey’s. A movement -to present Mr. Parnell with a national testimonial was accordingly -started, and the subscriptions to it ultimately reached £40,000. Mr. -Forster’s attack on Mr. Parnell, at a moment when the House was excited -by Carey’s evidence, may have been ungenerous. But it is to it that Mr. - -[Illustration: THE ROUND TOWER, WINDSOR CASTLE.] - -Parnell owes the release of his family estate from the encumbrances -that he inherited. Parliament soon grew sick of the Irish Question in -1883. - -Mr. Bradlaugh, however, furnished the House of Commons once more with a -personal diversion. Lord Hartington’s pledge that the Attorney-General -would bring in an Affirmation Bill was followed by an undertaking from -Mr. Bradlaugh, that he would not press his claim to be sworn till the -fate of this measure had been determined. Though the arguments for and -against such a project had already been thrashed out, it was debated -for a fortnight, the Tories straining every effort to waste time over -its discussion. Finally it was defeated by a vote of 292 to 289; and -when Mr. Bradlaugh wrote to the Speaker claiming his right to take the -oath, Sir Stafford Northcote carried a resolution prohibiting him from -doing so. On the 9th of July, in reply to Mr. Bradlaugh’s threat to -treat this decision as invalid, Sir Stafford revived the resolution -excluding him from the precincts of the House. Mr. Bradlaugh then -brought an action against the Serjeant-at-Arms for enforcing this -order, which the Attorney-General was instructed to defend. - -The only real progress made by the Government with business before -Easter was with the Bankruptcy Bill, the main object of which was -to provide for an independent examination into all circumstances of -insolvency, to be conducted by officials of the Board of Trade. It -was read a second time and referred to the Grand Committee on Trade, -who sent it back to the House of Commons on the 25th of June. The -House of Lords passed it without cavil, and Mr. Chamberlain, who had -charge of the measure, was congratulated on the ability and tact which -he had displayed in conducting it. The Patents Bill, which reduced -inventors’ fees, had the same happy history as the Bankruptcy Bill, -in whose wake it followed. The Law Bills of the Ministry were less -fortunate. The Bill establishing a Court of Appeal in criminal cases -was fiercely opposed by the Tories, under the leadership of Sir Richard -Cross, Sir Hardinge Giffard, and Mr. Gibson. It was before the Grand -Committee on Law from the 2nd of April till the 26th of June, when it -was reported to the House and dropped by the Government. The Criminal -Code Bill was read a second time on the 12th of April, in spite of -the hostility of the Irish Party, who resisted one of the provisions -enabling magistrates to examine suspected persons. In the Standing -Committee, however, the Bill was so pertinaciously obstructed by Lord -Randolph Churchill, Mr. Gorst, and Sir H. D. Wolff, that Sir Henry -James abandoned it in despair. When Sir Henry James mentioned this fact -in the House of Commons on the 21st of June, Sir H. D. Wolff asked Mr. -Gladstone derisively “whether, having regard to the signal success of -the principle of delegation and devolution,” he intended to refer any -other Bills to Grand Committees. This question was accentuated by loud -outbursts of mocking laughter from Lord Randolph Churchill, which, Mr. -Gladstone declared, rendered it impossible for him even to hear the -terms of the interpellation. - -The Budget was introduced on the 5th of April by Mr. Childers, who -stated that his estimated revenue and expenditure for the coming year -would be £88,480,000 and £85,789,000. This showed a comfortable surplus -which he exhausted by taking 1½d. off the Income Tax, by making -provisions to meet an expected loss on the introduction of sixpenny -telegrams, by reductions on railway passenger duty, and by slight -changes in the gun licence and in tax-collection. He also carried, in -spite of strenuous opposition, a Bill to reduce the National Debt. -By this Bill Mr. Childers created £40,000,000 of Chancery Stock into -terminable annuities for twenty years, to follow those expiring in -1885. Then he created £30,000,000 of Savings Bank Stock into shorter -annuities. As each fell in, it was to be followed by a longer one, so -as to absorb the margin between the actual interest on the Debt and -the sum set aside for its permanent service, thus hypothecating the -taxes of the future. Mr. Childers promised, by his system, to wipe out -£172,000,000 of debt in twenty years. - -The Corrupt Practices Bill was read a second time on the 4th of June, -and it not only restricted expenditure on elections, but inflicted -stringent penalties for bribery and intimidation in every form, making -candidates responsible for the acts of their agents, prohibiting -the use of public-houses as committee-rooms, and the payment of -conveyances to bring voters to the poll. The Tories, the Parnellites, -and one or two Radicals like Mr. Peter Rylands, fought hard to relax -the stringency of the measure. It was obstructed in Committee, but -ultimately passed both Houses with no important alterations. The -Agricultural Holdings Bill was also strongly opposed. It gave tenants -a right to compensation for improvements, which was to be inalienable -by contract. The most important amendment, which was moved and carried -by Mr. A. J. Balfour, limiting compensation to the actual outlay, -represented the spirit in which the Opposition sought to destroy the -utility of the Bill. As Mr. Clare Sewell Read (one of the Conservatives -who represented the agricultural interests) observed, this amendment -enabled the landlord to say to the tenant, “Heads I win; tails you -lose. If your improvement succeeds, I get the profit out of it, and -you only the outlay; if it does not succeed, you get the loss.” The -amendment was struck out on Report, and, though the House of Lords -tried to mutilate the Bill, their worst amendments were rejected by the -Commons, and the measure passed. The controversy in the House of Lords -was remarkable for Lord Salisbury’s failure to hold his Party at the -end firm to the policy of resistance. A useful Bill prohibiting payment -of wages in public-houses was also passed. Nor was Ireland neglected. -The Tramways Act enabled Irish Local Authorities to construct, with -the support of Government guarantees, tramways and light railways, and -the Government further assented to provisions to promote by State aid -a scheme for transferring labourers from “congested” to thinly-peopled -districts. In August a Bill was passed setting apart a portion of the -Irish Church surplus to promote the building of fishing harbours. A -useful Irish Registration Bill was rejected by the Peers, but Mr. T. P. -O’Connor contrived to pass a Bill enabling Rural Sanitary Authorities -to borrow money from the Government for the construction of labourers’ -cottages. It cannot, however, be said that the Irish Members were -grateful for these measures. They still pursued their favourite policy -of exasperation, and their alliance with the Tories led to a more -systematic and daring use of obstruction than had ever been seen in the -House of Commons. At first Sir Stafford Northcote seemed unwilling to -countenance obstructive tactics; but Lord Randolph Churchill’s bitter -attacks on his leadership in the _Times_ (April 2), and the impatience -of the Tory Party, forced the hesitating hand of their leader in the -Commons. The evil assumed such serious dimensions that Mr. Bright -denounced at Birmingham, in terms of indignant eloquence,[185] “the -men who now afflict the House, and who from night to night insult -the majesty of the British people.” Thus it came to pass, as the -_Times_ said in its review of the Session, that “the main part of the -legislation of the year, with the exception of one or two Bills, was -huddled together, and hustled through in both Houses during the month -of August, amidst an ever-dwindling attendance of Members.” There was -only one Bill which was not obstructed--the Explosives Act; in fact, -it was passed in a panic. The events that led to its production were -somewhat startling. On the night of the 15th of March an attempt was -made to blow up the Local Government Board Offices in Whitehall by -dynamite, and about the same time a similar outrage was perpetrated on -the offices of the _Times_ in Printing House Square. Guards of soldiers -and police were immediately posted at all places likely to be attacked, -and the connection of these crimes with the seizures of dynamite which -were from time to time made by the police in provincial towns, and the -arrest of eight conspirators engaged in the “dynamite war” at Liverpool -in March, could scarcely be doubted. On the 9th of April Sir William -Harcourt’s Explosives Act was therefore carried through both Houses -after an unavailing protest from Lord Salisbury, who complained that -the Peers were taken by surprise.[186] After the Bill had become law -packages of dynamite were seized at Leicester and Cupar-Fife; four men -were condemned at Liverpool as dynamitards; several arrests were made -at Glasgow; and on the 30th of October there were two explosions in the -tunnel of the Metropolitan Railway--between Westminster and Charing -Cross, and between Praed Street and Edgware Road. - -[Illustration: THE ROYAL ALBERT HALL, KENSINGTON.] - -Egypt furnished the Opposition with many opportunities for embarrassing -the Ministry. Lord Hartington had seriously damaged the _prestige_ of -the Government by his pusillanimous declaration at the opening of the -Session that the English troops would be recalled from Egypt in six -months. Though Mr. Gladstone, on his return from Cannes, was compelled -to throw his colleague over and explain that this statement was purely -conjectural, the distrust which Lord Hartington had inspired could not -be completely eradicated. A more serious difficulty, however, arose -out of the exorbitant tolls which the Suez Canal Company levied on the -shipping trade. Yielding to the pressure of shipping and commercial -interests, Mr. Gladstone sanctioned an agreement by which M. de Lesseps -was to provide additional accommodation by digging a second canal. He -was also to reduce the tolls gradually, and admit a few Englishmen -to his Board of Management. In return the British Government were -to procure him the concession of the land for the second canal, and -enable him to raise a loan of £8,000,000 at 3¼ per cent. A storm of -opposition was raised to this project, on the ground that it recognised -M. de Lesseps’s monopoly to the canalisation of the Isthmus of Suez. -The agreement, which was announced on the 28th of April, was abandoned -on the 23rd of July. - -In South Africa the policy of the Government was attacked during -the Session on the ground that it connived at the oppression of the -native chiefs by the Boers, who were not carrying out the Transvaal -Convention. The restoration and overthrow of Cetewayo also provoked -criticism, but the verdict of the country was that the debates all -ended in demonstrating one point, which was this: the existing -tangle of affairs in South Africa was entirely due to the policy of -the late Government, and the existing Government had not been able -to discover any way of satisfactorily neutralising the blunders of -their predecessors. But no question arising in British dependencies -created so much strife as the Indian Criminal Procedure Amendment -Bill, popularly called the Ilbert Bill. Lord Lytton had laid down -a rule whereby every year one-sixth of the vacancies in the Indian -Civil Service must be filled up by natives. As they advanced in the -Magistracy and became eligible for service as District Magistrates and -Sessions Judges, a difficulty arose. Either they must, like European -officials of the same grades, be allowed to try Europeans as well as -native offenders against the Criminal Law, or they must be virtually -wasted. Moreover, an offensive slight must be put on the Indian -servants of the Empress, by prohibiting them from exercising all the -functions pertaining to their grade and rank. In Presidency towns no -difficulty arose. There native magistrates of this grade were allowed -to have jurisdiction over Europeans, the theory being that they -acted under the moral censorship of a European press. But in country -districts it was alleged that they could not be trusted. In fact, -European magistrates must, according to the opponents of the Bill, be -found for every district in which even a handful of Europeans were -living. Yet, as Lord Lytton had diminished the number of Europeans in -the Service and put natives in their places, a serious administrative -difficulty might be created if the native judges were not entrusted -with the duties of the Europeans whom they had displaced. An explosion -of race-hatred was the result of the Ilbert Bill, and the same class -of Anglo-Indians who denounced “Clemency” Canning during the “White -Terror” of 1857, now denounced Lord Ripon in the same violent language. -They even attempted to induce the Volunteers to resign, and Sir Donald -Stewart, the Commander-in-Chief, who, like Sir Frederick Roberts, -supported the measure, condemned the “wicked and criminal attempts” -which the opponents of the Bill had made to stir up animosity against -the Government in the Army. Ultimately a compromise was arrived at, by -which a European when tried before a native judge could claim a jury, -of which not less than one-half must consist of Europeans or Americans. -Curiously enough, at the time this controversy was being developed -into a fierce antagonism of races in India, tidings came to England to -the effect that a tribe in Orissa had begun to worship the Queen as a -goddess.[187] When the natives on the frontier elevated General John -Nicholson to the dignity of a god, the stout soldier used to order his -worshippers to be flogged for their idolatry. Whether any official -steps were taken to discourage a cult that might have rendered the -Queen-Empress ridiculous, was never known. The sect who took her for -their deity seems to have vanished from Indian history. - -The Queen played but a slight part in public life in the early part of -1883. Whilst at Osborne in January she awarded the Albert Medal to the -survivors of the gallant exploring party who distinguished themselves -by saving life at the Baddesley Colliery Explosion in May, 1882, and -she sent to the Mayor of Bradford an expression of sympathy with the -sufferers from the fall of a great chimney stack in that town at the -end of the year--a disaster involving the sacrifice of fifty-three -lives. On the 14th of February her Majesty held a Council at Windsor, -and revised the Royal Speech for the opening of the Session. On the -19th of February she attended the funeral of Pay-Sergeant Mayo, of -the Coldstream Guards, at Windsor, who had died suddenly whilst on -duty at the Castle, and on the same day, owing to the Prince of Wales -holding the opening levee of the season on her behalf, her Majesty -was able to be present as one of the sponsors at the baptism of the -infant son of the Duke and Duchess of Connaught at Windsor. On the -6th and 13th of March, however, her Majesty held Drawing Rooms at -Buckingham Palace. On the 17th of March Lady Florence Dixie alleged -that a murderous attack had been made on her in the shrubbery of her -house at Windsor, by two men disguised as women. As her ladyship had -been writing a good deal on the Irish Question, and as the town was -in a panic over the dynamite war waged by the Fenians against public -buildings, it was suggested that this outrage might have been planned -by one of the Irish Secret Societies. Investigation, however, indicated -that Lady Florence must have been labouring under a mistake, and the -incident would have passed out of sight but for its effect on the -Queen’s peace of mind. Lady Florence Dixie’s story had alarmed the -Queen, showing her, as it did, that there was peril almost at the doors -of Windsor Castle. Her Majesty sent Lord Methuen, Lady Ely, and Sir -Henry Ponsonby with messages of sympathy to Lady Florence Dixie, and -finally the Queen’s personal attendant, Mr. John Brown, was despatched -to examine the ground and report on the circumstances of the outrage. -He caught a chill in the shrubbery of Lady Florence Dixie’s villa, -and when he returned to Windsor Castle complained of being ill. He -died of erysipelas on the 27th of March, the day after the daughter of -the Duke and Duchess of Albany was christened. Brown was the son of a -tenant of Colonel Farquharson’s and began life as gillie to the Prince -Consort. For nineteen years he was the personal attendant of the Queen, -and no servant was ever so completely trusted by a royal master or -mistress. “John Brown,” writes the Queen in a note to her “Leaves from -the Journal of Our Life in the Highlands,” “in 1858 became my regular -attendant out of doors everywhere in the Highlands. He commenced -as gillie in 1859, and was selected by Albert and me to go with my -carriage. In 1857 he entered our service permanently, and began in that -year leading my pony, and advanced step by step by his good conduct and -intelligence. His attentive care and faithfulness cannot be exceeded, -and the state of my health, which of late years has been sorely tried -and weakened, renders such qualifications most valuable, and, indeed, -most needful upon all occasions. He has since most deservedly been -promoted to be an upper servant and my permanent personal attendant -(December, 1865). He has all the independence and elevated feelings -peculiar to the Highland race, and is singularly straightforward, -simple-minded, kind-hearted, and disinterested, always ready to oblige, -and of a discretion rarely to be met with.” By all accounts Brown -seems to have been an honest brusque sort of man, whose fidelity to -his master and mistress won their entire confidence. Extraordinary -stories were told in Society of his influence over the Queen, and of -the almost despotic authority which he wielded over the Royal Family. -Even the highest officers of the Royal Household had to speak him -fairly, otherwise trouble came to them. He attended the Queen in all -her walks and drives, and had the privilege of speaking to her with the -rough candour in which he habitually indulged, on any subject he chose -to talk about. He had often been engaged in services of a delicate -nature for the Royal Family, and it was said that nothing could be said -or done, no matter how secretly, at or about the Court, without his -immediately knowing of it. Löhlein, the Prince Consort’s old valet, was -the only person in the Household whom Brown never dared to meddle with. -Through the _Court Circular_ the Queen bewailed the “grievous shock” -she felt at the “irreparable loss” of “an honest, faithful, and devoted -follower, a trustworthy, discreet, and straightforward man,” whose -fidelity “had secured for himself the real friendship of the Queen.” -This grief was not only natural but eminently creditable to her. -Brown had for years been the guardian of her life, and in the case of -Connor’s attack he had defended her with the grim courage of his race. -But for him her Majesty could not have enjoyed that freedom of movement -out of doors which had been of - -[Illustration: JOHN BROWN. - -(_From a Photograph by G. W. Wilson and Co., Aberdeen._)] - -vital consequence to her health and strength. Old servants, when -possessed of Brown’s sterling qualities of manhood, in process of time -gradually pass into the category of old friends. Their lives become -intertwined in many ways with the life of the family to which they are -attached. Their death leaves behind it in the hearts of their masters -and mistresses the sting of a personal bereavement. This was, in a -special sense, the case with the Queen, whose fate it has been to see -the circle of old familiar faces round her contracting every year. Her -expressions of sorrow over Brown’s grave, though they provoked rude -criticism, merely gave expression to a sentiment of melancholy which -was the natural outgrowth of her life of “lonely splendour.”[188] - -From the 18th of April to the 8th of May the Court was at Osborne, -and the state of the Queen’s health was such as to cause her medical -advisers some concern. The dynamite scare, a slight accident that had -happened to her through slipping on the stairs at Windsor Castle, the -deaths of her friend Mrs. Stonor[189] and her attendant, Brown--all -contributed to produce an attack of nervous debility that could only be -remedied by repose. - -In the third week of April the Queen created quite a panic among the -sheep farmers and the fashionable purveyors of the large towns. She had -read many gloomy articles in the papers, lamenting the decrease in the -number of English sheep. Instead of anticipating, by a few days, the -appearance of Easter lamb at the Royal table, as did Napoleon I. on one -occasion, her Majesty notified that no lamb would be consumed in her -Household. The effect of the notice was magical. The price of lamb went -down in a few hours to 4d. a pound, and farmers, who had at enormous -expense bred and fed large stocks of lamb for the Easter market, saw -bankruptcy staring them in the face. The economic fallacy was obvious. -The Queen forgot that the slaughter of lambs which were bred for the -butcher, and which but for the Easter market would not be bred at all, -was not the cause of the scarcity of sheep. In a few weeks the notice -was withdrawn. - -Though the Queen was still unable to walk, yet on the 8th of May she -was so much benefited by her holiday at Osborne, that she was able, -under the care of the Princess Beatrice, to return to Windsor. On the -26th of May, though still in feeble health, she went to Balmoral. -Extraordinary precautions were taken to prevent the time-table of the -Royal train on this occasion from being published, and her Majesty -sent orders from Windsor that spectators must be excluded from the -stations at which she stopped. Railway directors were not even allowed -to be present when her Majesty arrived at Ferryhill station, Aberdeen, -from whence she drove to Balmoral by the road on the south side of the -Dee--a road she had never taken before. Life at Balmoral was gloomy, -for all the old festivities had been stopped, and everybody was in deep -mourning for John Brown. The Queen hardly ever left her own grounds, -and the Court gladly returned to Windsor on the 23rd of June. On the -3rd of July a shocking accident occurred near Glasgow, which deeply -impressed the mind of the Queen. As a new steamer, the _Daphne_, was -being launched from Messrs. Stephen’s Yard she heeled over and sank. -A hundred and fifty lives were lost, and the Queen not only sent a -message of sympathy to the survivors, but a subscription of £200 to a -fund raised for their relief. The Court removed to Osborne on the 24th -of July, where a few days later the Queen received M. Waddington, the -new French Ambassador. On the 24th of August her Majesty left Osborne -for Balmoral, which she reached on the following day. She conferred the -Order of the Garter on her grandson, Prince Albert Victor of Wales, -on the 4th of September. It was thought strange that this distinction -should be granted to the Prince whilst he was still a minor: George -IV., for example, was not admitted to the Order till long after he -had come of age. What was stranger still was that the investiture -should have been a private function, conducted in the drawing-room -at Balmoral, and not a public ceremonial in St. George’s Chapel. The -exceptional character of the distinction was a proof of the high favour -in which her Majesty held her grandson. Excursions to Braemar, Glassalt -Shiel, Glen Cluny, and the neighbourhood were made during September. -The Duke and Duchess of Connaught visited her Majesty in October on -the eve of their departure for India, and the ex-Empress Eugénie, who -was at Abergeldie, came to her almost every day, and long excursions -in the bleak scenery of the Aberdeenshire mountains were organised for -the Royal party. It was not till the 21st of November that the Court -came back to Windsor--the same day on which the Duke and Duchess of -Connaught landed at Bombay. After her return the Queen seems to have -been engrossed with business to an unusual extent--much of it relating -to troublesome private matters, and it was stated that her Majesty and -Sir Henry Ponsonby during the first week had to work together for five -and six hours at a stretch, ere they could overtake their task. Every -day, however, the Queen drove in the Park, and every evening she gave -a dinner-party, to which not more than fifteen guests were invited. -On the 12th of December her Majesty received the Siamese Envoys, and -it was intimated that she intended to raise the poet Laureate to the -Peerage. On the 18th of December the Court removed to Osborne, where -Christmas-tide was spent. - -Politically and socially the Recess of 1883 was full of interest. Just -as Parliament was prorogued Mr. Gladstone and Lord Granville brought -an irritating controversy with France to a close. In the spring, -Admiral Pierre had been sent with a squadron to enforce French claims -of sovereignty over a portion of the north-west of Madagascar. In the -course of operations at Tamatave the Admiral had behaved rudely to -the British Consul. He had insulted the commander of H.M.S. _Dryad_, -and he had illegally arrested and imprisoned Mr. Shaw, an English -missionary. Mr. Gladstone had alluded gravely, but in terms of studied -moderation and courtesy, to these events in the House of Commons. The -Opposition, however, harried him with attacks; and all over the land -Conservative writers and speakers denounced the Government for its -cowardly subservience to France. The only effect which these indiscreet -criticisms could have was obviously to convince France that she ran -no risk in refusing reparation to the Englishmen whom her agents had -injured. Fortunately the Government of the French Republic had a keen -sense of justice. It did not misunderstand the firm but temperate tone -of the English Foreign Office; and the French Government accordingly -offered an apology and compensation to Mr. Shaw. It turned out that -Admiral Pierre, who died in France soon after his recall, had been -suffering from an exhausting disease at the time he had offended -Captain Johnstone of the _Dryad_. There was no disposition on either -side, therefore, to exaggerate the personal aspect of the question, and -the dispute ended in a manner highly creditable to the diplomacy of -both nations. - -In Ireland the National League, which had been founded in 1882 as a -continuation of the old Land League, was extending its organisation. -Mr. Healy’s electoral victory in Monaghan suggested that an attack -should be made on the last stronghold of the Unionist Party in Ireland. -League meetings were therefore held in Ulster; but the Orangemen, -terrified by this invasion of Home Rulers into their loyal territory, -attempted to repel it by force. They organised rival meetings, and -planned armed attacks on the Leaguers. Occasionally Mr. Trevelyan -had to suppress the demonstrations of both “Orange” and “Green” by -proclamation. In England the Recess was one of stormy political -agitation. The Liberal Party felt that it was necessary to submit some -measure to Parliament in 1884, on which, if need be, they might risk -an appeal to the constituencies. Hence, at Leeds, their provincial -leaders and delegates resolved to press a measure of Parliamentary -Reform on the country. A small minority, who urged that the reform of -the Municipality of London and of County and Local Government should -have the first place, were overruled by those who raised the famous -cry of “Franchise first.” The Tory leaders, when they spoke on the -subject, merely suggested that the problem of Parliamentary Reform -was encumbered with difficulties. For some time the Liberal leaders -rarely spoke save to contradict each other either as to the order of -legislation in the coming Session, or as to whether, if Household -Suffrage were extended to the counties, the Redistribution of Seats -would be dealt with by a separate Bill. During the Recess, Sir Stafford -Northcote roused the Conservatism of North Wales and Ulster. Lord -Salisbury attempted to thrill his party with terror by an article in -the _Quarterly Review_, bewailing the “disintegration” of English -society under Mr. Gladstone’s malefic influence; and in another -periodical--the _National Review_--he appealed strongly for popular -support by a strong semi-Socialistic paper advocating the better -housing of the poor. In fact, the end of 1883 and the beginning of -1884 will be long remembered for an outbreak of _dilletante_ Socialism -among the upper classes. The powerful pen of a gifted novelist had -revealed, as by flashes of lightning, the unexplored regions of the -East End of London. In fact, Mr. Walter Besant’s vivid pictures of -its dull grey life of toil, varied only by hunger, and ending only in -death, had seared the conscience, if they had not touched the heart, -of a brilliant society of pleasure. Beneath the bright wit and mocking -humour of the satirist, - -[Illustration: - -THE PARISH CHURCH, CRATHIE. BRAEMAR CASTLE. -] - -there glowed the fire and fervour of the prophet; and when a voice -which, like Mr. Besant’s, had the ear of a hundred millions of -English-speaking people, preached in the most fascinating of parables -the doctrine that Wealth owes, and ever will owe, an undischarged duty -to Poverty--a mighty impetus was given to the cause of social reform. -Hands swift to do good were stretched forth from the West End to the -East End, and a movement destined to realise, in the Jubilee Year -of the Victorian era, some of Mr. Besant’s ideals in “All Sorts and -Conditions of Men,” was now initiated. Unfortunately it was vulgarised -by much imposture at the outset. The pace of three London seasons had -been unusually rapid, and Society at this juncture had exhausted its -resources of amusement and its capacities for pleasure. The town was -fuller than usual, for Cabinet Councils had been unwontedly early; -and the great families who flock to London when they get the first -hint that the autumnal period of political intrigue has set in, had -abandoned their country houses sooner in the year than was customary. -The theatres were unattractive. The Fisheries Exhibition had closed; -and the world of fashion was hungry for some fresh object of interest. -Like Matthew Arnold’s patrician, though Society made its feast and -crowned its brows with roses in the winter of 1883-4, it was still left -lamenting that - - “No easier and no quicker passed - The impracticable hours.” - -The movement in philanthropy which Mr. Besant’s writings originated, -and which Lord Salisbury’s essay on the Housing of the Poor stamped -with the imprimatur of British respectability, was just what was -needed to supply a stimulus to which the blunted nerves of the idlest -pleasure-seeker would respond. In the days of Lord Tom Noddy and Sir -Carnaby Jenks persons of quality in similar circumstances would have -gone to see a man hanged. Some years later, as M. Henri Taine notes, -they would have applied for an escort of police and inspected the -thieves’ kitchens and other hideous lairs of crime. Now, under escorts -of enchanted philanthropists, lay and clerical, male and female, -curious parties were organised in the West End to visit the slums, just -as they were arranged to visit the opera. These amateur explorers were, -indeed, dubbed “slummers” by cynical writers in the Press; and the verb -to “slum” almost made good its footing in the English vocabulary. Few -of these strange visitors remained behind in the East End to help in -the work of charity whose objects excited their morbid curiosity. It -was also an untoward coincidence that of these few some of the most -fussy and bustling subsequently figured conspicuously in the Divorce -Court. - -It had been the intention of the Government to reduce the number of -the troops in Egypt, and some hint of this had been given by Mr. -Gladstone at the Lord Mayor’s banquet in the Guildhall. But before -the plan could be carried out a catastrophe happened in Egypt which -interfered with it. It had always been the ambition of the Khedivial -family to extend their dominion to the Equator. They had drained Egypt -of men and money to conquer that vast and difficult region known as -the Soudan, and under the pretext of suppressing the slave trade, they -had endeavoured to sanctify their policy of costly conquest. When, -however, disturbances broke out in Lower Egypt, the wild tribes of -the Soudan, ever ready to revolt against the Egyptians or “Turks,” -whom they regarded as brutal extortioners, joined the standards of a -pretended prophet, called the Mahdi, and Colonel Hicks, a retired -Indian officer, was sent with an Egyptian army to suppress the rising. -The British Government sanctioned, but gave no aid to the expedition. -By their foolish policy they made themselves morally responsible for -its fate without taking steps to make its success a certainty. In -November Hicks Pasha and his army were cut to pieces at El Obeid, and -Egyptian authority in the Soudan was represented by a few beleaguered -garrisons at such places as Khartoum, Suakim, and Sinkat. The British -Government dissuaded Tewfik Pasha from trying to re-conquer the Soudan, -but advised him merely to relieve the garrisons and hold the Red Sea -coast and the Nile Valley as far as Wady Halfa. By thus blocking the -only outlets for its produce the insurrection in the province might -be strangled. Here the Ministry delivered themselves into the hands -of their enemies. If they tried to re-conquer the Soudan the Tories -could denounce a blood-guilty policy that wasted the substance of -Egypt to gratify Khedivial ambition. If they induced Tewfik Pasha to -let the Soudan alone, they could be denounced for abandoning one of -the conquests of civilisation to barbarism and the slave trade. But in -the first weeks of 1884 there was a lull in political agitation, which -was only partially broken by Mr. Gladstone’s address to his tenants -at the Hawarden Rent Dinner on the 9th of January. It was in this -speech that he advised farmers groaning under prolonged agricultural -distress, aggravated by an outbreak of foot-and-mouth disease, to seek -consolation in pensive reflection on the Hares and Rabbits Act, and in -an energetic application of their industry to the production of jam. - - - - -CHAPTER XXVII. - -GENERAL GORDON’S MISSION. - - Success of the Mahdi--Difficult Position of the Ministers--Their - Egyptian Policy--General Gordon sent out to the Soudan--Baker - Pasha’s Forces Defeated--Sir S. Northcote’s Vote of Censure--The - Errors on Both Sides--Why not a Protectorate?--Gordon in - Khartoum--Zebehr, “King of the Slave-traders”--Attacks on - Gordon--Osman Digna Twice Defeated--Treason in Khartoum--Gordon’s - Vain Appeals--Financial Position of Egypt--Abortive Conference - of the Powers--Vote of Credit--The New Speaker--Mr. Bradlaugh - _Redivivus_--Mr. Childers’ Budget--The Coinage Bill--The Reform - Bill--Household Franchise for the Counties--Carried in the - Commons--Thrown Out in the Lords--Agitation in the Country--The - Autumn Session--“No Surrender”--Compromise--The Franchise Bill - Passed--The Nile Expedition--Murder of Colonel Stewart and Mr. - Frank Power--Lord Northbrook’s Mission--Ismail Pasha’s Claims--The - “Scramble for Africa”--Coolness with Germany--The Angra Pequena - Dispute--Bismarck’s Irritation--Queensland and New Guinea--Death - of Lord Hertford--The Queen’s New Book--Death of the Duke of - Albany--Character and Career of the Prince--The Claremont - Estate--The Queen at Darmstadt--Marriage of the Princess Victoria - of Hesse--A Gloomy Season--The Health Exhibition--The Queen and the - Parliamentary Deadlock--The Abyssinian Envoys at Osborne--Prince - George of Wales made K.G.--The Court at Balmoral--Mr. Gladstone’s - Visit to the Queen. - - -Parliament met on the 5th of February, 1884. The Queen’s Speech -admitted that the unexpected success of the Mahdi in the Soudan had -delayed the evacuation of Cairo and the reduction of the British army -of occupation. It also referred to the steps that had been taken to -relieve Khartoum by the despatch of General Gordon--accompanied by -Colonel Stewart--to that doomed city. An imposing programme of domestic -legislation was put forward. There was to be a Reform Bill, a Bill to -improve the government of London, and legislation was promised dealing -with shipping, railways, the government of Scotland, education, Sunday -Closing in Ireland, and intermediate education in Wales. The Egyptian -Policy of the Government was naturally taken as the point for attack by -the Opposition in the House of Lords and in the House of Commons. The -position of England in Egypt was now so peculiar and embarrassing that -any policy open to the Government was open to objection. So far as the -interests of the English and Egyptian people were concerned, the best -thing that could have been done for them would have been to render the -frontier at Wady Halfa impregnable, to forbid any further interference -with the Soudan, and to leave the Egyptian garrisons and colonies there -to make the best terms they could with the Mahdi. This would not have -been a noble or heroic, but it would have been a sensible course, and -it would have prevented the perfectly useless expenditure of precious -blood and treasure. On the other hand, only a Minister unselfish enough -to brave the obloquy which would be cast on him by his rivals for -adopting a sordid policy in the interests of his country, could venture -on such a policy. It would have been possible to a Bismarck, who can -boast that he will never break the bones of a Pomeranian grenadier for -the sake of the Eastern Question. It was not possible to Mr. Gladstone, -some of whose colleagues were already in a bellicose mood. Assuredly, -too, it would in 1884 have been unpopular with the electors. In foreign -complications, involving the issues of peace or war, their - - “Affections are - A sick man’s appetite, who desires most that - Which would increase his evil.” - -Ministers therefore chose the course which, on the whole, divided the -country least. They decided to cut the connection between Egypt and -the Soudan, but at the same time to arrange for the safe return of the -Egyptian garrisons and colonists to Lower Egypt. They selected General -Gordon--better known as “Chinese” Gordon--who, as Gordon Pasha, had -been Viceroy of the Soudan, to make the best arrangements he could for -the future of the country, and bring back the garrisons and colonists -in safety. Gordon’s great name and unbounded popularity caused this -plan to be hailed with unalloyed delight by the people. He arrived at -Cairo on the 23rd of January, and was permitted to receive from the -Khedive a firman appointing him Governor-General of the Soudan, and -vesting him, as the Khedive’s Viceroy, with absolute power. Gordon thus -held two commissions--one from the English Government as the Agent of -the Foreign Office, another from the Khedive as Viceroy of the Soudan. -He crossed the desert without an escort, and was making his way to -Khartoum when Parliament met. It was a dramatic coincidence that when -the debate on Egypt was going on, news of a serious disaster from the -Soudan came to hand. Baker Pasha had advanced from Trinkitat on the -4th of February, and near Tokar his force was attacked by the Mahdi’s -followers and driven back to Suakim. By an accident the discussion -collapsed without any Ministerial reply being given to the Tory attack. -Then Sir Stafford Northcote, on the 7th of February, moved his vote - -[Illustration: GENERAL GORDON. - -(_From a Photograph by Adams and Scanlan, Southampton._)] - -of censure, on the ground that the disasters in the Soudan were due to -“the vacillating and inconsistent policy” pursued by the Government. -Possibly the disaster of the division in the Commons when this motion -was rejected may have in turn been traceable to the “vacillating and -inconsistent” tactics of the Opposition. They toiled with wearisome -iteration to prove that England, having incurred responsibility for -the government of Egypt after Tel-el-Kebir, was responsible for the -massacre of Hicks Pasha and his army. So she was; but instead of -drawing the logical inference from the facts, namely, that the English -authorities in Egypt were to blame for not vetoing Hicks’s expedition, -Sir Stafford Northcote and Lord Salisbury blamed the English Government -for not helping him with “advice,” and for not forcing the Khedive -to make his army strong enough for its task. Here it became manifest -to the House of Commons that the Opposition had only got up a sham -faction fight. For when Sir Stafford Northcote hotly repudiated the -notion that he would have sent a British army to reinforce Hicks or -avenge his death, he gave up his whole case. It was then seen that the -alternative policy of the Opposition was to have goaded the Egyptian -Government to a war of re-conquest in the Soudan, and in the event of -failure to leave it in the lurch. Alike in the Commons and in the Lords -the responsible leaders of the Opposition admitted that Mr. Gladstone -was right in advising Egypt to abandon the Soudan, and in refusing to -send British troops there to conduct the evacuation. What they argued -was that he was wrong in not telling the Khedive’s Cabinet how to -get out of the Soudan, though he would in that event, according to -them, have been quite right to refuse the Khedive aid, if, in acting -on Mr. Gladstone’s suggestions, his Highness met with disaster in -the rebellious province. It was a sad surprise to Lord Salisbury to -find his censure carried in the Upper House only by a vote of 181 to -81--for the majority did not represent half of a Chamber two-thirds of -which were his followers. It was, however, no surprise to Sir Stafford -Northcote to find his motion rejected in the House of Commons, though -he had the advantage of the Irish vote. As for the country, its verdict -was that there was no difference between the two parties except on one -point. The Tories would have pestered the Khedive with instructions, -but would have repudiated responsibility for them if when acted on they -had ended in failure. The Government had, through fear of incurring -this responsibility, left the Khedive too much to his own devices, and -when these brought trouble they found they could not get rid of all -responsibility for it. - -What ought to have been said was what neither Lord Salisbury nor Sir -Stafford Northcote dared say. It was that England, after Tel-el-Kebir, -should have boldly proclaimed a Protectorate over Egypt, the moral -authority of which would have sufficed to hold her fretful and mutinous -provinces in awe, till steps for their reconstruction could be -taken.[190] Failure seemingly rendered the Opposition reckless. Even -the heroic and high-hearted envoy of the Government at Khartoum did -not escape the shafts of their malice. He had proclaimed the Mahdi as -Sultan of Kordofan in order to induce him to negotiate for the peaceful -withdrawal of the garrisons. He had burned in public the archives of -the Egyptian Government, in which the arrears of taxes were recorded, -as a pledge that the oppressed people of Khartoum should be no longer -the prey of corrupt extortioners. He had set free the prisoners who -were unjustly pining in the gaols. He had proclaimed that the right of -property in domestic slaves would be recognised--thereby neutralising -the intrigues of the Mahdists, who were persuading the wavering people -that if they remained true to Egypt, the Government would rob them of -their household servants. Finding it impossible to discover a less -objectionable native chief fit to undertake the task of keeping order -at Khartoum, Gordon recommended for that purpose his old enemy, Zebehr -Pasha, once known as “King of the Slave-Traders.” - -The Tories now attacked Gordon and his policy with much bitterness. -They jeered at him as a madman. They denounced him for sanctioning -slavery--he who had given the best days of his life to the suppression -of the trade. They tried to rouse public opinion against the Government -for tolerating his proceedings. In fact, no effort was wanting to -embarrass him and the Ministry in solving the difficult problem of -extricating the military and civil population of Khartoum from their -dangerous position. The factiousness of the Opposition had one bad -result. It frightened the Government into refusing their sanction -to Gordon’s proposal for handing over Khartoum to Zebehr Pasha. For -at this time the Tories delighted to describe Zebehr as the kind of -monster of savagery, with whom a statesman of Mr. Gladstone’s character -naturally sought a close alliance. - -When the tidings of General Baker’s defeat at Teb were followed by news -of the massacre of the garrison of Sinkat, Ministers, in obedience to -public opinion, decided to abandon their policy of inaction in the -Soudan. On the 10th of February, Admiral Hewett took supreme command -at Suakim. On the 18th a small British force under General Graham -landed at that place. By this time Tokar had fallen, but Graham, -advancing from Trinkitat, fought and beat the Arabs under Osman Digna -at El Teb. Osman retired to Tamanieb, and was attacked there by Graham -on the 13th of March. At first the British force wavered and broke -under the impetuous shock of the Arab charge, but in the end the -Arabs were defeated, and Osman Digna’s camp was destroyed. Gordon had -made an unsuccessful sortie from Khartoum on the 16th of March, and -he had found not only his army but the civil population of the city -honeycombed with treason. In vain he implored the Government to send -two squadrons of cavalry to Berber to aid the escape of two thousand -fugitives whom he proposed to send down the Nile. The Government, on -the contrary, recalled General Graham and his troops from Suakim, -thereby leading the Arabs to believe that Gordon was abandoned by his -countrymen. His negotiations with the Mahdi proved to be a failure. -In May his protests against the desertion of Khartoum were published -in official form, and the Opposition then gave expression to popular -opinion when they moved, though they did not carry, another vote of -censure on the Ministry. The defence of the Government was that Gordon -was in no danger, and that when he was, Ministers would quickly send -him aid. The financial position of Egypt was now so bad that Mr. -Gladstone resolved to ease the pressure of her debt at the expense -of the bondholders. For this purpose it was necessary to summon a -Conference of the Powers. France opposed the English project, and the -diplomatic negotiations between England and France were seriously -embarrassed by incessant interpellations from the Opposition in -Parliament, and by their abortive votes of censure. In spite of these -difficulties, however, Ministers were able, on the 23rd of June, -to announce that they had come to an arrangement with France. She -formally abandoned the Dual Control, which had really been destroyed -by the Khedive’s decree in 1882, and bound herself not to send troops -to Egypt unless on the invitation of England. England, on the other -hand, agreed to evacuate Egypt on the 1st of January, 1888, unless -the Powers considered that order could not be kept after the British -troops were recalled. The question of the debt was virtually left to -the Conference, but it was agreed that after the 1st of January, 1888, -Egypt was to be neutralised and the Suez Canal put under international -management. Even these arrangements were, however, to depend on the -decisions of the Conference, which, Mr. Gladstone said, would in turn -need Parliamentary sanction before they could be considered binding -on the British Government. The Conference broke up owing to the -impossibility of reconciling English and French interests, and Mr. -Gladstone on the 2nd of August told the House of Commons that England -had regained entire freedom of action. With this freedom the Government -acquired fresh energy. They sent Lord Northbrook to Egypt to report -upon its condition, and obtained from Parliament a Vote of Credit of -£300,000 with which to send succour to Gordon if he required it. At -this time, though Khartoum was isolated and surrounded by the Mahdi’s -troops, Lord Hartington refused to admit that Egypt was in danger from -an Arab invasion, or to give any definite promise to send Gordon aid. - -The Egyptian Question sadly exhausted the energies of the House of -Commons. Mr. Arthur Peel had been chosen as Speaker on the 26th of -February, in succession to Sir Henry Brand, who was elevated to the -Peerage as Viscount Hampden. Sir Stafford Northcote again succeeded in -preventing Mr. Bradlaugh from taking his seat, and when Mr. Bradlaugh -resigned it, and was again re-elected for Northampton, the resolution -excluding him from the House was once more revived on the 21st of -February. - -The Budget was not presented till the last week of April, and Mr. -Childers - -[Illustration: KHARTOUM.] - -then confessed that for the coming year he could not expect a surplus -of more than £260,000,[191] which admitted only of a small reduction -in the Carriage Duties. The unexpected costliness of the Parcel -Post caused Mr. Childers to abandon in the meantime the scheme for -introducing sixpenny telegrams; but he made proposals for the reduction -of the National Debt and the withdrawal of light gold coin from -circulation, that led to some controversy. Mr. Childers’ method of -dealing with the Debt was to give holders of Three per Cent. Stock the -option of taking Two and Three-quarters per Cent. or Two and a Half -per Cent. Stock at the rate of £102 and £108 respectively for every -£100 of Stock so exchanged. Mr. Childers argued that he would thus -reduce the annual burden of the charge for the Debt (after providing -for a Sinking Fund to cover the nominal increase in the capital cf -the converted Stock) by £1,310,000. His Coinage Bill was lost because -the Tories roused popular prejudice against it. Mr. Childers proposed -to demonetise the half-sovereign by putting in it a certain amount -of alloy and giving it a mere token-value. The charge that he was -“debasing the currency” wrecked his project. A Bill strengthening -the hands of the Privy Council in excluding diseased cattle was -passed. But the great measure of the Session was the Reform Bill, -which was introduced on the 28th of February. By it Mr. Gladstone -extended household franchise to the counties, and a vigorous effort -was made to compel him to introduce along with the Franchise Bill, -a Bill for the Redistribution of Seats. The Second Reading of the -Reform Bill was carried on the 7th of April, a majority of 340 to 210 -having rejected the hostile amendment of the Conservatives, which -was moved by Lord John Manners. The Tories then made many futile -efforts to coerce Mr. Gladstone into disclosing his Redistribution -Scheme, which he had, however, sketched in outline in his speech -introducing the Franchise Bill. Ultimately the Third Reading was -carried on the 26th of June--_nemine contradicente_. The Bill was -read a first time in the House of Lords on the 27th of June, where -Lord Cairns and the Tory Peers opposed it by an amendment, in which -they refused to assent to any extension of the Franchise, without any -provision for a redistribution of seats. The country began to murmur -against this attitude of the Tory Peers, many of whom even deprecated -the policy of supporting Lord Cairns’s amendment. It was, however, -carried by a majority of 205 against 146. After that the Peers, by -way of conciliating public opinion, agreed, on the motion of Lord -Dunraven, to assent “to the principles of representation in the Bill.” -Ministers immediately announced that they would take steps to prorogue -Parliament in order to hold an autumn Session for the reintroduction -of the Measure. This involved the sacrifice of all their projects -of legislation, including Sir William Harcourt’s Bill for reforming -the Government of London, Mr. Chamberlain’s Merchant Shipping Bill -(prohibiting shipowners from making a profit out of the wreck of -over-insured ships), the Railway Regulation Bill (which prevented -railway companies from burdening traders and farmers with extortionate -transport rates), the Scottish Universities Bill, the Welsh Education -Bill, the Police Superannuation Bill, the Medical Acts Amendment Bill, -the Corrupt Practices at Municipal Elections Bill, the Law of Evidence -Amendment Bill, the Irish Sunday Closing Bill, and the Irish Land -Purchase Bill. These, as well as many useful measures, perished in the -legislative holocaust of the 10th of July, which the opposition of the -Peers had brought about. - -The Recess was spent in violent agitation. Party leaders on both sides -strove to rouse public opinion against or on behalf of the action of -the House of Lords. The country, on the whole, seemed day by day to -gravitate towards the Liberals, and the general opinion soon came to -be that the time had come for settling the question of Parliamentary -Reform, and that, the Peers having accepted the principle of Mr. -Gladstone’s Bill, a compromise as to details ought to be effected. The -monster procession which passed through London on the 21st of July, -together with Mr. Gladstone’s political campaign in Midlothian, did -much to strengthen the hands of the Reformers. As might be expected, -the Radicals took advantage of the occasion to direct a fierce and -violent attack against the House of Lords as an institution. When the -Session opened on the 23rd of October party spirit ran high, and both -sides took “No Surrender!” as their watchword. Lord Randolph Churchill -attempted to fix on Mr. Chamberlain a charge of inciting a Radical mob -to break up a great Conservative demonstration which had been held -in Aston Park, Birmingham, on the 13th of October. Mr. Chamberlain -proved his innocence by quoting affidavits made by certain men, who -swore that “Tory roughs” had provoked the riot. The genuineness of -those affidavits was questioned, but to no purpose. When, however, -they were made the basis of legal proceedings, it was noted as a -curious coincidence that, with one exception, all the witnesses who -had supplied Mr. Chamberlain with his exculpating affidavits, somehow -vanished from the scene. The Franchise Bill was rapidly passed through -the House of Commons, and the enormous majority of 140 in favour -of the Second Reading brought the Tory Peers to a more reasonable -state of mind. Moderate Conservatives began to build a golden bridge -of retreat for their lordships. Nor was the task hard. It was soon -discovered, as the result of private communications, that there was -now no substantial difference of opinion between Conservatives like -Sir Richard Cross and Liberals like Mr. Gladstone on the general -principles of Redistribution. Nobody, in fact, had the courage to -defend the continued enfranchisement of petty boroughs while large -towns were not represented in Parliament save by the county vote. It -was finally arranged by plenipotentiaries representing both parties -that Mr. Gladstone’s draft Redistribution Bill should be submitted -confidentially to Sir Stafford Northcote and his friends--that they -should suggest, and in turn submit to Mr. Gladstone their amendments -to it--that when both Parties agreed, Mr. Gladstone should receive -from the Tories “an adequate assurance” that they meant to carry the -Franchise Bill through the House of Lords, that upon the strength -of this assurance Mr. Gladstone should introduce the Redistribution -Bill in the House of Commons, and carry it to a Second Reading while -the Peers were passing the Third Reading of the Franchise Bill. The -whole understanding rested simply on an exchange of “words of honour” -between the leaders on both sides, and it was loyally adhered to. Lord -Salisbury, Sir Stafford Northcote, Mr. Gladstone, Lord Hartington, -and Sir Charles Dilke, met and settled all serious disputes over the -question of redistribution, and the Bill was introduced on the 1st of -December. On the 4th of the month the measure was read a second time, -the House of Lords having passed the Franchise Bill. On the 6th of -December Parliament adjourned till the 19th of February, 1885, when the -Redistribution Bill was to be finally dealt with in Committee, _de die -in diem_. - -The autumn Session did not close till the Government obtained a vote of -credit of £1,000,000 for military operations in Egypt. The decision to -send an expedition to Khartoum by way of the Nile was arrived at with -manifest reluctance by the Ministry, and of all the courses open to -them, including those which had been suggested by Gordon and rejected -by Mr. Gladstone and Lord Granville, it was the most objectionable and -hazardous.[192] Lord - -[Illustration: SIR STAFFORD NORTHCOTE (AFTERWARDS LORD IDDESLEIGH). - -(_From a Photograph by Barraud, Oxford Street._)] - -Wolseley arrived at Cairo early in September, and the Mudir of Dongola -not only held back the Mahdi, but furnished a base of operations to -the English force. Down to the end of 1884 Lord Wolseley contrived to -shroud his proceedings in a veil of mystery. Beyond the facts that he -had railway transport to Sarras, that after that point, the expedition -and its transport were conveyed up the falling river in whaleboats -guided by Canadian boatmen,[193] that Lord Wolseley’s sanguine -anticipation of a rapid advance had been falsified, that dangers and -difficulties, which he ought to have foreseen, had been encountered, -that it had been necessary to stimulate the - -[Illustration: THE CITADEL, CAIRO.] - -energies of the Army by offering a money reward to the first detachment -which reached Debbeh, and that by the first week of January, 1885, -Lord Wolseley would have about 7,000 men at Ambukol, of whom, perhaps, -2,000 might be ready to dash across the desert to Shendy, from whence -the decisive blow at the Mahdi must be struck--beyond these facts -and conjectures nothing was known. Dim rumours of Gordon’s futile -sorties, of his feeling of disgust at being abandoned, and tidings -that could not be doubted of the wreck of the steamer in which he had -sent his gallant lieutenant, Colonel Stewart, and the British Consul -at Khartoum, Mr. Frank Power, down to Berber, filled the minds of the -people with the deepest anxiety. Gordon had sent Stewart to Berber with -instructions to appeal to private munificence in the United States and -British Colonies for funds with which to organise the relief expedition -which he had ceased to beg from England. Stewart and his companions -were murdered by natives after their steamer was wrecked. Hence the -journals and diaries which Stewart carried were conveyed to the Mahdi, -who, finding from them that Gordon was in dire straits, pressed the -siege with redoubled energy. - -After the failure of the Conference to adjust the financial -difficulties of Egypt, England “regained her freedom of action.” -Lord Northbrook, as we have seen, was sent to Cairo to report on the -situation, which in reality was a very simple one. Egypt could not -pay the annual interest on her debt, and the Foreign Powers would -not, in the interests of the bondholders, submit to have it reduced -unless better security were given for the principal. The only course -open, therefore, was either repudiation, or the acknowledgment of -British responsibility for the financial administration of Egypt, -which would have enabled Mr. Gladstone to have cut down, not only the -bondholders’ interest, but also the taxes extorted from the Egyptian -people. Lord Northbrook’s appointment was caustically criticised by -the Tory Opposition, who connected his family name of Baring with a -mission undertaken in financial interests. His mission thus did much to -destroy the confidence of the populace in the Government, and when he -returned, his recommendations, so far as they could be discussed, still -further discredited Mr. Gladstone’s Government. For Lord Northbrook had -discovered a third course open to him in Egypt. It was to leave the -interest of Shylock untouched, but to meet the deficit in the Egyptian -Budget, caused by the payment of Shylock’s bond, by transferring from -Egypt to England the burden of supporting the Army of Occupation.[194] -As for the existing emergency, Lord Northbrook suggested temporary -repudiation, and his suggestion was adopted. The Law of Liquidation -was suspended, and the creditors of Egypt were asked to be satisfied -with less than their due, till matters could be set right. The -Queen’s Government early in December attempted to meet the financial -difficulty, by proposing to advance a 3½ per cent. loan to Egypt -on the security of the Domain lands,[195] or personal estate of the -Khedive. The Powers did not receive this proposal cordially. Necessity, -which knows no law, having compelled the Egyptian Government, with the -sanction of England, to suspend for the moment the Sinking Fund of the -Unified Debt, a distinct violation of the Liquidation Law, the Debt -Commission prosecuted the Egyptian Government before the International -Tribunals. They of course gave judgment in favour of the Commission. -Germany and Russia at this juncture insisted on their representatives -sharing all the rights and powers of the Debt Commission, indeed, -Germany, irritated by the Foreign and Colonial policy of England, -showed signs of supporting certain inconvenient claims to the Domain -lands which the ex-Khedive, Ismail Pasha, put forward.[196] - -The coolness between Germany and England which marked the last half -of 1884 arose out of what was at the time termed the “scramble for -Africa.” The regions opened up by Mr. H. M. Stanley on the Congo had -been practically occupied by an International Association, the head -of which was the King of the Belgians. In fact, General Gordon was -under an engagement to take up the government of this vast tract of -land when he went to Khartoum. England, however, in order to exclude -dangerous rivals, recognised the obsolete claims of Portugal to hold -the outlet of the Congo; but, as Portuguese officials were alleged -by commercial men to be obstructive and corrupt, this policy was not -very popular. Germany, indeed, united the Powers in quashing it, and -finally it was agreed that an International Conference should meet at -Berlin to determine the conditions under which the outlet of the Congo -should be controlled. But at this point Germany was sorely irritated -by the provokingly vacillating policy of Lord Derby. There was a strip -of territory, extending from Cape Colony to the Portuguese frontier on -the Congo, in which a Bremen firm had established a trading settlement -at Angra Pequena. They applied to Prince Bismarck for protection. -He, in turn, asked Lord Granville if England claimed any sovereignty -over this region (in which there was only a small British settlement -at Walwich Bay), and whether the British Government could give the -German traders the protection which they sought. Lord Kimberley, in -his despatch to Sir Hercules Robinson of the 30th of December, had -warned him that the Government refused to extend British jurisdiction -north of the Orange River. But Lord Granville now told Prince Bismarck -that, though English sovereignty had only been proclaimed formally -at certain points along this coast, any encroachment on it by a -foreign Power would be regarded by England as an encroachment on its -rights. Again (31st of December, 1884) Prince Bismarck repeated his -question--Did England propose to give the German traders protection, -and, if so, what means had she at her disposal for that purpose? This -despatch was referred to Lord Derby. He left it unanswered for six -months, whereupon Prince Bismarck, stung by the affront, answered -it in his own way by annexing Angra Pequena to Germany. Englishmen -were indignant; but what was there to be said? The British Government -refused at first to recognise the annexation. Then they said they -would recognise it if Germany would pledge herself not to establish -a penal colony on the coast, a demand which Prince Bismarck bluntly -refused. Finally, when Lord Derby induced the Cape Colony to retaliate -by annexing the coast round Angra Pequena between the Orange River and -the Portuguese frontier, Prince Bismarck declined to recognise such an -act of annexation. After this event Germany, concealing her designs, -despatched an expedition to seize the Cameroons, over which the British -Government, in response to the desire of the native chiefs, had already -decided to extend a British Protectorate. Disputed land-claims, which -German subjects in Fiji preferred in 1874, were also revived. In 1874 -England had refused even to investigate them. Now, however, Lord -Granville agreed to submit them to a mixed Commission. The British -Government surrendered to Germany on these questions, by a curious -coincidence, at the very time they issued their invitations to the -London Conference on Egypt, in which they were expecting the support -of Germany for their Egyptian policy.[197] As a matter of fact, this -support was not obtained. In the Conference Count Münster, on behalf -of Germany, stood neutral between France and England, who were unable -to reconcile their interests. But he persisted in thrusting before the -meeting the question of the imperfect administration of quarantine in -Egypt by English officials, and on the 5th of August Lord Granville -abruptly dissolved the Conference, because this matter was beyond the -scope of its discussion. Nor was Prince Bismarck wrathful against -England merely because he imagined that Lord Derby had some deep design -of thwarting the sudden desire of Germany for colonial expansion. - -In a moment of weakness, and when the laurels of victory had not -quite faded from the brows of the heroes of Tel-el-Kebir, the British -Government had applied to Prince Bismarck for hints and suggestions as -to what they should do in Egypt. According to Lord Granville, Prince -Bismarck’s advice was “Take it.”[198] According to Prince Bismarck, -whilst he assured Lord Ampthill that Germany would not oppose the -British annexation of - -[Illustration: BALMORAL CASTLE, FROM CRAIG NORDIE.] - -(_From a Photograph by G. W. Wilson and Co._) - -Egypt, his advice was that England should “establish a certain security -of position in this connecting link between her European and Asiatic -possessions” by administering Egypt as a leaseholder from the Sultan. -In this way England, he thought, would attain her purpose, and yet -escape a conflict with existing treaties, and “avoid putting France and -other Powers out of temper.”[199] His counsel was not followed, which -was the first affront. The feeble course actually adopted--that of -attempting to govern Egypt by advice--had ended in a financial crisis -that alarmed all the German bondholders, and they in turn put pressure -on Prince Bismarck, that still further increased his irritation against -England. Hence, when towards the end of 1884 he meditated a stroke of -Colonial policy at the Antipodes, he showed little respect for British -susceptibilities. In this new departure he was materially assisted by -the incredible folly of Lord Derby. At the end of 1883 the Government -of Queensland had sent a police magistrate to annex New Guinea, or -rather that portion of it not claimed by the Dutch. It had already -been annexed by wandering British navigators, but rumours of foreign -designs on the island had quickened the apprehensions and action of -the Australians. Lord Derby repudiated this act of annexation. As Lord -Derby had been sedulous in warning the Colonists that in war they must -defend themselves, it was not easy to understand why he objected to -their occupying a territory which, if held by a foreign enemy, would -give him a good base of operations against Australia. Ultimately, he -nerved himself to the hazard of annexing the southern portion of New -Guinea, east of the Dutch possessions, provided the Australian Colonies -would enter into a federal engagement to bear part of the expense of -holding and governing the country. Lord Derby had not, however, taken -care in proclaiming in October, 1884, his intention of annexation to -warn foreign Powers off other portions of the island and adjacent -archipelago. He virtually invited rival Governments to slip in and -seize what he had left untouched. The end of the year, therefore, saw -the German flag flying over the unoccupied portion of New Guinea, and -the archipelago of New Ireland and New Britain, and all Australia was -in an uproar. These events stirred the sluggish heart of Lord Derby. -He promptly forestalled a project of German annexation in South Africa -by hoisting the British flag at Saint Lucia Bay and over the region -between Cape Colony and Natal, known as Pondoland. - -On the 25th of January the Marquis of Hertford, one of the ornaments -of the Queen’s Court in her happier days, passed away from the scene. -Lord Hertford had distinguished himself as an ideal Lord Chamberlain -from 1874 to 1879, and he had won the confidence of her Majesty whilst -serving as Equerry to the Prince Consort. This, he used to say, was -the most interesting part of his career, and among his friends he -occasionally told many curious stories, brightly illustrative of -Court life in the Victorian period. He had a profound and warm regard -for the Prince Consort, who talked more freely to him than to most -men, chiefly, he said, because he knew his Equerry kept no diary. -Lord Hertford’s stories all tended to throw light on the singularly -unselfish nature of his Royal master. One of them, for example, was to -the effect that when the Queen and the Prince were crossing the Solent, -Lord Hertford, on appearing on deck, found the Prince pacing about -and enjoying the fresh breeze, whereas the Queen had been compelled -to retire to her cabin. He said to the Prince he was surprised to -find him on deck in such a breeze, as he had always heard that his -Royal Highness was a bad sailor. The Prince replied, “I know people -say that about me, and imagine that the Queen never suffers from -sea-sickness. It is better it should be so. The English laugh so much -at sea-sickness, that I prefer the laugh should be against me rather -than against the Queen.” - -In the second week in February the Queen published a continuation -of her “Leaves from the Journal of a Life in the Highlands,” the -dedication of which was in these words:--“To my loyal Highlanders, and -especially to the memory of my devoted personal attendant and faithful -friend, John Brown, these records of my widowed life in Scotland are -gratefully dedicated.”[200] In this volume she displayed much of the -latent Jacobitism which one is apt to develop in the atmosphere of -the northern mountains, and again and again, when she records her -visits to the scenes, rich in the storied memories of “the ’15 and the -’45,” she expresses her feeling of pride and gratitude that she has -inherited, not only the throne of the Stuarts, but the fervent loyalty -that bound so many gallant hearts to the cause of “bonnie Prince -Charlie.” Her reminiscences are somewhat tinged with melancholy, but -the great and motherly loving-heartedness of the book is its chief -charm, and secured for it an amazing popularity. It was said that the -circulating libraries ordered copies by the ton, and the Press teemed -with favourable reviews, in which her Majesty took great interest. As -usual, however, she only read those that were marked for her perusal by -her ladies. The cover was designed by the Princess Beatrice, and was in -every way tasteful and artistic. But the portraits which embellished -the work were badly reproduced. That of Brown, however, it may be -noted, was an exception, for he was “flattered” by the artist out of -all recognition. - -The year 1884 was one that brought much sorrow to the Royal Family. -During the months of January and February, whilst the Court was at -Osborne, though her Majesty’s health had visibly improved, yet she -was still suffering from the effects of her accident, and was quite -unable to remain long in a standing position. On the 19th of February -the Court removed to Windsor, and it was rumoured that the Queen would -spend Easter in Germany. She was, in truth, desirous of being present -at the marriage of her granddaughter, the Princess Victoria of Hesse, -to Prince Louis of Battenberg. On the 26th of March she received -Lieutenant W. Lloyd, R.H.A., at Windsor, when he presented to her -one of the Mahdi’s flags which had been taken at Tokar, and just as -preparations for the German tour were being made, the Royal Household -was plunged into grief by sudden tidings of the death of the Duke of -Albany, on the 28th of March. He had been living at Cannes for a few -weeks. He had taken part with great glee in the festivities of the -gayest season that had ever been witnessed in Nice. He returned to -Cannes on the 27th, and it seems he had, in mounting the stairs of the -Naval Club in the afternoon, fallen and hurt his right knee. He was -attended to by Dr. Royle, and, though he went to bed, conversed quite -gaily with those round him. At half-past two on the morning of the 28th -Dr. Royle was roused by the sound of his stertorous breathing, and, on -going to his bedside, found him dying in a fit. The news of his death -reached Windsor at noon, and Sir H. Ponsonby broke it gently to the -Queen, who was at first so prostrated with grief that her condition -alarmed her attendants. As soon as she rallied her Majesty sent the -Princess Beatrice to Claremont House to - -[Illustration: FUNERAL OF THE DUKE OF ALBANY: THE PROCESSION ENTERING -WINDSOR CASTLE.] - -comfort the Duchess of Albany, then in a delicate state of health. In -the afternoon the ex-Empress Eugénie, clad in the deepest mourning, -visited the Queen, and stayed till about seven in the evening. She -informed those to whom she spoke when she left that her Majesty had -apparently obtained some relief by giving expression to her anguish -in the sympathetic presence of a friend who had herself suffered many -sorrowful bereavements. To none did the sad news convey so severe a -shock as to the Prince of Wales. The telegram was handed to him whilst -he was chatting with some friends in Lord Sefton’s box on the Grand -Stand at the Aintree Race-course, and at first the Prince seemed -dazed with the message. He was only able to mutter to Lord Sefton -in broken accents, “Albany is dead.” Having retired to his private -room to compose his nerves, he drove off immediately to Croxteth. The -rumour of the Duke’s death flew round the race-course, but at first -was disbelieved. Then the sports were stopped, and the stampede of the -pleasure-seekers to Liverpool, where it was hoped that the news would -be contradicted, will long be remembered. In London the event was -the theme of sympathetic discussion in every train and omnibus and -tramcar in the afternoon, as men were returning home from business. The -workmen’s clubs at night adjourned their political debates as a mark -of sympathy for the Queen. On the following day her Majesty and the -Princess Beatrice visited the Duchess of Albany, and the meeting was -most touching and mournful. All the details of the funeral arrangements -were superintended by the Queen, but the body of the Prince was brought -back to England under the personal direction and care of the Prince of -Wales, and buried on the 5th of April with solemn pomp in St. George’s -Chapel, Windsor. Six of the pall-bearers--Lord Castlereagh, Lord -Brook, Lord Harris, Mr. Sidney Herbert, Mr. Walter Campbell, and Mr. -Mills--were undergraduates with the dead Prince at Christ Church. - -[Illustration: VIEW IN CLAREMONT PARK.] - -The Duke of Albany once said, “I do not understand why people should -always be so kind to me.” The reason was not far to seek. He was a -young man with an interesting and amiable personality. He had a pensive -turn that recalled his father, but with a dash of gaiety of heart which -rendered him more acceptable to society than the Prince Consort ever -managed to become. His long life of suffering and pain secured for -him the sympathies of the people. Despite his ill-health he was even -in childhood a bright and promising boy. Professor Tyndall has spoken -highly of his capacity at this period, and Dean Stanley, one of his -early mentors, so deeply influenced him that at one time the Prince -indicated a desire to take Orders in the Anglican Church. At Oxford he -was prohibited by the physicians from reading for honours, and after he -became a member of the House of Lords, the Queen, noticing his eager -interest in politics, had some trouble in dissuading him from plunging -into the debates, as a free lance who loved to “drink delight of battle -with his peers.” - -When he was thwarted in this design, the Prince suggested that his -services might be utilised in another direction. At the time Lord -Normanby resigned the Governorship of Victoria Prince Leopold applied -to Mr. Gladstone for the post, and the Tory newspapers and orators -of the period heaped the most extravagant abuse on Mr. Gladstone for -refusing the offer. Mr. Gladstone was even challenged in the House -of Commons on the subject, but his lips being sealed by the Queen, -he was unable to defend himself, or do more than make an evasive and -ambiguous statement. The truth, however, was that Mr. Gladstone did -not refuse the Prince’s offer. He referred it to Mr. Murray Smith, -Agent-General for Victoria in London, with a request for his opinion. -Mr. Smith replied that the appointment would give great satisfaction -in Australia, but when the matter was laid before the Queen she -peremptorily vetoed the project, assigning as a reason her fear that -the Prince’s ill-health unfitted him for the duties of the position to -which he aspired. Obvious reasons of State have, however, always made -the Sovereigns of the Hanoverian dynasty reluctant to permit Princes -of the Blood-Royal to serve as satraps in distant colonies where -aspirations to independence are not always dormant. - -Prince Leopold was a pleasing and polished orator, and being the only -member of his family who spoke the English tongue without any trace -of a German accent, his platform performances were always successful. -His addresses reflected the thoughtful, cultivated mind of a young man -who had lived much in the companionship of books, and who had read -discursively without studying deeply. He was never commonplace, and -his merely formal utterances were usually marked by a distinction of -style, that well became a princely scholar. In the singularly beautiful -preface which the Princess Christian wrote for the “Biographical Sketch -and Letters” of her sister, the Grand Duchess of Hesse (Princess -Alice), she says that as the Duke of Albany was the last to see her -gifted sister in life, so he was the first of the Queen’s children -“to follow her into the silent land.” It is a curious fact that, as -with her, the shadow of early death seems to have cast itself in the -form of presentiment over his young life. Mr. Frederick Myers, in -his eulogistic reminiscences of the Duke of Albany, alludes to this -circumstance in the following passage:--“The last time I saw him [the -Duke of Albany] to speak to,” writes a friend from Cannes, March 30th, -“being two days before he died, he _would_ talk to me about death, -and said he would like a military funeral, and, in fact, I had great -difficulty in getting him off this melancholy subject. Finally, I -asked, ‘Why, sir, do you talk in this morose manner?’ As he was about -to answer he was called away, and said, ‘I’ll tell you later.’ I never -saw him to speak to again, but he finished his answer to another lady, -and said, ‘For two nights now the Princess Alice has appeared to me in -my dreams, and says she is quite happy, and that she wants me to come -and join her. That’s what makes me so thoughtful.’”[201] - -The death of the Duke of Albany hushed the gaiety of a highly -promising season, and West End tradesmen were full of lamentation when -it was rumoured that the Court would shroud itself in gloom during the -whole summer, though the official period of Court mourning was to end -in May. But it was not alone in London that the Prince was mourned. -His neighbours at Esher, rich and poor alike, felt his loss severely. -They all spoke well of him and of his young wife, and recalled pleasant -memories of his kindliness--how he joined the local chess club, sang -at local concerts, and interested himself in the Duchess’s schemes for -boarding out pauper children. After the death of the Duke the Queen -announced her intention of maintaining Claremont as a residence for -the widowed Duchess, a generous act, because Prince Leopold used to -say that even with £20,000 a year to live on, Claremont kept him a -poor man. But for the £20,000 which the Queen spent on the property -during 1883 and 1884, this residence would in truth have seriously -embarrassed him.[202] As a matter of fact, the favourite dwelling of -the Duke of Albany was not Claremont but Boyton Manor, near Warminster -in Wiltshire, of which place he was tenant when he died, and in the -neighbourhood of which his memory is still lovingly cherished.[203] - -Soon after the funeral of the Duke of Albany the Queen was recommended -by Sir William Jenner to go to Germany, and she thus resolved to visit -her son-in-law and grandchildren at Darmstadt, where the marriage of -the Princess Victoria of Hesse with Prince Louis of Battenberg was to -be celebrated at the end of the month (April). Sir William believed -that the change of scene and surroundings would do the Queen more -good than a mournful sojourn at Osborne, where everything must recall -reminiscences of her dead son. Her Majesty accordingly left Windsor -on the 15th of April for Port Victoria, whence she embarked on the -_Osborne_ and arrived at Flushing next morning. Therefrom she went -by rail to Darmstadt, arriving early on the morning of the 17th. The -voyage was unpleasant, and the weather between the Nore and the Scheldt -so heavy that the Queen had to remain in her cabin during the greater -part of her journey. Only the Grand Duke of Hesse and his daughters -were on the platform to meet her Majesty, who had desired her reception -to be as private as possible. Ere she left England she forwarded to the -newspapers through the Home Secretary a letter expressing her gratitude -to the people for their loving sympathy with her and the Duchess of -Albany in their bereavement. - -On the 30th of April the marriage of the Queen’s granddaughter, the -Princess Victoria of Hesse, with Prince Louis of Battenberg, was -solemnised in the small whitewashed Puritanical-looking chapel at -Darmstadt, which was thronged with a brilliant crowd of specially -invited guests, among whom the Queen, in her sombre mourning, was -one of the most striking figures. With the Queen there were present, -besides the family of the bride and bridegroom, the young Princess of -Wales. The German Crown Prince led in the Princess of Wales, and the -German Crown Princess was escorted by her brother, the Prince of Wales; -Prince William of Prussia led in the Princess Beatrice, and the dark, -Jewish-looking Prince of Bulgaria (brother of the bridegroom) escorted -with obsequious gallantry the Princess Victoria of Prussia. The -ceremony was short, simple, and touching; but the sermon on the duties -of marriage which the Court preacher delivered was long and prosy. The -Queen, after the ceremony was over, retired to the Palace, and did not -attend the wedding banquet in the Schloss. The weather, which had been -cold and bleak when the Queen arrived, suddenly became fine and mild, -and she was, therefore, able to amuse herself in the public gardens. -She had gone to Darmstadt rather reluctantly, but was now glad that -she had taken Sir William Jenner’s advice. By her own wish she was -lodged in the Neue Schloss, which she had built, at a cost of nearly -£25,000, as a palace for the Princess Alice and her husband, and in -the beautiful grounds of this place she drove about every morning in -a pony-carriage with the Princess Beatrice. She took long drives every -afternoon, and visited Auerbach (the chief country seat of the Grand -Duke) and his shooting-lodge at Kranichstein. The ex-Empress Eugénie -had offered to lend Arenenberg (a charming villa near Constance) to the -Queen, but she did not desire to extend her tour beyond Darmstadt, and -so the offer was not accepted. Accompanied by the Princess Beatrice, -the Grand Duke, and the Princess Elizabeth of Hesse, her Majesty -returned to Windsor on the 7th of May. - -[Illustration: THE LINN OF DEE. (_From a Photograph by G. W. Wilson and -Co._)] - -London was still dull and gloomy. Court mourning and the absence of -the Prince of Wales (who was visiting his sister in Berlin) made -the season of 1884 melancholy. On the 10th of May the Queen, the -Grand Duke of Hesse, and the Princess Elizabeth paid a visit of -condolence to the Duchess of Albany at Claremont, and on the 22nd -her Majesty left Windsor for Balmoral. That she was much improved in -health was evident, because not only were the public admitted to the -railway-station at Perth, and Ferryhill, Aberdeen, but at the former -she was able to walk from her carriage to the reception-room with a -firm step and without assistance. It was a lovely warm day when her -Majesty and suite drove along the north side of the Dee from Ballater -to Balmoral. The sixty-fifth anniversary of her Majesty’s birthday was -observed in London officially on the 24th of May, but Ministerial State -dinners were not given owing to the Royal Family being in mourning. -The anniversary was not to be kept at Balmoral, but at last the Queen -directed that her servants, with those from Abergeldie and Birkhall, -should dine in the Ball Room of the Castle, under the presidency of her -Commissioner, Dr. Profeit. In the morning Mr. Boehm’s life-size statue -of John Brown arrived, and it was placed on a pedestal in the grounds -of Balmoral at a spot about two hundred yards north-west of the Castle, -the site being selected by the Queen. The great sculptor superintended -the ceremony of unveiling his work. On the 15th of June the Queen -attended Crathie Church, for the first time since October, 1882, -greatly to the relief of her God-fearing neighbours, who had begun to -entertain a shocking suspicion that she had given up attendance at -“public worship.” On the 25th the Court returned to Windsor, after a -delightful holiday spent in the brightest and sunniest of weather. -Every afternoon the Queen had been able to drive about Deeside, and -she had even visited, though she had not stayed at, her cottage at -the Glassalt Shiel. Though the return of the Prince of Wales to town -from Wiesbaden early in June had given a fillip to a chilling season, -Society was dull in the summer of 1884. Lord Sydney and Lord Kenmare -had gently suggested to the Queen that her refusal to permit Drawing -Rooms and State Concerts to be held was causing much disappointment -at the West End, but without avail. Her Majesty, however, showed much -tenacity in forbidding these functions, the proposal of which by the -great officers of the Household she deemed disrespectful to the memory -of her dead son. Nor was she conciliated by being reminded that during -the season of 1861, after the death of the Duchess of Kent, she had -held Drawing Rooms herself, whereas now she had the Princess of Wales -ready to relieve her of the burden of attending them. Londoners, -however, had their compensations. They discovered, in the gay and -glittering gardens of the Health Exhibition at South Kensington, with -their English and German bands and their brilliant combinations of -Chinese lanterns and electric lamps, a delightful _al fresco_ lounge. -Here in the summer evenings the pursuit of pleasure was combined with -a chastened homage to the cause of scientific enlightenment and social -improvement. This was one of a series of specialised exhibitions, the -organisation of which had been the work of the Prince of Wales, who -also earned the gratitude of the town at this time by persuading the -Queen to let him hold two Levees on her behalf. On the 20th of July -the Queen and Princess Beatrice were at Claremont, where the Duchess -of Albany gave birth to a son; after which her Majesty proceeded to -Osborne on the 30th of the month, where she was visited by the German -Crown Prince and Princess. An interesting event in the life of the -Court in the season of 1884 was the reception given by the venerable -Duchess of Cambridge at St. James’s Palace on the 25th of July to -celebrate the completion of her eighty-seventh year. The season of 1884 -virtually ended with the Garden Party which the Prince of Wales gave -at Marlborough House on the same day. It ended, as it began, gloomily, -and the social chroniclers lamented the poorness of the entertainments, -the badness of the dinners, the mournfulness of the balls. They only -brightened up when they recorded, with a transient gleam of joy, -that, though all the “great houses” attended by Royalty had been -closed, three had opened their doors since Easter, namely, Devonshire -House, where Lord Hartington entertained guests twice; Norfolk House, -where Lord and Lady Edmond Talbot gave a ball that was endurable; and -Stafford House, where, at a small party in the middle of July, the -Prince and Princess of Wales made their first appearance in Society -since their mourning. - -During August the Queen was much troubled as to the issue of the -political crisis arising out of the Reform Bill debates, and the -threatened conflict between the democracy and the House of Lords. She -earnestly deprecated an attack on the Peers during the Recess, and Mr. -Gladstone and his colleagues paid due deference to her opinions. She -sent twice for Lord Rowton--better known, when Mr. Disraeli’s private -secretary, as Mr. Montagu Corry--whom she regarded as the inheritor -of Lord Beaconsfield’s ideas, to consult him on the situation. She -made it clear to him that she was unwilling to use her Prerogative for -the purpose of creating new Peers to force the Reform Bill through -the Upper House. From this it was inferred that if the House of Lords -resisted to the bitter end, the Queen would prefer to coerce them -by a dissolution rather than by Prerogative. Lord Wolseley and Lord -Northbrook were also summoned about this time to consult with her -on the prospects of a campaign in Egypt. These anxious conferences -were held after she had received the Abyssinian Envoys on the 20th -of August. They had come to England bearing copies of a Treaty which -had been concluded at Adowah with King John of Abyssinia. They were -received by the Queen at Osborne, and at their audience they presented -her Majesty with letters from King John and with various gifts, among -which were a young elephant and a large monkey. Ere the Court left -Osborne the Queen surprised the country by announcing her decision to -confer the Order of the Garter on Prince George of Wales, for there -was no precedent for giving the Garter to a junior member of the Royal -Family in his minority. When the Queen came to the Throne there were -only four Royal Knights of this Order, and pedants of heraldry now -complained that there were twenty-eight, and that the Royal Knights -outnumbered the ordinary ones. - -On the 1st of September the Court proceeded to Balmoral, the Queen -being accompanied by the Crown Princess and Princess Beatrice. The -arrival of the Court at Balmoral, and the visit of Mr. Gladstone to -Invercauld, had filled Braemar to overflowing. On the 18th of September -the Queen held a Council at - -[Illustration: THE QUEEN RECEIVING THE ABYSSINIAN ENVOYS AT OSBORNE.] - -Balmoral, at which Mr. Gladstone, Lord Fife, and Sir H. Ponsonby -were present, Mr. Gladstone afterwards dining with her Majesty. Lord -Ripon having resigned office as Viceroy of India, his successor, -Lord Dufferin, visited the Queen at Balmoral in October. One by one -the Royal guests fled southwards, and finally the Queen and Princess -Beatrice left the Highlands for Windsor on the 20th of November--her -Majesty’s return being hastened by grave political anxieties caused -by the threatened collision between the two Houses of Parliament. Mr. -Gladstone had at Balmoral so earnestly deprecated the obstinacy of -the Peers, and so clearly pointed out to the Queen the difficulty of -avoiding this collision whilst they persisted in their anti-Reform -policy, that her Majesty subsequently used all her influence to bring -about a compromise. It was with a view to renew her efforts in this -direction that she returned to Windsor at the time when Lord Granville -was offering to submit a draft Redistribution Bill for friendly but -private inspection by the Tory leaders, provided the Peers would -give a pledge to pass the Franchise Bill during the autumn Session. -The appearance of Mrs. Gladstone’s name among the list of those who -were at Lady Salisbury’s reception in Arlington Street on the 19th of -November, was taken as an auspicious omen, and as indicating that the -Conservative chiefs had not been insensible to the advice which the -Queen had given to the Duke of Richmond in the Highlands. The supreme -difficulty of bringing about the Reform compromise lay in breaking -down the resistance of Lord Salisbury and the Tory Peers, who were -resolved to force a dissolution on the basis of the old franchise. This -resistance gradually weakened after Mr. Gladstone’s visit to Balmoral. -That it finally disappeared was mainly due to the firm but gentle -pressure which the Queen put on the Duke of Richmond in order to induce -him and his colleagues to accept a compromise. The actual details of -the Treaty between Mr. Gladstone and the Peers were settled in London. -But the preliminaries of Peace were really negotiated by the Queen and -the Duke of Richmond in Aberdeenshire, after the memorable “gathering -of the clans” at Braemar in the autumn of 1884. After the return of the -Court from Scotland many guests were received at Windsor, among whom -Lord Sydney--who audits her Majesty’s private accounts, and, since the -death of the Prince Consort, has been her confidential adviser--was -one of the most favoured. On the 17th of December the Court removed to -Osborne. - - - - -CHAPTER XXVIII. - -THE NEW DEPARTURE. - - An _Annus Mirabilis_--Breaking up of the Old Parties--The - Tory-Parnellite Alliance--Mr. Chamberlain’s Socialism--The - Doctrine of “Ransom”--Effect of the Reform Bill and Seats - Bill--Enthroning the “Sovereign People”--Three Reform Struggles: - 1832, 1867, 1885--“One Man One Vote”--Another Vote of Censure--A - Barren Victory--Retreat from the Soudan--The Dispute with - Russia--Komaroff at Penjdeh--The Vote of Credit--On the Verge of - War--Mr. Gladstone’s Compromise with Russia--Threatened Renewal - of the Crimes Act--The Tory Intrigue with the Parnellites--The - Tory Chiefs Decide to Oppose Coercion--Wrangling in the - Cabinet--Mr. Childers’ Budget--A Yawning Deficit--Increasing - the Spirit Duties--Readjusting the Succession Duties--Combined - Attack by Tories and Parnellites on the Budget--Defeat of the - Government and Fall of Mr. Gladstone’s Ministry--The Scene in the - Commons--The Tories in Power--Lord Salisbury’s Government--Places - for the Fourth Party--Mr. Parnell Demands his Price--Abandoning - Lord Spencer--Re-opening the Question of the Maamtrasna - Murders--Concessions to the Parnellites--The New Budget--Sir H. D. - Wolff sent to Cairo--The Criminal Law Amendment Act--Court Life in - 1885--Affairs at Home and Abroad--The Fall of Khartoum--Death of - General Gordon--Beginning of the Burmese Question--Rebellion in - Canada--Marriage of the Princess Beatrice--The Battenbergs. - - -After the compromise had been arranged between the rival political -leaders on the Franchise Bill and the Bill for the Redistribution -of Seats, it has been said that Parliament adjourned to the 19th of -February, 1885--an _annus mirabilis_ in the Queen’s reign. It witnessed -the final settlement of the Reform Question which the Whigs left -unsettled in 1832. It witnessed the amazing development of the Home -Rule movement in Ireland under two influences. The first was extended -Franchise. The second was the alliance between the Parnellites and -the Tory Party, which had grown out of the intrigues of Lord Randolph -Churchill, Sir H. Drummond Wolff, and Mr. Rowland Winn, the Tory whip, -with Mr. Justin McCarthy, and other Irish Nationalist leaders. Every -day brought forth a new outward and visible sign of this alliance, and -in Ireland, when it was bruited about that the Tories were ready not -only to attack and overthrow Lord Spencer, who was still upholding -English authority at Dublin Castle almost in the same sense that -General Gordon was upholding it at Khartoum, the result was inevitable. -The large class of Irishmen who from motives of self-interest, business -connection, or personal feeling were willing to stand by the English -Government in Dublin so long as they felt sure that England would -stand by them, began to waver in their allegiance. Like the same sort -of people in the Soudan, and even in Khartoum when they saw Gordon -abandoned by those who were supposed to be truest to him, they began to -make terms with their Mahdi. If the Tories were buying the Parnellite -vote to-day, the Liberals would soon be found bidding higher for it -to-morrow, and Irishmen, whose interests and timidity alone served -to keep them loyal to Dublin Castle so long as they felt absolutely -certain of the support of both political parties in England, began in -1885 to stream over to Mr. Parnell’s camp. The stream was obviously -swollen when a coalition of the Parnellites and Tories expelled Mr. -Gladstone’s Government from office, and when it was known that the -Parnellite vote had been obtained on the faith of a promise from the -Tory leaders that they would not only abandon the Crimes Act if they -came into office, but join Mr. Parnell in opposing Mr. Gladstone’s -Government if it sought to renew it. The year also witnessed the end -of the Egyptian tragedy, the conquest of Burmah, the semi-Socialistic -propaganda of Mr. Chamberlain, the General Election which made Mr. -Parnell master of Ireland, and shattered the English Party system that -had been built up after 1846, and the rumoured adoption of Home Rule as -a part of Mr. Gladstone’s programme. - -During the first weeks of 1885--the winter recess, as it might be -called--Mr. Chamberlain spread terror through the land by making a -strong Socialistic appeal to the new Electors. He was evidently bent -on breaking up the old Liberal Party--perhaps he saw his way to the -formation of a new democratic faction into which many of the “Tory -democracy,” created by Lord Randolph Churchill, might drift. Signs were -not wanting that a coalition between these successful politicians was -in certain circumstances quite a possible contingency. In the meantime, -Mr. Chamberlain and his followers preached what he called the “doctrine -of ransom.” This meant that when a man became rich he was to purchase -the privilege of keeping his wealth by paying taxes now borne by the -poor, and if need be by providing new taxes in order to give the poor -a larger share of the comforts and enjoyments of life than fell to -their lot. Mr. Chamberlain in fact offered to “ransom” the thrifty -classes from confiscation provided they taxed themselves to give the -poor free libraries, pleasure-gardens, education, improved dwellings -at “fair rents,” allotments of land, and work and employment in time -of distress. It was part of his scheme to abolish indirect taxation. -His lieutenant, Mr. Jesse Collings, formulated the portion of it which -dealt with the land by popularising the idea that it was the duty of -the ratepayers to set up agricultural labourers in the business of -farming with “three acres and a cow” to start with. Government, in -fact, was, according to Mr. Chamberlain and Mr. Collings, to act as a -kind of glorified Cooperative Store, or “Universal Provider” for the -proletariat. - -When the House of Commons met on the 19th of February there was a -general desire to make rapid progress with the Reform Bills. Efforts -to secure the representation of minorities, to oppose an increase in -the members of the House, to cut down the representation of Ireland, -to disfranchise the Universities, were resisted, and the alliance of -the two Front Benches crushed all opposition. One member only was -successful in carrying an amendment. This was Mr. Raikes, who had been -Chairman of Committees in Lord Beaconsfield’s Government, and who now -succeeded in reducing the perpetual penalties inflicted on voters in -corrupt boroughs. On the 11th of May the Seats Bill was read a third -time, and when it went to the House of Lords it was speedily passed. -The Tories, who objected to the compromise, found spokesmen in Mr. -James Lowther, Mr. Chaplin, and Mr. Raikes. The opposition of the -last-named was the most active, but it merely resulted in effecting a -few changes in the nomenclature of the Bill, and in what the _Times_ -termed “his more than paternal solicitude for the leisurely progress of -the measure.” - -No measure of reform proposed in the Queen’s reign by a responsible -politician was ever designed to produce such a mighty change in the -British Constitution as the Reform Bill of 1885. Lord Grey and Lord -John Russell, by their Bill in 1832, added not quite half a million -voters to the Electorate of the United Kingdom. The Reform Bill of -1867 increased the Electorate from 1,136,000 to 2,448,000. In 1885 it -had grown to be 3,000,000, and to this number Mr. Gladstone’s Bill -added 2,000,000 new voters.[204] The Seats Bill, which distributed -the 5,000,000 electors into electoral groups, was a much more complex -measure. The chief difficulties were two in number. First, there was -that of determining the standard by which the claim of a borough to -separate representation could be conceded; secondly, there was the -difficulty of discovering how votes should be cast in towns possessing -more than one member. Here curious contrasts can be drawn between the -old order and the new. - -[Illustration: PRINCE HENRY OF BATTENBERG. - -(_From a Photograph by Theodor Prümm, Berlin._)] - -Redistribution of seats in 1832 meant the transfer of a vast body of -power from the aristocracy to the middle-class, and the liberation of -the Commons from the despotism of the Peers, who ruled it through the -nominees who represented their pocket boroughs. Little wonder that the -sweeping disfranchisement of these constituencies brought the country -to the verge of revolution. In 1867 it was not the aristocracy but the -middle-class which dreaded the kind of disfranchisement that proceeds -from destroying the separate representation or reducing the redundant -representation of a constituency. Hence, though the contest in 1867 was -warm, it was not fierce. But in 1885, on the other hand, no popular -excitement could be raised over the question of Redistribution, and -the nation grew sick of the controversy as to whether a Seats Bill -should be taken before, with, or after a Franchise Bill. And yet the -redistribution of power proposed - -[Illustration: PRINCESS BEATRICE. - -(_From a Photograph by Hughes and Mullins, Ryde._)] - -by Mr. Gladstone’s Bill in 1885, and which sprang from the compromise -with the Opposition in December, 1884, effected changes vaster by far -than those that shook Society to its foundation in 1832. In 1832, -what nearly came to civil war was waged over 143 seats, liberated by -disfranchisement for redistribution.[205] In 1885 Mr. Gladstone had -178 seats representing 26·5 per cent. of the representation of the -country to redistribute. Of this number more than half--about 96--were -given to the counties, whose Electorate had been enormously increased -by the absorption of small boroughs, as well as by the extension of -household franchise, whereas in 1832, the counties only pulled 56 of -the liberated seats out of the scramble. Of the boroughs which Mr. -Gladstone disfranchised, 20 had their representation cut down to one -member in 1832, and two, Kendal and Whitby--which Lord John Russell -created as new boroughs--lost their separate representation in 1885. -The great merit of the Bill was that, as far as possible, it created -single-member constituencies on the basis of population, which was as -close an approach to equal electoral districts as Mr. Gladstone could -make. Large towns, instead of being treated as single electoral units -with cumulative voting, were cut up into single-member constituencies -as nearly as possible equal in point of population. The Bills for -Scotland and Ireland were drawn on the same lines, but adapted to local -circumstances. - -Up to Whitsuntide Government business was sadly in arrears--foreign -questions diverting attention from domestic legislation. The fall of -Khartoum, the retreat of Lord Wolseley’s advance column in the Soudan, -the defeats and disasters of the campaign, the deaths of Generals -Gordon, Stewart, and Earle, together with wild rumours of an Arab -invasion of Egypt, excited Parliament to a state of high tension. The -Government called out the Reserves, announced that they would crush -the Mahdi, and ordered the war against Osman Digna to be renewed. -The Opposition in the last week of February brought forward a vote -of censure on the Ministerial policy in Egypt, calling on Ministers -to recognise British responsibility for Egypt and those parts of the -Soudan which were necessary for the security of Egypt. Mr. Gladstone -evaded any positive declaration of policy, and the Liberal party -spoke with two voices, some being for complete withdrawal from Egypt, -others being in favour of administering its affairs in the name of the -Khedive, but none being bold enough to advocate any permanent course of -action. The Ministry were saved from defeat by 302 votes to 288, and -this narrow majority was a warning of their coming doom. - -A dispute then arose as to the plan adopted for rescuing Egypt from -a financial crisis. This plan was embodied in a convention with the -Powers and assented to by the Porte, by which a loan of £9,000,000 -under International guarantee was advanced to Egypt to save her from -bankruptcy, in consideration of which the Powers agreed to suspend the -Law of Liquidation and cut down the interest on all Egyptian securities -by 5 per cent. That on the Suez Bonds payable to the English Government -was, however, reduced by 10 per cent. The arrangement was to last for -two years, and if Egypt was still bankrupt in 1887, then her affairs -would be subject to an International inquiry. No care had been taken -to prevent the International guarantee of the loan carrying with it -the right of International intervention in Egypt, though Ministers -repudiated the suggestion that it did. The Convention was, however, -approved by the House of Commons by a vote of 294 to 246. Soon after -this the diplomatic hostility of France, Russia, and Germany, caused -Mr. Gladstone’s Government suddenly to limit their responsibilities in -Egypt. Operations in the Red Sea were countermanded, the Suakim-Berber -railway was stopped, and it was decided to abandon Dongola and fix the -Egyptian frontier at Wady-Halfa. Mr. Gladstone, or rather Lord Derby -and Lord Granville, had produced the diplomatic isolation of England -at a most inconvenient moment, when a dispute with Russia over the -Afghan boundary reached a critical stage. The negotiations for settling -the boundary had been delayed because the Russian Commissioners under -various pretexts avoided meeting Sir Peter Lumsden, the British -Commissioner, on the frontier. Meanwhile Russian troops were stealthily -advancing and taking possession of the debateable land. English -protests against these tactics ended in an announcement from Mr. -Gladstone, on the 13th of March, that it had been agreed by Russia that -no further advances should be made on either side--the Russians having -then occupied Zulficar and Pul-i-Khisti, and entrenched themselves -near Penjdeh. Early in April it seemed that the Russian General -(Komaroff) on the Kushk, in defiance of the agreement, took Penjdeh. -This was resented by Mr. Gladstone as an “unprovoked aggression” on -the Ameer, and a violation of a binding pledge to the English Foreign -Office. The Government, therefore, called out the Reserves, and asked -and received a Vote of Credit for £11,000,000 sterling (27th of April), -to enable them to defend the interests and honour of the country -against Muscovite perfidy.[206] Mr. Gladstone’s passionate outburst of -patriotism, in which he declared that till the aggression at Penjdeh -were atoned for he could not “close the book and say we will not look -into it any more,” silenced criticism. He was fortunate enough also to -carry a large vote of credit for the Egyptian account through the House -on the tide of excitement he had raised in asking for the vote against -Russia. But his hot fit was soon succeeded by a cool one. He agreed to -“close the book” in terms of a compromise by which Russia was permitted -to hold all that she had furtively seized, pending a delimitation to -be effected in London,[207] the understanding being, however, that -Russia would surrender Zulficar to the Ameer. As to Komaroff’s attack -on Penjdeh, Russia agreed to submit to the arbitration of the King of -Denmark the question whether it constituted a breach of the agreement -announced by Mr. Gladstone on the 13th of March, but the inquiry was to -be conducted so as “not to place gallant officers on their trial.” The -only gratifying incidents in this painful transaction were the generous -offers of armed support that were made to England by her autonomous -colonies, and by the princes and peoples of India. - -It was admitted by Mr. Gladstone that only non-contentious legislation -could be taken during the Session. Still, he made one exception. He -announced that he intended to renew certain “valuable and equitable -provisions of the Irish Crimes Act.” This decision arrived at, after -much discussion in the Cabinet, hurried the Ministry to their fate. -The Parnellites privately obtained assurances from some of their -influential Tory allies that if the Irish votes were so cast as to -destroy Mr. Gladstone’s Government, the Tory Government that came after -it would allow the Crimes Act to lapse, and would abandon Coercion. The -Tory leaders, according to Lord Randolph Churchill, met and resolved -to oppose any proposal to renew the Crimes Act or continue coercive -legislation for Ireland.[208] But it was desirable for them to avoid -the too open manifestation of their alliance with the Parnellites on -a question of supporting the Government in upholding law and order -in Ireland. Now that the Coalition was ready to strike, a side issue -had to be discovered on which united action might be taken without -scandal. This was furnished by Mr. Childers. It happened that, after -Whitsuntide, the Cabinet was wrangling over something else besides -Coercion--namely, the Budget--and the financial situation was not, it -must be confessed, a pleasant one. A violent popular agitation in the -autumn against the Admiralty, had produced a panic about the weakness -of the Navy.[209] Lord Northbrook had then promised to make important -additions to the Navy. Some steps were also to be taken to protect -British coaling stations abroad--and all this helped to increase the -Estimates. The Vote of Credit of £11,000,000 aggravated Mr. Childers’ -difficulties. He had, in short, to face a deficit of a million in -his accounts for 1884-85, and, with a falling revenue, an expenditure -in the coming year of £100,000,000! The country remembering Mr. -Gladstone’s furious denunciations of Lord Beaconsfield’s administration -for running up public expenditure to £81,000,000 in 1879-80, was -profoundly chagrined to find that under an economic Liberal Government, -expenditure had been run up in 1885 to £100,000,000. The discussions in -the Cabinet as to how the money should be raised ended in the adoption -of the principle that Labour as well as Property must share the -burden. Mr. Childers, therefore, raised the Income Tax to 8d. in the -£, equalised the death duties on land and personal property, putting a -special tax on Corporations instead of succession duty, and imposed a -stamp duty on moveable securities. These changes, he explained in his -Budget speech (April 30th), would - -[Illustration: THE QUEEN IN HER STATE ROBES (1887). - -(_From the Photograph by Walery, Regent Street._)] - -[Illustration: MR. GLADSTONE. - -(_From a Photograph by Elliott and Fry._)] - -bring him in £6,000,000 of fresh revenue. By adding two shillings a -gallon to the duty on spirits, and a shilling a barrel to the duty -on beer, he expected to obtain £1,650,000. But this still left him -with a deficit of £15,000,000 to meet. He took £4,600,000 from the -Sinking Fund to meet it--leaving a balance of £3,000,000 to be paid -out of the annual revenue. The landed gentry attacked the Budget -because it levelled up the succession duties on land till they were -equal to those on personal property. The liquor trade attacked the -changes in the duties on spirits and beer--so that an excellent -opportunity had arisen for the Tory-Parnellite coalition to deal a -fatal blow at the Government on another issue than that of continuing -Coercion. Mr. Childers finding that only £9,000,000 of the Vote of -Credit (£11,000,000) would be needed, offered to halve the increase -on the spirit duty, and limit the increased beer duty to a year--but -without avail. Sir M. Hicks-Beach moved an amendment which united all -the forces of the Opposition and the Parnellites, and defeated the -Ministry on the 8th of June, by a vote of 264 to 252. Lord Randolph -Churchill’s[210] speech at Bow on the 3rd of June, was taken as a good -guarantee that the Irish Party need not fear a Coercion Bill from the -Tories if they got into office. “But,” writes Mr. T. P. O’Connor, “even -with so strong an assumption the cautious and realistic leader of the -Irish Party was not satisfied; and the Irish Members did not go into -the Lobby to vote against a Liberal Ministry about to propose coercion -until there was an assurance, definite, distinct, unmistakable, that -there would be no coercion from their successors.” The scene when -the numbers were announced will never be forgotten by those who were -present. When it was known that the Government was defeated, the -pent-up excitement of the House found vent in a terrific uproar. “Lord -Randolph Churchill,” writes Mr. Lucy, “leapt on to the bench, and, -waving his hat madly above his head, uproariously cheered. Mr. Healy -followed his example, and presently all the Irish members, and nearly -all the Conservatives below the gangway, were standing on the benches -waving hats and pocket-handkerchiefs and raising a deafening cheer. -This was renewed when the figures were read out by Mr. Winn, and again -when they were proclaimed from the Chair. From the Irish camp rose -cries of ‘Buckshot! Buckshot!’ and ‘Coercion!’ These had no relevancy -to the Budget Scheme; but they showed that the Irish members had not -forgotten Mr. Forster, and that this was their hour of victory rather -than the triumph of the Tories. Lord Randolph Churchill threatened -to go mad with joy. He wrung the hand of the impassive Rowland Winn, -who regarded him with a kindly curious smile, as if he were some wild -animal. Mr. Gladstone had resumed his letter,[211] and went on calmly -writing whilst the clerk at the table proceeded to run through the -Orders of the Day as if nothing particular had happened. But the House -was in no mood for business. Cries for the adjournment filled the -House, and Mr. Gladstone, still holding his letter in one hand and the -pen in the other, moved the adjournment, and the crowd surged through -the doorway, the Conservatives still tumultuously cheering.”[212] - -On the following day (9th of June) Mr. Gladstone told the House that -the defeat of the previous evening had caused the Cabinet to submit “a -dutiful communication” to the Queen, then at Balmoral, but as an answer -to it must take some time to reach London, he moved an adjournment -till Friday (12th of June). Strangely enough, the resignation of the -Ministry was unattended by any popular excitement. It was perfectly -well known that the new Cabinet would be merely a stopgap Government, -powerless to do anything except wind up the business of Parliament -before the General Election. On the 12th of June the House was in -quite a cheerful humour when it met to hear from Mr. Gladstone that -the Queen had accepted the resignation of his Cabinet. It was curious -that even this last act of his Ministerial life in the Parliament of -1880-85 was not free from blunder. “Her Majesty’s gracious reply,” said -Mr. Gladstone, “was made upon the 11th accepting the resignation of -_Lord Salisbury_” a slip of the tongue which the Premier had to correct -amidst shouts of laughter. At first the Queen was unwilling to accept -the resignation of the Government. She could not admit that Ministers -were free to throw the State into confusion because of a defeat on -an Amendment to a Budget. In fact, it is not quite Constitutional to -coerce the free judgment of the Commons on the financial proposals -of Government by threatening Ministerial resignation if these are -not slavishly accepted in detail. Such a practice virtually ties the -hands of the House of Commons as guardians of the public purse. The -Queen, therefore, sought a personal interview with Mr. Gladstone, to -hear his full justification for the course he had adopted, but on his -instructing Lord Hartington to proceed to Balmoral, her Majesty’s -request was withdrawn. It now became apparent to her that the crisis -was too serious to be dealt with from Balmoral. In the last weeks -of the Session Parliamentary time was so valuable that it could not -prudently be wasted over a stagnant interregnum protracted by the -journeyings to and fro of Royal couriers between Aberdeenshire and -London. It was accordingly announced that the Queen would return -to Windsor at once--following the course she adopted in 1866, when -confronted with a similar inconvenience. Her Majesty arrived at -Windsor on the 17th of June, when Lord Salisbury had an interview -with her. On the following day he and Mr. Gladstone both waited on -the Sovereign--Mr. Gladstone delivering up the seals of office. There -was, however, a difficulty to be overcome in the transfer of power -which had been created by a tactical blunder of Lord Salisbury’s. -He had told the Queen that if he took office he must exact from Mr. -Gladstone a pledge that the Opposition would not embarrass her new -Ministry by attacks, but loyally co-operate with it in the conduct of -its business. Mr. Gladstone refused to waive his right of criticism, -and he pointed out that he could not, even if he tried, arbitrarily -dispose of the will of his supporters. All he could promise was that -he would endeavour to give the new Cabinet “fair play,” and deal with -it on its merits. But Lord Salisbury was not at first satisfied with -this arrangement, and the country was soon startled by hearing that he -had revived the crisis, and that even at the eleventh hour he would -withdraw his consent to serve as Premier. The Queen here intervened and -persuaded him to abandon his pragmatic objections to Mr. Gladstone’s -assurances.[213] - -The Ministry was formed after some fierce struggles in the Tory -Party. Lord Randolph Churchill and his group not only insisted on -having high offices, but they demanded the expulsion of Sir Stafford -Northcote from the leadership of the House of Commons. Sir M. -Hicks-Beach deserted his old chief, and not only went over to his -enemies, but even offered himself as a candidate for his vacant post. -The result was that Lord Salisbury became Premier and Secretary for -Foreign Affairs, Sir Stafford Northcote became Earl of Iddesleigh, -and was appointed First Lord of the Treasury. Sir Hardinge Giffard -was made Lord Chancellor; Lord Cranbrook, President of the Council; -Lord Harrowby, Lord Privy Seal; Sir Richard Cross, Home Secretary; -the Duke of Richmond, President of the Board of Trade; Colonel -Stanley, Colonial Secretary; Lord Randolph Churchill, Secretary of -State for India; Mr. W. H. Smith, Secretary of State for War; Sir -M. Hicks-Beach, Chancellor of the Exchequer and Leader of the House -of Commons; Lord Carnarvon, Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland; Lord John -Manners, Postmaster-General; Lord George Hamilton, First Lord of the -Admiralty; Mr. E. Stanhope, Vice-President of the Council of Education; -Mr. A. J. Balfour, President of the Local Government Board; Sir W. -Hart Dyke, Chief Secretary for Ireland; Mr. Ashmead Bartlett, a Civil -Lord of the Admiralty; Mr. Webster and Mr. J. E. Gorst, Attorney-and -Solicitor-General. Sir H. D. Wolff was sent on a special mission for -no very well-defined purpose to Egypt, so that every member of the -Fourth Party, who had organised the obstructive alliance between the -Parnellites and the Tories, was handsomely rewarded with remunerative -places. Sir H. D. Wolff’s appointment was severely criticised at the -time, partly because of his intimate connection with the Anglo-Egyptian -Bank. The only other striking incident in the crisis was that Mr. -Gladstone was offered an earldom by the Queen--an honour which, -however, he declined.[214] - -[Illustration: DRAWING-ROOM IN BUCKINGHAM PALACE.] - -Very soon after Ministers took office Mr. Parnell exacted his price, -and they had to pay it. The Crimes Act was abandoned. It was announced -that the Irish Labourers’ Act would be pressed on. Lord Ashbourne[215] -promised to bring in a Land Purchase Bill. The Maamtrasna murders, -and the cases of those condemned on account of them, were to be -reconsidered--a somewhat momentous decision, for Lord Spencer’s -refusal to revise the sentence in these cases had been upheld by both -Parties as a crucial point in the policy of maintaining law and order -in Ireland. When the Government threw over Lord Spencer, and not only -refused to defend him from Mr. Parnell’s attacks, but through Lord -Randolph Churchill disparaged his resolute Irish policy, it was clear -that great Party changes were impending. Obviously no English Minister -could again feel confident in governing Ireland with a firm and -dauntless hand, after the Tories had flung Lord Spencer to the lions -of Nationalism. Supported by Mr. Parnell and his followers, Ministers -had no difficulty in hurrying through Supply. The Budget was revised -in terms of the decision of the 9th of June, and Lord George Hamilton -discovered a gross blunder in the accounts at the Admiralty, where Lord -Northbrook had spent £900,000--part of the Vote of Credit--in excess of -his estimates without having the faintest suspicion that he was doing -anything of the sort.[216] Lord Ashbourne’s Land Bill stipulated that -when all the money was advanced by the State to the purchasing tenants, -one-fifth of it should be retained by the Land Commission till the -instalments were repaid. The Scottish Sanitary Bill passed. So did a -Bill brought in by Lord Salisbury to embody the non-contentious points -of the recommendations of the Commission on Housing the Poor. A Bill -was also passed to relieve electors from disqualification on the ground -that they had obtained Poor Law medical relief, and the Session closed -with the demoralisation of parties on the 14th of August. - -No event in 1885 gave the Queen more concern than the failure of Lord -Wolseley’s attempt to relieve Khartoum. The story of General Gordon’s -mission to the Soudan has already been partially told. It was on the -18th of January, 1884, that he was instructed by the Cabinet to proceed -to Khartoum to extricate the beleaguered garrisons. He writes, “It -cannot be said I was ordered to go. The subject was too complex for -any order. It was, ‘Will you go and try?’ and my answer was ‘Only too -delighted.’”[217] The truth is that Gordon doubted whether 20,000 -Egyptian troops and colonists could be got out of the Soudan by a -process of pacific evacuation. Still, if any one might achieve the -feat he could, and to please the Government, he consented to “go and -try.” His and their idea was that by restoring the old native families -to power he might buy a safe-conduct for the garrisons. On the 8th of -February, when he arrived at Abu Hamed, he found that the country was -less disorganised than he had supposed it to be when discussing its -prospects with Cabinet Ministers in London. Therefore he suggested that -a light suzerainty should be exercised over the Soudan, for a time -at least, by the Khedive’s officers. This conviction grew stronger -when he reached Berber. He then said that his mission could not be -carried out with credit to England unless some form of government less -heterogeneous than that of the native chiefs were established, in place -of the Egyptian administration which he was sent to withdraw. Hence, -he suggested that Zebehr Pasha should be appointed Ruler of the Soudan -under certain conditions, and he chose Zebehr because he was not such -an atrocious slave-trader as the Mahdi; because he might be more easily -curbed, and because his high descent from the Abbasides enabled him -to exercise real authority over the Soudanese. Sir Evelyn Baring and -Nubar Pasha agreed with Gordon. So did Lord Wolseley. Mr. Gladstone and -Lord Kimberley too, though they had no love for Zebehr, thought that -Gordon’s opinion ought to be deferred to, but Lord Hartington only gave -them a feeble, half-hearted support, and Lord Granville’s opposition to -Gordon’s policy carried the Cabinet against Mr. Gladstone. Hence Zebehr -was not sent. Zebehr naturally took this decision of the Cabinet as -an insult, and forthwith, opened up a treasonable correspondence with -the Mahdi, the discovery of which led to his arrest and deportation to -Gibraltar on the 14th of March, 1885. - -After the refusal to send Zebehr to the Soudan, the Government seem -to have treated Gordon as if they desired to provoke him to take the -bit in his mouth, and in a fit of indignation leave Khartoum without -definite orders. Had he done so Ministers could have successfully -argued that having deserted his post without authority, they were -no longer responsible for him. This game was keenly played between -Gordon at Khartoum and Mr. Gladstone’s Cabinet in London, aided by the -Egyptian Government and its English advisers, Egerton and Baring, at -Cairo. But every point in it was won by Gordon, who in March warned -Egerton and Baring that they must decide quickly, for the sands were -running fast in the hour-glass. He also put in their hands a plan for -getting the Government out of the difficulty without sending a relief -expedition. He had not at that time so far committed the people at -Khartoum against the Mahdi that it would be dangerous to leave them -to make terms with the False Prophet. He had to prevent his armed -steamers from falling into the Mahdi’s hands, and Khartoum from being -utilised as a base of operations against Lower Egypt. He therefore told -the Government that if they held Berber, and accepted his proposal as -to Zebehr, it was worth while to keep him (Gordon) at Khartoum. But -if not, then he warned his masters that it was useless to hold on to -Khartoum, for, he wrote, “it is impossible for me to help the other -garrisons, and I shall only be sacrificing the whole of the troops and -_employés_ here. In the latter case your order to me had better be -to evacuate Khartoum.” On receipt of that order he proposed to send -his intrepid lieutenant, Colonel Stewart, and the fugitives who wished -to return to Egypt, down the Nile to Berber. He himself, and as many -of his black troops as would go with him, were then to take the armed -steamers, and the munitions of war from the arsenal of Khartoum, and -make their escape southwards up the White Nile. He guaranteed, in that -event, to hold the Bahr Gazelle country and Equatorial regions against -the slave-traders, and pin the Mahdi in Khartoum by organising a negro -State in his rear, which, like the Congo Free State, he suggested might -be put under Belgian protection. But he warned the Government that if -this plan were to be attempted he must get the order to quit Khartoum -at once, for in a few days the way of retreat to Berber would be -closed. The order never came. In fact, the only order he got from his -superiors at this time, was to hold on to Khartoum till further notice. -Had the instructions which he asked for been sent, there would have -been no Nile Expedition with its many disasters, including the fall of -Khartoum, and the massacre of its inhabitants.[218] - -The tardy resolution to send a Relief Expedition to Khartoum has -already been alluded to. On the 16th of December, 1884, Lord Wolseley -joined the camp which had been pitched at Korti by Brigadier-General -Sir Herbert Stewart, and received intelligence from Gordon, informing -him that four steamers with their guns were waiting for the expedition -at Metamneh, and that Khartoum could hold out with ease for forty -days after the date of the letter (November 4th). It was not till the -30th of December that Stewart was able to dash into the desert with -the Camel Corps to seize the wells of Gakdul. On the 31st a message -from Gordon, dated the 29th of October, arrived, showing that Khartoum -still held out, but that he was in dire straits, and, on the 1st of -January, 1885, the first boats with the Black Watch reached Korti. On -the 3rd General Earle left to join his force which was proceeding up -the river to Berber. On the 5th the Naval Brigade arrived, and Sir -Herbert Stewart returned from Gakdul. On the 8th he began his march -across the Bayuda Desert with a motley force of 120 officers and 1,900 -men. The Mahdi, on hearing of the occupation of Gakdul on the 2nd of -January, resolved to crush Stewart’s force at the end of its Desert -march, and Lord Wolseley’s eccentric tactics gave him thirteen clear -days in which to concentrate his forces at Abu Klea, where he barred -the way to Metamneh.[219] It was not till the 16th of January that -Stewart got touch of the enemy at Abu Klea. During the night our men -were harassed by the Arab sharp-shooters, and next day Stewart was -artfully drawn into a difficult position, and forced to march out in -square formation and give his antagonist battle. When our skirmishers -were within 200 yards of the enemy’s flags, the square was halted to -let its rear close up. Then, to the amazement of everybody, the Arabs -sprang forth from the ravine where they had been hiding, as Roderick -Dhu’s warriors rose from the heather. Stewart’s skirmishers ran back in -hot haste. The Arabs charged furiously, and, when slightly checked at a -distance of about 80 yards, they suddenly swept round to the right and -broke the rear face and angle of the British square. For a moment there -was dreadful confusion, and had the camels not checked the Arab onset -Stewart’s force would have been annihilated, like the army of Hicks -Pasha at El Obeid. However, the enemy were beaten back with great loss -of life, and the day was saved. It was in this affray that Colonel Fred -Burnaby lost his life. The square was broken first, because the Gardner -gun at the corner jammed, and was useless after the tenth round; -secondly, because General Stewart foolishly trusted cavalry men and -seamen to hold the exposed angles;[220] thirdly, because the cartridges -of some of the rifles jammed, and shook the soldier’s confidence in his -weapon. - -Stewart’s losses, especially in camels, were so heavy that his first -idea was to halt at Abu Klea for reinforcements. But he decided to push -on, even at the risk of leaving his wounded behind him. The wells of -Abu Klea were occupied, and it was then ascertained that the 10,000 -Arabs who had been defeated, were but the advanced guard of a great -army near Metamneh. Papers were discovered, among which was a letter -from the Emir of Berber to the Mahdi, showing that Stewart’s occupation -of Gakdul had caused the concentration of the Arabs in force at Abu -Klea. The expedition was thus at the outset marred by a fatal blunder -in generalship. If Stewart had gone straight across the Bayuda Desert, -without wasting time at Gakdul, he would have had no enemy barring his -path to Metamneh. By letting the Mahdi’s troops concentrate at Abu -Klea, he met with the check that delayed his progress till it was too -late to save Khartoum.[221] - -On the 18th of January Stewart made a forced night march towards the -Nile, which he hoped to strike three miles above Metamneh. His column -got into terrible disorder in the dark, for men and cattle were utterly -exhausted from hunger and want of sleep. At 7 a.m. it came within -sight of Metamneh--men and horses and camels being scarcely able to -walk. It was resolved to rest for breakfast before attacking the town, -but the Arabs closed round Stewart’s zareba, and poured in a dropping -fire, which did serious execution. At 10.15 a.m. Stewart himself was -shot, and the command was assumed by Sir Charles Wilson, Chief of the -Intelligence Department, who happened to be the senior colonel on the -field. Sir Charles Wilson, though an officer in the Royal Engineers, -was really a scholar and diplomatist who had spent most of his life -in civil employment. Still, he did not shrink from the task which -an unforeseen accident imposed on him. He undertook the strategic -direction of the column, but prudently handed over the tactical control -to Colonel Boscawen of the Guards. Having fortified the zareba, Wilson -quickly formed his main body into a square, and determined to make -a dash for the Nile. Had he not ventured on this perilous step, the -whole column must have perished from thirst. Every inch of the way had -to be contested, but happily Wilson’s frigid temperament seemed to -have in some degree communicated itself to his men. Hence, the same -troops who at Abu Klea under Stewart’s showy but exciting leadership -got out of hand and fired wildly, were soon calm and steady, and held -in complete check by their officers. They had not proceeded far when -swarms of Arabs, as at Abu Klea, charged down upon the square from a -ridge at a place known as Abu Kru. At first Wilson’s troops began to -fire at random as at Abu Klea, and no shot told. Then he ordered the -bugles to sound “Cease firing,” and the officers coolly kept the men -at rest for five minutes, which steadied their nerves. By this time -the enemy had come within 300 yards of the square, from which volley -after volley was now suddenly poured forth, and with such deliberation -that the Arab spearmen turned and fled, not one of them getting within -fifty yards of Wilson’s position. This is the only instance where -British troops in the Soudan won a complete victory without being -themselves touched by sword or spear. The square now hastened on to -the river, and camped for the night. Next day (20th) they carried -water to their wounded comrades in the zareba. They then conveyed them -down to the camp by the Nile,[222] where they found some of Gordon’s -steamers waiting for them. Wilson’s force was now in a sorry plight, -and before he took command discontent was smouldering in its ranks. It -had been kept toiling and fighting for four days with little food and -less sleep. It had lost in killed and wounded one-tenth of its number. -And now with its General disabled, it found itself encumbered by a -heavy train of wounded, without means of communication with its base, -menaced by a formidable fortress, and assured that two great armies -were closing on it from Berber and Khartoum. Little wonder that the -soldiers murmured sulkily that they had been led into a trap. Wilson’s -orders were, that on arriving at the river he must proceed to Khartoum -with a small detachment, the mere exhibition of whose red coats Lord -Wolseley imagined would cause the Mahdi to raise the siege. But Wilson -was not to let his men even sleep in Khartoum, and he was only to -stay there long enough to confer with Gordon! In plain English, Lord -Wolseley ordered him to march twenty or thirty men into Khartoum and -come away again, after telling Gordon, who was every day awaiting his -doom, that he must expect no effective succour till far on in March. -Wilson, however, resolved, like a loyal commander, not to desert his -comrades until he had seen them safely entrenched--and till he had, by -reconnoitring, allayed their dread of an attack from Berber. The Naval -Brigade was so disabled that he was forced to use Gordon’s crews for -the steamers, and, in obedience to Gordon’s instructions, he had to -weed out of these crews all untrustworthy Egyptians. He had also to -reconnoitre the fortress of Metamneh. - -This work kept Wilson busy till the 24th of January, when he proceeded -up the Nile, arriving on the 28th of January within a mile and a half -of Khartoum. He found that the city had fallen on the 26th, when the -Buri gate had been opened by treachery to the Mahdi’s troops, who -had rushed in and made the streets of the doomed town run red with -blood. Gordon it seems was killed, on refusing to surrender, by a -small party of Baggarahs, who met him coming out of his palace. While -reconnoitring Khartoum, Wilson’s two steamers were so hotly engaged -with the enemy’s batteries that he was forced to turn back.[223] On the -return voyage he adroitly foiled the plans of some of his followers who -attempted to betray him to the Mahdi, but unfortunately his steamers -were wrecked, it is supposed, by the treachery of his pilots. He -was, however, rescued by Lord Charles Beresford in one of the armed -vessels from Gubat, to which Wilson brought back his party without loss -of life.[224] Wilson found his force in safety, but sadly depressed -because they had heard nothing from headquarters. He immediately -proceeded thither in terms of his instructions, to report the fall of -Khartoum to Lord Wolseley, and urge him to relieve Gubat without delay. - -[Illustration: MAP OF THE WAR IN THE SOUDAN.] - -Little need be said of the fall of Khartoum--the crowning disaster -of the campaign. Gordon’s Journals show how, alone and unaided, in -defending the city, during a siege that lasted 319 days, he kept at bay -the swarming hordes of the Mahdi. The romantic record of his life amply -illustrates his higher qualities--the chivalry and loyalty; the sweet, -gentle manners, the kindliness of heart, the stainless honour, the -infinite self-abnegation, the patient endurance, the stubborn valour, -the natural and acquired military skill that made him - - “A soldier fit to stand by Cæsar - And give direction.” - -His Khartoum “Journals” show more than that. They prove that from first -to last through the long series of transactions that led up to the fall -of the city, Gordon was the only man who kept his head cool, who acted -from firm set purpose, who was not afraid to look on the facts with -naked eyes, whose inexhaustible ingenuity in dealing practically with -every fresh difficulty as it arose never failed him or his masters, -and whose shrewd and sagacious prevision was never once ignored, save -at the cost of cruel suffering to those who refused his guidance.[225] -Valour and virtue such as his can indeed “outbuild the Pyramids.” Of -the millions of English men and English women, who mourned over the -heroic defender of Khartoum, none grieved more bitterly for his loss -than the Queen. To his sister she wrote as follows:-- - - -“Osborne, 17th February, 1885. - -“DEAR MISS GORDON,--_How_ shall I write to you, or how shall I attempt -to express _what I feel_! To _think_ of your dear, noble, heroic -Brother, who served his country and his Queen so truly, so heroically, -with a self-sacrifice so edifying to the world, not having been -rescued. That the promises of support were not fulfilled--which I so -frequently and constantly pressed on those who asked him to go--is to -me _grief inexpressible_!--indeed, it has made me ill! My heart bleeds -for you, his Sister, who have gone through so many anxieties on his -account, and who loved the dear Brother as he deserved to be. You are -all so good and trustful, and have such strong faith, that you will be -sustained even now, when real absolute evidence of your dear Brother’s -death does not exist--but I fear there cannot be much doubt of it. -Some day I hope to see you again to tell you all I cannot express. My -daughter Beatrice, who has felt quite as I do, wishes me to express her -deepest sympathy with you. I hear so many expressions of sorrow and -sympathy from _abroad_; from my eldest daughter, the Crown Princess, -and from my Cousin, the King of the Belgians, the very warmest. Would -you express to your other Sisters and your elder Brother my true -sympathy, and what I do so keenly feel--the _stain_ left upon England -for your dear Brother’s cruel, though heroic, fate!--Ever, dear Miss -Gordon, yours sincerely and sympathisingly, - -“V.R.I.”[226] - - -After Gordon’s death public interest in the “sad Soudan” slowly faded. -The River Column under General Earle’s skilful guidance had won a -brilliant little victory at Kirbekan, where, however, its gallant -leader lost his life. He was succeeded by General Brackenbury, who -ascended the river steadily to Abu Hamed. Suddenly, however, Lord -Wolseley ordered both columns to retreat on Korti, and hold Dongola -till his autumn campaign of vengeance against the Mahdi could be -undertaken. Meanwhile, General Graham, with 9,000 men, and an Indian -and Australian Contingent,[227] was to drive back Osman Digna at -Suakin, and lay a railway from that port to Berber. Graham defeated -the Arabs in several engagements, though in one of them the skill with -which the Arabs surprised a zareba almost reproduced the disaster of -Isandhlwana. But the dispute with Russia afforded a plausible excuse -for freeing England from the incubus of the Soudan, and in April Lord -Wolseley evacuated Dongola and fell back on the line of Wady Halfa. -The Suakin railway was abandoned, and when Lord Salisbury’s Government -took office they, too, adhered to the policy of evacuation. The Mahdi -died. Osman Digna became entangled in hostilities with the Abyssinian -Ras Alula, who attempted to raise the siege of Kassala, and for a time -it seemed as if all fears of disturbances on the Egyptian frontier were -dispelled. Towards the end of the year, however, the Arabs attacked an -advanced post beyond Assouan, where they were skilfully repulsed by -General Stephenson at the battle of Kosheh. - -Turning to the social events of 1885, the most remarkable was the -sudden announcement on New Year’s Day of the betrothal of the -Princess Beatrice to Prince Henry of Battenberg, the younger brother -of Prince Louis, the husband of the Princess’s niece--Victoria of -Hesse. For fourteen years the Princess Beatrice had been the close -companion of the Queen, and their lives had in time become so closely -intertwined that a separation could hardly be contemplated by either -with equanimity. It was therefore quite natural that Prince Henry of -Battenberg, whose fortune was hardly adequate to the maintenance of a -separate establishment, should permit intimation to be made that he was -to live with the Princess in attendance on the Queen. The announcement -of the marriage was as surprising to the Royal Family as it was to the -people. In the country the old prejudice against the marriage of a -Princess who claimed a dowry from the State, with a person outside the -Royal caste speedily manifested itself. Indeed, the feeling against -the arrangement was even stronger than that which prevailed when the -Princess Louise married the Marquis of Lorne. After all, the latter was -the son of a great noble on whose birth no stain of ambiguity rested. -Prince Henry of Battenberg, on the other hand, was the offspring of -a “morganatic” marriage between Prince Alexander of Hesse and the -Countess Hauke, the granddaughter of a Polish Jew, who had entered the -service of the Hessian Court in a very subordinate capacity. It was -difficult to get the populace to understand that a morganatic marriage -was in a certain sense a legal union--not void, though possibly under -pressure of State exigencies voidable by the Royal husband--that in -fact there was nothing disreputable in such an alliance, save in the -sense in which it is considered a social offence for a great noble -to marry his mother’s scullery-maid. The hostility of the German -Crown Princess and the Court of Berlin to the connection did much to -create an erroneous impression in England as to the status of Prince -Henry. The Prince’s lack of fortune did not redeem his lack of social -position--and it was most unfortunate that his nearest connection with -Royalty was through his cousin the Grand Duke of Hesse. For the divorce -suit raised by the Grand Duke against the Countess de Kalomine, a lady -whom he had “morganatically” married in secret on the very night when -his daughter, the Princess Victoria, was wedded to Prince Louis of -Battenberg, had rendered his family extremely unpopular in England. - -That some friction had been created in the Royal Family by the -unexpected introduction of Prince Henry to its circle was soon made -manifest. When Prince Albert Victor of Wales, the Heir-Presumptive -to the Throne, came of age on the 8th of January, neither the Queen, -nor the Princess Beatrice, nor Prince Henry of Battenberg--then -at Osborne--graced with their presence the joyous celebrations at -Sandringham, which were attended by all the other members of the Royal -Family. It was also remarked that Prince Henry left England without -receiving the congratulations of the Prince of Wales on his betrothal. -At a Privy Council, which the Queen held at Osborne on the 26th of -January, her Majesty’s formal consent to her daughter’s marriage was -given. - -Preparations had been made early in March for the Queen’s Easter visit -to Darmstadt, but owing to the death of Princess Charles of Hesse, -mother of the Grand Duke, her Majesty’s arrangements were altered, -and it was decided that she should visit Aix-les-Bains first and take -Darmstadt on the return journey. Her Majesty left Windsor on the last -day of March for the Villa Mottet, a charming residence in the grounds -of the Hôtel de l’Europe, Aix-les-Bains, while the Prince and Princess -of Wales spent their Easter in paying a State visit to Ireland. The -Queen’s holiday was sadly broken by the diplomatic controversy with -Russia as to the Afghan frontier. Piles of despatch-boxes were given -to her when she started, and as many as fifty telegraphic messages -a day in cipher were sent to her and answered. Before proceeding -to Darmstadt, her Majesty, who had been using her influence with -the German Court in order to induce Russia to accept an honourable -compromise, offered to return to Windsor if Ministers desired her -presence. Mr. Gladstone was not of opinion that this sacrifice was -necessary, and on the 23rd of April she accordingly proceeded to -Darmstadt, where she again occupied the new Palace on the Platz which -had been built for the Princess Alice. At this time her Majesty was -much grieved at the reckless and bellicose tone of London Society. -She was so anxious to counteract it that the Prince of Wales, knowing -her feeling on the subject, was supposed to have dropped some hints -at Marlborough House which suddenly imparted quite a pacific tone to -the fire-eaters of Piccadilly. Couriers passed so frequently between -the Queen and the German Emperor, who with the Crown Prince gave her -Majesty much sympathetic aid and counsel throughout the crisis, that -the German Press were alarmed lest the Emperor was about to intervene -as a mediator between Russia and England. A war between the two nations -would have been extremely inconvenient to the Royal Family--in fact, -it had been arranged in anticipation of such a calamity that the Duke -and Duchess of Edinburgh must break up their establishment in England, -and retire to Coburg. Another circumstance forced a pacific policy on -the Court. The Duke of Edinburgh had not concealed from the Sovereign -the fact that the Fleet was effective solely on paper. Indeed, had -Admiral Hoskins, who was ordered to hold himself in readiness to -proceed with his squadron to the Baltic, attempted to carry out his -instructions, he would have found himself paralysed, simply because he -had neither efficient guns nor transport. On the 2nd of May the Queen, -returned to Windsor, where she held an anxious consultation with Lord -Granville next day. On the 12th of May her Majesty held a Drawing Room -at Buckingham Palace, but as on previous occasions, she stayed only -a short time, leaving the Princess of Wales as usual to complete the -function. - -On the 14th of May, Mr. Gladstone carried a resolution in the House -of Commons that an annuity of £6,000 a year should be granted to the -Princess Beatrice on her marriage; and, by way of conciliating the -House, promised that in the next Parliament a Committee would be -appointed to consider the plan on which what he called “secondary -provisions” for the younger members of the Royal Family, should be -made.[228] The proposed annuity was opposed on the old ground that the -Queen was rich enough to support her own family, and Mr. Labouchere -argued that as she never had a right to the hereditary revenues of the -Crown, the plea that she had given up her income for a Civil List was -invalid. But it is certain that in the Royal Speech, at the opening -of Parliament in 1837 the Queen said, “I place unreservedly at your -disposal those hereditary revenues which were transferred to the public -by my immediate predecessor,” and in the Address the Queen was then not -only thanked for her generosity, but promised an adequate Civil List in -return. It was also forgotten that at least four impecunious princely -families--those of the Duke of Albany, Prince Louis, Prince Henry of -Battenberg, and Prince Christian--must be a charge on the private -income of the Queen.[229] - -On the 22nd of May the Court went to Balmoral. The Russian dispute was -now compromised, so that the Queen was able to thoroughly enjoy her -Highland visit. She spent much of her time in the cottages and homes -of the peasantry, to whom she was unusually lavish this year with -gifts commemorating her birthday. When she arrived she found that the -celebrated cradle and rope bridge over the Dee at Abergeldie--which -most of the Royal personages in Europe had used at different times--was -removed, and replaced by a substantial footbridge which had been -put up at her expense. But the fall of Mr. Gladstone’s Government -shortened the Queen’s sojourn in Scotland, and she had to return to -Windsor on the 17th of June. Complaints were made that she was absent -in Aberdeenshire when the Ministerial crisis occurred. But the crisis -was unexpected, and since the Prince Consort’s death the Queen has -always preferred Balmoral to Windsor during Ascot Race week. The death -of Prince Frederick Charles (the “Red Prince”) of Prussia, at the -comparatively early age of fifty-seven, deprived Germany of one of her -ablest military tacticians, and sent the English Court into mourning. -He was the father of the Duchess of Connaught, to whom he bequeathed a -large part of his vast wealth. By a strange blunder which gave infinite -annoyance to the Queen, not only did the Prince of Wales appear at -Ascot after the event, but her Majesty’s order that Court mourning -should begin on the 16th was not officially proclaimed till the 18th. -The Royal procession at Ascot on the afternoon of the “Red Prince’s” -death, caused much irritation at the Court of Berlin. - -[Illustration: MARRIAGE OF THE PRINCESS BEATRICE.] - -On the 9th the Court removed to Osborne--the Queen being desirous of -personally supervising the arrangements for the Princess Beatrice’s -marriage, which was to take place in Whippingham Parish Church. As -there was no precedent for a Royal marriage in a country parish church, -Sir Henry Ponsonby and the Court officials had considerable trouble -in ordering the ceremony. They were further perplexed by the various -instructions which day after day came from the Queen and the Princess. -On the 23rd of July the marriage was solemnised by the Archbishop of -Canterbury, the Bishop of Winchester, the Dean of Windsor, and Canon -Prothero, Vicar of Whippingham. The ceremony was one of demi-state -only; and, although the wedding procession was very pretty, especially -when seen in the golden light of a July day, it was not brilliant. -The nieces of the Princess Beatrice were her bridesmaids, and most of -her near relations were present. The family of Hesse-Darmstadt was -well represented; and, with the exception of Mr. Gladstone, most of -the leading personages in English Society were present. Yet somehow -the ceremony seemed to lack the courtly importance and dignity of -other Royal marriages, and the absence of the German Crown Prince -and Princess, who were not even represented by any of their family, -was only too noticeable. The German Emperor, who had been deeply -incensed by the de Kalomine scandal, had not yet been persuaded to -look kindly on the Court of Darmstadt; but the German Empress, on the -other hand, testified her interest in the bride by sending Princess -Beatrice a Dresden china clock and bracket as a wedding gift. After the -marriage the Queen conferred the Order of the Garter on Prince Henry -of Battenberg--adding one more to the already crowded companionship -of Royal Knights. This distinction had never before been given to a -foreign personage not a monarch _de facto_, or born in the Royal caste, -and there can be no doubt that the other Royal Knights of the family -would have considered the Order of the Bath a more suitable distinction -for Prince Henry.[230] It was also intimated in the _Gazette_ (July -24th, 1885) that Prince Henry would forthwith assume the title of Royal -Highness--a rank, however, which could not be conceded to him outside -of English territory.[231] - -It is remarkable that no family objections were raised to the -recognition of Lady Augusta Lennox, who had long been married to Prince -Edward of Saxe-Weimar, as the Princess Edward. Till 1885 she had only -been received in Court as the Countess Dornburg, a title which had been -“created” for her on her marriage, in spite of her high social position -as daughter of the Duke of Richmond, to satisfy the exigencies of -German etiquette. - -After the close of the Parliamentary Session, the Court went from -Osborne to Balmoral (August 25th), where the Princess Beatrice and -her husband received a warm Highland reception. Life at Balmoral -was somewhat dull, but in her walks and drives the Queen was now -accompanied by Prince Henry of Battenberg as well as the Princess -Beatrice. When not in attendance on the Queen, the Prince occasionally -found amusement in deerstalking in the Balloch Pine and Abergeldie -grounds. Her Majesty remained at Balmoral till the 18th of November, -when she returned to Windsor to hold a Council, at which she sanctioned -the dissolution of Parliament. On the 9th of December, accompanied -by the Princess Beatrice and Prince Henry of Battenberg, the Queen -presented medals for service in the Soudan to a number of Guardsmen at -Windsor. On the 18th of December she left Windsor for Osborne. It was -now plainly intimated to her Majesty that the royal rank and precedence -conferred on Prince Henry of Battenberg would not be recognised at -Berlin, Vienna, and St. Petersburg, the Courts at which capitals -insisted on treating the marriage of the Princess Beatrice as a purely -“morganatic” one. The difficulties which arose out of this incident -were further aggravated when the Queen permitted the Count and Countess -Gleichen to assume the rank and title of Prince and Princess Victor of -Hohenlohe-Langenberg.[232] - -In the spring of 1885 a rebellion of French half-breeds in the Canadian -North-West, led by Riel, one of the pardoned insurgents who had been -engaged in the Red River rising, was suppressed with great skill and -ability by the Canadian Militia, under General Sir Frederick Middleton. -Riel was tried and hanged for treason. - -The misrule of Theebaw, the half-crazy King of Burmah, together -with his intrigues with the French--then busy with the conquest of -Tonquin--led to disputes between the Indian and Burmese Governments. -The result was a war which ended in the deposition of King Theebaw and -the annexation of Upper Burmah to the Indian Empire. - - - - -CHAPTER XXIX. - -THE BATTLE OF THE UNION. - - Mr. Chamberlain’s Doctrine of “Ransom”--The Midlothian - Programme--Lord Randolph Churchill’s Appeal to the Whigs--Bidding - for the Parnellite Vote--Resignation of Lord Carnarvon--The General - Election--“Three Acres and a Cow”--Defeat of Lord Salisbury--The - Liberal Cabinet--Mr. Gladstone’s Home Rule Scheme--Ulster threatens - Civil War--Secession of the Liberal “Unionists”--Defeat of Mr. - Gladstone--Lord Salisbury again in Office--Mr. Parnell’s Relief - Bill Rejected--The “Plan of Campaign”--Resignation of Lord Randolph - Churchill--Mr. Goschen becomes Chancellor of the Exchequer--Riots - in the West End of London--The Indian and Colonial Exhibition--The - Imperial Institute--The Queen’s Visit to Liverpool--The Holloway - College for Women--A Busy Season for her Majesty--The International - Exhibition at Edinburgh--The Prince and Princess Komatsu of Japan. - - -The closing months of 1885 were devoted to preparations for the -General Election. Mr. Chamberlain’s speeches developed his doctrine -of “ransom” with a vigour of language and directness of purpose that -terrified the Whigs. At Bradford he demanded Disestablishment, and thus -concentrated the malice of the Church on the whole Liberal Party. Mr. -Gladstone issued a moderate manifesto to his constituents, known as -the “Midlothian Programme,” in which he attempted to neutralise Mr. -Chamberlain’s “unauthorised programme.” The reform of Parliamentary -procedure, and Local Government, the reform of the Registration -Laws, and of land transfer were the famous “four points” on which he -dwelt. As for Mr. Chamberlain’s suggestions for disestablishment, for -education, graduated Income Tax, and the abolition of the House of -Lords, he put them aside, refusing to peer “into the dim and distant -courses of the future.” The Tory leaders professed themselves equally -willing to reform Procedure, the Land Laws, and Local Government, -and attacked the Whigs for their alliance with the Birmingham School -of Radicals. Lord Randolph Churchill, in fact, appealed to the Whigs -to coalesce with the Tories in resisting what Lord Hartington called -“measures of a Socialistic tendency.” Both parties in the State made -high bids for the Irish Vote. Mr. Chamberlain offered to Mr. Parnell -a scheme of Home Rule, under which Ireland would be governed by Four -Provincial Parliaments--in fact, he furbished up an old idea which the -venerable Earl Russell had shed from his mind when it was in the last -stage of decay. The Tories, through Lord Carnarvon, offered Mr. Parnell -some form of Home Rule under which Ireland was to have a Legislature -of her own with the right to levy Protective Duties on imported -goods.[233] Though Lord - -[Illustration: OPENING OF PARLIAMENT IN 1880: THE ROYAL PROCESSION IN -WESTMINSTER PALACE ON THE WAY, TO THE HOUSE OF PEERS.] - -Salisbury’s Newport address was ambiguous in its references to Home -Rule, it rather gave colour to the prevalent belief that if the Tories -could win a majority by the Irish vote, they would hold power by giving -Ireland Home Rule. At the same time, it is but right to say that Lord -Salisbury and his colleagues never appear to have committed the Cabinet -to Lord Carnarvon’s bargain with Mr. Parnell. Indeed, they even seem -to have told Lord Carnarvon that, personally, they disapproved of his -Irish policy. They, however, still retained his services as a Cabinet -Minister, though Lord Salisbury had discovered that he was a Home Ruler. - -Mr. Parnell issued a manifesto fiercely attacking the Liberal Party, -and ordering all Irishmen to give their votes to the Government. The -Liberals, on the other hand, appealed to the people for such a majority -as would enable Mr. Gladstone to defy Mr. Parnell. The elections began -on the 24th of November. They showed that in the boroughs the Liberal -Party was shattered, though it had, through Mr. Chamberlain’s doctrine -of ransom, won in the counties all along the line.[234] The new House -of Commons it was found would contain 333 Liberals, 251 Tories, and 86 -Parnellites, not one Liberal having been returned by Ireland. In the -circumstances it was hopeless for the Ministry to attempt a settlement -of the Irish Question on Lord Carnarvon’s lines.[235] They had, even -with the Irish vote, only a majority of four. But then, if they dared -to make concessions to Mr. Parnell, this majority of four would -inevitably be converted, by the secession of the Ulster Tories, into a -minority of eight. The Liberal Leaders, on the other hand, were in an -equally difficult predicament. They, too, could not hope to govern the -country save by the Irish vote. It was quite possible, moreover, for -the Government, by conceding Home Rule, to detach from the Liberals a -sufficient number of Radicals to more than counterbalance the Ulster -secession. In these circumstances Mr. Gladstone towards the end of the -year let it be known indirectly that he was in favour of giving Ireland -Home Rule. - -Ere Parliament opened on the 12th of January, 1886, the resignation of -Lord Carnarvon indicated that Ministers had dissolved the connection -between the Tory Party and the Parnellites. The House of Commons -elected Mr. Peel as its Speaker, and when Mr. Bradlaugh appeared he -took the Oath in the ordinary manner. The Queen’s Speech was read on -the 21st of January by her Majesty in person, but its references to -Ireland were vague, though they foreshadowed the introduction of a -Coercion Bill. In the preliminary skirmishes Mr. Gladstone threw out -overtures to the Irish Party which Mr. Parnell and Mr. Sexton hailed -with effusive delight. The Government, on the other hand, announced -the introduction of a Coercion Bill, which would also suppress the -National League. The Liberals and Parnellites now promptly united to -support an Amendment moved by Mr. Jesse Collings, which censured the -Ministry for refusing to bring in a Labourers’ Allotments Bill, and -the Coalition defeated the Government by a vote of 329 to 258. The -opposition of Lord Hartington and Mr. Goschen to the Amendment showed -that the Whigs at least were afraid of Mr. Gladstone’s return to -office, after his vague and ambiguous promises of concessions to the -Home Rulers. Lord Salisbury resigned, and when Mr. Gladstone formed -his Ministry it was seen that many of his old colleagues, such as Lord -Hartington, Mr. Goschen, Mr. Forster, Lord Selborne, Lord Northbrook, -the Duke of Argyll, Lord Cowper, and Sir Henry James, had refused to -join him. The appointment of Lord Aberdeen as Irish Viceroy was not -very significant. But that Mr. John Morley, the most pronounced of -all the English advocates of Home Rule, should have been appointed as -Chief Secretary for Ireland meant much. Lord Rosebery was made Foreign -Secretary, and Mr. Campbell-Bannerman Secretary at War. Both were known -to be Home Rulers. Lord Spencer, disgusted at his betrayal by the Tory -Party, had also become a convert to Home Rule principles, and was -appointed President of the Council. Oddly enough Mr. Chamberlain and -Mr. Trevelyan, who were both pledged against Home Rule, had joined the -Ministry. But they had been induced to do so on the assurance that, in -the meantime, the policy of the Cabinet would be merely to examine and -inquire into the Home Rule question. - -During the spring nothing was done in the matter. The House of Commons -refused to press Ministers upon their Irish policy, evidently deeming -it reasonable that Mr. Gladstone should have time to work it out. Lord -Hartington and the Whigs, however, adopted an attitude of independence -which showed that Mr. Gladstone had failed to heal the divisions in the -Liberal Party. Hence, when it was announced that Mr. Chamberlain and -Mr. Trevelyan, on being informed of Mr. Gladstone’s proposals for the -reform of the Irish Government, had resigned office, it was evident -that the fate of the Ministry was sealed. - -On the 8th of April Mr. Gladstone expounded the scheme, which set up in -Ireland an Executive Government, responsible to an Irish Legislature, -capable of dealing with all matters save the Crown, the Army and Navy, -Foreign and Colonial Policy, Trade, Navigation, Currency, Imperial -taxation, and the endowment of churches. The Lord-Lieutenant, on -the advice of his Ministers, was to have a power of veto. The Irish -Legislative Body was to consist of two Orders, voting apart, the first -to comprise representative peers and members elected under a £25 -property qualification, and the second members chosen by household -suffrage. In the event of collision between the two Orders, the measure -in dispute was to be held in suspense for three years, or until a -dissolution. The Irish contribution to the Imperial Revenue was fixed -at £3,242,000. On the 13th of April Mr. Gladstone introduced a Land -Bill as a complementary measure to his Home Rule Bill. He proposed -to give every Irish landlord the option of selling his land to an -authority appointed by the Irish Government, who would sell it to -the tenants, the purchase-money being advanced through the Imperial -Exchequer by an issue of Consols. These advances the tenant was to -repay in instalments spread over forty-nine years, and twenty years’ -purchase was taken as the basis of the price. The amount to be advanced -at first under the Bill was to be £50,000,000, but in the original -draft it was nearly £300,000,000. The repayments were to be secured on -the Irish Revenue, and paid to a British Receiver-General in Ireland. -The opponents of the whole scheme contended that it gave no effective -guarantee for Imperial unity, that it put the loyal minority entirely -in the power of the disloyal majority in Ireland, that it multiplied -the risks of collision between Ireland and the Imperial Government, -that, in point of fact, it was virtually a Bill to repeal the Union. -Mr. Gladstone’s chief argument in favour of the scheme was that the -English democracy could no longer be trusted to hold Ireland down by -repressive legislation, and that Home Rule was the only alternative to -Coercion. Moreover, as Coercion bred Irish disloyalty, it weakened the -Imperial power of England in the world. Though the Orangemen of Ulster -plainly declared that they would plunge into civil war rather than -submit to a Home Rule Government in Ireland, Mr. Parnell accepted the -Bill in principle as an adequate concession of the Nationalist claims. - -The weak points in the scheme were soon detected. One of these was -the exclusion of the Irish Members from the House of Commons--the -only proposal of Mr. Gladstone’s which had been hailed with applause -from both sides of the House when he expounded his Bill. The absence -of the Irish Members from the House of Commons was taken as a visible -sign, not only that the Parliamentary Union between Ireland and the -United Kingdom was dissolved, but that the control and authority of -the Imperial Parliament over Ireland was impaired. The Purchase scheme -alarmed the taxpayers, who objected to pledge the credit of England in -order to buy the Irish landlords out of Ireland. It is now known that, -if Mr. Gladstone had made concessions by promising to reconsider the -question of retaining the Irish Members at Westminster, and to remodel -the Bill accordingly, the Second Reading would have been carried. A -meeting of Liberals was indeed held at the Foreign Office to hear what -concessions Mr. Gladstone would make. Subsequently, in explaining his -speech at this meeting to the House of Commons, his phraseology seemed -to the wavering Liberals so illusory that they refused to support -him. Lord Hartington and Mr. Chamberlain accordingly organised their -followers (about fifty in number) into a separate Parliamentary party, -describing themselves as Liberal Unionists, and at their first meeting -a letter was read from Mr. Bright casting in his lot with theirs. They -bound themselves to vote against the Second Reading of Mr. Gladstone’s -Bills. - -[Illustration: LORD TENNYSON. - -(_From a Photograph by H. H. H. Cameron, Mortimer Street, W._)] - -On the 7th of June the Home Rule Bill was rejected by a majority of -341 against 311. Mr. Gladstone obtained from the Queen permission -to dissolve Parliament and appeal to the country. The Ministerial -candidates, at the General Election which followed, relied mainly upon -the contention that Home Rule was the only alternative to Coercion, and -the Tories and Liberal Unionists, on the other hand, pledged themselves -to govern Ireland without Coercion, and still retain the Parliamentary -Union unbroken. The Liberal Unionists and the Tories formed an alliance -for electoral purposes similar to that which Lord Malmesbury, in 1857, -had vainly attempted to cement between the Peelites and the Derbyites. -The Irish vote failed to balance the votes of the Liberal Unionists, -and when the new House of Commons was elected it was found to consist -of 316 Tories, 76 Liberal Unionists, 192 Liberal Home Rulers, and -86 Parnellites. Mr. Gladstone resigned, and Lord Salisbury formed a -Ministry, having unsuccessfully endeavoured to persuade Lord Hartington -and the Liberal Unionist leaders to join a Coalition Cabinet. The -services rendered by Lord Randolph Churchill in rousing the fanaticism -of Ulster were rewarded with the Chancellorship of the Exchequer and -the leadership of the House of Commons. Lord Iddesleigh became Foreign -Secretary; Mr. Matthews, Q.C., who had carried one of the seats in -Birmingham, became Home Secretary; Sir M. Hicks-Beach was deposed -from the leadership of the Commons, and relegated to his old post of -Chief Secretary for Ireland. As soon as Lord Salisbury assumed office -he found that a fresh agrarian crisis was menacing Ireland. The Irish -farmers were demanding a revision even of the fixed judicial rents -in terms of the recent fall in prices. There seemed no end to the -difficulty, and, in a pessimist mood, Lord Salisbury, at the opening of -the Session, declared that he was now in favour of getting rid of the -dual-ownership of land in Ireland. In fact, he accepted the principle -of a great Land-Purchase scheme, but he also broached the theory that, -if judicial rents were cut down, the State should recoup the landlords -for their losses. - -After the debates on the Address were over Mr. Parnell brought in a -Relief Bill, allowing tenants who deposited half their rent in Court -to claim from the Court a revision of their rents. The Bill was -rejected by the combined vote of the Tories and Liberal Unionists. -Mr. Dillon now advised the Irish tenants to refuse to pay more rent -than they could afford. His suggestion was that they should combine on -each estate, offer the landlord a fair rent, and if this was refused, -deposit it in the hands of trustees, and use it to resist eviction. -This was known as “The Plan of Campaign” against rack-renters, and it -was widely adopted all over Ireland. Sir M. Hicks-Beach and Sir Redvers -Buller, who had been sent to organise the police in Kerry, apparently -discovered that there was much truth in Mr. Parnell’s contention, -that the fall in prices had made judicial rents impossible. The Irish -Government, at all events, now put pressure on rack-renting landlords, -in order to prevent them from demanding full rents and from evicting -if they were not paid. But Ministers declined to legislate for Ireland -till the following Session, though they appointed Commissions to amass -materials for legislation. Parliament was prorogued on the 25th of -September. - -During the autumn the schism between the Liberal Unionists and the -Liberals widened. At Leeds the Liberals pledged themselves anew to -adhere to Mr. Gladstone’s Home Rule policy. On the 7th of December Lord -Hartington’s followers held a Conference in London, at which further -arrangements were made for completing their organisation as a distinct -Party pledged to maintain the Union. As the year closed various rumours -of dissensions in the Cabinet were promulgated. There had been a good -deal of agitation against the wasteful extravagance and inefficiency of -the spending departments of the State, and Lord Randolph Churchill was -called on by public opinion to redeem the pledges in favour of economy -which he gave at Blackpool on the 24th of January, 1884. In attempting -to do this he found himself thwarted by his colleagues, and, to the -astonishment of his Party, he resigned office. He was succeeded by Mr. -Goschen, who entered the Cabinet, with Lord Hartington’s sanction, as -a Liberal Unionist, thereby illustrating afresh the closeness of the -coalition between the Dissentient Liberals and the Tories. - -During the year there was some agitation raised as to the sad condition -of the unemployed in London. The Tories had taken advantage of this to -revive the Protectionist Movement under pretence of advocating Fair -Trade at meetings held in Trafalgar Square. On the 8th of February, -however, the Socialists followed suit, and organised a demonstration -in favour of their panacea for poverty. The police arrangements were -somewhat defective. A crowd of roughs and thieves who hovered round the -fringe of the mob evaded the constabulary, rushed along Pall Mall and -Piccadilly smashing the windows of the clubs and sacking the principal -jewellers’ shops. The agitation proceeded, and a counter demonstration -to the Lord Mayor’s Show on the 9th of November was even planned. It -was, however, prohibited by the police. - -As the celebration of the Queen’s Jubilee was now within measurable -distance, already there were great manifestations of popular feeling in -favour of Imperial Unity. In this year the Imperial Federation League -was founded for the purpose of drawing closer the bonds between the -Colonies and the Mother Country. The Indian and Colonial Exhibition at -South Kensington was organised by the Prince of Wales on a scale of -sumptuous splendour which attracted visitors to London from all parts -of the globe. It was opened with great pomp and ceremony by the Queen -in person on the 4th of May, in the presence of the more prominent -members of the Royal Family, the great dignitaries in Church and State, -and the representatives of India and the Colonies. This amazing display -of the vast resources of the Empire soon degenerated into an evening -lounge. But it brought together a vast number of able men from every -quarter of the world interested in the problem of Imperial Federation, -and the Prince of Wales dexterously seized the opportunity thus -created for him to establish a centre and rallying-point for British -Imperialism. He started the movement that ended in the foundation of -the Imperial Institute. The Queen visited the Exhibition several times, -paying special attention to the Indian Court, and conversing graciously -with the Indian workmen. - -On the 11th of May her Majesty visited Liverpool to open the -International Exhibition in that city. On the 13th she visited the -Seamen’s Orphanage, and afterwards sailed down the Mersey, contrasting -the scene with that on which she gazed when, in 1851, she made a -similar excursion with the Prince Consort. Then the Queen was the -guest of Lord Sefton; on this occasion she was the guest of the city -of Liverpool, the Municipality having fitted up Newsham House for her -accommodation. On the 15th she returned to Windsor, the effect of her -visit having been to vastly increase her popularity in the North of -England. On the 26th of May the Court proceeded to Balmoral. During -the absence of the Court in Scotland the Prince and Princess of Wales -stimulated the gaiety of the London Season. It was remarkable for the -prevalence of Sunday re-unions, the patronage of which by the Heir -Apparent soon made them fashionable even among serious Church-going -people. On the 30th of June the Queen opened the Royal Holloway College -for Women at Egham, an institution for the higher education of women -founded by the vendor of the famous ointment and pills. As women had -been among the chief buyers both of the ointment and the pills, there -was a touch of irony in Mr. Holloway’s bequest that recalled the legacy -left by Swift to found a madhouse for the use of the Irish people. -On the 2nd of July her Majesty reviewed 10,000 troops at Aldershot, -and on the 5th entertained a large number of the Indian and Colonial -visitors at Windsor. She attended the brilliant garden-party given by -the Prince and Princess of Wales at Marlborough House on the 10th; and -on the 20th, accompanied by the Princess Beatrice and Prince Henry of -Battenberg, left Windsor for Osborne, where she was soon absorbed in -the business attendant on a change of Ministry. On the 17th of August -her Majesty left Osborne for Edinburgh, where, on the 18th, she visited -the International Exhibition. On the 20th the Queen went to Balmoral, -where she remained till the 4th of November. On the 5th she visited the -Duke and Duchess of Buccleuch at Dalkeith Palace, and inspected the -Hospital for Incurables at Edinburgh, returning to Windsor on the 6th. -On the 22nd her Majesty received at Windsor, with much ceremony, their -Imperial Highnesses the Prince and Princess Komatsu of Japan, and on -the 29th the Court removed to Osborne. - -[Illustration: OPENING OF THE INDIAN AND COLONIAL EXHIBITION: THE -QUEEN’S TOUR.] - - - - -CHAPTER XXX. - -THE JUBILEE. - - The Fiftieth Year of the Queen’s Reign--Mr. W. H. Smith Leader - of the Commons--Sudden Death of Lord Iddesleigh--Opening of - Parliament--The Queen’s Speech--The Debate on the Address--New - Rules for Procedure--Closure Proposed by the Tories--Irish - Landlords and Evictions--“Pressure Within the Law”--Prosecution - of Mr. Dillon--The Round Table Conference--“Parnellism and - Crime”--Resignation of Sir M. Hicks-Beach--Appointment of Mr. - Balfour--The Coercion Bill--Resolute Government for Twenty - Years--Scenes in the House--Irish Land Bill--The Bankruptcy - Clauses--The National League Proclaimed--The Allotments Act--The - Margarine Act--Hamburg Spirit--Mr. Goschen’s Budget--The Jubilee - in India--The Modes of Celebration in England--Congratulatory - Addresses--The Queen’s Visit to Birmingham--The Laureate’s - Jubilee Ode--The Queen at Cannes and Aix--Her Visit to the - Grande Chartreuse--Colonial Addresses--Opening of the People’s - Palace--Jubilee Day--The Scene in the Streets--Preceding - Jubilees--The Royal Procession--The German Crown Prince--The - Decorations and the Onlookers--The Spectacle in Westminster - Abbey--The Procession--The Ceremony--The Illuminations--Royal - Banquet in Buckingham Palace--The Shower of Honours--Jubilee - Observances in the British Empire and the United States--The - Children’s Celebration in Hyde Park--The Queen’s Garden Party--Her - Majesty’s Letter to her People--The Imperial Institute--The - Victorian Age. - - -It was on the 20th of June, 1886, that the Queen entered on the -fiftieth year of her reign. But her Majesty naturally refused to assume -that she would live to the end of it, and she accordingly determined -that the actual celebration of her Jubilee should be put off till the -20th of June, 1887. Thus it came to pass that 1887 will be known as -the Jubilee Year of the Victorian period. It was a year that opened -badly for the Government. The sudden resignation of Lord Randolph -Churchill at the close of 1886 rendered a reconstruction of the Cabinet -necessary. Efforts were made in vain to induce some of the Whig Peers -to join the Ministry, but, as we have seen, at last Mr. Goschen was -persuaded to accept the office of Chancellor of the Exchequer. The -leadership of the Commons was given to Mr. W. H. Smith, who was made -First Lord of the Treasury; whilst Lord Salisbury, who held that -office, assumed the Secretaryship of State for Foreign Affairs. This -involved the enforced retirement of Lord Iddesleigh in somewhat painful -circumstances, which were further heightened by his sudden death from -heart-disease on the 13th of January. The discreditable intrigue, which -began by deposing him from the Leadership of the House of Commons, -thus ended tragically. Some of the leaders of the Liberal and Liberal -Unionist Parties were also endeavouring to discover some means of -reconciling these now hostile factions. Parliament was opened on the -27th of January, and the Speech from the Throne plainly foreshadowed -the introduction of a Coercion Bill for Ireland. It hinted at a Land -Bill as a possible measure; indeed, had it not done so the alliance -between the Government and the Liberal Unionists would have been -weakened. Other measures promised were Bills for reforming local -government in England, Scotland, and, “should circumstances render it -possible,” in Ireland, for cheapening private Bill legislation, and -land transfer. An Allotments Bill, a Tithe Bill, a Railway Rates and -Merchandise Marks Bill, were also in the programme, which was large and -varied. But the debate on the Address showed that no opposed Bills were -likely to pass unless the House of Commons reformed its procedure, and -to this task the Tory Party had most grudgingly to apply itself. Six -sittings were spent on the Address as a general subject of discussion. -After that amendments relating to the evacuation of Egypt and the Irish -policy announced in the Queen’s Speech were debated. Three Scottish -amendments were next brought forward, so that when, at the sixteenth -sitting of the House, Mr. Dillon began to denounce jury-packing in -Dublin, the Speaker ruled him out of order. A motion for an adjournment -was defeated, and a motion to consider the condition of unemployed -labourers in England was declared by the Speaker to have been -sufficiently discussed after two speeches were delivered. The Closure, -so dreaded by the Tories in former Parliaments, was then applied by -Mr. Smith, a vote taken, and the Address disposed of on the 17th of -February. - -The Government lost no time in preparing to meet the obstruction with -which their Coercion Bill was already threatened. They circulated -their new rules for debates, and on the 21st of February Mr. W. H. -Smith moved the adoption of the Closure, vesting the initiative in -applying it not in the Speaker, which was the old rule, but in a bare -majority of the House, provided always that at least 200 Members voted -for it. The Liberal Leaders supported the proposal on principle, but -complained that the new rule was still too weak, and that it ought to -be applied unconditionally. Their view was confirmed in the following -year, when Mr. W. H. Smith was forced to reduce the necessary quorum -of 200 to 100. Meanwhile events had been moving apace in Ireland. The -Chief Secretary, Sir M. Hicks-Beach, finding that the landlords were -cruelly straining their rights against the poorer tenantry, urged them -to be merciful for the sake of peace. He put upon them what he called -“pressure within the law,” which practically meant that he hinted to -them that he would refuse them the aid of the police in enforcing -warrants of the Courts. In other words, he seemed to be exercising -the “dispensing power” of the Executive, little more than a year -after Mr. Morley had been forced to apologise for even suggesting -its exercise. In Ireland evictions were resisted by force, and lurid -pictures of the state of the country were drawn by the supporters of -the Government. The prosecution of Mr. Dillon and other Irish leaders -for a conspiracy to defeat the law, because they advocated the Plan -of Campaign, broke down through the disagreement of a Dublin jury. -The negotiations between the Liberal Unionists and Liberals at the -“Round Table Conference” were said to be producing happy results, and -it was soon noised abroad that the Government not only hesitated to -demand a Coercion Bill, but that Sir Michael Hicks-Beach was ruling the -Irish with a hand so light that they were lapsing into lawlessness. -The _Times_ published a series of articles designed to prove that Mr. -Parnell and the Irish Home Rule Members were secretly in league with -the Party of Assassination. Mutterings of mutiny were heard from the -Irish Tories, and at this crisis Sir Michael Hicks-Beach, against whom -these complaints were directed, suddenly resigned. This step, however, -had been rendered necessary in consequence of his failing eyesight -rather than from considerations of a political character. To his post -Lord Salisbury appointed his nephew, Mr. Arthur James Balfour, pledged -to carry out an unflinching policy of Coercion. Sir George Trevelyan, -one of the secessionists from the Liberal Party, about this time showed -by his public utterances that he had now returned to Mr. Gladstone’s -party. - -On the 23rd of March Mr. Smith moved that the Crimes Bill have -precedence over all other orders--and then the battle began. It was not -till the 28th that Mr. Balfour was able to move for leave to introduce -the measure, in a speech which seemed to show either that his case was -exceptionally weak, or that he had not been able to master it.[236] -The Bill gave magistrates power to inquire into crimes where no person -was charged. It gave two resident magistrates summary jurisdiction and -power to inflict imprisonment up to six months in cases of criminal -conspiracy, boycotting, rioting, assaults on the police, and in cases -of inciting to these offences. It gave the Lord-Lieutenant power to -“proclaim” certain associations as dangerous, and to subject to the -penal clauses of the Bill any one who after that took part in them. The -Bill was to be a permanent measure, and not like former Coercion Bills, -merely passed for a fixed period of time. Violent scenes occurred -during the debates which led up to the Second Reading of the measure on -the 28th of April, and the House was in an irritable mood because it -had been forced to sacrifice most of its Easter holiday. In spite of -the frequent use of the Closure, the first clause, which was scarcely -a contentious one, was not carried in Committee till the 17th of May. -When the fourth clause was reached, on the 10th of June, Mr. W. H. -Smith moved a resolution that if the Bill were not reported at 10 p.m. -on the 17th, the remaining clauses should be put to the vote without -debate. When that hour struck Sir Charles Russell was speaking on the -sixth clause. The Chairman stopped the debate, and put the question, -the Irish Members leaving the House in a body. After the division the -Liberal Members also left, and the rest of the Bill passed without -any more opposition. It was read a third time on the 8th of July, and -having been adopted by the Peers, it received the Queen’s assent on the -19th of July. The determination of the Government to carry the Coercion -Bill was natural. It had been admitted by all clear thinkers that, -unless Home Rule were granted to Ireland, she could only be governed -under Coercion. Moreover, the introduction of the Bill before the -Liberal Unionists and Liberals had been reconciled, forced the former -to vote for Coercion, which rendered the gulf between them and the old -Liberal Party practically impassable. But ere the Liberal Unionists -thus burned their boats, they had induced the Ministry to bring in a -conciliatory Irish Land Bill in the House of Lords. The Peers sent -it down to the Commons on the 4th of July, when the Second Reading -was moved on the 12th. The Bill adopted Mr. Parnell’s proposal of the -previous year, to admit leaseholders to the benefit of the Land Act of -1881; it gave notice of eviction the same effect as the actual service -of an ejectment writ, and gave the Courts power to stay execution, and -arrange for payment of rent on easy terms when the tenants were in -distress. But when insolvent, it provided for them relief from rent and -all other debts by a process of bankruptcy, allowing them, however, -to retain their farms. Mr. Campbell-Bannerman attacked the bankruptcy -clauses, and demanded a revision of all Irish rents in terms of the -fall in prices. To a general revision of rents the Government would on -no account assent. But the revolt of one of the Liberal Unionists, Mr. -T. W. Russell, compelled them to reconsider the bankruptcy clauses. -The Tories argued that it was unjust to ask the landlord to accept a -composition for rent from the farmer, when the tradesmen to whom he -owed money were not expected to abate their claims. Mr. Parnell and Mr. -T. W. Russell contended that no analogy could be drawn between rent -and trade debts. The latter had never been disputed by the debtor. The -former had been disputed. The tenant who owed money to his grocer or -seed-merchant never denied that he had got value for it. But he did -deny that he had got value for the money his landlord claimed as rent, -and he was able to prove this in court when the rent was cut down. To -insist, as did Mr. Chamberlain, on relief from just and unjust claims -being given with equal ease under a process of gentle bankruptcy, at -which the State was asked to connive, was to make an attack on property -and on credit from which even the leaders of the Paris Commune might -have shrunk. It was tantamount to asserting that whenever a man was -able to show that one creditor had overcharged him 30 per cent. he was -entitled to refuse payment of his just debts to all creditors who had -not overcharged him, unless they too took 30 per cent. off their bills. -When this was made clear not even Mr. Chamberlain’s advocacy sufficed -to save the bankruptcy clauses, which were accordingly dropped. But by -way of conciliating the landlords the Government insisted on applying -the vicious principle to arrears of rent. No relief from unjust arrears -was to be given unless they were to be dealt with in bankruptcy -alongside just and undisputed trade debts. The result was that when -the Bill passed it had a fatal defect in it. It prohibited landlords -from evicting for unjust rents, but by this clause it left them free -to evict for the arrears which had accumulated under rents which the -Courts decided to be unjust. On the 19th of August the Lord-Lieutenant -of Ireland “proclaimed” the National League as a dangerous association, -thereby enabling Mr. A. J. Balfour to suppress any branch of it he -thought fit under the Crimes Act. - -[Illustration: THE QUEEN’S VISIT TO EDINBURGH (1886): HER MAJESTY -LEAVING HOLYROOD PALACE.] - -The Government were now compelled to abandon the bulk of their -legislative programme. They, therefore, made no attempt to proceed -with any measures unless they were so democratic that the Liberals -could not with decency oppose them. Hence they passed a Coal Mines -Regulation Bill, an Allotments Bill--disfigured, however, by the -obstacles in procedure which it put in the way of labourers who -applied for allotments--and a Bill to prevent substitutes for butter -known as “Margarine,” from being sold as butter. The success of this -measure led to a demand for a similar Bill to prevent publicans from -selling poisonous Hamburg spirit as “Fine Old” Cognac, or Scotch or -Irish whisky. Baron de Worms, as representative of the Board of Trade, -however, though eager to prohibit shopkeepers from selling a wholesome -animal fat as butter, was shy of prohibiting the publicans--whose votes -were of some value to the Tory Party--from selling poisonous Hamburg -alcohol as old brandy. Mr. Goschen’s Budget was introduced on the -21st of April. He described it himself as a “humdrum” Budget--though -as a matter of fact, as Lord Randolph Churchill said, if _he_ had -proposed it the country would have denounced it as a scheme full of -financial depravity. The Estimates had been taken to show a revenue of -£89,689,000, and an expenditure of £89,610,000. The actual receipts, -however, for the past year had been £90,772,000, and the actual -expenditure £88,738,000. In spite of supplementary estimates, amounting -to £1,129,000, there was a surplus on the year’s accounts of £776,000. -Mr. Goschen’s general statement showed that not only were the taxes -yielding less than they ever did, but that, though the rich and the -poor had suffered much from commercial and agricultural depression, -the profits of the middleman had not been reduced. For the coming year -he took the revenue to amount, on the existing lines of taxation, to -£91,155,000, and the expenditure he set down at £90,180,000, leaving a -surplus of £975,000. To this he added £100,000 by increasing the duty -on the transfer of Debenture Stocks, and by minor changes in the Stamp -Duty. He then added to it a further sum of £1,704,000, by reducing -the charges for the public debt. His surplus was thus inflated to -£2,779,000, of which he spent £600,000 in reducing the Tobacco Duty, -£1,560,000 in taking a penny off the Income Tax, £280,000 in relieving -Local Taxation, £50,000 in aid of Arterial Drainage in Ireland, -leaving him a probable surplus of £289,000. To manufacture a surplus -by the simple process of ceasing to pay off debt, would certainly not -have secured for any other Chancellor of the Exchequer, except Mr. -Goschen, the reputation of a financial puritan. Mr. Gladstone and -Lord Randolph Churchill demonstrated by unanswerable arguments the -unwholesomeness of the financial policy which reduced the payments for -the National Debt by cutting down the Income Tax instead of by cutting -down departmental expenditure. But Mr. Goschen’s Budget gave everybody -a little relief all round, and was accepted quite irrespective of -the unsound principles on which it was based. It was, in fact, the -first illustration afforded by a Household Suffrage Parliament of the -deteriorating influence of democracy on the financial policy of the -nation. Parliament was prorogued on the 16th of September. - -But public interest in politics faded as the Session grew old. Indeed, -from the beginning of the year, the attention of the country was more -and more concentrated on the movements of the Queen. It was known that -she had nerved herself to emerge from her seclusion, and, in some -degree, discard the mourning weeds she had worn so long. The first -note of the Jubilee was struck in India, where the great Imperial -festival was celebrated on the 16th of February. In presidency towns, -inland cities, the capitals of Protected States--even in Mandalay, -the capital of the newly-conquered State of Upper Burmah, natives and -Europeans vied with each other in acclaiming the event. Announcements -of clemency, banquets, plays, the distribution of honours, reviews, -illuminations, were not the only methods adopted for celebrating -the Jubilee. At Gwalior all arrears of land-tax--amounting to -£1,000,000--were remitted. Libraries, colleges, schools, waterworks, -hospitals, and dispensaries were opened in honour of the Empress. - - “These are Imperial works and worthy thee,” - -might well be the comment of the chronicler on such celebrations. -All over England preparations were now being made for the great -anniversary. In every town meetings were held to decide as to the mode -of its observance, and it was curious to notice that everywhere the -people desired to localise their rejoicings. Public parks, libraries, -town-halls, museums, hospitals--in a word, the foundation of works and -institutions of public usefulness in each locality was universally -regarded as the best means of honouring the occasion. There was -only one Jubilee institution of national grandeur that won public -favour--the Imperial Institute. It was originated, as has been noted, -by the Prince of Wales, and it was to his energy and skill in appealing -for public support that the enormous funds needed for its endowment -were now collected. In March the congratulatory addresses began to -come in--the Convocation of Canterbury, whose deputation headed by -the Primate was received by the Queen at Windsor on the 8th of March, -leading the way. - -On the 23rd of March Birmingham, in spite of the boisterous weather, -was _en fête_ to receive her Majesty who arrived to open the new Law -Courts in that town, and few who were present will ever forget the -mighty shout of enthusiasm that rose up from the swarming throng, when -the Queen’s procession turned into New Street. Never was Royalty more -loyally received than in the Radical capital of the Midlands. The -Democratic demonstration at Birmingham gave point to the passage in the -Laureate’s Jubilee Ode, in which he wrote:-- - - “Are there thunders moaning in the distance? - Are there spectres moving in the darkness? - Trust the Lord of Light to guide her people, - Till the thunders pass, the spectres vanish, - And the Light is victor, and the darkness - Dawns into the Jubilee of the Ages.” - -On the 29th of March her Majesty, accompanied by the Princess Beatrice -and Prince Henry of Battenberg, left Windsor for Portsmouth, where -they embarked in the Royal yacht for Cannes. On the 5th the Royal -party went to Aix-les-Bains, where the Queen occupied her old rooms -at the Villa Mottet. Aix was wonderfully free from visitors, and she, -therefore, enjoyed almost complete privacy during her stay. By the -special sanction of the Pope her Majesty, on the 23rd of April, was -allowed to visit the Monastery of the Grande Chartreuse, within whose -precincts no woman’s foot is permitted to tread. She returned to -Windsor on the 29th of April. On the 4th of May she received at the -Castle the representatives of the Colonial Governments, who presented -her with addresses congratulating her on having witnessed during her -reign her Colonial subjects increase from fewer than 2,000,000 to -upwards of 9,000,000 souls, her Indian subjects from 96,000,000 to -254,000,000, and her subjects in minor dependencies from 2,000,000 to -7,000,000. On the 9th her Majesty held a court at Buckingham Palace, -at which the Maharajah and Maharanee of Kutch Behar and the Maharajah -Sir Pertab Sing were presented to her. On the 10th she held a Drawing -Room, and afterwards visited a private performance of the feats of -the American cowboys, and Indians, and prairie-hunters at the “Wild -West Show” at Earl’s Court. On the 14th she opened the People’s Palace -at Whitechapel, an institution which had grown out of a suggestion -in Mr. Walter Besant’s romance of “All Sorts and Conditions of Men.” -The route of procession from Paddington was seven miles long, and it -was thronged with people, who gave the Queen as warm a welcome as she -had received in Birmingham. On her return her Majesty visited the -Lord Mayor at the Mansion House. This was a remarkable event, for her -Majesty had not entered the Municipal Palace since she had visited it -with her mother two years before her accession. Her Majesty partook of -tea and strawberries with her Civic hosts, with whom she spent fully -half-an-hour, charming the company with her affability. On the 20th the -Court removed to Balmoral, where the Queen found her mountain retreat -covered with snow. On the 17th of June the Court returned to Windsor, -and on the 18th her Majesty received at the Castle the Maharajah Holkar -of Indore, and several Indian princes and deputations from Native -States. - -The Jubilee itself was celebrated on the 21st of June. The chief -streets of London were given over to carpenters and upholsterers, -gasmen, and floral decorators, who transformed them beyond all -possibility of recognition. On the night of the 20th the town was -swarming with people, who had come out in the hope of seeing some of -the illuminations tried. As the day dawned crowds began to stream -into the metropolis, and in the forenoon every face wore a festal -aspect. Fabulous prices had been paid for seats along the line of -procession, and those who had secured places were in possession of them -early in the morning. Everybody was in good humour, and the police -were exceptionally amiable. At the point of departure--Buckingham -Palace--there were no decorations, but the presence of the Guards -and of the seamen of the Fleet, who were on duty within the gates, -gave animation to the scene. As eleven o’clock--the hour of -starting--approached, a strange silence seemed to fall over the noisy, -gossiping crowd, as if men and women felt awed and touched at the sight -of their aged Sovereign proceeding in State from her Palace to the -old Abbey to thank God for permitting her to see the fiftieth year of -her reign. Only thrice in the history of England had a Jubilee been -celebrated, and in none of these cases was there, as now, ground for -unalloyed joy. But for the founding of our Parliamentary System, none -would care to recall the distracted reign of Henry III. That of Edward -III., glorious as it was at its beginning, was clouded with disaster -at its end. That of George III. cost the dynasty, not a Crown, but a -continent. On the Jubilee Day of Queen Victoria there was, however, -no room for any feeling save that of gratitude and pride that, under -her gentle sway, the English people had gained and not lost dominion -upon earth. It was not till the head of the procession moved along, -and the Royal carriages came in sight, that the pent-up feeling of -the dense masses of spectators found utterance in volley after volley -of cheers. The Queen’s face was tremulous with emotion, and yet there -was triumph as well as grateful courtesy in her bearing as she bowed -her acknowledgments to her subjects. Beside her were the Princess of -Wales and the German Crown Princess, the latter beaming with happiness -and delight to find that her countrymen still held her dear. The loyal -tumult all along the line literally drowned the blare of bands and -trumpets. - -The first part of the procession consisted of carriages in which were -seated the sumptuously apparelled Indian Princes, in robes of cloth of -gold, and with turbans blazing with diamonds and precious gems, who -had come from the far East to celebrate the Jubilee of their Empress. -Following them came carriages with the Duchess of Teck, the Persian -and Siamese guests of the Queen, the Queen of Hawaii, the Kings of -Saxony, Belgium, and Greece, and the Austrian Crown Prince. Life Guards -followed, and behind them came two mounted lacqueys of the Court. -To them succeeded escorts of Hussars and Life Guards, followed by -outriders in scarlet. In the first part of the procession were eleven -carriages. Of these, five conveyed the Ladies-in-Waiting and the Great -Officers of the Household. The sixth conveyed the Princess Victoria -of Sleswig-Holstein, Princess Margaret of Prussia, and Prince Alfred -of Edinburgh. In the seventh were seated the Princesses Victoria and -Sophie of Prussia, Princess Louis of Battenberg, and Princess Irene -of Hesse. The eighth conveyed the Princesses Maud, Victoria, and -Louise of Wales. In the ninth were the Duchess of Connaught and the -Duchess of Albany. In the tenth were the Duchess of Edinburgh, Princess -Beatrice, Princess Louise, and Princess Christian. Between the eleventh -carriage and the Queen’s rode the brilliant procession of Princes, -whose appearance all along the route gave the signal for an outbreak -of cheering. In the first rank rode the Queen’s grandsons--Prince -Albert Victor and Prince William of Prussia being among the most -conspicuous. Following them came the Queen’s sons-in-law, the German -Crown Prince, Prince Christian, the Grand Duke of Hesse, and Prince -Henry of Battenberg. The Marquis of Lorne had started with the -procession, but his horse took fright and threw him, about 300 yards -from the Palace, whereupon he returned on foot, and, borrowing a -charger from an Artillery officer, rode by himself to the Abbey by -Birdcage Walk. Of this group, the central figure was that of the German -Crown Prince, whose white uniform and plumed silver helmet attracted -general admiration. Covered with medals and decorations, most of which -he had won by his prowess in battle, he sat his charger as proudly as a -mediæval knight, in whom the spirit of old-world German chivalry lived -again. His fair, frank face became radiant with delight, when he found -that peal after peal of applause greeted him whenever he appeared. -Partly owing to his picturesque figure, partly to his manly and heroic -character, and partly, no doubt, to honest sympathy with his sufferings -under the disease that had suddenly smitten him in the very prime of -life, the German Crown Prince received an ovation more effusive even -than that bestowed on the ever-popular Prince of Wales, and almost -equal to that which greeted the Queen herself. After her sons-in-law -came her sons, the Duke of Connaught, the Prince of Wales, and the Duke -of Edinburgh. They, too, were hailed with cheering that was prolonged, -and that deepened in volume till her Majesty’s carriage passed. A -gorgeous cavalcade of Indians brought the splendid procession to a -close. Along the route, from the Palace up Constitution Hill, round -Hyde Park Corner, on through Piccadilly, down Waterloo Place, past -Trafalgar Square, along Whitehall to Westminster Abbey, every house -was glowing with many-tinted draperies, with bunting, and with floral -decorations, and every balcony and window were crowded with bright and -happy faces framed in festoons of roses and laurel. - -The scene in the Abbey was impressive. Municipal dignitaries, -representatives of the Universities, civic functionaries of the higher -order, representatives of the Church and the Law, Lords-Lieutenant -and their deputies, High Sheriffs, Officers of the Auxiliary Forces, -Diplomatists, Ministers of State in Windsor uniforms, Officers of -the Household, Foreign Princes and Potentates, and their suites--in -fact every invited guest privileged to wear robe or uniform, -contributed to the mass of varied colour that, after a time, almost -tired the eye. Among the earliest arrivals were the Princess Feodore -of Saxe-Meiningen, the Prince Albert, and the Princess Louise of -Sleswig-Holstein, the Princess Alice of Hesse, the Princesses Mary, -Victoria, and Alexandra of Edinburgh, the Princess Frederica, Baroness -Pawel von Rammingen, Baron Pawel von Rammingen, Prince and Princess -Edward of Saxe-Weimar, the Prince and Princess of Leiningen, Prince -and Princess Victor of Hohenlohe, with the Countesses Feodora and -Victoria Gleichen, and Count Edward Gleichen. Then entered the swarthy -Chiefs and Princes of India, among whom the stately and resplendent -Holkar was very prominent. The Queen of Hawaii followed, and after -her came the Princess Victoria of Teck, and the Princes Adolphus, -Francis, and Alexander of Teck, Prince Frederick of Anhalt, Prince -Ernest of Saxe-Meiningen, the Duke and Duchess of Teck, the Prince -of Hohenlohe-Langenberg, Prince Ludwig of Baden, Prince Philip of -Saxe-Coburg, the Grand Duke of Saxe-Weimar, the Hereditary Grand Duke -of Mecklenburg-Strelitz, G.C.B., Prince Ludwig of Bavaria, the Duke -of Saxe Coburg-Gotha, the Infante Don Antonio of Spain, the Infanta -Donna Eulalia of Spain, the Duc d’Aosta, the Crown Prince of Sweden, -the Crown Prince and Princess of Portugal, the Austrian Crown Prince, -the Grand Duke and Duchess of Mecklenburg-Strelitz, the King of Saxony, -the King and Queen of the Belgians, Prince George of Greece, the Crown -Prince of Greece, the King of Greece, and the King of Denmark. - -Half-an-hour after the appointed time the silver trumpets announced the -coming of the Queen’s procession, headed by the six minor and the six -residentiary canons of Westminster, the Bishop of London, Archbishop -of York, the Dean of Westminster,[237] the Primate, all attired -in sumptuous canonicals. They were followed by heralds and other -functionaries, who were followed by the members of the Royal procession -walking in ranks of three, in the inverse order of precedence always -enforced at Royal ceremonials. These were-- - - The Hereditary Prince of Saxe-Meiningen. - - Prince Henry of Prussia. - - The Grand Duke Serge of Russia. - - Prince Henry of Battenberg. - - Prince Christian of Sleswig-Holstein. - - The Duke of Connaught. - - - Prince Christian Victor of Sleswig-Holstein. - - Prince George of Wales. - - Prince Albert Victor of Wales. - - The German Crown Prince. - - The Prince of Wales. - - - Prince Louis of Battenberg. - - The Hereditary Grand Duke of Hesse. - - Prince William of Prussia. - - The Marquis of Lorne. - - The Grand Duke of Hesse. - - The Duke of Edinburgh. - - -The Queen, clad in black, but with a bonnet of white Spanish lace -glittering with diamonds, and wearing the Orders of the Garter and -Star of India, entered, escorted by the Lord Chamberlain, as the -organ pealed forth the strains of the march from Handel’s “Occasional -Oratorio.” The solemnity of the spectacle, and the reflection that the -Queen-Empress is about to give thanks to God for the crowning triumph -of her life, surrounded by the ashes of her predecessors, repress -all manifestations of feeling. Reverently does her Majesty take her -place on the Royal daïs, and, when the Princes and Princesses in her -train arrange themselves, the picture is one of imposing magnificence. -Surrounding this shining group of Princes a vast throng, representing -the genius, the rank, the wealth, and the chivalry of Britain, filled -every nook of the sacred fane in which the Queen celebrated her -golden wedding with her people. Towering high above all his peers the -Imperial form of the German Crown Prince, clad in the white uniform -of the Cuirassiers, stood forth as the most majestic figure in that -magnificent pageant. - -[Illustration: THE CROWN PRINCE, AFTERWARDS THE EMPEROR FREDERICK III., -OF GERMANY. - -(_From a Photograph by Reichard and Lindner, Berlin._)] - -The Thanksgiving Service was brief and simple. The Primate and the Dean -of Westminster officiated, and the music was largely selected from the -compositions of the Prince Consort. Prayers and responses invoking a -blessing on the Queen were intoned. The Prince Consort’s _Te Deum_ -was given. Three special prayers were offered up by the Archbishop of -Canterbury, - -[Illustration: THE CROWN PRINCESS, AFTERWARDS THE EMPRESS VICTORIA, OF -GERMANY. - -(_From a Photograph by Reichard and Lindner, Berlin._)] - -after which the people’s prayer--_Exaudiat te Dominus_--was intoned. -The lesson (1 Pet. ii. 6-18) was next read by the Dean, and Dr. -Bridge’s Jubilee anthem, “Blessed be the Lord thy God, which delighted -in thee to set thee on the throne to be king for the Lord thy God,” a -piece in which the theme of the National Anthem is suggested, was sung. -Two simple prayers were then offered up, and the ceremony, impressive -from the grandeur of the surroundings, and yet thrilling and pathetic -by reason of its devotional earnestness and simplicity, ended with -the Benediction. Here the Queen, who was several times overcome with -emotion, is seen by the spectators to make a movement as if she would -rise from her seat on the sacred Coronation Stone of Scone and kneel -on the _prie-dieu_ in front of her. But she cannot reach so far, and -she sinks back into her place, veiling her bowed face with her hands. -She then glances round, and her eyes fill with tears when they rest on -her sons and her daughters, and her sons-in-law and their children. -The pent-up feeling of that dazzling group of Princes and Princesses -can no longer be restrained, and the solemn pageant of State suddenly -assumes the aspect of a family festival. The Prince of Wales bends -forward and kisses the Queen’s hand, but her Majesty raises his face -and salutes him affectionately on the cheek. The German Crown Prince -pays his homage with chivalrous grace and stately courtesy, and the -Grand Duke of Hesse follows him. But the emotion of the moment is -too strong for Court ceremonial. The Queen with an impulsive gesture -discards the Lord Chamberlain’s etiquette, and embraces the Princes and -Princesses of her house with honest and unreserved motherly affection. -Then she turns to the German Crown Prince with a loving smile, and as -he comes forward she kisses him warmly on the cheek. The Grand Duke of -Hesse is also saluted, and her Majesty, making a profound bow to her -Foreign guests, which they return, quits the scene as the “March of the -Priests” in _Athalie_ peals forth from the organ. The procession was -now formed again, and as the Sovereign returned to Buckingham Palace, -it was noticed that the reception which was given to her was even more -enthusiastic than that which greeted her on her way to the Abbey. It -is, perhaps, only once in a generation that it falls to the lot of a -monarch to be hailed in the streets of her capital with such passionate -demonstrations of loyalty, and the Queen seemed to be filled with the -emotion of the hour. - -The rest of the day was kept as a public holiday by the people, and -when the shades of night fell on the metropolis its streets were -ablaze with light. The art of the illuminator was indeed exhausted in -providing novel and varied designs, and gas jets and electric lamps, -arranged so as to display every conceivable device expressive of -loyalty, turned night into day. Nor were gas and electricity the only -agents employed to give splendour to the festivity of the evening. -In many places festoons of Chinese lanterns shed their soft and -mellow radiance over a scene not unworthy of fairyland. The Queen, -who had borne the fatigue and excitement of the Thanksgiving pageant -wonderfully well, rested a little while after her return to Buckingham -Palace, and there, as a special compliment to the “Senior Service,” -she came out and held a review of the 500 seamen of the Fleet who had -formed her guard of honour at the Palace doors. In the evening she gave -a grand banquet, at which sixty-four royal personages were present. - -All over England and in the North of Ireland the Jubilee was also -celebrated as enthusiastically as in London. The illumination of the -city of Edinburgh was said to be even more effective as a brilliant -spectacle than that presented by the metropolis. It was only in Cork -and Dublin that riotous demonstrations of disloyalty took place. Eight -peerages, thirteen baronetcies, and thirty-three knighthoods were -conferred in honour of the event. A Royal amnesty to deserters from the -army was also proclaimed. In the Colonies the day was celebrated even -more joyously than in England. In foreign lands the British residents -also held Jubilee festivals. But in the United States the citizens -of the Republic freely joined the British residents, honouring the -occasion as if it were one of as much interest to them as to their kith -and kin in the old home of their race. The most glowing of all the -Jubilee orations was in fact spoken by Mr. Hewitt, Mayor of New York, -at the grand Thanksgiving Festival in the Opera House of that city, -in the course of which he elicited the passionate enthusiasm of his -countrymen by recalling the events of the Civil War. “In the hour of -our trial,” he exclaimed, “when the flag under whose broad folds I was -born was trailing in the dust, it was my fortune to journey to another -land on matters of great moment. There I learnt--and I know whereof I -speak--that we owed to the Queen of England the non-intervention policy -which characterised the Great Powers of the world during our struggle -for life and death. I had no purpose to open my lips here, but when you -call on me for a testimony to her who was our friend, as she is your -Queen, my lips ought to be palsied if I were such a coward as not to -give it.” A speech so simple and unexpected, received as it was by a -spontaneous outburst of enthusiasm from the American citizens in the -audience, it need hardly be said produced a profound sensation. - -But of all the Jubilee celebrations perhaps the most charming and novel -was one which was held in Hyde Park. A few weeks before Jubilee Day it -occurred to a kindly and generous gentleman, Mr. Edward Lawson, well -known in society as the editor of the _Daily Telegraph_, that there -was a fatal omission in the Jubilee programme. Elaborate arrangements -had been made to interest all classes in the festival save one--the -school-children of London--the boys and girls who must form the men and -women of the next generation. Mr. Lawson contended that this defect -should be remedied, and the whole town was immediately taken with his -idea. Everybody wondered that nobody had put forward the suggestion -before, and Mr. Lawson soon found himself honorary treasurer of the -Children’s Jubilee Fund, to which he himself was one of the most -prominent subscribers. Foolish efforts were made to check the movement, -and people were warned that it was impossible to entertain 30,000 -children in Hyde Park, as Mr. Lawson proposed, without accidents to -life and limb. It was, however, in vain that he was denounced as the -organiser of a juvenile Juggernaut. The fund was raised with ease, and -Mr. Lawson, by skilful organisation, not only got 27,000 children into -Hyde Park from all parts of London on the 22nd of June, but sent them -back unhurt and happy to their homes. Great ladies of fashion helped -him to carry out his arrangements. The little ones were entertained -with the sports and shows dear to boys and girls of their age, and -the Queen not only came out and greeted them in person, but she was -received with a delight that touched her profoundly. The Princes and -Princesses and many of the foreign visitors also witnessed this strange -but interesting incident in the Jubilee celebrations.[238] - -On the 24th of June, an evening party was given at Buckingham Palace, -which was attended by nearly all the members of the Queen’s family, by -the foreign sovereigns and Princes then in London, and by a gay throng -of distinguished persons. On the 25th of June, a singularly beautiful -and touching letter, evidently straight from the Queen’s own pen, to -the Home Secretary, thanking the nation for their display of loyalty -and love, appeared in the _London Gazette_. In this communication it -almost seems as if the Queen laid her heart open to the people with a -frank and simple confidence rare in the relations that subsist between -sovereigns and their subjects. On the 27th her Majesty received at -Windsor Castle congratulatory deputations from municipalities, friendly -societies, professional associations, and public bodies, representing -almost every phase of English life, and thought, and enterprise. Her -Garden Party at Buckingham Palace on the following Wednesday was a -brilliant reunion at which were present several thousands of guests. -On the 2nd of July the Queen from Buckingham Palace reviewed 28,000 -Metropolitan Volunteers, and military men were amazed at the skill -with which the troops were handled by their officers in the narrow -and confined space. It was, however, unfortunate that at this review -a slight was cast on the Royal Navy. As is natural in a seafaring -nation, the naval forces of the Crown always take precedence of the -land forces. Hence, the phrase “Senior Service” used to distinguish the -Navy from the Army. But at this review the claim of the Royal Naval -Volunteers for precedence over the grotesque and motley body known -as the Honourable Artillery Company of London, a force which belongs -neither to the Army, the Militia, nor the Volunteers, and which has -been permitted even to repudiate the authority of the War Office, was -disallowed. - -On the 4th of July the crowning event of the Jubilee Festival occurred. -On that day the Queen laid the foundation stone of the Imperial -Institute in the Albert Hall. Noting the growing Imperialism which the -Jubilee evoked, the Prince of Wales determined to fix it by embodying -it in some permanent institution. In spite of distracted counsels, -inter-Colonial jealousy, and much anti-monarchical opposition, the -necessary funds for the purpose were raised, but it was universally -admitted that had not the Prince toiled without ceasing the scheme must -have collapsed. The Institute was and is meant to stand as an outward -and visible sign of the essential unity of the British - -[Illustration: THE JUBILEE GARDEN PARTY AT BUCKINGHAM PALACE: THE ROYAL -TENT.] - -Empire. It was to be a rallying-point for all Colonial movements, a -centre of instruction for those who desire information as to Colonial -trade and Colonial resources. In a word, what the Queen “inaugurated” -on the 4th of July, at Kensington, as the culminating function of her -Jubilee, was a vast and ubiquitous Intelligence Department for her -far-stretching dominions. The decoration of the building in which -the ceremony took place was chiefly floral, and, indeed, the scene -suggested sylvan freshness and beauty. Eleven thousand people were -seated in the chief pavilion. - -When the Queen entered, preceded by the officers of her household and -escorted by her family, she took her seat on the draped daïs, and found -herself again surrounded by a majestic throng of Kings and Princes. The -Prince of Wales read aloud to her Majesty the Address of the organising -Committee of the Institute, describing its aims and its prospects. -The ode, written for the occasion by Mr. Lewis Morris,[239] and set -to music by Sir Arthur Sullivan, was performed by the Albert Hall -Choral Society, aided by a full orchestra. After it was finished, the -Queen, assisted by the Prince of Wales and the architect, Mr. Colcutt, -laid the first solid block of the building--a piece of granite three -tons in weight. Prayers, read by the Primate, followed, after which -the Commissioners of the Exhibition of 1851 presented an Address, -congratulating the Queen on the celebration of her Jubilee. Her Majesty -then, leaning on the arm of the Prince of Wales, left the hall, while -the band struck up “Rule Britannia.” The ceremonial differed from that -which took place in the Abbey in one respect. The Thanksgiving Service -threw the minds of Sovereign and subject back on the past, with all -its trials and all its triumphs. But the function in the Royal Albert -Hall invited speculation as to the future, and as to the part which the -Monarchy must inevitably play in the evolution of the English-speaking -race, and the development of their spreading dominion over strange -lands and under strange stars. The Institute typified the inheritance -of Empire which Englishmen had won during the reign by their toil and -their enterprise. As Mr. Morris sang, - - “To-day we would make free - The millions of their glorious heritage. - Here, Labour crowds in hopeless misery; - There, is unbounded work and ready wage. - The salt breeze calling, stirs our Northern blood, - Lead we the toilers to their certain goal; - Guide we their feet to where - Is spread, for those who dare, - A happier Britain ’neath an ampler air. - - * * * * * - - First Lady of our British Race, - ’Tis well that with thy peaceful Jubilee - This glorious dream begins to be.” - -With this great function of State the record of the Queen’s career -through half a century, and of the public affairs which her life -influenced and which influenced it, may close for the present. A -retrospective glance over that record suggests curious reflections. - -Only seventeen years elapsed between the death of George III. and -the accession of the Queen to the sovereignty of a people who had -let a virgin continent slip from their grasp, and who were not only -exhausted by wars, but whose wars had also exhausted the nations that -trafficked with them. England had then but one hope of recovery. It -was to bind the forces of Nature to the tarrying chariot-wheels of her -Industry. To this end she bent the energies of her highest intellect -and genius. For this reason, perhaps, the Victorian period, in which -the Queen, stands out as the central figure, represents the triumph of -the applied Sciences, rather than the apotheosis of the Arts and the -Humanities. “The true founders of modern England,” says Mr. Spencer -Walpole, “are its inventors and engineers.”[240] The mighty power which -the British Empire now represents has therefore been built up under the -Queen’s sceptre, not on the red fields of war, but in the laboratory, -the workshop, and the mine. Three facts alone will serve to give the -distinctive character of the Victorian age. When the Queen was crowned -railway travelling was almost unknown; steam navigation had hardly -emerged from the region of experiment; the telegraph was but a toy of -the physicists. As we reflect on what the railway, the steamship, and -the telegraph have done for England, we can measure the extent and -discern the nature of the peaceful revolution in affairs over which -the Queen has presided. The national resolve arrived at after the -death of George IV. to recover the power and wealth which seemed to -have vanished during the last years of his reign, and to recover it by -gaining fresh dominion over the forces of Nature, naturally shaped the -whole course of public policy. If England was to be resuscitated in the -laboratory, the workshop, and the mine, the Sciences, rather than the -Arts and Humanities, must be fostered. Capital must be set free. The -dignity of Labour must be recognised. Commerce must be unshackled, and -perfect freedom, combined with unbroken order, established in the land. -The swift decay of privilege that marks the course of political reform -during the last half century, the spread of popular education, the -wide distribution of political power, the wise revision of the penal -laws, the humane legislation designed to better and brighten the lot of -Toil, the subjection of authority to opinion, the subjugation of Art to -Industry, the absorption of literature by the Press, are but natural -results of a struggle on the part of a masculine race to build up its -power on the achievements of the inventor, the experimentalist, and the -pioneer. - -Nor can the harvest of its toil be deemed altogether unsatisfactory. -The poor we have still with us, but their condition has been vastly -improved since the reign of William IV. Save in one respect, that of -house rent in large towns, the necessaries of life have been cheapened, -while the purchasing capacity of the people has been increased. As for -the upper and middle classes, their wealth in comparison with their -numbers has been multiplied twofold since the Queen ascended the throne. - -So far as the public life of the Queen has affected her House, these -pages prove that it has done so in one way. At her Accession the Crown -had almost entirely lost its authority as a governing order in the -State. At her Jubilee the Crown held a position of authority higher -than any to which it has attained since the time of William of Orange. -According to Mr. Gladstone, the success of the Queen’s dynastic policy -has been due to her determination to acquire influence rather than -power for the Monarchy. _Imperium facile iis artibus retinetur, quibus -initio partum est._ But if the Roman historian be right in holding -that power can be most surely kept by the means whereby it has been -acquired, he who runs may read the lesson of the Queen’s life. Its -record, showing how her influence has been won, must also show those -who will some day take her place, how alone it can be retained and -strengthened. - - - - -INDEX. - - -Abdul Aziz, Sultan of Turkey, Visit of, to England, II. 293; - received at Windsor Castle, _ib._; - entertainments in his honour, 294; - made Knight of the Garter, _ib._ - -Aberdeen, Lord (Fourth Earl), appointed Foreign Secretary, I. 97; - his ready confidence in foreign powers, 199; - his opinion of Free Trade, 208, 209; - his adroit diplomacy with the United States, 231; - the high esteem in which he was held by the Queen, 238; - his attack on the foreign policy of the Russell Government, 394; - his wish to drive Palmerston from office, 395; - appointed Premier, 518; - his sympathy with Russia, 546; - three mistakes on the part of his Cabinet, 551; - his desire for peace before the Crimean War, 555; - confidence of the Queen in his policy, 563; - speech on the Prince Consort’s position, 576; - accusations against his Russian policy, 600, 617, 638; - letter from the Queen regarding his Russian policy, 601; - Prince Albert’s opinion of his war policy, 620; - defeat of his Ministry, 627; - his efforts to improve the condition of the army, 631; - his death, II. 72; - his character, _ib._ - -Aberdeen, Lord (Seventh Earl), appointed Viceroy of Ireland, II. 727 - -Aberdeen, inauguration of a statue to the Prince Consort by - the Queen, II. 182; - statue of the Queen unveiled by the Prince of Wales, 266; - opening of water-works by the Queen, 267 - -Abergeldie, The bridge over the Dee at, II. 720 - -Abu Hamed, Gordon at, II. 711; - the River Column at, 717 - -Abu Klea, Battle of, II. 713 - -Abu Kru, Battle of, II. 714 - -Abyssinia, the English expedition against King Theodore, II. 300, 312; - envoys to the Queen, II. 695; - the Treaty of Adowah, _ib._ - -“Acres and a Cow, Three,” II. 726 - -Act, Bank Charter, its favourable effect, I. 182 - -Act, Corporation, Repeal of the, I. 23 - -Act, Test, The repeal of the, I. 23 - -Acts, Criminal Law Consolidation, The, I. 28 - -Adam, The Right Hon. W. P., appointed First Commissioner of Works, II. 594 - -Adelaide, Queen, her ball to the Princess Victoria, I. 14 - -Aden, its occupation by the British, I. 52; - the appearance of the town, _ib._ - -Admiralty, The construction of ironclad ships for - the British navy proposed by, II. 126; - reduction of its expenditure, 441; - issue of the Fugitive Slave Circular, 489; - violent popular agitation against, 704; - errors in the accounts of, 710 - -Adowah, Treaty of, II. 695 - -Adullamites, The, II. 256 - -Affirmation Bill brought in by the Attorney-General, II. 658; - efforts of the Tories to prevent it from coming into force, _ib._; - defeated by a majority of three, _ib._ - -Afghanistan, war declared by England on Shere Ali, II. 555; - Lord Lytton’s disagreement with Shere Ali, 556; - success of the British invasion, 567; - the murder of Sir Louis Cavagnari, 573; - unpopularity of Lord Lytton’s policy, 574; - capture of Cabul by General Roberts, _ib._; - the affairs of the country in 1880, 598; - Mr. Gladstone’s policy, 599; - defeat of General Burrows, _ib._; - splendid generalship of Sir Frederick Roberts, _ib._; - rescue of Candahar, _ib._; - Lord Beaconsfield’s policy impossible, 610; - dispute in Parliament as to the occupation of Candahar, 615; - controversy between England and Russia about the frontier of, 719 - -Africa, South, outbreak of the Caffre War, I. 254; - attack on the policy of the English Government in, II. 662; - contention between Liberals and Conservatives regarding, _ib._ - -Agricultural Holdings Bill, the strong opposition to, II. 659; - its terms, _ib._; - Mr. A. J. Balfour’s amendment, _ib._; - Mr. Clare Sewell Read’s remark on, _ib._; - Mr. Balfour’s amendment struck out on the Report, _ib._; - attempt of the House of Lords to mutilate the Bill, _ib._; - the amendments of the House of Lords rejected by the Commons, _ib._; - the measure passed, _ib._; - Lord Salisbury’s failure to hold his party firm - to the policy of resistance, _ib._ - -Aix-les-Bains, The Queen’s visit to, II. 719, 740 - -Akbar Khan, Treachery of, I. 118; - defeated, 121 - -_Alabama_ Claims, The, II. 342; - settled by arbitration, 390; - discussion on the matter in the House of Commons, 421; - the story of the controversy, 422; - the award of the arbitrators, _ib._; - Lord Chief Justice Cockburn’s opinion, 423 - -Albany, Duke of, the title conferred on Prince Leopold, II. 626; - a title of evil omen, _ib._; - _see_ also Leopold, Prince - -Albert, Prince, his birth and parentage, I. 60; - his admirable disposition, _ib._; - his visit to England, _ib._; - his studies at Bonn, 61; - his suit accepted by the Queen, 62; - letters patent regarding his precedence, 66; - rumours as to his religious views, _ib._; - letter to the Queen in regard to his Protestantism, _ib._; - his arrival in England, 68; - his enthusiastic reception, _ib._; - his marriage, _ib._; - his trying position, 71; - his desire to abolish duelling, 72; - collision with Court functionaries, _ib._; - his reforms in household economy, 74; - domestic life, 75; - appointed Regent, 83; - his study of English law, _ib._; - a letter to his father, 91; - a royal tour, 94; - Lord Melbourne’s opinion of him, 103; - a remark of the Queen on his kindness, _ib._; - his generous reception of Sir Robert Peel, _ib._; - appointed Chairman of a Royal Commission on the Fine Arts, 104, 105; - his accurate knowledge of English, 105; - his first public speech, _ib._; - lays the foundation stone of the London Association, _ib._; - present at a ball in Buckingham Palace, 107; - visit to Scotland, 126; - his interest in English politics, 127; - the proposal to appoint him Commander-in-Chief, 128; - his irreproachable life, _ib._; - his opinion of Sir Robert Peel, 140; - acting as representative of the Queen, 141; - his interest in Fine Art, 142; - receives the degree of D.C.L. from Oxford, 146; - visits Birmingham, 147; - distinction in the hunting-field, _ib._; - his interest in agriculture, 148; - the model works in Windsor Park, _ib._; - death of his father, 158; - visit to Germany, 159; - title of Consort proposed, 185; - visit to the Continent, 194; - attacked by Lord George Bentinck in the Corn Law debate, 226; - proposed assessment of Flemish Farm, 260; - visits the Isle of Wight, 261; - opens the Albert Dock at Liverpool, 262; - nominated Chancellor of Cambridge University, 307; - agrees to take office as Chancellor of Cambridge, 310; - his arguments for an Anglo-German alliance, 322; - appointed President of the society for the improvement - of the working classes, 358; - impressive speech to the working classes, 359, 360; - his revised course of studies carried at Cambridge, 369; - speech to the Royal Dublin Society, 409; - his idea of the International Exhibition, 417; - speech on the International Exhibition, 450; - attacked by the press, 454; - his energy at the International Exhibition, 480; - anxieties in regard to the Exhibition, 520; - accusations against him as sympathising with Russia, 617; - visit to France, 621; - his plan for an Army Reserve at Malta, 623; - his opinion of Austrian policy, _ib._; - efforts to improve the condition of the army, 631; - speech on the Russian War, 639; - present at a Council of War at Windsor, 651; - attacked by the _Times_ for military jobbery, 667; - his scheme for a new military organisation, 694; - opens the Art Treasures Exhibition at Manchester, 739; - receives the title of Prince Consort by letters patent, 743; - his advice to the King of Prussia regarding German unity, II. 90; - his last illness, 92-96; - the widespread grief of the British people at his death, 98; - his character, 104-107; - his funeral, 107-110; - the interment at Frogmore, 146; - his memorandum regarding Turkey, 531 - -Albert Hall, Royal, laying the foundation stone of, II. 291; - opened by the Queen, 409 - -Albert Memorial, Scottish National, at Edinburgh, - unveiled by the Queen, II. 503 - -Albert Victor, Prince of Wales, receives the Order of the Garter, II. 667; - the investiture a private function, _ib._; - a proof of the high favour in which he was held by the Queen, _ib._; - coming of age of, 719 - -Alberto Azzo, his union with the House of Guelph, I. 4 - -Aldershot, Visit of the Queen to, II. 265 - -Alexander II. of Russia declared Emperor, I. 633; - his death, II. 623; - his humane character, _ib._; - the liberation of the serfs accomplished by him, _ib._; - his devotion to the highest interests of Russia, _ib._; - his judicious management of the war with Turkey, 623-4 - -Alexandra, Princess of Denmark, her entry into London, II. 152; - her marriage to the Prince of Wales, 158 - -Alexandria, English and French fleets despatched to, II. 642; - riot in the city, _ib._; - the British Consul injured, _ib._; - French and English subjects slain, _ib._; - a stampede of the foreign population, _ib._; - Arabi Pasha strengthens the fortifications, _ib._; - the forts bombarded by the British fleet, _ib._; - the city seized by a fanatical mob, _ib._ - -Alfred, Prince, his birth, I. 167; - his sponsors at christening, 171; - his successful preparation for the navy, II. 23; - his visit to Cape Town, 69; - attempted assassination by O’Farrel, 316; - his betrothal to the Duchess Marie of Russia, 451; - his marriage, 453 - -Alice, Princess, Marriage of, to Prince Louis of Hesse, II. 141-2; - her sedulous consolation to her mother, 143; - recipient of the Queen’s confidences, 228; - her death, 509; - the esteem in which she was held by the English people, 560; - her life in Germany, 561 - -Alliance, The new Holy, between Austria, Russia, and Prussia, II. 59 - -Allotments Bill passed, II. 738 - -Alma, The battle of the, I. 607 - -Alula Ras, leader of the Abyssinians, II. 718 - -America, the discovery of gold in California, I. 535 - -Amos, Mr., appointed the Queen’s tutor in Constitutional Government, I. 14 - -Angra Pequena annexed by Germany, II. 684 - -Arabi Pasha, the disagreement between the - partners in the Dual Control as to - the course that should be adopted towards him, II. 641; - he becomes the real Minister of War, _ib._; - loaded with decorations, 642; - the rank and title of Pasha conferred upon him, _ib._; - virtually Dictator of Egypt, _ib._; - his policy of “Egypt for the Egyptians,” _ib._; - French and English consuls advise his expulsion, _ib._; - he resigns, _ib._; - a second time Minister of War, _ib._; - ostentatiously strengthens the forts of Alexandria, _ib._; - takes up a position at Tel-el-Kebir after the - bombardment of the Alexandrian forts, _ib._; - English expedition sent against him, _ib._; - defeated by General Wolseley at Kassassin, _ib._; - the battle of Tel-el-Kebir, _ib._; - to the British troops at Cairo, _ib._; - saved from capital punishment by the English Government, _ib._; - exiled to Ceylon, _ib._ - -Argyle, Duke of, appointed Lord Privy Seal, I. 519; - his success at the India Office, II. 343; - appointed Lord Privy Seal, 594; - resignation on Mr. Gladstone’s Irish Land Bill, 616 - -Ascot Race Week, The Queen and, II. 721 - -Ashanti, Outbreak of war in, II. 461; - capture of Coomassie by Sir Garnet Wolseley, _ib._ - -Ashbourne’s, Lord, Land Bill, II. 710 - -Ashley, Lord, _see_ Shaftesbury - -Ashley, Mr. Evelyn, his Life of Lord Palmerston, I. 395 - -Auckland, Lord, his negotiations with Dost Mahomed in Afghanistan, I. 112; - his unfortunate policy, _ib._; - declares war against Dost Mahomed, 114; - created an Earl, _ib._; - reversal of his policy in Afghanistan, 122 - -Australia, discussion in Parliament, as to its - legislative constitution, I. 439; - the discovery of gold, 496; - the rush to the gold-fields, 535; - effect of the gold discovery on the colony, 538; - results of the gold discovery in England, _ib._; - excitement on account of German annexation of New Guinea, II. 686 - -Australian Contingent, The, in the Soudan campaign, II. 717 - -Austria, Absorption by, of the Republic of Cracow, I. 259; - triumph over Italy, 422; - overthrow of Hungarian independence, 423; - General Haynau’s unpopularity in England, 457; - Lord Palmerston’s note on the Haynau incident, 457; - policy during the dispute between Russia and Turkey, 551, 553, 582, 623; - signature of the Protocol, 584; - makes terms with Prussia, 585; - treaty with Turkey, 586; - refuses to join with England against Russia, 639; - concessions made to Lord Cowley regarding Italy, II. 34; - declaration of war against Sardinia, 35; - defeated in the Italian War, 38; - proposal by the Emperor regarding Venetia, 56; - difficulties with Hungary, 79; - the war with Prussia, 280; - expelled from German unity, 281; - policy during the Russo-Turkish War, 530; - rumour as to its opposition to Mr. Gladstone, 596; - Mr. Gladstone’s reply to Austrian criticism, _ib._; - political capital made out of Mr. Gladstone’s - explanatory letter to Count Karolyi, 597 - - -B. - -Baden, the institution of a Free Press, of - a National Guard, and of Trial by Jury, I. 346 - -Baillie, Mr., his motion regarding Ceylon and Guiana, I. 382 - -Baines, Mr., his proposal regarding the vote for the boroughs, II. 214 - -Baker Pasha put in command of the Egyptian native police, II. 643; - defeated by the Mahdi at Tokar, 672 - -Balaclava, The Battle of, I. 611-613; - Campbell’s “thin red line,” 612; - charge of the Heavy Brigade, 613; - charge of the Light Brigade, 614 - -Balfour, Mr. A. J., one of the founders of the Fourth Party, II. 594; - his obstructionist tactics, 601; - becomes President of the Local Government Board, 708; - appointed Chief Secretary for Ireland, 735; - his Coercion Bill and its chief provisions, 735-6 - -Ballot Bill, Discussion in Parliament as to the conditions of the, II. 395; - passing of the Ballot Act, 423 - -Balmoral described by the Queen, I. 366; - visited by the Queen, 412, 458, 459, 487, - 622, 660, 696; II. 293, 431, 606, 627, 666, 667; - Greville’s description of the Queen’s life at, 415 - -Balmoral, Countess of, the Queen’s assumed - title during her visit to Italy, II. 580 - -Bank Charter Act, its favourable effect, I. 182 - -Bankruptcy Bill, The, carried in Parliament, II. 86; - real progress made with it, 658; - its main object to provide for an independent - examination into all circumstances of insolvency by officials of the Board - of Trade, _ib._; - read a second time, _ib._; - referred to the Grand Committee on Trade, _ib._; - passed by the House of Lords without cavil, _ib._; - Mr. Chamberlain’s ability and tact in conducting it, _ib._ - -Bankruptcy Clauses of the Irish Land Bill, II. 736 - -Bannerman, Mr. Campbell-, attacks the Bankruptcy - Clauses of the Irish Land Bill, II. 736 - -Baring, Mr., his budget, I. 90; - proposed alterations on the Sugar Duties, _ib._ - -Battenberg, Prince Henry of, II. 718; - made Knight of the Garter, 722; - assumes title of His Royal Highness, _ib._; - question of the legality of this assumption, ib. - -Bavuda Desert, The march across the, II. 713 - -Beaconsfield, Lord, _see_ Disraeli, Mr. - -Beales, Mr., his leadership of the Reform League, II. 270 - -Bean, his attempt on the Queen’s life, I. 110 - -Beatrice, Princess, Betrothal of, II. 718; - unpopularity of her marriage, _ib._; - annuity to her on her marriage, 720; - marriage of, 722; - welcome in the Highlands after her marriage, 723 - -Beer Duty instituted by Mr. Gladstone, II. 601 - -Belfast visited by the Queen and the Prince Consort, I. 410 - -Belgium, proposed visit of the Queen, I. 126 - -Belt, Mr., sculptor of the Queen’s monument to - Lord Beaconsfield in Hughenden Church, II. 643 - -Beniowski, Major, his leadership of the Chartist rising in Wales, I. 329 - -Benson, Dr., Archbishop of Canterbury, nominate - d by Archbishop Tait as his successor, II. 650 - -Bentham, Jeremy, his exposure of the needless - severity of the Criminal Code, I. 27 - -Bentinck, Lord George, attacks Prince Albert - in a speech during a debate about the Corn Laws, I. 226; - his contention against Free Trade, 275; - his Bill for railways in Ireland, 278; - imprudent speech on the European Powers, 301; - his championship of the West - Indies planters, 350; - his death, 371; - his character, _ib._ - -Beresford, Lord Charles, rescues Sir Charles Wilson, II. 716 - -Berlin, the rising against the Government, I. 346 - -Besant, Mr. Walter, his revelations of East London life, II. 668; - impetus to social reform by his novels, _ib._; - his ideal in “All Sorts and Conditions of Men,” _ib._; - the effect of his writings on London society, _ib._; - practically the originator of the People’s Palace in East London, 740 - -Bessborough, Lord, his support of Wellington on Free Trade, I. 227; - appointed Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, 245; - his death, 292 - -Beyrout bombarded by the European allies, I. 86 - -Biggar, Mr., his co-operation with Mr. Parnell, II. 488; - development of the policy of obstruction, 499 - -Bill, Education, introduced in the House of Commons, II. 355, 360; - its terms, 360; - criticism by Mr. Mill and Mr. Fawcett, 361; - passed by both Houses, 362; - adverse criticism by the Dissenters, 457; - Mr. Forster’s compromise to the Dissenters, 458 - -Birch, Mr., appointed tutor to the of Wales, I. 403 - -Birmingham, The Queen’s visit to, in 1858, II. 20; - Her Majesty opens Aston Hall and Park, _ib._; - the Queen opens the Law Courts in, 739; - enthusiasm of her reception, _ib._ - -Bismarck, Herr Von, his policy towards Russia, I. 554; - his mission to the German States, II. 495; - his view regarding the German conditions at - the close of the Franco-German War, 403 - -Blignières, M. de, resigns his position on the Dual Control, II. 642 - -Bonaparte, Charles Louis, _see_ Napoleon III. - -Boniface, Duke of Tuscany, a supposed ancestor of the Queen, I. 4 - -Borneo, The work of Sir James Brooke in, I. 187, 188; - its defiance of English authority, 254; - proclamation of Sir J. Cochrane to the natives, _ib._ - -Boscawen, Col., in tactical command of Sir Herbert - Stewart’s column in the Nile Expedition, II. 714 - -Boycotting, origin of the term, II. 603 - -Brackenbury, General, in command of the River Column, II. 717 - -Bradlaugh, Mr., his first attempt to take an - affirmation on entering Parliament, II. 595; - opposition of the Fourth Party, _ib._; - Mr. Labouchere’s motion in his favour, _ib._; - imprisoned in the Clock Tower, _ib._; - Mr. Gladstone’s motion to allow him to affirm at his own risk, _ib._; - his re-election for Northampton, 618; - Tory opposition to his taking the seat, _ib._; - attempt to force his way into the House of Commons, _ib._: - renewed attempt to take the oath, 630; - his second return for Northampton, _ib._; - excluded from the precincts of the House of Parliament, _ib._; - his promise not to press his claim to be sworn - till the Affirmation Bill had been determined, 658; - writes to the Speaker claiming his right to take the oath, _ib._; - Sir Stafford Northcote’s resolution preventing him from taking the oath, _ib._; - his threat to treat the resolution as invalid, _ib._; - Sir S. Northcote’s resolution excluding him from - the precincts of the House of Parliament, _ib._; - his action against the Sergeant-at-Arms, _ib._; - again prevented from taking his seat, 676; - excluded from the House of Commons, _ib._; - takes the oath, 726 - -Brand, Sir Henry, Speaker of the House of Commons, - elevated to the peerage, II. 676 - -Bright, Mr., his work with Cobden as leader of - the Anti-Corn Law Movement, I. 88; - his championship of Free Trade, 201; - his powerful eloquence, 202; - his view of the Education Vote, 283; - his opposition to Shaftesbury’s “Ten Hours Bill,” 286; - his opinions on the Irish Question, 378; - his teaching regarding the colonies, 380; - his ineffectual efforts to preserve peace before the Crimean War, 578; - speech against the Russian War, 590; - his attacks on the propertied classes, II. 31; - his view regarding the _Trent_ dispute, 122; - speech at Birmingham on the Irish Question, 302; - speech in the House of Commons on the Irish Question, 334; - his administration at the Board of Trade, 342; - resignation of office at the Board of Trade, 387; - appointed Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, 439; - his opposition to Mr. Forster’s Education Bill, 458; - his proposal regarding the Ashanti War, 462; - his speech against the Beaconsfield Government, 583; - speech on the Irish Question, 603; - his withdrawal from the Cabinet because of the bombardment - of the forts at Alexandria, 654; - his denunciation of the Obstructionists, 660; - joins the Liberal Unionists, 729 - -Broadfoot, Lieut., Murder of, at Cabul, I. 117 - -Broadhurst, Mr., opposes the vote to Prince Leopold on his marriage, II. 646 - -Brooke, Sir James, his services in Borneo, I. 187, 188; - his conduct impugned by Cobden, _ib._ - -Brougham, Lord, his speeches on the revolt in Canada, I. 34; - his quarrel with the Whig leaders, 47; - his remarks on Roman Catholicism and the English Crown, 66; - remark on the Irish famine, 278; - his opposition to the “Ten Hours Bill,” 287; - his attack on the Rebellion Losses Bill, 383; - failure of his attack on Lord Palmerston, 396 - -Bruce, Mr. Austin (afterwards Lord Aberdare), the - Habitual Criminals Act, II. 339 - -Buccleuch, the Duke of, the Queen’s Visit to, II. 732 - -Buckingham, Duke of, appointed President of the Council, II. 257 - -Buckingham Palace, great ball in 1842, I. 107 - -Budget Defeat, the Queen’s constitutional point about - a ministerial resignation on a, II. 707 - -Bulgarian Atrocities, The, II. 506-511 - -Buller, Charles, his co-operation with Lord Durham in - preparing a system of self-government for Canada, I. 35; - his distinction between colonisation and emigration, 283; - his condemnation of England’s colonial policy, 386 - -Bunsen, Baroness, description of the meeting of Parliament in 1842, I. 107; - account of a royal party at Buckingham Palace, 304; - description of the Prince Consort’s installation as Chancellor of Cambridge - University, 311 - -Buol, Count, his suggestion at the Second Vienna Conference, I. 634 - -Burgoyne, Sir J., his opinion regarding the storming of Sebastopol, I. 609 - -Burmah, outbreak of war, I. 503; - blockade of Rangoon by the British, 504; - an embassy to the Queen, II. 429; - the conquest by Great Britain, 698 - -Burmah, Upper, annexed to the Indian Empire, II. 723 - -Burnaby, Colonel Fred, killed in the battle of Abu Klea, II. 713 - -Burnes, Sir Alexander, his mission to Cabul, I. 112; - the garbling of his , _ib._; - appointed assistant secretary to Shah Soojah, 113; - massacred at Cabul, 117 - -Butt, Mr. Isaac, his leadership of the Home Rule Party, II. 426 - - -C. - -Cabul, insurrection of the Afghans, I. 117; - entered by the British, 121; - Sir Frederick Roberts master of, II. 574 - -Caffre War, Outbreak of the, I. 254 - -Cairns, Lord, appointed Lord Chancellor, II. 304; - his resignation of the leadership of the Tory party, 358; - Lord Chancellor under Disraeli, 465; - his Judicature Bill, 484; - his amendment to Mr. Gladstone’s Reform Bill of 1884, 677 - -Cairo, stampede of the foreign population after the riot at Alexandria, II. 642; - capture of the city by General Drury Lowe, 643; - surrender of Arabi Pasha, _ib._; - the Khedive reinstated, _ib._ - -Cambridge, the Prince Consort’s installation as Chancellor of the University, I. 310-314; - its many pleasant associations with the Queen’s married life, 314; - Prince Albert’s revised course of studies, 369 - -Cambridge, Duke of, conveys the Queen’s congratulations to the volunteers on - the coming of age of the force, II. 607 - -Campbell, Sir Colin, his plans at Sebastopol, I. 609; - his consummate skill at Balaclava, 611; - the confidence in his leadership, 671; - his lack of “interest,” 674; - his return to England and proposed resignation, 675; - an interview with the Queen, _ib._; - his work in India, 735; - the relief of Lucknow, 737; - defeat of the rebels at Cawnpore, _ib._; - the final capture of Lucknow, II. 2; - his regulations regarding the control of the Indian army, 26 - -Campbell, Sir John, his opinion in regard to Chartism, I. 58 - -Campbell, Lord, appointed Chancellor of the Duchy, I. 245; - a letter in regard to the Russell Ministry, 246; - an account of a Cabinet meeting, 277; - a visit to Windsor, 290; - a letter regarding an interview with the Queen, 291; - an amusing account of a banquet, _ib._; - an account of a royal party at Buckingham Palace, 306; - the Crown Security Bill, 355; - his speech on the position of the Prince Consort, 576; - his opinion on Baron Parke’s life-peerage, 682; - the passing of the Divorce Bill, 713 - -Campbell-Bannerman, Mr., attacks the Bankruptcy Clauses of the Irish Land Bill, II. 736 - -Canada, its early discontents, I. 31; - resolutions in Parliament regarding reform, 32; - the serious condition of the Lower Provinces, _ib._; - sympathisers in the United States, _ib._; - seizure of Navy Island, _ib._; - jealousy between the Upper and Lower Provinces, 34; - suppression of the revolt, _ib._; - the Ashburton Treaty, 168; - opposition to Free Trade, _ib._; - evil effects of Peel’s policy, 251; - riot in Montreal, 382; - the Rebellion Losses Bill, 383; - cordial welcome to the Prince of Wales, II. 67; - feeling of uneasiness in England in case of war between Canada and the United - States, 234; - scandal regarding the Canadian Pacific Railway, 459; - rebellion of half-breeds in the North-West of, 723; - the rising put down by Sir F. Middleton, _ib._ - -Cannes, the Duke of Albany dies at, II. 687; - the Queen’s visit to, 740 - -Canning, Lord, Viceroy of India, I. 724; - his vigorous policy during the Mutiny, 734; - Tory hostility to his policy, II. 7; - his recall petitioned for, 17; - supported by the Queen, _ib._; - censured by Lord Ellenborough, _ib._; - Lord Ellenborough resigns, 18 - -Canton, capture by the British, II. 4 - -Cardigan, Lord, and the charge of the Light Brigade, I. 614 - -Cardwell, Mr., his economic reforms in the army, II. 340; - his inefficiency as head of the War Department, 363; - his Army Bill 391; - the favourable reception of his Army Bill, 424 - -Carey, Lieutenant, tried by court-martial regarding the death of the Prince Imperial, II. 578; - restored to his rank by the Duke of Cambridge, _ib._ - -Carlyle, Mr., his attacks on the governing classes of England, I. 358; - his interview with the Queen, II. 346 - -Carnarvon, Lord, Secretary for the Colonies, II. 257; - resignation of office, 275; - Secretary for the Colonies under Mr. Disraeli, 465; - his second resignation, 535; - his scheme of Home Rule, 724; - resigns the Viceroyalty of Ireland, 726 - -Cathcart, Lord, his speech to the Canadian Parliament, I. 250; - the amendment to his speech, _ib._ - -Cavagnari, Sir Louis, Murder of, at Cabul, II. 573 - -Cavour, Count, his visit to England, I. 664; - his threats to Napoleon III., II. 34; - his protest against the conquest of the Sicilies, I. 54; - his death, 79 - -Cawnpore, the massacre of English residents by Nana Sahib, II. 731 - -Cetewayo, King of the Zulus, ally of England. II. 563; - fights at Isandhiwana, 564 - -Ceylon, Lord Torrington’s fiscal mistakes, I. 382 - -Chamberlain, Mr., his adverse criticism of Mr. Forster’s Education Bill, II. 458; - his reception as Mayor of Birmingham of the Prince and Princess of Wales, 478; - his opposition to the continuance of flogging in the army, 569; - his skill as a debater, 571; - his supposed Socialism, 593; - his distinction in Parliament, _ib._; - Mr. Gladstone’s objection to his securing a place in the Cabinet, 594; - Whig antagonism to his Cabinet rank, _ib._; - President of the Board of Trade, _ib._; - social campaign against him and the Radical section of the Cabinet, 603; - his Bill enabling Corporations to adopt electric lighting, 635; - introduces a Merchant Shipping Bill, 678; - Lord Randolph Churchill’s accusation against him in regard to the Aston riots, _ib._; - his Socialistic appeals to the electors, 698; - possible -coalition with Lord R. Churchill, _ib._; - the “doctrine of ransom,” _ib._; - abolition of taxation part of his scheme, _ib._; - his “ransom” doctrine and its effect on the country, 724; - his “unauthorised programme,” _ib._; - his scheme of Home Rule, _ib._; - his withdrawal from Mr. Gladstone’s Cabinet, 727; - joins the Liberal Unionists, 729 - -Chambers, Messrs., their petition against the Paper Duty, I. 391 - -Charles of Hesse, Death of the Princess, II. 719 - -Charles of Prussia, Prince, Death of, (the “Red Prince”), II. 721 - -Charrington, Lieutenant, his mission with Professor Palmer to detach the Bedouins - from the side of Arabi Pasha, II. 642; - murdered at the Wells of Moses, _ib._ - -Chartists, their hatred of the Queen, I. 38; - their demands, 48; - declaration of the “People’s Charter,” 49; - their meetings proclaimed, 50; - petition to the Government, 58; - riot at Birmingham, _ib._; - the vigour of the movement, _ib._; - their turbulent Socialism, 59; - alarm of the Government, _ib._; - disturbances in 1842, 126; - demonstration on Kennington Common, 327, 331; - a secret society, 328; - in league with foreign revolutionists, 329; - sympathy from the Tories, _ib._; - their political organisation, 330; - the two divisions, _ib._; - their first check, _ib._; - peaceful nature of the movement, 334; - reconstruction of the party by Mr. Ernest Jones, 335; - seizure of conspirators at Bloomsbury, 338; - collapse of the organisation, _ib._; - effect of the rising on Parliament, 354 - -Chartreuse, the Queen visits the Grande, II. 740 - -Chelmsford, Lord, Lord Chancellor, II. 257 - -Childers, Mr., his economic reforms in the navy, II. 340; - his vigorous policy at the Admiralty, 365, 424; - War Secretary, 594; - Chancellor of the Exchequer, 654; - his Budget for 1883, 659; - reduces the Income Tax, _ib._; - introduces a Bill to reduce the National Debt, _ib._; - his Budget for 1884, 677; - rejection of his 1885 Budget, 706 - -Children’s celebration of the Queen’s Jubilee in Hyde Park, II. 747 - -China, war with England, I. 52; - the opium trade, _ib._; - the peace of Nankin, _ib._; - the treaty in regard to commerce, 53; - disturbances at Canton, 254; - completion of a treaty with England, _ib._; - outbreak of war with England, 705; - hostilities with England, II. 47 - -Chobham, Experimental military camp at, I. 567 - -Christian, Mr. Edward, his view in regard to the constitution of the Cabinet - Council, I. 26 - -Churchill, Lord Randolph, his foundation of the Fourth Party, II. 594; - his obstructionist tactics, 600; - attack on the Government in regard to the Egyptian Question, 636; - co-operation with the Parnellites, 706; - becomes Secretary of State for India, 708; - is appointed Chancellor of the Exchequer and Leader of the House of Commons, 730; - resigns the Chancellorship of the Exchequer, 731 - -Circular, The, in regard to Fugitive Slaves, II. 489 - -Clanricarde, Marquis of, his Land Bill for Ireland, II. 286 - -Clarendon, Lord, a remark on Lord John Russell, I. 239; - his satisfaction with the Queen’s visit to Ireland, 410, 411; - Chancellor of the Queen’s University of Ireland, 415; - his impartial administration in Ireland, 443; - his policy during the Russo-Turkish War difficulty, 578; - his impetuous despatch of the ultimatum to Russia, 582; - his statement regarding the war between England and Russia, 591; - remarks on the Queen and Prince Albert, II. 5, 6; - the Queen’s confidence in his advice, 44; - appointed Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, 245; - his death, 366 - -Closure, The, proposed by the Tories, II. 734 - -Coal Mines Regulation Bill, The, passed, II. 738 - -Cobden, Mr., his birth and early career, I. 87; - his work in the repeal of the Corn Laws, _ib._; - co-operation with Mr. Bright in the Anti-Corn Law Movement, 88; - enters Parliament, 98; - attack on Sir Robert Peel, 137; - his aims, 207; - receives a testimonial from Free Traders, 241; - rejection of his first scheme for international arbitration, 391; - his resolutions in favour of a general reduction of expenditure, 446; - his motion for general disarmament among European powers, 475; - his ineffectual efforts to preserve peace during the Russo-Turkish difficulty, 578; - challenges the whole policy of the Government in the Russo-Turkish Question, 587, 591; - his motion against the war with China, 706; - his Commercial Treaty, II. 48; - attack on Palmerston’s foreign policy, 207; - his death, 235; - the leading ideas of the Manchester School, _ib._ - -Cochrane, Mr., his proposal regarding the Income Tax, I. 327 - -Cockburn, Sir Alexander, his eloquent speech on the foreign policy of the Russell - Government, I. 435 - -Codrington, General, his inefficiency at Sebastopol, I. 671 - -Coercion for Ireland, Mr. Balfour’s permanent, II. 736 - -Colley, Sir George Pomeroy, Death of, II. 619 - -Collings, Mr. Jesse, defeats the Tory Government in 1886 on the question of allotments - for labourers, II. 727 - -Colonisation, attention given to the question, I. 130; - a preliminary expedition to New Zealand, _ib._ - -Connaught, Duke of, his marriage to the Princess Louise of Prussia, II. 578 - -Conolly, Captain Arthur, his mission to Persia, I. 123; - his death, 124 - -Constantine, the Grand Duke, his visit to England, I. 742 - -Constantinople, English protection of, II. 533 - -Conyngham, Marquis of, one of the messengers to the Queen announcing the death - of King William IV., I. 1 - -Cooper, Thomas, his advocacy of Chartist principles, I. 58 - -Corn Laws, the association for their repeal, I. 87; - Cobden’s advocacy of repeal, _ib._; - the Anti-Corn Law League, 88; - systematic spread of opinion against them, _ib._; - Lord John Russell’s motion, 90, 91; - reference in the Queen’s Speech, 95; - bitter debate in Parliament, 223 - -Corporation Act, The repeal of the, I. 23 - -Corrupt Practices Bill read a second time, II. 658; - its stringent penalties, _ib._; - opposed by Tories, Radicals, and Parnellites, _ib._; - passed by both Houses, _ib._ - -Corry, Mr., First Lord of the Admiralty, II. 275 - -Corry, Mr. Montagu, _see_ Rowton, Lord - -Cottenham, Lord Chancellor, administers the oath to the Queen, I. 19 - -Cotton, Sir Willoughby, in command in Afghanistan, I. 116 - -Cotton famine in Lancashire, The, I. 123 - -Cowan, Lord Mayor, the Queen’s visit at his inauguration, I. 31 - -Cowell, Lieutenant, tutor to Prince Alfred, I. 692 - -Cowper, Lord, Irish Viceroy, II. 632 - -Cranworth, Lord, Lord Chancellor, I. 519; - his bill for altering the punishment of transportation, 535 - -Crawford, Mr. Sharman, his motion in regard to Ireland, I. 354 - -Crimean War, the, Origin of, I. 540; - the declaration of war by England, 583; - review of the fleet at Spithead, 584; - Mr. Cobden’s advocacy of peace, 587; - the attitude of Prussia, 593; - Mr. Gladstone’s War Budget, 597; - operations in the Black Sea, 603; - the battle of the Alma, 607; - blunders of the Allies, 609; - the battle of Balaclava, 611; - the charge of the “Six Hundred,” 614; - the battle of Inkermann, 615; - the Austrian proposals, 623; - the Vienna Conference, 634; - death of Lord Raglan, 641; - the Queen decorates returned soldiers, 647; - the assault on the Redan, 671; - fall of Sebastopol, 673; - peace declared, 683 - -Crimes Act abandoned in 1885 by the Tory party, II. 710 - -Criminal Appeal, Court of, Bill for establishing, opposed by the Tories, II. 658; - Bill before the Grand Committee on Law, _ib._; - the Bill dropped by the Government, _ib._ - -Criminal Code Bill read a second time, II. 658 ; - opposition of the Irish Party, _ib._; - obstructed by Lord Randolph Churchill and the Fourth Party, _ib._; - abandoned by Sir Henry James, _ib._; - Sir Henry Drummond-Wolff’s question regarding, _ib._ - -Criminal Law Consolidation Acts, The, I. 28 - -_Critic, British_, its articles on the Tractarian Movement, I. 99 - -Croker, Mr. J. W., his attack on the Anti-Corn Law League, I. 211; - his opposition to the Russian War, 618 - -Cross, Mr. R. A. (afterwards Viscount Cross), Home Secretary, II. 465; - his Licensing Bill, 470; - his Artisans’ Dwellings Bill, 483; - passes the Prisons Bill, 518; - his opposition to the Bill establishing a Court of Appeal in Criminal Cases, 658 - -Crown Prince of Germany, _see_ Frederick, Crown Prince - -Cumberland, Duke of, the Orange plot for his accession to the throne, I. 37; - popular rejoicing at his departure from England, 38 - -Cupar-Fife, Seizure of packages of dynamite at, II. 661 - -Cyprus annexed by the British, I. 550 - - -D. - -Dalhousie, Lord, denied a place in the Russell Cabinet, I. 244; - the annexation of Burmah, 506; - his viceregal government in India, 720, 722; - his system of education unpopular, 723 - -Dalkeith Palace, Visit of the Queen to, II. 732 - -Darmstadt, The Queen at (1885), II. 719 - -Darwin, Mr. Charles, his death, II. 649; - his skill as a scientific investigator, _ib._; - his profound influence on the thought of the Victorian Age, _ib._; - the great work of his life, _ib._; - the impetus to science from his doctrine of Evolution, 650 - -Davis, Thomas Osborne, his connection with the Young Ireland Party, I. 339; - editor of the _Nation_ newspaper, _ib._; - his attack on English ideas, 340 - -Davitt, Michael, the organisation of the Land League, I. 602; - his arrest, 612 - -Davy, Sir Humphry, his discoveries in photography, I. 177 - -Delhi, outbreak of the Sepoy Mutiny, I. 730; - recaptured by the British, 734 - -Demerara, discontent in, 1849, I. 382 - -Denison, Mr., elected Speaker of the House of Commons, II. 254 - -Denman, Lord, his opinion on the Hampden ecclesiastical case, I. 300 - -Denmark, the dispute in regard to the Duchies of Sleswig-Holstein, II. 79; - war with Germany, 187 - -Dickens, Mr. Charles, his death, II. 379; - his mission as a novelist, _ib._; - his qualities as a writer, _ib._; - the Queen’s admiration of his genius, 381; - invited to Buckingham Palace, 382; - refuses a baronetcy, 383 - -Derby, Lord (fourteenth Earl), his formation of a Protectionist Ministry, I. 499; - excellent practical work of his Government, 503; - resignation of office, 518; - attack on the Palmerston Government, 681; - support of Lord Canning’s policy in India, II. 7; - asked to form a Cabinet, _ib._; - resignation of his Government, 36; - letter on the Italian Question, 46; - his Cabinet, 257; - resigns the Premiership, 303; - his death, 350; - his character, 351 - -Derby, Lord (fifteenth Earl), the Fugitive Slave Circular, II. 489; - proposals to Turkey in regard to Bulgaria, 507; - negotiations regarding Turkey, 508; - his policy during the Russo-Turkish War, 529, 530; - his objection to a Congress on the Turkish Question, 540; - his resignation, 542; - his commendable attitude during the Russo-Turkish crisis, 543; - Secretary to the Colonies, 654; - his vacillating policy regarding British territory in Africa, 683; - his mistaken policy in regard to Queensland and New Guinea, 685; - takes possession of territory at Saint Lucia Bay and Pondoland, 686 - -Dicey, Mr. Edward, urges the policy of establishing a British Protectorate in - Egypt, II. 638, 674 - -Digna, Osman, defeated by General Graham, II. 718; - in conflict with the Abyssinians, _ib._ - -Dilke, Sir Charles, Under Secretary for Foreign Affairs, II. 594; - President of the Local Government Board, 655 - -Dillon, Mr., his passionate appeals against English government in Ireland, II. 615; - proposes the “Plan of Campaign,” 730; - abortive prosecution of, 735 - -Disraeli, Mr., his birth and parentage, I. 50; - his novels, _ib._; - his dislike of the Whigs, _ib._; - member for Maidstone, 51; - his personal appearance, _ib._; - his maiden speech, _ib._; - his attack on O’Connell, _ib._; - the nature of his Conservatism, _ib._; - the beginning of his influence, 190; - the pungency of his style, 191; - his opposition to Sir Robert Peel, _ib._; - the “Young England” Party, _ib._; - his speech against Peel on the Corn Laws, 223; - leadership of the Protectionists, 375; - the debate on the state of the nation, 399; - his amendment to the Queen’s Speech in 1850, 424; - his proposal to revise the Poor Law, _ib._; - his advocacy of Imperial Federation for Australia, 439; - his tactics in regard to the motion on salaries, 445; - his motion for the relief of agricultural depression, 465; - Chancellor of the Exchequer, 499; - complaints against his leadership in the House of Commons, 500; - his Budget speech in 1852, 502; - his political tactics, 516; - his fatal Budget, _ib._; - his leadership of the Tories at the Crimean crisis, 635, 679, 680; - his attacks on Lord Palmerston’s Italian policy, 696; - coalition with Mr. Gladstone, 700; - attack on the foreign policy of the Government, _ib._; - his support of Lord Canning’s policy in India, II. 7; - his India Bill, 17; - his Reform Bill, 32; - support of Lord Palmerston’s Ministry, 75, 82; - his view in regard to the American Civil War, 119; - attack on Mr. Gladstone’s Budget of 1860, 125; - attack on Palmerston’s diplomacy with Denmark, 204; - moves a vote of censure on Palmerston’s policy with Denmark, 206; - Chancellor of the Exchequer, 257; - speech on Reform, 271; - his proposals in regard to Reform, 274; - “educating his party,” 278; - his Budget for 1867, 283; - Premier, 303; - a faulty electoral address, 314; - resigns office, 315; - his speech on the Disestablishment of the Irish Church, 331; - his amendment to Mr. Gladstone’s motion on the Irish Church, 332, 334-5; - his criticism of Mr. Gladstone’s Irish Land Bill, 357; - his opposition to Army Purchase, 392; - his effective opposition to Mr. Gladstone, 426; - his attacks on the Gladstone Government, 463; - his majority in 1874, 465; - First Lord of the Treasury, 465; - his chivalrous attitude towards Mr. Gladstone, 467; - disaffection of the High Church party, 472; - the Scottish Church Patronage Bill, 472; - decline of his reputation, 474; - the annexation of the Fiji Islands, 475; - the Merchant Shipping Bill, 485-7; - purchase of the Suez Canal shares, 492; - the Royal Titles Bill, 499; - created Earl of Beaconsfield, 503; - speech on the Bulgarian atrocities, 506; - national protest against Turkish policy, 511, 523, 526; - his dexterity in dealing with the Turkish Question, 539; - his final agreement with Russia in regard to Turkey, 547; - at the Berlin Congress, 549; - the Anglo-Turkish Convention, 550; - the Indian scientific frontier, 556; - his belief in Asiatic Imperialism, 587; - deserted by the _Standard_, 588; - his Manifesto to the country, 590; - his fall from power, _ib._; - his novel of “Endymion,” 608; - his abandonment of the Coercion Act in Ireland, 611; - the failure of his policy in Afghanistan, _ib._; - his error in annexing the Transvaal, _ib._; - his death, 619; - his brilliant career, 620; - the secret of his success, _ib._; - sincerely esteemed by the Queen, _ib._; - his democratic impulses, _ib._; - his skilful management of the House of Commons, _ib._; - his declining years, _ib._; - his mistaken policy on the Eastern Question, 621; - his last words, 622; - his funeral, _ib._; - affectionately mourned by the people, _ib._; - visit of the Queen to his tomb, _ib._; - her Majesty’s monument to his memory in Hughenden Church, 643 - -Dixie, Lady Florence, the alleged attack on, II. 663; - alarm to the Queen by the story of the attack, _ib._; - John Brown reports on the case to her Majesty, 664 - -Dodson, Mr., President of the Local Government Board, II. 594; - his Employers’ Liability Bill, 601 - -Dongola, Evacuation of, by Lord Wolseley, II. 718 - -Dost Mahomed, his territory, I. 112; - his anxiety for an English alliance, _ib._; - virtual declaration of war against him by the British, 114; - his flight from Cabul, _ib._; - again in arms, 115; - defeat of a British force, _ib._; - surrender to the British Government, _ib._; - set at liberty, 122 - -Drummond, Mr., his proposal for the reduction of taxation, I. 446 - -Dublin, visit of the Queen and the Prince Consort, I. 407; - second visit of the Queen, 571; - riotous proceedings in connection with the celebration of the Queen’s Jubilee, 746 - -Dufferin, Lord, appointed Viceroy of India, II. 696 - -Duffy, Sir Charles Gavan, his connection with the “Young Ireland” Party, I. 339; - his statement of his aims, 340; - his arrest, 342; - brought to trial, 343 - -Dunraven, Lord, his conciliatory motion on Mr. Gladstone’s Reform Bill, II. 677 - -Durham, Lord, his Liberal policy in Canada, I. 34; - his resignation of the Governorship of Canada, _ib._; - recalled in disgrace by the Government, 35; - his system of self-government for Canada, _ib._; - success of his policy, _ib._; - his death, _ib._ - -Duty, Paper, Mr. Milner Gibson’s motion for repeal of, I. 503; - rejection of his motion, _ib._ - - -E. - -Earle, General, Death of, II. 717 - -East India Company, occupation of Aden by its troops, I. 52; - its opposition to Napier’s command in India, 402; - annexation of the Punjaub, _ib._ - -Ecclesiastical Titles Bill introduced by Lord John Russell, I. 464; - Mr. Cobden’s remarks on, 465; - opposition of the Peelites to its terms, 466; - the second attempt to introduce it, 470 - -Edinburgh visited by the Queen and the Prince Consort, I. 458, 487; - review of the volunteers by the Queen, II. 66; - third visit of the Queen and the Prince Consort, 91; - the unveiling of the Scottish National Albert Memorial, 503; - visited by the Queen, 627; - review of the volunteers by the Queen, _ib._; - her Majesty opens the International Exhibition in 1886, 732 - -Edinburgh, Duke of, _see_ Alfred, Prince - -Edison, Mr., the effect of his discovery of the electric light on gas investors, II. 582 - -Education hardly existing in its popular sense at the Queen’s accession, I. 3; - Lord John Russell’s scheme for national education, 270; - vote on the subject in the House of Commons, 282, 283; - Mr. Lowe’s revised Code, II. 120; - Bill introduced in the House of Commons, 355, 360; - its terms, 360; - criticism of the Bill by Mr. Mill and Mr. Fawcett, 361; - the Bill passed by both Houses, 362; - adverse criticism of the Bill by the Dissenters, 457; - Mr. Forster’s compromise to the Dissenters in regard to the Bill, 458 - -Edward of Saxe-Weimar, Princess, II. 723 - -Egypt, vote of credit in Parliament for expedition, II. 635; - the sources of the Egyptian difficulty, 636; - Ismail Pasha’s policy, _ib._; - the national borrowed money, _ib._; - purchase of the Suez Canal shares by England, _ib._; - Mr. Cave’s report on the Khedive’s money difficulties, 638; - Mr. Edward Dicey’s view of a Protectorate, _ib._; - Lord Salisbury’s error in policy, _ib._; - the Goschen-Joubert scheme for consolidating the Egyptian debt, _ib._; - commission by France and England to investigate the resources of the country, _ib._; - Nubar Pasha’s Ministry, 639; - beginning of the Dual Control, _ib._; - arrangement by the Powers to depose Ismail, _ib._; - Tewfik appointed Khedive, _ib._; - inefficiency of the Dual Control, _ib._; - ignominious position of England, _ib._; - the supremacy of the bondholders, _ib._; - restlessness of the natives under the Dual Control, 640; - revolt of Arabi Bey, _ib._; - disagreement between the partners in the Dual Control as to the treatment of Arabi Pasha, 641; - determination of the Assembly of Notables to assert their right to control - the Budget, _ib._; - the right of the Assembly disputed by the French and English controllers, _ib._; - the Chamber of Notables refuses to withdraw from its position, _ib._; - M. de Blignières resigns his post on the Dual Control, 642; - Arabi made Dictator of the country, _ib._; - “Egypt for the Egyptians,” _ib._; - French and English fleets despatched to Alexandria, _ib._; - French and English consuls advise the expulsion of Arabi, _ib._; - a riot in Alexandria, _ib._; - stampede of the foreign population of Alexandria and of Cairo, _ib._; - formation of a Cabinet patronised by Germany and Austria, _ib._; - safety of the Suez Canal assured, 643; - the battles of Kassassin and Tel-el-Kebir, _ib._; - the Khedive -reinstated in Cairo, _ib._; - occupied by a British army, _ib._; - Mr. Gladstone declares the occupation of the country temporary, _ib._; - the cost of the war to England, _ib._; - really under the control of the British Consul-General, _ib._; - England forbids the restoration of the Dual Control, _ib._; - Arabi and the insurgent leaders saved from capital punishment by the English - Government, acting on the instigation of Mr. Wilfrid Blunt, _ib._; - used as a subject for embarrassing the Ministry, 661; - Lord Hartington’s declaration about the recall of the British troops, _ib._; - difficulty arising from the exorbitant tolls levied on ships by the Suez Canal - Company, 662; - Mr. Gladstone’s agreement with M. de Lesseps, _ib._; - intention of the English Government to withdraw the troops, 670; - the attempt to conquer the Soudan, _ib._; - the appearance of the Mahdi, _ib._; - the expedition under Colonel Hicks, _ib._; - Hicks defeated at El Obeid, _ib._; - the Egyptian garrisons in the Soudan, _ib._; - the advice of the British Government in regard to the Soudan, 671; - the delay in the evacuation of Cairo, _ib._; - steps taken to relieve General Gordon, _ib._; - attack by the Conservatives on Mr. Gladstone’s policy, _ib._; - the embarrassing position of England in regard to, 672; - the best policy for England, _ib._; - the decision of the British Government, _ib._; - General Gordon’s mission, _ib._; - his arrival at Cairo, _ib._; - General Gordon appointed Governor-General of the Soudan, _ib._; - Baker Pasha’s death at Tokar, _ib._; - Mr. Gladstone admitted to be right in advising the abandonment of the Soudan, 674; - how the situation had been affected by the battle of Tel-el-Kebir, _ib._; - Gordon’s preliminary policy during his mission, 675; - the massacre of the garrison at Sinkat, _ib._; - the battle of El Teb, _ib._; - the battle of Tamanieb, _ib._; - General Graham recalled from Suakim, _ib._; - failure of Gordon’s negotiations with the Mahdi, 676; - the bad financial position of the country, _ib._; - Mr. Gladstone’s policy to relieve the debt, _ib._; - the Conference in regard to the country, _ib._; - Lord Northbrook’s mission, _ib._; - England’s freedom of action, _ib._; - vote for military operations by the English Government, _ib._; - the actual difficulties of the country, 682; - Lord Northbrook’s recommendations in regard to the debt, _ib._; - financial proposal of the British Government, _ib._; - prosecution of the Egyptian Government by the Debt Commission, _ib._; - Prince Bismarck’s advice to England regarding, 684; - Mr. Gladstone’s policy, 702; - the plan adopted for rescuing the country from a financial crisis, _ib._; - the diplomatic hostility of France, Russia, and Germany to England’s policy, 703; - the frontier fixed at Wady Halfa, _ib._ - -Election, General, on the Home Rule Scheme of Mr. Gladstone, II. 729 - -Electric Telegraph, its progress at the date of the Queen’s accession, I. 3 - -Elgin, Lord, his policy in Canada, I. 382; - his admirable behaviour during the Canadian crisis in 1849, 383, 384; - his successful diplomacy with Japan, II. 2 - -Eliot, George, her death, II. 609; - the character of her novels, _ib._; - her works especially enjoyed by the Queen, _ib._; - the popularity of “Adam Bede,” 610 - -Ellenborough, Lord, his secret despatch to Lord Canning, II. 18; - resigns office, _ib._ - -Elliot, Captain, his arrest by the Chinese Government, I. 52 - -El Obeid, Hicks Pasha and his army annihilated at, II. 670 - -Elphinstone, General, in command in Afghanistan, I. 116 - -El Teb, Defeat of Osman Digna at, II. 675 - -“Endymion,” Mr. Disraeli’s novel of, II. 608 - -England, development of the country since 1837, I. 3; - discontent among the masses, 48, 49; - the state of the country in 1839, 57; - disturbances in 1842, 126; - foreign policy during the difficulties between Russia and Turkey, 550-563; - the war against Russia, 583; - signature of the Protocol, 584; - a day of Fast, 599; - signature of the treaty with Russia, 683; - dispute with the United States, 688; - withdrawal of the legation from Italy, 698; - murmurings against taxation, 699; - war with Persia, 703, 704; - war with China, 705; - difficulties with Egypt, 660; - coolness with Germany, 683; - the rivalry with Germany regarding territory on the Congo, _ib._; - surrender to Germany on questions of colonial policy, 684; - unable to reconcile her interests with those of France, _ib._; - Prince Bismarck’s opposition, _ib._; - Bismarck’s advice regarding Egypt, _ib._; - annexation of territory at Saint Lucia Bay and at Pondoland, 686; - the Reserves called out, 702; - the difficulty of holding Egypt, _ib._; - offers of support from her colonies and from the peoples of India at the Russian - difficulty, 703; - controversy with Russia about the frontier of Afghanistan, 719 - -Este Guelphs, the name of the Royal Family of Great Britain, I. 5 - -Exchange, New Coal, founded by the Prince Consort, I. 418 - -Exhibition, International Industries, Prince Albert’s interest in, I. 449; - banquet of Commissioners at the Mansion House, 450; - attack by the Press on the Commissioners, 454; - completion of the building, 462; - energetic care of Prince Albert, 480, - adverse criticism of the scheme, _ib._; - opened by the Queen, 452; - ball at the Guildhall, 486; - opening of the Exhibition of 1862, II. 135 - -Explosives Act, the one Bill not obstructed in the session of 1883, 660; - the events that led to its production, _ib._; - the attempt to blow up the Local Board Government Offices, _ib._; - outrage in the Times office, _ib._; - the measure brought in by Sir W. Harcourt, _ib._ - - -F. - -Fair Trade Meetings, The, in Trafalgar Square, II. 731 - -Falkland, Lord, his Governorship of Nova Scotia, I. 251 - -Faraday, Mr., his researches in electricity, I. 270, 271; - his paper “On New Magnetic Actions,” 271 - -Farr, Dr., his investigation of the English Poor Law system, I. 362, 363 - -Fawcett, Mr., Postmaster-General, II. 594; - his Bill establishing a Parcels Post, 635; - his admission of women to the Post Office service, 653 - -Fenian Society, The, originated, II. 246; - its first name, _ib._; - its founder in Ireland, _ib._; - established in the United States, _ib._; - the funeral of McManus, _ib._ - -Ferdinand I., his rule in Austria, I. 343; - flight from Vienna, 345 - -Fielden, Mr. John, his “Ten Hours Bill,” I. 287 - -Finches, the, Earls of Nottingham, Mansion of, on the site of Kensington Palace, I. 8 - -Fitzmaurice, Lord Edmond, Under Secretary for Foreign Affairs, II. 655 - -Fitzwilliam, Earl, incident in the Queen’s early life at his residence, I. 12 - -Forster, Mr. W. E., his scheme of national education, I. 270; - his Endowed Schools Bill, 339; - introduces his Education Bill, 359; - his Ballot Bill, 395; - his compromise to the Dissenters on the Education Bill, 458; - his hesitancy regarding the War Vote, 538; - Chief Secretary for Ireland, 594; - his policy in Ireland, 601; - his Bill amending the Irish Act of 1870, 602; - his Coercion Bill, 604; - his Protection of Persons and Property Bill, 611; - violent opposition from Irish Members, _ib._; - his Protection Bill, 612; - his suppression of the Land League, 628; - opposition from Radicals and Conservatives to his coercive policy, 631; - failure of his Irish policy, _ib._; - his ineffective administration in Ireland, 632; - influences Parliament to give women a fair share - of the public endowments for secondary education, 653; - his withdrawal from the Cabinet, 654; - his charges against Mr. Parnell, 656 - -Fortescue, Mr. Chichester (afterwards Lord Carlingford), Secretary for Ireland, II. 245; - support of Mr. Gladstone’s Irish Land Bill, 358; - appointed to the Board of Trade, 387 - -Fourth Party, The, founded, II. 594; - its members, _ib._; - the reward of its efforts, 708 - -Fox, Mr. W. J., lecture against Corn Laws, I. 89 - -France, difficulties with England, I. 166; - dispute with England in regard to Otaheite, 167; - a letter from the Queen, 167; - visit of Louis Philippe to England, 172; - continued unfriendliness with England, 254; - protest of the English Government against the proposed Franco-Spanish marriage - alliance, 258; - bad fruits of the dispute with England, 302; - diplomatic quarrel with England, 428; - the Second Empire, 523; - dispute with Turkey as to Roman Catholics in Jerusalem, 542; - a treaty with Turkey, 543; - zeal of the war party against Russia, 581; - declaration of war against Russia, 583; - occupation of Gallipoli by French troops, _ib._; - signature of the Protocol, 584; - unpopularity of the war with Russia, 640; - collapse of the alliance with England, 675; - difficulties with Germany, II. 51; - angry feeling against England, 52; - an agreement with Italy, 218; - dispute with Prussia regarding Luxembourg, 282; - organisation of the military system, 344; - outbreak of the war with Prussia, 366; - nominal cause of the quarrel, 367; - proclamation of war against Prussia, 368; - Napoleon’s secret treaty regarding Belgium, 369; - battle of Worth, 370; - battle of Gravelotte, _ib._; - capture of Sedan, _ib._; - surrender of the French Emperor, _ib._; - proclamation of a Republic, 371; - cession of Alsace and Lorraine to Germany, _ib._; - unconditional surrender of the French army at Metz, _ib._; - the campaign under Gambetta’s leadership, 372; - M. Thiers appointed President, 406; - the Commission by France and England to investigate the resources of Egypt, 638; - the Dual Control in Egypt, 639; - breaks up the Dual Control, 642; - her fleet withdraws during the bombardment of Alexandria by the British, _ib._; - controversy with England, 667; - insolent behaviour of Admiral Pierre at Tamatave, _ib._; - effect of the criticism of a factious Opposition, _ib._; - the honourable reparation to the British Government, 668; - opposition to English diplomacy in Egypt, 676; - an arrangement with England in regard to Egypt, _ib._; - formally abandons the Dual Control, _ib._ - -Franchise Bill passed through the House of Commons, 679; - the loyal understanding between Liberals and Conservatives on this matter, _ib._; - passed by the House of Lords, _ib._ - -“Franchise First,” the cry of a section of the Liberal Party in 1883, 668 - -Francis, John, attempt on the Queen’s life, I. 110 - -Fraudulent Trusts Bill passed in Parliament, I. 715 - -Frederick, Crown Prince, afterwards the Emperor Frederick III., - of Germany, his betrothal to the Princess Victoria, I. 662; - his marriage, 740, 750-752; - his splendid appearance in the Jubilee procession, II. 742 - -Frederick the Wise, his relationship to the Queen, I. 5; - his Protestantism, _ib._; - his kindness to Luther, _ib._ - -Free Trade, concessions by the Melbourne Ministry, I. 94; - its rejection by Sir Robert Peel, 98; - its advances since 1841, 201; - bazaar in Covent Garden, 202; - effect of the potato disease on Ireland, _ib._; - enthusiasm of the nation in its favour, 216; - Sir Robert Peel declares himself in its favour, 238; - its operation in Ireland, 273, 274; - disastrous effect in Ireland, 275; - development of Mr. Cobden’s plan, 387; - the strong feeling in its favour, 506 - -Frere, Sir Bartle, accompanies the Prince of Wales in his tour through India, II. 493; - his project of conquest in South Africa, 563 - -Freycinet, M. de, his policy of non-intervention in regard to Arabi Pasha, 641 - -Frost, John, his armed attack on the magistrates of Newport, I. 59; - his transportation, _ib._ - -Fugitive Slave Circular, The, II. 489 - - -G. - -Gakdul, Occupation of, II. 713 - -Gambetta, his vigorous administration of the French Republic, II. 372; - his vain attempts to induce England to join France in coercing Arabi Pasha - and the Egyptian National Party, 641; - his death, 650; - endeared to the masses by his patriotism and unselfish devotion, _ib._ - -Gardner, Mr. R., his sketch of industrial England, I. 282 - -Garfield, President, his assassination, II. 627; - the Queen’s letter of sympathy to Mrs. Garfield, _ib._; - his heroic career, _ib._ - -Garibaldi, his conquest of the Sicilies, II. 54, 55; - refuses a reward for his services, 56; - his second campaign of liberation, 128; - ovations in London, 194; - his departure from England, 198; - his death, 650 - -General Election on the Home Rule scheme of Mr. Gladstone, II. 729 - -George III., his determination to have an actual voice in the appointment of - his Ministers, I. 26 - -George V., ex-King of Hanover, Death of, II. 558 - -Germany, the movement in favour of national unity, I. 343; - the Emperor Frederick’s aim, 346; - opposition of the Powers to its proposed unity, 422; - dispute with Denmark as to Sleswig-Holstein, 457; - her astute conduct at the Russo-Turkish difficulty, 582; - Bismarck’s work for the unity of the empire, II. 129; - the popular movement in favour of unity, 279; - an agreement between Russia and Italy, _ib._; - rapid progress of its consolidation, 281; - the Congress at Berlin, 549; - irritated by the foreign and colonial policy of England, 683; - the cause of the coolness with England, _ib._; - International Conference at Berlin to determine about the control of the Congo, _ib._; - appeal of the settlement at Angra Pequena for protection, _ib._; - annexation of Angra Pequena, 684; - expedition to seize the Cameroons, _ib._; - alarm of Egyptian bondholders in, 685; - occupation of part of New Guinea, 686 - -Germany, Crown Prince of (afterwards Emperor Frederick III.), _see_ Frederick - Crown Prince - -Gibraltar, Deportation of Zebehr Pasha to, II. 711 - -Gibson, Mr., his opposition to the Court of Appeal in Criminal Cases Bill, II. 658 - -Giffard, Sir Hardinge, his opposition to the Bill establishing a Court of Appeal - in Criminal Cases, II. 658 - -Gill, Captain, R.E., his mission with Professor Palmer to detach the Bedouins - from the side of Arabi Pasha, II. 642; - murdered at the Wells of Moses, _ib._ - -Gladstone, Mr., member for Newark, I. 50; - his office under Sir Robert Peel, _ib._; - his early Conservatism, _ib._; - resigns on the Maynooth Grant, 183; - Secretary for the Colonies under Peel, 211; - his support of the scheme of Home Rule for the Colonies, 386; - support of Mr. Disraeli on the Poor Law, 425; - his proposal regarding the Australian colonies, 440; - letters on the State prosecutions of the Neapolitan Government, 475; - speech on Mr. Disraeli’s Budget, 518; - Chancellor of the Exchequer, 519; - his first Budget, 531; - his Budget for 1854, 596-598; - resigns office, 630; - his finance policy during the Crimean War, 643; - coalition with Mr. Disraeli, 700; - proposed reduction of the Income Tax, _ib._; - attack on the Budget, 702; - his opposition to Disraeli’s Reform Bill, II. 32; - his anti-Austrian policy, 43; - explanation of the Commercial Treaty with France, 48; - remarks on the Fortification Scheme, 63; - repeal of the Paper Duty, 82; - attack on the Budget of 1862, 123; - his Budget for 1863, 171; - his mastery of finance, 212; - his Budget for 1864, _ib._; - his proposal to extend the franchise to the working classes, 215; - his Budget for 1865, 236; - leader of the House of Commons, 245; - the Russell-Gladstone Reform Bill, 255, 256; - his Budget for 1866, 259; - speech on the Irish Church Question, 286; - resolutions in favour of the disendowment of the Irish Church, 307; - Premier, 315; - his motion to disendow the Irish Church, 330; - his Land Bill for Ireland, 357; - effective opposition from the Tories, 426; - his Irish University Bill, 432; - defeat of his Ministry, 435; - return to power, 436; - the elections of 1874, 463; - resignation of office, 465; - withdrawal from the leadership of the Liberal Party, 467; - his pamphlets on “Vaticanism,” 475; - his agitation against Turkey, 503, 506; - speech on the Turkish Question, 527; - his Edinburgh speech on finance, 582; - favourable opinion in England in regard to his Irish Land Act, 587; - his great popularity in 1880, 590; - his successful campaign in Scotland and the North of England, 591; - efforts to prevent him from becoming Prime Minister, 592; - entrusted with the power to form a Cabinet, _ib._; - Prime Minister and Chancellor of the Exchequer, 594; - his Budget for 1881, 615; - his Irish Land Bill, 616; - success of his government in Egypt after the fall of the Dual Control, 643; - declares the occupation of Egypt to be temporary, _ib._; - his agreement with M. de Lesseps in regard to the Suez Canal, 662; - brings the controversy with France to a close, 668; - an address to the tenants at Hawarden, 671; - recommends the production of jam as an industry, _ib._; - his abandonment of the Soudan admitted to be right by the Opposition, 674; - the adverse view of his Soudan policy, _ib._; - his Reform Bill of 1884, 677; - his campaign in Midlothian, 678; - introduces the Franchise Bill, 679; - the difficulties connected with the Reform Bill, 696; - the great changes to be effected by his Reform Bill, 702; - the Seats Bill, 699-702; - his patriotic speech against Russia, 703; - his compromise with Russia, _ib._; - renews certain provisions of the Irish Crimes Act, 704; - increase of expenditure under his Government, _ib._; - defeated on an amendment of Sir M. Hicks-Beach, 706; - resignation of (1885), 707; - offered an earldom, 708; - the Midlothian Programme, 724; - his Cabinet of 1886, 727; - loses the support of the Whigs, _ib._; - his Home Rule scheme, 727-8; - his Land Purchase (Ireland) Bill, 728; - the objections which were taken to his Home Rule proposals, _ib._; - his Home Rule Bill rejected, 729; - he appeals to the country on the subject, _ib._ - -Glasgow visited by the Queen and the Prince Consort, I. 411; - arrest of dynamitards, 661; - the sinking of the _Daphne_, 666; - the Queen’s sympathy and subscription to the survivors of the _Daphne_ disaster, _ib._ - -Gleichen, Count, II. 723 - -Goodwin, General, capture of Martaban, I. 505; - capture of Rangoon, _ib._ - -Gordon, General, steps taken to relieve him in Khartoum, II. 671; - his mission to the Soudan, 672; - his arrival at Cairo, _ib._; - appointed Governor-General of the Soudan, _ib._; - his double commission, _ib._; - part of his policy adversely criticised by the Conservatives, 675; - denounced for sanctioning slavery, _ib._; - the factiousness of the Opposition, _ib._; - a sortie from Khartoum, _ib._; - surrounded by treason, _ib._; - entreats the Government to send help, _ib._; - failure of his negotiations with the Mahdi, 676; - publication of his protests against the desertion of Khartoum, _ib._; - instructed to go to the Soudan, 711; - recommends the appointment of Zebehr Pasha as ruler of the Soudan, _ib._; - at Khartoum, _ib._; - his advice as to the evacuation of the town, 712; - his plan for withdrawing the troops and the _employés_, _ib._; - how he would have checked the Mahdi, _ib._; - his position at Khartoum growing very critical, _ib._; - death of, 715; - his defence of Khartoum, 716; - character of, 717 - -Gordon, Lord Advocate, his Scottish Church Patronage Bill, II. 472 - -Gordon, Miss, the Queen’s letter to, II. 717 - -Gorham, Rev. W., his case in the lay courts, I. 447 - -Gorst, Mr., one of the Fourth Party, II. 594; - his obstructionist tactics, 601 - -Gortschakoff, Prince, his reply to Lord Salisbury’s Circular Letter, II. 546; - at the Berlin Congress, 549; - death of, 651 - -Goschen, Mr., becomes Chancellor of the Exchequer, II. 731; - his Budget of 1887, 738 - -Gough, Lord, the disaster at Chillianwalla, I. 399; - movement for his recall, 400 - -Gough, Sir Hugh, his victory at Gwalior, I. 150; - his campaign against the Sikhs, 234; - the battle of Sobraon, 235 - -Goulburn, Mr., Chancellor of the Exchequer, I. 97; - threatened assassination, 138; - the Irish Coercion Bill, 230 - -Graham, General, his army at Suakim, II. 675; - defeats Osman Digna at El Teb, _ib._; - the battle of Tamanieb, _ib._; - at Suakim, 717 - -Graham, Sir James, Home Secretary, I. 97; - his views in regard to the Factories Act, 140; - masterly speech on the Navigation Laws, 374; - his reduction of the Admiralty expenditure, 390; - refuses to join the Russell Cabinet, 478; - his resolution on Free Trade, 515; - First Lord of the Admiralty, 519; - resigns office, 630 - -Grants, Royal, Committee to “inquire into and consider,” promised, II. 720; - the promise repudiated by the Tory Party, _ib._ - -Granville, Lord, President of the Council, I. 519; - his unpopular colonial policy, 342, 366; - Secretary for Foreign Affairs, 366; - his advice regarding the Premiership in 1880, 592; - Foreign Secretary, 594; - his efforts to get Turkey to fulfil her obligations, 598 - -Gravelotte, Battle of, II. 370 - -Gray, Mr. E. Dwyer, starts a relief fund for distress in Ireland, II. 586 - -Greece, the case of Mr. Finlay, I. 426; - Italian intrigues in regard to the throne, II. 128; - overthrow of King Otho, _ib._; - cession of the Ionian Islands by England to Greece, _ib._; - Turkey’s failure to fulfil her obligations, 598; - the justice of her claims admitted by the Powers, 610 - -Greville, Mr., description of the Queen’s coronation, I. 44; - the Queen’s affairs in 1847, 291; - political matters in 1849, 395; - the Queen’s life at Balmoral, 415; - Kossuth’s visit to England, 490 - -Grey, General, his death, II. 378; - his serious loss to the Queen as private secretary, 379; - his proposed Life of the Prince Consort, 481 - -Grey, Lord, his opposition to Lord John Russell, I. 206; - continued differences with Lord John Russell, 244; - enters the Whig Cabinet, _ib._; - Secretary for the Colonies, 386; - his proposal to make the Cape of Good Hope a convict settlement, 402; - his protest against the Russian War, 590 - -Grey, Sir George, Home Secretary, I. 245; - suggestion regarding the Established Church in Ireland, 354; - the Crown Government Security Bill, 355; - his proposal on the Irish Question, 375; - Secretary for the Colonies, 626 - -Gubat, The British camp at, II. 715 - -Guelph, Este, the name of the Royal Family of Great Britain, I. 5 - -Guelph, House of, Representatives of the, in the eleventh century, I. 4 - -Guizot, M., mission to London regarding Egypt, I. 86; - his diplomacy in regard to the proposed marriage alliance between France and - Spain, 255; - injury to his prestige, 256; - his pretext for the Franco-Spanish alliance, 257; - his friendship with Metternich, 302 - - -H. - -Habeas Corpus Act, suspension during the Irish crisis, I. 342; - proposed suspension in Ireland in 1848, 353 - -Halifax, Lord, Chancellor of the Exchequer, I. 245; - his defects as a politician, 288, 289; - his financial statement for 1847, 290 - -Hamburg spirit, The sale of, II. 738 - -Hampden, Dr., his election to the See of Hereford, I. 299; - his supposed heterodoxy, _ib._; - confirmation of his appointment by the Queen, 300 - -Harcourt, Sir William Vernon, Solicitor-General, II. 439; - his sarcastic assaults on the Tory Government, 583; - Home Secretary, 594; - his Hares and Rabbits Bill, 601; - his Bill for reforming the government of London, 678 - -Hardinge, Lord, his plan for a new army organisation, 694; - his death, 695 - -Hardy, Mr. Gathorne (afterwards Lord Cranbrook), President of the Poor Law Board, I. 257; - Home Secretary, 304; - War Secretary, 465; - his Regimental Exchanges Bill, 483 - -Harrison, Colonel, blamed in connection with the death of the Prince Imperial, II. 578 - -Hartington, Marquis of, Secretary for Ireland, II. 387; - leader of the Liberal Party, 482; - his motion on the Army Discipline Bill, 571; - his advice regarding the Premiership in 1880, 592; - in favour of Mr. Chamberlain receiving a place in the Cabinet, 594; - Secretary for India, _ib._; - his exposure of the tactics of the obstructionists, 601; - his leadership of the Liberal Party, 603; - Secretary for War, 654; - his pledge that the Attorney-General would bring in an Affirmation Bill, 658; - damages the prestige of the Government by his declaration about the withdrawal - of the British troops from Egypt, _ib._; - his mistake as to Gordon’s position in Egypt, 676; - becomes leader of the Liberal Unionists, 729 - -Havelock, Sir Henry, his relief of Lucknow, II. 735 - -Hayward, Mr. Abraham, his account of English policy towards Turkey, II. 524; - letters from Mr. Gladstone regarding the Premiership in 1880, 592 - -Health Exhibition at South Kensington, The, II. 694 - -Helena, Princess, her birth, I. 262; - her marriage to Prince Christian, II. 262 - -Hennessey, Mr. Pope, his wish to revive Nationalist ideas in Ireland, II. 239 - -Henry of Battenberg, Prince, II. 718; - made Knight of the Garter, 722; - assumes the designation of “His Royal Highness,” _ib._; - question of the legality of the assumption of the title, _ib._ - -Herat attacked by the Persians, I. 113; - defended by Eldred Pottinger, _ib._ - -Herbert, Mr. Sidney, refuses a place in the Russell Cabinet, I. 244; - his view of the Income Tax, 471; - War Secretary, 519; - resigns office, 630 - -Herries, Mr., his attack on the Russell Cabinet and on the Cobdenites, I. 390; - his proposal for a fixed duty on corn, 391; - President of the Board of Control, 499 - -Herschel, Sir Farrer (afterwards Lord Herschel), Solicitor-General, II. 594 - -Hertford, Marquis of, his death, II. 686; - an ideal Lord Chamberlain, _ib._; - his interesting stories regarding Court life, _ib._; - an incident in the life of Prince Albert, _ib._ - -Hesse, Grand Duke of, his morganatic marriage with the Countess de Kalomine, II. 719 - -Hesse, Princess Charles of, Death of, II. 719 - -Hewett, Admiral, his command at Suakim, II. 675 - -Hewitt, Mr., Mayor of New York, striking speech on the Queen’s Jubilee, II. 747 - -Hicks-Beach, Sir M., defeats Mr. Gladstone’s Government, II. 706; - is appointed Chief Secretary for Ireland, 730; - resigns office, 735 - -Hicks Pasha and his army defeated at El Obeid, II. 670 - -Hill, Rowland, his parentage, 78; - Secretary to the South Australian Commission, _ib._; - his pamphlet on the Postal System, _ib._; - his plan for a Penny Postage, _ib._; - opposed by Lord Lichfield and by the Rev. Sydney Smith, 79; - supported by Mr. Warburton and Mr. Wallace in the House of Commons, _ib._; - Act of Parliament passed in favour of his plan, 80 - -Hohenlohe, Prince, account of vagabondage in Germany, I. 346 - -Hohenlohe-Langenberg, Prince Victor, II. 723 - -Holkar, Maharajah, at Windsor, II. 740 - -Holloway College for Women opened, II. 732 - -Holyoake, Mr. G. J., first employs the name of “Jingoes,” II. 530 - -Home Rule, its rise in Ireland, II. 426; - Mr. Parnell’s leadership, _ib._; - Mr. Parnell and other Irish members suspended, _ib._; - the struggle regarding Coercion, 614; - Mr. Parnell and the Land Act, 628; - Mr. Parnell and others imprisoned, _ib._; - Mr. Forster and Mr. Parnell, 632; - Mr. Parnell charged with conniving at murder, 656; - Mr. Forster’s attack on the agitators, _ib._; - warm admiration of Mr. Parnell in Ireland, _ib._; - Mr. Chamberlain’s scheme of, 724; - Earl Russell’s, _ib._; - Lord Carnarvon’s, _ib._; - Mr. Gladstone’s, 727-8; - Mr. Gladstone’s Bill defeated, 728 - -Hong-Kong ceded to England, I. 53 - -Hook, Dean, his pamphlet on national education, I. 270 - -Horsman, Mr., his motion on the proposed reduction of official salaries, I. 446 - -Houghton, Lord, his motion in regard to “Essays and Reviews,” II. 215 - -Howick, Lord, his motion in regard to depression in manufacturing industry, I. 137 - -Howley, Archbishop of Canterbury, messenger to the Queen announcing the death - of King William IV., I. 1 - -Hudson, Mr. George, his leadership in railway enterprise, I. 201; - his supposed advice regarding railways in Ireland, 278; - the railway craze in England, 279 - -Humboldt, Baron von, his unfavourable opinion of Prince Albert, I. 197 - -Hume, Mr. Joseph, his discovery of an Orange plot, I. 37; - the proposed provision for Prince Albert, 67; - his attack on the Portuguese policy of the Russell Government, 302; - the Parliamentary Reform Association, 338; - attack on the Russell Government Budget, 352; - his proposal for the extension of the franchise, 356, 426, 502; - his support of the Manchester School, 356; - demands the doing away with the Excise, 390; - his motion for Parliamentary Reform, 391; - his effort to limit the period of the Income Tax, 471 - -Hungary, its independence recognised, II. 282 - -Hunt, Leigh, verses to the Queen, I. 132 - -Huskisson, Mr., M.P., accidentally killed at the opening of the Liverpool Railway, I. 47 - -Hutchinson, Mr., his Bill for protecting newspaper reports of lawful meetings, II. 618 - -Hutt, Mr., his proposal to withdraw British war-ships from suppressing the West - African slave trade, I. 438 - -Hyde Park, the riot in 1867, II. 270; - Children’s celebration in, of the Queen’s Jubilee, 747 - - -I. - -Iddesleigh, Lord, _see_ Northcote, Sir Stafford - -Ilbert Bill, the great strife over its terms, II. 662; - an explosion of race-hatred regarding it in India, _ib._ - -Imperial Federation League founded, II. 731 - -Imperial Institute, The, originated, II. 739; - laying the foundation stone of, 748 - -Income Tax, The, imposed by Sir Robert Peel, I. 133; - popular demonstration against its increase, 327; - Lord John Russell’s proposal, 351; - its continuance by Sir Charles Wood, 471; - proposed extension by Mr. Disraeli, 517; - Mr. Gladstone’s arrangement, 531; - Mr. Gladstone’s experiments, 598, 700; II. 237, 463, 601 - -Indemnity, Bill of, Application to Parliament for, II. 2 - -India, the Sikh outbreak, I. 399; - the India Government Bill, 530; - introduction of the India Bill by Sir Charles Wood, 533; - proposed change in the management of the country’s affairs, 534; - revolt of the Bengal army, 719; - probable cause of the great Mutiny, 720; - the misgovernment of Oudh, 721-723; - the difficulty as to the position of the royal family of Delhi, 724; - dissatisfaction of the Sepoys with English rule, 725; - popular beliefs regarding the downfall of British power, 727; - Mutiny of the Sepoys, 728; - suppression of the Mutiny, II. 2-4; - failure of Lord Derby’s policy, 15; - Disraeli’s India Bill, 18; - cordial reception of Disraeli’s Bill in India, 25; - a Proclamation by the Queen, _ib._; - the Queen’s new regulations regarding the Indian army, 26; - the Order of the Star of India, 40, 91; - the Criminal Procedure Amendment Bill, 662; - Lord Lytton’s rule as to the vacancies in the India Civil Service, _ib._; - an explosion of race-hatred, _ib._; - Jubilee celebrations in, 739 - -Indian and Colonial Exhibition opened, II. 731 - -Indian contingent, The, in the Soudan campaign, II. 717 - -Indies, West, distress in 1848, I. 350; - Lord John Russell’s policy, 351 - -Inkermann, The battle of, I. 615 - -“Invincibles,” The, II. 632 - -Ionian Islands, Cession of, to Greece, II. 128 - -Ireland, O’Connell’s agitation, 151-158; - meetings at Tara and Clontarf, 155; - O’Connell’s trial, 156; - beneficial measures passed, 158; - the potato disease, 202; - opening of Irish ports to foreign importation, 203; - Dublin memorialising the Queen, 216; - defeat of Peel’s Ministry on the Irish Question, 228; - prolongation of the Arms Act, 248; - the Great Famine, 272; - failure of industries, 273; - one safeguard in the English markets, 274; - fall of prices, _ib._; - decrease of small holdings, _ib._; - Free Trade a disaster, 275; - terrible state of the country, _ib._; - gravity of the distress under-estimated by the Government, _ib._; - Lord John Russell’s plans, 278; - Lord George Bentinck’s scheme for railways, 279; - the terrors of emigration, 285; - outrages and commercial panic, 295; - Coercion Bill, 297; - revolting crimes, _ib._; - hostility of the priesthood to the Government, 298; - the Queen’s Colleges denounced by the Sacred Congregation, _ib._; - the nature of the “Young Ireland” movement, 339; - the leaders of the “Young Ireland” Party, _ib._; - first collision of the national party with the authorities, 342; - truculent attitude of the “Young Ireland” leaders, _ib._; - distrust of the peasantry, _ib._; - effects of the revolution, 343; - increased distress, 370, 372; - Parliamentary Bill against seditious clubs, 353; - the Encumbered Estates Act, 354; - the Crown Security Bill, 355; - proposed grant from the Imperial Exchequer, 375; - pitiful condition of the country, _ib._; - pressure of the Poor Law on the Irish gentry, 378; - signs of improved feeling towards the English Government, 406; - visit of the Queen and the Prince Consort, 406, 407; - loyal manifestations by the people, 407-410; - good results of the royal visit, 410; - opening of the Queen’s Colleges, 414; - the Irish Franchise Bill, 442; - the Queen’s policy, 443; - a time of tranquillity, 498; - second visit of the Queen, 571; - Exhibition of Irish Industries, _ib._; - outbreak of the Fenian Conspiracy in 1865, II. 245; - the rise of the Phœnix Society, 246; - the Revolutionary Brotherhood in America, _ib._; - the _Irish People_ established, _ib._; - arrest of the Fenian leaders, 247; - the Fenian organisation in New York, _ib._; - suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, 259; - Lord Naas’s Land Bill, 286; - the Church Question, _ib._; - the spread of Fenianism, 287; - Irish riot at Manchester, _ib._; - attack on Clerkenwell Prison, 288; - the Church Question in the House of Commons, 307-311, 327; - Mr. Gladstone’s motion upon the Disestablishment of the Irish Church, 330-338; - O’Donovan Rossa returned to Parliament, 353; - disaffection of the Orangemen, _ib._; - a Land Bill introduced in the House of Commons, 355; - rise of the Home Rule Party, 426; - Mr. Gladstone’s University Bill, 432-435; - the elections of 1874, 464; - relaxation of Coercion Acts, 488; - the Intermediate Education Bill, 554; - abolition of the Queen’s University and substitution of the Royal University, 571; - second reading of the Irish Relief Bill, 586; - Major Nolan’s Seeds Bill, 586; - solid vote against the Tories in 1880, 591; - Mr. Forster Chief Secretary, 594; - its embarrassing condition in 1880, 601; - the Home Rule Party, _ib._; - Mr. Parnell’s leadership and Mr. Gladstone’s policy, _ib._; - Mr. Forster’s Bill amending the Act of 1870, 602; - rejection of Mr. Forster’s Bill by the House of Lords, _ib._; - organisation of the Land League, _ib._; - increase of evictions, 603; - influence of the Land League, _ib._; - the system of boycotting, _ib._; - increase of outrages, _ib._; - the Queen’s anxieties regarding the state of the country, 608; - condemnation of Mr. Gladstone’s Irish policy in Parliament, 610; - Lord Beaconsfield’s speech against Mr. Gladstone’s policy, _ib._; - a serious crisis, 611; - Mr. Forster’s Protection of Persons and Property Bill, 612; - Mr. Parnell and other Irish Members suspended, _ib._; - the struggle in Parliament regarding Coercion, 614; - Mr. Dillon’s passionate agitation against the Gladstone Government in Ireland, 615; - Mr. Gladstone’s Land Bill, 616; - new rise of Fenianism, 626; - Mr. Parnell’s policy in regard to the Land Act, 628; - Mr. Parnell and others imprisoned in Kilmainham, _ib._; - a “No Rent” Manifesto by the Land Leaguers, _ib._; - suppression of the Land League, _ib._; - success of the Land Act in Ulster, _ib._; - the murder of Lord Frederick Cavendish and Mr. Burke, 631; - Radical and Conservative opposition to Mr. Forster’s coercive policy, _ib._; - failure of Mr. Forster’s policy, _ib._; - Tory bid for the Irish Vote, _ib._; - Tory scheme for buying out the Irish landlords, _ib._; - intrigue to remove Mr. Forster from the post of Chief Secretary, _ib._; - release of Mr. Parnell and other leaders, 632; - Mr. Forster’s view of Mr. Parnell’s proposal, _ib._; - the Society of “Invincibles,” _ib._; - Mr. Forster’s ineffective administration, _ib._; - a new Coercion Bill, 633; - the terms of the new Coercion Bill, 634; - the Arrears Bill introduced, _ib._; - the prominent topic in the debate on the address of 1883, 655; - arrest of the “Invincibles,” _ib._; - Carey betrays the “Invincible” conspiracy, _ib._; - the object of the “Invincibles,” _ib._; - the removal of obnoxious Irish officials, _ib._; - funds received from America, _ib._; - Mrs. Frank Byrne alleged by Carey to have been the bearer - of the murderers’ knives from America, _ib._; - open agitation substituted by secret societies, _ib._; - failure of the conspirators to waylay Mr. Forster, _ib._; - the cause of the attack on Lord Frederick Cavendish, _ib._; - the baseness of Carey, 656; - five of the “Invincibles” hanged, _ib._; - the death of Carey, _ib._; - Mr. Gorst’s amendment that no more concessions be made by the Government to - the agitators, _ib._; - attacks on Mr. Parnell, _ib._; - Mr. Parnell charged with conniving at murder, _ib._; - Mr. Forster’s attack on the agitators, _ib._; - warm admiration of Mr. Parnell’s conduct in, _ib._; - the national testimonial to him, _ib._; - the Prince and Princess of Wales’s visit to, 719; - the Land Purchase Bill of Mr. Gladstone, 728. - _See_ also Dillon, Mr.; Home Rule; Parnell, Mr. - -Irish Revolutionary Brotherhood of America, The, II. 246 - -Isandhlwana, The disaster at, II. 564 - -Ismail Pasha, visit to England, II. 347 - -Italy, the revolution of 1848, I. 347; - flight of the Pope, _ib._; - success of Mazzini, 422; - misgovernment in 1856, 698; - convention with France, II. 218; - Florence made the capital, _ib._; - annexation of Rome, 376; - opposed to the cession of French territory to Germany, 402; - adhesion to the Austro-German alliance, 651; - the Triple League of Peace, _ib._ - - -J. - -Jamaica, complications with England, I. 54; - the imprudence of Lord Sligo, _ib._; - plan to suspend its constitution for five years, _ib._; - virtual defeat of the Ministry’s proposal, _ib._; - the second Bill in regard to, 56; - the negro insurrection in 1865, II. 247; - extenuating report by the Commissioners, 259 - -James, Sir Henry, Attorney-General II. 594 - -Japan, treaty with England, II. 4; - an embassy to the Queen, 429 - -Jellalabad, Defence of, by Sir Robert Sale, I. 121; - relieved by the British, _ib._ - -Jephson, Mr., a letter on the state of Ireland, I. 274 - -Jews, The Bill for removing disability of, for municipal offices, I. 183; - their disability to enter Parliament removed, II. 18 - -Jingoes, The, so named by Mr. Holyoake, II. 530; - their war song, II. 529 - -Jingoism, a new political term, II. 530 - -John, King, of Abyssinia, sends envoys to the Queen, II. 695 - -Jubilee, the Queen’s, The year of the, II. 733; - the Jubilee Ode, 739; - the celebrations of, in India, _ib._; - in Mandalay, _ib._; - preparations for it in Britain, _ib._; - Colonial addresses of felicitation presented at Windsor, 740; - the Indian princes at Windsor, _ib._; - the street decorations in London on Jubilee Day, _ib._; - the royal procession from Buckingham Palace to Westminster Abbey, 741; - the procession of princes, 742; - the scene in Westminster Abbey, _ib._; - the guests in the Abbey, 742-3; - the processions in the Abbey, 743; - the Thanksgiving Service, 744; - the scene in the Abbey after the ceremony, 745-6; - the illuminations in London, 746; - the celebrations in England and the North of Ireland, in Edinburgh, Dublin, and Cork, _ib._; - the honours bestowed on the occasion, _ib._; - observances in the Colonies and New York, 747; - the children’s celebration in Hyde Park, _ib._; - the royal banquet in Buckingham Palace, 748; - the Queen’s letter to her people, _ib._; - her Majesty’s garden-party, _ib._; - review of metropolitan volunteers, _ib._ - -Jubilees, The previous, of English history, II. 741 - - -K. - -Kalomine divorce suit, The, II. 719 - -Kars, The heroic defence of, by General Williams, I. 673 - -Kassala, siege of, II. 718 - -Kassassin, The battle of, II. 643 - -Keane, Sir John, in command in Afghanistan, I. 114; - created a Baron, _ib._; - return to England, 116 - -Kelso visited by the Queen, II. 295 - -Kensington, the Royal Albert Hall founded by the Queen, II. 291 - -Kensington Palace, scene of the Queen’s infancy, I. 9; - its early history, _ib._; - its brilliant Court in the eighteenth century, 10; - the sovereigns who died in it, _ib._; - its disfavour with George III., _ib._; - its furniture, _ib._ - -Kent, Duchess of, the addresses of condolence from Parliament at her husband’s death, I. 8; - her care for the education of the Princess Victoria, 10; - additional grant to her income, 13; - her stay in the Isle of Wight, 15; - her reply to the Vice-Chancellor’s speech at Oxford, _ib._; - her income fixed at £30,000, 28; - her position to the Queen, 30; - her death, II. 80 - -Kent, Duke of, his marriage, I. 4; - his support of popular Government, 6; - his personal appearance, _ib._; - his character, _ib._; - his strictness as a disciplinarian, _ib._; - the liberality of his political views, _ib._; - his residence abroad, _ib._; - his return to England, 7; - his reconciliation with the Prince-Regent, _ib._; - his residence at Claremont, _ib._; - at Sidmouth, _ib._; - his illness and death, _ib._ - -Kertch, The Allied expedition against, I. 640; - evacuated by the Russians, _ib._ - -Khartoum, steps taken for General Gordon’s relief, II. 671; - Gordon protests against being deserted, 676; - isolated and surrounded by the Mahdi’s troops, _ib._; - the British Nile expedition to, 679; - siege of, closely pressed, 712; - fall of, 715; - Sir Charles Wilson arrives at, _ib._; - defence of, by General Gordon, 716 - -Kilmainham Treaty, The, II. 632 - -Kimberley, Lord, Secretary for India, II. 654; - his despatch to Sir Hercules Robinson regarding British jurisdiction in South - Africa, 683 - -King, Mr. Locke, his proposal to equalise the town and county franchise, I. 465; - rejection of his motion, 502; - second attempt to procure the extension of the franchise, II. 214 - -Kinglake, Mr., his account of the preparations for the Russian War, I. 604, 606 - -Kirbekan, The battle of, II. 717 - -Komatsu, Prince and Princess, of Japan, Visit of, to the Queen, II. 732 - -Korniloff, his bravery at Sebastopol, I. 610 - -Korti, The British camp at, II. 712; - the Black Watch at, _ib._ - -Kosheh, Battle of, II. 718 - -Kossuth, Louis, his address to the Emperor Ferdinand of Austria, I. 344; - his flight to Turkey, 423; - his arrival in England, 479 - -Kutch Behar, The Maharajah and Maharanee of, at Windsor, II. 740 - - -L. - -Labouchere, Mr., Chief Secretary for Ireland, I. 245. - -Labouchere, Mr. Henry, opposes the grant to Prince Leopold, 646; - opposes the annuity to Princess Beatrice, 720 - -Lancashire, the sufferings during the Cotton Famine, II. 146; - revival of the cotton trade, 183; - expenditure during the Cotton Famine, 185 - -Land Bill (Ireland) of 1887, II. 736; - the Bankruptcy Clauses of, _ib._ - -Lansdowne, Lord, Lord Privy Seal, I. 245 - -Lawrence, John (afterwards Lord Lawrence), his prompt action at the Indian Mutiny, I. 732; - his policy with the Sikhs, 734 - -Lawson’s, Mr. Edward, proposal of the children’s celebration of the Jubilee, II. 747 - -Layard, Mr. (afterwards Sir A. H.), his hostility to Russia, I. 590; - his dispute with Turkey regarding the seizure of an English missionary’s Mussulman - assistant, II. 583; - granted an indefinite leave of absence, 594 - -Leeds, the Liberal leaders press a measure of Parliamentary reform on the country, II. 668; - Liberal Conference at, adopts Mr. Gladstone’s principle of Home Rule, II. 730 - -Leicester, Seizure of packages of dynamite at, II. 661 - -Lennox, Lady Augusta, II. 723 - -Leopold, King of Belgium, his marriage to the Princess Charlotte, I. 6; - his high character and abilities, _ib._; - his election as King of the Belgians, 14; - the Queen’s confidence in his advice, _ib._; - visit to England, 46; - his desire for the Queen’s marriage to Prince Albert, 60; - a letter from the Queen, 103, 106; - second visit to England, 262; - his death, II. 251; - his character, _ib._ - -Leopold, Prince, a serious illness, II. 316; - popular admiration of his character, 626; - his marriage, 628; - a threat to murder him, 645; - accident at Mentone, 646; - granted £25,000 a year on his marriage, _ib._; - married to the Princess Hélène of Waldeck-Pyrmont, 647; - the imposing ceremony at his marriage, _ib._; - his death, 687; - his funeral, 689; - his amiable personality, _ib._; - Prof. Tyndall’s high estimate of his ability, 690; - his eager interest in politics, _ib._; - his wish to become Governor of Victoria, _ib._; - the Queen’s opposition to his becoming Governor of Victoria, _ib._; - his gifts as an orator, _ib._; - his presentiment of early death, _ib._; - his loss felt by rich and poor, 691; - his favourite residence, _ib._ - -Lewis, Sir George Cornewall, a letter on Disraeli’s Budget, 519; - remarks regarding the political situation in 1854, 576; - Chancellor of the Exchequer, 630; - his first Budget, 644; - remarks on the collapse of the French alliance, 676, 678; - his Budget for 1856, 690; - his Budget for 1857, 701; - his death, II. 171; - the Queen’s estimate of his character, 172 - -Liberal Unionist Party formed, II. 729 - -Lincoln, Abraham, elected President of the United States, II. 114; - his proclamation regarding the abolition of slavery, 134 - -Lincoln, Lord, refuses a place in the Russell Cabinet, I. 244; - his address to the Queen on colonisation, 283; - address to the Crown on the Colonial Question, 387 - -Liston, Mr., and the use of ether as an anæsthetic, I. 271 - -Liverpool, visit of the Queen and the Prince Consort, I. 487; - condemnation of dynamitards at, 661; - visit of the Queen to the International Exhibition at, in 1886, 732 - -Livingstone, Dr., found by Stanley, II. 427; - the Queen’s interest in the explorer, _ib._ - -Lloyd, Bishop, his influence on the Tractarians, I. 98 - -Lloyd, Lieut. W., presents one of the Mahdi’s flags to her Majesty, II. 687 - -London, a Chartist meeting on Kennington Common, I. 327; - Chartist meetings at Clerkenwell and Stepney Greens, 336; - the riots in 1855, 644; - Bill to improve the government of, II. 671; - riots in the West End of, 731 - -London, Bishop of, the Ecclesiastical Appeal Bill, I. 446 - -Lonsdale, Earl of, Lord Privy Seal, I. 499 - -Lorne, Marquis of, the Queen consents to his marriage with the Princess Louise, II. 378; - appearance at the ceremony, 407; - accident to, in the royal procession on Jubilee Day, 742 - -Louis Philippe, his visit to England, I. 172; - his cordial reception by the people, _ib._; - honours from the Queen, _ib._ - -Louise, Princess, her marriage, II. 407-8 - -Lowe, Mr. Robert, his Revised Education Code, II. 120; - attacked by Lord R. Cecil in regard to reports of inspectors of schools, 218; - his demand for national unsectarian education, 302; - his first Budget, 338; - his second Budget, 363; - opens the Civil Service to competition, _ib._; - his Budget for 1871, 397; - the scandal in regard to the Zanzibar mail contract, 438; - Home Secretary, 439; - his popularity in 1874, 458; - created Lord Sherbrooke, 594 - -Lucan, Lord, and the Charge of the Light Brigade, I. 614 - -Lucknow, outbreak of the Sepoy Mutiny, I. 730; - relief by Havelock, 735; - second relief, 737 - -Lyell, Sir Charles, account of a visit to Balmoral, I. 367 - -Lyndhurst, Lord, Lord High Chancellor, I. 97; - Bill for the removal of the Jews’ disabilities, 183; - his violent speeches against Russia, 600, 602; - attack on Prussia and Austria, 634; - his defects as a debater on foreign, affairs, _ib._ - -Lytton, Lord, Viceroy of India, II. 494; - his warlike policy in Afghanistan, 555; - dispute with Shere Ali, 556; - resigns office, 594; - contemptuous speech against Mr. Gladstone, 598; - his “Prosperity Budget,” _ib._; - his rule on the vacancies in the India Civil Service, 662 - - -M. - -Maamtrasna murders to be re-considered, II. 710 - -Macaulay, Lord, his sarcasm on the Maynooth affair, I. 183; - his account of Lord John Russell’s failure to form a Cabinet, 206; - appointed Postmaster-General, 245; - his opposition to the Education Vote, 283; - elected M.P. for Edinburgh, 586 - -Macdonald, Mr., his administration of supplies in the Crimea, I. 624 - -Maclean, Roderick, his supposed attempt to assassinate the Queen, II. 644 - -Macleod, Dr. Norman, his ministrations to the Queen at Balmoral, II. 139, 230; - account of the Queen’s life at Balmoral, 296; - his death, 428; - his character, _ib._; - letter from the Queen on his death, 429 - -Macmahon, Marshal, surrounded at Sedan by the German army, II. 370 - -Macnaghten, Sir William, appointed Secretary to Shah Soojah, I. 114; - created a baronet for his services in Afghanistan, _ib._; - appointed Governor of Bengal, 116 - -Madagascar, re-action against England, I. 190 - -Magee, Dr., speech on the Irish Church Question, II. 334 - -Mahdi, the, How General Gordon would have checked, II. 712; - death of, 718 - -Mahmoud Samy, nominal Minister of War in Egypt, II. 641 - -Maidstone, Mr. Disraeli member for, I. 51 - -Maiwand, The battle of, II. 599 - -Majuba Hill, Battle of, II. 619 - -Malakoff, Capture of the, by the French, I. 671 - -Malmesbury, Earl of, Foreign Secretary, I. 499; - account of the Queen’s life at Balmoral, 522; - remarks on the understanding between the Earl of Aberdeen and the Czar, 546 - -Malt Tax, Proposed repeal of the, II. 236; - Mr. Gladstone declines to reduce it, 237; - abolished by Mr. Gladstone, 601 - -Manchester, opening of the Art-Treasures Exhibition by Prince Albert, I. 739; - popularity of the Art-Treasures Exhibition, 746; - visit of the Queen, _ib._ - -Manchester School, The, its attack on Sir James Brooke in regard to Borneo, I. 474 - -Mancini, Signor, his disclosure to the Italian Senate of the adhesion of Italy - to the Austro-German alliance, II. 651 - -Mandalay, Jubilee celebrations in, II. 739 - -Manners, Lord John, President of the Board of Works, II. 257; - Postmaster-General, 465; - his amendment to Mr. Gladstone’s Reform Bill of 1884, II. 677 - -Margarine Bill, The, passed, II. 738 - -Marlborough, Duchess of, starts a relief fund to avert distress in Ireland, II. 586 - -Marlborough, Duke of, Colonial Secretary, II. 275; - Lord Beaconsfield’s Manifesto to (1880), 90 - -Married Women’s Property Act comes into force, II. 652; - the benefit conferred by the Act, 654 - -Marriott, Mr., his amendment to Mr. Goschen’s Closure scheme, II. 630; - rejection of his Closure amendment, _ib._; - counsel for Ismail Pasha in his claims to the Domain lands, 683 - -Martaban, Capture of by General Goodwin, I. 505 - -Martin, Sir Theodore, his Life of the Prince Consort, I. 238, 448, 545; II. 75, 480, 481; - his Life of Lord Lyndhurst, I. 239, 242 - -Match Tax, Proposed levy of, by Mr. Lowe, II. 397 - -Matthews, Mr. Henry, is appointed Home Secretary, II. 730 - -Maximilian, Archduke of Austria, created Emperor of Mexico, I. 743; - his death, _ib._ - -Maynooth, the Parliamentary grant, I. 183; - Lord Macaulay’s criticism of the affair, _ib._ - -Mayo, Lord, his government of India, II. 343; - his death, 427; - success of his Afghan policy, _ib._ - -Mazzini, Joseph, his petition in regard to the detention of his letters in England, I. 164 - -Medical Acts Amendment Bill, II. 678 - -Meerut, outbreak of the Sepoy Mutiny, I. 730 - -Melbourne, Lord, his character, I. 23, 95, 370; - his moderate principles, 23; - his appointment to the Premiership, _ib._; - his instruction of the Queen in the theory and working of the British Constitution, _ib._; - the probable ill effects of his teaching, 24; - the personal regard of the Queen, 28; - his view of the revolt in Canada, 34; - Lord Durham’s suggestions carried out in regard to Canada, 35; - popular distrust of his authority, 36; - virtual defeat of his Ministry, 54; - a second Jamaica Bill, 56; - the Penny Postage Act, 80; - Act regarding chimney-sweeps, _ib._; - growing unpopularity of his Ministry, 89; - prognostications of his fall, 91; - defeat of his Ministry, _ib._; - a statement regarding Protection, 94; - resignation of office, 95; - his last years, 96; - his death, _ib._; - his position in English history, 97; - his opinion of Prince Albert, 103; - the Queen’s regret at his death, 370 - -Menschikoff, Prince, his mission to Constantinople, I. 550; - his proposed Note of Agreement with Turkey, _ib._; - his position at the Alma, 607; - his generalship, _ib._; - his blunders at the Alma, 608, 609; - his tactics at Balaclava, 611; - his blunders at Inkermann, 615 - -Metamneh, Gordon’s steamers at, II. 712 - -Metternich, Prince, remark on the Franco-Spanish marriage alliance, I. 258; - his influence over Frederick I. of Austria, 343; - his resignation, 344 - -Metz, Surrender of the French army in, II. 371 - -Mexico, English policy in regard to, I. 127; - the French Emperor’s plan for a monarchy, 127, 163; - the Emperor Maximilian crowned, 218; - the Emperor Maximilian shot by order of the Mexican Republic, 283 - -Middleton, Sir Frederick, puts down the rebellion of half-breeds - in the North-West of Canada, II. 723 - -Midlothian Programme (1885), The, II. 724 - -Mill, Mr. John Stuart, elected M.P. for Westminster, II. 243; - speech on the National Debt, 258; - rejected by Westminster, 315; - his Bill for supplying smoking carriages to railway trains, _ib._; - his opposition to Mr. Forster’s Education Bill, 360; - remark on the position of women in England, 652 - -Milner, Mr. Gibson, representative of the Free Trade Party, I. 244 - -Mitchell, John, his violent teaching in the “Young Ireland” Party, I. 342; - editor of _United Ireland_, _ib._; - arrested and condemned to transportation, _ib._ - -Molesworth, Sir William, his opposition to the Education Vote, I. 283; - his proposal that the Colonies should be made autonomous, 474; - Chief Commissioner of Works, 519 - -Montpensier, Duc de, his marriage to the Spanish Infanta, I. 255 - -Morgan, Mr. Osborne, passes the Married Women’s Property Act, II. 653 - -Morley, Mr. John, his Life of Cobden, I. 216, 223; - is appointed Chief Secretary for Ireland, II. 727 - -Morris, Mr. Lewis, Jubilee Ode by, II. 750 - -Morse, Professor, his discoveries in electricity, I. 175 - -Muncaster, Lord, presents the Duke of Wellington’s banner - to King William IV. on the anniversary of Waterloo, I. 3 - -Mundella, Mr., his Bill for consolidating the Factory Acts, II. 474; - Vice-President of the Council, 594 - -Mutiny, Indian, _see_ India - - -N. - -Naas, Lord, Secretary for Ireland, II. 257; - his Land Bill for Ireland, 286 - _See_ also Mayo, Lord - -Napier, Sir Charles, in command of the Baltic fleet against Russia, I. 583; - his blockade of the Gulf of Finland, 584; - his success against Russia in the last expedition, 602, 603 - -Napier, Sir Charles James, his defeat of the insurgents at Hyderabad, I. 150 - -Napoleon I., Removal of the body of, from St. Helena to Paris, I. 86 - -Napoleon III. elected President of the French Republic, I. 421; - his restoration of the Empire, 491; - his struggle with Parliament, 491, 492; - the vote in his favour, 494; - his installation as Emperor, 523; - the Czar’s slight, 526; - his marriage, 528; - visit to the Queen, 648-654; - invested with the Order of the Garter, 651; - private visit to the Queen, 717, 718; - his death, II. 444 - -Napoleon, Prince Louis, his murder by the Zulus, II. 575; - indignation among the French Bonapartists at his death, 578 - -National League (Ireland), The, proclaimed, II. 737 - -Navigation Laws, Proposed repeal of the, I. 374 - -Navy, Introduction of steam into the, I. 389 - -Nesselrode, Count, his assurances to the English Government - of the peaceful policy of Russia before the Crimean War, I. 551; - his attitude during the Russo-Turkish difficulties, 579, 580, 595 - -Neufchâtel, the dispute with Prussia, I. 696 - -New Britain and the German annexations in the Pacific, II. 686 - -Newcastle, Duke of, Colonial Secretary, I. 519; - his alleged incompetence in office, 616; - Secretary of State for War, 626; - his efforts to improve the condition of the army, 631; - remarks on the elections, 1857, 709; - goes with the Prince of Wales on a visit to America, II. 67-69 - -New Guinea, the Queensland Government and annexation of, II. 685; - southern portion of, annexed by Lord Derby, 686; - German annexation, _ib._ - -New Ireland and the German annexations in the Pacific, II. 686 - -Newman, Rev. J. H. (afterwards Cardinal), his entry into the Roman Catholic Church, I. 99-101; - “Tract No. 90,” 101; - his resignation as Vicar of St. Mary’s at Oxford, _ib._; - his early intentions, _ib._; - effect of his withdrawal on the Tractarian Movement, 102 - -Newport (Mon.), Lord Salisbury’s address at, II. 726 - -Nicholas, Emperor of Russia, his error in regard to Turkey, I. 579; - his obstinacy, _ib._; - his death, 633 - -Nightingale, Miss, her labours in the Crimea, I. 624; - rewarded by the Queen for her heroic conduct in the Crimea, 692 - -Nile Expedition to relieve General Gordon, II. 712-4 - -Nile, Stewart’s night march to the, II. 714 - -Nolan, Major, his Seed Bill for Ireland, II. 586 - -Northbrook, Lord, his opposition to the purchase system in the army, II. 393; - resignation as Viceroy of India, 494; - First Lord of the Admiralty, 594; - his Egyptian mission adversely criticised by the Conservatives, 682; - his recommendations in regard to Egypt discredit the Gladstone Government, _ib._; - his promise to make important additions to the navy, 702; - and the Admiralty accounts, 710 - -Northcote, Sir Stafford, President of the Board of Trade, II. 257; - Secretary for India, 275; - speech on the Irish Church Question, 332; - Chancellor of the Exchequer, 465; - his tame policy as Chancellor of the Exchequer, 470; - his Budget for 1875, 487; - his Budget for 1876, 502; - his leadership of the House of Commons, 515; - his denunciation of the terms of peace between Turkey and Russia, 536; - his Budget for 1878, 552; - his Budget for 1879, 571; - his Budget for 1880, _ib._; - opposition from the Fourth Party, 595; - his motions in regard to Mr. Bradlaugh, 630; - his prudent policy distasteful to his followers, 636; - his resolution prohibiting Mr. Bradlaugh from taking the oath, 658; - Mr. Bradlaugh’s threat to treat this decision as invalid, _ib._; - his resolution excluding Mr. Bradlaugh from the House of Commons, _ib._; - his unwillingness to countenance obstructive tactics, _ib._; - Lord Randolph Churchill’s bitter attacks on his leadership, _ib._; - his hand forced to obstructive tactics, _ib._; - speeches in North Wales and Ulster, 668; - moves a vote of censure on the Government for their vacillating policy, 673; - blames the Government for not helping Hicks Pasha, 674; - prevents Mr. Bradlaugh from taking his seat, 676; - created Lord Iddesleigh, 708; - sudden death of, 734 - - -O. - -Oatley, George, presented with the Albert Medal by the Queen, I. 607 - -Obeid, El, Defeat of Hicks Pasha and his army at, II. 67 - -O’Brien, William Smith, the rise of the Nationalist Party in Ireland, I. 327; - his leadership of the “Young Ireland” Party, 341; - collapse of his authority, 343; - transported to Van Diemen’s Land, _ib._; - his death, _ib._ - -O’Connell, Daniel, remarks in regard to the Queen’s popularity with the Irish, I. 38; - suggestion of the “People’s Charter,” 49; - early patron of Mr. Disraeli, 51; - his denunciation of Sir Robert Peel, 56; - the agitation in Ireland, 151; - his popularity with the Irish people, _ib._; - his aims, _ib._; - the secret of his success, 52; - the nature of his invective, _ib._; - his puzzling methods, 154; - death of, 158 - -O’Connor, Feargus, his denunciation of Sir Robert Peel, I. 56; - an agitator by profession, 58; - his parentage, _ib._; - his leadership of the Chartists, 327; - at the meeting on Kennington Common, 331; - his petition in favour of six points of the Charter, 354; - arrested by the Sergeant-at-Arms, 355 - -Odoacer, the Queen’s conjectural relationship to, I. 45 - -Odessa bombarded by the British fleet, I. 603 - -Orleans, Duke of, his death, I. 126 - -Osborne, Mr. Bernal, his motion on Portuguese affairs, I. 302; - his proposal in regard to Ireland, 354; - speech on the Austro-Hungarian Question, 399 - -Osman Digna defeated by General Graham, II. 718; - in conflict with the Abyssinians, _ib._ - -Otho, King, driven from the throne of Greece, II. 128 - -Oudh, difficulties as to its government, I. 721; - its annexation by the East India Company, 722; - outbreak of the Sepoy Mutiny, 729; - Canning’s successful diplomacy, 734 - -Outram, Sir J., General, his victories over the Persians, I. 704; - his opinion regarding the government of Oudh, 721; - the annexation of Oudh, 722 - -Overland Route, its inauguration, I. 190 - -Oxford University, the Tractarian Movement, I. 98; - censure of Newman’s tract, 101; - Oxford University Bill passed by the Aberdeen Cabinet, 619; - proposed abolition of religious tests, II. 397 - - -P. - -Pakington, Sir John, Colonial Secretary, I. 499; - First Lord of the Admiralty, II. 257; - Secretary for War, 275 - -Palmer, Professor, his mission to detach the Bedouins from the side of Arabi - Pasha, II. 642; - murdered at the Wells of Moses, _ib._ - -Palmer, Sir Roundell (afterwards Lord Selborne), his speech on the Irish Church - Question, II. 334 - -Palmerston, Lady, her influence in Whig society, II. 351 - -Palmerston, Lord, his speech on the sugar duties, I. 94; - his condemnation of the Ashburton Treaty, 169, 170; - Foreign Secretary, 245; - antipathy of Louis Philippe, 258; - difficulties with the Church of Rome, 298; - deficiencies in his foreign policy, 320; - his view regarding an Anglo-German alliance, 322; - complaints against his policy by Louis Philippe, 326; - his rash interference with Spain, 347; - popular indignation against him, 345; - vote of censure in Parliament, 349; - an Ordnance Department scandal, 394; - annoyance to the Queen by his Austrian policy, 395; - the reckless character of his policy, 398; - difficulties with Greece, 427; - the Queen expresses her displeasure with his policy, 478; - discussion in Parliament as to his foreign policy, 430, 431; - a speech on the Greek dispute, 435; - dissatisfaction of the Queen with his administration at the Foreign Office, 437; - the Queen’s memorandum in regard to his foreign policy, 454, 455; - his plea to the Prince Consort, 455; - his cordial reception of Kossuth, 479; - his resignation as Foreign Secretary, 495; - he assails the Militia Bill, 499; - Home Secretary, 519; - resigns office, 565; - his return to the Cabinet, 566; - his zeal for war with Russia, 572; - a foolish speech at the Reform Club, 583; - his public-spirited behaviour at the Crimean crisis, 628; - his policy as Prime Minister, 638; - failure of the French alliance, 675; - his popularity at the Crimean War, 688; - the failure of his home policy, 690; - his victory at the elections, 708; - increase of confidence from the Queen, 715; - his false estimate of the Indian Mutiny, 747; - his waning popularity, II. 7; - his Bill to alter the Law of Conspiracy, 8; - vote of censure passed against him in Parliament, 37; - his anti-Austrian policy, 43; - his plan for the settlement of the Italian Question, 46; - the continued recklessness of his policy, 47; - his Fortification Scheme, 62; - distaste of the Radicals to his policy, 74; - mutilation of the Afghanistan Blue Book, 82; - his attack on Prussia, 83; - his sympathy with Poland, 160; - conflict with the Queen on the Danish Question, 166; - censured by the House of Lords, 167; - his policy at the Danish War, 191; - his diplomacy after the failure of the Sleswig-Holstein Conference, 193; - speech on the Irish Question, 233; - his death, 243; - the character of his statesmanship, 244; - his able management of the Commons, _ib._ - -Panmure, Lord, his ridiculous despatch to General Simpson, I. 669 - -Papal Aggression Movement, the Pope’s Brief, I. 460; - indiscreet statements of Roman Catholic dignitaries, _ib._; - Dr. Ullathorne’s explanation, _ib._ - -Paris, the Conference in regard to the Russian War, I. 698; - the result of the Conference, 716; - the Congress of 1858, 719 - -Parker, Admiral, his blockade of the Piræus, I. 427 - -Parnell, Mr. Charles Stewart, enters Parliament, II. 488; - develops a policy of obstruction, 499; - his obstruction of the Prisons Bill, 515; - his skill in debate, 516; - his support of Radical members, 520; - his opposition to flogging in the army, 568; - the Attorney-General’s indictment against him, 603; - his policy in regard to the Land Act, 628; - Mr. Gladstone’s speech against his policy, _ib._; - imprisoned in Kilmainham, _ib._; - alliance of his Party with the Tories, 697; - additions to his followers, 698; - master of Ireland by the elections of 1885, _ib._; - his Relief Bill is rejected, 730 - -“Parnellism and Crime,” II. 735 - -Parnellite alliance with the Tories, Success of, II. 706; - manifesto in support of the Tories, 726 - -Patents Bill, real progress made with it, II. 658 - -Paxton, Mr., his design for the International Exhibition building, I. 462 - -Peabody, Mr. George, his gift to the poor of London, II. 135; - his second gift, 323; - his statue unveiled by the Prince of Wales, 347 - -Pease, Edward, opening of the passenger line between Birmingham and London, I. 47 - -Peel, General, Secretary for War, II. 257 - -Peel, Mr. Arthur, chosen Speaker of the House of Commons, II. 676 - -Peel, Mr. F., his Bill to deal with clergy reserves in Canada, I. 534 - -Peel, Sir Robert, his financial statement for 1845, I. 182; - the establishment of the Queen’s Colleges in Ireland, _ib._; - decline in his popularity, 190; - his support of the Queen, 191; - receives the distinction of the Order of the Garter, 192; - his able management of his party, 193; - his hesitation in regard to Free Trade, 203; - resigns office, 204; - re-accepts Premiership, _ib._; - repeals the Corn Laws, 226; - praised by the Queen, 227; - fall of his Ministry in the Commons, 228; - resigns the Premiership, 238; - a letter from the Queen, 239; - his wise resolution, 241; - his independent attitude, 243; - his Bank Restriction Act, 279; - his opposition to the Education vote, 283; - assailed by High Church Tories, _ib._; - his Bank Act assailed, 295; - attack on his Free Trade policy, 373; - his support of the Russell Ministry, 375; - his clear perception of the Irish difficulty, 378; - triumph of his fiscal policy, 399; - his last speech in Parliament, 435; - his death, 447; - his character, 447, 448 - -Pegu, Capture of, by the British, I. 506 - -Pélssier, Canrobert’s successor in the Crimea, I. 640; - his irresolution as a leader, 673 - -Pennefather, General, his command at Inkermann, I. 615 - -People’s Palace, the, in the East End of London, Opening of, II. 740 - -Perth, inauguration of a statue to the Prince Consort by the Queen, I. 227 - -Peterborough, Bishop of, his opinion on the Irish Universities Bill, II. 434 - -Philippe, Louis, his intrigue for the Franco-Spanish marriage alliance, I. 254; - his disreputable motives, 256; - his antipathy to Lord Palmerston, 258; - loss of reputation, 259; - estrangement of the Queen, _ib._; - abdicates the throne, 325; - his flight to England, _ib._; - generous reception by the Queen, 326; - his death, 458 - -Phœnix Park Murders, The, II. 632 - -Phœnix Society, The, II. 246 - -Pierre, Admiral, at Tamatave, II. 667 - -“Plan of Campaign,” The, II. 730 - -Plimsoll, Mr., and the shipknackers, II. 485; - creates a scene in the House, 486; - reprimand and apology, _ib._ - -Playfair, Dr. Lyon, Postmaster-General, II. 439 - -Poland, rebellion in the country, II. 159; - the policy of Russia, 162; - Russian Imperial Ukase in favour of the peasantry, 218 - -Police Superannuation Bill, II. 678 - -Pondoland, British Protectorate established in, II. 686 - -Poor Law considered unnecessarily harsh, I. 48 - -Portsmouth, the laying of the submarine telegraph cable, I. 271 - -Portugal, discussion of its affairs in the British Parliament, I. 302 - -Postal system, its crudeness in 1837 compared with the present time, I. 3 - -Pottinger, Eldred, his defence of Herat, I. 113 - -Prison Ministers Bill, Introduction of the, II. 173 - -Pritchard, Mr., thrown into prison by the French at Otaheite, I. 167 - -Prome, Occupation of, by the British, I. 506 - -Protection, Agitation in regard to, at Manchester, I. 216; - Lord Stanley’s advocacy, 227; - the policy of its advocates in 1850, 423, 424; - a demand for retrenchment, 445; - views represented in the Queen’s Speech, 507; - success of arguments against Free Trade, 536 - -Prussia, the revolution of 1848, I. 346; - restoration of monarchical authority, 422; - signature of the Protocol, 584; - view regarding war with Russia, 592; - letter from the King to Queen Victoria, 593; - continuance of an adverse policy to England, 622; - dispute with Switzerland, 696; - the war with Austria, II. 280 - -Prussia, King of, sponsor to the Prince of Wales, I. 106; - at a meeting of Parliament, 107 - -_Punch_, a cartoon of Russell and Peel, I. 239 - -Punjaub, its annexation by the East India Company, I. 402 - - -Q. - -Queensland Government and the annexation of New Guinea, II. 685 - -Queen Victoria, _see_ Victoria, Queen - - -R. - -Ragheb Pasha at the head of the Egyptian Cabinet, II. 642 - -Raglan, Lord, his doubts about the success of invading the Crimea, I. 606; - his generalship at the Alma, 607; - disagreement with St. Arnaud, 608; - his demands for reinforcements, 623; - the silence of his despatches regarding the sufferings of the army, _ib._; - censured in Parliament, 632; - his death, 641; - his character, 642, 643 - -Raikes, Mr., his opinion of Louis Philippe, I. 143 - -Raikes, Mr. H. C., reduces the perpetual penalties on voters - in corrupt boroughs, II. 699 - -Railway, Opening of the London and Birmingham, I. 47 - -Rangoon, Capture of, by General Goodwin, I. 505 - -“Ransom,” Mr. Chamberlain’s doctrine of, II. 724 - -Redan, The British assault on the, I. 670, 671 - -Reform Bill, Good effect of the, on the middle class, I. 23; - Mr. Gladstone’s, II. 671, 699 - -Ricardo, Mr., his proposal in regard to the difficulties of Free Trade in the - Colonies, I. 382 - -Richmond, Duke of, President of the Board of Trade, II. 275; - leader of the Tory Party, 358; - Lord President of the Council, 465 - -Riel, Louis, President of the “Republic of the North-West,” II. 384; - hanged for treason, 723 - -Riots, The, in the West End of London, II. 731 - -Ripon, Lord, denounced in regard to the Ilbert Bill in India, II. 662 - -Roberts, General, his brilliant generalship against Ayoub Khan, II. 599; - his support of the Ilbert Bill, 662 - -Roberts, Mr., his Act for closing public-houses during Sundays in Wales, II. 618 - -Roberts, Mr., his clever transport of artillery at Varna, I. 607 - -Roebuck, Mr., his Bill for the better government of the colonies, I. 385; - his support of Mr. Gladstone, _ib._; - defeat of his colonial measure, _ib._; - proposes a vote of confidence in the Russell Government, 435; - his motion regarding the mismanagement of the Russian War, 617, 626; - his Committee of Investigation, 630; - his motion in favour of recognition of the American Confederates by England, II. 176 - -Roman Catholic disabilities, Removal of, I. 23 - -Romilly, Sir Samuel, his proposal regarding the Criminal Code, I. 27 - -Rorke’s Drift, The defence of, II. 564 - -Rossa, O’Donovan, his real name, II. 246; - becomes a convert to Fenianism, _ib._; - elected Member of Parliament, 353 - -Rothschild, Baron, his return for the City of London, I. 298; - Jews and the Parliamentary Oath, 299 - -Round Table Conference, The, II. 735 - -Rowton, Lord, consulted by the Queen on the political situation, II. 695 - -Royal Grants, Promise of Committee to “inquire into and consider,” II. 720; - promise repudiated by the Tory Party, _ib._ - -Royal Titles Bill, The, II. 499 - -Russell, Lord John, his Act in regard to capital punishment, I. 28; - his measure for re-uniting Upper and Lower Canada, 35; - censured as Home Secretary, 39; - his attitude towards the Chartists, 48; - his vexation at the reduced pension to Prince Albert, 67; - his proposed duty on corn, 90; - withdrawal of the motion, 91; - dissolution of Parliament, _ib._; - his opinion on Free Trade, 94; - his re-election for the City of London, 95; - his conversion to Free Trade, 203; - asked to form a Cabinet, 204; - the reason of his failure to form a Cabinet, 206; - distrusted by Cobden, 207; - his letter regarding the Roman Catholic hierarchy in England, 450; - the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill, 464; - introduces the Militia Bill, 498; - resignation as Prime Minister, 499; - fall from the leadership of the Liberal Party, 501; - his eulogium on the Duke of Wellington, 512; - Foreign Secretary, 519; - his scheme for a national system of public instruction, 530; - the main point of his Education Scheme, 534; - his scheme for reforming Parliament, 564; - his speech on the Prince Consort’s position, 576; - his unscrupulous policy before the Russian War, 591; - his speech against Russia, 602; - resigns office, 617; - his interference with the Aberdeen Cabinet arrangements, 626; - resigns office, _ib._; - the Queen’s objection to his policy, 627; - Colonial Secretary, 630; - his humiliating position after the Second Vienna Conference, 634; - resigns office, _ib._; - his Bill to remove the Parliamentary disability of the Jews, 711; - his amendment to Disraeli’s Reform Bill, II. 32; - conflict of opinion with the Queen, 41; - his Anti-Austrian policy, 43; - his proposal regarding the reduction of the franchise, 51; - raised to the peerage, 85; - his diplomacy in regard to Sleswig-Holstein, 199, 203; - appointed Premier 245; - an address to the Queen on the Irish Church Question, 287; - his scheme of Home Rule, 724 - -Russell, Mr. T. W., denounces the Bankruptcy Clauses of the Irish Land Bill, II. 736 - -Russia, Visit of Nicholas, Emperor of, to England, I. 160; - described by the Queen, _ib._; - his opinion of the English Court, _ib._; - his life in England, 161; - his jealousy of France, 162; - memorandum regarding Turkey, 162, 163; - his departure from London, 163; - his unpopularity with the English people, _ib._; - diplomatic quarrel with England, 427, 428; - aggressive designs, 540; - geographical conditions, 541; - ultimatum to Turkey regarding the Greek Church, 550; - the points of contention with Turkey, 555; - probable offensiveness of Menschikoff’s Note to Turkey, 557; - the criminal blunder at Sinope, 578; - recall of the English ambassador, _ib._; - rejection of the proposal of the Powers, 579; - defeat by the Turks at Silistria, 582; - war declared by England, 583; - the battle of the Alma, 607; - the battle of Balaclava, 611; - the battle of Inkermann, 615; - death of the Czar, 633; - proposals at the Second Vienna Conference, 634; - ready assent to terms of peace at the Crimean War, 678; - signing of the treaty with England, 683; - attempts to separate France and England, 696; - diplomacy in regard to Poland, II. 162; - Imperial Ukase in favour of the Polish peasantry, 218; - annexation of Circassia, _ib._; - proposal regarding the Black Sea, 375; - outbreak of war with Turkey, 526; - the understanding between the Russian and Turkish Governments during - the Russo-Turkish War, 528; - English despatch to prevent the Russian occupation of Constantinople, 541; - menacing India, 542; - secret agreement with England regarding Turkey, 547; - at the Berlin Congress, 549; - the assassination of Alexander II., 623; - dispute with England regarding the Afghan boundary, 703; - advance of troops on the Indian frontier, _ib._; - occupation of Pendjeh, _ib._; - controversy with England about the Afghan frontier, 719 - - -S. - -Saint Lucia Bay, British Protectorate established at, II. 686 - -Sale, Sir Robert, repulsed by Dost Mahomed, I. 115; - his march to Jelalabad, 118; - his defence of Jelalabad, 121; - his death at Ferozeshah, 234 - -Salisbury, Marquis of, his remark regarding Russian aggression in - European Turkey, I. 555; - his opposition to Mr. Gladstone’s Irish Land Bill, II. 359; - Secretary for India, 465; - his success at the India Office, 474; - his visit to Constantinople, 570; - his interview with Bismarck, _ib._; - Foreign Secretary, 546; - his Circular to the Powers, _ib._; - his secret agreement with Russia regarding Turkey, 547; - at the Berlin Congress, 549; - his policy in Afghanistan, 556; - an error in his Egyptian policy, 638; - article in the _Quarterly Review_ bewailing Mr. Gladstone’s disintegration - of English Society, 668; - article in the _National Review_ advocating the better housing of the poor, _ib._; - blames the Government for not assisting Hicks Pasha, 674; - censure of Mr. Gladstone’s Soudan policy, _ib._; - his resistance to the Reform Bill of 1884, 697; - in office (1885), 707; - singular pledge exacted of Mr. Gladstone, _ib._; - his address at Newport, 726; - in power (midsummer, 1886), 730; - his theory about a Land Purchase Bill for Ireland, _ib._ - -Sandon, Lord, his Endowed Schools Bill, II. 474, 499 - -Sandwich Islands offered to Britain, I. 188; - Houses of Parliament established, _ib._ - -Saxe-Weimar, Princess Edward of, II. 723 - -Schouvaloff, his secret treaty with Lord Salisbury, II. 547 - -Science, its marked progress since Queen Victoria’s accession, I. 175; - the electric telegraph, _ib._; - the first telegraph line in England, _ib._; - the beginnings of photography, 176; - the discoveries of Wedgwood, _ib._; - the discoveries of Davy, Daguerre, and Talbot, 177; - practical applications of the telescope, _ib._; - the Thames Tunnel, _ib._; - Arctic discovery, 178; - voyages of Franklin and others, _ib._ - -Scinde, Annexation of, by Britain, I. 150 - -Scotland, conflicting views as to the character of a Church, I. 102; - Act of Parliament in regard to Presbyteries, _ib._; - decree of the General Assembly, _ib._; - the Strathbogie case, _ib._; - Dr. Chalmers and Reform, 103; - the beginning of the Free Church, _ib._; - visit of the Queen and Prince Albert, 126; - the Queen’s impression of the country and people, 127; - passing of the Education Bill, II. 591; - the great Liberal victories of 1880, _ib._; - proposed legislation by the Gladstone Government, 671; - the Universities Bill, 678; - the Sanitary Bill, 710 - -Seats Bill passed in the House of Commons, II. 699; - its complex character, 699-701 - -Sebastopol at the mercy of the Allies, I. 608; - Todleben’s genius and activity, 610; - the beginning of the bombardment, 640; - capture of the Malakoff, 671; - abandoned by the Russians, 672 - -Secularism, its rise in England, I. 270; - Mr. Holyoake’s views, _ib._ - -Sedan, Surrender of the French Emperor at, II. 370 - -Selborne, Lord, Lord Chancellor, II. 594. - -“Senior Service,” The, II. 748 - -Sepoys, their dissatisfaction with British rule in India, I. 725, 726 - -Servants’ Provident and Benevolent Society, Founding of the, by Prince Albert, I. 363 - -Seymour, Admiral Sir Beauchamp (afterwards Lord Alcester), his warning to Arabi - regarding the fortifications of Alexandria, II. 642; - bombards Alexandria, _ib._; - takes possession of the town of Alexandria, _ib._; - receives a peerage in return for his services in Egypt, _ib._ - -Shaftesbury, Lord, his Commission of Inquiry on Mines and Collieries I. 139; - the Mines and Collieries Act, _ib._; - his Factories Act, _ib._; - the “Ten Hours Bill,” 286; - his undaunted courage, _ib._; - his withdrawal from Parliament, _ib._; - his speech against Russia, 587; - address to the Queen, asking her not to take the title of Empress, 502 - -Shah of Persia, The, visit to England, II. 446; - his reception, 447; - banquet in the Guildhall, 449; - his departure from London, 450; - the political element in his mission, _ib._ - -Shah Soojah supported by the British for the throne of Afghanistan, I. 112; - his proposed rule, 114; - his unpopularity with the Afghans, 115; - his energy and integrity, 118; - his assassination, 121 - -Shaw-Lefevre, Mr., Secretary to the Admiralty, I. 594 - -Sheffield, the disastrous flood in 1864, I. 226; - outrages by artisans, 289 - -Siam, Envoys from, received by the Queen, II. 667 - -Sibthorp, Colonel, his motion as to Prince Albert’s pension, I. 67 - -Sikhs, the rebellion of 1849, I. 399; - the siege of Multan, _ib._ - -Simpson, Dr. Young, his discovery of chloroform, I. 307 - -Simpson, General, his appointment to the command in the Crimea, I. 669; - his inefficiency, 671, 674 - -Sing, Maharajah Sir Pertab, at Windsor, II. 740 - -Sinkat, Massacre of the garrison of, II. 675 - -Sinope, The massacre of, I. 562 - -Slave trade, Speech on the, by Prince Albert, I. 105; - convention on the matter between England and France, 188 - -Sliding scale, Peel’s support of a, I. 98; - its introduction, 134 - -“Slumming,” II. 670 - -Smith, Mr. W. H., becomes First Lord of the Treasury and Leader of the House - of Commons, II. 734 - -Smith, Sir Harry, defeat of the Sikhs at Aliwal, I. 235 - -Sobraon, Battle of, I. 235 - -Solomon, Alderman, disqualified as a Jew from taking his seat in Parliament, I. 476 - -Soudan, Campaigns in the, II. 712-18; - evacuation of, by the British, 718 - -Southey, his interview with the Princess Victoria, I. 15 - -Spain, the revolution of 1848, I. 347; - rising in Madrid, _ib._; - dethronement of Queen Isabella, II. 323; - accession of King Amadeus, 376 - -Spencer, Lord, Lord President of the Council, II. 594; - Irish Viceroy, 632, 634; - his policy thrown over by the Tories, 710; - adopts Mr. Gladstone’s measure of Home Rule, 727 - -Spithead, Great naval review at, I. 569, 570 - -Stamp Duties, Discussion in Parliament on the, I. 444 - -Stanley, Dean, his death, II. 626; - his character, _ib._; - his biography of Dr. Arnold, _ib._; - his conciliatory influence on the Anglican Church, _ib._; - his intimate relations to the Royal Family, _ib._ - -Stanley, Lady Augusta, her admirable character, II. 511 - -Stanley, Lord, Secretary for the Colonies, I. 97; - resigns office, 207; - leader of the Protectionists, 227; - his attack on the Portuguese policy of the Russell Government, I. 352; - his discovery of an Ordnance Department scandal, 393; - proposes a vote of censure on the Russell Government, 431; - failure of his attempt to form a Cabinet, 466. - _See_ also Derby, Earl of - -Stanley, Mr., his discoveries on the Congo, 683 - -Stansfeld, Mr., his Public Health Bill, II. 423 - -St. Arnaud, Marshal, his plan for the battle of the Alma, I. 607; - his death, 609 - -Stephenson, General, Repulse of the Arabs by, II. 718 - -Stephenson, George, opening of the passenger line between - Birmingham and London, I. 47 - -Stewart, Colonel, murdered by Arabs, II. 681 - -Stewart, Sir Donald, his support of the Ilbert Bill, II. 663 - -Stewart, Sir Herbert, at Korti, II. 712; - at Abu Klea, 713; - mortally wounded, 714 - -St. Leonards, Lord, Lord Chancellor, I. 499 - -Stockmar, Baron, his opinion as to the changes in the Prince Consort, I. 267; - his advice regarding the Russo-Turkish difficulty, 575 - -Stoddart, Colonel, his mission to Persia, I. 123; - his death, 124 - -Storey, Mr., his opposition to the vote to Prince Leopold on his marriage, II. 646 - -Stratford de Redcliffe, Lord, English ambassador at Constantinople, II. 549; - the nature of his negotiations, 550 - -Strutt, Mr. James, the Princess Victoria’s visit to his cotton mills at Belper, I. 15; - his son created a peer in 1856, _ib._ - -Stuart-Wortley, Mr., his Bill to legalise marriage with a deceased wife’s sister, I. 392 - -Sturge, Mr. Joseph, his leadership of the Chartists, I. 330; - his aims, _ib._ - -Suakim-Berber Railway, The, II. 718 - -Suez Canal, Purchase of the Khedive’s shares in, by the English Government, II. 492; - exorbitant tolls levied by the Company on the shipping trade, 662; - Mr. Gladstone’s agreement with M. de Lesseps, _ib._; - Mr. Gladstone’s agreement abandoned, _ib._ - -Sugar Duties, Lord John Russell’s proposal regarding the, I. 246 - -Sullivan, Mr. A. M., his description of Ireland during the famine, I. 275 - -Sullivan, Mr. T. D., his song of “God Save Ireland,” II. 288 - -Sunday reunions in London society, II. 732 - - -T. - -Tait, Archbishop, his election to the See of Canterbury, II. 321, 322; - his Public Worship Regulation Bill, 471; - death of, 650 - -Tamanieb, The battle of, II. 675 - -Tay, Disaster on the railway bridge of the, II. 582 - -Tea Duty, Mr. Gladstone’s reduction of the, II., 238 - -Tel-el-Kebir, The battle of, II. 643 - -Tennyson, Alfred (Lord), his ode at the opening of the Great Exhibition, II. 135; - declines offer of baronetcy by Mr. Disraeli, 482 - -Test Act, Repeal of the, I. 23 - -Thanksgiving Day for recovery of Prince of Wales, II. 415; - the service of, on Jubilee Day, 744 - -Theebaw, King of Burmah, deposed, II. 723 - -Thom, Mr. John Nicholls, his religious mania, I. 39; - his murder of a constable, _ib._; - his death, _ib._ - -Thompson, General Perronet, his “Catechism of the Corn Laws,” I. 83 - -Thorburn, Mr., his portrait of Prince Albert, I. 159 - -“Three Acres and a Cow,” II. 726 - -_Times_, its opinion on the Corn Laws, I. 205; - its attack on the proposed marriage between the - Princess Royal and Prince Frederick of Prussia, II. 663; - its attacks on the Parnellites, 735 - -Todleben, Colonel, his great ability, I. 610; - his splendid defence of Sebastopol, _ib._ - -Tokar, Fall of, II. 675 - -Tractarian Movement, The, 98; - its principles, _ib._; - its leaders, 99; - the “Tracts for the Times,” _ib._; - opposition to its tenets, _ib._; - the term “Anglican,” _ib._; - its effect on the younger clergy, _ib._; - the spirit of revivalism, _ib._; - the apparent cogency of its arguments, 100; - its creditable qualities, 101; - letter by the Archbishop of Canterbury, 178; - Puseyite practices, 179 - -Trades Unions, their incentives to crime, I. 59 - -_Trafalgar_, Launch of the warship, at Woolwich, I. 94 - -Trafalgar Square, Fair Trade meetings in, II. 731; - the riots at, _ib._ - -Tramways, Act enabling Irish Local Authorities to construct, II. 659 - -Transvaal, British occupation of the, II. 563; - misrepresentations regarding the Boer wish for annexation, 599; - Mr. Gladstone’s speeches in favour of Boer independence, _ib._; - outbreak of rebellion, _ib._; - proclamation of a Republic, _ib._; - defeat of British troops at Bronkhorst Spruit, _ib._; - futile attempt of British troops to quell the rising, _ib._; - a war of re-conquest by England, 610; - defeat of Sir George Colley, 619; - defeat of the British at Majuba Hill, _ib._; - a Republic under British Protectorate, _ib._ - -Trevelyan, Mr. (afterwards Sir George Otto), his motion for abolition of purchase - in the army, II. 387; - Irish Secretary, 634; - suppresses “Orange” and “Green” demonstrations in Ireland, 668; - resignation of, 727; - returns to the Gladstonian party, 735 - -Turkey, the quarrel with Russia, I. 540; - determination to strike a blow at Montenegro, 542; - the quarrel of the monks at Jerusalem, 544; - refuses to agree to the Vienna Note, 552; - the points of contention with Russia, 555; - Turkish modifications of the Vienna Note, 556; - suspected “shuffling” from the conditions of the Treaty of Kainardji, 557; - declares war against Russia, 559; - fleet destroyed by the Russians, 562; - defeats the Russians at Silistria, 582; - treaty with Austria, 586; - the terms of peace with Russia after the Crimean War, 685-687; - mutiny in Bosnia and Herzegovina, II. 494; - the Andrassy Note, 495; - advantages secured by the policy of England, 496; - the Bulgarian atrocities, 504-503; - Lord Beaconsfield’s policy during the Russian difficulty, 511, 523, 526; - the war against Russia, 526; - English neutrality during the war, 527; - the fall of Plevna, 528; - the Anglo-Turkish Convention, 550; - refusal of concessions to Montenegro and Greece, 597; - the British fleet sent to Ragusa, 598 - - -U. - -Ulundi, The battle of, II. 566 - -United States, controversy with England in regard to Oregon, I. 231; - a treaty with England ratified, 232; - the struggle on the Slave Question, II. 111; - decision of the Supreme Court regarding negroes, 114; - the contention between North and South, _ib._; - secession of the Southern States, _ib._; - outbreak of the Civil War, 115; - English sympathy with the North, _ib._; - the battle of Bull’s Run, 116; - seizure of the English steamer Trent by the Federals, _ib._; - settlement of the Trent dispute, 119; - progress of the war, 131; - the fight between the _Merrimac_ and the _Monitor_, _ib._; - the battle of Fredericksburg, 133; - embittered relations between England and America, _ib._; - efforts in England in behalf of the South, 176; - capture of Vicksburg, 177; - continuance of the war, 178; - cruisers built in English dockyards, 211; - Grant’s leadership, 219; - Sherman’s success, 222; - complete defeat of the Confederates, 238; - assassination of Lincoln, 239; - the negotiations regarding the Alabama claims, 342; - celebration of the Queen’s Jubilee in, 747 - -Upper Burmah annexed to the Indian Empire, II. 723 - -Utrecht, Treaty of, its stipulations as to the French and Spanish crowns, I. 256 - - -V. - -Van Buren, President of the United States, Proclamation of, - regarding the rebellion, I. 33 - -Varna, The camp of the Allies at, I. 603; - a Council of War, _ib._ - -Veto Law in the Church of Scotland, I. 102 - -Victor Emmanuel, his agreement with the French Emperor, II. 29 - -Victoria, Queen, birth and parentage of her Majesty, I. 4; - her illustrious descent, _ib._; - christened at Kensington Palace, 7; - a previous monarch of her name in Britain, _ib._; - her sponsors, _ib._; - her early surroundings, 10; - her education, _ib._; - grounded in languages, music, &c., _ib._; - her general education entrusted to the Duchess of Northumberland, _ib._; - her affability, 11; - influenced by Wilberforce, _ib._; - her charity and kindness, _ib._; - her appearance in public, _ib._; - false reports regarding her health, _ib._; - anecdotes regarding her studies, 11, 12; - the Regency Bill, 14; - her progress in her studies, _ib._; - her fondness for music, _ib._; - juvenile ball in her honour by Queen Adelaide, _ib._; - additional income of £10,000 granted her by Parliament, 15; - stay in the Isle of Wight, _ib._; - visit to the Belper Mills in Derbyshire, _ib._; - visit to Oxford, _ib._; - visit to Southampton, 18; - her confirmation at St. James’s, _ib._; - an instance of her benevolence, _ib._; - her coming of age, _ib._; - her first Council, 19; - her address on the King’s death, _ib._; - proclaimed Queen, 22; - the period of her accession fortunate, _ib._; - instructed in the theory and working of the British Constitution by Lord Melbourne, 23; - residence at Buckingham Palace, 27; - addresses to the Houses of Parliament, _ib._; - her income fixed at £385,000, 30; - her business precision, _ib._; - her popularity at the beginning of her reign, 35; - foolish imputations against her, 36; - Chartist and other opponents, 38; - her generous disposition, 39; - coronation, 42, 43; - a letter to Sir R. Peel, 55; - affianced to Prince Albert, 62; - informing the Privy Council of her marriage, 63; - domestic life, 75; - fired at by Edward Oxford, 82; - birth of the Princess Royal, 83; - a royal tour, 94; - speech to Parliament, 95; - her dislike to the Tractarian Movement, 102; - birth of the Prince of Wales, 106; - attempts on her life, 110; - visit to Scotland, 126; - her impressions, 127; - departure from Edinburgh, _ib._; - letter to the Lord Advocate, _ib._; - birth of the Princess Alice, 132; - meeting with Louis Philippe, 143; - visit to Belgium, 146; - visit of the Emperor Nicholas of Russia, 159; - birth of Prince Alfred, 167; - visit to Scotland, 171; - residence at Blair Athole, _ib._; - visit of Louis Philippe, 172; - founding of the Royal Exchange, 174; - the purchase of Osborne, 179; - visit to the Continent, 195; - enthusiastic reception in Germany, 197, 198; - second visit to Louis Philippe, 198; - her admirable behaviour at the Corn Law crisis, 211; - her sympathy during the agricultural distress, 218, 219; - the Speech from the Throne in 1846, 220; - her Parliamentary instinct, 226; - letter on Peel’s resignation, 239; - anecdote of her kindness, 248; - anxiety about our foreign policy, 254; - visit to the Isle of Wight, 261; - reception of Ibrahim Pasha of Egypt, _ib._; - birth of the Princess Helena, _ib._; - a letter in regard to the Prince Consort, 262; - yachting cruise in the Channel, 263; - a visit to Cornwall, 266; - visits from German friends, 267; - visit to Hatfield, 268; - her account of the installation of Prince Albert as Chancellor of Cambridge - University, 314; - visit to Scotland, 318, 320; - anxieties in 1848, 357; - birth of the Princess Louise, 364; - visit to Balmoral, 366, 367; - her plan for her children’s education, 403; - shot at by Hamilton, 406; - visit to Ireland, 409; - her Irish policy, 443; - birth of the Duke of Connaught, 452; - assaulted by Lieutenant Pate, _ib._; - birth of Prince Leopold, 567; - review of the fleet at Spithead, 584; - a letter to the King of Prussia regarding the war with Russia, 594; - her anxiety concerning the soldiers in the Crimea, 645; - decorates Crimean soldiers at Chatham Hospital, 646; - visit to France, 656-660; - visit to Aldershot, 692; - reviews the fleet, 693; - reviews the troops at Aldershot, 695; - birth of the Princess Beatrice, 738; - confers the title of Prince Consort on Prince Albert, 743; - visit to Birmingham, II. 19; - visit to the Emperor and Empress of the French at Cherbourg, 21; - visit to the Prince and Princess of Prussia, 23; - visit to Leeds, 25; - project for founding the Order of the Star of India, 40; - reviews the volunteers at Hyde Park, 64; - visit to Germany, 70; - second visit to Ireland, 87, 89; - death of the Prince Consort, 92-96; - letter on the Hartley coal-pit disaster, 138; - her deep sorrow, 143; - visit to Germany, 144; - an address from the ballast-heavers, 179; - visit to Belgium, 180; - her policy at the Danish War, 191; - first appearance in public after the Prince Consort’s death, 227; - visit to Germany, 249; - opens the Blackfriars Bridge and Holborn Viaduct, 353; - opens the hall of the London University, 377; - a garden party at Windsor, 383; - opening of the Royal Albert Hall, 409; - opening of St. Thomas’s Hospital, 410; - illness, 411; - her opposition to French decorations in England, 443; - opens the Victoria Park, 445; - visit from the Czar, 478; - the Royal Titles Bill, 499; - unveils the Scottish National Memorial at Edinburgh, 503; - proclaimed Empress of India at Delhi, 512; - her supposed pro-Turkish sympathies, 531; - visit to Hughenden, 532; - visit to Italy, 579; - cordial reception in Paris, _ib._; - visited at Baveno by Prince Amadeus of Italy, 580; - received by the King and Queen of Italy at Monza, _ib._; - visit from the Emperor of Germany at Windsor, _ib._; - Canning’s policy in India, _ib._; - visit to her relatives in Germany, 604; - arrival at Darmstadt, 606; - visit from the Crown Prince and Princess of Germany, 626; - continuation of her “Leaves from the Journal of a Life in the Highlands,” 686; - the tone of her “Journal” reminiscences, 687; - illness, _ib._; - visit to Germany, 692; - present at the marriage of Princess Victoria of Hesse, _ib._; - visit to Balmoral, 694; - troubled as to the issue of the political crisis arising out of the Reform - Bill, 695; - confers the Order of the Garter on Prince George of Wales, _ib._; - her pressure on the Duke of Richmond to accept a compromise - on Mr. Gladstone’s Reform Bill, 697; - her letter to Miss Gordon, 717; - holiday at Aix-les-Bains, 719; - visit to Darmstadt (1885), _ib._; - her objections to Ascot Race Week, 721; - visits the Indian and Colonial Exhibition, 731; - opens the Holloway College for Women, 732; - opens the International Exhibitions at Liverpool and Edinburgh, _ib._; - attends the Garden Party at Marlborough House, _ib._; - visits the Duke of Buccleuch, _ib._; - fixes date for celebrating her Jubilee, 733; - opens the Law Courts in Birmingham, 739; - her holiday at Cannes and Aix-les-Bains, 740; - visits the Grande Chartreuse, _ib._; - opens the People’s Palace, _ib._; - visits the “Wild West” Show, _ib._; - her Jubilee procession to Westminster Abbey, 741; - after the Jubilee service in the Abbey, 743; - reviews the seamen of the fleet, _ib._; - attends the children’s celebration of the Jubilee in Hyde Park, 747; - gives a Jubilee Banquet in Buckingham Palace, 748; - her letter to her people on the Jubilee, _ib._; - gives a Garden Party in connection with the Jubilee, _ib._; - reviews the metropolitan volunteers, _ib._; - the progress which she has seen during her reign, 751 - -Victoria, Lord Normanby’s resignation of the Governorship of, II. 690; - Prince Leopold’s wish to become Governor, _ib._; - the Queen opposes Prince Leopold’s proposed Governorship, _ib._ - - -W. - -Wady Halfa, The British at, II. 718 - -Waghorn, Lieutenant, his inauguration of the Overland Route, I. 190 - -Wakley, Mr., his remarks in regard to Sir Robert Peel, I. 238 - -Wales, Prince of, his birth, I. 106; - title bestowed by letters patent, _ib._; - other titles by right, _ib._; - his sponsors, _ib._; - his first public appearance in a pageant of State, 418; - his stay at Königswinter, 746; - his stay at Richmond Park, II. 19; - a letter from the Queen on his reaching his eighteenth year, 26; - tour in Canada, 66; - his warm reception in the United States, 67; - visit to Germany, 90; - his tour in the East, 136-138; - his marriage to the Princess Alexandra, 144; - takes his seat in the House of Lords, 147; - birth of Prince Albert Victor, 223; - birth of Prince George Frederick, 249; - his illness, 411; - the excitement in London regarding his illness, 412; - his relapse, _ib._; - the probability of a Regency, _ib._; - all the members of the Royal Family summoned to Sandringham, _ib._; - fall in the Money Market securities on account of his serious illness, _ib._; - his rally on the anniversary of the Prince Consort’s death, 413; - addresses of sympathy from Republican societies, _ib._; - his convalescence, _ib._; - a letter from the Queen to the Home Secretary, 414; - Thanksgiving Day, 415; - his popular discharge of royal duties, 442; - his financial embarrassments, 476; - State visit to India, 493; - Mr. Bright’s support of the grant for the State pageant to India, 494; - the argument that his visit might benefit the natives of India, _ib._; - visit to Germany, 606; - visit of, and Princess, to Ireland, 719 - -Wales, The “Rebecca” disturbances in, I. 138; - removal of the grievances, 139 - -Walewski, his letter to the British Government regarding the shelter of French - refugees, II. 10; - Palmerston’s impolitic reply, _ib._; - spirited protest by Lord Malmesbury, 14 - -Walpole, Horace, an anecdote of George III.’s coronation, I. 46 - -Walpole, Mr., S., his remarks on the Crimean War, I. 687; - Secretary for Home Affairs, II. 257 - -Ward Hunt, Mr., Chancellor of the Exchequer, II. 304; - his Budget for 1868, 312; - First Lord of the Admiralty, 465 - -Washington, meeting of a Commission regarding points at - issue between England - and America, II. 390 - -Waterloo Banquet, The Duke of Wellington’s proposal to dispense with the, I. 3 - -Wellington, Duke of, his proposal to dispense with the Waterloo Banquet, I. 3; - advises the formation of a Cabinet by Sir Robert Peel, 54; - his advice regarding the address to the Queen after her marriage, 66; - leader of the House of Lords, 97; - visit of the Queen and Prince Albert to Strathfieldsaye, 180; - his sympathy with Peel on Free Trade, 211; - his loyalty to the Queen, 212; - his attitude to the Russell Ministry, 242; - letter to Lord John Russell, _ib._; - his suppression of undue corporal punishment in the army, 248; - his anxiety about the defences of the country, 303; - letter to Sir John Burgoyne, _ib._; - the Queen’s courtesies, _ib._; - his defeat of the Chartist rising, 330, 335; - proposal to instal the Prince Consort his successor as - Commander-in-Chief, 451; - his opposition to the Militia Bill, 499; - his death, 508; - tributes to his memory, 509; - universally mourned, 510; - his lying in state, _ib._; - his funeral, 511; - his character, 513, 514 - -Westbury, Lord Chancellor, his action in favour of the - Fraudulent Trusts Bill, I. 715; - his statement in regard to the synodical condemnation of - “Essays and Reviews,” 215; - charged with corrupt practices, 242; - resigns office, 243 - -Westminster Abbey, Scene in, at the Jubilee Service, II. 746 - -Whewell, Dr., his invitation to Prince Albert to become - a candidate for the Chancellorship of Cambridge, I. 307; - his meeting with the Queen, 315 - -“White Terror,” The, at Calcutta, II. 7 - -Wilberforce, Dr. Samuel, his opposition to the Sugar Duties, I. 246, 247; - his account of Prince Albert’s installation as Chancellor - of Cambridge University, 314; - his reply to Lord Chancellor Westbury on “Essays and Reviews,” II. 217 - -William, German Emperor, his visit to England, I. 70; - his early campaigns, _ib._; - crowned King of Prussia, II. 91 - -Wilson, Sir Charles, in command of Sir H. Stewart’s column, II. 714; - his operations between Metamneh and Khartoum, 715; - arrives at Khartoum, _ib._; - his steamers fired on by the Arabs, _ib._; - wrecked in the Nile, 716; - rescued by Lord Charles Beresford, _ib._ - -Windham, Colonel, his bravery at the storming of the Redan, I. 671 - -Wiseman, Cardinal, his pastoral regarding Roman Catholicism in England, I. 450 - -Wolff, Sir Henry Drummond-, one of the founders of the Fourth-party, II. 594; - his obstructionist tactics, 601; - his mission to Egypt, II. 708 - -Wolseley, Sir Garnet, commands the British expedition to Ashanti, II. 461; - enters Coomassie in triumph, _ib._; - efforts to re-establish order in Zululand, 566; - commands the expedition against the Egyptians under Arabi, 642; - celerity of his movements, 643; - the battles of Kassassin and Tel-el-Kebir, _ib._; - created Lord Wolseley, _ib._; - arrives at Korti, 712; - leaves Dongola, 718 - -Wolverhampton, statue to the Prince Consort inaugurated by the Queen, II. 267; - the enthusiastic reception of the Queen, _ib._ - -Wood, Sir C., First Lord of the Admiralty, I. 630 - -Wordsworth, his ode on the installation of the Prince Consort - as Chancellor of Cambridge University, I. 310 - -Wyse, Mr., British envoy at Paris, I. 427 - - -Y. - -Yeh, Commissioner, Capture of, in Canton, II. 5 - -“Young Ireland” Party, its objects, I. 339; - the leaders of, _ib._ - - -Z. - -Zebehr Pasha named by Gordon as ruler of the Soudan, II. 711; - deportation of, to Gibraltar, _ib._ - -Zulu War, The, II. 563; - defeat of the British, 564; - the battle of Rorke’s Drift, _ib._; - battle of Ulundi, 566 - - -PRINTED BY CASSELL AND COMPANY, LIMITED, LA BELLE SAUVAGE, LONDON, E.C. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] Nothing did more to sap and undermine the popularity of the -Government than an evasive statement of Mr. Cardwell’s as to the arms -in store. On the vote for increasing the army by 20,000 men on the -1st of August, 1870, Sir John Hay asked what was the use of voting -the money when the Government “had not 20,000 breechloaders ready for -service for the army, the militia, and volunteers.” Mr. Cardwell, in -reply, said he had 300,000 rifles “in store,” and left the House of -Commons when it rose, under the impression that the weapons were ready -for use as surplus weapons on any emergency. Of these, however, it -was subsequently admitted by Mr. Cardwell in an interview with Lord -Elcho that 100,000 were needed to meet existing demands, and that a -considerable number of the rest were in Canada. - -[2] There were also many whose objection to the grant to the Princess -was based on the delusion that the Queen, by living in retirement, had -accumulated savings out of which she could well afford to dower her -daughter. - -[3] A Royal warrant fixed the legal price of commissions. But they were -sold in defiance of the law at prices far above the legal ones, and -these were called “over-regulation prices.” - -[4] It might be said that promotion could still be kept going on in -the regiment itself. Officers need not have then been transferred for -promotion. But in that case rich officers might have bribed their -seniors to retire. Or, the subalterns might have made up a purse by -subscription to induce one of their seniors to retire and let them each -get a step upwards. - -[5] It may be mentioned that this course was suggested as a possible -one in the debate by Lord Derby. - -[6] The alternative courses of a creation of new Peers, and a -dissolution, it should be noted, also involved an exercise of the Royal -Prerogative--a fact forgotten by those who denounced Mr. Gladstone as a -“tyrant” for coercing the Peers by the use of Prerogative. - -[7] According to Addison, the House of Commons as far back as 1708 -began to discuss the Ballot. After 1832 it became a popular cry with -the Radicals, and in the first Session of the Reformed Parliament Mr. -Grote brought in a Ballot Bill which was rejected by a majority of -211 to 106. Year after year Mr. Grote was beaten in his attempt to -carry his measure. To him succeeded Mr. Henry Berkeley, who every year -brought forward a resolution in favour of secret voting, and in 1851 -even carried it by a majority of 37 against the opposition of Lord John -Russell and the Whig Government. The odious corruption and scandalous -scenes of violence which were associated with open voting at elections -gradually made Lord John and Mr. Gladstone converts to Mr. Berkeley’s -views. In 1868 the revelations of Lord Hartington’s Committee as to the -manner of conducting elections convinced the country that the Ballot -must be adopted. In 1869 another Committee on Electoral Practices -reported in favour of it. - -[8] Philosophical Radicals, like Mr. Mill, disliked the Ballot because -they feared that one influence would always operate on the ignorant -elector’s mind, even in the secrecy of the polling booth--that of the -priest who had threatened him with “the pains of Hell” as a punishment -for voting on the wrong side. - -[9] Mr. Disraeli, it is fair to say, had endeavoured to save the time -of the House by suggesting that there should be no debate on the Second -Reading--the discussion of the principle of the measure to be taken -on the next stage--the motion that the Speaker leave the Chair. This -arrangement was agreed to by the Government, but it provoked a mutiny -in the Conservative ranks, or rather in the section of the Party -represented by Mr. Beresford Hope, Mr. Newdegate, and Mr. G. Bentinck, -the first-named of whom jeered at Mr. Disraeli’s late Administration as -a “disorganised hypocrisy.” - -[10] Mr. Gladstone and the Government supported the first, but opposed -the latter of these proposals, greatly to the annoyance of the -Radicals, who saw in it the most effective check to bribery that could -be devised. - -[11] Large numbers of Liberal Peers did not even attend the debate or -the division. - -[12] Previous to this Act the Unions were so far without the law, that -they could not even prosecute their office-bearers for stealing their -funds. - -[13] This was given by Sir James Hannen in the case of a man called -Purchon, a member of the Glassbottlers’ Union of Yorkshire. Three -members of the Union, professing to believe certain disgraceful charges -against Purchon, procured his expulsion from that body. Then his -employers dismissed him because they were threatened with a strike -if he remained in their service. Purchon sued the three Unionists -who got him expelled from his Union for conspiring to deprive him -of employment. Mr. Justice Hannen ruled that there was an undue -interference with the rights of labour, and £300 damages were awarded -by the jury. The case of Purchon _v._ Hartley proved that though the -Unions had got rid of a limited term of imprisonment for coercion, they -were now punishable by unlimited damages. - -[14] Mr. Goschen based his case on the fact that Local Government was -a chaos of areas, rating, and authorities. He proposed (1), that each -parish should have an elected chairman who, aided but not controlled -by it, should be the rating authority; (2), that county rates should -be levied by a financial board, half being elected by justices and -half by parish chairmen; (3), that a new department of State or Local -Government Board should be created to supervise local finance and -administration; (4), that rates should be split between occupier and -owner, and levied on all exempted property, such as Crown property, -charitable property, moneys, and game; (5), that the house duty -(£1,200,000 a year) should be surrendered to the local ratepayers. - -[15] His estimated expenditure was £72,308,000, and his estimated -revenue £69,595,000 on the existing basis of taxation, and without any -new duties. - -[16] There was to be a halfpenny stamp on boxes of wooden matches, and -a penny stamp on boxes of wax matches or fusees. It was expected that -these duties would yield £550,000 the first year. Mr. Lowe invented -a motto for the stamp--_ex luce lucellum_ (“out of light a little -profit”)--a classical pun, which, however, did not reconcile the people -to his proposals. - -[17] Mr. Lowe desirous of not putting more than 1¼d. in the £ on the -income-tax, proposed to calculate it at 10s. 8d. per cent. This novel -method of calculating the tax, which was not necessary when the round -sum of 2d. in the £ was adopted, was unpopular because it was puzzling. - -[18] Letters and Journals of W. Stanley Jevons, p. 252. - -[19] The British Commissioners were Earl de Grey, whose services on the -Commission were rewarded by his elevation to the Marquisate of Ripon, -Sir Stafford Northcote, Mr. Montagu Bernard, and two distinguished -Canadians. - -[20] One arbitrator was to be chosen by the Queen and one by the -President of the United States. The three others were to be nominated -by the King of Italy, the President of the Swiss Republic, and the -Emperor of Brazil. - -[21] Lord Russell, however, took a personal rather than a Party view of -the question. He could not forget that he was individually responsible -for the occurrences and acrimonious despatches that had embittered -Americans against England. - -[22] “Not an inch of our territory, and not a stone of our fortresses.” - -[23] Bismarck’s personal opinion of the terms of peace was that Germany -asked too much or took too little. She should have either left France -her territory, thereby depriving her of an incitement to revenge, -or she should have broken and crushed her so utterly, that she must -have been paralysed for a century. As it was, in spite of the heavy -war-indemnity which Germany exacted, France in fifteen years recovered -herself sufficiently to render her antagonism formidable, and as a -standing inducement to a war of revenge, she had ever before her eyes -the hope of recovering Alsace, Lorraine, and her lost fortresses. - -[24] Bismarck would have let the French keep Metz for a milliard more -of war-indemnity. Then with this money he would have built a fortress -to mask it somewhere about Falkenberg, or towards Saarbrücken. “I do -not like,” he said one day at dinner during the peace negotiations, “so -many Frenchmen being in our house against their will.”--Lowe’s Life of -Bismarck, Vol. I., p. 631. - -[25] The terms of peace proposed by Germany to France were an indemnity -of six milliards of francs (£240,000,000), the cession of all Alsace, -including Strasburg and Belfort, a third of Lorraine including Metz. -The German Emperor, however, reduced the fine to five milliards. Von -Bismarck induced the German generals to let France keep Belfort, in -consideration of the French submitting to the triumphal march of the -German troops through Paris as far as the Arc de Triomphe. - -[26] The _Agincourt_, an ironclad of 6,000 tons, was run aground on the -Pearl Rock, off Gibraltar, on the 2nd of July. The accident occurred in -broad daylight. The court-martial blamed the captain, staff commander, -and one of the lieutenants, but public opinion condemned Vice-Admiral -Wellesley, whose signals had, it was said, caused the disaster. Mr. -Goschen and the Lords of the Admiralty decided that the Admiral was to -blame for ordering an unsafe course to be steered, and compelled him to -strike his flag. The _Megæra_ was a transport ship which had been sent -to sea with her bottom honeycombed with rotten plates. On the 19th of -June the captain had to beach her to save her crew. Yet the Admiralty -officials had reported her quite seaworthy when her bottom was, as one -of her officers said, “as full of holes as an old tea-kettle.” - -[27] The Judicial Committee of the Privy Council had been reorganised -so as to constitute a competent Court of Appellate Jurisdiction for -India and the Colonies. A certain number of judges was appointed to -it, but the Act laid it down that it was necessary for a man to be -a judge before he got one of these appointments. In November, 1871, -Mr. Gladstone was desirous of promoting Sir Robert Collier, then -Attorney-General. The Lord Chancellor accordingly made Sir Robert a -Puisne Judge so as to give him a technical qualification, and then -immediately appointed him to the Judicial Committee. It is only right -to say that personally and professionally Sir Robert Collier was well -qualified for the post. - -[28] These were Mr. Peter Taylor, Professor Fawcett, and Sir Charles -Dilke. The vote for it was 352, but half of the House was absent from -the division which Mr. Taylor challenged. Mr. Taylor declared that the -people were getting tired of the Monarchy. Sir Robert Peel suggested -that if more money were granted to the Royal Family, it ought to go -to the Prince of Wales, who was doing most of the Queen’s ceremonial -duties. He had also the bad taste to sneer at the Queen’s alleged -parsimony, and insinuated that she saved for her private purse the -money voted to defray her State expenses. - -[29] Some of the comments of the Press on the wedding were instructive. -The Times said: “To-day a ray of sunshine will gladden every habitation -in this island, and force its way even where uninvited. A daughter of -the people, in the truest sense of that word, is to be married to one -of ourselves. The mother is ours, the daughter is ours.” _Vanity Fair_, -a “Society” journal, considered that it was “an additional claim of the -dynasty on our loyalty that means should have been found to enable us -to keep so charming a Princess in the country.” The _Daily Telegraph_, -in describing the history of the marriage, said: “The old dragon -Tradition was routed by a young sorcerer called Love, who laughs at -precedents as heartily as at locksmiths, and has an equal contempt for -etiquette and armour _cap-à-pie_.” - -[30] “When the time came for putting on the ring, the bride took off -her glove, which, with the bouquet, the Queen offered to take. The -Princess, however, evidently did not observe the gracious attention, -and handed them to Lady Florence Lennox, who let them drop. May this -be an omen that flowers may strew the ground wherever the Princess’s -future life may lead her!”--(_Standard_, 22nd March, 1871.) - -[31] It may be worth while to note the precedents for marriage between -English Princesses and subjects:--Princess Elizabeth, daughter of James -I., and widow of the King of Bohemia, was supposed to have privately -married Lord Craven. Princess Mary, sister of Henry VIII., married -Charles Brandon, who was sent to escort her from France, when her -husband Louis XII. died. Three of the daughters of Edward IV. married -the heads of the families of Howard, Courtenay, and Welles; but though -Henry VI. recognised these alliances, he did not quite recognise the -title of Edward IV. Of the House of Hanover, William Henry, Duke of -Gloucester, in 1766 married the widow of Earl Waldegrave, who was the -illegitimate daughter of Sir Robert Walpole, a match which infuriated -King George III. Henry Frederick, Duke of Cumberland, in 1771 married -Lady Anne Luttrell, daughter of Earl Carhampton, and widow of Mr. -Charles Horton, of Catton Hall, Derbyshire. The Royal Marriage Act was -passed in 1772, after which time there have been some Royal marriages -with subjects in spite of the law: (1), The Duke of Sussex married -first Lady Augusta Murray, daughter of the Earl of Dunmore. After she -died, his Royal Highness married his second wife, Lady Cecilia Letitia -Buggin, daughter of Arthur, Earl of Arran, and afterwards Duchess -of Inverness. (2), George IV., while Prince of Wales, married Mrs. -FitzHerbert. (3), The present Duke of Cambridge married some years ago -Mrs. FitzGeorge. - -[32] This gave rise to a curious incident. A clerk by mistake had given -the Minister the message meant for the Lords. When Mr. Gladstone read -out the words “Her Majesty relies on the attachment of the House of -Peers to concur,” the House buzzed with excitement, and the Tories -wrathfully whispered to each other that some new insult had been -devised by Mr. Gladstone for the Hereditary Chamber. Mr. Gladstone had -to explain how the mistake had been made, before tranquillity could be -restored. - -[33] Mr. Bruce’s management of this affair did much to bring the -Government into contempt. When the promoters of the meeting defied -him he withdrew his prohibition. On being questioned in the House of -Commons on the subject, he explained that when he issued it he thought -that the meeting was called to petition Parliament, and no meeting can -legally be held within a mile of Parliament for that purpose. But, he -added, having found that the meeting was merely going to discuss the -grant he considered it to be a legal one, and therefore withdrew his -prohibition. - -[34] Hodder’s Life of Lord Shaftesbury, Vol. III., p. 303. - -[35] Life of Bishop Wilberforce, Vol. III., p. 394. - -[36] _Daily Telegraph_, 28th February, 1872. - -[37] The boy was said to be a nephew of Feargus O’Connor, and was a -clerk in an oil-shop in the Borough. He had tried to reach the Queen’s -carriage on Thanksgiving Day, but the density of the crowd prevented -him. O’Connor, curiously enough, was not a Fenian or a Catholic, but -a Protestant youth who had turned crazy by reading “penny dreadfuls.” -In April he was tried and sentenced to one year’s imprisonment and -twenty strokes with the birch. The Queen, who had long been desirous -of bestowing medals for long and faithful domestic service in her -employment, found in the attack by O’Connor an opportunity for carrying -out her idea. Her personal attendants were Highland gillies from her -Aberdeenshire estates. They had been most active in protecting her -when she was menaced by O’Connor, and on John Brown, who had been more -prominent than the others, her Majesty conferred this gold medal and an -annuity of £25. Brown had been the Prince Consort’s favourite gillie, -and, though his rough Northern manners were somewhat unprepossessing, -his personal courage, stolid fidelity, shrewd judgment, and blunt -honesty of speech, had rendered him a great favourite in the Queen’s -family. - -[38] Life of Bishop Wilberforce, Vol. III., p. 393. - -[39] England was admittedly not responsible for the escape of this -vessel. But the Tribunal held that because a British Colony reinforced -her crew at Melbourne after she carried the Confederate flag, -responsibility accrued. - -[40] The first Election under the Ballot was at Pontefract, when Mr. -Childers was returned against Lord Pollington by a vote of 658 to -578--the registered Electors being 1,960. The Election was conducted -with unusual order, and there was no bribery or intimidation, and less -violence and drunkenness than usual. - -[41] This Bill was, of course, much less drastic than the one which Mr. -Bruce withdrew in 1871. It reduced the hours of sale, strengthened the -hands of the authorities as regards supervision and the granting of new -licences, but as a sop to the Liquor Trade it gave the well-conducted -publican a kind of tenant-right by practically securing to him a -renewal of his licence. - -[42] Had an Admiral with good administrative ability been appointed -Permanent Secretary to the department instead of Mr. Lushington, the -collapse of Mr. Childers’ scheme, when he was invalided, might have -been averted. - -[43] Sir Massey Lopes desired that the cost of administering justice, -and the Lunacy and Police Acts--then charged on the rates--should be -thrown on the Consolidated Fund, _i.e._, transferred from the ratepayer -to the tax-payer. The county members on both sides objected to the -whole system of rating which fell not on personal, but real property, -and which threw on rates the cost of doing work which was done not -merely for the locality, but for the community at large. The Ministry -maintained that it was impossible to give effect to Sir Massey Lopes’ -ideas till the whole question of Local Government and Rating was taken -up and settled on a sound basis. - -[44] The limit of abatement was also raised from incomes of £200 to -£300, and the abatement itself from £60 to £80. The duty on coffee -and chicory was reduced, and shops and warehouses were exempted from -house-tax. - -[45] This was founded on the 19th of May, 1870, in the Bilton Hotel, -Sackville Street, Dublin. The chief Conservatives present were Mr. -Purdon (Lord Mayor of Dublin), Mr. Kinahan (Ex-High Sheriff of Dublin), -Major Knox (proprietor of the _Irish Times_), and Captain (afterwards -Colonel) King-Harman. Mr. Butt moved the chief resolution, which was -unanimously carried, affirming that “The true remedy for the evils of -Ireland is the establishment of an Irish Parliament with full control -over our domestic affairs.” - -[46] Lord Russell in this letter, says:--“It appears to me that if -Ireland were to be allowed to elect a Representative Assembly for each -of its four Provinces of Leinster, Ulster, Munster, and Connaught, and -if Scotland in a similar manner were to be divided into Lowlands and -Highlands, having for each Province a Representative Assembly, the -local wants of Ireland and Scotland might be better provided for than -they are at present.” There was reason to suppose that the Birmingham -School of Radicals in 1886 had almost summoned up courage to adopt the -Home Rule scheme which the veteran Whig statesman propounded in 1872. - -[47] Burma, As it Was, As it Is, and As it Will Be. By J. George Scott -(“Shway Yoe”). London: Redway, 1886-7. P. 34. - -[48] The British representative at Mandalay, besides complaining of -perpetual encroachments on the Arakan frontier, declared that he was -not allowed to see the King of Burma unless he took off his shoes and -sat before him on the floor in his stockings. - -[49] See a letter written by Mr. Hayward to Mr. Gladstone, in the -correspondence of Mr. Abraham Hayward, Q.C., Vol. II., p. 252. - -[50] What their motive was for this act has not yet been clearly -stated. It was said at the time that they thought by opposing it to -induce the Protestants to let it pass. Their opposition, however, as -explained by themselves, was (1), The Bill did not endow a Catholic -University. The Tories had promised to do so in 1866, and therefore the -Catholics might profitably wait till Mr. Disraeli returned to power. -(2), The Bill, by endowing Professorships of academical subjects--not -including History and Philosophy--was really one for founding a new -“Godless college.” (3), Other students than those trained in affiliated -colleges--scholars educated by private study, in fact--were admitted -to degrees. (4), As the constitution of the new University stood, the -Catholics would have to wait for many years ere they could command even -a large minority in the new University constituency. - -[51] They were Mr. Fawcett, Mr. Horsman, who had approved of the Bill -at first, Mr. Bouverie, Mr. McCullagh Torrens, Mr. Aytoun, Mr. Akroyd, -Mr. Foster, Mr. Auberon Herbert, and Mr. Whalley. - -[52] These clauses do not seem to have been essential to the main -object in view, which was to give the Catholics a chance of getting -University degrees of high status, and a fair share of the University -endowments of the nation. The new “Godless” chairs were not needed if -the Catholics did not want them, for the Protestants could always get -their instruction in Trinity College. - -[53] Sir William Stirling Maxwell was a representative of the most -popular phase of Toryism, and in a special sense reflected the mind of -his party in hankering after Lord Derby as a leader. Writing to Mr. -Hayward in September, 1872, he says of Lord Derby:--“I know no man -whose daily talk reflects more constantly the good sense and fairness -of his speeches. It is some consolation to those who still believe that -Conservatism may have some backbone left to have a prospective leader -with so much ballast in his character.” The Conservatives did not trust -Mr. Disraeli’s Conservatism even in 1873, just because they suspected -it lacked backbone and ballast. - -[54] Mr. Gladstone combined this office with that of the Premiership. -Sir Robert Walpole, Lord North, Mr. Pitt, Mr. Canning, and Sir Robert -Peel had each held the two offices simultaneously. - -[55] For example, in 1873 the Public Accounts showed a Postal -expenditure of £5,000,000; but then, on the other side of the ledger, -the nation was credited with £5,000,000 of receipts earned by the -Post-office. The Tory financial critics could not be got to see that -the only right way of comparing the real expenditure of a Government -at any two selected dates is to deduct from the gross sum moneys which -come in aid of outlay, and which are yet not taxes, and then compare -the results. - -[56] Mr. Disraeli’s Government need not be blamed too harshly -for letting the Army alone. Till the fall of the Second Empire -Parliament would probably not have voted the money or passed the -measures necessary to put an end to the chaotic confusion and Crimean -inefficiency of the military system under which orators used to declare -“British troops had ever marched to victory.” But Mr. Corry, Mr. -Disraeli’s First Lord of the Admiralty, had no such excuse for his -neglect to build first-class ironclads. Even the Manchester Radicals -would have voted him the money for that purpose had he been courageous -enough to confess what was the truth, namely, that when he took office -the British Navy was behind the age, and as a fighting force pitiably -weak and obsolete. Another costly blunder was committed by Mr. Corry. -He had not firmness enough to silence clamorous claims for commissions. -Hence he over-officered the Navy, till it almost seemed at one time as -if he meant to man his line-of-battle ships with his redundant admirals -and his superfluous captains. - -[57] This was due, however, not so much to the action of the Government -as to the falling-in of terminable annuities, which reduced the charges -for the National Debt. - -[58] Of course the Queen cannot prevent a man from receiving a -Foreign decoration, and he can wear it in Society without incurring -prosecution, just as he might, if vulgar enough, wear a masonic star -of the cheeseplate order of architecture on his breast. But he cannot -wear it at Court, and the grievance of the British snob is that the -Queen’s objection to his accepting a Foreign Order prevents Foreign -Governments--except semi-barbarous ones--from bestowing it on him. -Queen Elizabeth said that “she did not like her dogs to wear any -collar but her own.” It is not so generally known that the Queen’s -grandfather, George III., whose metaphors were usually of a more -pastoral character than those of the great Tudor Princess, expressed -the same feeling when he said that he “liked his sheep to wear his own -mark.” - -[59] Alice Grand Duchess of Hesse, Princess of Great Britain and -Ireland. Biographical Sketch and Letters, p. 308. - -[60] If, for example, the Prince of Wales and his children died, -the Duke of Edinburgh would have succeeded him. The succession to -the English throne, unlike that to most European Sovereignties, is -governed by the same law which regulates the succession to all Scottish -dignities and most of the very ancient English baronies, namely, -descent is to heirs general, male or female; but then all males must -be exhausted ere the right of the females accrues. Thus the Duke stood -before his elder sisters and their families in the line of succession. - -[61] Alice Grand Duchess of Hesse, Princess of Great Britain and -Ireland. Biographical Sketch and Letters, pp. 317 and 318. - -[62] This was the letter to “My dear Grey,” in which Mr. Disraeli -accused the Ministry of a policy of “blundering and plundering.” As -they were in power solely because he had refused office, the attack of -course recoiled on his own party. - -[63] A Selection from the Correspondence of Abraham Hayward, Q.C., Vol. -II., p. 254. - -[64] It was unjustly said that Mr. Gladstone offered to abolish the -Income Tax as an electoral bribe. The fact was that he was under a -recorded pledge to Parliament to take off the Income Tax when the -finances admitted of its repeal. That was the condition on which he had -been allowed to impose it when he was Chancellor of the Exchequer in -1853. As the vast majority of the electors were not Income Tax payers, -the proposal could not possibly be an effective electoral bribe. - -[65] Another difficulty for the Independent Elector was that of seeing -how Mr. Gladstone could abolish the Income Tax. Mr. Disraeli, who soon -began to repent his haste in trying to outbid Mr. Gladstone on this -point, suggested that difficulty in a speech at Newton Pagnell. He did -not withdraw from his declaration that he desired to get rid of the -Income Tax. But, he said, “If Mr. Gladstone asks me ‘are you prepared -to repeal the Income Tax by means of imposing other taxes?’ I am bound -to say it is not a policy I should recommend.” Mr. Gladstone never -divulged his plan. It is, however, obvious that he could have easily -got rid of the worst features of the Income Tax by readjusting the -House Duty. A House Duty, Mr. Mill said, is the fairest of all direct -taxes, and a man’s house-rent is--with certain exceptions--a sure guide -to his means and substance. If, for example, Mr. Gladstone had put 1s. -6d. in the £ on all houses above £10 rental, or if he had graduated -the duties from 4d. to 3s. in the £ on rentals of from £10 to over -£300, he could have supplied the place of the Income Tax which yielded -£4,875,000. The difference would have been this--that a man with £200 -of income, presumably paying £25 a year for his house, would--less 9d. -of existing house duty--have paid at the 1s. 6d. rate 18s. 9d. a year -of “a means and substance” tax on his rent, instead of the £2 10s. he -then paid in Income Tax. The relief of local rates might have been -obtained by handing over the old House Tax or a portion of it to the -local authorities. - -[66] Mr. Clare Sewell Read was made Secretary to the Local Government -Board, of which Mr. Sclater-Booth was made President. Sir M. -Hicks-Beach became Irish Secretary. Sir H. Selwin Ibbetson was -Under-Secretary at the Home Office. Mr. R. Bourke was Under-Secretary -for Foreign Affairs. Lord Sandon was Vice-President of the Council, -Lord George Hamilton was Under-Secretary for India, Sir C. Adderley -President of the Board of Trade, Mr. Algernon Egerton Secretary to the -Admiralty, and Lord Henry Lennox Chief Commissioner of Works. - -[67] Correspondence of Abraham Hayward, Q.C., Vol. II., p. 258. - -[68] It was supposed that Mr. Disraeli would prevent the inevitable -grammatical blunder from creeping into the Queen’s Speech. But it crept -in here, greatly to the delight of the pedants. They pointed out that -it was wrong to speak of “the recent Act of Parliament affecting the -_relationship_ of master and servant.” The word cannot be used, they -argued, instead of _relation_, to denote a relative position which is -temporary or official. - -[69] To those who had the advantage of taking no personal interest in -these transactions, Mr. Gladstone’s statement reads like the apology -of a Minister who was “riding for a fall.” He was admittedly pledged -to the House of Commons since 1853, to abolish the Income Tax when he -had a sufficient surplus. Instead of redeeming his pledge in 1874 to -the House, he took it to an electorate that had no existence in 1853, -and who, even if they had been competent to the task, could not have -given a fair decision on such a point in the turmoil of elections -which seemed purposely hurried through in a few days. Mr. Gladstone, -moreover, never defended his proposal at length. Had he really desired -to carry it, he would have submitted it to Parliament--for the House of -Lords, whose hostility he affected to dread, could not constitutionally -have meddled with it--and then if, after exhaustive discussion in -the Commons it had been defeated, he could have appealed to a nation -sufficiently instructed by that discussion to pronounce a rational -opinion on the question. As it was, the matter hardly entered into the -election controversies of 1874 at all. - -[70] “We find,” said Mr. Hardy, “the stores so full and efficient that -we can dispense with the payment of £100,000 on this head.” As to arms, -he remarked that “in a few weeks the whole of the infantry will, I -hope, have the Martini-Henry rifle. By to-morrow there will be 140,000 -Martini-Henry rifles in store, and during the year there will be a -further number of 40,000 provided.” After dilating on the abundance -of ammunition in stock and the sufficiency of the Reserves, Mr. Hardy -said of the Volunteers that the original number of them was 199,000, -“far, however, from efficient men,” whereas the number in 1874, though -only 153,000, consisted of thoroughly efficient men, who were “far -more worth having than what formerly existed.” The fortifications, -he said, were of “the most efficient character.” He even praised the -Intelligence Department, the formation of which had been a favourite -subject of denunciation by the Tory “Colonels.” - -[71] The most curious result of this reform was the increase which took -place in pauper lunacy. Sir Stafford Northcote, in fact, offered Boards -of Guardians the strongest temptation to get their senile paupers -quartered on the State as pauper lunatics. All that was necessary for -that purpose was a certificate from a pliable medical officer. - -[72] The hours against which the publicans had agitated were twelve -in London, and in other places any hour between five and seven in -the morning, till any hour between ten and twelve at night, as the -magistrates might decide. - -[73] Mr. Cross held that the extension of the hours from twelve to -half-past twelve at night was not a real extension. Under the former -rule the publican had “grace” given him to clear his bar. Under Mr. -Cross’s Bill closing was imperative at half-past twelve. Then Mr. Cross -put a stop to certain public-houses being kept open to one in the -morning, which Mr. Bruce had allowed, and the fixing of the hours at -ten and eleven, in very many cases, led to further restrictions. - -[74] Life of Norman Macleod, D.D., Vol. II., p. 325. - -[75] _Times_, October 1, 1874. - -[76] Prince Arthur was the first of his line who took as his superior -dignity a title from Ireland. Several Princes and Princesses of England -bore Irish titles, _e.g._, the Queen herself is Countess of Clare, but -they were secondary ones, and denominated inferior dignities. - -[77] Alice, Grand Duchess of Hesse, Princess of Great Britain and -Ireland. Biographical Sketch and Letters, p. 321. - -[78] _Times_, May 11, 1874. - -[79] _Spectator_, May 23, 1874. - -[80] Mr. Carlyle refused the offer, though he had accepted the Prussian -Order of Merit. - -[81] England Under Lord Beaconsfield, by P. W. Clayden, p. 120. - -[82] Mr. Disraeli was blamed for ungenerous discourtesy to Lord -Hartington on his first appearance as Opposition Leader. But there -was a good justification for the Premier’s contemptuous reply. Lord -Hartington’s taunts were foolishly factious, because he had, in a -speech at Lewes (21st of January), already defended the Tory Government -for not attempting to undo Liberal work, which was, as he put it, -“irrevocable.” - -[83] The Bill had these defects: (1), It was permissive and not -compulsory. (2), It forced local authorities to compensate owners of -insanitary dwellings doomed to destruction. The worse the rookeries -the higher the rents, and the more extravagant the compensation, so -that the Bill put a premium on the creation of rookeries. (3), It -enacted that workmen’s houses must be rebuilt on the cleared land. -This rendered it impossible to sell the sites at prices covering the -cost of clearing them, so that local authorities had (_a_) to keep the -land on hand in the hope of getting their price, during which time the -displaced inhabitants were pushed into adjoining neighbourhoods already -overcrowded; or (_b_) after five years to sell the sites by auction at -a loss. On the 4th of July, 1879, the Metropolitan Board of Works sold -some of their sites to the Peabody Trustees at a loss of £600,000 to -the ratepayers of London. - -[84] This Act deprived the Peers of their Appellate Jurisdiction. - -[85] Hansard, Vol. CCXXIII., p. 1458. - -[86] See Hansard, Vol. CCXXVIII., p. 1488. Mr. Heywood got £3,000 -compensation. - -[87] He complained that the Government had gone to Messrs. Rothschild -for the purchase-money instead of to their regular financial agents, -and paid them a commission equal to 15 per cent. a year on the advance. -He declared that the Khedive would probably fail to pay his 5 per -cent. on the purchase-money, and that England, in any dispute as a -shareholder, would have to sue and be sued in a French court. As -trustee for the nation the Government ought, he said, to insist on low -tariffs. As a shareholder it must, however, insist on high dividends. -The purchase, he held, would give England no real influence at the -Board of Direction. - -[88] Mr. Gladstone once cited the Channel as “the silver streak,” -which was the best defence of England against the Continent, and a -justification for a Foreign Policy of isolation. - -[89] When a Bill was approaching one of the stages at half-past twelve, -Mr. Biggar or Mr. Parnell would get up and speak so as to protract -debate till the hour came when opposed business must be postponed. - -[90] The Parnell Movement, by T. P. O’Connor, M.P. Popular Edition, p. -157. - -[91] See Hodder’s Life of Lord Shaftesbury, Vol. III., pp. 367, 371. - -[92] Hansard, Vol. CCXXX., p. 1182. - -[93] See Macgahan’s Letters and Consul-General Schuyler’s Report to the -United States Minister at Constantinople, cited in the Appendix, pp. 22 -_et seqq._ - -[94] It was not possible that the Czar could have seen a telegraphic -summary of Lord Beaconsfield’s Guildhall speech when he spoke to the -nobles at Moscow. - -[95] 160,000 men, and 648 guns. - -[96] Sir S. Northcote spoke at Bristol on the 13th of November, and Mr. -Cross at Birmingham a week later. - -[97] It was at this time that Tory partisans and Ministerial organs, -in order to encourage the Turks to resistance, began to denounce Lord -Salisbury as a traitor. - -[98] A fashionable skating-rink did poor business in 1876 if it did not -return a profit of 300 per cent., and a good patent for a rinking-skate -was worth at least £150,000 to a popular inventor. - -[99] See Parliamentary Papers, Turkey (1877), No. 78. - -[100] Even in 1877 some of the Tory squires were practising the -old stupid method of obstruction, _e.g._, Mr. Orr Ewing and Sir -William Anstruther put down 250 Amendments to the Scotch Roads and -Bridges Bill--most of which, when not frivolous, were unpopular and -reactionary. Such obstruction was, of course, easy to deal with. - -[101] On the 26th of March the House got one of its earliest lessons in -the new art of scientific obstruction. Mr. Parnell had, owing to the -popular lines on which some of his amendments were drawn up, got about -eighteen members at this time to act with him. But even they deserted -him when, at one in the morning, Mr. Biggar moved to “report progress.” -The division showed--Ayes, 10, Noes, 138. Mr. Biggar and his friends -then kept up a series of see-saw motions--for adjournment and reporting -progress, till at three in the morning Mr. Cross succumbed, and having -struck his flag, assented to the rising of the House. Then Mr. Biggar -and his friends pathetically wailed over the scandalous manner in -which the House had had two hours of its valuable time wasted by the -Home Secretary, whose surrender was cited as a justification of their -opposition. - -[102] This was fifteen minutes earlier than the hour at which it rose -in the Debate on the Address in 1783. See Clayden’s England Under Lord -Beaconsfield, p. 302. - -[103] This was a popular move, for it was generally felt that Ireland -not only had too many Judges, but that they were extravagantly overpaid. - -[104] Mr. F. H. O’Donnell actually put down seventy-five amendments to -it. - -[105] The motion was moved by Sir George Campbell. - -[106] It was never known what Sir Stafford Northcote meant to do. But -it was supposed he would, with the support of Lord Hartington, move the -expulsion of the “obstructives.” - -[107] The Estimates for the past year had been closely realised. For -the coming year (1877-78) the revenue was taken at £78,794,000, and the -expenditure at £79,020,000. - -[108] Alice Grand Duchess of Hesse, Princess of Great Britain and -Ireland. Biographical Sketch and Letters, p. 343. - -[109] Martin’s Life of the Prince Consort, Chap. XLIX. - -[110] Alice Grand Duchess of Hesse, Princess of Great Britain and -Ireland. Biographical Sketch and Letters, p. 357. - -[111] Correspondence of Abraham Hayward, Q.C., pp. 206, 273. - -[112] See a letter from Mr. Hayward to Mr. Sheridan, dated 3rd -November, 1876. Correspondence of Abraham Hayward, Q.C., p. 271. - -[113] See Mr. Hayward’s Correspondence, Vol. II., pp. 266 and 268. - -[114] Mr. Carlyle presumably got his information from the highest -German authorities. - -[115] Carlyle’s Life in London, by T. A. Froude, Vol. III., p. 441. - -[116] Consols fell three-eighths. - -[117] Mr. George Jacob Holyoake was the first to characterise these -patriots as “Jingoes,” deriving the epithet from their own anthem. See -his letter in the _Daily News_, March 13, 1878. - -[118] These were (1), Bulgarian autonomy north of the Balkans; (2), -guarantees of good government for the other Turkish provinces; (3), -cession of Batoum, and retrocession of Bessarabia to Russia. - -[119] Nobody gave a more vivid picture of the divided state of the -nation at this time than Mr. Trevelyan, who had been one of the most -active of those who forced Mr. Gladstone to withdraw his Resolutions. -Speaking at Galashiels on the 10th of December he said, the desire to -fight “is almost universal amongst idlers, and gossips, fashionable -aspirants, and the habitual frequenters of the London burlesques and -music-halls. The determination to keep at peace is almost universal -among the great mass of the population which produces the wealth of -this country, and which makes us respected and powerful among nations. -My experience is that the division is not, as is generally described, -one of class, but of personal habits and character. If you meet a -man who does an honest stroke of work on every week-day, whether he -be manufacturer, or artisan, or tradesman, or barrister, it is ten -to one that he wishes his country to leave this quarrel to be fought -out by those whom it concerns. If you meet a man who amuses himself -for fifteen hours out of the twenty-four, and sleeps the rest, it -is ninety-nine to one but he thinks we should send an ultimatum to -Russia as soon as she crosses the Balkans, and that he regards Lord -Beaconsfield as a second Chatham, who is robbed of his opportunities -by his more timid colleagues.” It ought to be said that the Liberals -had also their “idlers” and sentimental crochet-mongers, who were -eager to join Russia in fighting the “anti-human” Turk, and who had -the advantage of Mr. Gladstone’s personal leadership. Of course the -partisans of Lord Beaconsfield vied with the partisans of Mr. Gladstone -in pouring forth contempt on the English people, for their sordid -determination to tie the restless and mischief-making hands of these -two enterprising politicians. - -[120] One finds in the advertising columns of the _Era_, strangely -enough, a side-light on the Eastern policy of the Court at this period. -A Mr. Charles Williams, who advertised himself as singing “the greatest -war song on record” at four music-halls, added to his advertisement the -following letter:--“Lieutenant-General Sir T. M. Biddulph has received -the Queen’s commands to thank Mr. Charles Williams for the appropriate -verses contained in his letter of the 18th inst., and her Majesty fully -appreciates his motives.” One of the verses ran thus:-- - - “Bruin thinks we’ve been asleep; but a watch we’ve had to keep, - Knowing well the value of his word; - Look with many a skilful lie how they’ve blinded every eye, - Till the Lion’s grand impatience now is heard; - For every British heart would burn to take a part - To fling the Russian lies back in their face; - And to teach them, as of old, that Briton’s hearts are bold, - And would die to save our country from disgrace.” - ---_Vide Era_, February 20, 1878. The song was sung at the Metropolitan -Music Hall, in connection with a ballet called “Cross and Crescent -War.” When the Royal letter was pointed out to Count Schouvaloff, that -easy-tempered diplomatist merely shrugged his shoulders. It may be -mentioned incidentally that a study of the popular songs cf the period -reflects faithfully the shifting moods of the London mob during the -Eastern Controversy. - -[121] Turkey III. (1878), No. 1. - -[122] Russia in July had pledged herself not to meddle with the -Suez Canal, or with Egypt, or to menace the Persian Gulf. As to -the Dardanelles, the position of the Straits “should,” said Prince -Gortschakoff, “be settled by a common agreement upon equitable or -efficiently guaranteed bases.” Constantinople, in his opinion, “could -not be allowed to belong to any of the European Powers;” and on the -20th of July the Czar further enforced this pledge by telling Colonel -Wellesley that he would not occupy Constantinople merely for military -_prestige_, but only if events forced him to do so.--_See_ Russia II. -(1877), No. 2; and Turkey III. (1878), No. 2. - -[123] Hansard, Vol. CCXXXVII., p. 31. - -[124] Sir Stafford Northcote gave another reason. Mr. Layard, on the -24th, telegraphed that the question of the Bosphorus was to be settled -between the Czar and a Congress. Next morning, the 25th, it was found -that by a blunder the clerk had written “Congress” instead of “Sultan.” -It was on this account, said Sir S. Northcote, that the orders to the -Fleet were withdrawn. In other words, when on the 24th the Government -believed--if by this time they really believed any of Mr. Layard’s -telegrams--that the question of the Bosphorus was to be settled in -accordance with Russia’s pledges to England, the Fleet was sent to -Constantinople. But when they found this to be a mistake, and that the -Czar was going to settle the question in defiance of his pledges to -England, the Fleet was ordered back to Besika Bay! - -[125] His place at the Colonial Office was filled by Sir M. -Hicks-Beach, Mr. James Lowther becoming Irish Secretary. - -[126] Mr. Bright and Mr. Gladstone were, however, among those who voted -against the Grant. - -[127] See Sir Stafford Northcote’s statement in the House of Commons, -_Times_, 29th April, 1878. - -[128] It is, however, but fair to Lord Derby to say that though all the -Tory speakers and writers assumed this to be his object, his obstinacy -might be due to another and more honourable motive. He probably -persuaded himself that the refusal of Russia implied that she meant to -object to the discussion of Articles that in the opinion of the Powers -affected their interests as well as hers. - -[129] Mr. Charles Greville dwells on one of these ebullitions of -patrician rowdyism with much anger. (_See_ Memoirs, Part III.). At -the same time, it is but fair to say that the Peelites had given the -Tories just provocation. Lord Aberdeen had led the Tory leaders to -believe that, whenever they abandoned Protection, they (the Peelites) -would return to the Tory fold, and reunite the Conservative Party. -Lord Derby and Mr. Disraeli did abandon Protection, incurring great -obloquy from their followers. But the Peelites declined to fulfil -their part of the implied bargain, and, having got all they wanted out -of the Protectionists--a recantation of their principles--not only -refused to join them, but attacked them with the Whigs. Mr. Gladstone -was supposed to have inspired what Lord Hardwicke, in a letter to Mr. -Croker, denounced as a “disgraceful” manœuvre due to “personal pique -and hatred.”--_See_ Croker Papers; also an article in the _Observer_, -Feb. 13, 1887, p. 3. - -[130] It ought to be said that Lord Derby’s ablest apologist, Mr. T. -Wemyss Reid, in an article in _Macmillan’s Magazine_ for June, 1879, -advanced a fair defence for his hesitancy to work zealously with the -European Powers. Mr. Reid asserts, and in a manner which commands -respectful attention, that Lord Derby knew that as far back as 1873 -Russia, Germany, and Austria had entered into a secret agreement to -upset the _status quo_ in Turkey. No historian can presume to pass a -final judgment on Lord Derby’s career at the Foreign Office without -carefully studying this remarkable article. It explains much that is -otherwise inexplicable in Lord Derby’s policy, and had it been an -official _communiqué_ it would have been almost conclusive. - -[131] Lord Salisbury said, in reply to Lord Grey, in the House of -Lords, that the statements in the _Globe_ were “wholly unauthentic.” -Lord Grey said he could not have believed it to be true that Lord -Salisbury had agreed to the retrocession of Bessarabia. “It appeared,” -he said, “to be too monstrous to be believed that her Majesty’s -Government could have made such a stipulation as was agreed to”--an -observation which Lord Salisbury ratified by his silence.--Hansard, -Vol. CCXL., p. 1061. - -[132] The words of Bismarck’s Circular were:--“While addressing this -invitation to the ---- Government, the Government of his Majesty [the -German Emperor] supposes that the ---- Government, in accepting the -invitation, consents to allow free discussion of the contents of the -Treaty of San Stefano in their totality, and that it is ready to take -part in it.” It is curious to notice how persistently Russia refused -to yield even verbally, and after signing the Secret Agreement, to the -English demand. As the Vienna correspondent of the _Times_ said, “the -formula of invitation is a compromise. While doing full justice to the -full demand of England for free discussion of the Treaty of San Stefano -in its totality, it contrives to spare the susceptibilities of Russia. -Germany steps in and supposes that none of the Governments invited will -object to a free discussion. In issuing invitations on this hypothesis, -Germany gives a moral guarantee that it will be so; and Russia, who has -hitherto objected to such a course, is not distinctly asked to withdraw -this opposition, but only gives her consent, like the other Powers, -to a Congress convoked by Germany for the purpose.”--_Times_ Vienna -Correspondent, 4th June, 1878. The effect of this formula was to make -Prince Bismarck absolute master of the Congress after acceptance of -his invitation. He alone had given a guarantee that the Treaty should -be fully discussed. He alone was therefore entitled at every stage to -define what he meant by the phrase, “in its totality.” - -[133] Sir M. Hicks-Beach, on the 12th of June, gave his Party and the -country further assurances on this head in a speech at Cheltenham, in -which he said that the main points in Lord Salisbury’s Circular of -the 1st of April would be adhered to by the British representatives -at the Congress. This statement, of course, recoiled on him in the -most damaging manner when, on the 14th, it was found that what the -Ministerialists considered to be main points had been bargained away to -Russia in Lord Salisbury’s Secret Agreement of the 30th of May. - -[134] Lord Houghton, as a supporter of the Ministerial Foreign Policy, -said:--“Even if the surrender which we are required to make according -to this document is one to which the country would give its consent, -it would have been better that the fact should have appeared at the -Congress than that it should have been made known by this paper [the -_Globe_]. It now stands before the world that England did not go into -the Congress with free hands, but before going into it had made a -contract, and had, in the main, abandoned some of the most important -points which I and other Members of the House considered it was the -duty of this country to insist upon.”--Hansard, Vol. CCXL., p. 1569 _et -seq._ - -[135] The proceedings against Mr. Marvin were withdrawn. He pleaded -that copying on paper did not amount to theft, and his legal advisers -threatened a cross-examination of the Foreign Office officials (whose -laxity of administration was obvious), which determined the Government -to retreat. - -[136] Afghan Correspondence I., pp. 242, 243. - -[137] Alice Grand Duchess of Hesse, Princess of Great Britain and -Ireland. Biographical Sketch and Letters, p. 375. - -[138] The death of the child here alluded to was that of her little son -Fritz, who accidentally fell from one of the palace windows on the 29th -of May, 1873. - -[139] Alice Grand Duchess of Hesse, Princess of Great Britain and -Ireland. Biographical Sketch and Letters, p. 385. - -[140] Dr. Sell, a good clergyman of Darmstadt, who was entrusted with -her papers and her correspondence with the Queen, and who knew the -Princess well during the greater part of her Darmstadt life. - -[141] _See_ South African Correspondence (C 2220), pp. 136-320. - -[142] _Nineteenth Century_, March, 1879. - -[143] Sir M. Hicks-Beach censured Frere for not sending his _ultimatum_ -home for approval before delivering it. In fact, Frere’s claim was -virtually that a Colonial Governor had the right to declare war without -consulting the Crown or Parliament. The majority that supported the -Government in the Lords was 61. In the Commons Sir C. Dilke’s motion -was defeated by a majority of 60. - -[144] Mr. Parnell was not formally elected leader. After Mr. Butt’s -retirement, in 1878, the Irish party elected, not a leader, but a -Sessional Chairman. The office was filled by Mr. Shaw during 1879. - -[145] Hansard, Vol. CCXLVII, p. 53. - -[146] It must be mentioned that Lord Hartington had in a previous -speech haughtily repudiated all responsibility for the action of -Mr. Chamberlain, Mr. Hopwood, and other Radicals who had now allied -themselves with the Parnellites. - -[147] These warnings were published at Lahore from Persian newswriters -in Cabul. They showed that even as far back as the 16th of August the -Ameer had implored Cavagnari not to ride about the streets, as he ran -the risk of being murdered. At this time Lord Lytton was assuring -the Government, on the authority of messages which he alleged he had -received from Cavagnari, that all was going on well in Cabul. - -[148] Colonel Osborn, in an article in the _Contemporary Review_ for -October, 1879, estimated that a British army 40,000 strong would be -needed to occupy Afghanistan. - -[149] His “settlement” of Zululand organised the country into thirteen -provincial governments, a British Resident controlling them all. -Native rights, laws, and customs were to be respected, and Europeans -prohibited from emigrating into native territory. - -[150] This is clear from the censure passed by the Duke of Cambridge -on Colonel Harrison, Assistant Quartermaster-General. The Duke blamed -Harrison for not impressing on the Prince “the duty of deferring to -the military orders of the officer who accompanied him.” Of course, -if Carey had been in command, there would have been no need to have -impressed on the Prince (who had graduated in the military school at -Woolwich) the necessity for obeying the orders of Carey, who would, in -that case, have been his superior officer. - -[151] The gap torn out of the bridge--the whole length of which was -10,612 feet--measured 3,300 feet. Of the eighty-five spans, the first -twenty-seven from the Fife coast were left intact. Then came thirteen -of which only the stonework remained, everything else being swept away. -This left forty-five spans on the northern side standing. The bridge -had been tested and certified as safe by Government inspectors. An -inquiry was ordered into the disaster, which showed that the bridge -was, in the words of Mr. Rothery, one of the Court of Inquiry, “badly -designed, badly constructed, and badly maintained.” For the mishap the -engineer--Sir Thomas Bouch--was held “mainly to blame.” The bridge, -which from a distance looked like a long plank set up on pipe-shanks, -cost £500,000. It was opened on the 30th of May, 1878. - -[152] There were seventy-five adults, and from ten to fifteen children. -The bodies were nearly all washed away by the tide. - -[153] Dr. Köller, a Church of England clergyman, employed by the Church -Missionary Society in Constantinople, had engaged Ahmed Tewfik, a -Mohammedan schoolmaster, to help him to translate the Scriptures into -Turkish. Ahmed and the MSS. were seized, and the former adjudged worthy -of death by the Sheik-ul-Islam. For three months Sir Henry Layard had -vainly demanded his release, and the dismissal of the Minister of -Police, Hafiz Pasha, from his post. - -[154] Hafiz was one of the savages, whose share in the Bulgarian -atrocities was so patent, that Lord Derby had demanded his punishment. -The answer to this demand by the Turks was the appointment of Hafiz as -Minister of Police at Constantinople, where he and Sir Henry Layard -suddenly fell out. - -[155] He had given the Lord-Lieutenancy of a county to Colonel -King-Harman. - -[156] Loans to Baronial Sessions for improvement works were virtually -loans to the landlords. - -[157] Nobody knew better than Lord Beaconsfield, from his experiences -of 1846, that the potato is the barometer of Famine in Ireland, and -it is impossible to suppose that he would have been satisfied with -Mr. Lowther’s Bill if he had looked into the facts. For these all -pointed to a dreadful failure of the potato crop. In 1876 its value -was £12,464,382. In 1878 it was only £7,579,512. In 1879 it fell to -£3,341,028. In England a crisis like this would have compelled the -Government to take strong measures of relief, and yet in England such -a state of affairs is always eased by the landlords abating or wiping -out rent. But the distress in Ireland was aggravated because the worse -it grew the fiercer became the demand of the landlords for rent. -“Evictions,” writes Mr. J. Huntley McCarthy, “had increased from 463 -families in 1877 to 980 in 1878, to 1,238 in 1879; and they were still -on the increase, as was shown at the end of 1880, when it was found -that 2,110 families were evicted.” Moreover, the Irish peasantry paid -part of their rent out of wages earned as migratory labourers during -part of the year in England and Scotland. But English and Scottish -farmers were themselves cutting down their labour bills, and the loss -to the Irish on migratory labour alone in 1877 was £250,000 (Hancock). -See Healy’s “Why is there a Land Question?” pp. 71, 72; O’Connor’s -“Parnell Movement,” pp. 166-7. J. H. McCarthy’s “England under -Gladstone,” p. 103. - -[158] The new Rule was to the effect that a Member “named” by the -Speaker or Chairman for obstruction might be suspended for the rest of -the sitting on a motion voted without debate; and if he repeated the -offence three times, he might be suspended for an indefinite period -till pardoned by the House. - -[159] These were Barnstaple, Liverpool, and Southwark. At Barnstaple -the Liberal (Lord Lymington) increased the Liberal majority by 60 -votes. But Sir R. Carden increased the Tory minority by 99. In -Liverpool Mr. Whitley was returned by a majority of 2,221, though -Lord Ramsay, the losing candidate, polled 3,000 more votes than the -winning candidate had ever polled before. Southwark (vacated by the -death of Mr. Locke, a strong Radical) was carried by Mr. Edward Clarke, -a strong Conservative, by a large majority. Lord Beaconsfield’s -calculations were here faulty. The verdict of Barnstaple, being a -corrupt constituency, went for nothing on either side. In Liverpool -the Tories maintained their ascendency, but not at all with the -proportionate majority they obtained in 1874. Southwark was dominated -by the publican vote, and the Liberal candidate (Mr. Dunn) was not -only a bad speaker, but especially hateful to the working-class, -because he had, by insisting on standing at a former election, ruined -the candidature of Mr. Odger, and, by splitting the Liberal vote, had -handed over the second seat in Southwark to Colonel Beresford, the -Conservative candidate. The bye-elections to which Lord Beaconsfield -trusted afforded no true guidance as to the drift of opinion. - -[160] Mr. Cross created a Water Trust, partly representative and partly -nominated, for taking over the business of the water companies. He -had in the previous Session promised Mr. Fawcett that he would not -give the companies a “fancy” price for their property. He now proposed -to hand over a Three and a Half per Cent. Stock to the companies as -compensation for their property. The actual value of that property was -about £19,000,000; but the _Standard_ and the critics of the scheme -complained that Mr. Cross gave the companies £30,000,000 compensation. -Water shares rose 75 per cent. when Mr. Cross’s Bill was produced. - -[161] The contest in Midlothian excited the keenest interest. When the -poll had been counted it was found that Mr. Gladstone had obtained -the seat by a majority of 211 votes, the figures being Gladstone -1,579, Dalkeith 1,368. As soon as the result became known the utmost -enthusiasm was aroused throughout the country. In Edinburgh the -excitement was intense and Mr. Gladstone had to address the shouting -crowd, under a fall of snow, from the balcony of Lord Rosebery’s House -in George Street. - -[162] Mr. Hayward’s Letters, Vol. II., p. 307. - -[163] Mr. Hayward’s Letters, Vol. II., p. 308. - -[164] Hansard, Vol. CCLIII., p. 1663. - -[165] The origin of the term was as follows:--Captain Boycott, an -agent of Lord Earne, and a farmer at Lough Mask, had served notices of -eviction on the Earne tenantry. Suddenly he found himself “marooned,” -as it were, on his farm. Nobody would work for him, speak to him, do -business with him, or even supply him at any price with the necessaries -of life. Police guards watched over him and his family whilst they did -their own farm and household work. At last some of the Orange lodges -in the North sent down a gang of armed labourers to help him out of -his difficulties. These were called “Emergency men.” Subsequently the -dispute between Lord Earne and his tenants was arranged, and all of a -sudden Captain Boycott found that the leper’s ban had been removed from -his household, and he himself treated as if he had been all his life -the most popular person in the neighbourhood. - -[166] The Rifle regiments were not supplied with colours, because in -the old days they were supposed to fight in more extended order than -the Infantry of the Line. Now there is no difference in this respect -between the rifleman and the linesman. Of the cavalry, only the heavy -dragoons carried colours, but they always left them at home when they -went to war. - -[167] The Rifle Brigade was originally formed out of detachments from -fourteen different line regiments, and was long known as “Manningham’s -Sharpshooters.” From 1800 to 1802 it was known as the Rifle Corps. -Down to 1816 it got the name of the “Old 95th,” after which year till -now it has been called the Rifle Brigade. The Prince Consort was its -colonel, and in his portraits he is often seen wearing its sombre green -heavily-braided uniform. Hence it got the title of the Prince Consort’s -Own Rifle Brigade. The Prince of Wales became its Colonel-in-Chief till -he was appointed Colonel of the Household Cavalry. He was succeeded by -the Duke of Connaught, who began his meritorious though modest career -as a lieutenant in the 1st Battalion. - -[168] Mr. C. D. Boyd was shot by a gang of men with blackened faces -whilst driving on the 8th of August from New Ross to Shanlough. He -was the son of the agent to Mr. Tottenham, and there was reason to -suppose that it was his father (who was with him) who was aimed at. -Lord Mountmorres was waylaid near Clonbur and shot on the 25th of -September. He had only fifteen tenants, had evicted only two of them, -and his household was boycotted. He lived among the people, and was -fairly popular with them, so that his murder is to this day somewhat of -a mystery. - -[169] This antiquated form of silencing a Member had not been heard of -for two centuries, till Mr. Gladstone had himself revived it in the -previous Session, for the purpose of silencing Mr. O’Donnell when he -attempted to make a personal attack on M. Challemel-Lacour, who had -come to England as the Ambassador of France. - -[170] _See_ Hansard, Vol. CCLVIII., p. 68 _et seq._ - -[171] The Parnell Movement, by T. P. O’Connor, M.P., Chapter XI. - -[172] Colley’s friends allege that Kruger’s letter of reply to him was -delayed so long that he thought he might usefully expedite matters by -attacking. - -[173] It was said that the late Mrs. Brydges-Williams, an eccentric -Cornish lady of Jewish extraction, had left Mr. Disraeli a legacy on -condition that she should be buried with him, and on this condition -the legacy was accepted. Perhaps the executors were afraid that claims -might be made on them if the condition were violated. - -[174] Speech at Kettering, _Times_, 5th May, 1881. - -[175] Her Majesty sent two wreaths to be placed on the bier. One was -composed of primroses, and carried the inscription: “His favourite -flowers, from Osborne, a tribute of affection from Queen Victoria.” The -other was made up of bay-leaves and everlasting flowers, and bore these -words in golden letters: “A mark of true affection, friendship, and -respect from the Queen.” - -[176] After Lord Beaconsfield’s death the Tory Party fell under the -“Dual Control” of Lord Salisbury who led it in the House of Lords, and -Sir Stafford Northcote who led it in the House of Commons, when Lord -Randolph Churchill let him. - -[177] Mr. (afterwards Sir) Edward Clarke, Q.C. and Tory -Solicitor-General, though he approved of widening summary jurisdiction, -objected to the Bill because it made the Irish Viceroy a despot. Mr. -Ritchie (afterwards President of the Local Government Board in Lord -Salisbury’s Administration) declined to support the Bill because he -had no confidence in the Government. Sir J. D. Hay complained of the -excessive power placed in the hands of the Irish Viceroy. But Sir -Stafford Northcote interfered, and, generously exerting his authority -on behalf of the Ministry, silenced the factious Tories, who were -apparently desirous of embarrassing the Government by obstructing the -Bill. Public opinion was not in a state to tolerate obstructive tactics -at the time. - -[178] This loan was raised to wipe out the floating debt then amounting -to £28,000,000. But the money-brokers who floated it imposed such -usurious conditions, that they never really paid Ismail more than -£20,740,077, of which they made him take £9,000,000 in bonds of the -floating debt which the loan was raised to pay off. These they held -themselves, having bought them at 65 per cent. They made the Khedive, -however, take over the £9,000,000 worth which they thrust on him as -part of the loan at 93 per cent.--See Mr. Stephen Cave’s Report on the -Financial Condition of Egypt, and McCoan’s Egypt as It Is (Cassell and -Co.), Appendix 9, p. 396. - -[179] This land belonging to the Khedive’s personal estate is referred -to in the report as Daira land. - -[180] A search expedition under Colonel (afterwards Sir Charles) -Warren, R.E., brought back their remains, which were buried in St. -Paul’s Cathedral, close by the tomb of Nelson. See Life of Edward Henry -Palmer, by Walter Besant. London: John Murray, 1883, pp. 296-329. - -[181] The vote was for an addition of £10,000 a year to the Prince’s -income, which was already £15,000, and a separate income of £6,000 a -year to the Princess during her widowhood. - -[182] These intrigues grew so dangerous that in 1879 Prince Bismarck -concluded a Secret Treaty with Austria, which bound each Power to -defend the other if attacked by Russia, or if Russia gave aid to any -other Power which was attacking them. Though Prince Bismarck, as he -said in his speech in the Reichstag (6th of February, 1887) really -acted at the Berlin Congress as the fourth plenipotentiary of Russia, -the Russian War Party were of opinion that he ought to have done -more for them. Their attacks on Germany in the Press were incessant. -Russians of rank like Gortschakoff and Skobeleff, notoriously carried -on intrigues with France for an alliance against Germany. Indeed, -Russian troops began to mass themselves on the German frontier in -1882. Curiously enough, of the four men who could have done most -to thwart Prince Bismarck’s League of Peace with Austria--only one -(Garibaldi) died in circumstances free from suspicion of foul play. -Garibaldi’s death rendered it easier to bring Italy into Prince -Bismarck’s anti-French combination. These four men it is curious to -note passed away most opportunely for Prince Bismarck. Garibaldi died -in June, Skobeleff on the 7th of July, Gambetta in December, 1882, and -Gortschakoff on the 11th of March, 1883. Germany breathed freely after -the death of Gambetta, who, said Prince Bismarck once, worked on the -nerves of Europe “like a man who beats a drum in a sick room.” - -[183] The history of this compact is as follows:--After the Treaty of -Berlin was signed Lord Salisbury bought off the opposition of France to -the occupation of Cyprus, first by promising not to oppose an extension -of her influence in Tunis, and secondly, by paving the way for her -sharing with England the control of Egypt. Prince Bismarck also left -on M. Waddington’s mind the impression that Germany was indifferent -to the fate of Tunis, knowing well that French interference there -must brew bad blood between France and Italy. In the spring of 1881 -the French discovered that the mysterious “Kroumirs” were menacing -their Algerian frontier. To punish them they invaded Tunis, and though -they never discovered any “Kroumirs,” they compensated themselves for -their disappointment by forcing the Bey to sign the Bardo Treaty. -It converted Tunis into a French dependency. Italy remonstrated -in vain against this violation of the guaranteed integrity of the -Ottoman Empire, and finally sought for safety against further French -encroachments on her interests, in an alliance with the German Powers. -M. Gambetta’s aggressive policy caused King Humbert, on the advice of -Prince Bismarck, to visit the Emperor of Austria at Vienna, in the -autumn of 1881. Prince Bismarck was ostentatious in expressing his -friendliness to Italy, and exchanged effusive compliments with Signor -Mancini. (_See_ Mancini’s Speech in the Italian Senate of December, -1881.) In October, 1882, Count Kalnoky declared that King Humbert’s -pilgrimage of conciliation to the Hofburg had identified Italian and -Austro-German interests, and Signor Mancini announced the existence -of the Triple League on the 11th of April, 1883. On the 17th of -March, 1885, Mancini, when questioned as to his Red Sea policy, told -the Senate that in all his negotiations with England he had made it -“clear that Italy could enter into no engagement which was contrary to -the agreements concluded with the two Empires.” Through negotiations -carried on by the German Crown Prince, Spain was next drawn into the -net of the Triple League, and France utterly isolated. - -[184] Though writers like De Tocqueville have laid it down that the -civilisation and development of a State can be always measured by the -social status and independence of its women and the equality of the -sexes before the law, one curious exception may be noted. From various -reasons, the northern kingdom of Scotland has for many centuries -remained appreciably rougher in manners and less polished and refined -in culture than England. The women of Scotland, too, like those of -Germany, have always been compelled to render their families harder -domestic service than English women, who, during the greater part of -the Victorian period, led lives of comparative ease and luxury in most -respectable households. Yet it is strange that in Scotland the law has -always been jealous in guarding the rights of women. For example, it -secured to a woman a third of her husband’s property after his death, -so that he could not disinherit her by will. It enabled her, through a -simple and cheap legal process, to protect her earnings from seizure by -her husband. It was at pains to preserve to women in the direct line -of succession their right to baronies and peerages after the males in -that line were exhausted. The divorce law, too, did not, like that of -England, recognise any inequality in the position of the sexes. The -effect of the improved legal status of women in Scotland was curious. -Though living in a ruder society, and under the pressure of harder -conditions of life than their more luxurious and polished English -sisters, they seem in all ages to have enjoyed by custom a position of -authority in the family, scarcely even yet conceded to their sex in -England. Arduous household service was, however, the price they had to -pay for their privileges. It may also be added that whilst in England, -till very recently, parents were more particular about the education of -their sons than their daughters, such a distinction between the sexes -was rarely made in Scotland at any time in its history. - -[185] The occasion was a banquet given to him in the Town Hall in -celebration of the twenty-fifth anniversary of his connection with -Birmingham. Mr. Bright said:--“And, what is worse, at this moment, -as you see--you do not so much see it here as it is seen in the -House--they [the Conservatives] are found in alliance with an Irish -rebel party (loud and long-continued cheers), the main portion of -whose funds, for the purposes of agitation, comes directly from the -avowed enemies of England, and whose oath of allegiance is broken by -association with its enemies. Now, these are the men of whom I spoke, -who are disregarding the wishes of the majority of the constituencies, -and who, as far as possible, make it impossible to do any work for -the country by debates and divisions in the House of Commons. I hope -the constituencies will mark some of the men of this party, and that -they will not permit Parliament to be dishonoured and Government -enfeebled by Members who claim to be, but are not, Conservative and -Constitutional. Our freedom is no longer subverted or threatened by -the Crown or by a privileged aristocracy. Is the time come--I quote -the words from history--is the time come to which the ancestor of Lord -Salisbury referred three hundred years ago, when he said that ‘England -could only be ruined by Parliament’?” - -[186] It enacted that to cause an explosion not leading to loss of -life was a felony punishable by penal servitude for life. The attempt -was punishable with twenty years’ imprisonment. To be found in the -possession of dynamite, failing proof that it was held for a lawful -purpose, entailed fourteen years’ imprisonment. - -[187] For an account of this sect, see a curious article in _The -Spectator_, 17th March, 1883. - -[188] Brown, it was said in 1883, had left a diary for publication. -This was not quite true, for immediately after his death all his papers -were impounded by Sir Henry Ponsonby on behalf of the Queen. - -[189] The Hon. Mrs. Stonor died on the 14th of April in London, from -the effects of a carriage accident. She was a daughter of Sir Robert -Peel, and was married to the third son of Lord Camoys. Few ladies of -the Court stood higher in the favour of the Queen, and she had been -lady-in-waiting to the Princess of Wales since the formation of her -household in 1863. - -[190] When England advised Egypt to abandon the Soudan, the Khedive’s -Ministry under Cherif Pasha refused to take the advice. The defeat -of Hicks Pasha caused England to substitute insistance for advice, -and when the Egyptian Government was told it must abandon the -Soudan, Cherif Pasha resigned. Here was an excellent opportunity -for establishing a Protectorate; and it is not generally known that -Sir Evelyn Baring strongly recommended the appointment of English -Ministers for a period of five years. He was overruled, and Nubar -Pasha was made Cherif’s successor. See Mr. Edward Dicey’s convincing -plea for a Protectorate, in the _Nineteenth Century_ for March, 1884. -In passing it may be well to warn the reader that he cannot form any -correct conception of Anglo-Egyptian relations till he has mastered Mr. -Dicey’s numerous papers on the subject, notably his “England and Egypt” -(Chapman and Hall, 1881). The central idea of Mr. Dicey’s policy is -that the true interest of England in the Eastern Question lies in the -Valley of the Nile, not in the Bosphorus; and that the Isthmus of Suez -forms the key-stone of her position as an Imperial Power. - -[191] His expenditure he estimated at £85,292,000, and his revenue at -£85,555,000. - -[192] The alternative courses were (1), calling in the aid of Turkish -troops; (2), the employment of Zebehr Pasha; (3), the opening up of -communications between Suakim and Berber after Graham’s victories on -the Red Sea littoral; (4), the evacuation of Khartoum in accordance -with a scheme whereby Gordon’s colleague, Colonel Stewart, was to take -the fugitives down to Berber, while Gordon and a picked body of troops -were to retreat up the White Nile in steamers to the Equator. - -[193] These persons were in most cases rather incompetent. They -were not boatmen or _voyageurs_ at all, but clerks, shopmen, and -land-lubbers from the Canadian towns, who had palmed themselves off on -Lord Wolseley and his subordinates as experienced Canadian _voyageurs_. - -[194] This was not the only case in which Lord Northbrook had -discredited the Administration. It was notorious that Mr. W. H. Smith -had shockingly neglected naval ship-building when, in 1880, he handed -the Navy over to Lord Northbrook. Lord Northbrook had worked hard to -make up arrears, and he had built new ships as fast as he could to -enable the British Navy to rank with that of France. But his best -efforts to correct Mr. Smith’s negligence failed, and yet in July, -1885, he expressed himself quite satisfied with the Navy. When he was -absent in Egypt a violent agitation, demonstrating the feebleness and -insufficiency of the Navy, was raised in the Press. Ere the autumn -Session ended he admitted that £5,000,000 above the ordinary estimates -would be needed to strengthen the Fleet in swift cruisers and torpedo -boats. - -[195] Loans already secured on these were to merge in the Preference -Debt along with bonds for Alexandria indemnities. The interest on it -was not to change, but that on the Unified Debt into which Daira Loans -were to merge, was to be reduced to 3½ per cent. - -[196] When Ismail abdicated under the pressure of France and England -it was not made clear that he abandoned all his rights as a private -landowner in Egypt. Theoretically the Khedive could not, according -to Oriental usage, own any land in his dominions save as head of the -State, in which capacity he owned all land. Hence, when he ceased -to be Khedive, his private domains reverted to his successor. Hence -Lord Granville always rejected Ismail’s claim. But in 1888 Lord -Salisbury, through the agency of Mr. Marriott, Judge Advocate-General, -commuted all Ismail Pasha’s claims for a lump sum, calculated on the -allowances he was bound to make his family, and which he himself might -fairly demand to support his position as ex-Khedive. Lord Salisbury’s -object was to prevent these claims from being ever made the basis of -operations for diplomacy hostile to England. - -[197] The dates are curious:-- - -17 June, 1884.--Invitations to Egyptian Conference issued. -“ “ Lord Derby promises to stop the action of the Cape - Government in reference to Angra Pequena. -19 “ Lord Granville assures Count Münster that he accedes - to Bismarck’s wishes on the Fiji dispute. -22 “ Lord Granville tells Count Herbert Bismarck that the - Cabinet, on the 21st inst., resolved to recognise - the German Protectorate over Angra Pequena. -28 “ Meeting of the Conference in London. - - -[198] Speech in House of Lords, February 26th, 1885. - -[199] Speech in the Reichstag, March 2nd, 1885. - -[200] More Leaves from the Journal of a Life in the Highlands. From -1862 to 1882. Smith, Elder & Co., 1884. - -[201] _Fortnightly Review_, May, 1884. - -[202] The Claremont Estate was bought by the Crown in 1816. It was -granted to the lamented Princess Charlotte and her husband, Prince -Leopold--the Queen’s uncle--with benefit of survivorship. It was a -place full of gloomy associations, but Prince Leopold kept it up pretty -well till 1848, on the £60,000 a year which he had from the nation. -In 1848 the exiled Orleans family occupied it, and were prodigal in -spending money in improving the grounds and gardens, which were almost -as productive as those of Frogmore. On the death of King Leopold of -Belgium, Claremont reverted to the Crown, and Lord John Russell and -Mr. Gladstone passed an Act granting it to the Queen for life. In 1881 -Sir Henry Ponsonby, as trustee for the Queen, bought the reversionary -interest of it for her from the State for £70,000, and since then -it has been her private property, like Osborne and Balmoral. That -Claremont is the property of the nation is a strange delusion fondly -cherished by many critics of Royalty. - -[203] Prince Leopold lived chiefly at Boyton Manor from the summer of -1875 till the autumn of 1879, when the Queen insisted on his going to -Claremont. It was at Boyton that he was so dangerously ill in 1877 -that Sir William Jenner telegraphed for the Queen to come to what was -supposed to be his deathbed. After that her Majesty always objected to -his staying in Wiltshire. - -[204] The borough franchises of England and Wales were the old £20 -clear annual value qualification of 1832, and the householder and -lodger franchises established in 1867. To these the new Reform Act -of 1885 added the “service franchise,” giving a vote to any man who -inhabits any dwelling-house by virtue of any office, service, or -employment. Caretakers, bailiffs, gamekeepers, officers of public -establishments, shepherds, &c., were admitted under this qualification. -It was further provided that every citizen of full age, and not subject -to legal incapacity, who has occupied a house for a year and paid -his rates, can have his name registered as a voter for the district, -whether it be called county or borough, in which he resides. The -property franchises in the counties were in the main left untouched, -but provision was made to check multiplication of faggot votes--_i.e._, -votes of non-resident occupiers on sham qualifications. But four-fifths -of the 5,000,000 electors enfranchised by the Bill were really -qualified as simple householders in town and county. - -[205] There were 56 two-member constituencies wholly disfranchised, -and 31 which lost a member apiece. But by Mr. Gladstone’s Bill in -1885, there were 160 seats set free for redistribution, 6 that were in -abeyance were revived, and to meet the claim of Scotland for increased -representation, 12 new seats, despite the opposition of the extreme -Tories like Sir J. D. Hay, were added to the House. - -[206] Of this £11,000,000, it must be said £4,500,000 were to pay for -Egyptian expeditions and £6,500,000 for “special preparations.” - -[207] M. Lessar, the Central Asian geographer, was now in attendance at -the Russian Embassy as an expert. - -[208] See Speeches of Lord Randolph Churchill (Authorised Edition), -edited by Henry W. Lucy (George Routledge and Sons: London, 1885, p. -220). - -[209] As a matter of fact it was weaker than it should have been, -but this was due to the neglect of shipbuilding by Mr. W. H. Smith, -whose favourite policy was to make old ships do for new ones by -patching their boilers. Lord Northbrook had pushed on shipbuilding, -and made up leeway so that in first-class ironclads the country was -more than a match for France. But much had still to be done in other -directions--_e.g._, in providing vessels for scouting, and for torpedo -warfare. The armament of the Navy was also obsolete, in fact, when Mr. -Smith handed the Navy over to Lord Northbrook, there was not a single -big breech-loading gun mounted in the Fleet. - -[210] Whilst the anti-Coercionists in the Cabinet (Sir Charles Dilke, -Mr. Chamberlain, and Mr. Shaw-Lefevre) were struggling with the -Coercionists, the subterranean arrangements between the Tories and -Parnellites were also publicly ratified in a speech delivered by Lord -Randolph Churchill at the St. Stephen’s Club, in which, amidst ringing -cheers, he condemned the renewal of Coercion. Signs of disorder in -Ireland, he argued, had passed away, and such being the case Government -was bound by “the highest considerations of public policy and -Constitutional doctrine to return to and rely on the ordinary law. They -were all the more strongly bound at that time because they had just -enfranchised the Irish people, and declared them capable citizens fit -to take part in the government of the Empire.”--The Parnell Movement, -by T. P. O’Connor, Chap. XIII. - -[211] After he wound up the debate, and during this exciting scene, Mr. -Gladstone had been quietly writing his nightly report to the Queen of -the proceedings of the House, on a sheet of note-paper which he held -on his knee as a desk. Lord Randolph Churchill vainly endeavoured to -rouse his attention by putting up his hand to his mouth as if it were a -speaking-trumpet, and shouting through it mocking taunts of triumph at -the Premier. - -[212] H. W. Lucy’s Diary of Two Parliaments, Vol. II., p. 478. (London: -Cassell & Co.) - -[213] The controversy between Lord Salisbury and Mr. Gladstone was -conducted through memoranda addressed to the Queen dated the 17th, -18th, 20th, and 21st of June. For the text, see Parliamentary Report of -the _Times_, 25th of June, 1885. - -[214] The offer, it is odd to notice, was almost an unprecedented -mark of Royal favour. The elevation of Mr. Disraeli to an earldom was -effected in the middle, not at the end of his service as Premier, -and in the moment of his triumph, not of his defeat. It is, however, -worth noting that at the end of his first Administration Mr. Disraeli -accepted a viscountess’s coronet for his wife. Lord John Russell -was not Premier in 1859 when he became Earl Russell; in fact, his -acceptance of the Foreign Office under Palmerston was supposed finally -to put him in the background. Grenville, Liverpool, Wellington, -Goderich, Grey, Melbourne, Derby, and Aberdeen were all Peers before -they became Premiers. When Addington’s Ministry resigned early in -the century, the Premier, it is true, became Lord Sidmouth. Yet it -was not an earldom but only a viscountcy--a rank often conferred on -ex-Ministers who have not been Premiers--that was given to him. Pitt -was not actually First Lord of the Treasury--though no doubt he was the -moving spirit in the Cabinet--when he became Earl of Chatham. In fact, -for the Queen’s offer there was no precedent later than 1742, when -Walpole--the Minister to whom her House owe their crown--was created -Earl of Orford when he resigned. - -[215] Mr. Gibson had been elevated to the Lord Chancellorship of -Ireland under this title. - -[216] “Lord Northbrook,” wrote the Times, “chose to regard the -criticisms on this blundering way of keeping accounts as a personal -attack on himself, and rested his defence, with more temper than -lucidity, on the propriety of the expenditure incurred, which no one -had thought of challenging.” - -[217] The Journals of Major-General C. G. Gordon, C.B., at Khartoum, -printed from the original MS. Introduction and Notes by A. Egmont Hake. -(London: Kegan Paul, Trench & Co., 1885, p. 56.) - -[218] On this point see an entry in Gordon’s Journal under date the -6th of October, 1884. It was not till the 17th of May, 1884, that Lord -Granville wrote enjoining Gordon to adopt “measures for his own removal -_and for that of the Egyptians at Khartoum_ by whatever route he may -consider best.” But it was now too late to attempt the evacuation of -Khartoum save in co-operation with a relief force. - -[219] Metamneh is 176 miles from Korti, but only 90 miles from Berber, -and 98 from Khartoum, from which latter places the Mahdi brought up all -the troops he could spare. - -[220] “A cavalryman is taught never to be still, and that a square -_can_ be broken. How can you expect him in a moment to forget all -his training, stand like a rock, and believe no one can get inside -a square?... The sailors were pressed back with the cavalry, and -lost heavily; they get very excited, and would storm a work or do -anything of that kind well; but they are trained to fight in ships, -and you cannot expect them to stand shoulder to shoulder like -grenadiers.”--From Korti to Khartoum, by Sir Charles Wilson, K.C.B., -K.C.M.G., D.C.L., F.R.S., R.E., late Deputy Adjutant-General, Nile -Expedition. Edinburgh (Blackwood), 1885, p. 36. - -[221] Sir Charles Wilson strives hard to defend Lord Wolseley and Sir -Herbert Stewart. He says that Stewart could not march straight across -the Desert for lack of transport, though he admits that an additional -thousand camels, which could have been easily got in November, would -have saved the situation. Why were they not got? Moreover, the blunder -of Lord Wolseley and Sir Herbert Stewart is inexcusable, because they -acted in defiance of Gordon’s last message. “Come,” said he, “by way of -Metamneh or Berber; only by these two roads. Do this _without letting -rumours of your approach spread abroad_.” Stewart’s first occupation of -Gakdul, thirteen days before the Desert column was ready to move, was -simply a gratuitous warning to the Mahdi of the English advance. - -[222] This is sometimes called Gubat, and sometimes Abu Kru. - -[223] Gordon’s diaries show that even on the 28th of November, 1884, -when his men held Omdurman and the North Fort, Wilson could not have -passed the junction of the Blue and White Nile without a strong land -force to co-operate with his steamers. On the 28th of January, 1885, -however, these positions were in the Mahdi’s hands, and Wilson had no -land force. - -[224] Lord Charles Beresford was too ill to proceed up the Nile with -Wilson, and, as he was the only naval officer available, it was prudent -to leave him at Gubat. Had our position there been attacked, he would -perhaps have been able to assist in its defence with Gordon’s steamers. - -[225] _See_ an analysis of General Gordon’s Journals by the present -writer in the _Observer_ for the 28th of June, 1885. For criticism of -Wilson’s Expedition, _see_ article, said to be by Sir E. Hamley, in -_Blackwood_ for June, 1885. - -[226] _See_ The Letters of General C. G. Gordon. (London: Macmillan, -1888.) - -[227] Gordon’s death evoked from the Colonies in America and Australia -profuse and generous offers of military aid. The only one accepted was -that which was made by New South Wales. - -[228] When Mr. Gladstone fell from power, and Lord Salisbury’s -Government took office in 1887, this promise was renewed. But in 1888 -it was repudiated by Mr. W. H. Smith, the First Lord of the Treasury. - -[229] The children of the Prince of Wales will probably be provided -for by the State. The children of the Duke of Edinburgh, owing to the -wealth of their parents, need no provision. The Duchess of Connaught -inherited a large fortune from her father, the “Red Prince.” The -Princess Louise, Marchioness of Lorne, if she were to have a family, -could provide for them as members of the House of Argyll. - -[230] The German Crown Prince and the Grand Duke of Hesse received the -Order on marrying daughters of the Queen. But the Marquis of Lorne got -the Order of the Thistle in similar circumstances. - -[231] Continental diplomatists and publicists held that the -notification in the _Gazette_ was absolutely illegal, because it was -a violation of an international agreement as to the assumption of -this title arrived at by the Great Powers at Aix-la-Chapelle in 1818. -This agreement, which was signed by the Duke of Wellington as the -representative of England, is embodied in the “Protocol Séparé Séance -du 11 Oct., 1818, entre les cinq Puissances,” and it arose out of their -refusal to permit the Elector of Hesse to assume the title of king. -The Powers declared that the title Royal Highness used by the sons of -kings, might be also used by grand dukes and their heirs-presumptive, -but by no one of lower rank in sovereign circles. Prince Henry was -neither a grand duke nor an heir-presumptive to a grand duke. - -[232] When Prince Victor married the sister of the Marquis of Hertford, -she was created Countess Gleichen, a title which the Prince also -assumed, the marriage being on the Continent regarded as “morganatic.” -It was held that the Queen’s order raising the lady to her husband’s -royal rank was void and illegal outside the English Court, like the -similar order with reference to the Countess Dornburg. - -[233] This intrigue was initiated by Mr. Justin McCarthy, who had -long enjoyed Lord Carnarvon’s personal friendship. Before finally -selling the Irish vote, Mr. Parnell had a personal interview with Lord -Carnarvon, at which the bargain was struck. Lord Carnarvon has denied -various accounts of this interview, but he has never denied that as -Viceroy of Ireland, he told Mr. Parnell that Irish industries must be -stimulated, and that he would give the new Irish Government power to -levy Protective Duties. As taxation and representation go together, -this concession implies that the Irish Government was to be vested with -fiscal powers, which could only be exercised in co-operation with and -under responsibility to an Irish Parliament. - -[234] The doctrine of ransom in the counties took the form of a vague -and ambiguous pledge to give every labourer who wanted an allotment -“three acres and a cow,” by purchase-money advanced from the rates. - -[235] For a definite statement of Lord Carnarvon’s policy as Mr. -Parnell understood it, _see_ Mr. Parnell’s speech on the Home Rule -Bill. _Times_, June 8, 1886. - -[236] The case for the Government, however, was strengthened and made -more conclusive as the debate went on. - -[237] As successor of the old abbots, the Dean of Westminster, in the -Abbey, takes precedence of all ecclesiastics except the Archbishop of -Canterbury. - -[238] When the children got to the Park Mr. Lawson, like a practical -man, put them in good humour by feeding them. They were taken in squads -to tents, and each child got a bag with a meat pie, a piece of cake, a -bun, and an orange; also a plated medallion portrait of the Queen. A -Jubilee mug of Doulton ware was also given to each boy and girl, and -during the day lemonade, ginger beer, and milk were to be had for the -asking. - -[239] Lord Tennyson’s health did not admit of his officiating as -Laureate on this occasion, and Mr. Browning has always declared himself -unable to produce ceremonial odes to order. - -[240] History of England, Vol. V., p. 537. - - - - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Life and Times of Queen Victoria; -vol. 4 of 4, by Robert Wilson - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE LIFE AND TIMES OF QUEEN *** - -***** This file should be named 63444-0.txt or 63444-0.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/6/3/4/4/63444/ - -Produced by Chuck Greif and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images available at The Internet Archive) - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions -will be renamed. - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no -one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation -(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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