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diff --git a/old/63300-0.txt b/old/63300-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 8ea1c20..0000000 --- a/old/63300-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,8456 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of Iamblichus' Life of Pythagoras, or -Pythagoric Life, by (Chalcidensis) Iamblichus - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: Iamblichus' Life of Pythagoras, or Pythagoric Life - Accompanied by Fragments of the Ethical Writings of certain - Pythagoreans in the Doric dialect; and a collection of - Pythagoric Sentences from Stobaeus and others, which are - omitted by Gale in his Opuscula Mythologica, and have not - been noticed by any editor - -Author: (Chalcidensis) Iamblichus - -Translator: Thomas Taylor - -Release Date: September 26, 2020 [EBook #63300] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK IAMBLICHUS' LIFE OF PYTHAGORAS *** - - - - -Produced by MFR, Stephen Hutcheson, and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive) - - - - - - - - - - IAMBLICHUS’ - LIFE OF PYTHAGORAS, - OR - PYTHAGORIC LIFE. - - - ACCOMPANIED BY - FRAGMENTS OF THE ETHICAL WRITINGS - OF CERTAIN PYTHAGOREANS IN THE DORIC DIALECT; - AND A - _Collection of Pythagoric Sentences_ - FROM STOBÆUS AND OTHERS, - WHICH ARE OMITTED BY GALE IN HIS - OPUSCULA MYTHOLOGICA, - AND HAVE NOT BEEN NOTICED BY ANY EDITOR. - - TRANSLATED FROM THE GREEK. - - BY THOMAS TAYLOR. - - - Approach ye genuine philosophic few, - The Pythagoric Life belongs to you: - But far, far off ye vulgar herd profane; - For Wisdom’s voice is heard by you in vain: - And you, Mind’s lowest link, and darksome end, - Good Rulers, Customs, Laws, alone can mend. - - [Illustration: IAMBLICVS PH. PYTHAGORIC] - - [Illustration: LONDON: - PRINTED BY A. J. VALPY, - TOOKE’S COURT, CHANCERY LANE; - AND SOLD BY THE AUTHOR, - 9, MANOR PLACE, WALWORTH. - 1818.] - - - - - CONTENTS - - - The Life, &c. - Chap. I 1 - Chap. II 2 - Chap. III 9 - Chap. IV 12 - Chap. V 13 - Chap. VI 18 - Chap. VII 21 - Chap. VIII 23 - Chap. IX 28 - Chap. X 32 - Chap. XI 34 - Chap. XII 38 - Chap. XIII 40 - Chap. XIV 41 - Chap. XV 43 - Chap. XVI 48 - Chap. XVII 50 - Chap. XVIII 56 - Chap. XIX 66 - Chap. XX 69 - Chap. XXI 71 - Chap. XXII 73 - Chap. XXIII 75 - Chap. XXIV 77 - Chap. XXV 80 - Chap. XXVI 83 - Chap. XXVII 89 - Chap. XXVIII 97 - Chap. XXIX 114 - Chap. XXX 122 - Chap. XXXI 135 - Chap. XXXII 151 - Chap. XXXIII 162 - Chap. XXXIV 170 - Chap. XXXV 176 - Chap. XXXVI 188 - Fragments of the Ethical Writings of Certain Pythagoreans 193 - From Hippodamus, the Thurian, in his Treatise on Felicity 195 - From Euryphamus, in his Treatise Concerning Human Life 202 - From Hipparchus, in his Treatise On Tranquillity 207 - From Archytas, in his Treatise Concerning the Good and Happy - Man 212 - From Theages, in his Treatise On the Virtues 222 - From Metopus, in his Treatise Concerning Virtue 227 - From Clinias 231 - From Theages, in his Treatise On the Virtues 233 - From the Treatise of Archytas On Ethical Erudition 242 - From Archytas, in his Treatise On the Good and Happy Man 244 - From Crito, in his Treatise On Prudence and Prosperity 245 - From Archytas, in his Treatise On the Good and Happy Man 250 - From Archytas, in his Treatise On Disciplines 252 - From Polus, in his Treatise On Justice 254 - Pythagoric Ethical Sentences from Stobæus, which are omitted - in the Opuscula Mythologica, &c. of Gale 259 - Select Sentences of Sextus the Pythagorean 268 - Pythagoric Sentences, from the Protreptics of Iamblichus 278 - Additional Notes 281 - - - - - INTRODUCTION. - - -When it is considered that Pythagoras was the father of philosophy, -authentic memoirs of his life cannot fail to be uncommonly interesting -to every lover of wisdom, and particularly to those who reverence the -doctrines of Plato, the most genuine and the best of all his disciples. -And that the following memoirs of Pythagoras by Iamblichus are -authentic, is acknowledged by all the critics, as they are for the most -part obviously derived from sources of very high antiquity; and where -the sources are unknown, there is every reason to believe, from the -great worth and respectability of the biographer, that the information -is perfectly accurate and true. - -Of the biographer, indeed, Iamblichus, it is well known to every tyro in -Platonism that he was dignified by all the Platonists that succeeded him -with the epithet of _divine_; and after the encomium passed on him by -the acute Emperor Julian, “_that he was posterior indeed in time, but -not in genius, to Plato_,”[1] all further praise of him would be as -unnecessary, as the defamation of him by certain modern critics is -contemptible and idle. For these _homonculi_ looking solely to his -deficiency in point of style, and not to the magnitude of his intellect, -perceive only his little blemishes, but have not even a glimpse of his -surpassing excellence. They minutely notice the motes that are scattered -in the sunbeams of his genius, but they feel not its invigorating -warmth, they see not its dazzling radiance. - -Of this very extraordinary man there is a life extant by Eunapius, the -substance of which I have given in my History of the Restoration of the -Platonic Theology, and to which I refer the English reader. At present I -shall only select from that work the following biographical particulars -respecting our Iamblichus: He was descended of a family equally -illustrious, fortunate, and rich. His country was Chalcis, a city of -Syria, which was called Cœle. He associated with Anatolius who was the -second to Porphyry, but he far excelled him in his attainments, and -ascended to the very summit of philosophy. But after he had been for -some time connected with Anatolius, and most probably found him -insufficient to satisfy the vast desires of his soul, he applied himself -to Porphyry, to whom (says Eunapius) he was in nothing inferior, except -in the structure and power of composition. For his writings were not so -elegant and graceful as those of Porphyry: they were neither agreeable, -nor perspicuous; nor free from impurity of diction. And though they were -not entirely involved in obscurity, and perfectly faulty; yet as Plato -formerly said of Xenocrates, he did not sacrifice to the _Mercurial -Graces_. Hence he is far from detaining the reader with delight, who -merely regards his diction; but will rather avert and dull his -attention, and frustrate his expectation. However, though the surface of -his conceptions is not covered with the flowers of elocution, yet the -depth of them is admirable, and his genius is truly sublime. And -admitting his style to abound in general with those defects, which have -been noticed by the critics, yet it appears to me that the decision of -the anonymous Greek writer respecting his Answer to the Epistle of -Porphyry,[2] is more or less applicable to all his other works. For he -says, ‘that his diction in that Answer is concise and definite, and that -his conceptions are full of efficacy, are elegant, and divine.’[3] - -Iamblichus shared in an eminent degree the favor of divinity, on account -of his cultivation of justice; and obtained a numerous multitude of -associates and disciples, who came from all parts of the world, for the -purpose of participating the streams of wisdom, which so plentifully -flowed from the sacred fountain of his wonderful mind. Among these was -Sopater the Syrian,[4] who was most skilful both in speaking and -writing; Eustathius the Cappadocian; and of the Greeks, Theodorus and -Euphrasius. All these were excellent for their virtues and attainments, -as well as many other of his disciples, who were not much inferior to -the former in eloquence; so that it seems wonderful how Iamblichus could -attend to all of them, with such gentleness of manners and benignity of -disposition as he continually displayed. - -He performed some few particulars relative to the veneration of divinity -by himself, without his associates and disciples; but was inseparable -from his familiars in most of his operations. He imitated in his diet -the frugal simplicity of the most ancient times; and during his repast, -exhilarated those who were present by his behaviour, and filled them as -with nectar by the sweetness of his discourse. - -A celebrated philosopher named Alypius, who was deeply skilled in -dialectic, was contemporary with Iamblichus, but was of such a -diminutive stature, that he exhibited the appearance of a pigmy. -However, his great abilities amply compensated for this trifling defect. -For his body might be said to be consumed into soul; just as the great -Plato says, that divine bodies, unlike those that are mortal, are -situated in souls. Thus also it might be asserted of Alypius, that he -had migrated into soul, and that he was contained and governed by a -nature superior to man. This Alypius had many followers, but his mode of -philosophizing was confined to private conference and disputation, -without committing any of his dogmas to writing. Hence his disciples -gladly applied themselves to Iamblichus, desirous to draw abundantly -from the exuberant streams of his inexhaustible mind. The fame therefore -of each continually increasing, they once accidentally met like two -refulgent stars, and were surrounded by so great a crowd of auditors, -that it resembled some mighty musæum. While Iamblichus on this occasion -waited rather to be interrogated, than to propose a question himself, -Alypius, contrary to the expectation of every one, relinquishing -philosophical discussions, and seeing himself surrounded with a theatre -of men, turned to Iamblichus, and said to him: “Tell me, O philosopher, -is either the rich man unjust, or the heir of the unjust man? For in -this case there is no medium.” But Iamblichus hating the acuteness of -the question, replied: “O most wonderful of all men, this manner of -considering, whether some one excels in externals, is foreign from our -method of philosophizing; since we inquire whether a man abounds in the -virtue which it is proper for him to possess, and which is adapted to a -philosopher.” After he had said this he departed, and at the same time -all the surrounding multitude was immediately dispersed. But Iamblichus, -when he was alone, admired the acuteness of the question, and often -privately resorted to Alypius, whom he very much applauded for his -acumen and sagacity; so that after his decease, he wrote his life. This -Alypius was an Alexandrian by birth, and died in his own country, worn -out with age: and after him Iamblichus,[5] leaving behind him many roots -and fountains of philosophy; which through the cultivation of succeeding -Platonists, produced a fair variety of vigorous branches, and copious -streams. - -For an account of the theological writings of Iamblichus, I refer the -reader to my above-mentioned History of the Restoration of the Platonic -Theology; and for accurate critical information concerning all his -works, to the Bibliotheca Græca of Fabricius. - -Of the following work, the life of Pythagoras, it is necessary to -observe that the original has been transmitted to us in a very imperfect -state, partly from the numerous verbal errors of the text, partly from -the want of connexion in the things that are narrated, and partly from -many particulars being related in different places, in the very same -words; so that the conjecture of Kuster, one of the German editors of -this work is highly probable, that it had not received the last hand of -Iamblichus, but that others formed this treatise from the confused -materials which they found among his Manuscripts, after his death. -Notwithstanding all its defects, however, it is, as I have before -observed, a most interesting work; and the benefits are inestimable, -which the dissemination of it is calculated to produce. And as two of -the most celebrated critics among the Germans, Kuster and Kiessling, -have given two splendid editions of this work, it is evident they must -have been deeply impressed with a conviction of its value and -importance. - -As to the Pythagoric Ethical Fragments, all eulogy of them is -superfluous, when it is considered that, independently of their being -written by very early Pythagoreans, they were some of the sources from -which Aristotle himself derived his consummate knowledge of morality, as -will be at once evident by comparing his Nicomachean Ethics with these -fragments. - -With respect to the collection of Pythagoric Sentences in this volume, -it is almost needless to observe that they are incomparably excellent; -and it is deeply to be regretted that the Greek original of the -Sentences of Sextus[6] being lost, the fraudulent Latin version of them -by the Presbyter Ruffinus alone remains. I call it a fraudulent version, -because Ruffinus, wishing to persuade the reader that these Sentences -were written by a bishop of the name of Sixtus, has in many places -perverted and contaminated the meaning of the original. In the -selection, however, which I have made from these Sentences, I have -endeavoured, and I trust not in vain, to give the genuine sense of -Sextus, unmingled with the barbarous and polluted interpolations of -Ruffinus. If the English reader has my translation of the Sentences of -Demophilus, and Mr. Bridgman’s translation of the Golden Sentences of -Democrates, and the Similitudes of Demophilus,[7] he will then be -possessed of all the Pythagoric Sentences that are extant, those alone -of Sextus excepted, which I have not translated, in consequence of the -very impure and spurious state, in which they at present exist. - -I deem it also requisite to observe, that the Pythagoric life which is -here delineated, is a specimen of the greatest perfection in virtue and -wisdom, which can be obtained by man in the present state. Hence, it -exhibits piety unadulterated with folly, moral virtue uncontaminated -with vice, science unmingled with sophistry, dignity of mind and manners -unaccompanied with pride, a sublime magnificence in theory, without any -degradation in practice, and a vigor of intellect, which elevates its -possessor to the vision of divinity, and thus deifies while it exalts. - -The original of the engraving of the head of Iamblichus in the -title-page, is to be found at the end of a little volume consisting of -Latin translations of Iamblichus De Mysteriis, Proclus On the First -Alcibiades of Plato, &c. &c. &c. 18mo. Genev. 1607. This engraving was -added because it appeared to me to be probable that the original was -copied from an ancient gem. And as it is not impossible that it was, if -it is not genuine, it is at least ornamental. - - - - - THE LIFE, - _&c._ - - - CHAP. I. - -Since it is usual with all men of sound understandings, to call on -divinity, when entering on any philosophic discussion, it is certainly -much more appropriate to do this in the consideration of that philosophy -which justly receives its denomination from the divine Pythagoras. For -as it derives its origin from the Gods, it cannot be apprehended without -their inspiring aid. To which we may also add, that the beauty and -magnitude of it so greatly surpasses human power, that it is impossible -to survey it by a sudden view; but then alone can any one gradually -collect some portion of this philosophy, when, the Gods being his -leaders, he quietly approaches to it. On all these accounts, therefore, -having invoked the Gods as our leaders, and converting both ourselves -and our discussion to them, we shall acquiesce in whatever they may -command us to do. We shall not, however, make any apology for this sect -having been neglected for a long time, nor for its being concealed by -foreign disciplines, and certain arcane symbols, nor for having been -obscured by false and spurious writings, nor for many other such-like -difficulties by which it has been impeded. For the will of the Gods is -sufficient for us, in conjunction with which it is possible to sustain -things still more arduous than these. But after the Gods, we shall unite -ourselves as to a leader, to the prince and father of this divine -philosophy; of whose origin and country we must rise a little higher in -our investigation. - - - CHAP. II. - -It is said, therefore, that Ancæus who dwelt in Samos in Cephallenia, -was begot by Jupiter, whether he derived the fame of such an honorable -descent through virtue, or through a certain greatness of soul. He -surpassed, however, the rest of the Cephallenians in wisdom and renown. -This Ancæus, therefore, was ordered by the Pythian oracle to form a -colony from Arcadia and Thessaly; and that besides this, taking with him -some of the inhabitants of Athens, Epidaurus, and Chalcis, and placing -himself at their head, he should render an island habitable, which from -the virtue of the soil and land should be called Melamphyllos;[8] and -that he should call the city Samos, on account of Same in Cephallenia. -The oracle, therefore, which was given to him, was as follows: “I order -you, Ancæus, to colonise the marine island Samos instead of Same, and to -call it Phyllas.” But that a colony was collected from these places, is -not only indicated by the honors and sacrifices of the Gods, transferred -into those regions together with the inhabitants, but also by the -kindred families that dwell there, and the associations of the Samians -with each other. - -It is said, therefore, that Mnesarchus and Pythaïs, who were the parents -of Pythagoras, descended from the family and alliance of this Ancæus, -who founded the colony. In consequence, however, of this nobility of -birth being celebrated by the citizens, a certain Samian poet says, that -Pythagoras was the son of Apollo. For thus he sings, - - Pythaïs, fairest of the Samian tribe, - Bore from th’embraces of the God of day - Renown’d Pythagoras, the friend of Jove. - -It is worth while, however, to relate how this report became so -prevalent. The Pythian oracle then had predicted to this Mnesarchus (who -came to Delphi for the purposes of merchandize, with his wife not yet -apparently pregnant, and who inquired of the God concerning the event of -his voyage to Syria) that his voyage would be lucrative and most -conformable to his wishes, but that his wife was now pregnant, and would -bring forth a son surpassing in beauty and wisdom all that ever lived, -and who would be of the greatest advantage to the human race in every -thing pertaining to the life of man. But, when Mnesarchus considered -with himself, that the God, without being interrogated concerning his -son, had informed him by an oracle, that he would possess an illustrious -prerogative, and a gift truly divine, he immediately named his wife -Pythaïs, from her son and the Delphic prophet, instead of Parthenis, -which was her former appellation; and he called the infant, who was soon -after born at Sidon in Phœnicia, Pythagoras; signifying by this -appellation, that such an offspring was predicted to him by the Pythian -Apollo. For we must not regard the assertions of Epimenides, Eudoxus, -and Xenocrates, who suspect that Apollo at that time, becoming connected -with Parthenis, and causing her to be pregnant from not being so, had in -consequence of this predicted concerning Pythagoras, by the Delphic -prophet: for this is by no means to be admitted.[9] Indeed, no one can -doubt that the soul of Pythagoras was sent to mankind from the empire of -Apollo, either being an attendant on the God, of co-arranged with him in -some other more familiar way: for this may be inferred both from his -birth, and the all-various wisdom of his soul. And thus much concerning -the nativity of Pythagoras. - -But after his father Mnesarchus had returned from Syria to Samos, with -great wealth, which he had collected from a prosperous navigation, he -built a temple to Apollo, with the inscription of Pythius; and took care -to have his son nourished with various and the best disciplines, at one -time by Creophilus, at another by Pherecydes the Syrian, and at another -by almost all those who presided over sacred concerns, to whom he -earnestly recommended Pythagoras, that he might be as much as possible -sufficiently instructed in divine concerns. He, however, was educated in -such a manner, as to be fortunately the most beautiful and godlike of -all those that have been celebrated in the annals of history. On the -death of his father, likewise, though he was still but a youth, his -aspect was most venerable, and his habits most temperate, so that he was -even reverenced and honored by elderly men; and converted the attention -of all who saw and heard him speak, on himself, and appeared to be an -admirable person to every one who beheld him. Hence it was reasonably -asserted by many, that he was the son of a God. But he being -corroborated by renown of this kind, by the education which he had -received from his infancy, and by his natural deiform appearance, in a -still greater degree evinced that he deserved his present prerogatives. -He was also adorned by piety and disciplines, by a mode of living -transcendency good, by firmness of soul, and by a body in due subjection -to the mandates of reason. In all his words and actions, he discovered -an inimitable quiet and serenity, not being subdued at any time by -anger, or laughter, or emulation, or contention, or any other -perturbation or precipitation of conduct; but he dwelt at Samos like -some beneficent dæmon. Hence, while he was yet a youth, his great renown -having reached Thales at Miletus, and Bias at Priene, men illustrious -for their wisdom, it also extended to the neighbouring cities. To all -which we may add, that the youth was every where celebrated as the -_long-haired Samian_, and was reverenced by the multitude as one under -the influence of divine inspiration. But after he had attained the -eighteenth year of his age, about the period when the tyranny of -Policrates first made its appearance, foreseeing that under such a -government he might receive some impediment in his studies, which -engrossed the whole of his attention, he departed privately by night -with one Hermodamas (whose surname was Creophilus, and who was the -grandson of him who had formerly been the host, friend, and preceptor in -all things of Homer the poet,) to Pherecydes, to Anaximander the natural -philosopher, and to Thales at Miletus. He likewise alternately -associated with each of these philosophers, in such a manner, that they -all loved him, admired his natural endowments, and made him a partaker -of their doctrines. Indeed, after Thales had gladly admitted him to his -intimate confidence, he admired the great difference between him and -other young men, whom Pythagoras left far behind in every -accomplishment. And besides this, Thales increased the reputation -Pythagoras had already acquired, by communicating to him such -disciplines as he was able to impart: and, apologizing for his old age, -and the imbecility of his body, he exhorted him to sail into Egypt, and -associate with the Memphian and Diospolitan[10] priests. For he -confessed that his own reputation for wisdom, was derived from the -instructions of these priests; but that he was neither naturally, nor by -exercise, endued with those excellent prerogatives, which were so -visibly displayed in the person of Pythagoras. Thales, therefore, gladly -announced to him, from all these circumstances, that he would become the -wisest and most divine of all men, if he associated with these Egyptian -priests. - - - CHAP. III. - -Pythagoras, therefore, having been benefited by Thales in other -respects, and especially having learned from him to be sparing of his -time; for the sake of this he entirely abstained from wine and animal -food, and still prior to these from voracity, and confined himself to -such nutriment as was slender and easy of digestion. In consequence of -this, his sleep was short, his soul vigilant and pure, and his body -confirmed in a state of perfect and invariable health. In possession of -such advantages, therefore, he sailed to Sidon, being persuaded that -this was his natural country, and also properly conceiving that he might -easily pass from thence into Egypt. Here he conversed with the prophets -who were the descendants of Mochus the physiologist, and with others, -and also with the Phœnician hierophants. He was likewise initiated in -all the mysteries of Byblus and Tyre, and in the sacred operations which -are performed in many parts of Syria; not engaging in a thing of this -kind for the sake of superstition, as some one may be led to suppose, -but much rather from a love and desire of contemplation, and from an -anxiety that nothing might escape his observation which deserved to be -learnt in the arcana or mysteries of the Gods. Having been previously -instructed therefore in the mysteries of the Phœnicians, which were -derived like a colony and a progeny from the sacred rites in Egypt, and -hoping from this circumstance that he should be a partaker of more -beautiful, divine, and genuine monuments of erudition in Egypt; joyfully -calling to mind also the admonitions of his preceptor Thales, he -immediately embarked for Egypt, through the means of some Egyptian -sailors, who very opportunely at that time landed on the Phœnician coast -under mount Carmelus, in whose temple Pythagoras, separated from all -society, for the most part dwelt. But the sailors gladly received him, -foreseeing that they should acquire great gain by exposing him to sale. -But when, during the voyage, they perceived with what continence and -venerable gravity he conducted himself, in conformity to the mode of -living he had adopted, they were more benevolently disposed towards him. -Observing, likewise, that there was something greater than what pertains -to human nature in the modesty of the youth, they called to mind how -unexpectedly he had appeared to them on their landing, when from the -summit of mount Carmelus, which they knew was more sacred than other -mountains, and inaccessible to the vulgar, he leisurely descended -without looking back, or suffering any delay from precipices or opposing -stones; and that when he came to the boat, he said nothing more than, -“Are you bound for Egypt?” And farther, that on their answering in the -affirmative, he ascended the ship and sate silent the whole time of the -voyage, in that part of the vessel where he was not likely to incommode -the occupations of the sailors. But Pythagoras remained in one and the -same unmoved state for two nights and three days, neither partaking of -food, nor drink, nor sleep, unless perhaps as he sate in that firm and -tranquil condition, he might sleep for a short time unobserved by all -the sailors. To which we may add, that when the sailors considered how, -contrary to their expectations, their voyage had been continued and -uninterrupted, as if some deity had been present; putting all these -things together, they concluded that a divine dæmon had in reality -passed over with them from Syria into Egypt. Hence, speaking both to -Pythagoras and to each other with greater decorum and gentleness than -before, they completed, through a most tranquil sea, the remainder of -their voyage, and at length happily landed on the Egyptian coast. Here -the sailors reverently assisted him in descending from the ship; and -after they had placed him on the purest sand, they raised a certain -temporary altar before him, and heaping on it from their present -abundance the fruits of trees, and presenting him as it were with the -first fruits of their freight, they departed from thence, and hastened -to their destined port. But Pythagoras, whose body through such long -fasting was become weaker, did not oppose the sailors in assisting him -to descend from the ship, and immediately on their departure eat as much -of the fruits as was requisite to restore his decayed strength. From -thence also he arrived safe at the neighbouring lands, constantly -preserving the same tranquillity and modesty of behaviour. - - - CHAP. IV. - -But here, while he frequented all the Egyptian temples with the greatest -diligence and with accurate investigation, he was both admired and loved -by the priests and prophets with whom he associated. And having learnt -with the greatest solicitude every particular, he did not neglect to -hear of any transaction that was celebrated in his own time, or of any -man famous for his wisdom, or any mystery in whatever manner it might be -performed; nor did he omit to visit any place in which he thought -something more excellent might be found. On this account he went to all -the priests, by whom he was furnished with the wisdom which each -possessed. He spent therefore two and twenty years in Egypt, in the -adyta of temples, astronomizing and geometrizing, and was initiated, not -in a superficial or casual manner, in all the mysteries of the Gods, -till at length being taken captive by the soldiers of Cambyses, he was -brought to Babylon. Here he gladly associated with the Magi, was -instructed by them in their venerable knowledge, and learnt from them -the most perfect worship of the Gods. Through their assistance likewise, -he arrived at the summit of arithmetic, music, and other disciplines; -and after associating with them twelve years, he returned to Samos about -the fifty-sixth year of his age. - - - CHAP. V. - -On his return to Samos, however, being known by some of the more aged -inhabitants, he was not less admired than before. For he appeared to -them to be more beautiful and wise, and to possess a divine gracefulness -in a more eminent degree. Hence, he was publicly called upon by his -country to benefit all men, by imparting to them what he knew. Nor was -he averse to this request, but endeavoured to introduce the symbolical -mode of teaching, in a way perfectly similar to the documents by which -he had been instructed in Egypt; though the Samians did not very much -admit this mode of tuition, and did not adhere to him with that -according aptitude which was requisite. Though no one therefore attended -to him, and no one was genuinely desirous of those disciplines which he -endeavoured by all means to introduce among the Greeks, yet he neither -despised nor neglected Samos, because it was his country, and therefore -wished to give his fellow-citizens a taste of the sweetness of the -mathematical disciplines, though they were unwilling to be instructed in -them. With a view to this, therefore, he employed the following method -and artifice. Happening to observe a certain youth, who was a great -lover of gymnastic and other corporeal exercises, but otherwise poor and -in difficult circumstances, playing at ball in the Gymnasium with great -aptness and facility, he thought the young man might easily be persuaded -to attend to him, if he was sufficiently supplied with the necessaries -of life, and freed from the care of procuring them. As soon as the -youth, therefore, left the bath, Pythagoras called him to him, and -promised that he would furnish him with every thing requisite to the -support of his bodily exercise, on condition that he would receive from -him gradually and easily, but continually, so that he might not be -burthened by receiving them at once, certain disciplines, which he said -he had learnt from the Barbarians in his youth, but which now began to -desert him through forgetfulness and the incursions of old age. But the -young man immediately acceded to the conditions, through the hope of -having necessary support. Pythagoras, therefore, endeavoured to instruct -him in the disciplines of arithmetic and geometry, forming each of his -demonstrations in an abacus, and giving the youth three oboli as a -reward for every figure which he learnt. This also he continued to do -for a long time, exciting him to the geometrical theory by the desire of -honour; diligently, and in the best order, giving him (as we have said) -three oboli for every figure which he apprehended. But when the wise man -observed that the elegance, sweetness, and connexion of these -disciplines, to which the youth had been led in a certain orderly path, -had so captivated him that he would not neglect their pursuit though he -should suffer the extremity of want, he pretended poverty, and an -inability of giving him three oboli any longer. But the youth on hearing -this replied, “I am able without these to learn and receive your -disciplines.” Pythagoras then said, “But I have not the means of -procuring sufficient nutriment for myself.” As it is requisite, -therefore, to labour in order to procure daily necessaries and mortal -food, it would not be proper that his attention should be distracted by -the abacus, and by stupid and vain pursuits. The youth, however, -vehemently abhorring the thought of discontinuing his studies, replied: -“I will in future provide for you, and repay your kindness in a way -resembling that of the stork: for I in my turn will give you three oboli -for every figure.” And from this time he was so captivated by these -disciplines, that he alone, of all the Samians, migrated from his -country with Pythagoras, having the same name with him, but being the -son of Eratocles. There are said to be three books of this Samian On -Athletics, in which he orders the Athletæ to feed on flesh instead of -dry figs; which books are very improperly ascribed by some to Pythagoras -the son of Mnesarchus. It is likewise said, that about the same time -Pythagoras was admired at Delos, when he approached to the bloodless -altar, as it is called, of the father Apollo, and worshipped it. After -which he went to all the oracles. He likewise dwelt for some time in -Crete and Sparta, for the purpose of becoming acquainted with their -laws; and, having been an auditor and learner of all these, he returned -home in order to investigate what he had omitted. And in the first -place, indeed, he established a school in the city, which is even now -called the semicircle of Pythagoras; and in which the Samians now -consult about public affairs, conceiving it right to investigate things -just and advantageous in that place which he had constructed who paid -attention to the welfare of all men. He also formed a cavern out of the -city, adapted to his philosophy, in which he spent the greatest part -both of the day and night; employing himself in the investigation of -things useful in disciplines, framing intellectual conceptions after the -same manner as Minos the son of Jupiter. Indeed, he so much surpassed -those who afterwards employed his disciplines, that they conceived -magnificently of themselves, from the knowledge of theorems of small -importance; but Pythagoras gave completion to the science of the -celestial orbs, and unfolded the whole of it by arithmetical and -geometrical demonstrations. He is, however, to be admired in a still -greater degree for what he afterwards accomplished. For when now -philosophy had received a great accession, he was admired by all Greece, -and the best of those who philosophized came to Samos on his account, in -order that they might participate of his erudition. The citizens -likewise employed him in all their embassies, and compelled him to unite -with them in the administration of public affairs. However, as he easily -saw the difficulty of complying with the laws of his country, and at the -same time remaining at home and philosophizing, and considered that all -philosophers before him had passed their life in foreign countries, he -determined to neglect all political occupations; induced to this, -according to the testimony of others, by the negligence of the Samians -in what relates to education, and went into Italy, conceiving that place -to be his proper country, in which men well disposed towards learning -were to be found in the greatest abundance. And such was the success of -his journey, that on his arrival at Crotona, which was the noblest city -in Italy, he had many followers, amounting, as it is said, to the number -of six hundred, who were not only excited by his discourses to the study -of philosophy, but also to an amicable division of the goods of life in -common; from whence they acquired the appellation of _Cœnobitæ_. - - - CHAP. VI. - -And these indeed were such as philosophized. But the greatest part of -his disciples consisted of auditors whom they call _Acusmatici_, who on -his first arrival in Italy, according to Nicomachus, being captivated by -one popular oration alone, exceeded two thousand in number. These, with -their wives and children, being collected into one very large and common -auditory, called Homacoïon, and which for its magnitude resembled a -city, founded a place which was universally called Magna Græcia. This -great multitude of people likewise, receiving laws and mandates from -Pythagoras as so many divine precepts, and without which they engaged in -no occupation, dwelt together with the greatest general concord, -celebrated and ranked by their neighbours among the number of the -blessed. At the same time, as we have already observed, they shared -their possessions in common. Such also was their reverence for -Pythagoras, that they numbered him with the Gods, as a certain -beneficent and most philanthropic dæmon. And some indeed celebrated him -as the Pythian, but others as the Hyperborean Apollo. Some again -considered him as Pæon, but others as one of the dæmons that inhabit the -moon; and others celebrated him as one of the Olympian Gods,[11] who, in -order to benefit and correct the mortal life, appeared to the men of -those times in a human form, in order that he might extend to them the -salutary light of felicity and philosophy. And indeed a greater good -never came, nor ever will come to mankind, than that which was imparted -by the Gods through this Pythagoras. Hence, even now the proverb of _the -long-haired Samian_, is applied to the most venerable man. But Aristotle -relates, in his Treatise On the Pythagoric Philosophy, that such a -division as the following was preserved by the Pythagoreans among their -principal arcana; viz. that of rational animals one kind is a God, -another man, and another such as Pythagoras. And indeed they very -reasonably apprehended him to be a being of this kind, through whom a -right conception and conformable to things themselves was introduced of -Gods, heroes, and dæmons; of the world, the all-various motion of the -spheres and stars, their oppositions, eclipses, and inequalities, their -eccentricities and epicycles; of all the natures contained in the -heavens and the earth, together with those that have an intermediate -subsistence, whether apparent or occult. Nor was there anything (in all -this variety of information) at all contrary to the phenomena, or the -conceptions of intellect. To which we may add, that all such -disciplines, theories, and scientific investigations, as truly -invigorate the eye of the soul, and purify the intellect from the -blindness introduced by studies of a different kind, so as to enable it -to perceive the true principles and causes of the universe, were -unfolded by Pythagoras to the Greeks. But besides all this, the best -polity, popular concord, community of possessions among friends, the -worship of the gods, piety to the dead, legislation, erudition, silence, -abstinence from animals, continence, temperance, sagacity, divinity, and -in one word, whatever is anxiously sought after by the lovers of -learning, was brought to light by Pythagoras. On all these accounts, -therefore, as I have just now said, he was (every where) so -transcendently admired. - - - CHAP. VII. - -It remains therefore after this, that we should relate how he travelled, -what places he first visited, what discourses he made, on what subjects, -and to whom they were addressed; for thus we shall easily apprehend the -nature of his association with the men of that time. It is said then, -that as soon as he came to Italy and Sicily, which cities he understood -had oppressed each other with slavery, partly at some distant period of -past time, and partly at a recent period, he inspired the inhabitants -with a love of liberty, and through the means of his auditors, restored -to independence and liberated Crotona, Sybaris, Catanes, Rhegium, -Himæra, Agrigentum, Tauromenas, and some other cities, for whom also he -established laws, through Charondas the Catanæan, and Zaleucus the -Locrian, by whom they became florishing cities, and afforded an example -worthy of imitation, for a long time, to the neighbouring kingdoms. He -also entirely subverted sedition, discord, and party zeal, not only from -his familiars, and their posterity, for many generations, as we are -informed by history, but, in short, from all the cities in Italy and -Sicily, which were at that time disturbed with intestine and external -contentions. For the following apothegm was always employed by him in -every place, whether in the company of a multitude or a few, which was -similar to the persuasive oracle of a God, and was an epitome and -summary as it were of his own opinions; that we should avoid and -amputate by every possible artifice, by fire and sword, and all-various -contrivances, from the body, disease; from the soul, ignorance; from the -belly, luxury; from a city, sedition; from a house, discord; and at the -same time, from all things, immoderation: through which, with a most -fatherly affection, he reminded each of his disciples of the most -excellent dogmas. Such therefore was the common form of his life at that -time, both in words and actions. If, however, it be requisite to make a -more particular relation of what he did and said, it must be observed, -that he came to Italy in the sixty-second Olympiad, at which time -Eryxidas of Chalcis conquered in the stadium. But immediately on his -arrival he became conspicuous and illustrious, in the same manner as -before, when he sailed to Delos. For there, when he performed his -adorations at the bloodless altar of the father Apollo, he was admired -by the inhabitants of the island. - - - CHAP. VIII. - -At that time also, when he was journeying from Sybaris to Crotona, he -met near the shore with some fishermen, who were then drawing their nets -heavily laden with fishes from the deep, and told them he knew the exact -number of the fish they had caught. But the fishermen promising they -would perform whatever he should order them to do, if the event -corresponded with his prediction, he ordered them, after they had -accurately numbered the fish, to return them alive to the sea: and what -is yet more wonderful, not one of the fish died while he stood on the -shore, though they had been detained from the water a considerable time. -Having therefore paid the fishermen the price of their fish, he departed -for Crotona. But they every where divulged the fact, and having learnt -his name from some children, they told it to all men. Hence those that -heard of this affair were desirous of seeing the stranger, and what they -desired was easily obtained. But they were astonished on surveying his -countenance, and conjectured him to be such a man as he was in reality. -A few days also after this, he entered the Gymnasium, and being -surrounded with a crowd of young men, he is said to have delivered an -oration to them, in which he incited them to pay attention to their -elders, evincing that in the world, in life, in cities, and in nature, -that which has a precedency is more honorable than that which is -consequent in time. As for instance, that the east is more honorable -than the west; the morning than the evening; the beginning than the end; -and generation than corruption. In a similar manner he observed, that -natives were more honorable than strangers, and the leaders of colonies -than the builders of cities: and universally Gods than dæmons; dæmons -than demigods; and heroes than men. Of these likewise he observed, that -the authors of generation are more honorable than their progeny. He said -these things, however, for the sake of proving by induction, that -children should very much esteem their parents, to whom he asserted they -owed as many thanks as a dead man would owe to him who should be able to -bring him back again into light. Afterwards, he observed, that it was -indeed just to love those above all others, and never to give them pain, -who first benefited us, and in the greatest degree. But parents alone -benefit their children prior to their birth, and are the causes to their -offspring of all their upright conduct; and that when children show -themselves to be in no respect inferior to their parents in beneficence -towards them, it is not possible for them in this respect to err. For it -is reasonable to suppose, that the Gods will pardon those who honor -their parent in no less a degree than the divinities themselves; since -we learnt from our parents to honor divinity. Hence Homer also added the -same appellation to the king of the Gods; for he denominates him the -father of Gods and mortals. Many other mythologists also have delivered -to us, that the kings of the Gods have been ambitious to vindicate to -themselves that excessive love which subsists through marriage, in -children towards their parents. And that on this account, they have at -the same time introduced the hypothesis of father and mother among the -Gods,[12] the former indeed generating Minerva, but the latter Vulcan, -who are of a nature contrary to each other, in order that what is most -remote may participate of friendship. - -All his auditors likewise having granted that the judgment of the -immortals is most valid, he said he would demonstrate to the Crotonians, -by the example of Hercules the founder of the colony brought to Crotona, -that it is necessary to be voluntarily obedient to the mandates of -parents, as they knew from tradition that the God himself had undertaken -such great labors in consequence of obeying the commands of one older -than himself, and being victorious in what he had undertaken to -accomplish, had instituted in honor of his father the Olympic games. He -also showed them that they should associate with each other in such a -manner, as never to be in a state of hostility to their friends, but to -become most rapidly friends to their enemies; and that they should -exhibit in modesty of behaviour to their elders, the benevolent -disposition of children towards their parents; but in their philanthropy -to others, fraternal love and regard. - -In the next place, he spoke concerning temperance, and said, that the -juvenile age should make trial of its nature, this being the period in -which the desires are in the most florishing state. Afterwards, he -exhorted them to consider, that this alone among the virtues was adapted -to a boy and a virgin, to a woman, and to the order of those of a more -advanced age; and that it was especially accommodated to the younger -part of the community. He also added, that this virtue alone -comprehended the goods both of body and soul, as it preserved the health -and also the desire of the most excellent studies. But this is evident -from the opposite. For when the Barbarians and Greeks warred on each -other about Troy, each of them fell into the most dreadful calamities, -through the incontinence of one man, partly in the war itself, and -partly in returning to their native land. And divinity ordained that the -punishment of injustice alone should endure for a thousand and ten -years, predicting by an oracle the capture of Troy, and ordering that -virgins should be annually sent by the Locrians into the temple of -Trojan Minerva. Pythagoras also exhorted young men to the cultivation of -learning, calling on them to observe how absurd it would be that they -should judge the reasoning power to be the most laudable of all things, -and should consult about other things through this, and yet bestow no -time nor labour in the exercise of it; though the attention which is -paid to the body, resembles depraved friends, and rapidly fails; but -erudition, like worthy and good men, endures till death, and for some -persons procures immortal renown after death. These and other -observations of the like kind, were made by Pythagoras, partly from -history, and partly from [philosophic] dogmas, in which he showed that -erudition is a natural excellence of disposition common to those in each -genus, who rank in the first class of human nature. For the discoveries -of these, become erudition to others. But this is naturally so worthy of -pursuit, that with respect to other laudable objects of attainment, it -is not possible to partake of some of them through another person, such -as strength, beauty, health, and fortitude; and others are no longer -possessed by him who imparts them to another, such as wealth, dominion, -and many other things which we shall omit to mention. It is possible, -however, for erudition to be received by another, without in the least -diminishing that which the giver possesses. In a similar manner also, -some goods cannot be possessed by men; but we are capable of being -instructed, according to our own proper and deliberate choice. And in -the next place, he who being thus instructed, engages in the -administration of the affairs of his country, does not do this from -impudence, but from erudition. For by education nearly men differ from -wild beasts, the Greeks from the Barbarians, those that are free from -slaves, and philosophers from the vulgar. And in short, those that have -erudition possess such a transcendency with respect to those that have -not, that seven men have been found from one city, and in one Olympiad, -that were swifter than others in the course; and in the whole of the -habitable part of the globe, those that excelled in wisdom were also -seven in number. But in the following times in which Pythagoras lived, -he alone surpassed all others in philosophy. For he called himself by -this name [viz. a philosopher], instead of a wise man. - - - CHAP. IX. - -And this indeed is what he said to the young men in the Gymnasium. But -when they had told their parents what they had heard, a thousand men -having called Pythagoras into the senate-house, and praised him for what -he had said to their sons, desired him, if he had any thing advantageous -to say to the Crotonians, to unfold it to those who were the leaders of -the administration. He was also the first that advised them to build a -temple to the Muses, in order that they might preserve the existing -concord. For he observed that all these divinities were called by one -common name, [the Muses,] that they subsisted in conjunction with each -other, especially rejoiced in common honors, and in short, that there -was always one and the same choir of the Muses. He likewise farther -observed, that they comprehended in themselves symphony, harmony, rythm, -and all things which procure concord. They also evince that their power -does not alone extend to the most beautiful theorems, but likewise to -the symphony and harmony of things. In the next place, he said it was -necessary they should apprehend that they received their country from -the multitude of the citizens, as a common deposit. Hence, it was -requisite they should so govern it, that they might faithfully transmit -it to their posterity, as an hereditary possession. And that this would -firmly be effected, if they were equal in all things to the citizens, -and surpassed them in nothing else than justice. For men knowing that -every place requires justice, have asserted in fables that Themis has -the same order with Jupiter, that Dice, i. e. justice, is seated by -Pluto, and that Law is established in cities; in order that he who does -not act justly in things which his rank in society requires him to -perform, may at the same time appear to be unjust towards the whole -world. He added, it was proper that the senators should not make use of -any of the Gods for the purpose of an oath, but that their language -should be such as to render them worthy of belief even without oaths. -And likewise, that they should so manage their own domestic affairs, as -to make the government of them the object of their deliberate choice. -That they should also be genuinely disposed towards their own offspring, -as being the only animals that have a sensation of this conception. And -that they should so associate with a wife the companion of life, as to -be mindful that other compacts are engraved in tables and pillars, but -those with wives are inserted in children. That they should likewise -endeavour to be beloved by their offspring, not through nature, of which -they were not the causes, but through deliberate choice: for this is -voluntary beneficence. - -He further observed, that they should be careful not to have connexion -with any but their wives, in order that the wives may not bastardize the -race through the neglect and vicious conduct of the husbands. That they -should also consider, that they received their wives from the Vestal -hearth with libations, and brought them home as if they were suppliants, -in the presence of the Gods themselves. And that by orderly conduct and -temperance, they should become examples both to their own families, and -to the city in which they live. That besides this, they should take care -to prevent every one from acting viciously, lest offenders not fearing -the punishment of the laws, should be concealed; and reverencing -beautiful and worthy manners, they should be impelled to justice. He -also exhorted them to expel sluggishness from all their actions; for he -said that opportunity was the only good in every action. But he defined -the divulsion of parents and children from each other, to be the -greatest of injuries. And said, that he ought to be considered as the -most excellent man, who is able to foresee what will be advantageous to -himself; but that he ranks as the next in excellence, who understands -what is useful from things which happen to others. But that he is the -worst of men who waits for the perception of what is best, till he is -himself afflicted. He likewise said, that those who wish to be honored, -will not err if they imitate those that are crowned in the course: for -these do not injure their antagonists, but are alone desirous that they -themselves may obtain the victory. Thus also it is fit that those who -engage in the administration of public affairs, should not be offended -with those that contradict them, but should benefit such as are obedient -to them. He likewise exhorted every one who aspired after true glory, to -be such in reality as he wished to appear to be to others: for counsel -is not so sacred a thing as praise; since the former is only useful -among men, but the latter is for the most part referred to the Gods. And -after all this he added, that their city happened to be founded by -Hercules, at that time when he drove the oxen through Italy, having been -injured by Lacinius; and when giving assistance by night to Croton, he -slew him through ignorance, conceiving him to be an enemy. After which, -Hercules promised that a city should be built about the sepulchre of -Croton, and should be called from him Crotona, when he himself became a -partaker of immortality. Hence Pythagoras said, it was fit that they -should justly return thanks for the benefit they had received. But the -Crotonians, on hearing this, built a temple to the Muses, and dismissed -the harlots which they were accustomed to have. They also requested -Pythagoras to discourse to the boys in the temple of Pythian Apollo, and -to the women in the temple of Juno. - - - CHAP. X. - -Pythagoras, therefore, complying with their wish, is said to have given -the boys the following advice: That they should neither revile any one, -nor take vengeance on those that reviled. He likewise exhorted them to -pay diligent attention to learning, which derives its appellation from -their age. He added, that it was easy for a modest youth to preserve -probity through the whole of life; but that it was difficult for one to -accomplish this, who was not naturally well disposed at that age; or -rather it is impossible that he who begins his course from a bad -impulse, should run well to the end. Besides this, he observed that boys -were most dear to divinity, and hence in times of great drought, they -were sent by cities to implore rain from the Gods, in consequence of the -persuasion that divinity is especially attentive to children; though -such as are permitted to be continually conversant with sacred -ceremonies, scarcely obtain purification in perfection. From this cause -also, the most philanthropic of the Gods, Apollo and Love, are -universally represented in pictures as having the age of boys. It is -likewise acknowledged, that some of the games in which the conquerors -are crowned, were instituted on account of boys; the Pythian, indeed, in -consequence of the serpent Python being slain by a boy; but the Nemean -and Isthmian, on account of the death of Archemorus and Melicerta. -Besides what has been said likewise, while the city of Crotona was -building, Apollo promised to the founder, that he would give him a -progeny, if he brought a colony into Italy; from which inferring that -Apollo providentially attended to the propagation of them, and that all -the Gods paid attention to every age, they ought to render themselves -worthy of their friendship. He added, that they should exercise -themselves in hearing, in order that they may be able to speak. And -farther still, that as soon as they have entered into the path in which -they intend to proceed to old age, they should follow the steps of those -that preceded them, and never contradict those that are older than -themselves. For thus hereafter, they will justly think it right that -neither should they be injured by their juniors. On account of these -exhortations, it must be confessed that he deserved not to be called by -his own name, but that all men should denominate him divine. - - - CHAP. XI. - -But to the women he is said to have discoursed concerning sacrifices as -follows: In the first place indeed, as they would wish that another -person who intended to pray for them, should be worthy and good, because -the Gods attend to such as these; thus also it is requisite that they -should in the highest degree esteem equity and modesty, in order that -the Gods may be readily disposed to hear their prayers. In the next -place, they should offer to the Gods such things as they have produced -with their own hands, and should bring them to the altars without the -assistance of servants, such as cakes, honey-combs, and frankincense. -But that they should not worship divinity with blood and dead bodies, -nor offer many things at one time, as if they never meant to sacrifice -again. With respect also to their association with men, he exhorted them -to consider that their parents granted to the female nature, that they -should love their husbands in a greater degree than those who were the -sources of their existence. That in consequence of this, they would do -well either not to oppose their husbands, or to think that they have -then vanquished, when they submit to them. Farther still, in the same -assembly also, Pythagoras is said to have made that celebrated -observation, that it is holy for a woman, after having been connected -with her husband, to perform sacred rites on the same day; but that this -is never holy, after she has been connected with any other man. He also -exhorted the women to use words of good omen through the whole of life, -and to endeavor that others may predict good things of them. He likewise -admonished them not to destroy popular renown, nor to blame the writers -of fables, who surveying the justice of women, from their accommodating -others with garments and ornaments, without a witness, when it is -necessary for some other person to use them, and that neither litigation -nor contradiction are produced from this confidence,—have feigned, that -three women used but one eye in common, on account of the facility of -their communion with each other. He farther observed, that he who is -called the wisest of all others, and who gave arrangement to the human -voice, and in short, was the inventor of names, whether he was a God or -a dæmon, or a certain divine man,[13] perceiving that the genus of women -is most adapted to piety, gave to each of their ages the appellation of -some God. Hence he called an unmarried woman _Core_, i. e. Proserpine; -but a bride, _Nympha_; the woman who has brought forth children, -_Mater_; and a grandmother, according to the Doric dialect, _Maia_. In -conformity to which also, the oracles in Dodona and at Delphi, are -unfolded in to light through a woman. But through this praise pertaining -to piety, Pythagoras is said to have produced so great a change in -female attire, that the women no longer dared to clothe themselves with -costly garments, but consecrated many myriads of their vestments in the -temple of Juno. The effect also of this discourse is said to have been -such, that about the region of the Crotonians the fidelity of the -husband to the wife was universally celebrated; [imitating in this -respect] Ulysses, who would not receive immortality from Calypso, on -condition that he should abandon Penelope. Pythagoras therefore also -observed, that it remained for the women to exhibit their probity to -their husbands, in order that they might be equally celebrated with -Ulysses. In short, it is recorded that through the above-mentioned -discourses, Pythagoras obtained no moderate honor and esteem, both in -the city of the Crotonians and throughout Italy. - - - CHAP. XII. - -It is also said, that Pythagoras was the first who called himself a -philosopher; this not being a new name, but previously instructing us in -a useful manner in a thing appropriate to the name. For he said that the -entrance of men into the present life, resembled the progression of a -crowd to some public spectacle. For there men of every description -assemble with different views; one hastening to sell his wares for the -sake of money and gain; but another that he may acquire renown by -exhibiting the strength of his body; and there is also a third class of -men, and those the most liberal, who assemble for the sake of surveying -the places, the beautiful works of art, the specimens of valor, and the -literary productions which are usually exhibited on such occasions. Thus -also in the present life, men of all-various pursuits are collected -together in one and the same place. For some are influenced by the -desire of riches and luxury; others by the love of power and dominion; -and others are possessed with an insane ambition for glory. But the most -pure and unadulterated character, is that of the man who gives himself -to the contemplation of the most beautiful things, and whom it is proper -to call a philosopher.[14] He adds, that the survey of all heaven, and -of the stars that revolve in it, is indeed beautiful, when the order of -them is considered. For they derive this beauty and order by the -participation of the first and the intelligible essence. But that first -essence is the nature of number and reasons [i. e. productive -principles,] which pervades through all things, and according to which -all these [celestial bodies] are elegantly arranged, and fitly adorned. -And wisdom indeed, truly so called, is a certain science which is -conversant with the first beautiful objects,[15] and these divine, -undecaying, and possessing an invariable sameness of subsistence; by the -participation of which other things also may be called beautiful. But -philosophy is the appetition of a thing of this kind. The attention -therefore to erudition is likewise beautiful, which Pythagoras extended, -in order to effect the correction of mankind. - - - CHAP. XIII. - -Moreover, if we may believe in so many ancient and credible historians -as have written concerning him, the words of Pythagoras contained -something of a recalling and admonitory nature, which extended as far as -to irrational animals; by which it may be inferred that learning -predominates in those endued with intellect, since it tames even wild -beasts, and those which are considered to be deprived of reason. For it -is said that Pythagoras detained the Daunian bear which had most -severely injured the inhabitants, and that having gently stroked it with -his hand for a long time, fed it with maze and acorns, and compelled it -by an oath no longer to touch any living thing, he dismissed it. But the -bear immediately after hid herself in the mountains and woods, and was -never seen from that time to attack any irrational animal. Perceiving -likewise an ox at Tarentum feeding in a pasture, and eating among other -things green beans, he advised the herdsman to tell the ox to abstain -from the beans. The herdsman, however, laughed at him, and said that he -did not understand the language of oxen, but if Pythagoras did, it was -in vain to advise him to speak to the ox, but fit that he himself should -advise the animal to abstain from such food. Pythagoras therefore, -approaching to the ear of the ox, and whispering in it for a long time, -not only caused him then to refrain from beans, but it is said that he -never after tasted them. This ox also lived for a long time at Tarentum -near the temple of Juno, where it remained when it was old, and was -called the sacred ox of Pythagoras. It was also fed by those that came -to it with human food. When likewise he happened to be conversing with -his familiars about birds, symbols, and prodigies, and was observing -that all these are the messengers of the Gods, sent by them to those men -who are truly dear to the Gods, he is said to have brought down an eagle -that was flying over Olympia, and after gently stroking, to have -dismissed it. Through these things, therefore, and other things similar -to these, he demonstrated that he possessed the same dominion as -Orpheus, over savage animals, and that he allured and detained them by -the power of voice proceeding from the mouth. - - - CHAP. XIV. - -With him likewise the best principle originated of a guardian attention -to the concerns of men, and which ought to be pre-assumed by those who -intend to learn the truth about other things. For he reminded many of -his familiars, by most clear and evident indications, of the former life -which their soul lived, before it was bound to this body, and -demonstrated by indubitable arguments, that he had been Euphorbus the -son of Panthus, who conquered Patroclus. And he especially praised the -following funeral Homeric verses pertaining to himself, sung them most -elegantly to the lyre, and frequently repeated them. - - “The shining circlets of his golden hair, - Which ev’n the Graces might be proud to wear, - Instarr’d with gems and gold, bestrow the shore - With dust dishonor’d, and deform’d with gore. - As the young olive in some sylvan scene, - Crown’d by fresh fountains with eternal green, - Lifts the gay head, in snowy flowrets fair, - And plays and dances to the gentle air; - When lo! a whirlwind from high heav’n invades - The tender plant, and withers all its shades; - It lies uprooted from its genial bed, - A lovely ruin now defac’d and dead. - Thus young, thus beautiful, Euphorbus lay, - While the fierce Spartan tore his arms away.”[16] - -But what is related about the shield of this Phrygian Euphorbus, being -dedicated among other Trojan spoils to Argive Juno, we shall omit, as -being of a very popular nature. That, however, which he wished to -indicate through all these particulars is this, that he knew the former -lives which he had lived, and that from hence he commenced his -providential attention to others, reminding them of their former life. - - - CHAP. XV. - -Conceiving, however, that the first attention which should be paid to -men, is that which takes place through the senses; as when some one -perceives beautiful figures and forms, or hears beautiful rythms and -melodies, he established that to be the first erudition which subsists -through music, and also through certain melodies and rythms, from which -the remedies of human manners and passions are obtained, together with -those harmonies of the powers of the soul which it possessed from the -first. He likewise devised medicines calculated to repress and expel the -diseases both of bodies and souls. And by Jupiter that which deserves to -be mentioned above all these particulars is this, that he arranged and -adapted for his disciples what are called apparatus and contrectations, -divinely contriving mixtures of certain diatonic, chromatic, and -euharmonic melodies, through which he easily transferred and circularly -led the passions of the soul into a contrary direction, when they had -recently and in an irrational and clandestine manner been formed; such -as sorrow, rage, and pity, absurd emulation and fear, all-various -desires, angers, and appetites, pride, supineness, and vehemence. For he -corrected each of these by the rule of virtue, attempering them through -appropriate melodies, as through certain salutary medicines. In the -evening, likewise, when his disciples were retiring to sleep, he -liberated them by these means from diurnal perturbations and tumults, -and purified their intellective power from the influxive and effluxive -waves of a corporeal nature; rendered their sleep quiet, and their -dreams pleasing and prophetic. But when they again rose from their bed, -he freed them from nocturnal heaviness, relaxation and torpor, through -certain peculiar songs and modulations, produced either by simply -striking the lyre, or employing the voice. Pythagoras, however, did not -procure for himself a thing of this kind through instruments or the -voice, but employing a certain ineffable divinity, and which it is -difficult to apprehend, he extended his ears, and fixed his intellect in -the sublime symphonies of the world, he alone hearing and understanding, -as it appears, the universal harmony and consonance of the spheres, and -the stars that are moved through them, and which produce a fuller and -more intense melody than any thing effected by mortal sounds.[17] This -melody also was the result of dissimilar and variously differing sounds, -celerities, magnitudes, and intervals, arranged with reference to each -other in a certain most musical ratio, and thus producing a most gentle, -and at the same time variously beautiful motion and convolution. Being -therefore irrigated as it were with this melody, having the reason of -his intellect well arranged through it, and as I may say, exercised, he -determined to exhibit certain images of these things to his disciples as -much as possible, especially producing an imitation of them through -instruments, and through the mere voice alone. For he conceived that by -him alone, of all the inhabitants of the earth, the mundane sounds were -understood and heard, and this from a natural fountain itself and root. -He therefore thought himself worthy to be taught, and to learn something -about the celestial orbs, and to be assimilated to them by desire and -imitation, as being the only one on the earth adapted to this by the -conformation of his body, through the dæmoniacal power that inspired -him. But he apprehended that other men ought to be satisfied in looking -to him, and the gifts he possessed, and in being benefited and corrected -through images and examples, in consequence of their inability to -comprehend truly the first and genuine archetypes of things. Just, -indeed, as to those who are incapable of looking intently at the sun, -through the transcendent splendor of his rays, we contrive to exhibit -the eclipses of that luminary, either in the profundity of still water, -or through melted pitch, or through some darkly-splendid mirror; sparing -the imbecility of their eyes, and devising a method of representing a -certain repercussive light, though less intense than its archetype, to -those who are delighted with a thing of this kind. Empedocles also -appears to have obscurely signified this about Pythagoras, and the -illustrious and divinely-gifted conformation of his body above that of -other men, when he says: - -“There was a man among them [i. e. among the Pythagoreans] who was -transcendent in knowledge, who possessed the most ample stores of -intellectual wealth, and who was in the most eminent degree the adjutor -of the works of the wise. For when he extended all the powers of his -intellect, he easily beheld every thing, as far as to ten or twenty ages -of the human race.” - -For the words _transcendent_, and _he beheld every thing_, and _the -wealth of intellect_, and the like, especially exhibit the illustrious -nature of the conformation of his mind and body, and its superior -accuracy in seeing, and hearing, and in intellectual perception. - - - CHAP. XVI. - -This adaptation therefore of souls was procured by him through music. -But another purification of the dianoetic part,[18] and at the same time -of the whole soul, through all-various studies, was effected by him as -follows: He conceived generally that labor should be employed about -disciplines and studies, and ordained like a legislator, trials of the -most various nature, punishments, and restraints by fire and sword, for -innate intemperance, and an inexhaustible avidity of possessing; which -he who is depraved can neither suffer nor sustain. Besides these things -also, he ordered his familiars to abstain from all animals, and farther -still from certain foods, which are hostile to the reasoning power, and -impede its genuine energies. He likewise enjoined them continence of -speech, and perfect silence, exercising them for many years in the -subjugation of the tongue, and in a strenuous and assiduous -investigation and resumption of the most difficult theorems. Hence also, -he ordered them to abstain from wine, to be sparing in their food, to -sleep little, and to have an unstudied contempt of, and hostility to -glory, wealth, and the like: to have an unfeigned reverence of those to -whom reverence is due, a genuine similitude and benevolence to those of -the same age with themselves, and an attention and incitation towards -their juniors, free from all envy. With respect to the amity also which -subsists in all things towards all, whether it be that of Gods towards -men through piety and scientific theory, or of dogmas towards each -other, or universally of the soul towards the body, and of the rational -towards the irrational part, through philosophy, and the theory -pertaining to it; or whether it be that of men to each other, of -citizens indeed through sound legislation, but of strangers through a -correct physiology; or of the husband to the wife, or of brothers and -kindred, through unperverted communion; or whether, in short, it be of -all things towards all, and still farther, of certain irrational animals -through justice, and a physical connexion and association; or whether it -be the pacification and conciliation of the body which is of itself -mortal, and of its latent contrary powers, through health, and a diet -and temperance conformable to this, in imitation of the salubrious -condition of the mundane elements;—of the appellation of all these, -which are summarily comprehended in one and the same name, that of -friendship, Pythagoras is acknowledged to have been the inventor and -legislator. And, in short, he was the cause to his disciples of the most -appropriate converse with the Gods, both when they were awake and when -asleep; a thing which never takes place in a soul disturbed by anger, or -pain, or pleasure, or, by Jupiter, by any other base desire, or defiled -by ignorance, which is more unholy and noxious than all these. By all -these inventions, therefore, he divinely healed and purified the soul, -resuscitated and saved its divine part, and conducted to the -intelligible its divine eye, which, as Plato says, is better worth -saving than ten thousand corporeal eyes; for by looking through this -alone, when it is strengthened and clarified by appropriate aids, the -truth pertaining to all beings is perceived. Referring therefore to -this, Pythagoras purified the dianoetic power of the soul. Such also was -the form with him of erudition, and these were the things to which he -directed his view. - - - CHAP. XVII. - -As he therefore thus prepared his disciples for erudition, he did not -immediately receive into the number of his associates those who came to -him for that purpose, till he had made trial of, and judiciously -examined them. Hence in the first place he inquired after what manner -they associated with their parents, and the rest of their relatives. In -the next place he surveyed their unseasonable laughter, their silence, -and their speaking when it was not proper; and farther still, what their -desires were, with whom they associated, how they conversed with them, -in what they especially employed their leisure time in the day, and what -were the subjects of their joy and grief. He likewise surveyed, their -form, their mode of walking, and the whole motion of their body. -Physiognomically also considering the natural indications of their -frame, he made them to be manifest signs of the unapparent manners of -the soul. When, therefore, he had thus made trial of some one, he -suffered him to be neglected for three years, in the mean time observing -how he was disposed with respect to stability, and a true love of -learning, and if he was sufficiently prepared with reference to glory, -so as to despise [popular] honor. After this, he ordered those who came -to him to observe a quinquennial silence, in order that he might -experimentally know how they were affected as to continence of speech, -the subjugation of the tongue being the most difficult of all victories; -as those have unfolded to us who instituted the mysteries. During this -[probationary] time, however, the property of each was disposed of in -common, and was committed to the care of those appointed for this -purpose, who were called politicians, economizers, and legislators. And -with respect to these probationers, those who appeared to be worthy to -participate of his dogmas, from the judgment he had formed of them from -their life and the modesty of their behaviour, after the quinquennial -silence, then became _Esoterics_, and both heard and saw Pythagoras -himself within the veil. For prior to this they participated of his -words through the hearing alone, beyond the veil, without at all seeing -him, giving for a long time a specimen of their peculiar manners. But if -they were rejected they received the double of the wealth which they -brought, and a tomb was raised to them as if they were dead by the -_homacoï_; for thus all the disciples of the man were called. And if -they happened to meet with them afterwards, they behaved to them as if -they were other persons, but said that they were dead, whom they had -modelled by education, in the expectation that they would become truly -good men by the disciplines they would learn. They also were of opinion -that those who were more slow in the acquisition of knowledge, were -badly organized, and, as I may say, imperfect and barren. If, however, -after Pythagoras had physiognomically considered their form, their mode -of walking, and every other motion, and the state of their body, and he -had conceived good hope respecting them; after likewise the quinquennial -silence, and the orgies and initiations from so many disciplines, -together with the ablutions of the soul, and so many and such great -purifications produced from such various theorems, through which the -sagacity and sanctity of the soul is perfectly ingenerated; if, after -all this, some one was found to be still sluggish and of a dull -intellect, they raised to such a one in the school a certain pillar and -monument, (as they are said to have done to Perialus the Thurian, and -Cylon the prince of the Sybarites, who were rejected by them) expelled -him from the _Homacoïon_ or auditory, loading him with a great quantity -of silver and gold. For these were deposited by them in common, and were -committed to the care of certain persons adapted to this purpose, and -who were called Economics, from the office which they bore. And if -afterwards they happened to meet with such a one, they conceived him to -be any other person, than him who according to them was dead. Hence also -Lysis, blaming a certain person named Hipparchus, because he had -communicated the doctrines of the Pythagoreans to the profane, and to -those who acceded to them without disciplines and theory, says as -follows: - -“It is reported that you philosophize to every one you may happen to -meet, and publicly, which Pythagoras did not think fit to do. And these -things, indeed, O Hipparchus, you learnt with diligent assiduity, but -you have not preserved them; having tasted, O excellent man, of Sicilian -delicacies, which you ought not to have tasted a second time. If, -therefore, you abandon these, I shall rejoice; but if not, you will be -dead in my opinion. For it will be pious to call to mind the divine and -human precepts of Pythagoras, and not to make the goods of wisdom common -to those, who have not even in a dream their soul purified. For it is -not lawful to extend to every casual person, things which were obtained -with such great labors, and such diligent assiduity, nor to divulge the -mysteries of the Eleusinian Goddesses to the profane. For those who do -either of these, are equally unjust and impious. But it will be well to -consider what a great length of time we consumed in wiping away the -stains which had insinuated themselves into our breasts, till, after the -lapse of some years, we became fit recipients of the doctrines of -Pythagoras. For as dyers previously purify garments, and then fix in the -colors with which they wish them to be imbued, in order that the dye may -not be washed away, and may never become evanescent; after the same -manner also that divine man prepared the souls of those that were lovers -of philosophy, so that they might not deceive him in any of those -beautiful and good qualities which he hoped they would possess. For he -did not impart spurious doctrines, nor snares, in which most of the -sophists, who are at leisure for no good purpose, entangle young men; -but he possessed a scientific knowledge of things human and divine. -These men, however, making his doctrine a pretext, perform many dreadful -deeds, ensnaring youth not in a becoming nor yet in a casual way. Hence -they render their auditors noxious and precipitate. For they infuse -theorems and divine doctrines into confused and turbid manners. Just as -if some one should pour pure and clear water into a deep well full of -mud; for he would disturb the mud, and destroy the clear water. The same -thing likewise takes place between those who teach and those who are -taught after this manner. For dense thickets and which are full of -briars surround the intellect and heart of those who have not been -purely initiated in disciplines, obscure the mild, tranquil, and -reasoning power of the soul, and openly impede the intellective part -from becoming increased and elevated. It is requisite likewise to call -intemperance and avarice the mothers of these thickets; both which are -naturally prolific. From intemperance, therefore, unlawful marriages, -[unjust] desires, corruptions, intoxication, preternatural pleasures, -and certain vehement appetites blossom forth, and which impel their -possessors into profundities and precipices. For now desires have -compelled some not to abstain either from their mothers or their -daughters, and violating law, their country, city, and king, with their -hands as it were bound behind them, they are violently dragged along -like slaves to extreme destruction. But from avarice germinate rapine, -robbery, parricide, sacrilege, sorcery, and such other evils at are the -sisters of these. In the first place, therefore, it is necessary to -purify the woods in which these passions have fixed their abode, with -fire and sword, and all the machines of disciplines; and having -liberated the reasoning power from such mighty evils, we may then -implant in and deliver to it something useful and good.” So great and so -necessary was the attention which, according to Pythagoras, ought to be -paid to disciplines prior to philosophy. He likewise ordained that a -singular honor, and the most accurate investigation, should be given to -the teaching and participation of his dogmas, as he judiciously examined -the conceptions of those that came to him, by various documents, and ten -thousand forms of scientific theory. - - - CHAP. XVIII. - -After this we must narrate how, when he had admitted certain persons to -be his disciples, he distributed them into different classes according -to their respective merits. For it was not fit that all of them should -equally participate of the same things, as they were naturally -dissimilar; nor was it indeed right that some should participate of all -the most honorable auditions, but others of none, or should not at all -partake of them. For this would be uncommunicative and unjust. While -therefore he imparted a convenient portion of his discourses to each, he -benefited as much as possible all of them, and preserved the proportion -of justice, by making each a partaker of the auditions according to his -desert. Hence, in conformity to this method, he called some of them -Pythagoreans, but others Pythagorists; just as we denominate some men -Attics, but others Atticists. Having therefore thus aptly divided their -names, some of them he considered to be genuine, but he ordained that -others should show themselves to be the emulators of these. He ordered -therefore that with the Pythagoreans possessions should be shared in -common, and that they should always live together; but that each of the -others should possess his own property apart from the rest, and that -assembling together in the same place, they should mutually be at -leisure for the same pursuits. And thus each of these modes was derived -from Pythagoras, and transmitted to his successors. Again, there were -also with the Pythagoreans two forms of philosophy; for there were -likewise two genera of those that pursued it, the Acusmatici, and the -Mathematici. Of these however the Mathematici are acknowledged to be -Pythagoreans by the rest; but the Mathematici do not admit that the -Acusmatici are so, or that they derived their instruction from -Pythagoras, but from Hippasus. And with respect to Hippasus, some say -that he was a Crotonian, but others a Metapontine. But the philosophy of -the Acusmatici consists in auditions unaccompanied with demonstrations -and a reasoning process; because it merely orders a thing to be done in -a certain way, and that they should endeavour to preserve such other -things as were said by him, as so many divine dogmas. They however -profess that they will not speak of them, and that they are not to be -spoken of; but they conceive those of their sect to be the best -furnished with wisdom, who retained what they had heard more than -others. But all these auditions are divided into three species. For some -of them indeed signify what a thing is; others what it _especially_ is; -but others, what ought, or what ought not, to be done. The auditions -therefore which signify what a thing is, are such as, What are the -islands of the blessed? The sun and moon. What is the oracle at Delphi? -The tetractys. What is harmony? That in which the Syrens subsist.[19] -But the auditions which signify what a thing _especially_ is, are such -as, What is the most just thing? To sacrifice. What is the wisest thing? -Number.[20] But the next to this in wisdom, is that which gives names to -things. What is the wisest of the things that are with us, [i. e. which -pertain to human concerns]? Medicine. What is the most beautiful? -Harmony. What is the most powerful? Mental decision. What is the most -excellent? Felicity. What is that which is most truly asserted? That men -are depraved. Hence they say that Pythagoras praised the Salaminian poet -Hippodomas, because he sings: - - Tell, O ye Gods! the source from whence you came, - Say whence, O men! thus evil you became? - -These therefore, and such as these, are the auditions of this kind. For -each of these shows what a thing _especially_ is. This however is the -same with what is called the wisdom of the seven wise men. For they -investigated, not what is _simply_ good, but what is _especially_ so; -nor what is difficult, but what is _most_ difficult; viz. for a man to -know himself. Nor did they investigate what is easy, but what is _most_ -easy; viz. to do what you are accustomed to do. For it seems that such -auditions as the above, are conformable but posterior in time to such -wisdom as that of the seven wise men; since they were prior to -Pythagoras. The auditions likewise, respecting what should or should not -be done, were such as, That it is necessary to beget children. For it is -necessary to leave those that may worship the Gods after us. That it is -requisite to put the shoe on the right foot first. That it is not proper -to walk in the public ways, nor to dip in a sprinkling vessel, nor to be -washed in a bath. For in all these it is immanifest, whether those who -use them are pure. Others also of this kind are the following: Do not -assist a man in laying a burden down; for it is not proper to be the -cause of not laboring; but assist him in taking it up. Do not draw near -to a woman for the sake of begetting children, if she has gold. Speak -not about Pythagoric[21] concerns without light. Perform libations to -the Gods, from the handle of the cup, for the sake of an auspicious -omen, and in order that you may not drink from the same part [from which -you poured out the liquor.] Wear not the image of God in a ring, in -order that it may not be defiled. For it is a resemblance which ought to -be placed in the house. It is not right to use a woman ill; for she is a -suppliant. On this account also we bring her from the Vestal hearth, and -take her by the right hand. Nor is it proper to sacrifice a white cock; -for this also is a suppliant, and is sacred to the moon. Hence likewise -it announces the hours. To him who asks for counsel, give no other -advice than that which is the best: for counsel is a sacred thing. -Labors are good; but pleasures are in every respect bad. For as we came -into the present life for the purpose of punishment, it is necessary -that we should be punished. It is proper to sacrifice, and to enter -temples unshod. In going to a temple, it is not proper to turn out of -the way; for divinity should not be worshipped in a careless manner. It -is good to sustain, and to have wounds in the breast; but it is bad to -have them behind. The soul of man alone does not enter into those -animals, which it is lawful to kill. Hence it is proper to eat those -animals alone which it is fit to slay, but no other animal whatever. And -such were the auditions of this kind. - -The most extended however were those concerning sacrifices, how they -ought to be performed at all other times, and likewise when migrating -from the present life; and concerning sepulture, and in what manner it -is proper to be buried. Of some of these therefore the reason is to be -assigned why they are ordered; such for instance as, it is necessary to -beget children, for the sake of leaving another that may worship the -Gods instead of yourself. But of others no reason is to be assigned. And -of some indeed, the reasons are assumed proximately; but of others, -remotely; such as, that bread is not to be broken, because it -contributes to the judgment in Hades. The probable reasons however, -which are added about things of this kind, are not Pythagoric, but were -devised by some who philosophized differently from the Pythagoreans, and -who endeavoured to adapt probability to what was said. Thus for -instance, with respect to what has been just now mentioned, why bread is -not to be broken, some say that it is not proper to dissolve that which -congregates. For formerly all those that were friends, assembled in a -barbaric manner to one piece of bread. But others say, that it is not -proper, in the beginning of an undertaking, to produce an omen of this -kind by breaking and diminishing. Moreover, all such precepts as define -what is to be done, or what is not to be done, refer to divinity as -their end; and every life is co-arranged so as to _follow God_. This -also is the principle and the doctrine of philosophy. For men act -ridiculously in searching for good any where else than from the Gods. -And when they do so, it is just as if some one, in a country governed by -a king, should reverence one of the citizens who is a magistrate, and -neglect him who is the ruler of all of them. For the Pythagoreans -thought that such men as we have just mentioned, performed a thing of -this kind. For since God is, and is the lord of all things, it is -universally acknowledged that good is to be requested of him. For all -men impart good to those whom they love, and to those with whom they are -delighted; but they give the contrary to good to those to whom they are -contrarily disposed. And such indeed is the wisdom of these precepts. - -There was, however, a certain person named Hippomedon, an Ægean, a -Pythagorean and one of the Acusmatici, who asserted that Pythagoras gave -the reasons and demonstrations of all these precepts, but that in -consequence of their being delivered to many, and these such as were of -a more sluggish genius, the demonstrations were taken away, but the -problems themselves were left. Those however of the Pythagoreans that -are called _Mathematici_, acknowledge that these reasons and -demonstrations were added by Pythagoras, and they say still more than -this, and contend that their assertions are true, but affirm that the -following circumstance was the cause of the dissimilitude. Pythagoras, -say they, came from Ionia and Samos, during the tyranny of Polycrates, -Italy being then in a florishing condition; and the first men in the -city became his associates. But, to the more elderly of these, and who -were not at leisure [for philosophy], in consequence of being occupied -by political affairs, the discourse of Pythagoras was not accompanied -with a reasoning process, because it would have been difficult for them -to apprehend his meaning through disciplines and demonstrations; and he -conceived they would nevertheless be benefited by knowing what ought to -be done, though they were destitute of the knowledge of the _why_: just -as those who are under the care of physicians, obtain their health, -though they do not hear the reason of every thing which is to be done to -them. But with the younger part of his associates, and who were able -both to act and learn,—with these he conversed through demonstration and -disciplines. These therefore are the assertions of the Mathematici, but -the former, of the Acusmatici. With respect to Hippasus however -especially, they assert that he was one of the Pythagoreans, but that in -consequence of having divulged and described the method of forming a -sphere from twelve pentagons,[22] he perished in the sea, as an impious -person, but obtained the renown of having made the discovery. In -reality, however, this as well as every thing else pertaining to -geometry, was the invention of _that man_; for thus without mentioning -his name, they denominate Pythagoras. But the Pythagoreans say, that -geometry was divulged from the following circumstance: A certain -Pythagorean happened to lose the wealth which he possessed; and in -consequence of this misfortune, he was permitted to enrich himself from -geometry. But geometry was called by Pythagoras _Historia_. And thus -much concerning the difference of each mode of philosophising, and the -classes of the auditors of Pythagoras. For those who heard him either -within or without the veil, and those who heard him accompanied with -seeing, or without seeing him, and who are divided into interior and -exterior auditors, were no other than these. And it is requisite to -arrange under these, the political, economic and legislative -Pythagoreans. - - - CHAP. XIX. - -Universally, however, it deserves to be known, that Pythagoras -discovered many paths of erudition, and that he delivered an appropriate -portion of wisdom conformable to the proper nature and power of each; of -which the following is the greatest argument. When Abaris, the Scythian, -came from the Hyperboreans, unskilled and uninitiated in the Grecian -learning, and was then of an advanced age, Pythagoras did not introduce -him to erudition through various theorems, but instead of silence, -auscultation for so long a time, and other trials, he immediately -considered him adapted to be an auditor of his dogmas, and instructed -him in the shortest way in his treatise On Nature, and in another -treatise On the Gods. For Abaris came from the Hyperboreans, being a -priest of the Apollo who is there worshipped, an elderly man, and most -wise in sacred concerns; but at that time he was returning from Greece -to his own country, in order that he might consecrate to the God in his -temple among the Hyperboreans, the gold which he had collected. Passing -therefore through Italy, and seeing Pythagoras, he especially -assimilated him to the God of whom he was the priest. And believing that -he was no other than the God himself, and that no man resembled him, but -that he was truly Apollo, both from the venerable indications which he -saw about him, and from those which the priest had known before, he gave -Pythagoras a dart which he took with him when he left the temple, as a -thing that would be useful to him in the difficulties that would befal -him in so long a journey. For he was carried by it, in passing through -inaccessible places, such as rivers, lakes, marshes, mountains, and the -like, and performed through it, as it is said, lustrations, and expelled -pestilence and winds from the cities that requested him to liberate them -from these evils. We are informed, therefore, that Lacedæmon, after -having been purified by him, was no longer infested with pestilence, -though prior to this it had frequently fallen into this evil, through -the baneful nature of the place in which it was built, the mountains of -Taygetus producing a suffocating heat, by being situated above the city, -in the same manner as Cnossus in Crete. And many other similar -particulars are related of the power of Abaris. Pythagoras, however, -receiving the dart, and neither being astonished at the novelty of the -thing, nor asking the reason why it was given to him, but as if he was -in reality a God himself, taking Abaris aside, he showed him his golden -thigh, as an indication that he was not [wholly] deceived [in the -opinion he had formed of him;] and having enumerated to him the several -particulars that were deposited in the temple, he gave him sufficient -reason to believe that he had not badly conjectured [in assimilating him -to Apollo]. Pythagoras also added, that he came [into the regions of -mortality] for the purpose of remedying and benefiting the condition of -mankind, and that on this account he had assumed a human form, lest men -being disturbed by the novelty of his transcendency, should avoid the -discipline which he possessed. He likewise exhorted Abaris to remain in -that place, and to unite with him in correcting [the lives and manners] -of those with whom they might meet; but to share the gold which he had -collected, in common with his associates, who were led by reason to -confirm by their deeds the dogma, _that the possessions of friends are -common_. Thus, therefore, Pythagoras unfolded to Abaris, who remained -with him, as we have just now said, physiology and theology in a -compendious way; and instead of divination by the entrails of beasts, he -delivered to him the art of prognosticating through numbers, conceiving -that this was purer, more divine, and more adapted to the celestial -numbers of the Gods. He delivered also to Abaris other studies which -were adapted to him. That we may return, however, to that for the sake -of which the present treatise was written, Pythagoras endeavoured to -correct and amend different persons, according to the nature and power -of each. All such particulars therefore as these, have neither been -transmitted to the knowledge of men, nor is it easy to narrate all that -has been transmitted to us concerning him. - - - CHAP. XX. - -We shall however exhibit a few specimens, and those the most celebrated, -of the Pythagoric discipline, and also the monuments of the studies in -which those men engaged. In the first place, therefore, Pythagoras in -making trial [of the aptitude of those that came to him] considered -whether they could _echemuthein_, i. e. whether they were able to -refrain from speaking (for this was the word which he used), and -surveyed whether they could conceal in silence and preserve what they -had learnt and heard. In the next place, he observed whether they were -modest. For he was much more anxious that they should be silent than -that they should speak. He likewise directed his attention to every -other particular; such, as whether they were astonished by the energies -of any immoderate passion or desire. Nor did he in a superficial manner -consider how they were affected with respect to anger or desire, or -whether they were contentious or ambitious, or how they were disposed -with reference to friendship or strife. And if on his surveying all -these particulars accurately, they appeared to him to be endued with -worthy manners, then he directed his attention to their facility in -learning and their memory. And in the first place, indeed he considered -whether they were able to follow what was said, with rapidity and -perspicuity; but in the next place, whether a certain love and -temperance attended them towards the disciplines which they were taught. -For he surveyed how they were naturally disposed with respect to -gentleness. But he called this _catartysis_, i. e. _elegance of -manners_. And he considered ferocity as hostile to such a mode of -education. For impudence, shamelessness, intemperance, slothfulness, -slowness in learning, unrestrained licentiousness, disgrace, and the -like, are the attendants on savage manners; but the contraries on -gentleness and mildness. He considered these things, therefore, in -making trial of those that came to him, and in these he exercised the -learners. And those that were adapted to receive the goods of the wisdom -he possessed, he admitted to be his disciples, and thus endeavoured to -elevate them to scientific knowledge. But if he perceived that any one -of them was unadapted, he expelled him as one of another tribe, and a -stranger. - -In the next place, I shall speak of the studies which he delivered -through the whole of the day to his associates. For those who committed -themselves to the guidance of his doctrine, acted in the following -manner: they performed their morning walks alone, and in places in which -there happened to be an appropriate solitude and quiet, and where there -were temples and groves, and other things adapted to give delight. For -they thought it was not proper to converse with any one, till they had -rendered their own soul sedate, and had co-harmonised the reasoning -power. For they apprehended it to be a thing of a turbulent nature to -mingle in a crowd as soon as they rose from bed. On this account all the -Pythagoreans always selected for themselves the most sacred places. But -after their morning walk they associated with each other, and especially -in temples, or if this was not possible, in places that resembled them. -This time, likewise, they employed in the discussion of doctrines and -disciplines, and in the correction of their manners. - - - CHAP. XXI. - -After an association of this kind, they turned their attention to the -health of the body. Most of them, however, used unction and the course; -but a less number employed themselves in wrestling in gardens and -groves; others in leaping with leaden weights in their hands, or in -pantomime gesticulations, with a view to the strength of this body, -studiously selecting for this purpose opposite exercises. Their dinner -consisted of bread and honey or the honey-comb; but they did not drink -wine during the day. They also employed the time after dinner in the -political economy pertaining to strangers and guests, conformably to the -mandate of the laws. For they wished to transact all business of this -kind in the hours after dinner. But when it was evening they again -betook themselves to walking; yet not singly as in the morning walk, but -in parties of two or three, calling to mind as they walked, the -disciplines they had learnt, and exercising themselves in beautiful -studies. After they had walked, they made use of the bath; and having -washed themselves, they assembled in the place where they eat together, -and which contained no more than ten who met for this purpose. These, -however, being collected together, libations and sacrifices were -performed with fumigations and frankincense. After this they went to -supper, which they finished before the setting of the sun. But they made -use of wine and maze, and bread, and every kind of food that is eaten -with bread, and likewise raw and boiled herbs. The flesh also of such -animals was placed before them as it was lawful to immolate; but they -rarely fed on fish: for this nutriment was not, for certain causes, -useful to them. In a similar manner also they were of opinion, that the -animal which is not naturally noxious to the human race, should neither -be injured nor slain. But after this supper libations were performed, -and these were succeeded by readings. It was the custom however with -them for the youngest to read, and the eldest ordered what was to be -read, and after what manner. But when they were about to depart, the -cup-bearer poured out a libation for them; and the libation being -performed, the eldest announced to them the following precepts: That a -mild and fruitful plant should neither be injured nor corrupted, nor in -a similar manner, any animal which is not noxious to the human race. And -farther still, that it is necessary to speak piously and form proper -conceptions of the divine, dæmoniacal, and heroic genera; and in a -similar manner, of parents and benefactors. That it is proper likewise -to give assistance to law, and to be hostile to illegality. But these -things being said, each departed to his own place of abode. They also -wore a white and pure garment. And in a similar manner they lay on pure -and white beds, the coverlets of which were made of thread; for they did -not use woollen coverlets. With respect to hunting they did not approve -of it, and therefore did not employ themselves in an exercise of this -kind. Such therefore were the precepts which were daily delivered to the -disciples of Pythagoras, with respect to nutriment and their mode of -living. - - - CHAP. XXII. - -Another mode also of erudition is transmitted to us, which was effected -through Pythagoric precepts, and sentences which extended to human life -and human opinions; a few of which out of many I shall narrate. One of -these therefore contains an exhortation to remove contention and strife -from true friendship, and especially from all friendship, if possible. -But if this is not possible, at least to expel it from paternal -friendship, and universally from that which subsists with elders and -benefactors. For to contend pervicaciously with such as these, anger or -some other similar passion intervening, is not to preserve, [but -destroy] the existing friendship. But they say it is necessary that the -smallest lacerations and ulcerations should take place in friendships. -And that this will be effected, if both the friends know how to yield -and subdue their anger, and especially the younger of the two, and who -belongs to some one of the above-mentioned orders. They likewise thought -it necessary that the corrections and admonitions which they called -_pædartases_, and which the elder employed towards the younger, should -be made with much suavity of manners and great caution; and also that -much solicitude and appropriation should be exhibited in admonitions. -For thus the admonition will become decorous and beneficial. They -likewise say that faith should never be separated from friendship, -neither seriously nor in jest. For it is no longer easy for the existing -friendship to remain in a sane condition, when falsehood once insinuates -itself into the manners of those who assert themselves to be friends. -And again they say, that friendship is not to be rejected on account of -misfortune, or any other imbecility which happens to human life; but -that the only laudable rejection of a friend and of friendship, is that -which takes place through great and incurable vice. Such therefore was -the form of correction with the Pythagoreans through sentences, and -which extended to all the virtues, and to the whole of life. - - - CHAP. XXIII. - -The mode however of teaching through symbols, was considered by -Pythagoras as most necessary. For this form of erudition was cultivated -by nearly all the Greeks, as being most ancient. But it was -transcendently honored by the Egyptians, and adopted by them in the most -diversified manner. Conformably to this, therefore, it will be found, -that great attention was paid to it by Pythagoras, if any one clearly -unfolds the significations and arcane conceptions of the Pythagoric -symbols, and thus developes the great rectitude and truth they contain, -and liberates them from their enigmatic form. For they are adapted -according to a simple and uniform doctrine, to the great geniuses of -these philosophers, and deify in a manner which surpasses human -conception. For those who came from this school, and especially the most -ancient Pythagoreans, and also those young men who were the disciples of -Pythagoras when he was an old man, viz. Philolaus[23] and Eurytus, -Charondas and Zaleucus, and Brysson, the elder Archytas also, and -Aristæus, Lysis and Empedocles, Zanolxis and Epimenides, Milo and -Leucippus, Alcmæon, Hippasus and Thymaridas, and all of that age, -consisting of a multitude of learned men, and who were above measure -excellent,—all these adopted this mode of teaching, in their discourses -with each other, and in their commentaries and annotations. Their -writings also, and all the books which they published, _most of which -have been preserved even to our time_,[24] were not composed by them in -a popular and vulgar diction, and in a manner usual with all other -writers, so as to be immediately understood, but in such a way as not to -be easily apprehended by those that read them. For they adopted that -taciturnity which was instituted by Pythagoras as a law, in concealing -after an arcane mode, divine mysteries from the uninitiated, and -obscuring their writings and conferences with each other. Hence he who -selecting these symbols does not unfold their meaning by an apposite -exposition, will cause those who may happen to meet with them to -consider them as ridiculous and inane, and as full of nugacity and -garrulity. When, however, they are unfolded in a way conformable to -these symbols, and become obvious and clear even to the multitude, -instead of being obscure and dark, then they will be found to be -analogous to prophetic sayings, and to the oracles of the Pythian -Apollo. They will then also exhibit an admirable meaning, and will -produce a divine afflatus in those who unite intellect with erudition. -Nor will it be improper to mention a few of them, in order that this -mode of discipline may become more perspicuous: Enter not into a temple -negligently, nor in short adore carelessly, not even though you should -stand at the very doors themselves. Sacrifice and adore unshod. -Declining from the public ways, walk in unfrequented paths. Speak not -about Pythagoric concerns without light. And such are the outlines of -the mode adopted by Pythagoras of teaching through symbols. - - - CHAP. XXIV. - -Since, however, nutriment greatly contributes to the best discipline, -when it is properly used, and in an orderly manner, let us consider what -Pythagoras also instituted as a law about this. Universally, therefore, -he rejected all such food as is flatulent, and the cause of -perturbation, but he approved of the nutriment contrary to this, and -ordered it to be used, viz. such food as composes and compresses the -habit of the body. Hence, likewise, he thought that millet was a plant -adapted to nutrition. But he altogether rejected such food as is foreign -to the Gods; because it withdraws us from familiarity with the Gods. -Again, according to another mode also, he ordered his disciples to -abstain from such food as is reckoned sacred, as being worthy of honor, -and not to be appropriated to common and human utility. He likewise -exhorted them to abstain from such things as are an impediment to -prophesy, or to the purity and chastity of the soul, or to the habit of -temperance, or of virtue. And lastly, he rejected all such things as are -adverse to sanctity, and which obscure and disturb the other purities of -the soul, and the phantasms which occur in sleep. These things therefore -he instituted as laws in common about nutriment. - -Separately, however, he forbade the most contemplative of philosophers, -and who have arrived at the summit of philosophic attainments, the use -of superfluous and unjust food, and ordered them never to eat any thing -animated, nor in short, to drink wine, nor to sacrifice animals to the -Gods, nor by any means to injure animals, but to preserve most -solicitously justice towards them. And he himself lived after this -manner, abstaining from animal food, and adoring altars undefiled with -blood. He was likewise careful in preventing others from destroying -animals that are of a kindred nature with us, and rather corrected and -instructed savage animals through words and deeds, than injured them -through punishment. And farther still, he also injoined those -politicians that were legislators to abstain from animals. For as they -wished to act in the highest degree justly, it is certainly necessary -that they should not injure any kindred animal. Since, how could they -persuade others to act justly, if they themselves were detected in -indulging an insatiable avidity by partaking of animals that are allied -to us? For through the communion of life and the same elements, and the -mixture subsisting from these, they are as it were conjoined to us by a -fraternal alliance. He permitted, however, others whose life was not -entirely purified, sacred and philosophic, to eat of certain animals; -and for these he appointed a definite time of abstinence. These -therefore, he ordered not to eat the heart, nor the brain; and from the -eating of these he entirely prohibited all the Pythagoreans. For these -parts are of a ruling nature, and are as it were certain ladders and -seats of wisdom and life. But other[25] things were considered by him as -sacred on account of the nature of a divine reason. Thus he exhorted his -disciples to abstain from mallows, because this plant is the first -messenger and signal of the sympathy of celestial with terrestrial -natures. Thus, too, he ordered them to abstain from the fish melanurus; -for it is sacred to the terrestrial Gods. And also not to receive the -fish erythinus, through other such like causes. He likewise exhorted -them to abstain from beans, on account of many sacred and physical -causes, and also such causes as pertain to the soul. And he established -as laws other precepts similar to these, beginning through nutriment to -lead men to virtue. - - - CHAP. XXV. - -Pythagoras was likewise of opinion that music contributed greatly to -health, if it was used in an appropriate manner. For he was accustomed -to employ a purification of this kind, but not in a careless way. And he -called the medicine which is obtained through music by the name of -purification. But he employed such a melody as this about the vernal -season. For he placed in the middle a certain person who played on the -lyre, and seated in a circle round him those who were able to sing. And -thus, when the person in the centre struck the lyre, those that -surrounded him sung certain pæans, through which they were seen to be -delighted, and to become elegant and orderly in their manners. But at -another time they used music in the place of medicine. And there are -certain melodies devised as remedies against the passions of the soul, -and also against despondency and lamentation,[26] which Pythagoras -invented as things that afford the greatest assistance in these -maladies. And again, he employed other melodies against rage and anger, -and against every aberration of the soul. There is also another kind of -modulation invented as a remedy against desires. He likewise used -dancing; but employed the lyre as an instrument for this purpose. For he -conceived that the pipe was calculated to excite insolence, was a -theatrical instrument, and had by no means a liberal sound.[27] Select -verses also of Homer and Hesiod were used by him, for the purpose of -correcting the soul. Among the deeds of Pythagoras likewise, it is said, -that once through the spondaic song of a piper, he extinguished the rage -of a Tauromenian lad, who had been feasting by night, and intended to -burn the vestibule of his mistress, in consequence of seeing her coming -from the house of his rival. For the lad was inflamed and excited [to -this rash attempt] by a Phrygian song; which however Pythagoras most -rapidly suppressed. But Pythagoras, as he was astronomizing, happened to -meet with the Phrygian piper at an unseasonable time of night, and -persuaded him to change his Phrygian for a spondaic song; through which -the fury of the lad being immediately repressed, he returned home in an -orderly manner, though a little before this, he could not be in the -least restrained, nor would in short, bear any admonition; and even -stupidly insulted Pythagoras when he met him. When a certain youth also -rushed with a drawn sword on Anchitus, the host of Empedocles, because, -being a judge, he had publicly condemned his father to death, and would -have slain him as a homicide, Empedocles changed the intention of the -youth, by singing to his lyre that verse of Homer, - - Nepenthe, without gall, o’er every ill - Oblivion spreads;——[28] - -and thus snatched his host Anchitus from death, and the youth from the -crime of homicide. It is also related that the youth from that time -became the most celebrated of the disciples of Pythagoras. Farther -still, the whole Pythagoric school produced by certain appropriate -songs, what they called _exartysis_ or adaptation, _synarmoge_ or -elegance of manners, and _epaphe_ or contact, usefully conducting the -dispositions of the soul to passions contrary to those which it before -possessed. For when they went to bed they purified the reasoning power -from the perturbations and noises to which it had been exposed during -the day, by certain odes and peculiar songs, and by this means procured -for themselves tranquil sleep, and few and good dreams. But when they -rose from bed, they again liberated themselves from the torpor and -heaviness of sleep, by songs of another kind. Sometimes, also, by -musical sounds alone, unaccompanied with words, they healed the passions -of the soul and certain diseases, enchanting, as they say, in reality. -And it is probable that from hence this name _epode_, i. e. enchantment, -came to be generally used. After this manner, therefore, Pythagoras -through music produced the most beneficial correction of human manners -and lives. - - - CHAP. XXVI. - -Since, however, we are narrating the wisdom employed by Pythagoras in -instructing his disciples, it will not be unappropriate to relate that -which is proximate in a following order to this, viz. how he invented -the harmonic science, and harmonic ratios. But for this purpose we must -begin a little higher. Intently considering once, and reasoning with -himself, whether it would be possible to devise a certain instrumental -assistance to the hearing, which should be firm and unerring, such as -the sight obtains through the compass and the rule, or, by Jupiter, -through a dioptric instrument; or such as the touch obtains through the -balance, or the contrivance of measures;—thus considering, as he was -walking near a brazier’s shop, he heard from a certain divine casualty -the hammers beating out a piece of iron on an anvil, and producing -sounds that accorded with each other, one combination only excepted. But -he recognized in those sounds, the diapason, the diapente, and the -diatessaron, harmony. He saw, however, that the sound which was between -the diatessaron and the diapente was itself by itself dissonant, yet, -nevertheless, gave completion to that which was the greater sound among -them. Being delighted, therefore, to find that the thing which he was -anxious to discover had succeeded to his wishes by divine assistance, he -went into the brazier’s shop, and found by various experiments, that the -difference of sound arose from the magnitude of the hammers, but not -from the force of the strokes, nor from the figure of the hammers, nor -from the transposition of the iron which was beaten. When, therefore, he -had accurately examined the weights and the equal counterpoise of the -hammers, he returned home, and fixed one stake diagonally to the walls, -lest if there were many, a certain difference should arise from this -circumstance, or in short, lest the peculiar nature of each of the -stakes should cause a suspicion of mutation. Afterwards, from this stake -he suspended four chords consisting of the same materials, and of the -same magnitude and thickness, and likewise equally twisted. To the -extremity of each chord also he tied a weight. And when he had so -contrived, that the chords were perfectly equal to each other in length, -he afterwards alternately struck two chords at once, and found the -before-mentioned symphonies, viz. a different symphony in a different -combination. For he discovered that the chord which was stretched by the -greatest weight, produced, when compared with that which was stretched -by the smallest, the symphony diapason. But the former of these weights -was twelve pounds, and the latter six. And, therefore, being in a duple -ratio, it exhibited the consonance diapason; which the weights -themselves rendered apparent. But again, he found that the chord from -which the greatest weight was suspended compared with that from which -the weight next to the smallest depended, and which weight was eight -pounds, produced the symphony diapente. Hence he discovered that this -symphony is in a sesquialter ratio, in which ratio also the weights were -to each other. And he found that the chord which was stretched by the -greatest weight, produced, when compared with that which was next to it -in weight, and was nine pounds, the symphony diatessaron, analogously to -the weights. This ratio, therefore, he discovered to be sesquitertian; -but that of the chord from which a weight of nine pounds was suspended, -to the chord which had the smallest weight [or six pounds,] to be -sesquialter. For 9 is to 6 in a sesquialter ratio. In like manner, the -chord next to that from which the smallest weight depended, was to that -which had the smallest weight, in a sesquitertian ratio, [for it was the -ratio of 8 to 6,] but to the chord which had the greatest weight, in a -sesquialter ratio [for such is the ratio of 12 to 8.] Hence, that which -is between the diapente and the diatessaron, and by which the diapente -exceeds the diatessaron, is proved to be in an epogdoan ratio, or that -of 9 to 8. But either way it may be proved that the diapason is a system -consisting of the diapente in conjunction with the diatessaron, just as -the duple ratio consists of the sesquialter and sesquitertian, as for -instance, 12, 8, and 6; or conversely, of the diatessaron and the -diapente, as in the duple ratio of the sesquitertian and sesquialter -ratios, as for instance 12, 9, and 6. After this manner, therefore, and -in this order, having conformed both his hand and his hearing to the -suspended weights, and having established according to them the ratio of -the habitudes, he transferred by an easy artifice the common suspension -of the chords from the diagonal stake to the limen of the instrument, -which he called _chordotonon_. But he produced by the aid of pegs a -tension of the chords analogous to that effected by the weights. - -Employing this method, therefore, as a basis, and as it were an -infallible rule, he afterwards extended the experiment to various -instruments; viz. to the pulsation of patellæ or pans, to pipes and -reeds, to monochords, triangles, and the like. And in all these he found -an immutable concord with the ratio of numbers. But he denominated the -sound which participates of the number 6 _hypate_: that which -participates of the number 8 and is sesquitertian, _mese_; that which -participates of the number 9, but is more acute by a tone than mese, he -called _paramese_, and _epogdous_; but that which participates of the -dodecad, _nete_. Having also filled up the middle spaces with analogous -sounds according to the diatonic genus, he formed an octochord from -symphonious numbers, viz. from the double, the sesquialter, the -sesquitertian, and from the difference of these, the epogdous. And thus -he discovered the [harmonic] progression, which tends by a certain -physical necessity from the most grave [i. e. flat] to the most acute -sound, according to this diatonic genus. For from the diatonic, he -rendered the chromatic and enharmonic genus perspicuous, as we shall -some time or other show when we treat of music. This diatonic genus, -however, appears to have such physical gradations and progressions as -the following; viz. a semitone, a tone, and then a tone; and this is the -diatessaron, being a system consisting of two tones, and of what is -called a semitone. Afterwards, another tone being assumed, viz. the one -which is intermediate, the diapente is produced, which is a system -consisting of three tones and a semitone. In the next place to this is -the system of a semitone, a tone, and a tone, forming another -diatessaron, i. e. another sesquitertian ratio. So that in the more -ancient heptachord indeed, all the sounds, from the most grave, which -are with respect to each other fourths, produce every where with each -other the symphony diatessaron; the semitone receiving by transition, -the first, middle, and third place, according to the tetrachord. In the -Pythagoric octachord, however, which by conjunction is a system of the -tetrachord and pentachord, but if disjoined is a system of two -tetrachords separated from each other, the progression is from the most -grave sound. Hence all the sounds that are by their distance from each -other fifths, produce with each other the symphony diapente; the -semitone successively proceeding into four places, viz. the first, -second, third, and fourth. After this manner, therefore, it is said that -music was discovered by Pythagoras. And having reduced it to a system, -he delivered it to his disciples as subservient to every thing that is -most beautiful.[29] - - - CHAP. XXVII. - -Many also of the political actions of his followers are [deservedly] -praised. For it is reported that the Crotonians being once impelled to -make sumptuous funerals and interments, some one of them said to the -people, that he had heard Pythagoras when he was discoursing about -divine natures observe, that the Olympian Gods attended to the -dispositions of those that sacrificed, and not to the multitude of the -sacrifices; but that, on the contrary, the terrestrial Gods, as being -allotted the government of things less important, rejoiced in banquets -and lamentations, and farther still, in continual libations, in -delicacies, and in celebrating funerals with great expense. Whence, on -account of his wish to receive, Pluto is called Hades. He suffers, -therefore, those that slenderly honor him to remain for a longer time in -the upper world; but he always draws down some one of those who are -disposed to spend profusely in funeral solemnities, in order that he may -obtain the honors which take place in commemoration of the dead. In -consequence of this advice, the Crotonians that heard it were of -opinion, that if they conducted themselves moderately in misfortunes, -they would preserve their own salvation; but that if they were -immoderate in their expenses, they would all of them die prematurely. A -certain person also having been made an arbitrator in an affair in which -there was no witness, led each of the litigants to a certain monument, -and said to one of them, the man who is buried in this monument was -transcendently equitable; in consequence of which the other litigant -prayed that the dead man might obtain much good; but the former said -that the defunct was not at all better for the prayers of his opponent. -Pythagoras, therefore, condemned what the former litigant said, but -asserted that he who praised the dead man for his worth, had done that -which would be of no small importance in his claim to belief. At another -time, in a cause of great moment, he decided that one of the two who had -agreed to settle the affair by arbitration, should pay four talents, but -that the other should receive two. Afterwards, he condemned the -defendant to pay three talents; and thus he appeared to have given a -talent to each of them. Two persons also had fraudulently deposited a -garment with a woman who belonged to a court of justice, and told her -she was not to give it to either of them unless both were present. Some -time after, for the purpose of circumvention, one of them received the -common deposit, and said that it was with the consent of the other. But -the other, who had not been present [when the garment was returned], -acted the part of a sycophant, and related the compact that was made at -the beginning, to the magistrates. A certain Pythagorean, however, -taking up the affair said, that the woman had acted conformably to the -compact, as both parties had been present. Two other persons also -appeared to have a strong friendship for each other, but had fallen into -a silent suspicion through a flatterer of one of them, who told him that -his wife had been corrupted by the other. It so happened however, that a -Pythagorean came into a brazier’s shop, where he who conceived himself -to be injured, was showing to the artist a sword which he had given him -to sharpen, and was indignant with him because it was not sufficiently -sharp. The Pythagorean, therefore, suspecting that the sword was -intended to be used against him who was accused of adultery, said, This -sword is sharper than all things except calumny. This being said, caused -the man to consider with himself [what it was he intended to do], and -not rashly to sin against his friend who was within, and who had been -previously called [by him in order that he might kill him]. A zone also -that had golden ornaments having fallen [at the feet] of a certain -stranger in the temple of Esculapius, and the laws forbidding any one to -take up that which had fallen on the ground, a Pythagorean advised the -stranger, who was indignant at this prohibition, to take away the golden -ornaments which had not fallen to the ground, but to leave the zone, -because this was on the ground.[30] That circumstance, likewise, which -by the ignorant is transferred to other places, is said to have happened -in Crotona, viz. that during a public spectacle, some cranes flew over -the theatre, and one of those who had sailed into the port, said to the -person who sat near him, Do you see the witnesses? which being heard by -a certain Pythagorean, he brought them into the court, consisting of a -thousand magistrates, where being examined, it was found that they had -thrown certain boys into the sea, and that they called the cranes who -flew over the ship [at the time,] witnesses of the deed. When likewise -certain persons who had recently become disciples of Pythagoras were at -variance with each other, he who was the junior of the two came to the -other and said to him, that there was no occasion to refer the affair to -a third person, but that it rested with them to commit their anger to -oblivion. He, therefore, to whom these words were addressed, replied -that he was very much pleased in other respects with what had been said, -but that he was ashamed that, being the elder, he had not first said the -same thing to the other [who was the junior]. We might here also narrate -what is said of Phinthias and Damon,[31] of Plato and Archytas, and -likewise of Clinias and Prorus.[32] Omitting, however, these [for the -present], we shall mention what is related of Eubulus the Messenian, who -when he was sailing homeward, and was taken captive by the Tyrrhenians, -was recognized by Nausitheus a Tyrrhenian and also a Pythagorean, -because he was one of the disciples of Pythagoras, and was taken by him -from the pirates, and brought with great safety to Messena. When the -Carthaginians, also, were about to send more than five thousand soldiers -into a desert island, Miltiades the Carthaginian, perceiving among them -the Argive Possiden (both of them being Pythagoreans), went to him, and -not manifesting what he intended to do, advised him to return to his -native country, with all possible celerity, and having placed him in a -ship that was then sailing near the shore, supplied him with what was -necessary for his voyage, and thus saved the man from the dangers [to -which he was exposed]. In short, he who should relate all that has taken -place among the Pythagoreans in their associations with each other, -would by the length of his narration exceed the proper quantity and the -occasion of his treatise. - -I shall therefore rather pass on to show, that some of the Pythagoreans -were political characters, and adapted to govern. For they were -guardians of the laws, and ruled over certain Italian cities, unfolding -to them, and counselling them to adopt the most excellent measures, but -abstaining from public revenues. And though they were greatly -calumniated, yet at the same time the probity of the Pythagoreans, and -the wish of the cities themselves prevailed, so that they were desired -by them to administer their political concerns. But at this time the -most beautiful of polities appear to have existed in Italy and in -Sicily. For Charondas the Catanean, who appears to have been one of the -best legislators, was a Pythagorean; as were also the Locrians Zaleucus -and Timares, who were celebrated for their legislation. Those also who -established the Rheginic polities, that polity which is called -Gymnasiarchic, and that which is denominated from Theocles, are said to -have been Pythagoreans. Phytius likewise, Theocles, Elecaon, and -Aristocrates, excelled among the Pythagoreans in their studies and -manners, which also the cities in those places adopted at those times. -In short, it is asserted that Pythagoras was the inventor of the whole -of political erudition, when he said that nothing is pure among things -that have an existence; but that earth participates of fire, fire of -air, air of water, and water of spirit. And in a similar manner the -beautiful participates of the deformed, the just of the unjust, and -other things conformably to these. From this hypothesis, however, the -reasoning tends to either part. He also said, that there are two motions -of the body and the soul; the one being irrational, but the other the -effect of deliberate choice. That three certain lines also constitute -polities, the extremes of which mutually touch each other, and produce -one right angle; so that one of them has the nature of the -sesquitertian; another that of the diapente; and the third is a medium -between the other two.[33] But when we consider by a reasoning process -the coincidences of the lines with each other, and also of the places -under these, we shall find that they represent the best image of a -polity. Plato has made the glory of this invention his own; for he -clearly says in his Republic, “that the sesquitertian progeny conjoined -with the pentad produces two harmonies.”[34] It is also said, that -Pythagoras cultivated the moderation of the passions, and mediocrity, -and that by the conjunction of a certain precedaneous good, he rendered -the life of each of his disciples happy. And in short, it is said that -he discovered the choice of our good, and of the works adapted to our -nature. It is likewise narrated of him, that he withdrew the Crotonians -from harlots, and universally from an association with women that were -not affianced. For the wives of the Crotonians came to Theano the wife -of Brontinus, one of the Pythagoreans, a woman of a wise and excellent -soul, (and who was the author of that beautiful and admirable saying, -“that it is lawful for a woman to sacrifice on the very day in which she -has risen from the embraces of her husband,” which some ascribe to -Theano the wife of Pythagoras) the Crotonian wives came therefore to -her, and entreated her to persuade Pythagoras to discourse to them on -the continence which was due from them to their husbands. This she -promised to do; and Pythagoras having accordingly made an oration to the -Crotonians, which had the desired effect, the incontinence which then -prevailed was entirely destroyed. It is further related likewise, that -when ambassadors came to the city of the Crotonians from Sybaris, for -the purpose of demanding the exiles, Pythagoras beholding one of the -ambassadors, who with his own hand had slain one of his friends, made -him no answer. But when the man interrogated him, and wished to converse -with him, Pythagoras said, that it was not lawful to discourse with -homicides. Whence also by certain persons he was thought to be Apollo. -All these particulars, therefore, and such as we have a little before -mentioned concerning the destruction of tyrants, and the liberation of -the cities of Italy and Sicily, and many other circumstances, are -indications of the benefits conferred on mankind by Pythagoras in -political concerns. - - - CHAP. XXVIII. - -That which follows after this, we shall no longer discuss generally, but -direct our attention particularly to the works resulting from the -virtues of Pythagoras. And we shall begin in the first place from the -Gods, as it is usual to do, and endeavour to exhibit his piety, and the -admirable works which he performed. Let this, therefore, be one specimen -of his piety, which also we have before mentioned, that he knew what his -soul was, and whence it came into the body, and also its former lives, -and that of these things he gave most evident indications. After this -also, let the following be another specimen; that once passing over the -river Nessus with many of his associates, he spoke to it, and the river -in a distinct and clear voice, in the hearing of all his followers, -answered, _Hail Pythagoras!_ Farther still, nearly all historians of his -life confidently assert, that in one and the same day he was present at -Metapontum in Italy, and Tauromenium in Sicily, and discoursed in common -with his disciples in both places, though these cities are separated -from each other by many stadia both by land and sea, and cannot be -passed through in a great number of days. The report, also, is very much -disseminated, that he showed his golden thigh to the Hyperborean Abaris, -who said that he resembled the Apollo among the Hyperboreans, and of -whom Abaris was the priest; and that he did this in order that Abaris -might apprehend this to be true, and that he was not deceived in his -opinion. Ten thousand other more divine and more admirable particulars -likewise are uniformly and unanimously related of _the man_: such as -infallible predictions of earthquakes, rapid expulsions of pestilence -and violent winds, instantaneous cessations of the effusion of hail, and -a tranquillization of the waves of rivers and seas, in order that his -disciples might easily pass over them. Of which things also, Empedocles -the Agrigentine, Epimenides the Cretan, and Abaris the Hyperborean, -receiving the power of effecting, performed certain miracles of this -kind in many places. Their deeds, however, are manifest. To which we may -add, that Empedocles was surnamed _an expeller of winds_; Epimenides, -_an expiator_; and Abaris, _a walker on air_; because being carried on -the dart which was given to him by the Hyperborean Apollo, he passed -over rivers and seas and inaccessible places, like one walking on the -air. Certain persons likewise are of opinion, that Pythagoras did the -same thing, when in the same day he discoursed with his disciples at -Metapontum and Tauromenium. It is also said, that he predicted there -would be an earthquake from the water of a well which he had tasted; and -that a ship which was sailing with a prosperous wind, would be merged in -the sea. And let these, indeed, be the indications of his piety. - -Again, however, assuming a more elevated exordium, I am desirous to -exhibit the principles of the worship of the Gods, which Pythagoras and -his followers established; viz. that all such particulars as they define -with respect to doing or not doing a thing, have for the mark at which -they aim, a consent with divinity. This also is with them the principle, -[of piety] and their whole life is arranged with a view _to follow God_. -The language, too, of their philosophy is this, that men act -ridiculously in exploring good from any other source than the Gods; and -that their conduct in this respect resembles that of a man, who in a -country governed by a king should reverence one of the magistrates in -the city, and neglect him who is the ruler of all of them. For they were -of opinion that such was the conduct of mankind. For since God is, and -is the Lord of all things, it is universally acknowledged that good is -to be requested of him. For all men impart good to those whom they love, -and to those with whom they are delighted; but they give the contrary to -good, to those to whom they are contrarily disposed. It is evident, -therefore, that those things are to be done, in which God delights. It -is, however, not easy for a man to know what these are, unless he -obtains this knowledge from one who has heard God, or has heard God -himself, or procures it through divine art. Hence also, the Pythagoreans -were studious of divination. For this alone is an interpretation of the -benevolence of the Gods. And in short, he will conceive an employment of -this kind to be worthy of regard, who believes that there are Gods; but -he who thinks that either of these is folly, will also be of opinion -that both are foolish. Many of the mandates, however, of the -Pythagoreans were introduced from the mysteries; for they did not -conceive them to be the productions of arrogance, but to originate from -a certain divinity. And in a similar manner, all the Pythagoreans -believe such things as are mythologically related of Aristeas the -Proconesian, and Abaris the Hyperborean, and other particulars of a like -nature. For they consider every thing of this kind to be credible; and -of many [such] things they make trial themselves. They also frequently -recollect such-like particulars as appear to be fabulous, as not -disbelieving in any thing which may be referred to divinity. A certain -person therefore relates, that Eurytus said, that a shepherd feeding his -sheep near the tomb of Philolaus, heard some one singing. But the person -to whom this was related, did not at all disbelieve the narration, but -asked what kind of harmony it was? Both of them, however, were -Pythagoreans, and Eurytus was the disciple of Philolaus. It is likewise -said, that a certain person told Pythagoras, that he appeared to himself -once to converse with his father who was dead, and that he asked -Pythagoras what this indicated? Pythagoras replied, that it indicated -nothing; but that he had in reality conversed with his father. As -therefore, said he, nothing is signified by my now discoursing with you, -so neither is any thing signified by your conversing with your father. -Hence, in all particulars of this kind, they did not think that they -were stupid, but those that disbelieved in them. For they did not -conceive that some things are possible to the Gods, but others -impossible, as those fancy who reason sophistically; but they believed -that all things are possible to the Gods. And this very assertion is the -beginning of the verses, which they ascribe to Linus, and which are as -follow: - - All things may be the objects of our hope, - Since nothing hopeless any where is found: - All things with ease Divinity effects, - And nought can frustrate his almighty power. - -But they thought that their opinions deserved to be believed, because he -who first promulgated them, was not any casual person, but a God. For -this was one of their questions; What was Pythagoras? For they say that -he was the Hyperborean Apollo; of which this was an indication, that -rising up in the Olympic games, he showed his golden thigh; and also -that he received the Hyperborean Abaris as his guest; and was presented -by him with the dart on which he rode through the air. But it is said -that Abaris came from the Hyperborean regions, in order that he might -collect gold for the temple, and that he predicted a pestilence. He also -dwelt in temples, and was never seen either to eat or drink. It is -likewise said, that rites which purify from evil are performed by the -Lacedæmonians, and that on this account Lacedæmon was never infested -with pestilence. Pythagoras, therefore, caused this Abaris to -acknowledge [that he was more than man,] receiving from him at the same -time the golden dart, without which it was not possible for him to find -his way. In Metapontum also, certain persons praying that they might -obtain what a ship contained that was then sailing into port, Pythagoras -said to them, You will then have a dead body. In Sybaris, too, he caught -a deadly serpent and dismissed it. In a similar manner likewise in -Tyrrhenia, he caught a small serpent, whose bite was fatal. But in -Crotona a white eagle, it is said, suffered Pythagoras to stroke it. A -certain person also wishing to hear him discourse, he said that he could -not, till some sign appeared. And after this a white bear was seen in -Cauconia; the death of which he predicted to one who was about to tell -him that it was dead. He likewise reminded Myllias the Crotonian that he -had been Midas the son of Gordius. And Myllias passed over to the -continent of Asia, in order to perform at the sepulchre [of Midas] those -rites which had been enjoined him by Pythagoras. It is likewise said, -that the person who bought his house, and who dug up that which had been -buried in it, did not dare to tell any one what he saw [on this -occasion]. But instead of suffering for this offence, he was seized at -Crotona for sacrilege, and put to death. For he took away a golden beard -which had fallen from a statue. These things therefore, and others of -the like kind, are related by the Pythagoreans, in order to render their -opinions worthy of belief. And as these are acknowledged to be true, and -it is impossible they should have happened to one man, they consequently -think it is clear, that what is related of Pythagoras, should be -received as pertaining to a being superior to man, and not to a mere -man. This also is the meaning of their enigmatical assertion, that _man, -bird, and another third thing, are bipeds_. For the third thing is -Pythagoras. Such, therefore, was Pythagoras on account of his piety, and -such he was truly thought to be. - -With respect to oaths, however, all the Pythagoreans religiously observe -them, being mindful of the Pythagoric precept, - - First to th’ immortal Gods thy homage pay, - As they by law are orderly dispos’d; - And reverence thy oath, but honor next - Th’ illustrious heroes. - -Hence a certain Pythagorean, being compelled by law to take an oath, yet -in order that he might preserve a Pythagoric dogma, though he would have -sworn religiously, chose instead of swearing to pay three talents, this -being the fine which he was condemned to pay to the defendant. That -Pythagoras however thought that nothing was from chance and fortune, but -that all events happened conformably to divine providence, and -especially to good and pious men, is confirmed by what is related by -Androcydes in his treatise on Pythagoric Symbols, of Thymaridas the -Tarentine, and a Pythagorean. For when through a certain circumstance he -was about to sail from his own country, and his friends who were present -were embracing him, and bidding him farewell, some one said to him, when -he had now ascended into the ship, May such things happen to you from -the Gods, O Thymaridas, as are conformable to your wishes! But he -replied, predict better things; for I should rather wish that such -things may happen to me as are conformable to the will of the Gods. For -he thought it was more scientific and equitable, not to resist or be -indignant with divine providence. If, therefore, any one wishes to learn -what were the sources whence these men derived so much piety, it must be -said, that a perspicuous paradigm of the Pythagoric theology according -to numbers, is in a certain respect to be found in the writings of -Orpheus. Nor is it to be doubted, that Pythagoras receiving auxiliaries -from Orpheus, composed his treatise Concerning the Gods, which on this -account also he inscribed the Sacred Discourse, because it contains the -flower of the most mystical place in Orpheus; whether this work was in -reality written by Pythagoras, as by most authors it is said to have -been, or as some of the Pythagoric school who are both learned and -worthy of belief assert, was composed by Telauges; being taken by him -from the commentaries which were left by Pythagoras himself to his -daughter Damo, the sister of Telauges, and which it is said after her -death were given to Bitale the daughter of Damo, and to Telauges the son -of Pythagoras, and the husband of Bitale, when he was of a mature age. -For when Pythagoras died, he was left very young with his mother Theano. -In this Sacred Discourse also, or treatise concerning the Gods (for it -has both these inscriptions), who it was that delivered to Pythagoras -what is there said concerning the Gods, is rendered manifest. For it -says: “_that Pythagoras the son of Mnesarchus was instructed in what -pertains to the Gods, when he celebrated orgies in the Thracian -Libethra, being initiated in them by Aglaophemus; and that Orpheus the -son of Calliope, having learnt wisdom from his mother in the mountain -Pangæus, said, that the eternal essence of number is the most -providential principle of the universe, of heaven and earth, and the -intermediate nature; and farther still, that it is the root of the -permanency of divine natures, of Gods and dæmons_.”[35] From these -things, therefore, it is evident that he learnt from the Orphic writers -that the essence of the Gods is defined by number. _Through the same -numbers also, he produced an admirable fore-knowledge and worship of the -Gods, both which are especially most allied to numbers._ This, however, -may be known from hence; for it is necessary to adduce a certain fact, -in order to procure belief of what is said. When Abaris performed sacred -rites in his accustomed manner, he procured a fore-knowledge of future -events, which is studiously cultivated by all the Barbarians, through -sacrificing animals, and especially birds; for they are of opinion that -the viscera of such animals are subservient to a more accurate -inspection. Pythagoras, therefore, not wishing to suppress his ardent -pursuit of truth, but to impart it to him through a certain safer way, -and without blood and slaughter, and also because he thought that a cock -was sacred to the sun, _furnished him with a consummate knowledge of all -truth, as it is said, through the arithmetical science_. He also -obtained from piety, faith concerning the Gods. For Pythagoras always -proclaimed, that nothing admirable pertaining to the Gods or divine -dogmas should be disbelieved, because the Gods are able to accomplish -all things. And the divine dogmas in which it is requisite to believe, -are those which Pythagoras delivered. Thus, therefore, the Pythagoreans -believed in, and assumed the things about which they dogmatised, because -they were not the progeny of false opinion. Hence Eurytus the Crotonian, -the auditor of Philolaus said, that a shepherd feeding his sheep near -the tomb of Philolaus, heard some one singing. But the person to whom -this was related, did not at all disbelieve the narration, but asked -what kind of harmony it was. Pythagoras himself, also, being asked by a -certain person what was indicated by seeming in sleep to converse with -his father who was dead, answered that it indicated nothing. For -neither, said he, is any thing portended by your speaking with me. - -Pythagoras likewise used pure and white garments, and in a similar -manner white and pure coverlids; for he did not use those that were made -of wool. And this custom he also delivered to his auditors. In speaking -also of the natures superior to man, he employed honorable appellations, -and words of good omen, and upon every occasion made mention of and -reverenced the Gods; so that while at supper, he performed libations to -the divinities, and ordered his disciples to celebrate with hymns the -beings that are above us, every day. He paid attention likewise to -rumors and omens, prophecies and lots, and in short, to all casual -circumstances. Moreover, he sacrificed to the Gods with millet, cakes, -honey-combs, and other fumigations. But he did not sacrifice animals, -nor did any one of the contemplative philosophers. His other disciples, -however, viz. the acusmatici, and the politici, were ordered by him to -sacrifice animals, such as a cock, or a lamb, or some other animal -recently born, but not frequently. At the same time they were prohibited -from sacrificing oxen. This also is an indication of the honor which he -paid to the Gods, that he exhorted his disciples never to employ the -names of the Gods uselessly in swearing. On which account also Syllus, -one of the Pythagoreans in Crotona, paid a fine for not swearing, though -he could have sworn without violating truth. An oath too such as the -following is ascribed to the Pythagoreans, as they were unwilling, -through reverence, to name Pythagoras; just as they very much abstained -from using the names of the Gods. But they manifested the man through -the invention of the tetractys, - - I swear by him who the tetractys found, - Whence all our wisdom springs, and which contains - Perennial Nature’s fountain, cause, and root. - -And, in short, it is said that Pythagoras was emulous of the Orphic mode -of writing and [piety of] disposition; and that he honored the Gods in a -way similar to that of Orpheus, placing them in images and in brass, not -conjoined to our forms, but to divine receptacles;[36] because they -comprehend and provide for all things; and have a nature and morphe -similar to the universe. He also promulgated purifications, and -initiations as they are called, which contain the most accurate -knowledge of the Gods. And farther still, it is said, that he was the -author of a compound divine philosophy and worship of the Gods; having -learnt indeed some things from the followers of Orpheus, but others from -the Egyptian priests; some from the Chaldæans and Magi; some from the -mysteries performed in Eleusis, in Imbrus, Samothracia, and Delos; and -some also from those which are performed by the Celtæ, and in Iberia. It -is also said that the Sacred Discourse of Pythagoras is extant among the -Latins, and is read not to all, nor by all of them, but by those who are -promptly disposed to learn what is excellent, and apply themselves to -nothing base. He likewise ordained that men should make libations -thrice, and observed that Apollo delivered oracles from the tripod, -because the triad is the first number. That sacrifices also should be -made to Venus on the sixth day, because this number is the first that -partakes of every number, and, when divided in every possible way, -receives the power of the numbers subtracted and of those that remain. -But that it is necessary to sacrifice to Hercules on the eighth day of -the month from the beginning, looking in so doing to his being born in -the seventh month. He further asserted, that it was necessary that he -who entered a temple should be clothed with a pure garment, and in which -no one had slept; because sleep in the same manner as the black and the -brown, is an indication of sluggishness; but purity is a sign of -equality and justice in reasoning. He also ordered, that if blood should -be found involuntarily spilt in a temple, a lustration should be made, -either in a golden vessel, or with the water of the sea; the former of -these [i. e. gold] being the most beautiful of things, and a measure by -which the price of all things is regulated; but the latter as he -conceived being the progeny of a moist nature, and the nutriment of the -first and more common matter. He likewise said, that it was not proper -to bring forth children in a temple; because it is not holy that in a -temple the divine part of the soul should be bound to the body. He -further ordained, that on a festive day neither the hair should be cut, -nor the nails paired; not thinking it fit that we should leave the -service of the Gods for the purpose of increasing our good. He also -said, that a louse ought not to be killed in a temple; conceiving that a -divine power ought not to participate of any thing superfluous and -corruptible. But that the Gods should be honored with cedar, laurel, -cypress, oak, and myrtle; and that the body should not be purified with -these, nor should any of them be divided by the teeth. He likewise -ordained, that what is boiled should not be roasted; signifying by this -that mildness is not in want of anger. But he would not suffer the -bodies of the dead to be burned; following in this the Magi, being -unwilling that any thing divine should communicate with a mortal nature. -He likewise thought it was holy for the dead to be carried out in white -garments; obscurely signifying by this the simple and first nature, -according to number and the principle of all things. But above all -things he ordained, that an oath should be taken religiously; since that -which is behind is long.[37] And he said, that it is much more holy to -be injured than to kill a man: for judgment is deposited in Hades, where -the soul and its essence, and the first nature of things are [properly] -estimated. Farther still, he ordered that sepulchral chests [i. e. -biers] should not be made of cypress, because the sceptre of Jupiter was -made of this wood, or for some other mystic reason. He likewise ordained -that libations should be performed before the table of Jupiter the -Saviour, and of Hercules and the Dioscuri; in so doing celebrating -Jupiter as the presiding cause and leader of this nutriment; Hercules, -as the power of nature; and the Dioscuri, as the symphony of all things. -But he said, that libations should not be offered with closed eyes. For -he did not think it fit, that any thing beautiful should be undertaken -with shame and bashfulness. Moreover, when it thundered, he ordained -that the earth should be touched, in remembrance of the generation of -things. But he ordered that temples should be entered from places on the -right hand, and that they should be departed out of from the left hand. -For he asserted that the right hand is the principle of what is called -the odd number, and is divine; but that the left hand is a symbol of the -even number, and of that which is dissolved. And such is the mode which -he is said to have adopted in the cultivation of piety. But other -particulars which we have omitted concerning it, may be conjectured from -what has been said. So that I shall cease to speak further on this -subject. - - - CHAP. XXIX. - -Of his wisdom, however, the commentaries written by the Pythagoreans -afford, in short, the greatest indication; for they adhere to truth in -every thing, and are more concise than all other compositions, so that -they savour of the ancient elegance of style, and the conclusions are -exquisitely deduced with divine science. They are also replete with the -most condensed conceptions, and are in other respects various and -diversified both in the form and the matter. At one and the same time -likewise, they are transcendently excellent, and without any deficiency -in the diction, and are in an eminent degree full of clear and -indubitable arguments, accompanied with scientific demonstration, and as -it is said, the most perfect syllogism; as he will find to be the case, -who, proceeding in such paths as are fit, does not negligently peruse -them. This science, therefore, concerning intelligible natures and the -Gods, Pythagoras delivers in his writings from a supernal origin. -Afterwards, he teaches the whole of physics, and unfolds completely -ethical philosophy and logic. He likewise delivers all-various -disciplines, and the most excellent sciences. And in short there is -nothing pertaining to human knowledge which is not accurately discussed -in these writings. If therefore it is acknowledged, that of the -[Pythagoric] writings which are now in circulation, some were written by -Pythagoras himself, but others consist of what he was heard to say, and -on this account are anonymous, but are referred to Pythagoras as their -author;—if this be the case, it is evident that he was abundantly -skilled in all wisdom. But it is said that he very much applied himself -to geometry among the Egyptians. For with the Egyptians there are many -geometrical problems; since it is necessary that from remote periods, -and from the time of the Gods themselves,[38] on account of the -increments and decrements of the Nile, those that were skilful should -have measured all the Egyptian land which they cultivated. Hence also -geometry derived its name. Neither did they negligently investigate the -theory of the celestial orbs, in which likewise Pythagoras was skilled. -Moreover, all the theorems about lines appear to have been derived from -thence. For it is said that what pertains to computation and numbers, -was discovered in Phœnicia. For some persons refer the theorems about -the celestial bodies to the Egyptians and Chaldeans in common. It is -said therefore, that Pythagoras having received and increased all these -[theories,] imparted the sciences, and at the same time demonstrated -them to his auditors with perspicuity and elegance. And he was the first -indeed that denominated philosophy, and said that it was the desire, and -as it were love of wisdom. But he defined wisdom to be the science of -the truth which is in beings. And he said that beings are immaterial and -eternal natures, and alone possess an efficacious power, such as -incorporeal essences. But that the rest of things are only homonymously -beings, and are so denominated through the participation of real beings, -and such are corporeal and material forms, which are generated and -corrupted, and never truly are. And that wisdom is the science of things -which are properly beings, but not of such as are homonymously so. For -corporeal natures are neither the objects of science nor admit of a -stable knowledge, since they are infinite and incomprehensible by -science, and are as it were, non-beings, when compared with universals, -and are incapable of being properly circumscribed by definition. It is -impossible however to conceive that there should be science of things -which are not naturally the objects of science. Hence it is not probable -that there will be a desire of science which has no subsistence, but -rather that desire will be extended to things which are properly beings, -which exist with invariable permanency, and are always consubsistent -with a true appellation. For it happens that the perception of things -which are homonymously beings, and which are never truly what they seem -to be, follows the apprehension of real beings; just as the knowledge of -particulars follows the science of universals. For he who knows -universals properly, says Archytas, will also have a clear perception of -the nature of particulars. Hence things which have an existence are not -alone, nor only-begotten, nor simple, but they are seen to be various -and multiform. For some of them are intelligible and incorporeal -natures, and which are denominated beings; but others are corporeal and -fall under the perception of sense, and by participation communicate -with that which has a real existence. Concerning all these therefore, he -delivered the most appropriate sciences, and left nothing [pertaining to -them] uninvestigated. _He likewise unfolded to men those sciences which -are common_ [_to all disciplines_,] as for instance the demonstrative, -the definitive, and that which consists in dividing, as may be known -from the Pythagoric commentaries. He was also accustomed to pour forth -sentences resembling Oracles to his familiars in a symbolical manner, -and which in the greatest brevity of words contained the most abundant -and multifarious meaning, like the Pythian Apollo through certain -oracles, or like nature herself through seeds small in bulk, the former -exhibiting conceptions, and the latter effects, innumerable in -multitude, and difficult to be understood. Of this kind is the sentence, -_The beginning is the half of the whole_, which is an apothegm of -Pythagoras himself. But not only in the present hemistich, but in others -of a similar nature, the most divine Pythagoras has concealed the sparks -of truth; depositing as in a treasury for those who are capable of being -enkindled by them, and with a certain brevity of diction, an extension -of theory most ample and difficult to be comprehended, as in the -following hemistich: - - All things accord in number: - -which he very frequently uttered to all his disciples. Or again, -_Friendship is equality; equality is friendship_. Or in the word -_cosmos_, i. e. _the world_; or by Jupiter, in the word _philosophy_, or -in the so much celebrated word _tetractys_. All these and many other -inventions of the like kind, were devised by Pythagoras for the benefit -and amendment of his associates; and they were considered by those that -understood them to be so venerable, and so much the progeny of divine -inspiration, that the following was adopted as an oath by those that -dwelt together in the common auditory: - - I swear by him who the tetractys found, - And to our race reveal’d; the cause and root, - And fount of ever-flowing Nature. - -This therefore was the form of his wisdom which is so admirable. - -It is also said, that of the sciences which the Pythagoreans honored, -music, medicine and divination, were not among the least. But they were -habitually silent and prompt to hear, and he who was able to hear [in a -proper manner] was praised by them. Of medicine, however, they -especially embraced the diætetic species, and in the exercise of this -were most accurate. And in the first place, indeed, they endeavoured to -learn the indications of symmetry, of labor, food, and repose. In the -next place, with respect to the preparation of food, they were nearly -the first who attempted to employ themselves in it, and to define the -mode in which it should be performed. The Pythagoreans likewise employed -cataplasms more frequently than their predecessors; but they in a less -degree approved of medicated ointments. These however they principally -used in the cure of ulcerations. But incisions and burnings they -admitted the least of all things. Some diseases also they cured by -incantations. Pythagoras, however, thought that music greatly -contributed to health, if it was used in a proper manner. The -Pythagoreans likewise employed select sentences of Homer and Hesiod for -the amendment of souls. But they thought it was necessary to retain and -preserve in the memory things which they had learnt and heard; and that -it was requisite to be furnished with disciplines and auditions, to as -great an extent as there was an ability of learning and remembering; the -former of these being the power by which knowledge is obtained, but the -latter, the power by which it is preserved. Hence, they very much -honored the memory, abundantly exercised, and paid great attention to -it. In learning too, they did not dismiss what they were taught, till -they had firmly comprehended the first rudiments of it; and they -recalled to their memory what they had daily heard, after the following -manner: A Pythagorean never rose from his bed till he had first -recollected the transactions of the former day; and he accomplished this -by endeavouring to remember what he first said, or heard, or ordered his -domestics to do when he was rising, or what was the second and third -thing which he said, heard, or commanded to be done. And the same method -was adopted with respect to the remainder of the day. For again, he -endeavoured to recollect who was the first person that he met, on -leaving his house, or who was the second; and with whom he in the first, -or second, or third place discoursed. And after the same manner he -proceeded in other things. For he endeavoured to resume in his memory -all the events of the whole day, and in the very same order in which -each of them happened to take place. But if they had sufficient leisure -after rising from sleep, they tried after the same manner to recollect -the events of the third preceding day. And thus they endeavoured to -exercise the memory to a great extent. For there is not any thing which -is of greater importance with respect to science, experience and wisdom, -than the ability of remembering. From these studies therefore, it -happened that all Italy was filled with philosophers, and this place, -which before was unknown, was afterwards on account of Pythagoras called -Magna Græcia. Hence also it contained many philosophers, poets, and -legislators. For the rhetorical arts, demonstrative reasonings, and the -laws written by them, were transferred from Italy to Greece. Those -likewise who make mention of physics, adduce as the principal -physiologists Empedocles and the Elean Parmenides. Those too, who wish -to cite sentences, pertaining to the conduct of human life, adduce for -this purpose the conceptions of Epicharmus. And nearly all philosophers -make use of these. Thus much therefore concerning the wisdom of -Pythagoras, how in a certain respect he very much impelled all his -auditors to the pursuit of it, as far as they were adapted to its -participation, and how perfectly it was delivered by him. - - - CHAP. XXX. - -With respect to justice, however, we shall learn in the best manner, how -he cultivated and delivered it to mankind, if we survey it from its -first principle, and from what first causes it germinates, and also -direct our attention to the first cause of injustice. For thus we shall -discover how he avoided the latter, and what methods he adopted in order -that the former might be properly ingenerated in the soul. The principle -of justice therefore, is the common and the equal, through which, in a -way most nearly approximating to one body and one soul, all men may be -co-passive, and may call the same thing mine and thine; as is also -testified by Plato, who learnt this from the Pythagoreans. This -therefore, Pythagoras effected in the best manner, exterminating every -thing private in manners, but increasing that which is common as far as -to ultimate possessions, which are the causes of sedition and tumult. -For all things [with his disciples] were common and the same to all, and -no one possessed any thing private. And he indeed, who approved of this -communion, used common possessions in the most just manner; but he who -did not, received his own property, which he brought to the common -stock, with an addition to it, and departed. And thus he established -justice in the best manner, from the first principle of it. - -In the next place, therefore, association with men introduces justice; -but alienation, and a contempt of the common genus, produce injustice. -Wishing therefore to insert this familiarity from afar in men, he also -ordained that his disciples should extend it to animals of the same -genus, and commanded them to consider these as their familiars and -friends; so as neither to injure, nor slay, nor eat any one of them. He -therefore who associates men with animals, because they consist of the -same elements as we do, and participate with us of a more common life, -will in a much greater degree establish fellowship with those who -partake of a soul of the same species, and also of a rational soul. From -this also it is evident that he introduced justice produced from the -most proper principle. Since likewise the want of riches, sometimes -compels many to do something contrary to justice, he well foresaw that -this would be the case, and through economy procured for himself liberal -expenses, and what was just in sufficient abundance. For again, a just -arrangement of domestic concerns is the principle of all good order in -cities. For cities are constituted from houses. It is said therefore, -that Pythagoras himself was the heir of the property of Alcæus, who died -after performing an embassy to the Lacedæmonians, but that -notwithstanding this, he was no less admired for his economy than for -his philosophy. When also he was married, he so educated the daughter -that was born to him, and who was afterwards married to Meno the -Crotonian, that when she was a virgin she was the leader of choirs, but -when a wife she held the first place among those that approached to -altars. It is likewise said, that the Metapontines preserving the -remembrance of Pythagoras after his time, made his house a temple of -Ceres, but the street in which he lived a museum. - -Because also insolence, luxury, and a contempt of the laws, frequently -impel men to injustice, on this account he daily exhorted his disciples -to give assistance to law, and to be hostile to illegality. Hence he -made such a division as the following: that what is called luxury, is -the first evil that usually glides into houses and cities; that the -second is insolence; and the third destruction. That hence luxury should -by all possible means be excluded and expelled [from every house and -city,] and that men should be accustomed from their birth to a temperate -and manly life. He farther added, that it is requisite to be purified -from all malediction, whether it be that which is lamentable, or that -which excites hostility, and whether it be of a reviling, or insolent, -or scurrilous nature. - -Besides these, likewise, he established another most beautiful species -of justice, viz. the legislative; which orders indeed what ought to be -done; but forbids what ought not to be done. This species, however, is -more excellent than the judicial form of justice. For it resembles -medicine which heals those that are diseased. It differs from it however -in this, that it does not suffer disease to commence, but pays attention -from afar to the health of the soul. This therefore being the case, the -best of all legislators came from the school of Pythagoras: in the first -place, indeed, Charondas the Catanæan; and in the next place, Zaleucus -and Timaratus, who wrote laws for the Locrians. Besides these likewise -there were Theætetus and Helicaon, Aristocrates, and Phytius, who became -the legislators of the Rhegini. All these likewise obtained from their -citizens honors similar to those of the Gods. For Pythagoras did not act -like Heraclitus, who said that he would write laws for the Ephesians, -and also petulantly[39] said, that in those laws he would order the -citizens to hang themselves. But Pythagoras endeavoured to establish -laws, with great benevolence and political science. Why however is it -requisite to admire these men? For Zamolxis being a Thracian, and the -slave of Pythagoras, after he had heard the discourses of Pythagoras, -having obtained his liberty, and returned to Getæ, gave laws to them, as -we have before observed in the beginning of this work, and exhorted the -citizens to fortitude, _having persuaded them that the soul is immortal. -Hence even at present, all the Galatæ, and Trallians, and many others of -the Barbarians, persuade their children that the soul cannot be -destroyed; but that it remains after death, and that death is not to be -feared, but danger is to be encountered with a firm and manly mind._ -Having therefore instructed the Getæ in these things, and written laws -for them, he was considered by them as the greatest of the Gods. - -Farther still, he apprehended that the dominion of the Gods was most -efficacious to the establishment of justice, and supernally from this he -constituted a polity and laws, and also justice. It will not however be -foreign to the purpose, to add particularly the manner in which he -thought we ought to conceive of divinity; viz. that we should conceive -that he exists, and that he is so disposed towards the human race, that -be inspects and does not neglect it. And this conception which the -Pythagoreans derived from Pythagoras, they apprehended to be of great -utility. For we require an inspection of this kind, which we do not in -any thing think fit to resist. But such as this is the inspective -government of divinity. Fop if a divine nature is a thing of this kind, -it deserves to have the empire of the universe. For it was rightly said -by the Pythagoreans, that man is an animal [so far as pertains to his -irrational part,] naturally insolent, and various, according to -impulses, desires, and the rest of the passions. He requires therefore -transcendent inspection and government of this kind, from which a -certain castigation and order may be derived. Hence they thought that -every one being conscious of the variety of his nature, should never he -forgetful of piety towards, and the worship of divinity; but should -always place him before the eye of the mind, as inspecting and -diligently observing the conduct of mankind. But after divinity and the -dæmoniacal nature, they thought that every one should pay the greatest -attention to his parents and the laws, and should be obedient to them, -not feignedly, but faithfully. And universally, they thought it -necessary to believe, that nothing is a greater evil than anarchy; since -the human race is not naturally adapted to be saved, when no one rules -over it. - -These men also thought it right to adhere to the customs and legal -institutes of their ancestors, even though they should be somewhat -inferior to other customs and laws. For to fly from the existing laws, -and to be studious of innovation, is by no means profitable and -salutary. Pythagoras therefore gave many other specimens of piety to the -Gods, evincing that his life was conformable to his doctrines. Nor will -it be foreign to the purpose to mention one of them, which may serve to -elucidate the rest. But I will relate what Pythagoras said and did -relative to the embassy from Sybaris to Crotona, about demanding the -return of the exiles. For some of his associates were slain by order of -the ambassadors, one of whom slew a part of them with his own hands; but -another was the son of one of those who had excited the sedition, and -who died through disease. When the Crotonians therefore were -deliberating how they should act in this affair, Pythagoras said to his -disciples, that he was not willing the Crotonians should be so greatly -discordant in this affair, and that in his opinion, the ambassadors -should not even lead victims to the altars, much less ought they to drag -suppliants [i. e. the exiles] from them. But when the Sybarites came to -him with their complaints, and the man who had slain some of his -associates with his own hands, was defending his conduct, Pythagoras -said, that he should not answer [an homicide]. Hence, some persons -accused him of asserting that he was Apollo, because prior to this some -one having asked him about a certain object of inquiry, why the thing -was so; he in his turn asked the interrogator, if he would think fit to -inquire of Apollo when he was delivering oracles to him, why he -delivered them? But to another of the ambassadors who appeared to him to -deride his school, in which he taught the return of souls to the -supernal realms, and who said that he would give him an epistle to his -father, as he was about to descend into Hades, and exhorted him to bring -another letter in answer, from his father, when he returned; Pythagoras -replied, that he was not about to descend into the abode of the impious, -where he clearly knew that murderers were punished. But the ambassadors -reviling him, he proceeded to the sea, many persons following him, and -there sprinkled himself with marine water. Some one however of the -Crotonian counsellors, after reviling the rest of the ambassadors, -observed that he understood they had defamed Pythagoras, whom not even a -brute would dare to blaspheme, though all animals should again utter the -same voice as men, which fables report they did in the beginning of -things. - -Pythagoras likewise discovered another method of restraining men from -injustice, through the judgment of souls, truly knowing indeed that this -method may be taught, and also knowing that it is useful to the -suppression of justice through fear. He asserted therefore, that it is -much better to be injured than to kill a man; for that judgment is -deposited in Hades, where the soul, and its essence, and the first -nature of beings, are properly estimated. Being desirous, however, to -exhibit in things unequal, without symmetry and infinite, a definite, -equal, and commensurate justice, and to show how it ought to be -exercised, he said, that justice resembles that figure, which is the -only one among geometrical diagrams, that having indeed infinite -compositions of figures, but dissimilarly disposed with reference to -each other, yet has equal demonstrations of power.[40] Since also, there -is a certain justice in making use of another person, such a mode of it -as the following, is said to have been delivered by the Pythagoreans: Of -associations with others, one kind is seasonable, but another is -unseasonable. These likewise are distinguished from each other by -difference of age, desert, the familiarity of alliance, and of -beneficence, and whatever else there may be of the like kind in the -different associations of men with each other. For there is a species of -association, viz. of a younger with a younger person, which does not -appear to be unseasonable; but that of a younger with an elderly person -is unseasonable. For no species of anger, or threatening, or boldness, -is becoming in a younger towards an elderly man, but all unseasonable -conduct of this kind should be cautiously avoided. A similar reasoning -likewise should be adopted with respect to desert. For it is neither -decorous, nor seasonable, to use an unrestrained freedom of speech, or -to adopt any of the above-mentioned modes of conduct, towards a man who -has arrived at the true dignity of consummate virtue. Conformably to -this also, was what he said respecting the association with parents, and -likewise with benefactors. He added, that there is a certain various and -multiform use of an opportune time. For of those that are enraged and -angry, some are so seasonably, but others unseasonably. And again, of -those that aspire after, desire, and are impelled to any thing -appetible, an opportune time is the attendant on some, and an -unseasonable time on others. And the same thing may be said concerning -other passions and actions, dispositions, associations, and meetings. He -farther observed, that an opportune time is _to a certain extent_, to be -taught, and also, that what happens contrary to expectation, is capable -of receiving an artificial discussion; but that when it is considered -universally and simply, none of the above-mentioned particulars pertain -to it. Nearly, however, such things are the attendants on it, as follow -the nature of opportune time, viz. what is called the florid, the -becoming, the adapted, and whatever else there may be homogeneous to -these. He likewise asserted, that principle [or the beginning] is in the -universe unity, and is the most honorable of things; and that in a -similar manner it is so in science, in experience, and in generation. -And again, that the number two is most honorable in a house, in a city, -in a camp, and in all such like systems. But that the nature of -principle is difficult to be surveyed and apprehended in all the -above-mentioned particulars. For in sciences, it is not the province of -any casual understanding to learn and judge, by well surveying the parts -of things, what the nature is of the principle of these. He added, that -it makes a great difference, and that there is danger with respect to -the knowledge of the whole of things, when principle is not rightly -assumed. For none, in short, of the consequent conclusions can be sane, -when the true principle is unknown. The same thing may also be said -respecting a principle of another kind. For neither can a house, or a -city, be well instituted, unless each has a true ruler, who governs -those that voluntarily submit to him. For it is necessary that in both -these the governor should be willing to rule, and the governed to obey. -Just as with respect to disciplines, when they are taught with proper -effect, it is necessary that there should be a concurrence in the will -both of the teacher and learner. For if there is a resistance on the -part of either, the proposed work will never be accomplished in a proper -manner. Thus therefore, he proved, that it was beautiful to be persuaded -by rulers, and to be obedient to preceptors. But he exhibited the -following as the greatest argument through deeds, of the truth of his -observations. He went from Italy to Delos, to Pherecydes the Syrian, who -had been his preceptor, in order that he might afford him some -assistance, as he was then afflicted with what is called the morbus -pedicularis, and he carefully attended him to the time of his death, and -piously performed whatever rites were due to his dead preceptor. So -diligent was he in the discharge of his duties to him from whom he had -received instruction. - -Moreover, with respect to compacts and the veracity pertaining to them, -Pythagoras so prepared his disciples for the observance of them, that, -as it is said, Lysis having once performed his adorations in the temple -of Juno, met, as he was departing from it, about the vestibules with -Euryphamus the Syracusan, who was one of his fellow disciples, and was -then entering into the temple. Euryphamus therefore desiring Lysis to -wait for him, till he also had adored the Goddess, Lysis sat down on a -stone seat which was placed there. Euryphamus however having finished -his adoration, and becoming absorbed in certain profound conceptions, -forgot his appointment, and went out of the temple through another gate. -But Lysis waited for him without quitting his seat, the remainder of -that day and the following night, and also the greater part of the next -day. And perhaps he would have staid there for a still longer time, -unless Euryphamus on the following day, had heard in the auditory, that -Lysis was wanted by his associates. Recollecting therefore his compact, -he came to Lysis, and liberated him from his engagement, at the same -time telling him the cause of his forgetfulness, and added, “Some God -produced in me this oblivion, as a trial of your firmness in preserving -your compacts.” Pythagoras likewise ordained abstinence from animal -food, for many other reasons, and likewise because it is productive of -peace. For those who are accustomed to abominate the slaughter of -animals as iniquitous and preternatural, will think it to be much more -unlawful to kill a man, or engage in war. But war is the leader and -legislator of slaughter. For by this it is increased, and becomes strong -and powerful. Not to step also above the beam of the balance, is an -exhortation to justice, announcing, that whatever is just should be -cultivated, as will be shown when we discuss the Pythagoric symbols. It -appears therefore, through all these particulars, that Pythagoras paid -great attention to the exercise of justice, and to the delivery of it to -mankind, both in deeds and in words. - - - CHAP. XXXI. - -It follows, in the next place, that we should speak of temperance, and -show how it was cultivated by Pythagoras, and how he delivered it to his -associates. We have already therefore narrated the common precepts -concerning it, in which it is said that every thing incommensurate -should be cut off with fire and sword. The abstinence also from animal -food, is a precept of the same species; and likewise from certain foods -calculated to produce intemperance, and impeding the vigilance and -genuine energies of the reasoning power. Farther still, to this species -the precept belongs, that sumptuous food should indeed be introduced in -banquets, but should [shortly after] be sent away, and given to the -servants, being placed on the table merely for the sake of punishing the -desires. Likewise, that no liberal and ingenuous woman should wear gold, -but only harlots. And again, the exercise of taciturnity, and perfect -silence, for the purpose of governing the tongue. Likewise a strenuous -and assiduous resumption and investigation of the most difficult -theorems. But on account of all these, we must refer to the same virtue -[i. e. to temperance,] abstinence from wine; paucity of food and sleep; -an inartificial contempt of renown, wealth, and the like; a sincere -reverence towards those to whom reverence is due, but an unfeigned -similitude of behaviour and benevolence towards those of the same age; -an animadversion and exhortation of those that are younger, without -envy; and every thing else of the like kind. - -The temperance also of those men, and how Pythagoras taught this virtue, -may be learnt from what Hippobotus and Neanthes narrate of Myllias and -Timycha who were Pythagoreans. For they say that Dionysius the tyrant -could not obtain the friendship of any one of the Pythagoreans, though -he did every thing to accomplish his purpose; for they had observed, and -carefully avoided his monarchical disposition. He sent therefore to the -Pythagoreans, a troop of thirty soldiers, under the command of Eurymenes -the Syracusan, who was the brother of Dion, in order that by treachery -their accustomed migration from Tarentum to Metapontum, might be -opportunely effected for his purpose. For it was usual with them to -change their abode at different seasons of the year, and they chose such -places as were adapted to this migration. In Phalæ therefore, a craggy -part of Tarentum, through which the Pythagoreans must necessarily pass -in their journey, Eurymenes insidiously concealed his troop, and when -the Pythagoreans, expecting no such thing, came to that place about the -middle of the day, the soldiers rushed upon them with shouts, after the -manner of robbers. But the Pythagoreans being disturbed and terrified at -an attack so unexpected, and at the superior number of their enemies -(for the whole number of the Pythagoreans was but ten), and considering -also that they must be taken captive, as they were without arms, and had -to contend with men who were variously armed,—they found that their only -safety was in flight, and they did not conceive that this was foreign to -virtue. For they knew that fortitude, according to the decision of right -reason, is the science of things which are to be avoided and endured. -And this they now obtained. For those who were with Eurymenes, being -heavy-armed, would have abandoned the pursuit of the Pythagoreans, if -the latter in their flight had not arrived at a certain field sown with -beans, and which were in a sufficiently florishing condition. Not being -willing therefore to violate the dogma which ordered them not to touch -beans, they stood still, and from necessity attacked their pursuers with -stones and sticks, and whatever else they happened to meet with, till -they had slain some, and wounded many of them. All the Pythagoreans -however, were at length slain by the spearmen, nor would any one of them -suffer himself to be taken captive, but preferred death to this, -conformably to the mandates of their sect. - -Eurymenes therefore, and his soldiers, were beyond measure disturbed on -finding that they should not be able to bring one of the Pythagoreans -alive to Dionysius, though they were sent by him for this purpose alone. -Hence, having piled earth on the slain, and buried them in that place in -a common sepulchre, they turned their steps homeward. As they were -returning, however, they happened to meet with Myllias the Crotonian, -and his wife Timycha the Lacedæmonian, whom the other Pythagoreans had -left behind, because Timycha being pregnant, was now in her sixth[41] -month, and on this account walked leisurely. These therefore, the -soldiers gladly made captive, and led them to the tyrant, paying every -attention to them, in order that they might be brought to him safe. But -the tyrant having learnt what had happened, was greatly dejected, and -said to the two Pythagoreans, You shall obtain from me honors -transcending all others in dignity, if you will consent to reign in -conjunction with me. All his offers however being rejected by Myllias -and Timycha; If then, said he, you will only teach me one thing, I will -dismiss you with a sufficiently safe guard. Myllias therefore asking him -what it was he wished to learn; Dionysius replied, It is this, why your -companions chose rather to die, than to tread on beans? But Myllias -immediately answered, My companions indeed submitted to death, in order -that they might not tread upon beans, but I would rather tread on them, -than tell you the cause of this. Dionysius therefore, being astonished -at this answer, ordered him to be forcibly taken away, but commanded -Timycha to be tortured: for he thought, that as she was a woman, -pregnant, and deprived of her husband, she would easily tell him what he -wanted to know, through fear of the torments. The heroic woman, however, -grinding her tongue with her teeth, bit it off, and spit it at the -tyrant; evincing by this, that though her sex being vanquished by the -torments might be compelled to disclose something which ought to be -concealed in silence, yet the member subservient to the developement of -it, should be entirely cut off. So much difficulty did they make in -admitting foreign friendships, even though they should happen to be -royal. - -Similar to these also, were the precepts concerning silence, and which -tended to the exercise of temperance. For the subjugation of the tongue, -is of all other continence the most difficult. The persuading likewise -the Crotonians to abstain from the profane and spurious association with -harlots, pertains to the same virtue. And besides this, the correction -through music, by means of which Pythagoras restored a young man to -temperance, who had become furious through love. The exhortation also, -which leads from lascivious insolence, must be referred to the same -virtue. And these things Pythagoras delivered to the Pythagoreans, he -himself being the cause of them. For they so attended to their bodies, -that they might always remain in the same condition, and not at one time -be lean, but at another, abounding in flesh. For they considered this to -be an indication of an anomalous life. In a similar manner also with -respect to the mind, they were careful that they might not be at one -time cheerful, and at another sad, but that they might be mildly joyful -with uniformity. But they expelled rage, despondency, and perturbation. -_And it was a precept with them, that no human casualties ought to be -unexpected by those who are endued with intellect, but that they should -expect every thing may happen which it is not in their power to -prevent._ But if at any time they were in a rage, or oppressed with -sorrow, or any thing else of this kind, they separated themselves from -the rest of their associates, and each by himself alone, endeavoured to -digest and heal the passion. - -This also is said of the Pythagoreans, that no one of them when angry, -either punished a servant, or admonished any free man, but each of them -waited till his mind was restored to its former [tranquil] condition. -But they called _to admonish_, _pædartan_. For they accomplished this -waiting by employing silence and quiet. Hence Spintharus relates of -Archytas the Tarentine, that returning after a certain time from the war -which the city of Tarentum waged against the Messenians, to inspect some -land which belonged to him, and finding that the bailiff and the other -servants, had not paid proper attention to the cultivation of it, but -had greatly neglected it, being enraged, he was so indignant, that he -told his servants it was well for them he was angry; since, if this had -not happened, they would not have escaped the punishment due to so great -an offence. Spintharus likewise says that a similar thing is related of -Clinias. For he also deferred all admonitions and punishments, till his -mind was restored to tranquillity. - -It is farther related of the Pythagoreans, that they expelled from -themselves lamentation, weeping, and every thing else of this kind; and -that neither gain, nor desire, nor anger, nor ambition, nor any thing of -a similar nature, became the cause of dissension among them; but that -all the Pythagoreans were so disposed towards each other, as a worthy -father is towards his offspring. This also is a beautiful circumstance, -that they referred every thing to Pythagoras, and called it by his name, -and that they did not ascribe to themselves the glory of their own -inventions, except very rarely. For there are very few whose works are -acknowledged to be their own. The accuracy too, with which they -preserved their writings is admirable. For in so many ages, no one -appears to have met with any of the commentaries of the Pythagoreans, -prior to the time of Philolaus. But he first published those three -celebrated books, which Dion the Syracusan is said to have bought, at -the request of Plato, for a hundred mina. For Philolaus had fallen into -a certain great and severe poverty; and from his alliance to the -Pythagoreans, was a partaker of their writings. - -With respect also to opinion,[42] it is related that they spoke of it as -follows: That it is the province of a stupid man to pay attention to the -opinion of every one, and especially to that of the multitude. Far it -belongs to a few only to apprehend and opine rightly; since it is -evident that this pertains to the intelligent alone. But they are few. -It is manifest therefore, that a power of this kind does not extend -itself to the multitude. But it is also stupid to despise the opinion of -every one. For it will happen that he who is so disposed will be -unlearned and incorrigible. It is however necessary that he who is -destitute of science should learn those things of which he is ignorant, -and has no scientific knowledge. And it is likewise necessary that the -learner should pay attention to the opinion of him who possesses -science, and is able to teach. And universally, it is necessary that -those young men who wish to be saved, should attend to the opinion of -their elders, and of those who have lived well. But in the whole of -human life there are certain ages (denominated by them as it is said -_endedasmenæ_) which it is not in the power of any casual person to -connect with each other. For they are expelled by each other, unless -some one conducts a man from his birth, in a beautiful and upright -manner. It is necessary therefore, when a child is educated well, and is -formed to temperance and fortitude, that a great part of his education -should be given to the age of adolescence [which is that of a lad]. In a -similar manner also, when a lad is formed to temperance and fortitude, -it is necessary that a great part of his education should be transferred -to the age of manhood. For that which happens to the multitude is absurd -and ridiculous. For they fancy it is requisite that boys should be -orderly and temperate, and should abstain from every thing which appears -to be troublesome and indecorous; but that when they have arrived at -adolescency, they may for the most part do whatever they please. Hence -there is nearly a conflux of both kinds of errors into this age. For -lads commit many faults which are both puerile and virile. For, in -short, to avoid every kind of sedulity and order, and to pursue every -species of sport, and puerile intemperance and insolence, are most -adapted to the age of a boy. Such a disposition therefore as this, is -derived from the puerile into the following age. But the genus of strong -desires, and of different species of ambition, and in a similar manner -the remaining impulses and dispositions, when they are of a severe and -turbulent nature, are derived from the virile age into that of -adolescency. Hence this of all the ages demands the greatest attention. -And universally, no man ought to be suffered to do whatever he pleases, -but it is always necessary that there should be a certain inspection, -and a legal and elegantly-formed government, to which each of the -citizens is obedient. For the animal, when left to itself and neglected, -rapidly degenerates into vice and depravity. - -It is likewise said, that the Pythagoreans frequently inquired and -doubted why we accustom boys to take their food in an orderly and -commensurate manner, and show them that order and symmetry are -beautiful; but that the contraries to these, disorder and -incommensuration, are base; and that he who is given to wine and is -insatiable, is held in great disgrace. For if no one of these is useful -to us when we have arrived at the age of virility, it was in vain that -we were accustomed, when boys, to an order of this kind. And there is -also the same reason concerning the other manners [to which we are -accustomed when boys]. This, therefore, is not seen to happen in other -animals which are disciplined by men; but immediately from the first, a -whelp and a colt are accustomed to, and learn those things which it is -requisite for them to do when they have arrived at the perfection of -their nature. And universally, it is said that the Pythagoreans exhorted -both those they happened to meet, and their familiars, to avoid pleasure -as a thing that required the greatest caution. For nothing so much -deceives us, or precipitates us into error, as this passion. In short, -as it seems, they contended that we should never do any thing with a -view to pleasure as the end. For this scope is, for the most part, -indecorous and noxious. _But they asserted, that especially looking to -the beautiful and decorous, we should do whatever is to be done._[43] -And that in the second place we should look to the advantageous and the -useful. These things, however, require no casual judgment. - -With respect to what is called desire, these men are said to have -asserted as follows: That _desire indeed, itself, is a certain tendency, -impulse, and appetite of the soul, in order to be filled with something, -or to enjoy something present, or to be disposed according to some -sensitive energy_; but that there is also a desire of the contraries to -these, and this is a desire of the evacuation and absence, and of having -no sensible perception of certain things. That this passion likewise is -various, and is nearly the most multifarious of all those that pertain -to man. But that many human desires are adscititious, and procured by -men themselves. Hence this passion requires the greatest attention, and -no casual care and corporeal exercise. For that the body when empty -should desire food, is natural: and again, it is also natural, that when -filled, it should desire an appropriate evacuation. But to desire -superfluous nutriment, or superfluous and luxurious garments or -coverlids, or habitations, is adscititious. They also reasoned in the -same manner concerning furniture, vessels, servants, and cattle -subservient to food. And universally, with respect to human passions, -they are nearly things of such a kind, as to be nowhere permanent, but -to proceed to infinity. Hence attention should be paid to youth from the -earliest period, in order that they may aspire after such things as are -proper, may avoid vain and superfluous desires, and thus be undisturbed -by, and purified from, such-like appetites, and may despise those who -are objects of contempt, because they are bound to [all-various] -desires. But it must be especially observed, that vain, noxious, -superfluous, and insolent desires subsist with those who have the -greatest power. For there is not any thing so absurd, which the soul of -such boys, men, and women, does not incite them to perform. In short, -the variety of food which is assumed, is most manifold. For there are an -infinite number of fruits, and an infinite multitude of roots, which the -human race uses for food. It likewise uses all-various kinds of flesh; -and it is difficult to find any terrestrial, aerial, or aquatic animal, -which it does not taste. It also employs all-various contrivances in the -preparation of these, and manifold mixtures of juices. Hence it properly -follows that the human tribe is insane and multiform, according to the -motion of the soul, for each kind of food that is introduced into the -body, becomes the cause of a certain peculiar disposition. - -We however perceive that some things become immediately the cause of a -great change in quality, as is evident in wine. For when it is drank -abundantly, it makes men at first more cheerful, but afterwards more -insane and indecorous. But men are ignorant of those things which do not -exhibit a power of this kind; though every thing that is eaten is the -cause of a certain peculiar disposition. Hence it requires great wisdom, -to be able to know and perceive, what kind and what quantity of food -ought to be used. This science, however, was at first unfolded by Apollo -and Pæon; but afterwards by Esculapius and his followers. - -With respect to generation also, the Pythagoreans are said to have made -the following observations. In the first place, they thought it -necessary to guard against what is called untimely [offspring]. For -neither untimely plants, nor animals, are good; but prior to their -bearing fruit, it is necessary that a certain time should intervene, in -order that seeds and fruit may be produced from strong and perfect -bodies. It is requisite, therefore, that boys and virgins should be -accustomed to labors and exercises, and appropriate endurance, and that -food should be given to them adapted to a life of labor, temperance, and -endurance. But there are many things of this kind in human life, which -it is better to learn at a late period, and among these is the use of -venery. It is necessary, therefore, that a boy should be so educated, as -not to seek after such a connexion as this, within the twentieth year of -his age. But when he arrives at this age, he should use venery rarely. -This however will be the case, if he thinks that a good habit of body is -an honorable and beautiful thing. For intemperance and a good habit of -body, are not very much adapted to subsist together in the same person. -It is also said, that those laws were praised by the Pythagoreans, which -existed prior to their time in Grecian cities, and which prohibited the -having connexion with a woman who is a mother, or a daughter, or a -sister, either in a temple, or in a public place. For it is beautiful -and advantageous that there should be numerous impediments to this -energy. These men also apprehended, as it seems, that preternatural -generations, and those which are effected in conjunction with wanton -insolence, should be entirely prevented from taking place; but that -those should be suffered to remain, which are according to nature, and -subsist with temperance, and which take place in the chaste and legal -procreation of children. - -They likewise were of opinion that great providential attention should -be paid by those who beget children, to the future progeny. The first, -therefore, and the greatest care which should be taken by him who -applies himself to the procreation of children is, that he lives -temperately and healthfully, that he neither fills himself with food -unseasonably, nor uses such aliments as may render the habits of the -body worse than they were, and above all things, that he avoids -intoxication. For they thought that depraved seed was produced from a -bad, discordant, and turbid temperament. And universally they were of -opinion, that none but an indolent and inconsiderate person would -attempt to produce an animal, and lead it into existence, without -providing with all possible diligence that its ingress into being and -life might be most elegant and pleasing. For those that are lovers of -dogs, pay every possible attention to the generation of whelps, in order -that they may be produced from such things as are proper, and when it is -proper, and in such a way as is proper, and thus may become a good -offspring. The same attention also is paid by those who are lovers of -birds. And it is evident that others also who are studious about the -procreation of generous animals, endeavour by all possible means, that -the generation of them may not be in vain. It would be absurd therefore -that men should pay no attention to their own offspring, but should both -beget them casually and with perfect carelessness, and, after they are -begotten, nourish and educate them with extreme negligence. For this is -the most powerful and most manifest cause of the vice and depravity of -the greater part of mankind. For with the multitude the procreation of -children is undertaken in a beastly and rash manner. And such were the -assertions, and such the doctrine of these men, which they verified both -in words and deeds, respecting temperance; these precepts having been -originally received by them from Pythagoras himself, like certain -oracles delivered by the Pythian Apollo. - - - CHAP. XXXII. - -With respect to fortitude, however, many of the particulars which have -been already related, appropriately pertain to it; such as the admirable -deeds of Timycha, and of those Pythagoreans who chose to die rather than -transgress the decisions of Pythagoras concerning beans, and other -things conformable to such-like pursuits. Such also are the deeds which -Pythagoras himself generously accomplished, when he travelled everywhere -alone, and underwent immense labors and dangers, choosing to leave his -country, and dwell among strangers. Likewise, when he dissolved -tyrannies, gave an orderly arrangement to confused polities, and -emancipated cities. When also he caused illegality to cease, and impeded -the operations of insolent and tyrannical men; exhibiting himself a -benignant leader to the just and mild, but expelling savage and -licentious men from his association, and refusing even to give them an -answer; gladly, indeed, giving assistance to the former, but with all -his might resisting the latter. Many instances therefore of these things -might be adduced, and of upright actions frequently performed by him. -But the greatest of all these, is what he said and did to Phalaris, with -an invincible freedom of speech. For when he was detained in captivity -by Phalaris, the most cruel of tyrants, a wise man of the Hyperborean -race, whose name was Abaris, was his associate, who came to him for the -sake of conversing with him, and asked him many questions, and -especially such as were of a sacred nature, respecting statues and the -most holy worship, the providence of the Gods, celestial and terrestrial -natures, and many other things of a similar kind. But Pythagoras, being -under the influence of divine inspiration, answered Abaris vehemently, -and with all truth and persuasion, so as to convince those that heard -him. Then, however, Phalaris was inflamed with anger against Abaris, -because he praised Pythagoras, and was ferociously disposed towards -Pythagoras himself. He also dared to utter blasphemies against the Gods -themselves, and such as he was accustomed to pour forth. But Abaris gave -Pythagoras thanks for what he said; and after this, learnt from him that -_all things are suspended from and governed by the heavens; which he -evinced to be the case from many other things, and also from the energy -of sacred rites_. And Abaris was so far from thinking that Pythagoras, -who taught these things, was an enchanter, that he beyond measure -admired him as if he had been a God. To these things, however, Phalaris -replied by endeavouring to subvert divination, and openly denying the -efficacy of the things which are performed in sacred rites. But Abaris -transferred the discourse from these particulars to such as are clearly -apparent to all men; and endeavoured to persuade him that there is a -divine providence, from those circumstances which transcend all human -hope and power, whether they are immense wars, or incurable diseases, or -the corruption of fruits, or the incursions of pestilence, or certain -other things of the like kind, which are most difficult to be borne, and -deplorable, arising from the beneficent energies of certain dæmoniacal -and divine powers.[44] - -Phalaris, however, shamelessly and audaciously opposed what was said. -Again therefore Pythagoras, suspecting that Phalaris intended to put him -to death, but at the same time knowing that he was not destined to die -by Phalaris, began to address him with great freedom of speech. For -looking to Abaris he said, that a transition was naturally adapted to -take place from the heavens to aerial and terrestrial beings. And again, -he showed that all things follow the heavens, from instances most known -to all men. He likewise indubitably demonstrated, that the -[deliberative] power of the soul possesses freedom of will. And -proceeding still farther, he amply discussed the perfect energy of -reason and intellect. Afterwards also, with his [usual] freedom of -speech, he spoke concerning tyranny, and all the prerogatives of -fortune, and concerning injustice and human avarice, and solidly taught -him that all these are of no worth. In the next place, he gave him a -divine admonition concerning the most excellent life, and earnestly -entered on a comparison of it with the most depraved life. He likewise -most clearly unfolded to him, how the soul, and its powers and passions, -subsist; _and, what is the most beautiful thing of all, demonstrated to -him that the Gods are not the causes of evils, and that diseases, and -such things as are the calamities of the body, are the seals of -intemperance_; reprehending at the same time mythologists and poets for -what they have badly said in fables [on this subject]. Confuting -Phalaris also, he admonished him, and exhibited to him through works -what the power of heaven is, and the magnitude of that power; and proved -to him by many arguments, that legal punishment is reasonably -established. He likewise clearly showed him what the difference is -between men and other animals; and scientifically discussed internal and -external speech. He also perfectly demonstrated the nature of intellect, -and of the knowledge which descends from it; together with many other -ethical dogmas consequent to these things. - -Farther still, he instructed him in what is most beneficial among the -things that are useful in life; and in the mildest manner adapted -admonitions harmonising with these; adding at the same time prohibitions -of what ought not to be done. And that which is the greatest of all, he -unfolded to him the distinction between the productions of fate, and -those of intellect, and also the difference between what is done by -destiny, and what is done by fate. He likewise wisely discussed many -things concerning dæmons, and the immortality of the soul. These things -however pertain to another treatise. But those particulars are more -appropriate to our present purpose which belong to the cultivation of -fortitude. For if, when situated in the midst of dreadful circumstances, -Pythagoras appears to have philosophised with firmness of decision, if -on all sides he resisted and repelled fortune, and strenuously endured -its attacks, and if he employed the greatest freedom of speech towards -him who brought his life into danger, it is evident that he perfectly -despised those things which are thought to be dreadful, and that he -considered them as undeserving of notice. If also, when he expected -according to appearances to be put to death, he entirely despised this, -and was not moved by the expectation of it, it is evident that he was -perfectly free from the dread of death.[45] - -He performed however what is still more generous than this, by effecting -the dissolution of tyranny, restraining the tyrant when he was about to -bring the most deplorable calamities on mankind, and liberating Sicily -from the most cruel and imperious power. But that it was Pythagoras who -accomplished this, is evident from the oracles of Apollo, in which it is -predicted that the domination of Phalaris would then be dissolved, when -those that were governed by him should become better men, and be more -concordant with each other; such as they then became, when Pythagoras -was present with them, through the doctrines and instruction which he -imparted to them. A greater proof however of the truth of this, is -derived from the time in which it happened. For on the very same day in -which Phalaris put Pythagoras and Abaris in danger of death, he himself -was slain by stratagem. That also which happened to Epimenides may be an -argument of the truth of these things. For as he, who was the disciple -of Pythagoras, when certain persons intended to destroy him, invoked the -Furies, and the avenging Gods, and by so doing caused all those that -attempted his life, to destroy each other;—thus also Pythagoras, who -gave assistance to mankind, after the manner and with the fortitude of -Hercules, for the benefit of men, punished and occasioned the death of -him who had acted in an insolent and disorderly manner towards others; -and this through the oracles themselves of Apollo, to the series of -which divinity both he and Epimenides spontaneously belonged from their -very birth. And thus far, indeed, we have thought it requisite to -mention this admirable and strenuous deed, the effect of his fortitude. - -We shall however adduce another example of it, viz. the salvation of -legitimate opinion; for, preserving this, he performed that which -appeared to him to be just, and which was dictated by right reason, not -being diverted from his intention either by pleasure, or labor, or any -other passion, or danger. His disciples also chose to die rather than -transgress his mandates. And when they were exposed to all-various -fortunes, they preserved invariably the same manners. When also they -were involved in ten thousand calamities, they never deviated from his -precepts. But it was a never-failing exhortation with them, always to -give assistance to law, but to be hostile to illegality, and to be -accustomed from their birth to a life of temperance and fortitude, in -order to restrain and repel luxury. They had also certain melodies which -were devised by them, as remedies against the passions of the soul, and -likewise against despondency and lamentation, which Pythagoras invented, -as affording the greatest assistance in these maladies. And again, they -employed other melodies against rage and anger, through which they gave -intension and remission to these passions, till they reduced them to -moderation, and rendered them commensurate with fortitude. _That, -however, which afforded them the greatest support in generous endurance, -was the persuasion that no human casualties ought to be unexpected by -men who are in the possession of intellect, but that all things ought to -be expected by them, over which they have no absolute power._ - -Moreover, if at any time they happened to be angry, or sorrowful, they -immediately separated themselves from the rest of their associates, and -each by himself alone strenuously endeavoured to digest and heal the -passion [by which he was oppressed]. They also conceived generally, that -labor should be employed about disciplines and studies, and that they -should be severely exercised in trials of the most various nature, in -punishments and restraints by fire and sword, in order to be liberated -from innate intemperance, and an inexhaustible avidity of possessing; -and that for this purpose, no labors, nor any endurance should be -spared. In order to accomplish this likewise, they generously exercised -abstinence from all animals, and besides this, from certain other kinds -of food. Hence also arose their detention of speech, and their perfect -silence as preparatory to the subjugation of the tongue; in which for -many years they exercised their fortitude. To which also may be added, -their strenuous and assiduous investigation and resumption of the most -difficult theorems; and on account of these things, their abstinence -from wine, their paucity of food and sleep, and their contempt of glory, -wealth, and the like. And in conjunction with all these particulars, -they extended themselves to fortitude. - -It is likewise said, that these men expelled lamentations and tears, and -every thing else of this kind. They also abstained from entreaty, from -supplication, and from all such illiberal adulation, as being effeminate -and abject.[46] To the same conception likewise the peculiarity of their -manners must be referred, and that all of them perpetually preserved -among their arcana, the most principal dogmas in which their discipline -was chiefly contained, keeping them with the greatest silence from being -divulged to strangers, committing them unwritten to the memory, and -transmitting them orally to their successors, as if they were the -mysteries of the Gods. Hence it happened, that nothing of their -philosophy worth mentioning, was made public, and that though for a long -time it had been taught and learnt, it was alone known within their -walls. But to those out of their walls, and as I may say, to the -profane, if they happened to be present, these men spoke obscurely to -each other through symbols, of which the celebrated precepts that are -now in circulation retain a vestige; such as, Dig not fire with a sword, -and other symbols of the like kind, which, taken literally, resemble the -tales of old women; but when unfolded, impart a certain admirable and -venerable benefit to those that receive them. - -The precept, however, which is of the greatest efficacy of all others to -the attainment of fortitude, is that which has for its most principal -scope the being defended and liberated from those bonds which detain the -intellect in captivity from infancy, and without which no one can learn -or perceive any thing sane or true, through whatever sense he may -energize. For according to the Pythagoreans, - - ’Tis mind that all things sees and hears; - What else exists is deaf and blind. - -But the precept which is next to this in efficacy is that which exhorts -to be beyond measure studious of purifying the intellect, and by various -methods adapting it through mathematical orgies to receive something -divinely beneficial, so as neither to fear a separation from body, nor, -when led to incorporeal natures, to be forced to turn away the eyes, -through their most refulgent splendor,[47] nor to be converted to those -passions which nail and fasten the soul to the body. And, in short, -which urges the soul to be untamed by all those passions which are the -progeny of the realms of generation, and which draw it to an inferior -condition of being. For the exercise and ascent through all these, is -the study of the most perfect fortitude. And such are the instances -adduced by us of the fortitude of Pythagoras, and the Pythagoreans. - - - CHAP. XXXIII. - -With respect to the amity, however, which subsists in all things towards -all, Pythagoras delivered it in the clearest manner. And, the amity of -the Gods indeed towards men, he unfolded through piety and scientific -cultivation; but that of dogmas towards each other, and universally of -the soul towards the body, and of the rational towards the species of -the irrational part, through philosophy, and the theory pertaining to -it. With respect to the amity of men also towards each other; that of -citizens he delivered through sane legislation, but that of strangers -through a correct physiology; and that between man and wife, or -children, or brothers, and kindred, through unperverted communion. In -short, he unfolded the friendship of all things towards all, and still -farther, of certain irrational animals, through justice and a physical -connexion and association. But the pacification and conciliation of the -body, which is of itself mortal, and of its latent contrary powers, he -unfolded through health, and a diet and temperance conformable to this, -in imitation of the salubrious condition of the mundane elements. In all -these, however, Pythagoras is acknowledged to have been the inventor and -legislator of the summary comprehension of them in one and the same -name, which is that of friendship. And indeed he delivered such an -admirable friendship to his associates, that even now those who are -benevolent in the extreme towards each other, are said to belong to the -Pythagoreans. It is necessary therefore to narrate the discipline of -Pythagoras respecting these things, and the precepts which he used -towards his disciples. - -These men, then, exhorted others to remove from true friendship, contest -and contention, and if possible, indeed, from all friendship; but if -not, at least from that which is parental, and universally from that -which pertains to seniors and benefactors. For to strive or contend with -such as these, in consequence of anger intervening, or some other -such-like passion, is not the salvation of the existing friendship. But -they said it is requisite that there should be the least possible scars -and ulcers in friendships; and that this will be the case, if those that -are friends know how to soften and subdue anger. If both indeed know -this, or rather the younger of the two, and who ranks in some one of the -above-mentioned orders [their friendship will be more easily preserved]. -They also were of opinion, that corrections and admonitions, which they -called _pædartases_, should take place from the elder to the younger -with much suavity and caution; and likewise, that much sedulous and -appropriate attention should be manifested in admonitions. For thus they -will be decorous and beneficial. They also said, that confidence should -never be separated from friendship, neither seriously nor even in jest. -For it is no longer easy for the existing friendship to be in a sane -condition, when falsehood once insinuates itself into the manners of -those that acknowledge themselves to be friends. Again, according to -them, friendship should not be abandoned on account of misfortune, or -any other imbecility to which human life is incident; but they said, -that the only approvable rejection of a friend and friendship, is that -which arises from great and incorrigible vice. Likewise, that hatred -should not be voluntarily entertained against those who are not -perfectly bad; but that if it is once formed, it should be generously -and strenuously retained, unless the object of it changes his manners, -so as to become a better man. That the hostility also should not consist -in words, but in deeds; And that this war is legitimate and holy, when -it is conducted in such a way as it becomes one man to contend with -another. - -They likewise said, that we should never, to the utmost of our power, -become the cause of dissension; but that we should as much as possible -avoid the source of it. That in the friendship also, which is intended -to be pure, the greater part of the things pertaining to it ought to be -definite and legitimate. And that these should be properly -distinguished, and should not be casual; and moreover, that we should be -careful that our conversation may never be negligently and casually -performed, but with modesty, benevolence, and good order. Also, that no -passion, such as desire, or anger, be rashly excited, and in a bad and -erroneous manner. And the same thing must be said of the remaining -passions and dispositions. - -Moreover, that they did not decline foreign friendships carelessly, but -that they avoided and guarded against them, with the greatest sedulity; -and also, that they rigidly preserved friendship towards each other for -many ages, may be inferred from what Aristoxenus in his treatise On the -Pythagoric life, says he heard from Dionysius, the tyrant of Sicily, -when having fallen from monarchy he taught grammar at Corinth. For -Aristoxenus says as follows: “These men as much as possible prohibited -lamentations and tears, and every thing of this kind; and in a similar -manner adulation, entreaty, supplication, and the like. Dionysius, -therefore, having fallen from his tyranny and come to Corinth, narrated -to us the particulars concerning Phintias and Damon the Pythagoreans; -and these were respecting the one being sponsor for the death of the -other. But the mode of the suretyship was as follows: He said that -certain persons, who were familiar with him, had frequently made mention -of the Pythagoreans, defaming and reviling them, calling them arrogant, -and asserting that their gravity, their pretended fidelity, and apathy -would be laid aside, if any one should cause them to fall into [some -great] calamity. Certain persons however contradicting this, and -contention arising on the subject, recourse was had to artifice, and one -of the accusers of Phintias said before him, that he evidently conspired -with certain others against the life of Dionysius. This also was -testified by some that were present, and the charges against Phintias -appeared to be very probable. Phintias therefore was astonished at the -accusation. But when Dionysius had unequivocally said, that he had -accurately explored all these particulars, and that it was necessary -that he should die, Phintias replied, that if it appeared requisite to -him that this should take place, he requested that he would grant him -the remainder of the day, in order that he might settle his own affairs, -and also those of Damon. For those men lived together, and had all -things in common. Phintias, however, being the elder, the management of -the domestic concerns was for the most part undertaken by him. He -requested therefore, that Dionysius would suffer him to depart for this -purpose, and he would appoint Damon for his surety. Dionysius therefore -said that he wondered at the request, and that he asked him whether -there was any man who was willing to become security for the death of -another. But Phintias asserting that there was, Damon was sent for, who, -on hearing what had happened, said that he would become the sponsor, and -that he would remain there till Phintias returned. Dionysius therefore -said, that he was immediately astonished at these circumstances; but -that they who at first introduced the experiment, derided Damon as one -who would be caught, and said sneeringly that he would be the vicarious -stag. When therefore it was near sunset, Phintias came to die; at which -all that were present were astonished and subdued. But Dionysius said, -that having embraced and kissed the men, he requested that they would -receive him as the third into their friendship. They however would by no -means consent to a thing of this kind, though he entreated them to -comply with his request.” And these things are related by Aristoxenus, -who received them from Dionysius himself. - -It is also said, that the Pythagoreans endeavoured to perform the -offices of friendship to those of their sect, though they were unknown -to, and had never been seen by each other, when they had received a -certain indication of the participation of the same doctrines; so that -from such friendly offices the assertion may be credited, that worthy -men, even though they should dwell in the most remote parts of the -earth, are mutually friends, and this before they become known to and -salute each other. It is said therefore, that a certain Pythagorean, -travelling through a long and solitary road on foot, came to an inn; and -there, from labor and other all-various causes, fell into a long and -severe disease, so as to be at length in want of the necessaries of -life. The inn-keeper, however, whether from commiseration of the man, or -from benevolence, supplied him with every thing that was requisite, -neither sparing for this purpose any assistance or expense. But the -Pythagorean falling a victim to the disease, wrote a certain symbol, -before he died, in a table, and desired the inn-keeper, if he should -happen to die, to suspend the table near the road, and observe whether -any passenger read the symbol. For that person, said he, will repay you -what you have spent on me, and will also thank you for your kindness. -The inn-keeper, therefore, after the death of the Pythagorean, having -buried, and paid the requisite attention to his body, had neither any -hopes of being repaid, nor of receiving any recompense from some one who -might read the table. At the same time, however, being surprised at the -request of the Pythagorean, he was induced to expose the writing in the -public road. A long time after, therefore, a certain Pythagorean passing -that way, having understood the symbol, and learnt who it was that -placed the table there, and having also investigated every particular, -paid the inn-keeper a much greater sum of money than he had disbursed. - -It is likewise related of Clinias the Tarentine, that when he had learnt -that Prorus the Cyrenæan, who was zealously addicted to the Pythagorean -doctrines, was in danger of losing all his property, he sailed to -Cyrene, after having collected a sum of money, and restored the affairs -of Prorus to a better condition, not only incurring, in so doing, a -diminution of his own property, but despising the peril which he was -exposed to in the voyage. After the same manner also, Thestor -Posidoniates, having learnt from report alone, that Thymaridas Parius -the Pythagorean had fallen into poverty, from the possession of great -wealth, is said to have sailed to Parus, after having collected a large -sum of money, and thus reinstated Thymaridas in property. These -therefore are beautiful instances of friendship. _The decisions, -however, of the Pythagoreans respecting the communion of divine goods, -the concord of intellect, and things pertaining to a divine soul, are -much more admirable than the above examples. For they perpetually -exhorted each other, not to divulse the God within them. Hence all the -endeavour of their friendship both in deeds and words, was directed to a -certain divine mixture, to a union with divinity, and to a communion -with intellect and a divine soul._ But it is not possible to find any -thing better than this, either in what is uttered by words, or performed -by deeds. For I am of opinion, that all the goods of friendship are -comprehended in this. Hence, as we have collected in this, as in a -summit, all the prerogatives of the Pythagoric friendship, we shall omit -to say any thing further about it. - - - CHAP. XXXIV. - -Since, however, we have thus generally, and with arrangement, discussed -what pertains to Pythagoras and the Pythagoreans; let us after this -narrate such scattered particulars relative to this subject, as do not -fall under the above-mentioned order. It is said, therefore, that each -of the Greeks who joined himself to this community of the Pythagoreans, -was ordered to use his native language. For they did not approve of the -use of a foreign tongue. Foreigners also united themselves to the -Pythagoric sect, viz. the Messenians, the Lucani, Picentini, and the -Romans. And Metrodorus the son of Thyrsus who was the father of -Epicharmus,[48] and who transferred the greater part of his doctrine to -medicine, says in explaining the writings of his father to his brother, -that Epicharmus, and prior to him Pythagoras, conceived that the best -dialect, as well as the best harmony of music, is the Doric; that the -Ionic and the Æolic participate of the chromatic harmony; but that the -Attic dialect is replete with this in a still greater degree. They were -also of opinion, that the Doric dialect, which consists of vocal -letters, is enharmonic. - -Fables likewise bear testimony to the antiquity of this dialect. For in -these it is said that Nereus married Doris the daughter of Ocean; by -whom he had fifty daughters, one of which was the mother of Achilles. -Metrodorus also says, that according to some, Hellen was the offspring -of Deucalion, who was the son of Prometheus and Pyrrha the daughter of -Epimetheus; and that from him came Dorus, and Æolus. He farther -observes, that he learnt from the sacred rites of the Babylonians, that -Hellen was the offspring of Jupiter, and that the sons of Hellen were -Dorus, Xuthus, and Æolus; with which narrations Herodotus also accords. -It is difficult, however, for those in more recent times to know -accurately, in particulars so ancient, which of these narrations is to -be preferred. But it may be collected from each of these histories, that -the Doric dialect is acknowledged to be the most ancient; that the Æolic -is next to this, which received its name from Æolus; and that the Ionic -ranks as the third, which derived its appellation from Ion the son of -Xuthus. The Attic is the fourth, which was denominated from Creusa, the -daughter of Erectheus, and is posterior to the former dialects by three -generations, as it existed about the time of the Thracians, and the rape -of Orithyia, as is evident from the testimony of most histories. Orpheus -also, who is the most ancient of the poets, used the Doric dialect. - -Of medicine, however, they especially embraced the diætetic species, and -in the exercise of this were most accurate. And in the first place, -indeed, they endeavoured to learn the indications of symmetry, of labor, -food, and repose. In the next place, with respect to the preparation of -food, they were nearly the first who attempted to employ themselves in -it, and to define the mode in which it should be performed. The -Pythagoreans likewise employed cataplasms, more frequently than their -predecessors; but they in a less degree approved of medicated ointments. -These, however, they principally used in the cure of ulcerations. But -incisions and burnings they admitted the least of all things. Some -diseases also they cured by incantations. But they are said to have -objected to those who expose disciplines to sale; who open their souls -like the gates of an inn to every man that approaches to them; and who, -if they do not thus find buyers, diffuse themselves through cities, and, -in short, hire gymnasia and require a reward from young men for those -things which are without price. Pythagoras, however, concealed the -meaning of much that was said by him, in order that those who were -genuinely instructed might clearly be partakers of it; but that others, -as Homer says of Tantalus, might be pained in the midst of what they -heard, in consequence of receiving no delight from thence. - -I think also, it was said by the Pythagoreans, respecting those who -teach for the sake of reward, that they show themselves to be worse than -statuaries, or those artists who perform their work sitting. For these, -when some one orders them to make a statue of Hermes, search for wood -adapted to the reception of the proper form; but those pretend that they -can readily produce the works of virtue from every nature.[49] The -Pythagoreans likewise said, that it is more necessary to pay attention -to philosophy, than to parents and agriculture; for it is owing to the -latter, indeed, that we live; but philosophers and preceptors are the -causes of our living well, and becoming wise, in consequence of having -discovered the right mode of discipline and instruction. Nor did they -think fit either to speak or write in such a way, that their conceptions -might be obvious to any casual persons; but Pythagoras is said to have -taught this in the first place to those that came to him, that, being -purified from all incontinence, they should preserve in silence the -doctrines they had heard. It is said, therefore, that he who first -divulged the theory of commensurable and incommensurable quantities, to -those who were unworthy to receive it, was so hated by the Pythagoreans -that they not only expelled him from their common association, and from -living with them, but also constructed a tomb for him, as one who had -migrated from the human and passed into a another life. Others also say, -that the Divine Power was indignant with those who divulged the dogmas -of Pythagoras: for that he perished in the sea, as an impious person, -who rendered manifest the composition of the _icostagonus_; viz. who -delivered the method of inscribing in a sphere the dodecaedron, which is -one of what are called the five solid figures. But according to others, -this happened to him who unfolded the doctrine of irrational and -incommensurable quantities.[50] Moreover, all the Pythagoric discipline -was symbolic, and resembled enigmas and riddles, consisting of -apothegms, in consequence of imitating antiquity in its character; just -as the truly divine and Pythian oracles appear to be in a certain -respect difficult to be understood and explained, to those who -carelessly receive the answers which they give. Such therefore, and so -many are the indications respecting Pythagoras and the Pythagoreans, -which may be collected from what is disseminated about them. - - - CHAP. XXXV. - -There were, however, certain persons who were hostile to these men, and -rose against them. That stratagems therefore were employed to destroy -them, during the absence of Pythagoras, is universally acknowledged; but -those that have written on this subject, differ in their account of the -journey which he then undertook. For some say that he went to Pherecydes -the Syrian, but others to Metapontum. Many causes, however, of the -stratagems are enumerated. And one of them, which is said to have -originated from the men called Cylonians, was as follows: Cylon the -Crotonian held the first place among the citizens for birth, renown, and -wealth; but otherwise, he was a severe, violent, and turbulent man, and -of tyrannical manners. He had, however, the greatest desire of being -made a partaker of the Pythagoric life, and having applied himself to -Pythagoras, who was now an elderly man,[51] for this purpose, was -rejected by him on account of the above-mentioned causes. In consequence -of this, therefore, he and his friends exercised violent hostilities -against Pythagoras and his disciples. So vehement likewise and -immoderate[52] was the ambition of Cylon, and of those who arranged -themselves on his side, that it extended itself to the very last of the -Pythagoreans. Pythagoras, therefore, for this cause went to Metapontum, -and there is said to have terminated his life. But those who were called -the Cylonians continued to form stratagems against the Pythagoreans, and -to exhibit indications of all possible malevolence. Nevertheless, for a -certain time the probity of the Pythagoreans subdued [this enmity,] and -also the decision of the cities themselves, so that they were willing -that their political concerns should be managed by the Pythagoreans -[alone]. At length, however, the Cylonians became so hostile to the -men,[53] that setting fire to the house of Milo in which the -Pythagoreans were seated, and were consulting about warlike concerns; -they burnt all the men except two, Archippus and Lysis. For these being -in perfect vigour, and most robust, escaped out of the house. But this -taking place, and no mention being made by the multitude of the calamity -which had happened, the Pythagoreans ceased to pay any further attention -to the affairs of government. This however happened through two causes, -through the negligence of the cities (for they were not at all affected -by so great a calamity taking place) and through the loss of those men -who were most qualified to govern. But of the two Pythagoreans that were -saved, and both of whom were Tarentines, Archippus indeed returned to -Tarentum; but Lysis hating the negligence [of the cities] went into -Greece, and dwelt in the Achaia of Peloponnesus. Afterwards, he migrated -to Thebes, being stimulated by a certain ardent desire [of retreating -thither]; and _there he had for his auditor Epaminondas who called Lysis -his father_. There also Lysis terminated his life. But the rest of the -Pythagoreans, except Archytas of Tarentum, departed from Italy, and -being collected together in Rhegium, there dwelt with each other. The -most celebrated of them, however, were Phanto, Echecrates, Polymnastus, -and Diocles, who were Phlyasians; and Xenophilus Chalcidensis of Thrace. -But in the course of time, when the administration of public affairs -proceeded into a worse condition, these Pythagoreans nevertheless -preserved their pristine manners and disciplines, though the sect began -to fail, till it generously perished. These things, therefore, are -narrated by Aristoxenus. - -Nicomachus, however, in other respects accords with Aristoxenus, but as -to the journey of Pythagoras, he says that this stratagem took place, -while Pythagoras was at Delos. For he went there, in order to give -assistance to his preceptor Pherecydes the Syrian who was then afflicted -with the morbus pedicularis, and when he died, performed the necessary -funeral rites. Then, therefore, those who had been rejected by the -Pythagoreans, and to whom monuments had been raised, as if they were -dead, attacked them, and committed all of them to the flames. -Afterwards, they were overwhelmed by the Italians with stones, and -thrown out of the house unburied. At that time, therefore, it happened -that science failed together with those who possessed scientific -knowledge, because till that period, it was preserved by them in their -breasts as something arcane and ineffable. But such things only as were -difficult to be understood, and which were not unfolded, were preserved -in the memory of those who did not belong to the Pythagorean sect; a few -things excepted, which certain Pythagoreans, who happened at that time -to be in foreign lands, preserved as certain sparks of science very -obscure and of difficult investigation. These also, being left by -themselves, and not moderately dejected by the calamity, were scattered -in different places, and no longer endured to have any communion with -the rest of mankind. But they lived alone in solitary places, wherever -they happened to meet with them; and each greatly preferred an -association with himself to that with any other person. - -Fearing, however, lest the name of philosophy should be entirely -exterminated from mankind, and that they should on this account incur -the indignation of the Gods, by suffering so great a gift of theirs to -perish, they made an arrangement of certain commentaries and symbols, -and likewise, collected together the writings of the more ancient -Pythagoreans, and of such things as they remembered. These, each left at -his death to his son, or daughter, or wife, with a strict injunction not -to give them to any one out of the family. This mandate therefore, was -for a long time observed, and was transmitted in succession to their -posterity, - -Since, however, Apollonius dissents in a certain place respecting these -particulars, and adds many things which we have not mentioned, we shall -also insert his narration of the stratagem employed against the -Pythagoreans. He says, therefore, that the envy of others attended -Pythagoras from his childhood. For as long as he conversed with all that -came to him, he was pleasing to them; but when he associated with his -disciples alone, the favourable opinion which the multitude entertained -of him was diminished. And they permitted him indeed, to pay more -attention to strangers than to themselves; but they were indignant at -his preferring some of their fellow-citizens before others, and they -apprehended that his disciples assembled together with intentions -hostile to them. In the next place, as the young men that were indignant -with him were of high rank, and surpassed others in wealth, and when -they arrived at a proper age, not only held the first honors in their -own families, but also managed the affairs of the city in common, they -formed a large body of men (for they were more than three hundred in -number) and in consequence of this there was but a small part of the -city, which was not conversant with the same manners and the same -pursuits as they were. - -Moreover, as long as the Crotonians continued in their own country, and -Pythagoras dwelt with them, that form of government remained which had -been established when the city was founded, but which was not pleasing -to the people, and therefore induced them to seek an occasion of -producing a change. When therefore Sybaris was captured, and the land -taken in the war was not divided by lot, according to the desire of the -multitude, their silent hatred of the Pythagoreans burst forth, and the -populace separated themselves from them. But the leaders of this -dissension were those that were most near to the Pythagoreans, both by -alliance and familiarity. The cause however of the discord was this, -that many of the actions of the Pythagoreans offended these leaders, as -well as casual persons, because these actions had something peculiar in -them when compared with those of others. But in the greatest of these -actions they conceived that disgrace befel themselves alone. - -Farther still, no one of the Pythagoreans called Pythagoras by his name, -but while he was alive, when they wished to denote him, they called him -_divine_; and after his death they denominated him _that man_; just as -Homer represents Eumæus when he makes mention of Ulysses, saying, - - Him, tho’ he’s absent, yet I fear, O guest, - To name; such is the greatness of my love and care. - -Conformably likewise to the precepts of their master, the Pythagoreans -always rose from bed before the rising of the sun; and never wore a ring -in which the image of God was engraved. They also carefully observed to -adore the rising sun, and avoided wearing a ring of the above mentioned -description, lest they should have it about them at funerals, or in some -impure place. In a similar manner, they were attentive to the mandate of -Pythagoras, not to do any thing without previous deliberation and -disquisition; but to form a plan in the morning of what ought to be done -[in the course of the day,] and at night to call to mind the actions of -the day, by this means at one and the same time exploring their conduct, -and exercising their memory. Thus too, they observed the precept, that -if any one of their associates appointed to meet them at a certain -place, they should stay there till he came through the day and the -night; in this again, the Pythagoreans being accustomed to remember what -was said, and not to speak casually. In short Pythagoras ordered them to -be attentive to order and method as long as they lived, and not to -blaspheme at the time of death, but to die with propitious words, such -as are used by those who are sailing out of port into the Adriatic -sea.[54] - -The kindred of the Pythagoreans however, were indignant that the -Pythagoreans gave their right hand to those of their own sect alone, -their parents excepted; and that they shared their possessions with each -other in common, but excluded their relations from this fellowship, as -if they were strangers. These, therefore, becoming the sources of the -dissension, the rest readily fell into hostility against the -Pythagoreans. Hippasus, also, Diodorus and Theages said at the same -time, that every citizen ought to be a partaker of the magistracy and -the assembly, and that the rulers should give an account of their -conduct, to those who were elected by lot for this purpose from the -multitude. But the Pythagoreans, Alcimachus, Dimachus, Meton and -Democedes opposed this, and persevered in prohibiting the dissolution of -the polity derived from their ancestors. Those however, who patronized -the multitude, subdued the other party. The multitude therefore, being -assembled together, Cylon and Ninon who were rhetoricians accused the -Pythagoreans. And of these, one belonged to the class of the rich, but -the other was a plebeian. They also divided their harangues between -themselves. But of these harangues, the longer being delivered by Cylon, -Ninon concluded, pretending that he had explored the arcana of the -Pythagoreans, and that he had connected and committed to writing such -particulars as were especially calculated to criminate the Pythagoreans, -and giving a book to ascribe, he ordered him to read it. But the book -was inscribed _the Sacred Discourse_. And the following is a specimen of -what it contained: Friends are to be venerated in the same manner as the -Gods; but others are to be treated as brutes. This very sentence also is -ascribed to Pythagoras by his disciples, and is by them expressed in -verse as follows: - - He like the blessed Gods his friends rever’d, - But reckon’d others men of no account. - -Homer, too, especially deserves to be praised for calling a king _the -shepherd of the people_. For being a friend to that government in which -the rulers are few, he evinced by this epithet that the rest of men are -cattle. To beans it is requisite to be hostile, as being the leaders of -decision by lot; for by these men were allotted the administration of -affairs. Again, empire should be the object of desire: for they proclaim -that it is better to be one day a bull, than to be an ox for ever. That -the legal institutes of others are laudable; but that they should be -exhorted to use those which are known to themselves. In one word, Ninon -showed that their philosophy was a conspiracy against the multitude, and -therefore exhorted them not to hear the counsellors, but to consider -that they would never have been admitted into the assembly, if the -council of the Pythagoreans had been approved by the session of a -thousand men; so that it was not fit to suffer those to speak, who -prevented to the utmost of their power others from being heard. He -observed, therefore, that they should consider the right hand which was -rejected by the Pythagoreans, as hostile to them, when they gave their -suffrages by an extension of the hands, or calculated the number of the -votes. That they should also consider it to be a disgraceful -circumstance, that they who conquered thirty myriads of men at the river -Tracis, should be vanquished by a thousandth part of the same number -through sedition in the city itself. In short Ninon so exasperated his -hearers by his calumnies, that in a few days after, a great multitude -assembled together intending to attack the Pythagoreans as they were -sacrificing to the Muses in a house near to the temple of Apollo. The -Pythagoreans, however, foreseeing that this would take place, fled to an -inn; but Democedes, with those that had arrived at puberty, withdrew to -Platea. And those that had dissolved the laws made a decree in which -they accused Democedes of compelling the younger part of the community -to the possession of empire, and proclaimed by a cryer that thirty -talents should be given to any one who destroyed him. An engagement also -taking place, and Theages having vanquished Democedes in that contest, -they distributed to him the thirty talents which the city had promised. -But as the city, and the whole region were involved in many evils, the -exiles were brought to judgment, and the power of decision being given -to three cities, viz. to the Tarentines, Metapontines, and the -Caulonians, those that were sent by them to determine the cause were -corrupted by money, as we learn from the chronicles of the Crotonians. -Hence the Crotonians condemned by their own decision those that were -accused, to exile. In consequence, too, of this decision, and the -authority which it conferred on them, they expelled all those from the -city, who were dissatisfied with the existing state of affairs, and at -the same time banished all their families, asserting that it was not fit -to be impious, and that children ought not to be divulsed from their -parents. They likewise abolished loans, and made the land to be -undivided.[55] - -Many years after this, when Dinarchus and his associates were slain in -another battle, and Litagus also was dead, who had been the greatest -leader of the seditious, a certain pity and repentance induced the -citizens to recall those Pythagoreans that were left, from exile. For -this purpose, they sent ambassadors from Achaia, and through them became -amicable with the exiles, and consecrated their oaths at Delphi. But the -Pythagoreans who returned from exile were about sixty in number, except -those who were of a more advanced age, among which were some who applied -themselves to medicine, and restored health to those that were sick by a -certain diet; of which method of cure they were themselves the authors. -It happened however, that those Pythagoreans who were saved, and who -were particularly celebrated by the multitude, at that time in which it -was said to the lawless, _This is not the condition of things which was -under Ninon_;—these same Pythagoreans having left the city in order to -procure assistance against the Thurians who invaded the country, -perished in battle, mutually defending each other. But the city was so -changed into a contrary opinion [of the Pythagoreans,] that besides the -praise which it bestowed on them, it apprehended that it would gratify -the Muses in a still greater degree, if it performed a public sacrifice -in the temple of the Muses, which at the request of the Pythagoreans, -they had before constructed in honor of those Goddesses, And thus much -concerning the attack which was made on the Pythagoreans. - - - CHAP. XXXVI. - -The successor, however, of Pythagoras, is acknowledged by all men to -have been Aristæus, the son of Damophon the Crotonian, who existing at -the same time as Pythagoras, was seven ages prior to Plato. Aristæus -likewise, was not only thought worthy to succeed Pythagoras in his -school, but also to educate his children, and marry his wife Theano, -because he was eminently skilled in the Pythagoric dogmas. For -Pythagoras himself is said to have taught in his school, forty years -wanting one, and to have lived nearly one hundred years. But Aristæus, -when much advanced in years, relinquished the school; and after him -Mnesarchus succeeded, who was the son of Pythagoras. Bulagoras succeeded -Mnesarchus, in whose time it happened that the city of the Crotonians -was plundered. Gartydas the Crotonian succeeded Bulagoras, on his return -from a journey which he had undertaken prior to the war. Nevertheless on -account of the calamity of his country, he suffered so much anxiety, as -to die prematurely through grief. But it was the custom with the rest of -the Pythagoreans, when they became very old, to liberate themselves from -the body as from a prison. - -Moreover, some time after, Aresas Lucanus, being saved through certain -strangers, undertook the management of the school; and to him came -Diodorus Aspendius, who was received into the school, on account of the -paucity of the Pythagoreans it contained. And in Heraclea, indeed, were -Clinias and Philolaus; but at Metapontum, Theorides and Eurytus; and at -Tarentum Archytas. It is also said that Epicharmus was one of the -foreign auditors; but that he was not one of the school. Having however -arrived at Syracuse, he abstained from philosophizing openly, on account -of the tyranny of Hiero. But he inserted the conceptions of the men in -metre, and published in comedies the occult dogmas of Pythagoras. - -Of all the Pythagoreans, however, it is probable that many are unknown -and anonymous. But the following are the names of those that are known -and celebrated: Of the Crotonians, Hippostratus, Dymas, Ægon, Æmon, -Sillus, Cleosthenes, Agelas, Episylus, Phyciadas, Ecphantus, Timæus, -Buthius, Eratus, Itmæus, Rhodippus, Bryas, Evandrus, Myllias, Antimedon, -Ageas, Leophron, Agylus, Onatus, Hipposthenes, Cleophron, Alcmæon, -Damocles, Milon, Menon. Of the Metapontines, Brontinus, Parmiseus, -Orestadas, Leon, Damarmenus, Æneas, Chilas, Melisias, Aristeas, Laphion, -Evandrus, Agesidamus, Xenocades, Euryphemus, Aristomenes, Agesarchus, -Alceas, Xenophantes, Thraseus, Arytus, Epiphron, Eiriscus, Megistias, -Leocydes, Thrasymedes, Euphemus, Procles, Antimenes, Lacritus, -Damotages, Pyrrho, Rhexibius, Alopecus, Astylus, Dacidas, Aliochus, -Lacrates, Glycinus. Of the Agrigentines, Empedocles. Of the Eleatæ, -Parmenides. Of the Tarentines, Philolaus, Eurytus, Archytas, Theodorus, -Aristippus, Lycon, Hestiæus, Polemarchus, Asteas, Clinias, Cleon, -Eurymedon, Arceas, Clinagoras, Archippus, Zopyrus, Euthynus, Dicæarchus, -Philonidas, Phrontidas, Lysis, Lysibius, Dinocrates, Echecrates, -Paction, Acusiladas, Icmus, Pisicrates, Clearatus. - -Of the Leontines, Phrynichus, Smichias, Aristoclidas, Clinias, -Abroteles, Pisyrrhydus, Bryas, Evandrus, Archemachus, Mimnomachus, -Achmonidas, Dicas, Carophantidas. Of the Sybarites, Metopus, Hippasus, -Proxenus, Evanor, Deanax, Menestor, Diocles, Empedus, Timasius, -Polemæus, Evæus, Tyrsenus. Of the Carthaginians, Miltiades, Anthen, -Odius, Leocritus. Of the Parians, Æetius, Phænecles, Dexitheus, -Alcimachus, Dinarchus, Meton, Timæus, Timesianax, Amærus, Thymaridas. Of -the Locrians, Gyptius, Xenon, Philodamus, Evetes, Adicus, Sthenonidas, -Sosistratus, Euthynus, Zaleucus, Timares. Of the Posidonians, Athamas, -Simus, Proxenus, Cranous, Myes, Bathylaus, Phædon. Of the Lucani, -Ocellus and Occillus who were brothers, Oresandrus, Cerambus, Dardaneus, -Malion. Of the Ægeans, Hippomedon, Timosthenes, Euelthon, Thrasydamus, -Crito, Polyctor. Of the Lacones, Autocharidas, Cleanor, Eurycrates. Of -the Hyperboreans, Abaris. Of the Rheginenses, Aristides, Demosthenes, -Aristocrates, Phytius, Helicaon, Mnesibulus, Hipparchides, Athosion, -Euthycles, Opsimus. Of the Selinuntians, Calais. Of the Syracusans, -Leptines, Phintias, Damon. Of the Samians, Melissus, Lacon, Archippus, -Glorippus, Heloris, Hippon, Of the Caulonienses, Callibrotus, Dicon, -Nastas, Drymon, Xentas. Of the Phliasians, Diocles, Echecrates, -Polymnastus, Phanton. Of the Sicyonians, Poliades, Demon, Sostratius, -Sosthenes. Of the Cyrenæans, Prorus, Melanippus, Aristangelus, -Theodorus. Of the Cyziceni, Pythodorus, Hipposthenes, Butherus, -Xenophilus. Of the Catanæi, Charondas, Lysiades. Of the Corinthians, -Chrysippus. Of the Tyrrhenians, Nausitheus. Of the Athenians, Neocritus. -And of Pontus, Lyramnus. In all, two hundred and eighteen. [And these, -indeed, are not all the Pythagoreans, but of all of them they are the -most famous.[56]] - -But the most illustrious Pythagorean women are Timycha, the wife of -Myllias the Crotonian. Philtis, the daughter of Theophrius the -Crotonian, Byndacis, the sister of Ocellus and Occillus, Lucanians. -Chilonis, the daughter of Chilon the Lacedæmonian. Cratesiclea the -Lacedæmonian, the wife of Cleanor the Lacedæmonian. Theano, the wife of -Brontinus of Metapontum. Mya, the wife of Milon the Crotonian. Lasthenia -the Arcadian. Abrotelia, the daughter of Abroteles the Tarentine. -Echecratia the Phliasian. Tyrsenis, the Sybarite. Pisirrhonde, the -Tarentine. Nisleadusa, the Lacedæmonian. Bryo, the Argive. Babelyma, the -Argive. And Cleæchma, the sister of Autocharidas the Lacedæmonian. In -all seventeen. - - - - - FRAGMENTS - OF THE - ETHICAL WRITINGS - OF CERTAIN - PYTHAGOREANS. - - - - - FROM - HIPPODAMUS, THE THURIAN, - IN HIS TREATISE - ON FELICITY. - - -Of animals, some are the recipients of felicity, but others are -incapable of receiving it. And those animals, indeed, are receptive of -it that have reason. For felicity cannot subsist without virtue; and -virtue is first ingenerated in that which possesses reason. But those -animals are incapable of receiving felicity, that are destitute of -reason. For neither can that which is deprived of sight, receive the -work or the virtue of sight; nor can that which is destitute of reason, -be the recipient of the work, or the virtue of that which possesses -reason. With respect to felicity, however, and virtue, the former is as -a work, but the latter as a certain art, to that which possesses reason. -But of animals which possess reason, some are self-perfect, and these -are such as are perfect through themselves, and are indigent of nothing -external, either to their existence, or to their existing well and -beautifully. And such, indeed, is God. Those animals, however, are not -self-perfect, which are not perfect through themselves, but are in want -of external causes to their perfection. And man is an animal of this -kind. Of animals, therefore, which are not self-perfect, some indeed are -perfect, but others are not perfect. And those indeed are perfect which -derive their subsistence both from their own [proper] causes, and from -external causes. And they derive it indeed from their own causes, -because they obtain from thence both an excellent nature and deliberate -choice; but from external causes, because they receive from thence -equitable legislation and good rulers. But the animals which are not -perfect, are either such as participate of neither of these, or of some -one of these, or whose souls are entirely depraved. And such will the -man be who is of a description different from the above. - -Moreover, of perfect men there are two differences. For some of them are -naturally perfect; but others are perfect according to life. And those -indeed alone that are good, are naturally perfect. But these are such as -possess virtue. For the virtue of the nature of every thing is a summit -and perfection. Thus the virtue of the eye is the summit and perfection -of the nature of the eye. But the virtue of man is the summit and -perfection of the nature of man. Those also are perfect according to -life, who are not only good, but happy. For felicity, indeed, is the -perfection of human life. But human, life is a system of actions: and: -felicity gives completion to the actions. Virtue also and fortune give -completion to actions; virtue, indeed, according to use; but good -fortune according to prosperity. God therefore is neither good through -learning virtue from any one, nor is he happy through being attended by -good fortune. For he is good by nature, and happy by nature, and always -was and will be, and will never cease to be, such; since he is -incorruptible, and naturally good. But man is neither happy nor good by -nature, but requires discipline and providential care. And in order to -become good, indeed; he requires virtue; but in order to become happy, -good fortune. On this account, human felicity summarily consists of -these two things, viz. of praise, and the predication of beatitude. Of -praise indeed, from virtue; but of the predication of beatitude, from -prosperity. It possesses virtue therefore, through a divine destiny, but -prosperity through a mortal allotment. But mortal are suspended from -divine concerns, and terrestrial from such as are celestial. Things -subordinate, also, are suspended from such as are more excellent. And on -this account, the good man who follows the Gods is happy; but he who -follows mortal natures is miserable. For to him who possesses wisdom, -prosperity is good and useful. It is good, indeed, through his knowledge -of the use of it; but it is useful, through his co-operating with -actions. It is beautiful, therefore, when prosperity is present with -intellect, and when sailing as it were with a prosperous wind, actions -are performed looking to virtue; just as a pilot looks to the motions of -the stars. For thus, he who does this will not only follow God, but will -also co-arrange human with divine good. - -This also is evident, that [human] life becomes different from -disposition and action. But it is necessary that the disposition should -be either worthy or depraved; and that action should be attended either -with felicity or misery. And a worthy disposition, indeed, participates -of virtue; but a bad one of vice. With respect to actions, also, those -that are prosperous are attended with felicity; (for they derive their -completion through looking to reason) but those that are unfortunate, -are attended with misery; for they are frustrated of the end. Hence, it -is not only necessary to learn virtue, but also to possess and use it, -either for security, or increase, [of property when it is too little] -or, which is the greatest thing of all, for the emendation of families -and cities. For it is not only necessary to have the possession of -things beautiful, but also the use of them. All these things, however, -will take place, when a man lives in a city that uses equitable laws. -And these, indeed, I say, are what is called the horn of Amalthea. For -all things are contained in equitable legislation. And without this, the -greatest good of human nature can neither be effected, nor, when -effected, be increased and become permanent. For this comprehends in -itself virtue, and the tendency to virtue; because excellent natures are -generated according to it. Manners, likewise, studies, and laws, subsist -through this in the most excellent condition; and besides these, -rightly-deciding reason, and piety and sanctity towards the most -honorable natures. So that it is necessary that he who is to be happy, -and whose life is to be prosperous, should live and die in a country -governed by equitable laws, relinquishing all illegality. At the same -time what has been said is attended with necessity. For man is a part of -society, and hence from the same reasoning, will become entire and -perfect, if he not only associates with others, but associates in a -becoming manner. For some things are naturally adapted to subsist in -many things, and not in one thing; others in one thing, and not in many; -but others both in many, and in one thing, and on this account in one -thing, because in many. For harmony, indeed, and symphony and number, -are naturally adapted to be ingenerated in many things. For nothing -which makes a whole from these parts, is sufficient to itself.[57] But -acuteness of seeing and hearing, and swiftness of feet, subsist in one -thing alone. Felicity, however, and the virtue of soul, subsist both in -one thing and in many, in a whole, and in the universe. And on this -account they subsist in one thing, because they also subsist in many: -and they subsist in many, because they are inherent in a whole and in -the universe. For the orderly distribution of the whole nature of things -methodically arranges each particular. And the orderly distribution of -particulars gives completion to the whole of things and to the universe. -But this follows from the whole being naturally prior to the part, and -not the part to the whole. For if the world was not, neither the sun nor -the moon would exist, nor the planets, nor the fixed stars. But the -world existing, each of these also exists. - -The truth of this also may be seen in the nature itself of animals. For -if animal had no existence, there would neither be eye, nor mouth, nor -ear. But animal existing, each of these likewise exists. As the whole, -however, is to the part, so is the virtue of the whole to the virtue of -the part. For harmony not existing, and a divine inspection of mundane -affairs, things which are adorned would no longer be able to remain in -an excellent condition. And equitable legislation not existing in a -city, it is not possible for a citizen to be good or happy. Health, -likewise, not existing in the animal, it is not possible for the foot or -the hand to be strong and healthy. For harmony indeed is the virtue of -the world; equitable legislation is the virtue of a city; and health and -strength are the virtue of the body. Each of the parts likewise in these -things is co-arranged on account of the whole and the universe. For the -eyes see on account of the whole body. And the other parts and members -are co-arranged for the sake of the whole [body] and the universe. - - - - - FROM - EURYPHAMUS, - IN HIS TREATISE - CONCERNING HUMAN LIFE. - - -The perfect life of man falls short indeed of the life of God, because -it is not self-perfect, but surpasses that of irrational animals, -because it participates of virtue and felicity. For neither is God in -want of external causes; since being naturally good and happy, he is -perfect from himself; nor any irrational animal. For brutes being -destitute of reason, they are also destitute of the sciences pertaining -to actions. But the nature of man partly consists of his own proper -deliberate choice, and partly is in want of the assistance derived from -divinity. For that which is capable of being fashioned by reason, which -has an intellectual perception of things beautiful and base, can erectly -extend itself from earth, and look to heaven, and can perceive with the -eye of intellect the highest Gods,—that which is capable of all this, -participates likewise of assistance from the Gods. But in consequence of -possessing will, deliberate choice, and a principle of such a kind in -itself as enables it to study virtue, and to be agitated by the storms -of vice, to follow, and also to apostatize from the Gods,—it is likewise -able to be moved by itself. Hence it is a partaker of praise and blame, -honor and ignominy, partly from the Gods and partly from men, according -as it zealously applies itself either to virtue or vice. For the whole -reason of the thing is as follows: Divinity introduced man into the -world as a most exquisite animal, to be reciprocally honored with -himself, and _as the eye of the orderly distribution of things_. Hence -also man gave names to things, becoming himself the character of them. -He likewise invented letters, procuring through these a treasury of -memory. And he imitated the established order of the universe, -co-harmonizing by judicial proceedings and laws the communion of cities. -For no work is performed by men more decorous to the world, or more -worthy of the notice of the Gods, than the apt constitution of a city -governed by good laws, and an orderly distribution of laws and a polity. -For though each man himself by himself is nothing, and is not himself by -himself sufficient to lead a life conformable to the common concord, and -apt composition of a polity, yet he is well adapted to the whole and to -the perfect system of society. For the life of man is the image of a -lyre accurately [harmonized,] and in every respect perfect. For every -lyre requires these three things, apparatus, apt composition, and a -certain musical contrectation. And apparatus indeed, is a preparation of -all the appropriate parts; viz. of the chords, and of the instruments -which co-operate with the well-sounding and striking of the lyre. But -the apt composition is the commixture of the sounds with each other. And -the musical contrectation is the motion of these conformably to the apt -composition. Thus also human life requires these same three things. -Apparatus, indeed, which is the completion of the parts of life. But the -parts of life are the goods of the body, of riches, renown, and friends. -The apt composition is the co-arrangement of these according to virtue -and the laws. And the musical contrectation is the commixture of these -conformably to virtue and the laws; virtue sailing with a prosperous -wind, and having nothing externally resisting it. For felicity does not -consist in being driven from the purpose of voluntary intentions, but in -obtaining them; nor in virtue being without attendants and ministrant -aids; but in completely possessing its own proper powers which are -adapted to actions. For man is not self-perfect, but imperfect. And he -becomes perfect, partly from himself, and partly from an external cause. -He is likewise perfect, either according to nature, or according to -life. And he is perfect indeed according to nature, if he becomes a good -man. For the virtue of each thing is the summit and perfection of the -nature of that thing. Thus the virtue[58] of the eyes is the summit and -perfection of the nature of the eyes; and this is also true of the -virtue of the ears. Thus too, the virtue of man is the summit and -perfection of the nature of man. But man is perfect according to life, -when he becomes happy. For felicity is the perfection and completion of -human goods. Hence, again, virtue and prosperity become the parts of the -life of man. And virtue, indeed, is a part of him so far as he is soul, -but prosperity so far as he is connected with body. But both are parts -of him so far as he is an animal. For it is the province of virtue to -use in a becoming manner the goods which are conformable to nature; but -of prosperity to impart the use of them. And the former, indeed, imparts -deliberate choice and right reason; but the latter, energies and -actions. For to wish what is beautiful in conduct and to endure things -of a dreadful nature, is the proper business of virtue. But it is the -work of prosperity to render deliberate choice successful, and to cause -actions to arrive at the [desired] end. For the general conquers in -conjunction with virtue and good fortune. The pilot sails well in -conjunction with art and prosperous winds. The eye sees well in -conjunction with acuteness of vision[59] and light. And the life of man -becomes most excellent through virtue itself, and prosperity. - - - - - FROM - HIPPARCHUS, - IN HIS TREATISE - ON TRANQUILLITY. - - -Since men live but for a very short period, if their life is compared -with the whole of time, they will make a most beautiful journey as it -were, if they pass through life with tranquillity. This however they -will possess in the most eminent degree, if they accurately and -scientifically know themselves, viz. if they know that they are mortal -and of a fleshly nature, and that they have a body which is corruptible -and can be easily injured, and which is exposed to every thing most -grievous and severe, even to their latest breath. And in the first -place, let us direct our attention to those things which happen to the -body; and these are pleurisy, inflammation of the lungs, phrensy, gout, -stranguary, dysentery, lethargy, epilepsy, putrid ulcers, and ten -thousand other diseases. But the diseases which happen to the soul are -much greater and more dire than these. For all the iniquitous, evil, -illegal, and impious conduct in the life of man, originates from the -passions of the soul. For through preternatural immoderate desires many -have become subject to unrestrained impulses, and have not refrained -from the most unholy pleasures, arising from being connected with -daughters or even mothers. Many also have been induced to destroy their -fathers, and their own offspring. But what occasion is there to be -prolix in narrating externally impending evils, such as excessive rain, -drought, violent heat and cold; so that frequently from the anomalous -state of the air, pestilence and famine are produced, and all-various -calamities, and whole cities become desolate? Since therefore many -such-like calamities are impendent, we should neither be elevated by the -possession of corporeal goods, which may rapidly be consumed by the -incursions of a small fever, nor with what are conceived to be -prosperous external circumstances, which frequently in their own nature -perish more rapidly than they accede. For all these are uncertain and -unstable, and are found to have their existence in many and various -mutations; and no one of them is permanent, or immutable, or stable, or -indivisible. Hence well considering these things, and also being -persuaded, that if what is present and is imparted to us, is able to -remain for the smallest portion of time, it is as much as we ought to -expect; we shall then live in tranquillity and with hilarity, generously -bearing whatever may befal us. - -Now, however, many previously conceiving in imagination, that all that -is present with, and imparted to them by nature and fortune, is better -than it is, and not thinking it to be such as it is in reality, but such -as it is able to become when it has arrived at the summit of excellence, -they burden the soul with many great, nefarious, and stupid evils, when -they are suddenly deprived of [these evanescent goods]. And thus it -happens to them that they lead a most bitter and miserable life. But -this takes place in the loss of riches, or the death of friends or -children, or in the privation of certain other things, which are -conceived by them to be most honorable possessions. Afterwards, weeping -and lamenting, they assert of themselves, that they alone are most -unfortunate and miserable, not remembering that these things have -happened, and even now happen, to many others; nor are they able to -understand the life of those that are now in existence, and of those -that have lived in former times, nor to see in what great calamities and -waves of evils, many of the present time are, and of the past have been -involved. Considering with ourselves therefore, that many having lost -their property, have afterwards on account of this very loss been saved, -since hereafter they might either have fallen into the hands of robbers, -or into the power of a tyrant; that many also who have loved certain -persons, and have been benevolently disposed towards them in the -extreme, have afterwards greatly hated them;—considering all these -things, which have been delivered to us by history, and likewise -learning that many have been destroyed by their children, and by those -that they have most dearly loved; and comparing our own life with that -of those who have been more unhappy than we have been, and taking into -account human casualties [in general] and not only such as happen to -ourselves, we shall pass through life with greater tranquillity. For it -is not lawful that he who is himself a man, should think the calamities -of others easy to be borne, and not his own, since he sees that the -whole of life is naturally exposed to many calamities. Those however, -that weep and lament, besides not being able to recover what they have -lost, or recal to life those that are dead, impel the soul to greater -perturbations, in consequence of its being filled with much depravity. -It is requisite therefore, that, being washed and purified, we should by -all possible contrivances wipe away our inveterate stains by the -reasonings of philosophy. But we shall accomplish this by adhering to -prudence and temperance, being satisfied with our present circumstances, -and not aspiring after many things. For men who procure for themselves a -great abundance [of external goods], do not consider that the enjoyment -of them terminates with the present life. We ought therefore to use the -goods that are present; and by the assistance of the beautiful and -venerable things of which philosophy is the source, we shall be -liberated from the insatiable desire of depraved possessions. - - - - - FROM - ARCHYTAS, - IN HIS TREATISE CONCERNING - THE GOOD AND HAPPY MAN. - - -In the first place, it is requisite to know this, that the good man is -not immediately happy from necessity; but that this is the case with the -man who is both happy and good. For the happy man obtains both praise -and the predication of blessedness; but the good man far as he is good -obtains praise alone. The praise also arises from virtue; but the -predication of blessedness from good fortune. And the worthy man, -indeed, becomes such from the goods which he possesses; but the happy -man is sometimes deprived of his felicity. For the power of virtue is -perfectly free, but that of felicity is subject to restraint. For -long-continued diseases of the body, and deprivations of the senses, -cause the florishing condition of felicity to waste away. God, however, -differs from a good man in this, that God indeed not only possesses -virtue genuine and purified from every mortal passion, but his power -also is unwearied and unrestrained, as being adapted to the most -venerable and magnificent production of eternal works. Man indeed, by -the mortal condition of his nature, not only enjoys this power and this -virtue in a less degree; but sometimes through the want of symmetry[60] -in the goods which he possesses, or through powerful custom, or a -depraved nature, or through many other causes, he is unable to possess -in the extreme a good which is perfectly true. - -Since therefore of goods, some are eligible for their own sakes, and not -for the sake of another thing; but others are eligible for the sake of -something else, and not on their own account; there is also a certain -third species of goods, which is eligible both on its own account, and -for the sake of another thing. What, therefore, is the good which is -eligible on its own account, and not for the sake of something else? It -is evident that it is felicity. For we aspire after other things for the -sake of this, but we do not desire this for the sake of any thing else. -Again, what are those goods which we desire indeed for the sake of -something else, but which we do not desire on their own account? It is -evident they are such things as are useful, and pre-eligible goods, -which become the causes of our obtaining things which are eligible [on -their own account]; such as corporeal labors, exercise, and frictions -which are employed for the sake of a good habit of body; and also -reading, meditation, and study, which are undertaken for the sake of -things beautiful and virtue. But what are the things which are eligible -on their own account, and also for the sake of something else? They are -such things as the virtues, and the habits of them, deliberate choice -and actions, and whatever adheres to that which is really beautiful. -Hence, that indeed which is eligible on its own account, and not on -account of something else, is a solitary good and one. But that which is -eligible for its own sake, and for the sake of another thing, is triply -divided. For one part of it indeed subsists about the soul; another -about the body; and another pertains to externals. And that which is -about the soul, consists of the virtues of the soul; that which is about -the body, of the virtues of the body; and that which pertains to -externals, consists of friends, glory, honor, and wealth. There is -likewise a similar reasoning with respect to that which is eligible on -account of something else. For one part of it indeed is effective of the -goods of the soul; another part of it, of the goods of the body; and -that which pertains to externals is the cause of wealth, glory, honor, -and friendship. - -That virtue however happens to be eligible for its own sake, is evident -from the following considerations. For if things which are naturally -subordinate, I mean the goods of the body, are eligible for their own -sakes, but the soul is better than the body, it is evident that we love -the goods of the soul on their own account, and not for the sake of the -consequences with which they are attended. - -There are likewise three definite times of human life; one of -prosperity; another of adversity; and a third subsisting between these. -Since therefore, he is a good man who possesses and uses virtue; but he -uses it according to three seasons; for he uses it either in adversity, -or in prosperity, or in the time between these; and in adversity indeed -he is unhappy, but in prosperity happy, and in the middle condition, he -is not happy [though he is not miserable];—this being the case, it is -evident that felicity is nothing else than the use of virtue in -prosperity. We now speak, however, of the felicity of man. But man is -not soul alone, but is likewise body. For the animal which consists of -both, and that which is constituted from things of this kind is man. For -though the body is naturally adapted to be the instrument of the soul, -yet this as well as the soul is a part of man [so far as he is an -animal.[61]] Hence of goods also, some are the goods of man, but others, -of the parts of man. And the good of man, indeed, is felicity. But of -the parts of man, the good of the soul is prudence, fortitude, justice, -and temperance. And the good of the body is beauty, health, a good -corporeal habit, and excellence of sensation. With respect to externals -however, wealth, glory, honor, and nobility, are naturally adapted to be -attendant on man, and to follow precedaneous goods. The less, also, are -ministrant to the greater goods. Thus friendship, glory, and wealth, are -ministrant both to the body and the soul; but health, strength, and -excellence of sensation, are subservient to the soul; and prudence [i. -e. wisdom] and justice are ministrant to the intellect of the soul. -_Intellect, however, is the satellite of Deity._ For God is the most -excellent, and the leader and ruler of all things. And for the sake of -these, it is necessary that other goods should be present. For the -general, indeed, is the leader of the army; the pilot, of the ship; God, -of the world; and intellect, of soul. But prudence is the leader of the -felicity pertaining to life. For prudence is nothing else than the -science of the felicity which respects human life, or the science of the -goods which naturally pertain to man. - -And the felicity, indeed, and life of God are most excellent; but the -felicity of man consists of science, and virtue, and in the third place -of prosperity[62] corporalized. But I mean by science, the wisdom -pertaining to things divine and demoniacal; and by prudence, the wisdom -pertaining to human concerns, and the affairs of life. For it is -requisite to call the virtues which employ reasonings and -demonstrations, sciences. But it is fit to denominate virtue ethical, -and the best habit of the irrational part of the soul, according to -which we are said to possess certain qualities pertaining to manners; -viz. by which we are called liberal, just, and temperate. But it is -requisite to call prosperity, the preter-rational presence of goods, [or -a supply of goods without the assistance of reason,] and which is not -effected on account of it. Since therefore virtue and science are in our -power, but prosperity is not; and since also felicity consists in the -contemplation and performance of things [truly] beautiful; but -contemplations and actions, when they are not prosperous, are attended -with ministrant offices and necessity, but when they proceed in the -right path, produce delight and felicity; and these things are effected -in prosperity;—this being the case, it is evident that _felicity is -nothing else than the use of virtue in prosperity_. Hence the good man -is disposed with respect to prosperity, in the same manner as he who has -an excellent and robust body. For such a one is able to endure heat and -cold, to raise a great burden, and to sustain easily many other -molestations. - -Since therefore felicity is the use of virtue in prosperity, we must -speak concerning virtue and prosperity, and in the first place -concerning prosperity. For of goods, some indeed do not admit of excess, -and this is the case with virtue. For there is not any virtue which is -excessive, nor any worthy man who is beyond measure good. For virtue has -the fit and becoming for a rule, and is the habit of the decorous in -practical concerns. But prosperity receives excess and diminution. And -when it is excessive indeed, it generates certain vices, and removes a -man from his natural habit; so that he frequently through this opposes -the constitution of virtue. And this is not only the case with -prosperity, but many other causes likewise may effect the same thing. -For it is by no means proper to wonder, that some of those who play on -the pipe should be arrogant men, who, bidding farewell to truth, ensnare -by a certain false imagination those who are unskilled in music; and to -disbelieve that a thing of this kind does not take place in virtue. For -the more venerable a thing is, so much the more numerous are those that -pretend to the possession of it. For there are many things which distort -the habit and form of virtue; some of which are insidious arts and -affectation; others are kindred physical passions, which sometimes -produce an indecorum[63] contrary to the true disposition [of virtue.] -This also is effected through manners in which men have been nurtured -for a long time; and it not unfrequently happens that it is produced -through youth or old age, and through prosperity or adversity; and by -other very numerous ways. Hence, we ought never to wonder, if sometimes -a distorted judgment is formed of all things, the true disposition being -changed.[64] Thus we see that the most excellent carpenter frequently -errs in the works which are the subjects of his art; and this is also -the case with the general, the pilot, the painter, and in short, with -all artists. And yet at the same time we do not deprive them of the -habit which they possess. For as we do not rank among bad men him who at -certain times acts intemperately, or unjustly, or timidly; so neither do -we place him in the class of good men, who does something right in -things pertaining to temperance, or justice, or fortitude. But it must -be said that the conduct of bad men in things of this kind is casually -right, and that good men [sometimes] err. A true judgment however [in -these instances] is to be formed, not by looking to a certain occasion, -or to a certain extent of time, but to the whole of life. But as -indigence and excess are injurious to the body, yet excess and what are -called superfluities, are naturally adapted to produce greater diseases -[than those caused by indigence]; thus also prosperity or adversity -injure the soul, when they unseasonably happen; yet that which is called -by all men prosperity, is naturally adapted to produce greater diseases -[than adversity], since it intoxicates like wine the reasoning power of -good men. - -Hence it is more difficult to bear prosperity in a becoming manner than -adversity. For all men when they continue in adversity, are seen for the -most part to be moderate and orderly in their manners; but in prosperity -they are brave, magnificent, and magnanimous [when they bear it in a -becoming manner]. For adversity has the power of contracting and -depressing the soul; but prosperity, on the contrary, elevates and -expands it. Hence all those that are unfortunate, are in their manners -cautious and prudent; but those that are fortunate are insolent and -confident. But the boundary of prosperity, is that which a good man -would deliberately choose to co-operate with him in his own proper -actions; just as the [proper] magnitude of a ship, and the [proper] -magnitude of a rudder, are such as will enable a good pilot to sail over -a great extent of sea, and to accomplish a great voyage. An excess of -prosperity, however, is not naturally adapted to be vanquished by, but -to vanquish the soul. For as a [very] splendid light causes an -obscuration of sight in the eyes; thus also excessive prosperity darkens -the intellect of the soul. And thus much may suffice concerning -prosperity. - - - - - FROM - THEAGES, - IN HIS TREATISE - ON THE VIRTUES. - - -The order of the soul subsists in such a way, that one part of it is the -reasoning power, another is anger, and another is desire. And the -reasoning power, indeed, has dominion over knowledge; anger over -impetus; and desire intrepidly rules over the appetitions of the soul. -When therefore these three parts pass into one, and exhibit one -appropriate composition, then virtue and concord are produced in the -soul. But when they are divulsed from each other by sedition, then vice -and discord are produced in the soul. It is necessary, however, that -virtue should have these three things, viz. reason, power, and -deliberate choice. The virtue, therefore, of the reasoning power of the -soul is prudence; for it is a habit of judging and contemplating. But -the virtue of the irascible part, is fortitude; for it is a habit of -resisting, and enduring things of a dreadful nature. And the virtue of -the epithymetic or appetitive part is temperance; for it is a moderation -and detention of the pleasures which arise through the body. But the -virtue of the whole soul is justice. For men indeed become bad, either -through vice, or through incontinence, or through a natural ferocity. -But they injure each other, either through gain, or through pleasure, or -through ambition. Vice, therefore, more appropriately belongs to the -reasoning part of the soul. For prudence indeed is similar to art; but -vice to pernicious art. For it invents contrivances for the purpose of -acting unjustly. But incontinence rather pertains to the appetitive part -of the soul. For continence consists in subduing, and incontinence in -not subduing pleasures. And ferocity pertains to the irascible part of -the soul. For when some one, through acting ill from desire, is -gratified not as a man should be, but as a wild beast, then a thing of -this kind is denominated ferocity. The effects also of these -dispositions are consequent to the things for the sake of which they are -performed. For avarice is consequent to vice; but vice is consequent to -the reasoning part of the soul. And ambition, indeed, follows from the -irascible part; and this becoming excessive, generates ferocity. Again, -pleasure pertains to the appetitive part; but this being sought after -more vehemently, generates incontinence. Hence, since the acting -unjustly is produced from so many causes, it is evident that acting -justly is effected through an equal number of causes. For virtue, -indeed, is naturally beneficent and profitable; but vice is productive -of evil, and is noxious. - -Since, however, of the parts of the soul, one is the leader, but the -other follows, and the virtues and the vices subsist about these, and in -these; it is evident that with respect to the virtues also, some are -leaders, others are followers, and others, are composed from these. And -the leaders, indeed, are such as prudence; but the followers are such as -fortitude and temperance; and the composites from these, are such as -justice. The passions, however, are the matter of virtue; for the -virtues subsist about, and in these. But of the passions, one is -voluntary, but another is involuntary. And the voluntary, indeed, is -pleasure; but the involuntary is pain. Men also, who have the political -virtues, give intension and remission to these, co-harmonizing the other -parts of the soul, to that part which possesses reason. But the boundary -of this co-adaptation, is for intellect not to be prevented from -accomplishing its proper work, either by indigence, or excess. For that -which is less excellent, is co-arranged for the sake of that which is -more excellent. Thus in the world, every part that is always passive, -subsists for the sake of that which is always moved. And in the -conjunction of animals, the female subsists for the sake of the male. -For the latter sows, generating a soul; but the former alone imparts -matter to that which is generated. In the soul however, the irrational -subsists for the sake of the rational part. For anger and desire are -co-arranged in subserviency to the first part of the soul; the former as -a certain satellite, and guardian of the body; but the latter as a -dispensator and provident curator of necessary wants. But intellect -being established in the highest summit of the body, and having a -prospect in that which is on all sides splendid and transparent,[65] -investigates the wisdom of [real] beings. And this is the work of it -according to nature, viz. having investigated, and obtained the -possession [of truth] to follow those beings who are more excellent and -more honorable than itself. For _the knowledge of things divine and most -honorable, is the principle, cause, and rule of human blessedness_. - - - - - FROM - METOPUS, - IN HIS TREATISE - CONCERNING VIRTUE. - - -The virtue of man is the perfection of the nature of man. For every -being becomes perfect, and arrives at the summit of excellence according -to the proper nature of its virtue. Thus the virtue of a horse, is that -which leads the nature of a horse to its summit. And the same reasoning -is applicable to the several parts of a thing. Thus the virtue of the -eyes is acuteness of vision: and this in the nature of the eyes is the -summit. The virtue of the ears also, is acuteness of hearing: and this -is the summit of the nature of the ears. Thus too, the virtue of the -feet is swiftness: and this is the summit of the nature of the feet. It -is necessary however, that every virtue should have these three things, -reason, power, and deliberate choice; reason indeed, by which it judges -and contemplates; power, by which it prohibits and vanquishes; and -deliberate choice, by which it loves and delights in [what is proper]. -To judge therefore, and contemplate, pertain to the dianoetic part of -the soul; but to prohibit and vanquish are the peculiarity of the -irrational[66] part of the soul; and to love and delight in what is -proper, pertain to both the rational and irrational parts. For -deliberate choice consists of dianoia [or the discursive energy of -reason] and appetite. Dianoia therefore, belongs to the rational, but -appetite to the irrational part of the soul. The multitude however, of -all the virtues, may be perceived from the parts of the soul; and in a -similar manner the generation and nature of virtue. For of the parts of -the soul, there are two that rank as the first, viz. the rational and -the irrational parts. And the rational part indeed, is that by which we -judge and contemplate; but the irrational part is that by which we are -impelled and desire. These however, are either concordant or discordant -with each other. But the contest and dissonance between them, are -produced through excess and defect. It is evident therefore, that when -the rational vanquishes the irrational part of the soul, endurance and -continence are produced; and that when the former leads, and the latter -follows, and both accord with each other, then virtue is generated. -Hence, endurance and continence are generated accompanied with pain; but -endurance resists pain, and continence pleasure. Incontinence however, -and effeminacy, neither resist nor vanquish [pleasure]. And on this -account it happens that men fly from good through pain, but reject it -through pleasure. Praise likewise, and blame, and every thing beautiful -in human conduct are produced in these parts of the soul. And in short, -the nature of virtue derives its subsistence after this manner. - -The species however, and the parts of it, may be surveyed as follows: -Since there are two parts of the soul, the rational and the irrational; -the latter is divided into the irascible and appetitive. And the -rational part, indeed, is that by which we judge and contemplate; but -the irrational part is that by which we are impelled and desire. And of -this, that which is as it were adapted to defend us, and revenge -incidental molestations, is denominated the irascible part; but that -which is as it were orectic of, and desires to preserve the proper -constitution of the body, is the appetitive part. It is evident -therefore, that the multitude of the virtues, their differences, and -their peculiarities, follow conformably to these parts of the soul. - - - - - FROM CLINIAS. - - -Every virtue is perfected, as was shown by us in the beginning, from -reason, deliberate choice, and power. Each of these, however, is not by -itself a part of virtue, but the cause of it. Such therefore, as have -the intellective and gnostic part of virtue,[67] are denominated skilful -and intelligent; but such as have the ethical and pre-elective part of -it, are denominated useful and equitable.[68] Since however, man is -naturally adapted to act unjustly from exciting causes; and these are -three, the love of pleasure in corporeal enjoyments; avarice, in the -accumulation of wealth; and ambition, in surpassing those that are equal -and similar to him;—this being the case, it is necessary to know, that -it is possible to oppose to these such things as procure fear, shame, -and desire in men; viz. fear through the laws, shame through the Gods, -and desire through the energies of reason. Hence, it is necessary that -youth should be taught from the first to honor the Gods and the laws. -For from these, it will be manifest, that every human work, and every -kind of human life, by the participation of sanctity and piety, will -sail prosperously [over the sea of generation]. - - - - - FROM - THEAGES, - IN HIS TREATISE - ON THE VIRTUES. - - -The principles of all virtue are three; knowledge, power, and deliberate -choice. And knowledge indeed, is that by which we contemplate and form a -judgment of things; power is as it were a certain strength of the -nature[69] from which we derive our subsistence, and is that which gives -stability to our actions; and deliberate choice is as it were certain -hands of the soul by which we are impelled to, and lay hold on the -objects of our choice. The order of the soul also subsists as follows: -One part of it is the reasoning power, another part is anger, and -another is desire. And the reasoning power indeed, is that which has -dominion over knowledge; anger is that which rules over the ardent -impulses of the soul; and desire is that which willingly rules over -appetite. When therefore, these three pass into one, so as to exhibit -one co-adaptation, then virtue and concord are produced in the soul; but -when they are seditious, and divulsed from each other, then vice and -discord are generated in the soul. And when the reasoning power prevails -over the irrational parts of the soul, then endurance and continence are -produced; endurance indeed, in the retention of pains; but continence in -the abstinence from pleasures. But when the irrational parts of the soul -prevail over the reasoning power, then effeminacy and incontinence are -produced; effeminacy indeed, in flying from pain; but incontinence, in -the being vanquished by pleasures. When however, the better part of the -soul governs, but the less excellent part is governed; and the former -leads, but the latter follows, and both consent, and are concordant with -each other, then virtue and every good are generated in the whole soul. -When likewise the appetitive follows the reasoning part of the soul, -then temperance is produced; but when this is the case with the -irascible part, fortitude is produced; and when it takes place in all -the parts of the soul, then justice is the result. For justice is that -which separates all the vices and all the virtues of the soul from each -other. And justice is a certain established order of the apt conjunction -of the parts of the soul, and perfect and supreme virtue. For every good -is contained in this; but the other goods of the soul cannot subsist -without this. Hence justice possesses great strength both among Gods and -men. For this virtue contains the bond by which the whole and the -universe are held together, and also by which Gods and men are -connected. Justice therefore, is said to be Themis among the celestial, -but Dice among the terrestrial Gods; and Law among men. These assertions -however, are indications and symbols, that justice is the supreme -virtue. Hence virtue, when it consists in contemplating and judging, is -called prudence; when in sustaining things of a dreadful nature, it is -denominated fortitude; when in restraining pleasure, temperance; and -when in abstaining from gain, and from injuring our neighbours, justice. - -Moreover, the arrangement of virtue according to right reason, and the -transgression of it contrary to right reason, produce [in the former -case] a tendency to the decorous as the final mark, and [in the latter] -the frustration of it. The decorous however, is that which ought to be. -But this does not require either addition or ablation; since it is that -which it is requisite to be. But of the indecorous there are two -species; one of which is excess, and the other defect. And excess -indeed, is more, but deficiency is less, than is decorous. Virtue also, -is a certain habit of the decorous. Hence it is directly, both a summit -and a medium. For thus, things that are decorous are both media and -summits. They are media indeed, because they fall between excess and -deficiency; but they are summits, because they do not require either -addition or ablation. For they are the very things themselves which they -ought to be. - -Since however, the virtue of manners is conversant with the passions, -but of the passions pleasure and pain are supreme, it is evident that -virtue does not consist in extirpating the passions of the soul, -pleasure and pain, but in co-harmonizing them. For neither does health, -which is a certain apt mixture of the powers of the body, consist in -expelling the cold and the hot, the moist and the dry; but in these -being [appropriately] mingled together. For it is as it were, a certain -symmetry of these. Thus too, in music, concord does not consist in -expelling the sharp and the flat; but when these are co-harmonized, then -concord is produced, and dissonance is exterminated. In a similar -manner, the hot and the cold, the moist and the dry, being harmoniously -mingled together, health is produced, and disease destroyed. But when -anger, and desire are co-harmonized, the vices and the [other] passions -are extirpated, and the virtues and manners are ingenerated. Deliberate -choice however, in beautiful conduct, is the greatest peculiarity of the -virtue of manners. For it is possible to use reason and power without -virtue; but it is not possible to use deliberate choice without it. For -deliberate choice indicates the dignity of manners. Hence also, the -reasoning power subduing _by force_ anger and desire, produces -continence and endurance. And again, when the reasoning power is -violently dethroned by the irrational parts, then incontinence and -effeminacy are produced. Such dispositions however, of the soul as -these, are half-perfect virtues, and half-perfect vices. For the -reasoning power of the soul is [according to its natural subsistence] in -a healthy, but the irrational parts are in a diseased condition. And so -far indeed, as anger and desire are governed and led by the rational -part of the soul, continence and endurance become virtues; but so far as -this is effected by violence, and not voluntarily, they become vices. -For it is necessary that virtue should perform such things as are fit, -not with pain, but with pleasure. Again, so far as anger and desire -govern the reasoning power, effeminacy and incontinence are produced, -which are certain vices. But so far, as they gratify the passions with -pain, knowing that they are erroneous, in consequence of the eye of the -soul being sane,—so far as this is the case, they are not vices. Hence, -it is evident that virtue must necessarily perform what is fit -voluntarily; that which is involuntary indeed, not being without pain -and fear; and that which is voluntary, not subsisting without pleasure -and delight. - -By division also it will at the same time be found that this is the -case. For knowledge and the perception of things, are the province of -the rational part of the soul; but power pertains to the irrational -part. For not to be able to resist pain, or to vanquish pleasure, is the -peculiarity of the irrational part of the soul. But deliberate choice -subsists in both these, viz. in the rational; and also in the irrational -part. For it consists of dianoia and appetite; of which, dianoia indeed, -pertains to the rational, but appetite to the irrational part. Hence -every virtue consists in a co-adaptation of the parts of the soul; and -both will and deliberate choice, entirely subsist in virtue. - -Universally therefore, virtue is a certain co-adaptation of the -irrational parts of the soul to the rational part. Virtue however, is -produced through pleasure and pain receiving the boundary of that which -is fit. For true virtue is nothing else than the habit of that which is -fit. But the fit, or the decorous, is that which ought to be; and the -unfit, or indecorous, is that which ought not to be. Of the indecorous -however, there are two species, viz. excess and defect. And excess -indeed, is more than is fit; but defect is less than is fit. But since -the fit is that which ought to be, it is both a summit and a middle. It -is a summit indeed, because it neither requires ablation, nor addition; -but it is a middle, because it subsists between excess and defect. The -fit, however, and the unfit, are to each other as the equal and the -unequal that which is arranged, and that which is without arrangement; -and both the two former and the two latter are finite and infinite.[70] -On this account, the parts of the unequal are referred to the middle, -but not to each other. For the angle is called obtuse which is greater -than a right angle; but that is called acute, which is less than a right -angle. The right line also [in a circle] is greater, which surpasses -that which is drawn from the center. And the day is longer indeed, which -exceeds that of the equinox. Diseases, likewise, of the body are -generated, through the body becoming more hot or more cold [than is -proper]. For that which is more hot [than is fit] exceeds moderation; -and that which is more cold [than is fit] is below mediocrity. The soul -also, and such things as pertain to it, have this disposition and -analogy. For audacity indeed, is an excess of the decorous in the -endurance of things of a dreadful nature; but timidity is a deficiency -of the, decorous. And prodigality is an excess of what is fit in the -expenditure of money; but illiberality is a deficiency in this. And rage -indeed, is an excess of the decorous in the impulse of the irascible -part of the soul; but insensibility is a deficiency of this. The same -reasoning likewise applies to the opposition of the other dispositions -of the soul. It is necessary however, that virtue, since it is a habit -of the decorous, and a medium of the passions, should neither be -[wholly] impassive, nor immoderately passive. For impassivity indeed, -causes the soul to be unimpelled, and to be without an enthusiastic -tendency to the beautiful in conduct; but immoderate passivity causes it -to be full of perturbation, and inconsiderate. It is necessary -therefore, that passion should so present itself to the view, in virtue, -as shadow and outline in a picture. For the animated and the delicate, -and that which imitates the truth, in conjunction with goodness of -colors, are especially effected in a picture through these [i. e. -through shadow and outline]. But the passions of the soul are animated -by the natural incitation and enthusiasm of virtue. For virtue is -generated from the passions, and when generated, again subsists together -with them; just as that which is well harmonized consists of the sharp -and the flat, that which is well mingled consists of the hot and the -cold, and that which is in equilibrium derives its equality of weight -from the heavy and the light. It is not therefore necessary to take away -the passions of the soul; for neither would this be profitable; but it -is requisite that they should be co-harmonized with the rational part, -in conjunction with fitness and mediocrity. - - - - - FROM - THE TREATISE OF - ARCHYTAS - ON ETHICAL ERUDITION. - - -I say that virtue will be found sufficient to the avoidance of -infelicity, and vice to the non-attainment of felicity, if we -judiciously consider the habits [by which these are produced]. For it is -necessary that the bad man should always be miserable; whether he is in -affluence, for he employs it badly; or whether he is in penury; just as -the blind man, whether he has light, and the most splendid visible -object before him, or whether he is in the dark [is always necessarily -without sight]. But the good man is not always happy; for felicity does -not consist in the possession, but in the use of virtue. For neither -does he who has sight always see; for he will not see, if he is without -light. Life, however, is divided into two paths; one of which is more -arduous, and in which the patient Ulysses walked; but the other is more -free from molestation, and is that in which Nestor proceeded. I say -therefore that virtue desires the latter, but is able to proceed in the -former of these paths. The nature however of felicity proclaims it to be -a desirable and stable life, because it gives perfection to the decision -of the soul. Hence the virtuous man who does not obtain such a life as -this, is not indeed happy, nor yet entirely miserable. No one therefore -will dare to say that the good man should be exempt from disease, and -pain, and sorrow. For as we leave certain painful things to the body, so -likewise we must permit them to be present with the soul. The sorrows, -however, of fools are most irrational; but those of wise men proceed -only as far as reason, which gives limitation to things, permits. -Moreover, the boast of apathy dissolves the generosity of virtue, when -it opposes itself to things of an indifferent nature, and not to evils -such as death, and pain, and poverty. For things which are not evils are -easily vanquished. We should therefore exercise ourselves in the -mediocrity of the passions, as we shall then equally avoid -insensibility, and too much passivity, and shall not speak higher of our -nature than we ought. - - - - - FROM - ARCHYTAS, - IN HIS TREATISE ON - THE GOOD AND HAPPY MAN. - - -I say then that the good man is one who uses in a beautiful manner great -things and opportunities. He likewise is able to bear well both -prosperity and adversity. In beautiful and honorable circumstances also, -he becomes worthy of the condition in which he is placed; and when his -fortune is changed, receives it in a proper manner. In short, on all -occasions, he contends well from contingencies that may arise. Nor does -he only thus prepare himself [for whatever may happen], but likewise -those who confide in and contend together with him. - - - - - FROM - CRITO, - IN HIS TREATISE ON - PRUDENCE AND PROSPERITY. - - -Prudence and prosperity subsist, with reference to each other, as -follows: Prudence indeed is effable and possesses reason; for it is -something orderly and definite. But prosperity is ineffable and -irrational; for it is something disorderly and indefinite. And prudence, -indeed, is prior, but prosperity is posterior in beginning and in power. -For the former is naturally adapted to govern and define; but the latter -to be governed and defined. Moreover, both prudence and prosperity -receive co-adaptation, since they concur in one and the same thing. For -it is always necessary that the thing which bounds and co-arranges, -should have a nature which is effable and participates of reason; but -that the thing which is bounded and co-arranged, should be naturally -ineffable and irrational. For the reason of the nature of the infinite -and of that which bounds, thus subsists in all things. For infinites are -always naturally disposed to be bounded and co-arranged by things which -possess reason and prudence, since the former have the order of matter -and essence with relation to the latter. But finites are co-arranged and -bounded from themselves, since they have the order of cause, and of that -which is energetic. - -The co-adaptation, however, of these natures in different things, -produces a great and various difference of co-adapted substances. For in -the comprehension of the whole of things, the co-adaptation of both the -natures, i. e. of the nature which is always moved, and of that which is -always passive, is the world. For it is not possible for the whole and -the universe to be otherwise saved, than by that which is generated -being co-adapted to that which is divine, and that which is always -passive to that which is always moved.[71] In man, likewise, the -co-adaptation of the irrational to the rational part of the soul, is -virtue. For it is not possible in these, when there is sedition in both -the parts, that virtue should have a subsistence. In a city also, the -co-adaptation of the governors to the governed, produces strength and -concord. For to govern is the peculiarity of the better nature; but to -be governed, is easier to the subordinate [than to the more excellent] -nature. And strength and concord are common to both. There is, however, -the same mode of adaptation in the universe and in a family: for -allurements[72] and erudition concur with reason in one and the same -thing; and likewise pains and pleasures, prosperity and adversity. For -the life of man requires intension and remission, sorrow and gladness, -prosperity and adversity. For some things are able to collect and retain -the intellect to industry and wisdom; but others impart relaxation and -delight, and thus render the intellect vigorous and prompt to action. If -however one of these prevails in life, then the life of man becomes of -one part, and verges to one part, tending either to sorrow and -difficulty, or to remission and levity. But the co-adaptation of all -these ought to subsist with reference to prudence. For this separates -and distinguishes[73] bound and infinity in actions. Hence prudence is -the leader and mother of the other virtues. For all of them are -co-harmonized and co-arranged with reference to the reason and law of -this virtue. And now my discussion of this subject is terminated. For -the irrational and the effable are in all things. And the latter defines -and bounds; but the former is defined and bounded. That, however, which -consists of both these, is the apt composition of the whole and the -universe. - - -The following beautiful fragment of Crito on Prudence, is from the - Physical Eclogues of Stobæus, p. 198, and is omitted by Gale in - his Collection of Pythagoric Ethical Fragments in Opusc. Mythol. - &c. - - -God fashioned man in such a way as to render it manifest, that he is not -through the want of power, or of deliberate choice, incapable of being -impelled to what is beautiful in conduct. For he implanted in him a -principle of such a kind as to comprehend at one and the same time the -possible and the pre-eligible; so that man might be the cause of power, -and the possession of good, but God of impulse and incitation according -to right reason. On this account also, he made him tend to heaven, gave -him an intellective power, and implanted in him a sight called -intellect, which is capable of beholding God. For it is not possible -without God to discover that which is best and most beautiful, nor -without intellect to see God, since every mortal nature is established -in conjunction with a kindred privation of intellect. This however is -not imparted to it by God, but by the essence of generation, and by that -impulse of the soul which is without deliberate choice. - - - - - FROM - ARCHYTAS, - IN HIS TREATISE ON - THE GOOD AND HAPPY MAN. - - -The prudent [i. e. the wise] man will especially become so as follows: -In the first place, being naturally sagacious, possessing a good memory, -and being a lover of labor, he should exercise his dianoetic power -immediately from his youth in reasonings and disciplines, and in -accurate theories, and adhere to genuine philosophy. But after this he -should acquire knowledge and experience in what pertains to the Gods, -the laws, and human lives. For there are two things from which the -disposition of prudence is produced; one of which consists in obtaining -a mathematical and gnostic habit; but the other, in a man perceiving by -himself many theorems and things, and understanding other things through -a certain different mode. For neither is he sufficient to the possession -of prudence, who immediately from his youth has exercised his dianoetic -power in reasonings and disciplines; nor he who being destitute of -these, has heard and has been conversant with a multitude of things. But -the latter will have his dianoetic power blind, through judging of -particulars; and the former through always surveying universals. For as -in computations the amount of the whole is obtained by the addition of -the parts, thus also in things, reason is able to delineate the theory -of universals; but experience has the power of forming a judgment of -particulars. - - - - - FROM - ARCHYTAS, - IN HIS TREATISE - ON DISCIPLINES. - - -It is necessary that you should become scientific, either by learning -from another person, or by discovering yourself the things of which you -have a scientific knowledge. If, therefore, you learn from another -person, that which you learn is foreign; but what you discover yourself -is through yourself, and is your own. Moreover, if you investigate, -discovery will be easy, and soon obtained; but if you do not know how to -investigate, discovery will be to you impossible. And [right] reasoning -indeed, when discovered, causes sedition to cease, and increases -concord. For through this the inexhaustible desire of possessing is -suppressed, and equality prevails; since by this we obtain what is just -in contracts. Hence, on account of this, the poor receive from those who -are able to give; and the rich give to those that are in want, both of -them believing that through this they shall obtain the equal. This -however will be a rule and an impediment to those that act unjustly, -viz. that men who possess scientific knowledge will appease their anger, -prior to the commission of an injury, being persuaded that the -perpetrators of it will not be concealed when it is committed; but that -those who do not possess scientific knowledge, becoming manifest in the -commission of an injury, will be restrained from acting unjustly. - - - - - FROM - POLUS, - IN HIS TREATISE - ON JUSTICE. - - -It appears to me that the justice which subsists among men, may be -called the mother and the nurse of the other virtues. For without this a -man can neither be temperate, nor brave, nor prudent. For it is the -harmony and peace, in conjunction with elegance, of the whole soul. The -strength however of this virtue will become more manifest, if we direct -our attention to the other habits. For they have a partial utility, and -which is referred to one thing; but this is referred to whole systems, -and to a multitude. In the world therefore, it conducts the whole -government of things, and is providence, harmony, and Dice, by the -decree of a certain genus of Gods. But in a city it is justly called -peace, and equitable legislation. And in a house, it is the concord -between the husband and wife; the benevolence of the servant towards the -master; and the anxious care of the master for the welfare of the -servant. In the body likewise, which is the first and dearest thing to -all animals, [so far as they are animals,] it is the health and -intireness of all the parts. But in the soul, it is the wisdom, which -among men subsists from science and justice. If therefore, this virtue -thus disciplines and saves both the whole and the parts [of every thing] -rendering things concordant and familiar with each other, how is it -possible it should not be called by the decision of all men, the mother -and the nurse of all things? - - -The following fragments also, from the Treatise of Archytas on Wisdom, - are preserved by Iamblichus, in the 3rd Chapter of his - Protreptics, or Exhortations to Philosophy. - - -“Archytas therefore, in the beginning of his Treatise on Wisdom, exhorts -to the possession of it as follows: - -1. “Wisdom as much excels in all human affairs as the sight does the -[other] corporeal senses, intellect the soul, and the sun the stars. For -the sight is the most far-darting, and the most multiform of all the -senses; intellect is the supreme part of the soul, judging by reason and -dianoïa what is fit, and existing as the sight and power of the most -honorable things; and the sun is the eye and soul of things which have a -natural subsistence. For through it all things become visible, are -generated, and rise into existence.[74] Deriving also their roots, and -being generated from thence, they are nourished, increased and excited -by it in conjunction with sense. - -2. “Man was generated by far the wisest of all [terrestrial] animals. -For he is able to contemplate the things which exist, and to obtain from -all things science and wisdom. To which also it may be added, that -divinity has engraved and exhibited in him the system of universal -reason, in which all the forms of things in existence are distributed, -and the significations of nouns and verbs. For a place is assigned for -the sounds of the voice, viz. the pharynx, the mouth, and the nostrils. -But as man was generated the instrument of the sounds, through which -nouns and verbs are signified, so likewise of the conceptions which are -beheld in the things that have an existence. And this appears to me to -be the work of wisdom, for the accomplishment of which man was generated -and constituted, and received organs and powers from divinity. - -3. “Man was generated and constituted, for the purpose of contemplating -the reason of the whole of nature, and in order that, being himself the -work of wisdom, he might survey the wisdom of the things which -exist.—For if the reason of man is contemplative of the reason of the -whole of nature, and the wisdom also of man perceives and contemplates -the wisdom of the things in existence,—this being acknowledged, it is at -the same time demonstrated, that man is a part of universal reason, and -of the whole of the intellectual nature. - -4. “Wisdom is not conversant with a certain definite existing thing, but -is simply conversant with all the things that exist. And it is -requisite, that it should not first investigate the principles of -itself, but the common principles of all beings. For wisdom so subsists -with reference to all beings, that it is the province of it to know and -contemplate the universal accidents of all things. And on this account -wisdom discovers the principles of all beings. - -5. “Whoever, therefore, is able to analyze all the genera which are -contained under one and the same principle, and again to compose and -con-numerate them, he appears to me to be the wisest of men, and to -possess the most perfect veracity. Farther still, he will also have -discovered a beautiful place of survey, from which it will be possible -to behold divinity, and all things that are in co-ordination with, and -successive to him, subsisting separately, or distinct from each -other.[75] Having likewise entered this most ample road, being impelled -in a right direction by intellect, and having arrived at the end of his -course, he will have conjoined beginnings with ends, and will know that -God is the principle, middle, and end, of all things which are -accomplished according to justice and right reason.”[76] - - - - - PYTHAGORIC ETHICAL SENTENCES - FROM - STOBÆUS, - _Which are omitted in the Opuscula Mythologica, &c. of Gale._ - - -Do not even _think_ of doing what ought not to be done. - -Choose rather to be strong in soul than in body. - -Be persuaded that things of a laborious nature contribute more than -pleasures to virtue. - -Every passion of the soul is most hostile to its salvation. - -It is difficult to walk at one and the same time in many paths of -life.[77] - -Pythagoras said, it is requisite to choose the most excellent life; for -custom will make it pleasant. Wealth is an infirm anchor, glory is still -more infirm; and in a similar manner the body, dominion, and honor. For -all these are imbecile and powerless. What then are powerful anchors? -Prudence, magnanimity, fortitude. These no tempest can shake. This is -the law of God, that virtue is the only thing that is strong; and that -every thing else is a trifle. - -All the parts of human life, in the same manner as those of a statue, -ought to be beautiful. - -A statue indeed standing on its basis, but a worthy man on the subject -of his deliberate choice, ought to be immovable. - -Frankincense ought to be given to the Gods, but praise to good men. - -It is requisite to defend those who are unjustly accused of having acted -injuriously, but to praise those who excel in a certain good. - -Neither will the horse be judged to be generous, that is sumptuously -adorned, but the horse whose nature is illustrious; nor is the man -worthy who possesses great wealth, but he whose soul is generous. - -When the wise man opens his mouth, the beauties of his soul present -themselves to the view, like the statues in a temple.[78] - -Remind yourself that all men assert that wisdom is the greatest good, -but that there are few who strenuously endeavour to obtain this greatest -good.[79] Pythagoras. - -Be sober, and remember to be disposed to believe; for these are the -nerves of wisdom. Epicharmus. - -It is better to live lying on the grass, confiding in divinity and -yourself, than to lie on a golden bed with perturbation. - -You will not be in want of any thing, which it is in the power of -Fortune to give and take away.[80] - -Despise all those things, which when liberated from the body you will -not want; and exercising yourself in those things of which when -liberated from the body you will be in want, invoke the Gods to become -your helpers.[81] - -Neither is it possible to conceal fire in a garment, nor a base -deviation from rectitude in time. - -Wind indeed increases fire, but custom love.[82] - -Those alone are dear to divinity, who are hostile to injustice.[83] - -Those things which the body necessarily requires, are easily to be -procured by all men, without labor and molestation; but those things to -the attainment of which labor and molestation are requisite, are objects -of desire, not to the body, but to depraved opinion. Aristoxenus Pythag. -Stob. p. 132. - -Of desire also, he [i. e. Pythagoras] said as follows: This passion is -various, laborious, and very multiform. Of desires however, some are -acquired and adventitious, but others are connascent. But he defined -desire itself to be a certain tendency and impulse of the soul, and an -appetite of a plenitude or presence of sense, or of an emptiness and -absence of it, and of non-perception. He also said, that there are three -most known species of erroneous and depraved desire, viz. the -indecorous, the incommensurate, and the unseasonable. For desire is -either immediately indecorous, troublesome, and illiberal; or it is not -absolutely so, but is more vehement and lasting than is fit. Or in the -third place, it is impelled when it is not proper; and to objects to -which it ought not to tend. Ex Aristoxeni Pythag. Sententiis. Stob. p. -132. - -Endeavour not to conceal your errors by words, but to remedy them by -reproofs. Pythagoras. Stob. p. 146. - -It is not so difficult to err, as not to reprove him who errs. -Pythagoras. Stob. p. 147. - -As a bodily disease cannot be healed, if it is concealed, or praised; -thus also, neither can a remedy be applied to a diseased soul, which is -badly guarded and protected. Pythagoras. Stob. p. 147. - -The grace of freedom of speech, like beauty in season, is productive of -greater delight. - -It is not proper either to have a blunt sword, or to use freedom of -speech ineffectually. - -Neither is the sun to be taken from the world, nor freedom of speech -from erudition. - -As it is possible for one who is clothed with a sordid robe, to have a -good habit of body; thus also he whose life is poor may possess freedom -of speech.[84] - -Be rather delighted with those that reprove, than with those that -flatter you; but avoid flatterers, as worse than enemies. Pythagoras. -Stob. p. 149. - -The life of the avaricious resembles a funeral banquet. For though it -has all things [requisite to a feast,] yet no one present rejoices. -Stob. p. 155.[85] - -Acquire continence as the greatest strength and wealth. Pythagoras. -Stob. p. 156. - -“Not frequently man from man,” is one of the exhortations of Pythagoras; -by which he obscurely signifies, that it is not proper to be frequently -engaged in venereal connexions. Stob. p. 156. - -It is impossible that he can be free who is a slave to his passions. -Pythagoras. Stob. 165. - -Pythagoras said, that intoxication is the meditation of insanity. Stob. -p. 165. - -Pythagoras being asked, how a lover of wine might be cured of -intoxication, answered, if he frequently surveys what his actions were -when he was intoxicated. Stob. p. 165. - -Pythagoras said, that it was either requisite to be silent, or to say -something better than silence. Stob. p. 215. - -Let it be more eligible to you to throw a stone in vain, than to utter -an idle word. Pythagoras. Stob. p. 215. - -Do not say a few things in many words, but much in a few words. -Pythagoras. Stob. p. 216. - -Genius is to men either a good or an evil dæmon. Epicharmus. Stob. p. -220. - -Pythagoras being asked, how a man ought to conduct himself towards his -country, when it had acted iniquitously with respect to him, replied, as -to a mother. Stob. p. 227. - -Travelling teaches a man frugality, and the way in which he may be -sufficient to himself. For bread made of milk and flower, and a bed of -grass, are the sweetest remedies of hunger and labor. - -To the wise man every land is eligible as a place of residence; for the -whole world is the country of the worthy soul.[86] Stob. p. 231. - -Pythagoras said, that luxury entered into cities in the first place, -afterwards satiety, then lascivious insolence, and after all these -destruction. Stob. p. 247. - -Pythagoras said, that of cities that was the best, which contained -worthy men. Stob. p. 247. - -Do those things which you judge to be beautiful, though in doing them -you should be without renown. For the rabble is a bad judge of a good -thing. [Despise therefore the reprehension of those whose praise you -despise.] Demophilus. Stob. p. 310.[87] - -Those that do not punish bad men, wish that good men may be injured. -Pythagoras. Stob. p. 321. - -It is not possible for a horse to be governed without a bridle, or -riches without prudence. Pythagoras. Stob. p. 513. - -It is the same thing to think greatly of yourself in prosperity, as to -contend in the race in a slippery road. Stob. p. 563. - -There is not any gate of wealth so secure, which the opportunity of -Fortune may not open. Stob. p. 563.[88] - -Expel by reasoning the unrestrained grief of a torpid soul. Stob. p. -572. - -It is the province of a wise man to bear poverty with equanimity. Stob. -p. 572.[89] - -Spare your life, lest you consume it with sorrow and care. Pythagoras. -Stob. p. 616. - -Nor will I be silent as to this particular, that it appeared both to -Plato and Pythagoras, that old age was not to be considered with -reference to an egress from the present life, but to the beginning of a -blessed life. From Phavorinus on Old Age. Stob. p. 585. - - -The two following extracts are from Clemens Alexandrinus in Stromat. - lib. 3. p. 413. - - -The ancient theologists and priests testify that the soul is conjoined -to the body through a certain punishment, and that it is buried in this -body as in a sepulchre. Philolaus. - -Whatever we see when awake is death; and when asleep, a dream. -Pythagoras. - - - - - SELECT SENTENCES - OF - SEXTUS THE PYTHAGOREAN. - - -To neglect things of the smallest consequence, is not the least thing in -human life. - -The wise man, and the despiser of wealth, resembles God. - -Do not investigate the name of God, because you will not find it. For -every thing which is called by a name, receives its appellation from -that which is more worthy than itself,[90] so that it is one person that -calls, and another that hears. Who is it, therefore, that has given a -name to God? God, however, is not a name to God, but an indication of -what we conceive of him. - -God is a light incapable of receiving its contrary [darkness.] - -You have in yourself something similar to God, and therefore use -yourself as the temple of God, on account of that which in you resembles -God. - -Honor God above all things, that he may rule over you. - -Whatever you honor above all things, that which you so honor will have -dominion over you. But if you give yourself to the domination of God, -you will thus have dominion over all things. - -The greatest honor which can be paid to God, is to know and imitate him. - -There is not any thing, indeed, which wholly resembles God; nevertheless -the imitation of him as much as possible by an inferior nature is -grateful to him. - -God, indeed, is not in want of any thing, but the wise man is in want of -God alone. He, therefore, who is in want but of few things, and those -necessary, emulates him who is in want of nothing. - -Endeavour to be great in the estimation of divinity, but among men avoid -envy. - -The wise man whose estimation with men was but small while he was -living, will be renowned when he is dead. - -Consider all the time to be lost to you in which you do not think of -divinity. - -A good intellect is the choir of divinity. - -A bad intellect is the choir of evil dæmons. - -Honor that which is just, on this very account that it is just. - -You will not be concealed from divinity when you act unjustly, nor even -when you think of acting so. - -The foundation of piety is continence; but the summit of piety is the -love of God. - -Wish that what is expedient and not what is pleasing may happen to you. - -Such as you wish your neighbour to be to you, such also be you to your -neighbours. - -That which God gives you, no one can take away. - -Neither do nor even think of that which you are not willing God should -know. - -Before you do any thing think of God, that his light may precede your -energies. - -The soul is illuminated by the recollection of deity. - -The use of all animals as food is indifferent, but it is more rational -to abstain from them. - -God is not the author of any evil. - -You should not possess more than the use of the body requires. - -Possess those things which no one can take from you. - -Bear that which is necessary, as it is necessary. - -Ask those things of God which it is worthy of God to bestow. - -The reason which is in you, is the light of your life. - -Ask those things of God, which you cannot receive from man. - -Wish that those things which labor ought to precede, may be possessed by -you after labor. - -Be not anxious to please the multitude. - -It is not proper to despise those things of which we shall be in want -after the dissolution[91] of the body. - -You should not ask of divinity that which, when you have obtained, you -will not perpetually possess. - -Accustom your soul after [it has conceived all that is great of] -divinity, to conceive something great of itself. - -Esteem nothing to be precious, which a bad man may take from you. - -He is dear to divinity, who considers those things alone to be precious, -which are esteemed to be so by divinity. - -Every thing which is more than necessary to man, is hostile to him. - -He who loves that which is not expedient, will not love that which is -expedient. - -The intellect of the wise man is always with divinity. - -God dwells in the intellect of the wise man. - -Every desire is insatiable, and therefore is always in want. - -The wise man is always similar to himself. - -The knowledge and imitation of divinity, are alone sufficient to -beatitude. - -Use lying as poison. - -Nothing is so peculiar to wisdom as truth. - -When you preside over men, remember that divinity also presides over -you. - -Be persuaded that the end of life, is to live conformably to divinity. - -Depraved affections are the beginnings of sorrows. - -An evil disposition is the disease of the soul; but injustice and -impiety are the death of it. - -Use all men in such a way, as if you were the common curator of all -things after God. - -He who uses mankind badly, uses himself badly. - -Wish that you may be able to benefit your enemies. - -Endure all things, in order that you may live conformably to God. - -By honoring a wise man, you will honor yourself. - -In all your actions place God before your eyes.[92] - -You are permitted to refuse matrimony, in order that you may live -incessantly adhering to God.[93] If, however, as one knowing the battle, -you are willing to fight, take a wife, and beget children. - -To live, indeed, is not in our power, but to live rightly is. - -Be unwilling to admit accusations against the man who is studious of -wisdom. - -If you wish to live with hilarity, be unwilling to do many things. For -in a multitude of actions you will be minor. - -Every cup should be sweet to you which extinguishes thirst. - -Fly from intoxication as you would from insanity. - -No good originates from the body. - -Think that you suffer a great punishment when you obtain the object of -corporeal desire; for the attainment of such objects never satisfies -desire. - -Invoke God as a witness to whatever you do. - -The bad man does not think there is a providence. - -Assert that which possesses wisdom in you, to be the [true] man.[94] - -The wise man participates of God. - -Where that which is wise in you resides, there also is your good. - -That which is not noxious to the soul, is not noxious to man. - -He who unjustly expels a wise man from the body, confers a benefit on -him by his iniquity. For he thus becomes liberated as it were, from -bonds. - -The fear of death renders a man sad through the ignorance of his soul. - -You will not possess intellect, till you understand that you have it. - -Think that your body is the garment of your soul; and therefore preserve -it pure. - -Impure dæmons vindicate to themselves the impure soul. - -Speak not of God to every man. - -It is dangerous, and the danger is not small, to speak of God even -things which are true. - -A true assertion respecting God, is an assertion of God. - -You should not dare to speak of God to the multitude. - -He does not know God who does not worship him. - -The man who is worthy of God is also a God among men. - -It is better to have nothing, than to possess much and impart it to no -one. - -He who thinks that there is a God, and that nothing is taken care of by -him, differs in no respect from him who does not believe that there is a -God. - -He honors God in the best manner who renders his intellect as much as -possible similar to God. - -If you injure no one, you will fear no one. - -No one is wise who looks downward to the earth. - -To lie is to deceive in life, and to be deceived. - -Recognise what God is, and what that is in you which recognises God. - -It is not death, but a bad life, that destroys the soul. - -If you know him by whom you were made, you will know yourself. - -It is not possible for a man to live conformable to divinity, unless he -acts modestly, well, and justly. - -Divine wisdom is true science. - -You should not dare to speak of God to an impure soul. - -The wise man follows God, and God follows the soul of the wise man. - -A king rejoices in those whom he governs, and therefore God rejoices in -the wise man. He who governs likewise, is inseparable from those whom he -governs; and therefore God is inseparable from the soul of the wise man, -which he defends and governs. - -The wise man is governed by God, and on this account is blessed. - -A scientific knowledge of God causes a man to use few words. - -To use many words when speaking of God, produces an ignorance of God. - -The man who possesses a knowledge of God, will not be very ambitious. - -The erudite,[95] chaste, and wise soul, is the prophet of the truth of -God. - -Accustom yourself always to look to Divinity. - -A wise intellect is the mirror of God. - - - - - PYTHAGORIC SENTENCES, - FROM THE - PROTREPTICS OF IAMBLICHUS.[96] - - -As we live through soul, it must be said that by the virtue of this we -live well; just as because we see through the eyes, we see well through -the virtue of these. - -It must not be thought that gold can be injured by rust, or virtue by -baseness. - -We should betake ourselves to virtue as to an inviolable temple, in -order that we may not be exposed to any ignoble insolence of soul with -respect to our communion with, and continuance in life. - -We should confide in Virtue as in a chaste wife; but trust to Fortune as -to an inconstant mistress. - -It is better that virtue should be received accompanied with poverty, -than wealth with violence; and frugality with health, than veracity with -disease. - -An abundance of nutriment is noxious to the body; but the body is -preserved when the soul is disposed in a becoming manner. - -It is equally dangerous to give a sword to a madman, and power to a -depraved man. - -As it is better for a part of the body which contains purulent matter to -be burnt, than to continue in the state in which it is, thus also it is -better for a depraved man to die than to live. - -The theorems of philosophy are to be enjoyed as much as possible, as if -they were ambrosia and nectar. For the pleasure arising from them is -genuine, incorruptible, and divine. They are also capable of producing -magnanimity; and though they cannot make us eternal beings, yet they -enable us to obtain a scientific knowledge of eternal natures. - -If vigor of sensation is considered by us to be an eligible thing, we -should much more strenuously endeavour to obtain prudence; for it is as -it were the sensitive vigor of the practical intellect which we contain. -And as through the former we are not deceived in sensible perceptions, -so through the latter we avoid false reasoning in practical affairs. - -We shall venerate Divinity in a proper manner, if we render the -intellect that is in us pure from all vice, as from a certain stain. - -A temple, indeed, should be adorned with gifts, but the soul with -disciplines. - -As the lesser mysteries are to be delivered before the greater, thus -also discipline must precede philosophy. - -The fruits of the earth, indeed, are annually imparted, but the fruits -of philosophy at every part of the year. - -As land is especially to be attended to by him who wishes to obtain from -it the most excellent fruit, thus also the greatest attention should be -paid to the soul, in order that it may produce fruit worthy of its -nature. - - - - - ADDITIONAL NOTES. - - - - - ADDITIONAL NOTES. - - -P. 50. _Better worth saving than ten thousand corporeal eyes._ - -Iamblichus here alludes to what Plato says in the seventh book of his -Republic, respecting the mathematical disciplines. For he there says, -“that the soul through these disciplines has an organ purified and -enlightened, which is blinded and buried by studies of another kind, an -organ better worth saving than ten thousand eyes, since truth becomes -visible through this alone.” - -P. 58. _That in which the Sirens subsist._ - -“The divine Plato, (says Proclus in his MS. Scholia on the Cratylus,) -knew that there are three kinds of Sirens; the _celestial_, which is -under the government of Jupiter; _that which produces generation_, and -is under the government of Neptune; and _that which is cathartic_, and -is under the government of Pluto. It is common to all these to incline -all things through an harmonic motion to their ruling Gods. Hence, when -the soul is in the heavens, the Sirens are desirous of uniting it to the -divine life which florishes there. But it is proper that souls living in -generation should sail beyond them, like the Homeric Ulysses, that they -may not be allured by generation, of which the sea is an image. And when -souls are in Hades, the Sirens are desirous of uniting them through -intellectual conceptions to Pluto. So that Plato knew that in the -kingdom of Hades there are Gods, dæmons, and souls, who dance as it were -round Pluto, allured by the Sirens that dwell there.” See more -concerning the Sirens in my translation of Proclus on the Theology of -Plato, Book the 6th. - -P. 60. _That it is requisite to put the shoe on the right foot first._ - -This audition is taken from what forms the 12th Symbol in the -Protreptics of Iamblichus, and is as follows: “When stretching forth -your feet to have your sandals put on, first extend your right foot; but -when about to use a foot bath, first extend your left foot.” “This -Symbol, (says Iamblichus,) exhorts to practical prudence, admonishing us -to place worthy actions about us as right-handed; but entirely to lay -aside and throw away such as are base, as being left-handed.” - -P. 60. _That it is not proper to walk in the public ways._ - -This is the 5th Symbol in the Protreptics of Iamblichus, but is there -differently expressed: for it is, “Declining from the public ways, walk -in unfrequented paths.” On which Iamblichus observes: “I think that this -Symbol also contributes to the same thing as the preceding, [which is, -‘Disbelieve, nothing wonderful concerning the Gods, nor concerning -divine dogmas’]. For this exhorts us to abandon a popular and merely -human life; but thinks fit that we should pursue a separate and divine -life. It also signifies that it is necessary to look above common -opinions; but very much to esteem such as are private and arcane; and -that we should despise merely human delight; but ardently pursue that -felicitous mode of conduct which adheres to the divine will. It likewise -exhorts us to dismiss human manners as popular, and to exchange for -these the religious cultivation of the Gods, as transcending a popular -life.” - -P. 61. _Do not assist a man in laying a burden down._ - -This in the Protreptics is the 11th Symbol, and is explained by -Iamblichus as follows: “This Symbol exhorts to fortitude; for whoever -takes up a burden, signifies that he undertakes an action of labor and -energy; but he who lays one down, of rest and remission. So that the -Symbol has the following meaning; Do not become either to yourself or -another the cause of an indolent and effeminate mode of conduct; for -every useful thing is acquired by labor. But the Pythagoreans celebrate -this Symbol as Herculean, thus denominating it from the labors of -Hercules. For during his association with men, he frequently returned -from fire and every thing dreadful, indignantly rejecting indolence. For -rectitude of conduct is produced from acting and operating, but not from -sluggishness.” - -P. 61. _Do not draw near to a woman for the sake of begetting children, - if she has gold._ - -In the Protreptics of Iamblichus (Symbol 35.) this is expressed as -follows: “Draw not near to that which has gold, in order to produce -children.” On which Iamblichus observes: “The Symbol does not here speak -of a woman, but of that sect and philosophy which has much of the -corporeal in it, and a gravitating tendency downwards. For gold is the -heaviest of all things in the earth, and pursues a tendency to the -middle, which is the peculiarity of corporeal weight. But the term to -_draw near_, not only signifies to be connected with, but always to -approach towards, and to be seated near another.” - -P. 61. _Speak not about Pythagoric concerns without light._ - -This is the 13th Symbol in the Protreptics, and is thus explained by -Iamblichus: “This Symbol exhorts to the possession of intellectual -prudence. For this is similar to the light of the soul, to which being -indefinite it gives bound, and leads, as it were, from darkness into -light. It is proper, therefore, to place intellect as the leader of -every thing beautiful in life, but especially in Pythagoric dogmas; for -these cannot be known without light.” - -P. 61. _Wear not the image of God in a ring._ - -This in the Protreptics is the 24th Symbol; but instead of _wear_, it is -there _inscribe_. But Iamblichus’ explanation of it is as follows: “This -Symbol conformably to the foregoing conception, employs the following -exhortation: Philosophize, and before every thing consider the Gods as -having an incorporeal subsistence. For this is the most principal root -of the Pythagoric dogmas, from which nearly all of them are suspended, -and by which they are strengthened even to the end. Do not therefore -think that the Gods use such forms as are corporeal, or that they are -received by a material subject, and by body as a material bond, like -other animals. But the engravings in rings exhibit the bond which -subsists through the ring, its corporeal nature and sensible form, and -the view as it were of some partial animal, which becomes apparent -through the engraving; from which especially we should separate the -genus of the Gods, as being eternal and intelligible, and always -subsisting according to the same and in a similar manner, as we have -particularly, most fully, and scientifically shown in our treatise -concerning the Gods.”[97] - -P. 61. _Nor is it proper to sacrifice a white cock; for this also is a - suppliant, and is sacred to the moon._ - -In the Protreptics, the 18th Symbol is partly the same with, and partly -different from this. For it is, “Nourish a cock; but sacrifice it not; -for it is sacred to the sun and the moon.” And Iamblichus explains it as -follows: “This Symbol advises us to nourish and strengthen the body and -not neglect it, dissolving and destroying the mighty tokens of the -union, connexion, sympathy, and consent of the world. So that it exhorts -us to engage in the contemplation and philosophy of the universe. For -though the truth concerning the universe is naturally occult, and -sufficiently difficult of investigation, it must, however, at the same -time, be inquired into and investigated by man, and especially through -philosophy. For it is truly impossible to be discovered through any -other pursuit. But philosophy receiving certain sparks, and as it were -viatica, from nature, excites and expands them into magnitude, rendering -them more conspicuous through the disciplines which it possesses. Hence, -therefore, we should philosophize.” - -P. 61. _It is proper to sacrifice, and to enter temples, unshod._ - -This in the Protreptics is the 3rd Symbol; but is thus enunciated by -Iamblichus, “Sacrifice and adore unshod.” On which Iamblichus observes: -“This Symbol signifies that we ought to worship the Gods, and acquire a -knowledge of them in an orderly and modest manner, and in a way not -surpassing our condition on the earth. It also signifies that, in -worshipping them, and acquiring this knowledge, we should be free from -bonds, and properly liberated. But the Symbol exhorts that sacrifice and -adoration should be performed not only in the body, but also in the -energies of the soul; so that these energies may neither be detained by -passions, nor by the imbecility of the body, nor by generation, with -which we are externally surrounded. But every thing pertaining to us -should be properly liberated, and prepared, for the participation of the -Gods.” - -P. 77. _Enter not into a temple negligently, nor, in short, adore - carelessly, not even though you should stand at the very doors - themselves._ - -This in the Protreptics is the 2nd Symbol, and is explained by -Iamblichus as follows: “If the similar is friendly and allied to the -similar, it is evident that since the Gods have a most principal essence -among wholes, we ought to make the worship of them a principal object. -But he who does this for the sake of any thing else, gives a secondary -rank to that which takes the precedency of all things, and subverts the -whole order of religious worship and knowledge. Besides, it is not -proper to rank illustrious goods in the subordinate condition of human -utility, nor to place our concerns in the order of an end, but things -more excellent, whether they be works or conceptions, in the condition -of an appendage.” - -P. 79. _These, therefore, he ordered not to eat the heart._ - -This is the 30th Symbol in the Protreptics, and is thus explained by -Iamblichus: “This Symbol signifies that it is not proper to divulse the -union and consent of the universe. And still further, it signifies this, -Be not envious, but philanthropic, and communicative: and from this it -exhorts us to philosophize. For philosophy alone among the sciences and -arts, is neither pained with the goods of others, nor rejoices in the -evils of neighbours, these being allied and familiar by nature, subject -to the like passions, and exposed to one common fortune. It likewise -evinces that the future is equally unlooked for by all men. Hence, it -exhorts us to sympathy and mutual love, and to be truly communicative, -as it becomes rational animals.” - -P. 79. _Nor the brain._ - -This is the 31st Symbol in the Protreptics, and which Iamblichus thus -explains: “This Symbol also resembles the former: for the brain is the -ruling instrument of intellectual prudence. The Symbol, therefore, -obscurely signifies that we ought not to dilacerate nor mangle things -and dogmas, which have been the objects of judicious deliberation. But -these will be such as have been the subject of intellectual -consideration, becoming thus equal to objects of a scientific nature. -For things of this kind are to be surveyed, not through the instruments -of the irrational form of the soul, such as the heart and the liver; but -through the pure rational nature. Hence, to dilacerate these by -opposition, is inconsiderate folly; but the Symbol rather exhorts us to -venerate the fountain of intelligence, and the most proximate organ of -intellectual perception, through which we shall possess contemplation, -science, and wisdom; and by which we shall truly philosophize, and -neither confound nor obscure the vestiges which philosophy produces.” - -P. 79. _To abstain from mallows, &c._ - -The 38th Symbol in the Protreptics is: “Transplant mallows in your -garden, but eat them not.” On which Iamblichus observes as follows: -“This Symbol obscurely signifies that plants of this kind turn with the -sun, and it thinks fit that this should be noticed by us. It also adds, -_transplant_, that is to say, observe its nature, its tendency towards, -and sympathy with, the sun; but rest not satisfied, nor dwelt upon this, -but transfer, and as it were transplant your conception to kindred -plants and pot-herbs, and also to animals which are not kindred, to -stones and rivers, and, in short, to natures of every kind. For you will -find them to be prolific and multiform, and admirably abundant; and this -to one who begins from the mallows, as from a root and principle, is -significant of the union and consent of the world. Not only, therefore, -do not destroy or obliterate observations of this kind; but increase and -multiply them as if they were transplanted.” - -P. 80. _Thus too he ordered them to abstain from the fish - Melanurus._[98] - -The 6th Symbol in the Protreptics is, “Abstain from melanurus; for it -belongs to the terrestrial Gods.” And this, according to Iamblichus, -admonishes us to embrace the celestial journey, to conjoin ourselves to -the intellectual Gods, to become separated from a material nature, and -to be led as it were in a circular profession to an immaterial and pure -life. It further exhorts us to adopt the most excellent worship of the -Gods, and especially that which pertains to the primary[99] Gods. - -P. 80. _And also not to receive the fish Erythynus._ - -This in the Protreptics is the 33rd Symbol, and which Iamblichus thus -explains: “This Symbol seems to be merely referred to the etymology of -the name. Receive not an unblushing and impudent man; nor on the -contrary one stupidly astonished, and who in every thing blushes, and is -humble in the extreme, through the imbecility of his intellect and -reasoning power. Hence this also is understood, Be not yourself such a -one.” - -P. 80. _He likewise exhorted them to abstain from beans._ - -In the Protreptics this is the 37th Symbol; and Iamblichus has not -developed for us the more mystical signification of this symbol. For he -only says that “it admonishes us to beware of every thing which is -corruptive of our converse with the Gods and divine prophecy.” But -Aristotle appears to have assigned the true mystical reason why the -Pythagoreans abstained from beans. For he says, (apud Laert.) “that -Pythagoras considered beans as a symbol of generation [i. e. of the -whole of a visible and corporeal nature,] which subsists according to a -right line, and is without inflection; because a bean alone of almost -all spermatic plants, is perforated through the whole of it, and is not -obstructed by any intervening joints.” Hence he adds, “it resembles the -gates of Hades.” For these are perpetually open without any impediment -to souls descending into generation. The exhortation, therefore, to -abstain from beans, is equivalent to admonishing us to beware of a -continued and perpetual descent into the realms of generation. Hence the -true meaning of the following celebrated lines in Virgil; - - ——facilis descensus Averno. - Noctes atque dies patet atri janua Ditis: - Sed revocare gradum, superasque evadere ad auras, - Hoc opus, hic labor est. - -i. e. - - The gates of Hell are open night and day, - Smooth the descent, and easy is the way; - But to return, and view the cheerful skies, - In this, the mighty task and labor lies. - Dryden. - -P. 98. _Such as infallible predictions of earthquakes, rapid expulsions - of pestilence, &c. &c._ - -Since Pythagoras, as Iamblichus informs us, p. 9. was initiated in all -the mysteries of Byblus and Tyre, in the sacred operations of the -Syrians, and in the mysteries of the Phœnicians, and also (p. 12.) that -he spent two and twenty years in the adyta of temples in Egypt, -associated with the Magi in Babylon, and was instructed by them in their -venerable knowledge;—it is not at all wonderful that he was skilled in -magic or theurgy, and was therefore able to perform things which surpass -_merely human power_, and which appear to be perfectly incredible to the -vulgar. For “magic,” (as we learn from Psellus in his MS. treatise on -Dæmons) “formed the last part of the sacerdotal science.” He farther -likewise informs us, “that magic investigates the nature, power, and -quality of every thing sublunary; viz. of the elements and their parts, -of animals, all-various plants, and their fruits, of stones, and herbs: -and in short, it explores the essence and power of every thing. From -hence, therefore, it produces its effects. And it forms statues which -procure health, makes all-various figures, and things which become the -instruments of disease. If asserts too, that eagles and dragons -contribute to health; but that cats, dogs, and crows, are symbols of -vigilance, to which therefore they contribute. But for the fashioning of -certain parts, wax and clay are used. Often, too, celestial fire is made -to appear through magic; and then statues laugh, and lamps are -spontaneously enkindled.” See the original in the Notes to my Pausanias, -p. 325. And that theurgy was employed by the ancients in their -mysteries, I have fully proved in my treatise On the Eleusinian and -Bacchic Mysteries.[100] - -Conformably to this, Plato also in the First Alcibiades says, that the -magic of Zoroaster consisted in the worship of the Gods, on which -passage, I shall present the reader with what I have said, in the first -volume of my Plato, p. 63, as it will enable him to see that the theurgy -of the ancients is founded in a theory equally scientific and sublime. - -“The following account of magic by Proclus, originally formed, as it -appears to me, a part of the Commentary written by him on the present -passage. For the MS. Commentary of Proclus, which is extant on this -dialogue, does not extend to more than a third part of it; and this -Dissertation on Magic, which is only extant in Latin, was published by -Ficinus the translator, immediately after his Excerpta from this -Commentary. So that it seems highly probable, that the manuscript from -which Ficinus translated his Excerpta, was much more perfect, than that -which has been preserved to us, in consequence of containing this -account of the magic of the ancients. - -“In the same manner as lovers gradually advance from that beauty which -is apparent in sensible forms, to that which is divine; so the ancient -priests, when they considered that there is a certain alliance and -sympathy in natural things to each other, and of things manifest to -occult powers, and discovered that all things subsist in all, they -fabricated a sacred science from this mutual sympathy and similarity. -Thus they recognized things supreme in such as are subordinate, and the -subordinate in the supreme: in the celestial regions, terrene properties -subsisting in a causal and celestial manner; and in earth celestial -properties, but according to a terrene condition. For how shall we -account for those plants called heliotropes, that is, attendants on the -sun, moving in correspondence with the revolution of its orb, but -selenitropes, or attendants on the moon, turning in exact conformity to -her motion? It is because all things pray, and hymn the leaders of their -respective orders; but some intellectually, and others rationally; some -in a natural, and others after a sensible manner. Hence the sun-flower, -as far as it is able, moves in a circular dance towards the sun; so that -if any one could hear the pulsation made by its circuit in the air, he -would perceive something composed by a sound of this kind, in honor of -its king, such as a plant is capable of framing. Hence, too, we may -behold the sun and moon in the earth, but according to a terrene -quality; but in the celestial regions, all plants, and stones, and -animals, possessing an intellectual life according to a celestial -nature. Now the ancients, having contemplated this mutual sympathy of -things, applied for occult purposes, both celestial and terrene natures, -by means of which, through a certain similitude, they deduced divine -virtues into this inferior abode. For, indeed, similitude itself is a -sufficient cause of binding things together in union and consent. Thus, -if a piece of paper is heated, and afterwards placed near a lamp, though -it does not touch the fire, the paper will be suddenly inflamed, and the -flame will descend from the superior to the inferior parts. This heated -paper we may compare, to a certain relation of inferiors to superiors; -and its approximation to the lamp, to the opportune use of things -according to time, place, and matter. But the procession of fire into -the paper, aptly represents the presence of divine light, to that nature -which is capable of its reception. Lastly, the inflammation of the paper -may be compared to the deification of mortals, and to the illumination -of material natures, which are afterwards carried upwards like the -enkindled paper, from a certain participation of divine seed. - -“Again, the lotus, before the rising of the sun, folds its leaves into -itself, but gradually expands them on its rising: unfolding them in -proportion to the sun’s ascent to the zenith; but as gradually -contracting them, as that luminary descends to the west. Hence this -plant, by the expansion and contraction of its leaves, appears no less -to honor the sun, than men by the gesture of their eye-lids, and the -motion of their lips. But this imitation and certain participation of -supernal light, is not only visible in plants, which possess nothing -more than a vestige of life, but likewise in particular stones. Thus the -sun-stone, by its golden rays, imitates those of the sun; but the stone -called the eye of heaven, or of the sun, has a figure similar to the -pupil of an eye, and a ray shines from the middle of the pupil. Thus too -the lunar stone, which has a figure similar to the moon when horned, by -a certain change of itself, follows the lunar motion. Lastly, the stone -called helioselenus, i. e. of the sun and moon, imitates, after a -manner, the congress of those luminaries, which it images by its color. -So that all things are full of divine natures; terrestrial natures -receiving the plenitude of such as are celestial, but celestial of -supercelestial essences;[101] while every order of things proceeds -gradually in a beautiful descent from the highest to the lowest. For -whatever particulars are collected into one above the order of things, -are afterwards dilated in descending, various souls being distributed -under their various ruling divinities. - -“In the next place, there are many solar animals, such as lions and -cocks, which participate, according to their nature, of a certain solar -divinity; whence it is wonderful how much inferiors yield to superiors -in the same order, though they do not yield in magnitude and power. -Hence it is said, that a cock is very much feared, and as it were -reverenced, by a lion; the reason of which we cannot assign from matter -or sense, but from the contemplation alone of a supernal order. For thus -we shall find that the presence of the solar virtue accords more with a -cock than with a lion. This will be evident from considering that the -cock, as it were, with certain hymns, applauds and calls to the rising -sun, when he bends his course to us from the antipodes; and that solar -angels sometimes appear in forms of this kind, who though they are -without shape, yet present themselves to us who are connected with -shape, in some sensible form. Sometimes too there are dæmons with a -leonine front, who, when a cock is placed before them, unless they are -of a solar order, suddenly disappear; and this, because those natures -which have an inferior rank in the same order, always reverence their -superiors; just as many, on beholding the images of divine men, are -accustomed, from the very view, to be fearful of perpetrating any thing -base. - -“In fine, some things turn round correspondent to the revolutions of the -sun, as the plants which we have mentioned, and others after a manner -imitate the solar rays, as the palm and the date; some the fiery nature -of the sun, as the laurel; and others a different property. For, indeed, -we may perceive that the properties which are collected in the sun, are -every where distributed to subsequent natures constituted in a solar -order; that is, to angels, dæmons, souls, animals, plants, and stones. -Hence the authors of the ancient priesthood discovered from things -apparent, the worship of superior powers, while they mingled some things -and purified others. They mingled many things indeed together, because -they saw that some simple substances possessed a divine property (though -not taken singly) sufficient to call down that particular power, of -which they were participants. Hence, by the mingling of many things -together, they attracted upon us a supernal influx; and by the -composition of one thing from many, they produced an assimilation to -that one which is above many; and composed statues from the mixture of -various substances conspiring in sympathy and consent. Besides this, -they collected composite odours, by a divine art, into one, -comprehending a multitude of powers, and symbolizing with the unity of a -divine essence; considering that division debilitates each of these, but -that mingling them together, restores them to the idea of their -exemplar. - -“But sometimes one herb, or one stone, is sufficient to a divine -operation. Thus, a thistle is sufficient to procure the sudden -appearance of some superior power; but a laurel, raccinum, (or a thorny -kind of sprig) the land and sea onion, the coral, the diamond, and the -jasper, operate as a safeguard. The heart of a mole is subservient to -divination, but sulphur and marine water to purification. Hence, the -ancient priests, by the mutual relation and sympathy of things to each -other, collected their virtues into one, but expelled them by repugnancy -and antipathy; purifying when it was requisite with sulphur and bitumen, -and sprinkling with marine water. For sulphur purifies, from the -sharpness of its odour; but marine water, on account of its fiery -portion. Besides this, in the worship of the Gods, they offered animals, -and other substances congruous to their nature; and received, in the -first place, the powers of dæmons, as proximate to natural substances -and operations; and by these natural substances they convoked into their -presence those powers to which they approached. Afterwards, they -proceeded from dæmons to the powers and energies of the Gods; partly, -indeed, from dæmoniacal instruction, but partly by their own industry, -interpreting convenient symbols, and ascending to a proper intelligence -of the Gods. And lastly, laying aside natural substances and their -operations, they received themselves into the communion and fellowship -of the Gods.” - -It will doubtless be objected by most of the present period, who believe -in nothing beyond the information of their senses, that plants, animals, -and stones, no longer possess those wonderful sympathetic powers, which -are mentioned by Proclus in the above extract. In answer to any such -objector, whose _little_ soul, (in the language of the Emperor Julian) -is indeed acute, but sees nothing with a vision healthy and sound, it -must be said, that this is not at all wonderful at a period, when, as -the author of the Asclepian dialogue justly observes, “there is a -lamentable departure of divinity from man, when nothing worthy of -heaven, or celestial concerns, is heard or believed, and when every -divine voice is by a _necessary_ silence dumb.”[102] But to the -philosophic reader, it must be observed, that as in the realms of -generation, or in other words, the sublunary region, wholes, viz. the -spheres of the different elements, remain perpetually according to -nature; but their parts are sometimes according, and sometimes contrary -to nature; this must also be true of the parts of the earth. When those -circulations therefore take place, during which the parts of the earth -subsist according to nature, and which are justly called, by Plato, -fertile periods, the powers of plants, animals, and stones, magically -sympathize with superior natures, in consequence of a more abundant -participation of them, through a greater degree of aptitude to receive, -and alliance to the participated powers. But during those circulations, -in which the parts of the earth subsist contrary to nature, as at -present, and which Plato calls barren periods, the powers of plants, -animals, and stones, no longer possess a magic sympathy, and -consequently are no longer capable of producing magical operations. - -P. 106. _The eternal essence of number is the most providential - principle of the universe_, &c. - -The following account of the manner in which the Pythagoreans -philosophized about numbers, is extracted from my Theoretic Arithmetic, -and the information contained in it is principally derived from the -great Syrianus. - -“The Pythagoreans, turning from the vulgar paths, and delivering their -philosophy in secret to those alone who were worthy to receive it, -exhibited it to others through mathematical names. Hence, they called -forms, numbers, as things which are the first separated from impartible -union; for the natures which are above forms, are also above -separation.[103] The all-perfect multitude of forms, therefore, they -obscurely signified through the duad; but they indicated the first -formal principles by the monad and duad, as not being numbers; and also -by the first triad and tetrad, as being the first numbers, the one being -odd, and the other even, from which by addition the decad is generated; -for the sum of 1, 2, 3, and 4, is ten. But after numbers, in secondary -and multifarious lives, introducing geometrical prior to physical -magnitudes; these also they referred to numbers, as to formal causes and -the principles of these; referring the point indeed, as being -impartible, to the monad; but a line, as the first interval, to the -duad; and again, a superficies, as having a more abundant interval, to -the triad; and a solid to the tetrad. They also called, as is evident -from the testimony of Aristotle, the first length the duad; for it is -not simply length, but the _first_ length, in order that by this they -might signify _cause_. In a similar manner also, they denominated the -_first_ breadth, the triad; and the _first_ depth the tetrad. They also -referred to formal principles all psychical knowledge. And intellectual -knowledge indeed, as being contracted according to impartible union, -they referred to the monad; but scientific knowledge, as being evolved, -and as proceeding from cause to the thing caused, yet through the -inerratic, and always through the same things, they referred to the -duad; and opinion to the triad, because the power of it is not always -directed to the same thing, but at one time inclines to the true, and at -another to the false. And they referred sense to the tetrad, because it -has an apprehension of bodies; for in the duad, indeed, there is one -interval from one monad to the other; but in the triad there are two -intervals from any one monad to the rest; and in the tetrad there are -three. They referred, therefore, to principles every thing knowable, -viz. beings, and the gnostic powers of these. But they divided beings -not according to breadth, but according to depth; into intelligibles, -objects of science, objects of opinion, and sensibles. In a similar -manner, also, they divided knowledge into intellect, science, opinion, -and sense. The extremity, therefore, of the intelligible triad, or -animal itself, as it is called by Plato in the Timæus, is assumed from -the division of the objects of knowledge, manifesting the intelligible -order, in which forms themselves, viz. the first forms and the -principles of these, are contained, viz. the idea of the one itself, of -the first length, which is the duad itself, and also the ideas of the -first breadth and the first depth; (for in common the term _first_ is -adapted to all of them), viz. to the triad itself, and the tetrad -itself. - -“Again, the Pythagoreans and Plato did not denominate idea from one -thing, and ideal number from another. But since the assertion is -eminently true, that all things are similar to number, it is evident -that number, and especially every ideal number, was denominated on -account of its paradigmatic peculiarity. If any one, however, wishes to -apprehend this from the appellation itself, it is easy to infer that -idea was so called, from rendering as it were its participants similar -to itself, and imparting to them _form_, _order_, _beauty_, and _unity_; -and this in consequence of always preserving the same form, expanding -its own power to the infinity of particulars, and investing with the -same species its eternal participants. _Number_ also, since it imparts -proportion and elegant arrangement to all things, was allotted this -appellation. For the ancients, says Syrianus,[104] call to _adapt_ or -_compose_ αρσαι _arsai_, whence is derived αριθμος _arithmos number_. -Hence αναρσιον anarsion among the Greeks signifies _incomposite_. Hence -too, those Grecian sayings, _you will adapt the balance_, _they placed -number together with them_, and also _number and friendship_. From all -which number was called by the Greeks _arithmos_, as that which measures -and orderly arranges all things, and unites them in amicable league. - -“Farther still, some of the Pythagoreans discoursed about inseparable -numbers alone, i. e. numbers which are inseparable from mundane natures, -but others about such as have a subsistence separate from the universe, -in which as paradigms they saw those numbers are contained, which are -perfected by nature. But others, making a distinction between the two, -unfolded their doctrine in a more clear and perfect manner. If it be -requisite, however, to speak concerning the difference of these monads, -and their privation of difference, we must say that the monads which -subsist in quantity, are by no means to be extended to essential -numbers; but when we call essential numbers monads, we must assert that -all of them mutually differ from each other by _difference_ itself, and -that they possess a privation of difference from _sameness_. It is -evident also, that those which are in the same order, are contained -through mutual comparison, in _sameness_ rather than in difference, but -that those which are in different orders are conversant with much -diversity, through the dominion of _difference_. - -“Again, the Pythagoreans asserted that nature produces sensibles by -numbers; but then these numbers were not mathematical but physical; and -as they spoke symbolically, it is not improbable that they demonstrated -every property of sensibles by mathematical names. However, says -Syrianus, to ascribe to them a knowledge of sensible numbers alone, is -not only ridiculous, but highly impious. For they received indeed, from -the theology of Orpheus, the principles of intelligible and intellectual -numbers, they assigned them an abundant progression, and extended their -dominion as far as to sensibles themselves.” - -Again, their conceptions about mathematical and physical number, were as -follow: - -“As in every thing, according to the doctrine of Aristotle, one thing -corresponds to matter, and another to form, in any number, as for -instance the pentad, its five monads, and in short its quantity, and the -number which is the subject of participation, are derived from the duad -itself; but its form, i. e. the pentad itself, is from the monad; for -every form is a monad, and unites its subject quantity. The pentad -itself, therefore, which is a monad, proceeds from the principal monad, -forms its subject quantity, which is itself formless, and connects it to -its own form. For there are two principles of mathematical numbers in -our souls: the monad, which comprehends in itself all the forms of -numbers, and corresponds to the monad in intellectual natures; and the -duad, which is a certain generative principle of infinite power, and -which on this account, as being the image of the never-failing and -intelligible duad, is called indefinite. While this proceeds to all -things, it is not deserted in its course by the monad, but that which -proceeds from the monad continually distinguishes and forms boundless -quantity, gives a specific distinction to all its orderly progressions, -and incessantly adorns them with forms. And as in mundane natures, there -is neither any thing formless, nor any vacuum among the species of -things, so likewise in mathematical number, neither is any quantity left -innumerable; for thus the forming power of the monad would be vanquished -by the indefinite duad, nor does any medium intervene between the -consequent numbers, and the well-disposed energy of the monad. - -“Neither, therefore, does the pentad consist of substance and accident, -as a white man; nor of genus and difference, as man of animal and biped; -nor of five monads mutually touching each other, like a bundle of wood; -nor of things mingled, like a drink made from wine and honey; nor of -things sustaining position, as stones by their position complete the -house; nor lastly, as things numerable, for these are nothing else than -particulars. But it does not follow that numbers themselves, because -they consist of indivisible monads, have nothing else besides monads, -(for the multitude of points in continued quantity is an indivisible -multitude, yet it is not on this account that there is a completion of -something else from the points themselves); but this takes place because -there is something in them which corresponds to matter, and something -which corresponds to form. Lastly, when we unite the triad with the -tetrad, we say that we make seven. The assertion, however, is not true: -for monads conjoined with monads, produce indeed the subject of the -number 7, but nothing more. Who then imparts the heptadic form to these -monads? Who is it also that gives the form of a bed to a certain number -of pieces of wood? Shall we not say that the soul of the carpenter, from -the art which he possesses, fashions the wood, so as to receive the form -of a bed, and that the numerative soul, from possessing in herself a -monad which has the relation of a principle, gives form and subsistence -to all numbers? But in this only consists the difference, that the -carpenter’s art is not naturally inherent in us, and requires manual -operation, because it is conversant with sensible matter; but the -numerative art is naturally present with us, and is therefore possessed -by all men, and has an intellectual matter which it instantaneously -invests with form. And this is that which deceives the multitude, who -think that the heptad is nothing besides seven monads. For the -imagination of the vulgar, unless it first sees a thing unadorned, -afterwards the supervening energy of the adorner, and lastly, above all -the thing itself, perfect and formed, cannot be persuaded that it has -two natures, one formless, the other formal, and still further, that -which beyond these imparts form; but asserts, that the subject is one, -and without generation. Hence, perhaps, the ancient theologists and -Plato ascribed temporal generations to things without generation, and to -things which are perpetually adorned, and regularly disposed, privation -of order and ornament, the erroneous and the boundless, that they might -lead men to the knowledge of a formal and effective cause. It is, -therefore, by no means wonderful, that though seven sensible monads are -never without the heptad, these should be distinguished by science, and -that the former should have the relation of a subject, and be analogous -to matter, but the latter should correspond to species and form. - -“Again, as when water is changed into air, the water does not become -air, or the subject of air, but that which was the subject of water -becomes the subject of air, so when one number unites itself with -another, as for instance the triad with the duad, the species or forms -of the two numbers are not mingled, except in their immaterial reasons -(or productive principles), in which at the same time that they are -separate, they are not impeded from being united, but the quantities of -the two numbers which are placed together, become the subject of the -pentad. The triad, therefore, is one, and also the tetrad, even in -mathematical numbers: for though in the ennead or number nine, you may -conceive a first, second, and third triad, yet you see one thing thrice -assumed; and in short, in the ennead there is nothing but the form of -the ennead in the quantity of nine monads. But if you mentally separate -its subject, (for form is impartible) you will immediately invest it -with forms corresponding to its division; for our soul cannot endure to -see that which is formless, unadorned, especially as she possesses the -power of investing it with ornament. - -“Since also separate numbers possess a demiurgic or fabricative power, -which mathematical numbers imitate, the sensible world likewise contains -images of those numbers by which it is adorned; so that all things are -in all, but in an appropriate manner in each. The sensible world, -therefore, subsists from immaterial and energetic reasons, and from more -ancient causes. But those who do not admit that nature herself is full -of productive powers, lest they should be obliged to double things -themselves, these wonder how from things void of magnitude and gravity, -magnitude and gravity are composed; though they are never composed from -things of this kind which are void of gravity and magnitude, as from -parts. But magnitude is generated from essentially impartible elements; -since form and matter are the elements of bodies; and still much more is -it generated from those truer causes which are considered in demiurgic -reasons and forms. Is it not therefore necessary that all dimensions, -and all moving masses, must from these receive their generation? For -either bodies are unbegotten, like incorporeal natures; or of things -with interval, things without interval are the causes; of partibles -impartibles; and of sensibles and contraries, things insensible and void -of contact: and we must assent to those who assert that things -possessing magnitude are thus generated from impartibles. Hence the -Pythagorean Eurytus, and his followers, beholding the images of things -themselves in numbers, rightly attributed certain numbers to certain -things, according to their peculiarity. In consequence of this, he said -that a particular number is the boundary of this plant, and again, -another number of this animal; just as of a triangle 6 is the boundary, -of a square 9, and of a cube 8. As the musician, too, harmonizes his -lyre through mathematical numbers, so nature through her own natural -numbers, orderly arranges, and modulates her productions. - -“Indeed, that numbers are participated by the heavens, and that there is -a solar number, and also a lunar number, is manifest according to the -adage, even to the blind. For the restitutions of the heavenly bodies to -their pristine state (αποκαταστασεις) would not always be effected -through the same things, and in the same manner, unless one and the same -number bad dominion in each. Yet all these contribute to the procession -of the celestial spheres, and are contained by their perfect number. But -there is also a certain natural number belonging to every animal. For -things of the same species would not be distinguished by organs after -the same manner, nor would they arrive at puberty and old age about the -same time, or generate, nor would the fœtus be nourished or increase, -according to regular periods, unless they were detained by the same -measure of nature. According to the best of the Pythagoreans also, Plato -himself, number is the cause of better and worse generations. Hence -though the Pythagoreans sometimes speak of the squares and cubes of -natural numbers, they do not make them to be monadic, such as the number -9, and the number 27; but they signify through these names, from -similitude, the progression of natural numbers into, and dominion about, -generations. In like manner, though they call them equal or double, they -exhibit the dominion and symphony of ideas in these numbers. Hence -different things do not use the same number, so far as they are -different, nor do the same things use a different number, so far as they -are the same. - -“In short, physical numbers are material forms divided about the subject -which receives them. But material powers are the sources of connexion -and modification to bodies. For form is one thing, and the power -proceeding from it another. For form itself is indeed impartible and -essential; but being extended, and becoming bulky, it emits from itself, -as if it were a blast, material powers which are certain qualities. -Thus, for instance, in fire, the form and essence of it is impartible, -and is truly the image of the cause of fire: for in partible natures, -the impartible has a subsistence. But from form which is impartible in -fire, and which subsists in it as number, an extension of it accompanied -with interval takes place about matter, from which the powers of fire -are emitted, such as heat, or refrigeration, or moisture, or something -else of the like kind. And these qualities are indeed essential, but are -by no means the essence of fire. For essences do not proceed from -qualities, nor are essence and power the same thing. But the essential -every where precedes power. And from this being one the multitude of -powers proceeds, and the distributed from that which is undistributed; -just as many energies are the progeny of one power.” - -P. 107. _For Pythagoras always proclaimed, that nothing admirable - pertaining to the Gods or divine dogmas, should be disbelieved._ - -This in the Protreptics forms the fourth symbol, and is thus explained -by Iamblichus:—“This dogma sufficiently venerates and unfolds the -transcendency of the Gods, affording us a viaticum, and recalling to our -memory that we ought not to estimate divine power from our judgment. But -it is likely that some things should appear difficult and impossible to -us, in consequence of our corporeal subsistence, and from our being -conversant with generation and corruption; from our having a momentary -existence; from being subject to a variety of diseases; from the -smallness of our habitation; from our gravitating tendency to the -middle; from our somnolency, indigence and repletion; from our want of -counsel and our imbecility; from the impediments of our soul, and a -variety of other circumstances, although our nature possesses many -illustrious prerogatives. At the same time however we perfectly fall -short of the Gods, and neither possess the same power with them, nor -equal virtue. This symbol therefore in a particular manner introduces -the knowledge of the Gods, as beings who are able to effect all things. -On this account it exhorts us to disbelieve nothing concerning the Gods. -It also adds, nor about divine dogmas; viz. those belonging to the -Pythagoric philosophy. For these being secured by disciplines and -scientific theory, are alone true and free from falsehood, being -corroborated by all-various demonstration, accompanied with necessity. -The same symbol, also, is capable of exhorting us to the science -concerning the Gods: for it urges us to acquire a science of that kind, -through which we shall be in no respect deficient in things asserted -about the Gods. It is also able to exhort the same things concerning -divine dogmas, and a disciplinative progression. For disciplines alone -give eyes to, and produce light about, all things, in him who intends to -consider and survey them. For from the participation of disciplines, one -thing before all others is effected, viz. a belief in the nature, -essence, and power of the Gods, and also in those Pythagoric dogmas, -which appear to be prodigious to such as have not been introduced to, -and are uninitiated in, disciplines; So that the precept _disbelieve -not_ is equivalent to _participate_ and _acquire_ those things through -which you will not disbelieve; that is to say, acquire disciplines and -scientific demonstrations.” - -P. 88. _After this manner therefore it is said that music was discovered - by Pythagoras._ - -The following particulars relative to music are added for the purpose of -elucidating what is said about it in this chapter. - -“Take two brazen chords, such as are used in harps; for those chords -which are made from the intestines of sheep are for the most part either -false or obnoxious to the change of the air, - - [Illustration: A—————————B - C—————————D - | - E] - -“Let these chords be perfectly equal, and equally stretched, so as to be -in unison, i. e. so that there may be only one sound, though there are -two strings. But it is requisite that they should be placed upon some -oblong and polished rule. The ancients called this rule an harmonic -rule, or also a monochord, by which instrument all consonances and -dissonances, and likewise musical intervals, were tried. Let now one of -these chords be bisected in E. Afterwards under the point E place what -is vulgarly called the _tactus_, but which was denominated by the -ancients, from its figure, a hemisphere. The tactus, therefore, being -placed under E, press there the chord, so that one half of it only, as -for instance ED, may be wholly struck and resound. Having therefore -struck each of the chords at the same time, viz. the whole of AB, and -the half ED, so that they may resound at one and the same time, you will -hear the sweetest of all consonances, composed from the sound of the -whole chord AB, and the sound of the half ED. This consonance the -ancients called diapason, i. e. _through all_ [the chords], because in -the musical instruments of the ancients, the two extreme chords, i. e. -the most grave, and the most acute of all the chords, contained this -consonance; so that, from the gravest chord having made a transition -through all the chords to the supreme and most acute of all, they would -hear this sweetest consonance. It was, likewise, said to be in a duple -ratio of the proportion of one sound to the other. For the sound of the -chord AB is doubly greater or more grave than the sound of the half ED. -For as sounding bodies are to each other, so are their sounds. But the -chord AB is the double of ED. This, however, is now commonly called the -octave, because from the first sound, and that the gravest, which is -called _ut_, as far as to that sound which corresponds to it in the -consonance diapason, there are these eight sounds, _ut_, _re_, _mi_, -_fa_, _sol_, _re_, _mi_, _fa_. And of these the first ut, and the last -_fa_, which is the eighth, produce the consonance diapason, or the -double, or the octave. - - -“Again, let the same chord CD be divided into three equal parts in the -points F, G. - - [Illustration: A————————————B - C————————————D - | | - F G] - -“FD, therefore, will be two-thirds as well of the whole CD as of the -whole AB. Let the tactus now be placed in F, and let AB and FD be struck -at the same time, and a consonance very sweet and perfect will indeed be -heard, yet not so sweet as the diapason. This the ancients called -diapente (i. e. through five chords), because the first and the fifth -chord produce this consonance. But according to proportion it is called -sesquialter, because the chord AB is sesquialter to FD, and consequently -the sounds of these chords also are in the same ratio. But sesquialter -ratio is when the greater quantity AB contains the less FD once, and the -half of it besides. It is, indeed, commonly called the fifth, because it -is composed from the first sound _ut_, and the fifth, _sol_. - - -“Again, let the same chord be cut into four equal parts in the points H, -E, I, - - [Illustration: A——————————————————————————B - C——————————————————————————D - | | | | | | | | | - K L H F M N E G I] - -“so that the chord HD, may be three-fourths of the whole CD. The tactus, -therefore, being placed in H, let AB and HD be struck at one and the -same time, and a consonance will be heard, indeed, yet more imperfect -than the preceding two. This was called by the ancients diatessaron, i. -e. through four chords or sounds, for a similar reason to that by which -the former were denominated. With reference, however, to the ratio of -the chords and sounds, it is called sesquitertian, because the greater -AB contains the less once, and a third part of it besides. But it is now -commonly called a fourth, because it is found between the first sound -_ut_, and the fourth _fa_. If now the point F be added in the preceding -figure, and at one and the same time two chords HD and FD are compared -in arithmetical ratios, we shall find that the greater HD will have to -the less FD a sesquioctave[105] ratio, and the sound of the greater HD -to the less FD will have the same ratio, i. e. in modern terms, that -between _fa_ and _sol_ there is a sesquioctave ratio. But if these two -sounds are heard together, they will be discordant to the ear. Again, -the distance between these sounds _fa_, _sol_, or between the chords HD -and FD, or between the two harmonic intervals HD and FD, the ratio of -which was sesquioctave, was called by the ancients a tone. Afterwards -they divided the whole of CD into nine equal parts, the first of which -is divided in K, so that the whole CD may have to the remainder KD, -which contains eight of those parts, a sesquioctave ratio. This, in like -manner, will be the interval of a tone, the first sound of which, i. e, -of the whole CD, is now called _ut_, but the second sound of the rest of -the chord KD is called _re_. Afterwards they in a similar manner divided -the remainder KD into nine parts, the first part of which is marked in -the point L. And for the same reason between the chord KD and the chord -KD, and their sounds, there will be a sesquioctave ratio. The sound of -the chord LD is now called _mi_; but the interval which remains between -the chord LD and the chord HD has not a sesquioctave ratio, but less -than it almost by half, and therefore an interval of this kind was -called a semitone, and also diesis or a division. But that interval -which remains between the points F and E they divided after the same -manner, as the space between C and H was divided, and they again found -the same sounds. Let those divisions be marked by the points M and N; -and here, also, between N and E, or between _mi_ and _fa_, there is in -like manner another semitone. These eight sounds, therefore, are _ut_, -_re_, _mi_, _fa_, _sol_, _re_, _mi_, _fa_, which compose the whole -diapason. For as we have before observed, between _ut_ and the last _fa_ -is the consonance diapason, or between the chord CD or AB, and the chord -ED. But from the intervals which are between the sounds there are two -semitones, viz. one between _mi_ and _fa_, denoted by the letters L, N, -and the other between the last _mi_ and _fa_, denoted by the letters N, -E. The remaining five intervals are entire tones. It must, also, be -observed, that from _ut_ to the first _sol_ is the consonance diapente, -which contains three tonic intervals, and one semitone; nevertheless in -all there are five sounds, _ut_, _re_, _mi_, _fa_, _sol_. - -“Again, from _sol_ to the last _fa_ there are four sounds, _sol_, _re_, -_mi_, _fa_, which are perfectly similar to the first four, _ut_, _re_, -_mi_, _fa_. Nevertheless these are more grave, but those are more acute. -And as from _ut_ to the first _fa_ is the diatessaron, so likewise from -_sol_ to the last _fa_ is another diatessaron, from which, in the last -place, it must be observed, it follows that the two consonances -diatessaron and diapente constitute the whole diapason; or that the -diapason is divided into one diatessaron, and one diapente. For from -_ut_ to _sol_ is the diapente, but from _sol_ to the last _fa_ is the -diatessaron. This will also be the case if we should say that from _ut_ -to the first _fa_ is the diatessaron, as is evident from the division of -the chord; but from the first _fa_ to the last _fa_ is the diapente, as -is evident from the four intervals of the chord, three of which are -tones, and the remaining interval is a semitone, which also in the other -diapente were contained between _ut_ and _sol_. - -“Now again, let the tactus be placed in I; but I is the fourth part of -the whole CD. Let, also, AB and ID be struck at one and the same time, -and the sweetest consonance, called bisdiapason, will be produced; which -is so denominated, because it is composed from two diapasons, of which -the first is between AB or CD, and ED, but the second is between ED and -ID; for the ratio of these is double as well as of those. The ratio, -also, of the bisdiapason is quadruple, as is evident from the division; -and is commonly called a fifteenth, because from the first _ut_ to this -sound, which is also denominated _fa_, there would be fifteen sounds, if -the interval EI were divided after the same manner as the first CE is -divided. - -“Farther still, let GD be a third part of the whole CD, and let the -tactus be placed in G. Then at one and the same time let AB and GD be -struck, and a sweet consonance will be heard, which is called -diapasondiapente, because it is composed from one diapason contained by -the interval CE, or the two chords CD, ED, and one diapente, contained -by the interval EG, or the chords ED, GD. For the chord ED is -sesquialter to the chord GD; which ratio constitutes the nature of the -diapente. The proportion, also, of this consonance is triple. For the -chord AB or CD is triple of GD; and it is commonly called the twelfth, -because between _ut_ and _sol_, denoted by the letter G, there would be -twelve sounds, if the interval EG received its divisions. From all which -it is manifest by the experience of the ear, that there are altogether -five consonances, three simple, the diapason, the diapente, and the -diatessaron; but two composite, the bisdiapason, and the -diapasondiapente.” - -In the last place, it is necessary to observe that those ancient Greeks -differently denominated these sounds, _ut_, _re_, &c. For the first, -i. e. the gravest sound or chord, which is now called _ut_, they, -denominated hypate, and the others in the following order: - - Ut, Hypate, i. e. Principalis. - Re, Parhypate, — Postprincipalis. - Mi, Lychanos, — Index. - Fa, Mese, — Media. - Sol, Paramese, — Postmedia. - Re, Trite, — Tertia. - Mi, Paranete, — Antepenultima. - Fa, Nete, — Ultima, vel suprema. - -P. 109. _I swear by him who the tetractys found._ - -The tetrad was called by the Pythagoreans every number, because it -comprehends in itself all the numbers as far as to the decad, and the -decad itself; for the sum of 1, 2, 3, and 4, is 10. Hence both the decad -and the tetrad were said by them to be every number; the decad indeed in -energy, but the tetrad in capacity. The sum likewise of these four -numbers was said by them to constitute the tetractys, in which all -harmonic ratios are included. For 4 to 1, which is a quadruple ratio, -forms the symphony bisdiapason; the ratio of 3 to 2, which is -sesquialter, forms the symphony diapente; 4 to 3, which is -sesquitertian, the symphony diatessaron; and 2 to 1, which is a duple -ratio, forms the diapason. - -In consequence, however, of the great veneration paid to the tetractys -by the Pythagoreans, it will be proper to give it a more ample -discussion, and for this purpose to show from Theo of Smyrna,[106] how -many tetractys there are: “The tetractys,” says he, “was not only -principally honored by the Pythagoreans, because all symphonies are -found to exist within it, but also because it appears to contain the -nature of all things.” Hence the following was their oath: “Not by him -who delivered to our soul the tetractys, which contains the fountain and -root of everlasting nature.” But by him who delivered the tetractys they -mean Pythagoras; for the doctrine concerning it appears to have been his -invention. The above-mentioned tetractys, therefore, is seen in the -composition of the first numbers 1. 2. 3. 4. But the second tetractys -arises from the increase by multiplication of even and odd numbers -beginning from the monad. - -Of these, the monad is assumed as the first, because, as we have before -observed, it is the principle of all even, odd, and evenly-odd numbers, -and the nature of it is simple. But the three successive numbers receive -their composition according to the even and the odd; because every -number is not alone even, nor alone odd. Hence the even and the odd -receive two tetractys, according to multiplication; the even indeed, in -a duple ratio; for 2 is the first of even numbers, and increases from -the monad by duplication. But the odd number is increased in a triple -ratio; for 3 is the first of odd numbers, and is itself increased from -the monad by triplication. Hence the monad is common to both these, -being itself even and odd. The second number, however, in even and -double numbers is 2; but in odd and triple numbers 3. The third among -even numbers is 4; but among odd numbers is 9. And the fourth among even -numbers is 8; but among odd numbers is 27. - - { 1. 2. 4. 8. } - { 1. 3. 9. 27. } - -In these numbers the more perfect ratios of symphonies are found; and in -these also a tone is comprehended. The monad, however, contains the -productive principle of a point. But the second numbers 2 and 3 contain -the principle of a side, since they are incomposite, and first, are -measured by the monad, and naturally measure a right line. The third -terms are 4 and 9, which are in power a square superficies, since they -are equally equal. And the fourth terms 8 and 27 being equally equally -equal, are in power a cube. Hence from these numbers, and this -tetractys, the increase takes place from a point to a solid. For a side -follows after a point, a superficies after a side, and a solid after a -superficies. In these numbers also, Plato in the Timæus constitutes the -soul. But the last of these seven numbers, i. e. 27, is equal to all the -numbers that precede it; for 1 + 2 + 3 + 4 + 8 + 9 = 27. There are, -therefore, two tetractys of numbers, one of which subsists by addition, -but the other by multiplication, and they comprehend musical, -geometrical, and arithmetical ratios, from which also the harmony of the -universe consists. - -But the third tetractys is that which according to the same analogy or -proportion comprehends the nature of all magnitude. For what the monad -was in the former tetractys, that a point is in this. What the numbers 2 -and 3, which are in power a side, were in the former tetractys, that the -extended species of a line, the circular and the right, are in this; the -right line indeed subsisting in conformity to the even number, since it -is terminated[107] by two points; but the circular in conformity to the -odd number, because it is comprehended by one line which has no end. But -what in the former tetractys the square numbers 4 and 9 were, that the -two-fold species of planes, the rectilinear and the circular, are in -this. And what the cube numbers 8 and 27 were in the former, the one -being an even, but the other an odd number, that the two solids, one of -which has a hollow superficies, as the sphere and the cylinder, but the -other a plane superficies, as the cube and pyramid, are in this -tetractys. Hence, this is the third tetractys, which gives completion to -every magnitude, from a point, a line, a superficies, and a solid. - -The fourth tetractys is of the simple bodies fire, air, water, and -earth, which have an analogy according to numbers. For what the monad -was in the first tetractys, that fire is in this. But the duad is air, -the triad is water, and the tetrad is earth. For such is the nature of -the elements according to tenuity and density of parts. Hence fire has -to air the ratio of 1 to 2; but to water, the ratio of 1 to 3; and to -earth, the ratio of 1 to 4. In other respects also they are analogous to -each other. - -The fifth tetractys is of the figures of the simple bodies. For the -pyramid, indeed, is the figure of fire; the octaedron, of air; the -icosaedron, of water; and the cube, of earth. - -The sixth tetractys is of things rising into existence through the -vegetative life. And the seed, indeed, is analogous to the monad and a -point. But if it increases in length it is analogous to the duad and a -line; if in breadth, to the triad and a superficies; but if in -thickness, to the tetrad and a solid. - -The seventh tetractys is of communities; of which the principle indeed, -and as it were monad, is man; the duad is a house; the triad a street; -and the tetrad a city. For a nation consists of these. And these indeed -are the material and sensible tetractys. - -The eighth tetractys consists of the powers which form a judgment of -things material and sensible, and which are of a certain intelligible -nature. And these are, intellect, science, opinion, and sense. And -intellect, indeed, corresponds in its essence to the monad; but science -to the duad; for science is the science of a certain thing. Opinion -subsists between science and ignorance; but sense is as the tetrad. For -the touch which is common to all the senses being fourfold, all the -senses energize according to contact. - -The ninth tetractys is that from which the animal is composed, the soul -and the body. For the parts of the soul, indeed, are the rational, the -irascible, and the epithymetic, or that which desires external good; and -the fourth is the body in which the soul subsists. - -The tenth tetractys is of the seasons of the year, through which all -things rise into existence, viz. the spring, the summer, the autumn, and -the winter. - -And the eleventh is of the ages of man, viz. of the infant, the lad, the -man, and the old man. - -Hence there are eleven tetractys. The first is that which subsists -according to the composition of numbers. The second, according to the -multiplication of numbers. The third subsists according to magnitude. -The fourth is of the simple bodies. The fifth is of figures. The sixth -is of things rising into existence through the vegetative life. The -seventh is of communities. The eighth is the judicial power. The ninth -is of the parts of the animal. The tenth is of the seasons of the year. -And the eleventh is of the ages of man. All of them however are -proportional to each other. For what the monad is in the first and -second tetractys, that a point is in the third; fire in the fourth; a -pyramid in the fifth; seed in the sixth; man in the seventh; intellect -in the eighth; and so of the rest. Thus, for instance, the first -tetractys is 1. 2. 3. 4. The second is the monad, a side, a square, and -a cube. The third is a point, a line, a superficies, and a solid. The -fourth is fire, air, water, earth. The fifth the pyramid, the octaedron, -the icosaedron, and the cube. The sixth, seed, length, breadth and -depth. The seventh, man, a house, a street, a city. The eighth, -intellect, science, opinion, sense. The ninth, the rational, the -irascible, and the epithymetic parts, and the body. The tenth, the -spring, summer, autumn, winter. The eleventh, the infant, the lad, the -man, and the old man. - -The world also, which is composed from these tetractys, is perfect, -being elegantly arranged in geometrical, harmonical, and arithmetical -proportion; comprehending every power, all the nature of number, every -magnitude, and every simple and composite body. But it is perfect, -because all things are the parts of it, but it is not itself the part of -any thing. Hence, the Pythagoreans are said to have first used the -before-mentioned oath, and also the assertion that “all things are -assimilated to number.” - -P. 111. _This number is the first that partakes of every number, and - when divided in every possible way, receives the power of the - numbers subtracted, and of those that remain._ - -Because 6 consists of 1, 2 and 3, the two first of which are the -principles of all number, and also because 2 and 3 are the first even -and odd, which are the sources of all the species of numbers; the number -6 may be said to partake of every number. In what Iamblichus afterwards -adds, I suppose he alludes to 6 being a perfect number and therefore -equal to all its parts. - -P. 134. _Not to step above the beam of the balance._ - -This is the 14th Symbol in the Protreptics of Iamblichus, whose -explanation of it is as follows: “This symbol exhorts us to the exercise -of justice, to the honoring equality and moderation in an admirable -degree, and to the knowledge of justice as the most perfect virtue, to -which the other virtues give completion, and without which none of the -rest are of any advantage. It also admonishes us, that it is proper to -know this virtue not in a careless manner, but through theorems and -scientific demonstrations. But this knowledge is the business of no -other art and science than the Pythagoric philosophy alone, which in a -transcendent degree honors disciplines before every thing else.” - -The following extract also from my Theoretic Arithmetic, (p. 194.), will -in a still greater degree elucidate this symbol. The information -contained in it is derived from the anonymous author of a very valuable -work entitled Θεολογουμενα Αριθμητικης _Theologumena Arithmeticæ_, and -which has lately been reprinted at Leipsic, “The Pythagoreans called the -pentad providence and justice, because it equalizes things unequal, -justice being a medium between excess and defect, just as 5 is the -middle of all the numbers that are equally distant from it on both sides -as far as to the decad, some of which it surpasses, and by others is -surpassed, as may be seen in the following arrangement: - - 1. 4. 7. - 2. 5. 8. - 3. 6. 9. - -“For here, as in the middle of the beam of a balance, 5 does not depart -from the line of the equilibrium, while one scale is raised, and the -other is depressed. - -“In the following arrangement also, viz. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, it -will be found that the sum of the numbers which are posterior, is triple -the sum of those that are prior to 5; for 6 + 7 + 8 + 9 = 30; but 1 + 2 -+ 3 + 4 = 10. If therefore the numbers on each side of 5 represent the -beam of a balance, 5 being the tongue of it, when a weight depresses the -beam, an obtuse angle is produced by the depressed part with the tongue, -and an acute angle by the elevated part of the beam. Hence it is worse -to do than to suffer an injury: and the authors of the injury verge -downward as it were to the infernal regions; but the injured tend upward -as it were to the Gods, imploring the divine assistance. Hence the -meaning of the Pythagoric symbol is obvious, “Pass not above the beam of -the balance.” Since however injustice pertains to inequality, in order -to correct this, equalization is requisite, that the beam of the balance -may remain on both sides without obliquity. But equalization is effected -by addition and subtraction. Thus if 4 is added to 5, and 4 is also -taken from 5, the number 9 will be produced on one side, and 1 on the -other, each of which is equally distant from 5. Thus too, if 3 is added -to 5, and is also subtracted from it, on the one side 8 will be -produced, and on the other 2. If 2 is added to 5, and likewise taken -from it, 7 and 3 will be produced. And by adding 1 to 5, and subtracting -3 from it, 6 and 4 will be the result; in all which instances, the -numbers produced are equidistant from 5, and the sum of each couple is -equal to 10.” - -P. 161. _Such as dig not fire with a sword._ - -This is the 9th Symbol in the Protreptics, and is thus explained by -Iamblichus. “This symbol exhorts to prudence. For it excites in us an -appropriate conception with respect to the propriety of not opposing -sharp words to a man full of fire and wrath, nor contending with him. -For frequently by words you will agitate and disturb an ignorant man, -and will yourself suffer things dreadful and unpleasant.” Heraclitus -also testifies to the truth of this symbol. For he says, “It is -difficult to fight with anger: for whatever is necessary to be done -redeems the soul.” And this he says truly. For many, by gratifying -anger, have changed the condition of their soul, and have made death -preferable to life. But by governing the tongue, and being quiet, -friendship is produced from strife, the fire of anger being -extinguished; and you yourself will not appear to be destitute of -intellect.” - -P. 200. _But this follows from the whole being naturally prior to the - part, and not the part to the whole._ - -For whole co-subverts, but is not co-subverted by part: since if whole -is taken away, part also is taken away; but the contrary does not -follow. - -P. 231. _Such therefore as hope the intellective and gnostic part of - virtue, are denominated skilful and intelligent; but such as have - the ethical and pre-elective part of it, are denominated useful - and equitable._ - -The following account of the virtues is extracted from the Notes to my -Translation of the Phædo of Plato: The first of the virtues are the -physical, which are common to brutes, being mingled with the -temperaments, and for the most part contrary to each other; or rather -pertaining to the animal. Or it may be said that they are illuminations -from reason, when not impeded by a certain bad temperament: or that they -are the result of energies in a former life. Of these Plato speaks in -the Politicus and the Laws. The ethical virtues, which are above these, -are ingenerated by custom and a certain right opinion, and are the -virtues of children when well educated. These virtues also are to be -found in some brute animals. They likewise transcend the temperaments, -and on this account are not contrary to each other. These virtues Plato -delivers in the Laws. They pertain however at the same time both to -reason and the irrational nature. In the third rank above these are the -political virtues, which pertain to reason alone; for they are -scientific. But they are the virtues of reason adorning the irrational -part as its instrument; through prudence adorning the gnostic, through -fortitude the irascible, and through temperance the epithymetic power, -(or the power which is the source of desire;) but adorning all the parts -of the irrational nature through justice. And of these virtues Plato -speaks much in the Republic. These virtues too follow each other. Above -these are the cathartic virtues, which pertain to reason alone, -withdrawing from other things to itself, throwing aside the instruments -of sense as vain, repressing also the energies through these -instruments, and liberating the soul from the bonds of generation. Plato -particularly unfolds these virtues in the Phædo. Prior to these however -are the theoretic virtues, which pertain to the soul, introducing itself -to natures superior to itself, not only gnostically, as some one may be -induced to think from the name, but also orectically: for it hastens to -become, as it were, intellect instead of soul; and intellect possesses -both desire and knowledge. These virtues are the converse of the -political: for as the latter energize about things subordinate according -to reason, so the former about things more excellent according to -intellect. These virtues Plato delivers in the Theætetus. - -According to Plotinus, there is also another gradation of the virtues -besides these, viz, the paradigmatic. For, as our eye, when it is first -illuminated by the solar light, is different from that which -illuminates, as being illuminated, but afterwards is in a certain -respect united and conjoined with it, and becomes, as it were, -solar-form; so also our soul at first indeed is illuminated by -intellect, and energizes according to the theoretic virtues, but -afterwards becomes, as it were, that which is illuminated, and energizes -uniformly according to the paradigmatic virtues. And it is the business -indeed of philosophy to make us intellect; but of theurgy to unite us to -intelligibles, so that we may energize paradigmatically. And as when -possessing the physical virtues, we know mundane bodies (for the -subjects to virtues of this kind are bodies); so from possessing the -ethical virtues, we know the fate of the Universe, because fate is -conversant with irrational lives. For the rational soul is not under -fate; and the ethical virtues are irrational, because they pertain to -the irrational part. According to the political virtues we know mundane -affairs, and according to the cathartic supermundane; but as possessing -the theoretic we know intellectual, and from the paradigmatic -intelligible natures. Temperance also pertains to the ethical virtues; -justice to the political, on account of compacts; fortitude to the -cathartic, through not verging to matter; and prudence to the theoretic. -Observe too, that Plato in the Phædo calls the physical virtues servile, -because they may subsist in servile souls; but he calls the ethical -σκιογραφιαι _adumbrations_, because their possessors only know _that_ -the energies of such virtues are right, but do not know _why_ they are -so. It is well observed too here, by Olympiodorus, that Plato calls the -cathartic and theoretic virtues, those which are in reality true -virtues. He also separates them in another way, viz. that the political -are not telestic, i. e. do not pertain to mystic ceremonies, but that -the cathartic and theoretic are telestic. Hence, Olympiodorus adds, the -cathartic virtues are denominated from the purification which is used in -the mysteries; but the theoretic from perceiving things divine. On this -account he accords with the Orphic verses, that - - The soul that uninitiated dies, - Plung’d in the blackest mire in Hades lies. - -For initiation is the divinely-inspired energy of the virtues. -Olympiodorus also further observes, that by the thyrsus-bearers, Plato -means those that energize according to the political virtues, but by the -Bacchuses those that exercise the cathartic virtues. For we are bound in -matter as Titans, through the great partibility of our nature; but we -rise from the dark mire as Bacchuses. Hence we become more prophetic at -the time of death: and Bacchus is the inspective guardian of death, -because he is likewise of every thing pertaining to the Bacchic sacred -rites. - -All the virtues likewise exhibit their proper characters, these being -every where common, but subsisting appropriately in each. For the -characteristic property of fortitude is the not declining to things -subordinate; of temperance, a conversion from an inferior nature; of -justice, a proper energy, and which is adapted to being; and of -prudence, the election and selection of things good and evil. -Olympiodorus farther observes, that all the virtues are in the Gods. For -many Gods, says he, are adorned with their appellations; and all -goodness originates from the Gods. Likewise, prior, to things which -sometimes participate the virtues, as is our case, it is necessary there -should be natures which always participate them. In what order, -therefore, do the virtues appear? Shall we say in the psychical? For -virtue is the perfection of the soul; and election and pre-election are -the energies and projections of the soul. Hence the Chaldæan oracles -conjoin fontal virtue with fontal soul, or in other words, with soul -subsisting according to cause. But may it not also be said, that the -virtues naturally wish to give an orderly arrangement to that which is -disordered? If this be admitted, they will originate from the demiurgic -order. How then will they be cathartic there? May we not say, -Olympiodorus adds, that through the cathartic virtues considered -according to their causal subsistence in Jupiter the demiurgus, he is -enabled to abide in his accustomed mode, as Plato says in the Timæus? -And farther still, according to ancient theologists, he ascends to the -tower of Saturn, who is a _pure_ intellect. - -As this distribution of the virtues, however, is at present no less -novel than important, the following discussion of them from the Αφορμαι -προς τα νοητα, or Auxiliaries to Intelligibles, of Porphyry, is added -for the sake of the genuinely philosophic reader: - -“There is one kind of virtues pertaining to the political character, and -another to the man who tends to contemplation, and on this account is -called theoretic, and is now a beholder. And there are also other -virtues pertaining to intellect, so far as it is intellect, and separate -from soul. The virtues indeed of the political character, and which -consist in the moderation of the passions, are characterised by -following and being obedient to the reasoning about that which is -becoming in actions. Hence, looking to an innoxious converse with -neighbours, they are denominated, from the aggregation of fellowship, -political. And prudence indeed subsists about the reasoning part; -fortitude about the irascible part; temperance, in the consent and -symphony of the epithymetic with the reasoning part; and justice in each -of these performing its proper employment with respect to governing and -being governed. But the virtues of him who proceeds to the contemplative -life, consist in a departure from terrestrial concerns. Hence also, they -are called purifications, being surveyed in the refraining from -corporeal actions, and avoiding sympathies with the body. For these are -the virtues of the soul elevating itself to true being. The political -virtues, therefore, adorn the mortal man, and are the forerunners of -purifications. For it is necessary that he who is adorned by these, -should abstain from doing any thing precedaneously in conjunction with -body. Hence in purifications, not to opine with body, but to energize -alone, gives subsistence to prudence; which derives its perfection -through energizing intellectually with purity. But not to be similarly -passive with the body, constitutes temperance. Not to fear a departure -from body as into something void, and nonentity, gives subsistence to -fortitude. But when reason and intellect are the leaders, and there is -no resistance [from the irrational part,] justice is produced. The -disposition therefore, according to the political virtues, is surveyed -in the moderation of the passions; having for its end to live as man -conformable to nature. But the disposition according to the theoretic -virtues, is beheld in apathy;[108] the end of which is a similitude to -God. - -“Since, however, of purification one kind consists in purifying, but -another pertains to those that are purified, the cathartic virtues are -surveyed according to both these significations of purification; for -they purify the soul, and are present with purification. For the end of -purification is to become pure. But since purification, and the being -purified, are an ablation of every thing foreign, the good resulting -from them will be different from that which purifies; so that if that -which is purified was good prior to the impurity with which it is -defiled, purification is sufficient. That, however, which remains after -purification, is good, and not purification. The nature of the soul also -was not good, but is that which is able to partake of good, and is -boniform. For if this were not the case, it would not have become -situated in evil. The good, therefore, of the soul consists in being -united to its generator; but its evil, in an association with things -subordinate to itself. Its evil also is two-fold; the one arising from -an association with terrestrial natures; but the other from doing this -with an excess of the passions. Hence all the political virtues, which -liberate the soul from one evil, may be denominated virtues, and are -honorable. But the cathartic are more honorable, and liberate it from -evil, so far as it is soul. It is necessary, therefore, that the soul -when purified should associate with its generator. Hence the virtue of -it after its conversion consists in a scientific knowledge of [true] -being; but this will not be the case unless conversion, precedes. - -“There is therefore another genus of virtues after the cathartic and -political, and which are the virtues of the soul energizing -intellectually. And here, indeed, wisdom and prudence consist in the -contemplation of those things which intellect possesses. But justice -consists in performing what is appropriate in a conformity to, and -energizing according to intellect. Temperance is an inward conversion of -the soul to intellect. And fortitude is apathy; according to a -similitude of that to which the soul looks, and which is naturally -impassive. These virtues also, in the same manner as the others, -alternately follow each other. - -“The fourth species of the virtues, is that of the paradigms subsisting -in intellect; which are more excellent than the psychical virtues, and -exist as the paradigms of these; the virtues of the soul being the -similitudes of them. And intellect indeed is that in which all things -subsist at once as paradigms. Here, therefore, prudence is science; but -intellect that knows [all things] is wisdom. Temperance is that which is -converted to itself. The proper work of intellect, is the performance of -its appropriate duty, [and this is justice[109]]. But fortitude is -sameness, and the abiding with purity in itself, through an abundance of -power. There are therefore four genera of virtues; of which, indeed, -some pertain to intellect, concur with the essence of it, and are -paradigmatic. Others pertain to soul now looking to intellect, and being -filled from it. Others belong to the soul of man, purifying itself, and -becoming purified from the body, and the irrational passions. And others -are the virtues of the soul of man, adorning the man, through giving -measure and bound to the irrational nature, and producing moderation in -the passions. And he, indeed, who has the greater virtues has also -necessarily the less; but the contrary is not true, that he who has the -less has also the greater virtues. Nor will he who possesses the -greater, energize precedaneously according to the less, but only so far -as the necessities of the mortal nature require. The scope also of the -virtues, is, as we have said, generically different in the different -virtues. For the scope of the political virtues, is to give measure to -the passions in their practical energies according to nature. But the -scope of the cathartic virtues, is entirely to obliterate the -remembrance of the passions. And the scope of the rest subsists -analogously to what has been before said. Hence, he who energizes -according to the practical virtues, is a _worthy_ man: but he who -energizes according to the cathartic virtues, is _a dæmoniacal man_, or -is also _a good dæmon_. He who energizes according to the intellectual -virtues alone, is _a God_. But he who energizes according to the -paradigmatic virtues, _is the father of the Gods_. We, therefore, ought -especially to pay attention to the cathartic virtues, since we may -obtain these in the present life. But through these, the ascent is to -the more honorable virtues. Hence it is requisite to survey to what -degree purification may be extended. For it is a separation from body, -and from the passive motion of the irrational part. But how this may so -effected, and to what extent, must now be said. - -“In the first place, indeed, it is necessary that he who intends to -acquire this purification, should, as the foundation and basis of it, -know himself to be a soul bound in a foreign thing, and in a different -essence. In the second place, as that which is raised from this -foundation, he should collect himself from the body, and as it different -places, so as to be disposed in a manner perfectly impassive with -respect to the body. For he who energizes uninterruptedly according to -sense, though he may not do this with an adhering affection, and the -enjoyment resulting from pleasure, yet at the same time his attention is -dissipated about the body, in consequence of becoming through sense[110] -in contact with it. But we are addicted to the pleasures or pains of -sensibles, in conjunction with a promptitude, and converging sympathy; -from which disposition it is requisite to be purified. _This, however, -will be effected by admitting necessary pleasures, and the sensations of -them, merely as remedies, or as a liberation from pain, in order that -[the rational part] may not be impeded [in its energies._] Pain also -must be taken away. But if this is not possible, it must be mildly -diminished. And it will be diminished, if the soul is not co-passive -with it. Anger, likewise, must as much as possible be taken away; and -must by no means be premeditated. But if it cannot be entirely removed, -deliberate choice must not be mingled with it, but the unpremeditated -motion must be the impulse of the irrational part. _That however which -is unpremeditated is imbecile and small._ All fear, likewise, must be -expelled. For he who acquires this purification, will fear nothing. -Here, however, if it should take place, it will be unpremeditated. Anger -therefore and fear must be used for the purpose of admonition. But the -desire of every thing base must be exterminated. Such a one also, so far -as he is a cathartic philosopher, will not desire meats and drinks. -Neither must there be the unpremeditated in natural venereal connexions; -_but if this should take place, it must only be as far as to that -precipitate imagination which energizes in sleep_. In short, the -intellectual soul itself of the purified man, must be liberated from all -these [corporeal propensities.] He must likewise endeavour that what is -moved to the irrational nature of corporeal passions, may be moved -without sympathy, and without animadversion; so that the motions -themselves may be immediately dissolved, through their vicinity to the -reasoning power. This, however, will not take place while the -purification is proceeding to its perfection; but will happen to those -in whom reason rules without opposition. Hence in these, the inferior -part will so venerate reason, that it will be indignant if it is at all -moved, in consequence of not being quiet when its master is present, and -will reprove itself for its imbecility. These, however, are yet only -moderations of the passions, but at length terminate in apathy, for when -co-passivity is entirely exterminated, then apathy is present with him -who is purified from it. For passion becomes moved, when reason imparts -excitation, through verging [to the irrational nature.]” - -P. 279. _The theorems of philosophy are to be enjoyed, as much as - possible, as if they were ambrosia and nectar, &c. &c._ - -This Sentence in the original of Arcerius is as follows: των κατα -φιλοσοφιαν θεωρηματων απολαυστεον, εφ’ οσον οιον, καθαπερ αμβροσιας και -νεκταρος· ακηρατον τε γαρ το απ’ αυτων ηδυ και το θειον το μεγαλοψυχον -δυναται τε ποιειν, και ει μη αïδιους, αïδιων γε επιστημονας. - -In the edition of the Protreptics by Kiessling, which I did not see, -till the greater part of this work was printed, σοφιαν is substituted -for φιλοσοφιαν, but in my opinion very erroneously; and this German -editor, from not perceiving the necessity of reading ακηρατον τε γαρ το -απ’ αυτων ηδυ και θειον, το μεγαλοψυχον, κ. λ. instead of retaining the -reading of Arcerius, has made nonsense of this part of the Sentence. For -his version of it is: “Nam et sincera est eorum dulcedo, et divinam -naturam, animum magnum efficere possunt.” - - - - - FOOTNOTES - - -[1]Οιδα μεν ουν και Πλατωνα τον μεγαν, και μετα τουτον ανδρα τοις - χρονοις μεν, ου τῃ μην φυσει, καταδεεστερον, τον Χαλκιδεα φημι τον - Ιαμβλιχον, κ. λ. Julian. Orat. IV. - - Thus too the celebrated Bullialdus, in his Notes on Theo of Smyrna, - speaks of Iamblichus as a man of a most acute genius. - -[2]There is a Greek and Latin edition of this admirable work by Gale, - under the title of Iamblichus De Mysteriis. - -[3]Αλλα και το της λεξεως κομματικον, και αφοριστικον, και το των - εννοιων πραγματικον, και γλαφυρον, και ενθουν, κ. λ. See the - Testimonies prefixed by Gale to his edition of the above-mentioned - work. - -[4]This Sopater succeeded Plotinus in his philosophical school. - -[5]The exact time of Iamblichus’ death is unknown. It is however certain - that it was during the reign of Constantine; and according to the - accurate Fabricius, prior to the year of Christ 333. Vid. Biblioth. - Græc. Tom. IV. p. 283. - -[6]This Sextus is probably the same that Seneca so greatly extols, and - from whom he derives many of those admirable sentences with which - his works abound. Vid. Senecæ Epistolas, 59, 64, 98, et lib. 2 de - Irâ, c. 36, et lib. 3. c. 36. - -[7]All these were published in one vol. 12mo. by Mr. Bridgman, under the - title of Translations from the Greek, in the year 1804, and well - deserve to be perused by the liberal reader. - -[8]i. e. Having black leaves. - -[9]i. e. It must not be admitted, that Apollo was actually connected - with Pythaïs; for this would be absurd in the extreme; but the - assertion of Epimenides, Eudoxus, and Xenocrates must be considered - as one of those mythological narrations in which heroes are said to - have Gods for their fathers, or Goddesses for their mothers, and the - true meaning of it is as follows: According to the ancient theology, - between those perpetual attendants of a divine nature called - _essential_ heroes, who are impassive and pure, and the bulk of - human souls who descend to earth with passivity and impurity, it is - necessary there should be an order of human souls who descend with - impassivity and purity. For as there is no vacuum either in - incorporeal or corporeal natures, it is necessary that the last link - of a superior order, should coalesce with the summit of one - proximately inferior. These souls were called by the ancients, - _terrestrial_ heroes, on account of their high degree of proximity - and alliance to such as are essentially heroes. Hercules, Theseus, - Pythagoras, Plato, &c. were souls of this kind, who descended into - mortality both to benefit other souls, and in compliance with that - necessity by which all natures inferior to the perpetual attendants - of the Gods are at times obliged to descend. - - But as, according to the arcana of ancient theology, every God - beginning from on high produces his proper series as far as to the - last of things, and this series comprehends many essences different - from each other, such as Dæmoniacal, Heroical, Nymphical, and the - like; the lowest powers of these orders, have a great communion and - physical sympathy with the human race, and contribute to the - perfection of all their natural operations, and particularly to - their procreations. “Hence” (says Proclus in MSS. Schol. in Crat.) - “it often appears, that _heroes_ are generated from the mixture of - these powers with mankind; for those that possess a certain - prerogative above human nature, are properly denominated _heroes_.” - He adds: “Not only a dæmoniacal genus of this kind sympathizes - physically with men, but other kinds sympathize with other natures, - as Nymphs with trees, others with fountains, and others with stags - or serpents.” - - Olympiodorus, in his life of Plato, observes of that philosopher, - “That an Apolloniacal spectre is said to have had connexion with - Perictione his mother, and that appearing in the night to his father - Aristo, it commanded him not to sleep with Perictione during the - time of her pregnancy; which mandate Aristo obeyed.” The like - account of the divine origin of Plato, is also given by Apuleius, - Plutarch, and Hesychius. - -[10]i. e. The priests of Jupiter. - -[11]From what has been said in the note, p. 4, respecting the divine - origin of Pythagoras, it follows that he was a _terrestrial hero_ - belonging to the series of Apollo. Thus too the Esculapius who once - lived on the earth, and was the inventor of medicine, proceeded, - according to the ancient mythology, from the God Esculapius, who - subsists in Apollo, just as the hero Bacchus proceeded from the - Bacchus who subsists in Jupiter. Hence the Emperor Julian (apud - Cyril.) says of Esculapius: “I had almost forgotten the greatest of - the gifts of Jupiter and the Sun, but I have very properly reserved - it to the last. For it is not peculiar to us only, but is common - also, I think, to our kindred the Greeks. For Jupiter, in - intelligibles, generated from himself Esculapius; but he was - unfolded into light on the earth, through the prolific light of the - sun. He therefore, proceeding from heaven to the earth, appeared - uniformly in a human shape about Epidaurus. But thence becoming - multiplied in his progressions, he extended his saving right hand to - all the earth. He came to Pergamus, to Ionia, to Tarentum, and - afterwards to Rome. Thence he went to the island Co, afterwards to - Ægas, and at length to wherever there is land and sea. Nor did we - individually, but collectively, experience his beneficence. And at - one and the same time, he corrected souls that were wandering in - error, and bodies that were infirm.” - -[12]Those Gods, according to the Orphic theology, that contain in - themselves the first principle of stability, sameness, and being, - and who also were the suppliers of conversion to all things, are of - a male characteristic; but those that are the causes of all-various - progressions, separations, and measures of life, are of a feminine - peculiarity. - -[13]This inventor of names was called by the Egyptians Theuth, as we are - informed by Plato in the Philebus and Phædrus; in the latter of - which dialogues, Socrates says: “I have heard, that about Naucratis - in Egypt, there was one of the ancient Gods of the Egyptians, to - whom a bird was sacred, which they call Ibis; but the name of the - dæmon himself was Theuth. According to tradition, this God first - discovered number and the art of reckoning, geometry and astronomy, - the games of chess and hazard, and likewise letters.” On this - passage I observe as follows, in Vol. 3. of my translation of Plato: - The genus of disciplines belonging to Mercury, contains gymnastic, - music, arithmetic, geometry, astronomy, and the art of speaking and - writing. This God, as he is the source of invention, is called the - son of Maia; because _investigation_, which is implied by _Maia_, - produces _invention_: and as unfolding the will of Jupiter, who is - an intellectual God, he is the cause of mathesis or discipline. He - first subsists in Jupiter, the artificer of the world; next among - the supermundane Gods; in the third place, among the liberated Gods; - fourthly, in the planet Mercury; fifthly, in the Mercurial order of - dæmons; sixthly, in human souls, who are the attendants of this God; - and in the seventh degree, his properties subsist in certain - animals, such as the ibis, the ape, and sagacious dogs. The - narration of Socrates in this place, is both allegorical and - anagogic or reductory. Naucratis is a region of Egypt eminently - subject to the influence of Mercury, though the whole of Egypt is - allotted to this divinity. Likewise, in this city a man once - florished full of the Mercurial power, because his soul formerly - existed in the heavens of the Mercurial order. But he was first - called Theuth, that is, Mercury, and a God, because his soul - subsisted according to the perfect similitude of this divinity. But - afterwards a dæmon, because from the God Mercury, through a - Mercurial dæmon, gifts of this kind are transmitted to a Mercurial - soul. - -[14]Iamblichus derived this very beautiful passage from Heraclides - Ponticus, as is evident from Cicero, Tusc. Quæst. lib. v. 3. who - relates the same thing of Pythagoras, from the aforesaid author. - -[15]i. e. With intelligibles properly so called. - -[16]Iliad, lib. 17. The translation by Pope. - -[17]“The Pythagoreans,” says Simplicius, in his Commentary on the 2d - book of Aristotle’s treatise On the Heavens, said, “that an harmonic - sound was produced from the motion of the celestial bodies, and they - scientifically collected this from the analogy of their intervals; - since not only the ratios of the sun and moon, of Venus and Mercury, - but also of the other stars, were discovered by them.” Simplicius - adds, “Perhaps the objection of Aristotle to this assertion of the - Pythagoreans, may be solved according to the philosophy of those - men, as follows: - - “All things are not commensurate with each other, nor is every thing - sensible to every thing, even in the sublunary region. This is - evident from dogs who scent animals at a great distance, and which - are not smelt by men. How much more, therefore, in things which are - separated by so great an interval as those which are incorruptible - from the corruptible, and celestial from terrestrial natures, is it - true to say, that the sound of divine bodies is not audible by - terrestrial ears? But if any one like Pythagoras, who is reported to - have heard this harmony, should have his terrestrial body exempt - from him, and his luminous and celestial vehicle[17a] and the senses - which it contains purified, either through a good allotment, or - through probity of life, or through a perfection arising from sacred - operations, such a one will perceive things invisible to others, and - will hear things inaudible by others. With respect to divine and - immaterial bodies, however, if any sound is produced by them, it is - neither percussive nor destructive, but it excites the powers and - energies of sublunary sounds, and perfects the sense which is - co-ordinate with them. It has also a certain analogy to the sound - which concurs with the motion of terrestrial bodies. But the sound - which is with us in consequence of the sonorific nature of the air, - is a certain energy of the motion of their impassive sound. If, - then, air is not passive there, it is evident that neither will the - sound which is there be passive. Pythagoras, however, seems to have - said that he heard the celestial harmony, as understanding the - harmonic proportions in numbers, of the heavenly bodies, and that - which is audible in them. Some one, however, may very properly doubt - why the stars are seen by our visive sense, but the sound of them is - not heard by our ears? To this we reply that neither do we see the - stars themselves; for we do not see their magnitudes, or their - figures, or their surpassing beauty. Neither do we see the motion - through which the sound is produced; but we see as it were such an - illumination of them, as that of the light of the sun about the - earth, the sun himself not being seen by us. Perhaps too, neither - will it be wonderful, that the visive sense, as being more - immaterial, subsisting rather according to energy than according to - passion, and very much transcending the other senses, should be - thought worthy to receive the splendor and illumination of the - celestial bodies, but that the other senses should not be adapted - for this purpose. Of these, however, and such like particulars, if - any one can assign more probable causes, let him be considered as a - friend, and not as an enemy.” - -[17a]The soul has three vehicles, one etherial, another aerial, and the - third this terrestrial body. The first, which is luminous and - celestial, is connate with the essence of the soul, and in which - alone it resides in a state of bliss in the stars. In the second, it - suffers the punishment of its sins after death. And from the third - it becomes an inhabitant of earth. - -[18]i. e. Of the discursive energy of reason, or that part of the soul - that reasons scientifically, deriving the principles of its - reasoning from intellect. - -[19]Kuster, one of the editors of this Life of Pythagoras, not - perceiving that these auditions are both questions and answers, has - made them to be questions only, and in consequence of this was - completely at a loss to conceive the meaning of οπερ εστιν η - αρμονια, εν ῃ αι Σειρηνες. Hence, he thinks it should be, τι εστιν η - αρμονια ῃ ηδον αι Σειρηνες; but is not satisfied with this reading - after all. Something I have no doubt is wanting; but the sense of - the passage is, I conceive, that which is given in the above - translation. - -[20]“Pythagoras,” (says Proclus in MSS. Schol. in Cratylum,) “being - asked what was the wisest of things, said it was number; and being - asked what was the next in wisdom, said, he who gave names to - things. But by number, he obscurely signified the intelligible - order, which comprehends the multitude of intellectual forms: for - there that which is the first, and properly number, subsists after - the superessential one.[20a] This likewise supplies the measures of - essence to all beings, in which also true wisdom, and knowledge - which is of itself, and which is converted to and perfects itself, - subsist. And as there the intelligible, intellect, and intelligence, - are the same, so there also number and wisdom are the same. But by - the founder of names, he obscurely signified the soul, which indeed - subsists from intellect, and is not things themselves like the first - intellect, but possesses the images and essential transitive reasons - of them as statues of beings. Being, therefore, is imparted to all - things from intellect, which knows itself and is replete with - wisdom; but that they are denominated is from soul, which imitates - intellect. Pythagoras therefore said, that it was not the business - of any casual person to fabricate names, but of one looking to - intellect and the nature of things.” - -[20a]i. e. Number according to cause, which subsists at the extremity of - the intelligible order. For number according to hyparxis or essence, - subsists at the summit of the order which is intelligible and at the - same time intellectual. See the 3d book of my translation of Proclus - on the Theology of Plato. - -[21]The words περι πυθαγορειων are omitted in the original, but from the - Protrept. of Iamblichus evidently ought to be inserted. - -[22]The same thing is said by the Pythagoreans to have befallen the - person who first divulged the theory of incommensurable quantities. - See the first scholium on the 10th book of Euclid’s Elements, in - Commandine’s edition, fol. 1572. - -[23]Iamblichus, in this list of Pythagoreans, must not be supposed to - enumerate those only who were contemporary with Pythagoras: since, - if he did, he contradicts what he says of Philolaus in Chap. 31. - viz. “that he was many ages posterior to Pythagoras;” but those in - general who came from the school of Pythagoras, and were his most - celebrated disciples. - -[24]From this passage it is evident that Iamblichus had many sources of - information, which are unknown to modern critics; and this - circumstance alone ought to check their pedagogical impertinence. - -[25]For αυτα here I read, conformably to the version of Obrechtus, αλλα. - -[26]For δηγμους here, I read οδυρμους; as I do not see what morsus has - to do with this place. Obrechtus has in his version “pectorisque - morsus;” but I have no doubt _lamentations_ is the proper word, - which aptly associates with despondency. - -[27]“Well-instituted polities,” (says Proclus in MS. Comment. in - Alcibiad. prior.) “are averse to the art of playing on - wind-instruments; and therefore neither does Plato admit it. The - cause of this is the variety of this instrument, the pipe, which - shows that the art which uses it should be avoided. For instruments - called Panarmonia, and those consisting of many strings, are - imitations of pipes. For every hole of the pipe emits, as they say, - three sounds at least; but if the cavity above the holes be opened, - then each hole will emit more than three sounds.” - -[28]Odyss. lib. 4. - -[29]Iamblichus derived what he has said in this chapter about music, - from Nicomachus. - -[30]The first part of this sentence in the original is ξενου τινος - εκβεβληκοτος εν Ασκληπιειῳ Ζωνην χρυσιον εχουσαν, and in translating - it I have followed the version of Obrechtus, because it appeared to - me to convey the meaning of Iamblichus, though the translation is - certainly forced, and not such as the natural construction of the - words will admit. The translation of Arcerius is, “Cum hospes quidam - in æde Æsculapii fœminam zonam auream habentem ejecisset;” and this - is perfectly conformable to the natural construction of the words, - but then it is void of sense. - -[31]This history is copiously narrated in chap. 33. - -[32]See chap. 33. - -[33]These lines are as the numbers 4, 3, 2. For 4 to 3 is sesquitertian, - 3 to 2 is sesquialter, and 2 is an arithmetical medium between 4 and - 3. - -[34]For an explanation of this assertion of Plato in the Republic, see - my Theoretic Arithmetic. - -[35]“The Pythagoreans,” (says Syrianus in Aristot. Metaphys. lib. 13.) - “received from the theology of Orpheus, the principles of - intelligible and intellectual numbers, they assigned them an - abundant progression, and extended their dominion as far as to - sensibles themselves.” Hence that proverb was peculiar to the - Pythagoreans, that _all things are assimilated to number_. - Pythagoras, therefore, in the Sacred Discourse, clearly says, that - “number is the ruler of forms and ideas, and is the cause of Gods - and dæmons.” He also supposes, that “to the most ancient and - artificially ruling deity, number is the canon, the artificial - reason, the intellect also, and the most undeviating balance of the - composition and generation of all things.” αυτος μεν Πυθαγορας, εν - τῳ ιερῳ λογῳ, διαρρηδην μορφων και ιδεων κραντορα τον αριθμον ελεγεν - ειναι, και θεων και δαιμονων αιτιον· και τῳ πρεσβυτατῳ και - κρατιστευοντι τεχνιτῃ θεῳ κανονα, και λογον τεχνικον, νουν τε και - σταθμαν ακλινεσταταν τον αριθμον υπεικε συστασιος και γενεσεως των - παντων. Syrianus adds, “But Philolaus declared that number is the - governing and self-begotten bond of the eternal permanency of - mundane natures.” Φιλολαυς δε, της των κοσμικων αιωνιας διαμονης την - κρατιστευουσαν και αυτογενη συοχην ειναι απεφῃνατο τον αριθμον. “And - Hippasus, and all those who were destined to a quinquennial silence, - called number the judicial instrument of the maker of the universe, - and the first paradigm of mundane fabrication.” οι δε περι Ιππασον - ακουσματικοι ειπον κριτικον κοσμουργου θεου οργανον, και παραδειγμα - πρωτον κοσμοποιϊας. “But how is it possible they could have spoken - thus sublimely of number, unless they had considered it as - possessing an essence separate from sensible, and a transcendency - fabricative, and at the same time paradigmatic?” - -[36]i. e. To spheres; Iamblichus indicating by this, that Pythagoras as - well as Orpheus considered a spherical figure as the most - appropriate image of divinity. For the universe is spherical; and, - as Iamblichus afterwards observes, the Gods have a nature and - _morphe_ similar to the universe; _morphe_, as we learn from - Simplicius, pertaining to the color, figure, and magnitude of - superficies. Keissling, having no conception of this meaning, and - supposing the whole passage to be corrupt, has made nonsense of it - by his alterations. For according to his version, Pythagoras, after - the manner of Orpheus, worshipped the Gods not bound to a human - form, but _to divine numbers_. For instead of ιδρυμασι he reads - αριθμοις. But divine numbers both according to Orpheus and - Pythagoras are the Gods themselves. - -[37]i. e. Futurity is long; Pythagoras signifying by this, that those - who do not take an oath religiously, will be punished in some future - period, if they are not at present. - -[38]i. e. From the time in which the Gods are fabulously said to have - reigned in Egypt. - -[39]I wonder that the learned Obrechtus should translate ηβηδον, _cum - omni juventute sua_. Had his translation, which is on the whole very - excellent, been reviewed by English or Scotch critics, they would - have immediately said from this circumstance, that he did not - understand Greek. - -[40]Iamblichus here alludes to a right-angled triangle, and the - Pythagoric theorem of 47. 1 of Euclid. For the square described on - the longest side is equal to the two squares described on the two - other sides. The longest side therefore is said by geometricians to - be equal in power to the powers of the other sides. This however - Kiessling not understanding, says, “that power is the space - contained between the concurring lines of figures, and is the area - of the triangle.” “Δυναμις idem est, quod εμβαδον, spatium, quod - infra concurrentes lineas figurarum continetur, area trigoni.” But - Kiessling, though a good verbalist, is a bad geometrician, and no - philosopher. - -[41]In the original δεκατον _the tenth month_; but as it very seldom - happens that a woman is in a state of pregnancy more than nine - months, it appears to me that for δεκατον we should read εκτον _the - sixth month_, as in the above translation. - -[42]Obrechtus by translating περι δε δοξης in this place, “De fama et - gloria,” has evidently mistaken the meaning of Iamblichus. - -[43]The wise and magnanimous Pythagoreans, Platonists, Peripatetics and - Stoics, among the ancients, looked to virtue as its own reward, and - performed what is right, because it is right to do so. And though - they firmly believed in the immortality of the soul, their conduct - was not at all influenced by the hope of future reward. This great - truth indeed, that virtue brings with it its own recompense, is - almost at present obsolete; and it is no unusual thing to hear a - man, when afflicted, exclaiming with Methodistical cant, - - “The many troubles that I meet, - In getting to a Mercy-seat!” - -[44]These energies are called beneficent, because they are of a - purifying character. Hence Plato in the Timæus says, that a deluge - is the consequence of the Gods _purifying_ the earth by water. - -[45]Iamblichus a little before informs us, that Pythagoras suspected - that Phalaris intended to put him to death, but at the same time - knew that he was not destined to die by Phalaris. This being the - case therefore, Pythagoras has no claim to fortitude in this - instance, in being free from the fear of death. But he has great - claim to it, when it is considered that he was in the power of a - tyrant who might have caused him to suffer tortures worse than - death. - -[46]i. e. _Humble_ (ταπεινης ουσης.) With the Pythagoreans, therefore, - humility was no virtue, though in modern times it is considered to - be the greatest of the virtues. With Aristotle likewise it is no - virtue; for in his Nicomachean Ethics he says, “that all humble men - are flatterers, and all flatterers are humble.” - -[47]See the Cave of Plato, in the 7th book of his Republic. - -[48]The original is, Μητροδωρος τε ο Θυρσου του πατρος Επιχαρμου, which - Obrechtus erroneously translates, “Metrodorus Epicharmi filius - Thyrsi nepos.” - -[49]This observation applies also to those of the present day, who, from - a profound ignorance of human nature, attempt to enlighten by - education the _lowest_ class of mankind. For this, as I have - elsewhere observed, is an attempt to break the golden chain of - beings, to disorganise society, and to render the vulgar - dissatisfied with the servile situations in which God and nature - intended them to be placed. See p. 73. of the introduction to my - translation of Select Works of Plotinus. - -[50]This also is asserted, as I have before observed, in the Scholia on - the 10th book of Commandine’s edition of Euclid’s Elements, p. 122. - -[51]Obrechtus has omitted to translate the words ηδη πρεσβυτην οντα, - “being now an elderly man.” - -[52]In the original ακρατος, which Obrechtus very erroneously translates - _impotens_. - -[53]i. e. To the Pythagoreans. - -[54]The whole of this paragraph, the greater part of which is a - repetition of what has been said elsewhere, does not certainly - belong to this place. - -[55]In the original, και την γην αναδαστον εποιησαν, which Obrechtus - erroneously translates, “et agrorum divisionem introduxerunt.” - -[56]The words within the brackets are from a Latin Manuscript, which was - in the possession of Fabricius. - -[57]In the original, ουδεν γαρ αυταρκες, ο τουτων των μοριων ποιει το - ολον. This Canter erroneously translates, “Quandoquidem horum nulla - pars totum queat constituere.” And Gale has noticed the error. - -[58]Gale says in his notes, that after οφθαλμων he adds φυσιος, but he - should evidently have added αρετα, as in the above translation. - -[59]In the original συν τᾳ οξυδορκιᾳ, which Canter very defectively - translates, _videndi facultate_. - -[60]For ου μετριαν here, I read ασυμμετριαν. - -[61]i. e. So far as he is considered as energizing in conjunction with - the body; but so far as he has an energy independent of the body, - viz. so far as he is a rational soul, the body is not to be - considered as a part of his essence. And the energy of the rational - soul by itself alone, without any assistance from the corporeal - organs, constitutes the true man, into the definition of which body - does not enter. - -[62]Canter, in his version of these Pythagoric fragments, uniformly - translates ευτυχια _felicitas_, contrary to the obvious meaning of - the word, as is evident in this, and many other passages. It is also - directly contrary to what Aristotle says in cap. 13. lib. 7. of his - Nicomachean Ethics: δια δε το προσδεισθαι της τυχης, δοκει τισι - ταυτον ειναι η ευτυχια τῃ ευδαιμονιᾳ, ουκ ουσα· επει και αυτη - υπερβαλλουσα, εμποδιος εστι. i. e. “Because felicity requires - fortune, it appears to some persons that prosperity is the same with - felicity. This however is not the case; since prosperity, when it is - excessive, is an impediment to felicity.” But Canter did not, I - believe, pretend to have any knowledge of philosophy: and Gale, who - did, has not corrected him in this and many other places in which he - has erred through the want of this knowledge. Gale however, though - verbally learned, was but a garrulous smatterer in philosophy, as is - evident from his notes on Iamblichus de Mysteriis. - -[63]For επιπρεπειαν here, I read απρεπειαν. - -[64]In the original, ωστε ουδεποκα δει θαυμαινεν, ει παντ’ - αντεστραμμενως ενιοκα κρινεται, τας αληθινας διαθεσιος - μεταπιπτοισας, which Canter erroneously translates as follows: - “Quocirca mirandum non est, si cuncta nonnunquam, verâ affectione - mutatâ, aliter eveniunt.” Nor is the error noticed by Gale. - -[65]i. e. In the etherial vehicle of the soul, which when the soul - energizes intellectually is spherical, and is moved circularly. This - vehicle also is αυγοειδης, or luciform, throughout diaphanous, and - of a star-like nature. Hence Marcus Antoninus beautifully observes: - σφαιρα ψυχης αυτοειδης, (lege αυγοειδης) οταν μητε εκτεινηται επι - τι, μητε εσω συντρεχῃ μητε συνιζανῃ, αλλα φωτι λαμπηται, ῳ την - αληθειαν ορᾳ την παντων, και την εν αυτῃ. Lib. II. i. e. “The sphere - of the soul is then luciform, when the soul is neither extended to - any thing [external] nor inwardly concurs with it, nor is depressed - by it, but is illuminated with a light by which she sees the truth - of all things, and the truth that is in herself.” - -[66]M. Meibomius observes, that Canter did not see that λογιστικω should - be written in this place for αλογω. Canter however was right in - retaining αλογω. For the dianoetic is the same with the logistic - part of the soul; and it is evident that a part of the soul - different from the dianoetic is here intended to be signified. - Besides, as Aristotle shows in his Nicomachean Ethics, when the - irrational becomes obedient to the rational part of the soul, the - former then prohibits and vanquishes base appetites in conjunction - with the latter. - -[67]viz. Such as have the theoretic virtues. - -[68]i. e. Such as have the ethical and political virtues. - -[69]The original is, α δε δυναμις, οιον αλκα τις τω σκανεος, ᾳ - υφισταμεθα, και εμμενομες τοις πραγμασιν. This sentence in its - present state is certainly unintelligible. For σκανεος therefore, I - read φυσεως, and then the sense will be as in the above translation. - The version of Canter is certainly absurd; for it is, “Facultas - tanquam robur et causæ, quo ferimus, et in rebus permanemus.” And - Gale, as usual, takes no notice of the absurdity. - -[70]viz., The equal and that which is arranged, belong to the order of - bound, and the unequal and that which is without arrangement, to the - order of infinity. And bound and infinity are the two great - principles of things after the ineffable cause of all. See the third - book of my translation of Proclus, On the Theology of Plato. - -[71]viz. The salvation of the universe arises from the co-adaptation of - the sublunary region to the heavens. - -[72]In the Greek επῳδας; on which Gale observes, “Forte αμαθιας, nisi - aliud subsit mysterium.” But it appears to me that there is no - occasion to substitute any other word for επῳδας. For in the - education of youth, it is certainly requisite to unite allurement - with erudition. And the substitution of αμαθιας, _ignorance_, is - monstrous. - -[73]In the original αυτα γαρ α διενεργουσα, instead of which Gale - proposes to read αυτα γαρ αδε ενεργοισα, which still leaves the - sentence involved in obscurity. But if for διενεργουσα we read - διοριζουσα as in the above translation, the meaning is clear. - -[74]For νοηται in this place, I read φυεται. - -[75]Neither of the Latin translators North and Arcerius have understood - this passage, and therefore have erroneously translated it. For the - original is: και παντα τα εν τᾳ συστοιχειᾳ και ταξει τα εκεινου - κατακεχωρισμενα. This North translates: “Atque omnia in rerum serie - et ordine ab illo separata.” But Arcerius: “Atque omnia quæ sunt in - naturæ cognatione ordineque ab illo separata.” By the things however - co-ordinate with, and successive to God, Archytas means the other - Gods, who, though subordinate to the supreme, yet in consequence of - partaking of the same nature, are said to be co-ordinate with him. - Gale, likewise, did not perceive the error of the Latin translators. - -[76]Plato says this of God in his Laws. - -[77]The above sentences are from Stobæi Sententiæ, p. 3. (the edition - that of 1609,) and are ascribed to Pythagoras. - -[78]The above seven sentences are to be found in p. 4. of Stobæus, and - as it appears to me are erroneously ascribed to Socrates. For I - conceive them to have been written either by Democrates or - Demophilus. - -[79]Stob. p. 48. - -[80]Hence the dogma of the Stoics derived its origin, that the wise man - is independent of Fortune. - -[81]Stob. p. 65. These three sentences are ascribed to Pythagoras. - -[82]Stob. p. 80. These two sentences are ascribed to Socrates, but I - have no doubt originally formed a part of the sentences of - Demophilus. - -[83]Stob. p. 104. This sentence is ascribed to Democritus in Stobæus, - but has doubtless either Democrates or Demophilus for its author. - -[84]Stob. p. 147. The above four sentences, are in Stobæus ascribed to - Socrates; but I refer them either to Democrates or Demophilus. - -[85]This sentence in Stobæus is ascribed to Socrates, as is also the one - which immediately precedes it, viz. “The wealth of the avaricious - man, like the sun descending under the earth, delights no living - thing.” But as this sentence is to be found among the Similitudes of - Demophilus, there can be no doubt of the other belonging to the same - work. - -[86]This and the preceding sentence, are in Stobæus ascribed to - Democritus, but I attribute them to Democrates or Demophilus. - -[87]This sentence in Stobæus is ascribed to Pythagoras, but, excepting - the part within the brackets, is to be found among the sentences of - Demophilus. - -[88]This sentence in Stobæus, is ascribed to Democritus, and that - immediately preceding it, to Socrates; but I ascribe both of them to - Democrates, or Demophilus. - -[89]This and the preceding sentences, together with two other sentences - that accompany them, are in Stobæus ascribed to Democritus; but as - the other two are to be found in the Collection of Democrates, there - can be no doubt that all of them are from the same author. - -[90]For as every cause of existence to a thing, is better than that - thing, so far as the one is cause and the other effect; thus also - that which gives a name to any thing is better than the thing named, - so far as it is named, i. e. so far as pertains to its possession of - a name. For the nominator is the cause, and the name the effect. - -[91]In the Latin it is “post _dispositionem_ corporis.” But for - _dispositionem_ it is evidently necessary to read _dissolutionem_. - -[92]This is conformable to the well-known Pythagoric precept, “Follow - God.” - -[93]“We can by no other means,” (says Porphyry De Abstinen. lib. I.) - “obtain the true end of a contemplative, intellectual life than by - _adhering_ to God, if I may be allowed the expression, as if - fastened by a nail, at the same time being torn away and separated - from body and corporeal delights; having procured safety from our - deeds, and not from the mere attention to words.” - -[94]But intellect is the recipient of wisdom, and therefore intellect is - the true man. This also is asserted by Aristotle. - -[95]In the Latin _fidelis_; but as Ruffinus, the Latin translator of - these sentences, frequently adulterates the true meaning of Sextus, - by substituting one word for another, I have no doubt that in this - sentence the original was πεπαιδευμενος _eruditus_, and not πιστος - _fidelis_. My reason for so thinking is, that in one of the - sentences of Demophilus it is said, “that the life of _ignorant_ men - is a disgrace,” των αμαθων ονειδος ειναι τον βιον; and this in the - sentences of Sextus is, “Hominum _infidelium_ vita, opprobrium est.” - If, therefore, Ruffinus translates αμαθων, _infidelium_, there is - every reason to suppose that he would translate πεπαιδευμενος, - _fidelis_. - -[96]Several of these sentences as published by Arcerius, are in a very - defective state; but which, as the learned reader will perceive, I - have endeavoured to amend in my translation of them. - -[97]This work is unfortunately lost. - -[98]According to Ælian and Suidas also, _melanurus_ is a fish; but as - the word signifies that which has a black termination, it is very - appropriately used as a symbol of a material nature. - -[99]viz. Those Gods that are characterized by the _intelligible_, and - _intellect_. See my translation of Proclus, On the Theology of - Plato. - -[100]See the second edition of this work in Nos. 15 and 16 of the - Pamphleteer. - -[101]i. e. Natures which are not connected with body. - -[102]See an extract of some length, and of the greatest importance, from - this dialogue, in my translation of Select Works of Plotinus, p. - 553, &c. - -[103]Forms subsist at the extremity of the intelligible triad, which - triad consists of _being_, _life_, and _intellect_. But being and - life, with all they contain, subsist here involved in impartible - union. See my Proclus on the Theology of Plato. - -[104]In Aristot. Metaphys. Lib. 13. - -[105]Because ¾ is to ⅔ as 9 to 8. - -[106]In Mathemat. p. 147. - -[107]Instead of περιττουται, it is necessary to read περατουται; the - necessity of which emendation, I wonder the learned Bullialdus did - not observe. - -[108]This philosophic apathy is not, as is stupidly supposed by most of - the present day, insensibility, but a perfect subjugation of the - passions to reason. - -[109]The words και δικαιοσυνη are omitted in the original. But it is - evident from Plotinus, that they ought to be inserted. - -[110]Instead of κατ’ αυτην here, it is necessary to read κατ’ αισθησιν. - - - THE END. - - - - - Transcriber’s Notes - - -—Silently corrected a few typos. - -—Retained publication information from the printed edition: this eBook - is public-domain in the country of publication. - -—Added a Table of Contents based on the chapter headings in the text. - -—In the text versions only, text in italics is delimited by - _underscores_. - - - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Iamblichus' Life of Pythagoras, or -Pythagoric Life, by (Chalcidensis) Iamblichus - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK IAMBLICHUS' LIFE OF PYTHAGORAS *** - -***** This file should be named 63300-0.txt or 63300-0.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/6/3/3/0/63300/ - -Produced by MFR, Stephen Hutcheson, and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive) - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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