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diff --git a/old/63246-0.txt b/old/63246-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 70d6420..0000000 --- a/old/63246-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,13198 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Plague of Lust, Volume II (of II), by -Julius Rosenbaum - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: The Plague of Lust, Volume II (of II) - Being a History of Venereal Disease in Classical Antiquity - -Author: Julius Rosenbaum - -Translator: Anonymous - -Release Date: September 19, 2020 [EBook #63246] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK PLAGUE OF LUST, VOLUME II *** - - - - -Produced by Turgut Dincer, Les Galloway and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This -book was produced from images made available by the -HathiTrust Digital Library.) - - - - - - Transcriber’s Notes - -Obvious typographical errors have been silently corrected. Variations -in hyphenation, accents, spelling and punctuation remain unchanged. - -The book contains a number of decorative borders and separators. These -have been ignored. - -Anchors for footnotes 373, 379, 383, 391, 392, 394, 404, and 406 were -missing and have been added in appropriate places. The footnotes are -located at the end of the book. - -The images in Arabic are of poor quality so the transcriptions should -be treated with caution. - -The use of parentheses, especially in the footnotes, is rather wayward -and they have been paired wherever possible. - -Italics are represented thus _italic_, however this marking indicates -letter-spacing in Latin and Greek passages. Bold is represented thus -=bold=. - - - - - THE - - PLAGUE OF LUST - - - VOLUME II - - - - - THE - - PLAGUE OF LUST, - - BEING A HISTORY OF VENEREAL DISEASE - - IN - - CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY, - - AND INCLUDING:—DETAILED INVESTIGATIONS INTO THE - CULT OF VENUS, AND PHALLIC WORSHIP, BROTHELS, - THE Νοῦσος Θήλεια (FEMININE DISEASE) OF THE - SCYTHIANS, PAEDERASTIA, AND OTHER SEXUAL - PERVERSIONS AMONGST THE ANCIENTS, - - AS CONTRIBUTIONS TOWARDS - - THE EXACT INTERPRETATION OF THEIR WRITINGS - - BY - - Dr. JULIUS ROSENBAUM - - TRANSLATED FROM THE SIXTH (UNABRIDGED) GERMAN EDITION - - BY - - AN OXFORD M.A. - - - THE SECOND OF TWO VOLUMES - - - Paris - CHARLES CARRINGTON - PUBLISHER OF MEDICAL, FOLK-LORE AND HISTORICAL WORKS - 13, FAUBOURG MONTMARTRE, 13 - - MDCCCCI - - - - - CONTENTS OF THE SECOND VOLUME. - - - FIRST SECTION. - - Page - - Irrumare and Fellare, (see below) 3 - ” Diseases of the “Fellator” 28 - Cunnilingus, (see below) 46 - — Morbus Phoeniceus (Phoenician Disease) 52 - — Diseases of the Cunnilingus 64 - — Mentagra and Lichenes (Tetter of the Chin - and other Eruptions) 71 - — Morbus Campanus (Campanian tumour) 98 - Sodomy 110 - Climate 115 - — Influence of Climate on Sexual Activity 117 - — ” ” ” ” Genital Organs 120 - — ” ” ” ” Maladies of the Genital - Organs 135 - — ” ” ” ” Activity of the Skin 142 - — Leprosy 150 - Genius Epidemicus 167 - — Effect of Weather according to Hippocrates 173 - — Plague of Athens 178 - - - SECOND SECTION. - - INFLUENCES WHICH HINDERED TO A GREATER OR LESS - DEGREE THE INCEPTION OF DISEASES CONSEQUENT - UPON USE OR MISUSE OF THE GENITAL ORGANS. - - - Cleanliness 187 - Depilation 191 - Circumcision 198 - Baths and Bathing 207 - - - THIRD SECTION. - - RELATION OF PHYSICIANS TOWARDS DISEASES CONSEQUENT - UPON THE USE OR MISUSE OF THE GENITAL ORGANS. - - - Scarcity of opportunities for Observation 224 - Shame on the part of Patients 227 - Delusions 235 - Mildness of the Disease 237 - Pathology and Therapeutics of Disease 239 - Nomenclature 249 - - Gonnorrhoea 254 - Ulcers of the Urethra 276 - Caruncles in the Urethra 280 - Inflammation of the Testicles (Orchitis) 283 - Ulcers of the Genitals 286 - Ulcers of the Anus 301 - Buboes 303 - Exanthema (Eruptions) on the Genitals 307 - Morbid Growths on the Genitals 311 - - Recapitulation 314 - Conclusion 321 - Index 327 - - - - -DEFINITIONS. - - - =Irrumare=: Penem in os alienum inserere, ut sugatur, itaque - voluptas quaedam libidinosa paretur; to put the penis into another’s - mouth to be sucked—a form of vicious indulgence. - - =Fellare=: Penem alienum in os admittere, ibique eo sugere ut - voluptas quaedam libidinosa paretur; to allow another’s penis to be - put in the mouth and to suck it—the active form of the above vicious - practice. - - =Fellator=: Is qui pro habitudine fellat; one who practices this - vice. - - =Cunnilingus=: Qui mulierum pudenda lingit; a man who licks - women’s private parts. - - - - - THE PLAGUE OF LUST - - IN - - CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY. - - SECOND PART. - - - - -§ 21. - -Irrumation and Fellation. - -(_Irrumare_, _Fellare_). - - -Very much more abominable and repulsive still is the habit of -Irrumation[1] (_penem in os arrigere est irrumare_—to erect the _penis_ -and insert it into the mouth of another person) and the practice of -the _Fellator_[2] (_si quis vel labris vel lingua perfricandi atque -exsugendi officium peni praestat_—one who with the lips or the tongue -performs the office of rubbing and sucking another’s _penis_). This the -Greeks called λεσβιάζειν (to follow the Lesbian mode), because the vice -was especially practised by the Lesbian women, though in common with -all others of the sort it came originally from Asia. _Lucian_ in his -_Pseudologista_[3], in which he severely criticizes the the dissolute -Timarchus, who had taken the expression ἀποφρὰς (unmentionable) in ill -part, says: “By the gods, what should make you fly into a passion, -since it is a matter of common report that you are a _Fellator_ and -a _Cunnilingus_[4]. Are you as much in the dark as to the meaning -of these words as you are about that of ἀποφρὰς (unmentionable)? and -do you take them for titles of honour? Or is it that you are now -accustomed to them, but not to ἀποφρὰς, and so wish to erase it as -something unknown to you from the list of your Titles? (ch. 28).—I -am well aware what were your practices in Palestine, in Egypt, in -Phoenicia and Syria, as well as in Hellas and Italy, and above all -just now in Ephesus, where you set the crown on your extravagances, -(ch. 11).—However you will never persuade your fellow-citizens that -they ought not to regard you as the filthiest of all men, the very -refuse of the whole city. Now it may be you rely on the belief of the -generality in Syria, that you have never been accused (there) of any -guilt or vice. But by Hercules! the city of Antioch looked on at the -whole history, when you carried off the young man who came from Tarsus, -and—but there, it would not become me to go over such ground again. -All who were there know the facts and remember it all, that time when -they saw you sitting at his knees (καὶ σὲ μὲν ἐς γόνυ συγκαθήμενον -ἰδόντες), and doing you know very well what to him, that is if you have -not utterly and entirely forgotten the whole matter, (ch. 20).—But -when they caught you lying at the knees of the son of Oinopion the -Cooper (τοῦ μειρακίου ... ἐν γόνασι κείμενον—lying at the knees of the -stripling), what make you of that? Did they not surely take you for a -man of the sort to be expected, when they saw you doing such a thing? -(ch. 28).—How, by Zeus! after such a deed, have you the effrontery to -give us the kiss of salutation?—Sooner kiss an adder or a viper? The -danger and pain of the bite a Physician may yet remove, if called in. -But after your kiss and with such poison on his lips who dare draw -near to Temple or altar? What god would listen to the suppliant? how -many vessels of holy water, how many lustrations, would be needful? -(ch. 24).—In Syria you are known as ῥοδοδάφνη (rose-laurel)[5]; why, a -man cannot explain for very shame, great Athené!—But in Palestine as -φραγμὸς (the hedge)[6], on account of the prickles of your beard, I -suppose. In Egypt again as συνάγχη (sore throat),—and this is a well -known business. It must have been a close thing with you not to be -choked, that time you came across the sailor of a three-master, who -fell upon you and stopped your mouth for you (ὃς ἐμπεσὼν ἀπέφραξέ σοι -τὸ στόμα).” - -This passage brings us next to a gloss of the _Pseudo-Galen_[7], on -which _Naumann_[8], after laying down his view as to the _Morbus -phoeniceus_ (Purple Plague),—a subject to be discussed presently,—goes -on to express himself thus: “However we must go yet farther. In the -above cited work of the Pseudo-Galen is included an Index of words, -_which with a high degree of probability we may conclude to refer to -Venereal diseases, so far as known to the Ancients_ (loco citato, -under word στρυμάργου, p. 142). We read there that _Dioscorides_ -called στρυμάργους or στομάργους (evil-mouthed) men in whom the -longing for sensual indulgence had risen to frenzy. Of similar meaning -to this would seem to be the expressions μυοχάνη (_maxillarum hiatu -insignis_—conspicuous for the wide opening of the arm-pits) or μυσάχνη -(_meretrix_—prostitute), μῦσος (_facinus abominandum_—an abominable -act), σαράπους (crura ambulando divaricans—straddling the legs in -walking), and γρυπαλώπηξ (from γρύπος _curvus_—curved, hooked,) -probably denoting the erection of the _penis_; at any rate a dissolute -man is called in Aristophanes κυναλώπηξ (fox-dog). But most notable -is the added observation, to the effect that Erasistratus called such -persons ῥινοκολοῦροι (_i. e._ _qui mutilati naribus sunt_—men who -have been mutilated in their noses). Just at the time of the Greek -occupation of Egypt, _Rhinocorura_ or _Rhinocolura_ was the name of a -wretched sort of “Botany Bay” situated at the North-Eastern extremity -of the country, lying in the desert on the shores of the Mediterranean -between Gaza and Pelusium, and serving as a place of residence for -lepers (_Pliny_, Hist. Nat., Bk. V. ch. 4. _Livy_, Hists. Bk. XXXV. -ch. 11). Now if we bring together all the information given here, and -especially if we consider the various shameful forms of indulgence of -the sexual impulse and the mutilation of the nose that is connected -with them, _there cannot be much doubt left that these ancient and -fragmentary notices refer to Venereal evil_, whether in conjunction -with leprous affections or not.” - -But to test the correctness of these explanations and conclusions, -it will be necessary first of all to quote the gloss itself in full: -_στρυμάργου._ οἶδε καὶ ταύτην τὴν γραφὴν ὁ Διοσκουρίδης, οὐ μόνον τὴν -_στομάργου_, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῦτο οὐχ ὡς κύριον ὄνομα ἐξηγεῖται, ἀλλὰ τὸν -μανικῶς ἐπτοημένον περὶ τὰ ἀφροδίσια δηλοῦσθαί φησιν· εἰρῆσθαι γὰρ παρὰ -τῷ Ἱπποκράτει καὶ ἀλλὰ πολλὰ κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον ἐπίθετα, καθάπερ -_μυοχάνη, σαράπους, γρυπαλώπηξ_· ἀλλὰ καὶ παρ’ Ἐρασιστράτῳ φησὶν ὁ -_ῥινοκολοῦρος_, that is to say:—στρυμάργου: Dioscorides knows this -form also, not merely that of στομάργου, but this too he regards not -as a proper name, but says that it signifies one who is madly set upon -love-indulgences; for that in Hippocrates as well many other epithets -of the same sort (which refer to the same sort of vice) are mentioned, -e. g. μυοχάνη, σαράπους, γρυπαλώπηξ; also he says that in Erasistratus -(the expression) ῥινοκολοῦρος is found. - -The reader sees in the first place that it is not merely expressions -peculiar to Dioscorides that are here cited, as we might be led to -suppose by Naumann’s statement, but that they are every one of them -found, as we shall presently prove more particularly, in _Hippocrates_, -the ῥινοκολοῦρος of Erasistratus of course excepted. _Dioscorides_ -mentions them only in his commentary on the Second Book of the -“Epidemia”, when laying down the passages to be cited immediately, and -declares them not to be proper names, but adjectives which all refer -to insane indulgence in the pleasures of love; accordingly there can -be no question here of _bodily disorders_, let the words in themselves -signify what they will. Now if we examine into this more closely, we -shall find first of all that we must obviously read στυμάργου in place -of στρυμάργου, for not only is this form given by the author of the -gloss (under στομάργου[9]), quoted on the preceding page, but the text -also of Hippocrates[10] offers it in both passages; whereas στρυμάργου -gives no sort of sense. - -The word στυμάργος in fact is derived either from στῦμα[11], the act -of erecting the penis, and and ἔργον (work), so signifying anyone -who performs the work of causing an erection of the penis,—or else -from στύω[12], I erect the penis, and μάργος[13], (mad), i. e. -one who erects, uses, the penis in a madly lascivious fashion, so -an _Irrumator_, and with this _Hesychius’_ interpretation agrees: -λεσβιάζειν,—πρὸς ἀνδρὸς στόμα στύειν, (to lesbianize,—to erect the -penis in a man’s mouth). Στομάργος on the other hand is formed by a -combination of στόμα, the mouth, and ἔργω or ἔργον (I work, work), -a word constantly used to express the employment of the genital -organs[14], in fact indulgence in love generally, and signifies a man -who performs the work (of love) with the mouth, so a _Fellator_[15]. -Now since only the most abandoned lust, lust that has really grown -into a form of insanity, is capable of undertaking such obscenities, -the interpretation of _Dioscorides_ μανικῶς ἐπτοημένον περὶ τὰ -ἀφροδίσια (one that is insanely, madly, set on the pleasures of love) -is quite satisfactory, assuming a hesitation on the part of the author -to set forth the actual fact more explicitly, especially as we have -already proved under the head of Paederastia[16] how unnatural sexual -desires were commonly regarded as a _Mania_ or form of insanity. Even -if we were not in a position adequately to explain the rest of the -words, yet the phrase that comes next to them καὶ ἄλλα πολλὰ κατὰ τὸν -αὐτὸν τρόπον (and many others of the same fashion) at once shows that -they bear the same signification as στύμαργος and στομάργος, or at any -rate that they must all alike refer to unnatural satisfaction of the -sexual impulse, for τρόπος (fashion) is the very word particularly -appropriated to imply such-like practices, as we see from the -expressions Κρῆτα τρόπον, Ἑλληνικὸν τρόπον[17], (Cretan fashion, Greek -fashion) used to indicate paederastia. - -In relation to the word μυοχάνη the readings differ greatly in the -different MSS. of Galen. Franz in his edition of the Glossaries to -Hippocrates gives μιοχάνης and μυοχάνης, while the Pseudo-Galen -explains it under the word μυοχάνη as ἐπίθετον χασκούσης· εἰ δὲ -_μυριοχαύνη_ γράφοιτο, ἡ ἐπὶ μυρίοις ἂν εἴη χαυνουμένη (epithet applied -to a woman who gapes; now if _μυριοχαύνη_ were read, it would mean “the -woman who gapes wide for ten thousand men”); besides, various readings -are found here,—μηοχάνη for μυοχάνη, also μιριοχάνη, and μυιοχάνη -for μυριοχαύνη. Erotian says μηριοχάνη ὄνομα γυναικὸς (Meriochané—a -woman’s name). In the text of Hippocrates[18] is found Μυριοχαύνη, -and the same form is given by the editions of Galen[19]. Inasmuch as -χάνω and χαύνω both have the same meaning of gaping wide, that is with -the mouth, it will practically make no difference which we choose as -the end of the word; hence we have merely to consider the first part -μου- or μυριο-, all the rest of the forms being obviously erroneous. -If we read μουχάνη, we must suppose it compounded of μύος and χάνη; -but inasmuch as μύος is merely a mistaken variant for μῦσος, the word -must be read μυσοχάνη. Μῦσος in its turn we must derive either from -μύζω, I suck,—so a woman who sucks with open mouth[20], or from μυσιάω, -I snort through the nose, particularly in the act of coition, and -consequently read μυσιοχάνη, i. e. a woman who with mouth open snorts -through the nose, precisely what the fellatrix undoubtedly does when at -her work. This emendation certainly makes better sense, and is all the -more likely from the fact that μυιοχάνη and μυριοχάνη are also found -as _variae lectiones_. Naumann would seem desirous of reading μυσάχνη -(μυζάχνη), in which case it must be formed from μύζω, I suck, and ἄχνη -(froth), in fact the secretion that adheres to the surface (of the -_glans penis_)[21]. This last reading is all the more admissible, as -according to Suidas[22] the word also occurs in Archilochus. Possibly -however we must regard as equally correct the form μυριοχαύνη, and -take it in the meaning given by the Gloss, viz. _in millibus hians_! -(gaping in a thousand openings!), bearing in mind _Lampridius’_[23] -expression about Heliogabalus: _Quis enim ferre posset principem per -cuncta cava corporis libidinem recipientem!_ (For who could endure a -Prince _that welcomed lustful pleasure by every opening of the body_!) - -The readings also vary as to σαράπους (turning out the feet); _Franz_ -gives ἀγράπους and ἀράπους; in the text of Hippocrates[24] on the other -hand, as well in the Commentary of Galen it appears as ἡ Σεραπὶς, the -latter also giving it in the genitive—τῆς Σεράπιδος. But inasmuch as -the name of the goddess occurs sometimes as Σέραπις, sometimes as -Σάραπις;, and as the genitive ending—πιδος easily admits of change -into—πόδος, it may very likely be that after all Σαράπους stood -originally in Hippocrates’ text. The author of the Gloss (loco citato -p. 136.) explains the word by ἡ διασεσηρότας καὶ διεστῶτας ἔχουσα τοὺς -δακτύλους τῶν ποδῶν that is, a woman who has the toes drawn apart and -separated. But how are we to bring this explanation into agreement with -the κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον, (after the same fashion), that is to say, -with one of the modes of Love that are under discussion? Think of the -_fellator_ or _fellatrix_, we are told, cowering down (ἐν γόνασι,—on -the knees) according to _Lucian’s_ picture (p. 229 above), and you will -see the stress of the body’s weight must always fall on the front part -of the foot, and to widen the point of support he is instinctively -compelled to spread the toes. Well! but who can fail to see how very -forced such an explanation is? still we do not in the least know how -we are to deal with it further. Of course we might leave the author -of the Gloss his interpretation and proceed to look about for another -of our own, though we have in many cases to confess the fact that our -investigations undertaken with this end in view have not exactly led to -any definite results. With the reading Σεραπίς we really do not know -how to deal. Perhaps the common representation, or else some particular -quality, of the goddess so named gave occasion for a comparison -which we now fail to understand, one that might possibly suggest an -explanation of the _Harpocratem reddere_ (to recall Harpocrates) -of Catullus (69.) implying _irrumare_[25]. Whether the reader will -take within his purview the Σεραφίμ, ἐμπρηστάς· ἔμπυρα στόματα· ἢ -θερμαίνοντας (Seraphim: kindlers; fiery mouths: or, making hot) of -_Suidas’_ Lexicon, we must leave to him; in that case _Martial’s_ (II. -28.) _calda Vetustinae nec tibi bucca placet_ (nor does Vetustina’s -hot mouth please you) might afford an analogy. Proceeding to consider -σαράπους, we find _Hesychius_ has σαραπίους, which he explains by -μαινίδας (mad-women), and _Dioscorides_ is at one with him in regarding -the vice as something done μανικῶς (madly). In _Diogenes Laertius_ -(I. 4.) we read Pittacus was called: σαράποδα καὶ σάραπον διὰ τὸ -πλατύπουν εἶναι καὶ ἐπισύρειν τὼ πόδε. (_turning out the feet_, because -of his being flat-footed and trailing his two feet). It would be -hardly credible to suppose that the author of the Gloss borrowed his -explanation cited just above from Diogenes Laertius or Suidas, in whom -the passage occurs as well. Further, the MSS. of Diogenes give also -συράπους, a word found several times in the sense of “to stand with -legs apart,” and Naumann too must have understood this in our passage, -for he gives as his rendering _crura ambulando divaricans_ (straddling -the legs in walking). Now leaving altogether out of the question the -fact that the feminine form is found in Hippocrates, and assuming -the word to be used of men, it might perfectly well signify the -_irrumator_, who takes the _fellator_ between his opened thighs[26], a -posture that was generally regarded as obscene[27]. Indeed if we think -of the _fellator_ as sitting on the ground at his work, the word of -course can be equally well used of a woman, or _fellatrix_. - -As to γρυπαλώπηξ we read in _Hippocrates_ (loco citato p. 629.) as -follows: “Satyrus in Thasos bore the nick-name of γρυπαλώπηξ; when -about twenty five he suffered from frequent nightly pollutions, and -yet by day the same happened him even more constantly. When he was -thirty years of age, he got consumption and died.” From this we see -at once the question is of a dissolute man, who in consequence of his -vicious practises had brought on such a weakness of the genitals, that -he suffered from continual evacuation of seed, the result being that -eventually Phthisis was set up, to which he succumbed. As variations -of reading we find noted in _Franz’s_ Gloss ῥυπαλώπηξ and τρυπαλάπηξ; -Schneider in his Lexicon renders γρυπαλώπηξ by “griffin-fox”, so he -must evidently have derived it from γρύψ (a griffin) and ἀλώπηξ (a -fox). The Ancients depict the fox as a cunning, crafty animal and -assign several characteristics as marking his behaviour that must -probably be taken into consideration in the present connection,—and -particularly the way he seizes and kills the hedge-hog. According to -_Aelian_[28] he endeavours to throw the creature on its back, so that -its mouth comes uppermost, and then discharges its urine into it. -Now in order to signify the _irrumator_, the Ancients really could -hardly have invented a better expression, when they, firmly convinced -of course of the fact as stated, compared him to a fox. But what is -a γρυπαλώπηξ? _Hesychius_ under the word γρυπός (hooked, curved) -explains it as τὰ ἔξω τοῦ στόματος καμπυλόῤῥις· ὁ ἐπικαμπῆ τὴν ῥῖνα -ἔχων. (hook-nosed outside the mouth; a man having his nose bent down). -_Suidas_ again says γρυπός, ὁ καμπυλόῤῥιν (γρυπός,—a hook-nosed man); -so a man with a nose bent down crooked over the mouth. Now this we -might very well understand as applying to the _fellator_, inasmuch as -his nose, when the _irrumator_ presses down hard on him, as the sailor -does to _Timarchus_ (p. 230 above), is of necessity compressed and -bent down towards the mouth; γρυπαλώπηξ would according to this be a -man who, like Timarchus in _Lucian_, is at once an _irrumator_ and a -_fellator_. Of yet another word, κυναλώπηξ (fox-dog) cited by Naumann, -we propose to speak under the head of the _Cunnilingue_, who as we -shall see might likewise be signified by the expression. - -Finally, as to ῥινοκολοῦρος (nose-docked), for which the MSS. also have -ῥινοκλοῦρος, it is certainly the case that in Antiquity the man who -practised vice with strange women (_Moechus_,—adulterer) had his nose -cut off[29], and as _Moechus_ equally signifies the _fellator_[30], -the latter also may very well have been obliged to forfeit his nose. -Following this hint, it would be quite legitimate to suppose the -punishment to have been put for the vice, and a _fellator_ called -ῥινοκολοῦρος (nose-docked) on this ground; in the same way as the loss -of the nose might be looked upon as a consequence of vice, and anyone -seeing a man in this case would at once think of his dissolute past -life, as indeed frequently happens at the present day amongst ourselves. - -The town of Rhinocolurus,—and its history is more than -problematical,—would seem to have nothing whatever to do with the -question. The passages from _Pliny_ and _Livy_ which Naumann quotes -give absolutely nothing beyond the name; and the mere existence of -the name _Diodorus_[31] certifies, in his story of how Actisanes -proceeded against the Robbers in a way of his own: “He did not wish -to put the guilty to death, nor yet to leave them unpunished. So he -had the accused brought up out of the whole country and inquired into -each case most scrupulously; such as were found to be guilty all had -their noses cut off by his orders, and were banished to the most remote -spot in the Desert. The town he founded for them there received in -remembrance of the punishment inflicted on its inhabitants the name of -Rhinocolura. It lies on the borders of Egypt and Syria, not far from -the sea-shore that borders the desert in that region, and displays an -almost complete absence of all requisites for comfortable habitation. -For the surrounding district possesses a soil thoroughly saturated -with salt, while inside the town very little water is to be found and -that positively tainted and of quite a bitter taste.” Diodorus relates -further that these Colonists lived by catching quails; but of _Leprosy_ -there is no mention either here or in Strabo or Seneca, so that -Naumann’s statement to the effect that it served as a dwelling-place -for Lepers lacks entirely, up to the present and at any rate so far as -we know, any historical foundation, though the character of the place -is not against such a hypothesis. Nor is any question raised in any -author as to the vicious life of the inhabitants of Rhinocolura,—in -fact in later times it was actually famous for the number of its _men -of piety_[32]. - -Though the explanation of ῥινοκολοῦρος given just now might very well -at a pinch be regarded as satisfactory, still we think it hardly -answers sufficiently well to the κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον (after the same -fashion), while the variant ῥινοκλοῦρος seems to point to ῥιναύλουρος -or ῥιναύλουρις as the true reading. In _Tatian_ (Orat. ad Graecos p. -83.) in fact we read: _ῥιναυλοῦσι_ τὰ αἰσχρά, κινοῦνται δὲ κινήσεις ἃς -οὐκ ἐχρῆν, καὶ τοὺς ὄπως δεῖ μοιχεύειν ἐπὶ τῆς σκηνῆς σοφιστεύοντας αἱ -θυγατέρες ὑμῶν καὶ οἱ παῖδες θεωροῦσι. (They flute their obscenities -through the nose, and make movements that in decency they should not -make, while actors who teach on the stage the whole art of how to -debauch a woman are the spectacle your daughters and your boys gaze -at.) The Scholiast observes on this ῥινοκτυποῦσιν, οἱονεὶ τὸ πνεῦμα -τοῖς ῥώδωσι, συνέλκοντες ποιὸν ἦχον ἐπὶ καταγέλωτι ἀποτελοῦσι, (they -make a noise with the nose, a sort of breathing with the nostrils; by -drawing in these they produce a certain sound by way of mockery), and -in _Lucian_, Lexiphanes ch. 19., we find ἔοικα δὲ καὶ ῥιναυστῆσειν, -(and I am like to go nose-playing), of which the Scholiast gives the -following explanation: ἀντὶ τοῦ ταῖς ῥισὶ καταυλῆσαι, ἐποίουν γὰρ τοῦτο -_ῥιναυλοῦντες_, ἤτοι διὰ τῶν ῥινῶν ψοφοῦντες ἐπὶ διασυρμῷ τινῶν καὶ -χλεύῃ. (put instead of _fluting with the nostrils_; for they used to do -this when they nose-fluted, or in other words, made a noise with the -nostrils by way of mocking people and joking). Now if we take ῥιναυλεῖν -(to nose-flute) in these passages,—and all this confirms what has been -previously said (above p. 144.) on the word ῥέγχειν (to snort) in the -Speech of Dio Chrysostom,—for _fistulam canere per nares_, _to play the -flute with the nose_, and at the same time remember that _Eustathius_ -(as was noted above, p. 236. Note 2.) derived ἀπομύζουρις and μύζουρις -from μυζᾶν-οὐράν (οὐρά,—the tail, the penis), the Greeks would seem -to have said ῥιναυλεῖν-οὐράν, _penem pro fistula canere_, (to play on -the penis instead of a flute), and we should have the adjective or -substantive ῥιναύλουρις, _qui penem pro fistula canit per nares_, (one -who plays on the penis instead of a flute with the nostrils), which -admirably expresses not only the action of the _fellator_, but also the -music he makes to accompany it, as he is compelled to snort, drawing -his breath heavily through the nose. - -Which explanation the reader will choose, we must really leave to him, -for interpretations of words of this sort can never be brought to the -absolute test of evidence, inasmuch as nick-names as a rule take their -origin only too often in external circumstances. Still this much we -think we may pronounce with certainty, that the words of the Gloss -have to do simply _de rebus venereis_, with matters of love, and not -with Venereal complaints, and thus Naumann’s propositions[33] at least -are devoid of foundation. Perhaps it may be possible by means of a -comparison of the licentious representations on old Vases, of which -the late _Hofrath_ Böttiger would seem to have possessed a choice -collection, and some examples of which are preserved also at Berlin, -in connection with one or other of the words given in the Gloss, as -generally with the embodiments in Art of the _Venus ebria_ (drunken -Venus), to afford a better explanation, one that may indeed be of -no particular value to the student of Antiquity pure and simple, -but nevertheless is indispensable to the Physician for the correct -understanding of sundry diseases of the Ancients, or at any rate one -sufficient to avoid incorrect assertions and false conclusions, and to -refute such. - -We are not in a position to give a systematic history of the spread of -the vice of the _fellator_ and _irrumator_; but at any rate this much -is certain that in Imperial times the Vice was most widely indulged in, -as the Epigrams of _Martial_, and what _Suetonius_ relates in his Life -of Tiberius (chs. 44, 45.) sufficiently bear witness. - - -Diseases of the Fellator. - -§ 22. - -Now to pass on to the medical point of view, no one presumably will -deny that the mouth of the _fellator_ must necessarily be exposed -to various complaints as a consequence of his Vice. Nevertheless -there prevails universally, so far as our studies up to the present -have enabled us to judge, complete silence among the Physicians of -Antiquity as to the practice of λεσβιάζειν (to Lesbianize, to practise -_fellation_) as a cause occasioning morbid affections of the mouth -and the contiguous parts. This is the more surprising, as we find -that non-professional Writers are not entirely unacquainted with such -effects, as we shall show directly. For our purpose this silence is -doubly unfortunate, depriving us as it does of all means of submitting -such affections of the mouth as are described by Physicians to any -proper appreciation in regard to their ætiological relationships,—an -appreciation that in any case must naturally have been in view of our -knowledge of the vice of the _fellator_ one of extreme difficulty. -The difficulty is this: _fellator_ and _fellatrix_, equally with the -_Cunnilingue_, the fornicater and fornicatrix, were liable to suffer -from ulcers of the throat, for example, as a result of their peculiar -vice, but in the former case these ulcers were primary, in the latter -secondary,—now how is an inquirer to discover any diagnostic sign here, -whereby to distinguish the one class from the other? Yet all the while, -certainty on this point is of the very highest importance in view of -the question as to the existence of Venereal disease in Antiquity, -the chief argument always alleged against accepting the fact of such -existence being the absence of secondary symptoms such as are nowadays -commonly met with, especially about the throat[34]. - -It is remarkable that not one, so far as we know, of the authors who -have studied the history of Venereal Disease makes any mention of -this circumstance; neither do the Pathologists ever bring forward the -vice of the _fellator_ as an ætiological factor. _Clossius_[35] it is -true speaks of _Irrumatio_, relying on _Perenotti di Cigliano_ and -_Fabre_; but these last are really speaking of the _Cunnilingue_, not -of the _fellator_. Probably they are of Erasmus’ opinion: λείχαζειν -_ni fallor tale quiddam est Graecis, quale fellare Latinis. Nam vox -etiamnum manet, tametsi rem iam olim e medio sublatam arbritor._ -(λειχάζειν—to practise licking,—if I am not mistaken, is a similar -practice with the Greeks to that of _fellation_ with the Romans. The -word indeed still remains, but the thing I believe to have long since -entirely disappeared). On this however _Forberg_ (loco citato p. 304.) -very justly adds: _Vereor ut vere: certe audio, ne ab nunc hominum -quidem moribus plane abhorrere id schematis, quid viderint ii, quibus -magnas urbes adire licet._ (I fear this is not true: at any rate I am -told this sort of practice is not entirely repugnant to the habits -of some men even of our own day, to judge by what those see who have -the opportunity of visiting large cities). How many primary ulcers of -the throat, especially in the case of common Prostitutes, may have -been mistaken for secondary ones, and have been treated accordingly, -in fact are treated so still, without the Physician having a suspicion -of how they were actually incurred! But what the Physicians of our own -times are ignorant of, though familiar enough to many of the Laity, -this knowledge we cannot reasonably demand from the Physicians of -Antiquity. Yet supposing they did actually possess this knowledge, it -was very excusable if they looked at what lay nearest before their eyes -and regarded all throat ulcers as being primary,—in just the same way -as any Practitioner of to-day finds it excusable in a Colleague that -he thinks only of secondary ulcers, inasmuch as what in Ancient times -happened very commonly is practised at the present day at any rate much -less frequently. Consequently the absence of mention on the part of the -old Physicians of secondary ulcers of the throat in connection with -complaints of the genital organs cannot be considered as any sort of -proof of their non-existence. - -Among the maladies to which the _fellator_ was exposed, we have in the -first place to reckon the _foul smell from the mouth_[36], which is -mentioned as especially prevalent among the Romans. The Physicians -as a rule derived it, if no local symptoms, of ulcers, etc., were -apparent, from some fault of the stomach[37],—an instance surely where -the Laity were cleverer than the Profession! The sympathy between the -mouth and the genitals and anus makes it evident why at the present day -we notice, particularly in immoral women, an evil smell from the mouth, -which they endeavour to conceal by chewing burned coffee and the like. -No doubt this was the case in Antiquity[38] as well, so we are by no -means justified in attributing every instance of foul breath in harlots -and cinaedi to the practice of _fellation_. - -Yet another consequence of _fellation_ was _pain in the mouth_ -(στομαλγία, mouth-ache; only we must remember as to this that _Pollux_, -Onomast. III. 7. 69., cites ἀλγεῖν,—to suffer pain, as a synonym of -_to love_), _tongue-ache_ (γλωσσαλγία[39]) and _toothache_[40], and -generally pains of the palate and throat, rendering voice and speech -indistinct. Hence _Martial_ says[41]: - - Qui recitat lana fauces et colla revinctus, - Hic se posse loqui, posse _tacere_ negat. - -(The man who reads aloud his works, his throat and neck bound about -with wool, declares he cannot speak, yet cannot hold his tongue). - -But the evil by no means stopped here; there more often occurred as -the result of the habit of _fellation_ acute no less than chronic -inflammations of the palate (sore throats, quinseys). In the passage -quoted a little above from _Lucian’s_ Pseudologistae, it is said of -Timarchus: “In Egypt on the other hand they called you συνάγχη (sore -throat),—as everybody knows.” In explanation _Lucian_ adds: “It must -have been a close thing with you not to be choked, that time you came -across the sailor of a three-master, who fell upon you and stopped your -mouth for you.” Without in any way detracting from the importance of -what we are told here, it still appears to us, on full consideration, -that Timarchus was not merely a _fellator_, but an _irrumator_ as -well, and this is the more probable as he no doubt acquired this -nickname, because he, _bene vasatus_ (well provided with a big -_member_), frequently brought on sore throat, that is to say in those -who served him as _fellators_! - -Moreover this reveals to us the real meaning of a passage of -_Aretaeus_, one that has often been quoted before as connected with -Venereal disease. This occurs in the 9th Chapter of the Book[42], -which would certainly seem to admit only of a direct application; -still we are convinced that much of the pathological description of -sore throat (Ch. 7.) and many symptoms of the complaints of the uvula -(Ch. 8.) owe their origin to _fellation_. Undoubtedly we have nowadays -much fewer occasions to note affections of the uvula, which were of -very common occurrence among the Ancients[43], as is shown by their -own accounts,—a circumstance hardly to be wondered at if we consider -the particulars told us about Timarchus. _Aretaeus_ in Ch. 9. makes a -distinction between κίων (pillar, uvula) or columella (little pillar, -uvula), when the whole uvula is inflamed and swollen, σταφυλὴ or uva -(bunch of grapes), when only the lower part is affected, and ἰμάντιον -(little strap), when the palatal membrane is attacked. “Κίων”, he goes -on, “occurs most frequently with old men, σταφυλὴ with young men and -such as are in the prime of life, affection of the palatal membranes -(τὰ ὑμενώδεα) in those who are at the age of puberty and in boys.” The -ninth Chapter runs as follows: - - -Of Ulcers of the Throat. - -Ulcers arising in the throat of a benignant and harmless nature are -common, the malignant and dangerous rare. Benignant ulcers of the sort -are clean, of slight extent and superficial, neither inflamed nor -painful. The malignant on the contrary are broad, hollow, lardaceous, -with a white, livid, or black covering. These ulcers are known as -_aphthae_. But if the covering is very tough, then the malady is an -eschar, and is so called. At the edge of the eschar are set up an -intense redness, inflammation and a congested state of the veins, as -in _anthrax_ (carbuncle, malignant pustule), while small, distinct -and unconnected, elevations of the mucous membrane appear, which -are continually uniting with fresh ones that successively follow, -and so an extensive ulcer is established. If this extends from the -outer mouth too far inwards, in fact once it has attacked the uvula -and relaxed it, the disease spreads over the tongue, gums and lips, -while the teeth become loose and blackened. Further the inflammation -attacks the throat. Patients so affected die in a few days after the -inflammation and fever are set up, of the evil odour and of hunger; -the ulcer propagates itself by way of the wind-pipe to the chest, so -that very likely suffocation supervenes the same day. For lungs and -heart can tolerate neither so foul an odour nor the ulcers themselves -nor the ichor (puriform, septic matter) coming from them, but cough -and difficulty of breathing supervene. Origin of this affection of -the throat is the swallowing of cold, pungent, hot, sour, or strongly -astringent, substances. Now these parts serve the chest on behalf -of the voice and the breathing, as also the abdomen for sifting the -nutriment, and the stomach for swallowing food. But when these inward -parts, viz. abdomen, stomach and chest, are attacked by a disease, the -disease is in turn conveyed and carried to the œsophagus, the tonsils -and neighbouring regions. - -Children up to the age of puberty suffer most in this way, for children -have the very greatest and most marked desire for coolness, because -with them the natural heat is at its greatest; the longing for foods of -various sorts and cold beverages is boundless; while they shout loudly -both in quarrel and at play. This is equally true of girls up to the -commencement of menstruation. - -With regard to locality, _Egypt_ gives most numerous examples of the -disease, for this country has at once a dry air to breathe, and many -sorts of comestibles,—roots, herbs, garden vegetables, pungent seeds; -while the drink is either thick, being Nile water, or artificially made -pungent with barley or with grape-skins. In _Syria_ the disease is also -found, especially in Coelesyria. For this reason the ulcers in question -are known as _Egyptian_ or _Syrian_ ulcers. - -The mode and fashion in which death occurs in these cases is -deplorable. The pain is a cutting and burning pain, as in anthrax -(carbuncle, malignant pustule), the breath foul-smelling, the patient -exhaling an intensely offensive breath, and re-inhaling into the chest -another no less so. Patients are so loathsome to themselves they cannot -tolerate their own smell; the face is pale or livid, the temperature -excessively high, the thirst as distressing as in fever. Yet they -reject drink when offered from dread of the pain of swallowing; for -they undergo great agony both by the compression of the palate and -by the return of the liquid through the nose. No sooner have they -lain down than they spring up again; then finding they cannot bear an -upright posture, no sooner have they sat down than they are forced by -their agony to lie back once more. Most commonly they move about in -an upright attitude. For as they are unable to sleep, they avoid all -rest, as though they were fain to drive away one torture with another. -Inhalation is deep, for they long for fresh air to cool themselves; -exhalation on the contrary short and hurried, for the ulcers already -burning like fire are heated yet further by contact of the feverish -breath as it streams out. Hoarseness comes on, and loss of voice, and -this goes on continuously increasing, until suddenly coming to the end -of their resistance they give up the ghost.” - - * * * * * - -In the portion of the work devoted to Therapeutics (Bk. I. ch. 9.), -which bears the title: Θεραπεία τῶν κατὰ τὴν φαρύγγα λοιμικῶν παθῶν, -(Pestilential Affections of the Throat Regions, their Curative -Treatment), caustics are especially recommended, as the actual cautery -cannot be employed, and finally we read: “In some cases the uvula -is destroyed right back to the bones of the palate, and the throat -to the root of the tongue and the epiglottis, and in consequence of -this destruction they can get down neither solid food nor liquid, for -liquids return through the nose, and so the patient dies of hunger.” - - * * * * * - -Now if we examine these statements more closely, we cannot first of -all help wondering how the ætiological factors named by _Aretaeus_ -could possibly be regarded by him as sufficient to account for such -dangerous ulcerations,—ulcerations which he himself even calls λοιμώδεα -(of pestilential character), though of course they are perfectly -adequate to explain simple ulcers of the throat. Indulgence in pungent -comestibles and beverages is as little adequate to cause such symptoms -as are the shouting and greediness of children, not to mention the fact -that these are in no way peculiar to Egypt or Syria. The whole account -shows us clearly that while _Aretaeus_ was well acquainted with the -forms the disease took, the ætiological factors were obscure to him and -it was merely in a spirit of ill-timed speculation he subjoined them, -proving once more how right _Appuleius_ was when he exclaims: _Dii -boni! Quam facilis, _licet non artifici medico_, cuivis tamen docto -Venereae cupidinis comprehensio._ (Great gods! how easy it is for any -educated man, _always excepting a medical practitioner_, to understand -the passion of love). - -We have already more than once in the course of these investigations -proved how Egypt and Syria must be regarded as the nursery of -licentiousness in Antiquity, and the passage quoted from _Lucian_ -(above p. 229.) directly establishes the fact for us; again, a little -further on (p. 240. Note I.) it was mentioned how boys particularly, -(but also young girls), were used and specially trained as _fellators_. -Hence _Martial_[44] wishes he had a boy, - - Niliacis primum puer is nascatur in oris: - Nequitias tellus scit dare nulla magis. - -(In the first place my boy must be born on the banks of Nile: no -other land can produce more finished wickedness). From all this, as -well as from a comparison of the passage in Lucian, we believe we are -amply justified in concluding that Aretaeus’ ulcers of the throat, -these Αἰγύπτια καὶ Συριακὰ ἕλκεα (Egyptian and Syrian sores) were -not unfrequently a consequence of _fellation_[45]. That this should -be so is readily intelligible, when we consider the liability to -corruption and the acrid quality of secretions from the _glans penis_ -in hot countries. Again the βουβαστικὰ ἕλκεα (Bubastic sores), which -_Salmasius_ cites from _Aëtius_[46] as being identical with the -Egyptian and Syrian ulcers, find a satisfactory explanation on this -hypothesis, for _Herodotus_[47] tells us in his time of the licentious -worship of Bubastis, daughter of Isis, at Bubastos. In this expression -(βουβαστικὰ ἕλκεα) the malady is named from one particular place, where -it was probably specially prevalent, whereas in Aretaeus it is spoken -of as general throughout the country. - -In this connection we must not pass over the fact that Casaubon -commenting on the passage of Persius (V. 187.) to be quoted directly -is inclined to regard the ἕλκεα Συριακὰ (Syrian sores) as a punishment -of the Dea Syra (Syrian goddess). In this he relies on a passage of -_Plutarch_[48] that runs to this effect: “But of the Syrian goddess -the superstitious believe that, if a man eat a sprat or anchovy, the -goddess consumes his shin-bones, fills his body full of sores, melts -down his liver.” The legend must at any rate be of great antiquity, for -we meet with it in _Menander_, in a fragment which _Porphyrius_[49] -has preserved,—in which however swelling of the belly and the feet -is in question. To this also would seem to refer what _Persius_ (loco -citato) says: - - Hinc grandes Galli et cum sistro lusca sacerdos, - Incussere _Deos inflantes corpora_, si non - Praedictum ter mane caput gustaveris alli. - -(Then the tall Galli, and the one-eyed priestess with her sacred -rattle, instil terror of _the gods that make men’s bodies swell_, -unless three times at dawn you have eaten the prescribed head of -garlic). True we cannot from the passage of Plutarch directly conclude -that ulcers of the throat also were ascribed to the anger of the Syrian -goddess in consequence of indulgence in a fish diet; rather should -we expect what is said to apply primarily to external skin-ulcers, -occurring on other parts, as just on the shin-bone. Still we shall be -quite justified in making the reference general, more particularly as -liver-complaint is also ascribed to the goddess’s interference, and -we shall see that in Antiquity the cause of all ulcers was supposed -to lie in some fault of the liver. Now as the fish had necessarily to -be put into the mouth to be swallowed, and as it was always supposed -the punishment of the goddess followed immediately on the offence, -and affected the immediately active part, throat-ulcers might very -naturally be taken to be a result of such punishment. This again only -further confirms our explanation just above to the effect that ulcers -of the throat were a consequence resulting from vicious indulgence. For -the Temple-service of the Dea Syra was of course connected with every -sort of licentious practice. - -Taking into consideration this marked prevalence of _Corrosion of -the Shin-bones_, we might argue with considerable probability that -it pointed to the existence of a disease of the bones following as a -result of vicious indulgence. On the other hand the observation that -the precise time the body became covered with ulceration was after -indulgence in fish-eating cannot help being of weight in connection -with the doctrine of Leprosy; for to the present day we note as very -frequent among peoples whose chief nutriment is fish various forms -of Leprosy. And again, we may very likely see in this prohibition of -a fish diet, which is also mentioned by _Athenaeus_[50], a sanitary -regulation justified by experience as necessary in Syria, where -skin-diseases and ulcerations were so common. - -But not alone in Egypt and Syria did _fellation_ lead to suchlike -unhappy results; we find the same to have been the case at Rome, as is -proved by the following passage of _Martial_[51], a passage that has -hitherto been completely overlooked in this connection, but which is -none the less of great importance: - - _Indignas premeret pestis cum tabida fauces - Inque ipsos vultus serperet atra lues_: - Siccis ipse genis flentes hortatus amicos - Decrevit Stygios Festus adire lacus. - Nec tamen obscuro pia polluit ora veneno, - Aut torsit lenta tristia fata fame: - Sanctam Romana vitam sed morte peregit, - Dimisitque animam nobiliore via. - Hanc mortem fatis magni praeferre Catonis - Fama potest: huius Caesar amicus erat. - -(_When corrupting disease began to sorely afflict his unworthy throat -and black contagion was creeping to his very face_, Festus, himself -with dry cheeks, comforted his weeping friends, and determined to -seek the pools of Styx. But still he never disgraced his dutiful lips -with darkling poison, nor brought on a painful, miserable end by slow -hunger; nay! rather by a Roman death he completed his holy life, and -dismissed his soul the nobler way. Such a death fame may well exalt -above great Cato’s end; Caesar was his friend). - -The words _indignae fauces_ (unworthy throat) obviously point to the -practice of _fellation_, whereby he had brought on himself the _pestis -tabida_ and _atra lues_, (corrupting disease, black contagion), and so -we have here a clear statement of the cause by one _doctus venereae -cupidinis_ (learned in the passion of love), which cause was quite -unknown to the _artifex medicus_ (medical practitioner). The _pia ora_ -(dutiful lips) are therefore to be taken merely ironically, as also the -_sancta vita_ (holy life). Even the Cinaedus, as well as the maidens -who prostitute themselves in honour of Astarté, are invariably, as we -have seen, described in the Old Testament as _sanctus_ (holy), and we -read e. g. in Job. Ch. XXXV. 14., of a good-for-nothing, how he will -die like such a _sanctus_. It was precisely this signification of -_sanctus_ that led us to the idea of taking the throat affection for -a secondary consequence of paederastia, especially if we understand -a _double entendre_ to underlie the last words _huius Caesar amicus -erat_ (Caesar was his friend). The Commentators it is true take them -merely as said by way of contrast with the death of Cato of Utica, who -was forced by Caesar’s enmity to take his own life, and as implying -this was not the case with Festus, consequently that his suicide is -so much the more remarkable[52]. However it is doubtful which Caesar -is meant, whether the word is merely a Title or a proper name. In -the second—and certainly this at first appeared to us to be the more -likely,—view we were of course bound then to turn our attention to -his character for dissoluteness. However as both _Catullus_[53] and -_Suetonius_[54] represent him merely as a _Cinaedus_ in regard to the -male sex, if that is to say we subscribe to the accepted opinion, we -afterwards came to the conclusion it was rather the _Emperor_ generally -that is spoken of here, and consequently that any other Emperor, e. g. -Tiberius, or Nero, or another, might be intended. It is true that if -_pathicus_ (pathic) and _omnium virorum mulier_ (wife of all men) are -taken in a wider sense, there would be nothing to make the supposition -impossible that Julius Caesar is pointed at. Only that perhaps another -passage of _Martial_ would seem to go against this, a passage where he -seeks to excuse the several excesses and vices of a certain Gaurus by -instancing an exalted personage as patronizing each of them, and says -finally (Bk. II. 89.): - - Quod fellas; vitium dic mihi cuius habes? - -(But for your _fellation_: tell me whose vice you follow in this?) -Still against the _cinaedus_ view the words _indignae fauces_ (unworthy -throat) speak clearly. Probably in this connection the following -passage of _Martial_ should also come in,—where the Poet says of his -servant (Bk. I. Epigr. 102.): - - Destituit primos virides Demetrius annos: - Quarta tribus lustris addita messis erat. - Ne tamen ad Stygias famulus descenderet umbras, - _Ureret implicitum cum scelerata lues_, - Cavimus et domini ius omne remisimus aegro: - Munere dignus erat convaluisse meo. - Sensit deficiens sua praemia, meque patronum - Dixit, ad infernas liber iturus aquas. - -(Demetrius left us in the first years of his bloom; the fourth summer -was but just added to his three lustres. We took all means to save our -faithful house-slave from descending to the shades of Styx, when he -was consuming under a malignant contagion that had fastened upon him, -and remitted all my master’s rights for the sick lad,—who indeed well -deserved to win recovery at my hands. On his death-bed he recognized -what I had done for him, and called me his _master_, though so soon to -go forth a free man to the streams of the nether world.) - -Was this _famulus_ (house-slave) the same person as the _puer_ (boy, -slave), who is mentioned by _Martial_, bk. XI. 95.? - -That not boys only, but girls too, had to suffer in this way among the -Romans, and lost their lives from the complaint in question, is shown, -we think, by the following Epigram of _Martial_, Bk. XI. Epigr. 91.: - - Aeolidon Canace iacet hoc tumulata sepulchro, - Ultima cui parvae septima venit hiems. - Ah scelus, ah facinus! properas quid flere viator? - Non licet hic vitae de brevitate queri. - _Tristius est leto leti genus: horrida vultus - Abstulit et tenero sedit in ore lues: - Ipsaque crudeles ederunt oscula morbi; - Nec data sunt nigris tota labella rogis._ - Si tam praecipiti fuerant ventura volatu, - Debuerant alia fata venire via. - -(Canacé of the Aeolians lies buried in this tomb, who died a child,—her -seventh winter was her last. Oh! the shame and horror of it! haste, a -tear, thou that passest by. Here is no occasion to lament the short -span of human life. Sadder than death is the way of her death; a dread -contagion ate away her face, and settled in the tender little mouth. -Cruel disease infected her very kisses; and her lips were half gone -when they were consigned to the grim pyre. If death must needs have -come to her with a flight so swift, at least he should have taken -another way. Death so hasted to close the issue of her persuasive -voice, that her tongue might not have time to bend the cruel goddesses -to mercy). - -Besides the passages quoted, there are several others to be found in -_Martial_, that must be taken as referring to the _fellator_; but -since the maladies that occur are equally prevalent in the case of the -_Cunnilingue_, it will be more convenient to adduce them under that -head. Further, we only require to mention the fact that _pale lips_ -seem to have been regarded as a mark of the _fellator_[55]. - - - - -The Cunnilingue. - -§ 23. - - -But the vice of the _fellator_ is far surpassed in baseness by that -of the _Cunnilingue_ (_qui opus peragit linguam arrigendo in cunnum, -eumque lambit_,—one who works by putting his tongue up into the female -organ, and licking it). The Greeks called this practice σκύλαξ (a -puppy), because it is a habit of dogs[56], and Hesychius explains it -by σχῆμα ἀφροδισιακὸν, ὡς τὸ τῶν φοινικιζόντων (a method of love, -resembling that of those who phoenicize). We have already, in the -passage of _Lucian_ quoted a little above, found φοινικίζειν and -λεσβιάζειν put side by side; _Galen_ moreover[57] does the same in -the following passage, a noteworthy one for our purpose on several -accounts: “The drinking of sweat, urine and the menstrual blood of -women is vicious and shameful, and not less so when a person, as -Xenocrates proposes to do, smears the regions of the mouth and throat -with excrement, and swallows it down. He speaks also of taking the -wax of the ears. For my part I could never bring myself to take this, -even though by that means I were never to be ill again. But excrement -I consider yet more disgusting, and it is for a man of any decency far -more shameful to be called an Excrement-Eater[58] than an αἰσχρουργὸς -(worker of obscenities) or a _cinaedus_. But of αἰσχρουργοὶ[59] -(workers of obscenities), we abominate Phoenicians more than the -Lesbians, and it seems to me the man does something of the same sort -as the former who drinks menstrual blood (μᾶλλον βδελλυττόμεθα τοὺς -_φοινικίζοντας_ τῶν λεσβιαζόντων ᾧ[60] φαίνεταί μοι παραπλήσιόν τι -πάσχειν ὁ καὶ καταμηνίου πίνων.) _A sensible man will neither seek -to collect experiences on the point, nor yet on a practice, which it -is true involves less_, but still is sufficiently shameful, that of -smearing a part of the body with excrement, because he has some hurt at -that spot,—or with human seed. Xenocrates calls this latter commonly -γόνος (seed, semen), and distinguishes with minute care between cases -where simple seed rubbed in by itself is of benefit, and cases where -the female has the same effect after combination with the male, as it -is discharged from the woman’s womb.” - -This explanation of Galen’s to the effect that the φοινικίζων (one -who phoenicizes) resembles the man who drinks menstrual blood, shows -clearly that φοινικίζειν is _not_, as all the Lexicons give it, and -_Forbiger_ (loco citato) also assumes, identical with λεσβιάζειν. It -is true _Forbiger_ (p. 329. Note v.) gives the meaning _cunnilingere_ -as well, although the explanation is undoubtedly unsatisfactory which -he offers _à propos_ of an Epigram,[61]—one certainly apposite in this -connection, to the effect that the reason for this signification is, -_quod cunnilingos a natando in mari quodam Phoenicei coloris (mari -rubro) dixissent_, (that they had called them _cunnilingues_ from their -swimming as it were in a sea of Phoenician purple colour—a red sea); -for the words in the Epigram, ἐν φοινίκῃ δὲ καθεύδεις (but you sleep -in Phoenicia) cannot stand for anything else but simply φοινικίζειν, as -indeed the passage from _Aloisia Sigaea_, which is quoted by Forbiger -himself, proves conclusively[62]: _Cum vellet mediam lambere, se velle -dicebat in Liguriam_, (When he wanted to lick my middle, he used to say -he would fain _be into Liguria_—that is, would fain lick, _ligurire_). -Accordingly just as λεσβιάζειν came into use as the distinctive -name for the vice of the _fellator_, because it was practised -to a distinctive degree in Lesbos, so too to be a _cunnilingue_ -was called φοινικίζειν, because the habit was at home among the -Phoenicians. Undoubtedly men’s shamelessness was carried so far that -they actually used women and girls at their period of menstruation -for this purpose,—a fact of the highest interest for us, as we shall -show directly. _Seneca_[63] expresses himself plainly enough on the -subject: “Quid tu, cum Mamercum Scaurum consulem faceres, ingnorabas, -_ancillarum suarum menstruum ore illum hiante exceptare_? num quid enim -ipse dissimulabat? num quid purus videri volebat?” (How came it you -were ignorant, when making Mamercus Scaurus consul, _that he was in -the habit of catching in his open mouth the menstrual discharge of his -maidservants_? Did he make any concealment of it himself? did he pose -as a pure-minded man? nay! not he). Again in another place[64]: - -“Nuper Natalis tam improbae linguae quam impurae, _in cuius ore feminae -purgabantur_.” (Quite lately Natalis showed himself as malignant of -tongue as he is unchaste, _into whose mouth women were used to purge -themselves_). - -Now if first of all we bear steadfastly in mind that this φοινικίζειν -was a vice, which prevailed primarily and especially among the -Phoenicians and was later on disseminated abroad by them, and then -consider how the Greeks designated every vice, and particularly -excesses in love, as νόσος (disease), in the same way precisely as -the Romans used _morbus_ (disease),—comp. § 17—we _must_ see that -φοινικίζειν is the same thing as νόσος φοινικίη (Phoenician disease), -and shall be in a position to form an opinion on the Gloss[65] falsely -ascribed to _Galen_, which reads: _φοινικίη νόσος_· ἡ κατὰ Φοινίκην -καὶ κατὰ τὰ ἄλλα ἀνατολικὰ μέρη πλεονάζουσα. δηλοῦσθαι δὲ κἀνταῦθα -_δοκεῖ_ ἡ ἐλεφαντιάσις. (_Phoenician disease_: a disease prevalent in -Phoenicia and about the Eastern parts. Elephantiasis _appears_ to be -signified by this). - -Even granting the first part of this Gloss to have been really written -by _Galen_, the last sentence at any rate is obviously an extraneous -and later addition. This is at once indicated by the use of the word -δοκεῖ (it appears), which comes in curiously, standing as it does -next-door to the _definite_ statement that this νόσος (disease) was -common in Phoenicia; for surely anyone who knew this, must also have -known what the disease was. Again if he had wished to describe it by -some such phrase as the English “a sort of Elephantiasis”, he could -hardly have failed to express himself in a different way to what he -has. But as a matter of fact, _Galen_ knew perfectly well, as we have -already seen, what φοινικίζειν was, and consequently what the φοινικίη -νόσος (Phoenician disease) was, and it could not by any possibility -have occurred to him to suppose it any form of Elephantiasis. -Unfortunately _Prof. Naumann_[66] has allowed himself to be misled by -this extraneous addition; he writes: “In the Work of a Pseudo-Galen is -given a short explanation of the φοινικίη νόσος (Phoenician disease), -or rather to speak strictly, the _conjecture_ is made,[67] that -this malady, a common one in Phoenicia and the East, may have been -Elephantiasis.” True indeed the word might _with equal likelihood_ -express a disease characterized by redness of the skin φοινίκιος s. -φοινίκεος i. q. puniceus, purpureus, cruentus; φοινιγμὸς irritatio -cutis per vesicantia—φοινίκιος or φοινίκεος = Phoenician purple, -purple, blood-red; φοινιγμὸς = irritation of the skin by rubefacients). -Or should we suppose _some leprous-venereal malady_ endemic and -aboriginal among the trading Phoenicians to be signified, which was -called the _Morbus Phoeniceus_ (Phoenician disease) in the same way -as in more modern times people spoke of the _Morbus Gallicus_ (French -disease,—Syphilis)? In any case it is remarkable that _Themison_ (who -also noted incidentally that Satyriasis at times attacks a population -epidemically,—speaks of the special frequency of Satyriasis in Crete -(_Caelius Aurelianus_, Acut. Morb. bk. III. ch. 18). As is well known, -Phoenician and Hellenic Colonies had converged here; and the island -remained in uninterrupted and active commercial intercourse with the -maritime cities of Phoenicia. - -According to the general supposition the Gloss of the Pseudo-Galen has -reference to a passage of _Hippocrates_ occurring in the Second book of -the Prorrhetica,[68] where we read as follows: “But λειχῆνες—tetters, -as also λέπραι and λεῦκαι,—scaly leprosies and white leprosies, where -any of these occur in the young or mere children, or after appearing -on a small scale shall then increase but slowly, in these cases it -is not right to call the exanthema or eruption an apostasis, -(transitional state), but a νόσημα,—condition of disease. On the -other hand where any of these affections occurs on a large scale and -suddenly, it would then be an apostasis. But whereas λεῦκαι arise out -of _the most deadly diseases_, as e. g. the νοῦσος ἡ φθινικὴ,—wasting -disease, as it is called, λέπραι and λειχῆνες do so from the -melancholic, or diseases proceeding from black bile. And of such the -easier to cure are those that occur in the youngest patients and are of -the latest origin, and arise in the softest and most fleshy parts of -the body.” _Foesius_ observes on the passage: “Nemini autem dubium est, -quin hac parte _mendosi sint codices omnes_, cum ἡ νοῦσος ἡ φθινικὴ -καλουμένη scribitur. Nam φοινικίη νόσος ex Galeni exegesi procul -omni dubio reponendum.” (Now no one can doubt that _all the MSS. are -deceptive_ here, reading as they do ἡ νοῦσος ἡ φθινική. For φοινικίη -vόσος must undoubtedly be restored from the Exegesis of Galen). _J. W. -Wedel_[69] on the contrary writes: “Legunt quidam pro φοινικίη—φθινικὴ, -et vertunt tabem seu morbum tabidum, _sed contra fidem codicum -correctiorum_, quibus Galenus ipse assentitur, et rei ipsius, de qua -textus agit, evidentiam.” (Some read φθινικὴ for φοινικίη, and render -it _wasting_ or _wasting disease_,—_but against the authority of the -better class of MSS._, with which Galen himself agrees, and against -the evidence of the context of the matter treated of). In the latter -of these two statements Wedel, in spite of his mistaken view of the -matter generally, is perfectly right; whether he is so in the former as -well, we are not in a position to say, for alas! we lack the critical -apparatus absolutely indispensable for such a decision, not so much as -the Edition of _Mackius_ being on the shelves of our University Library. - -In the first place we ought to make quite sure what Hippocrates -understood under the name λεῦκαι. A disease of the Skin no doubt; -but of what particular nature it was, would seem not to be so easy -to determine. According to _Coac. praenotion._ (Vol. I. p. 321.) -Hippocrates distinguished a λεύκη συγγενής and a λεύκη μὴ συγγενής -(λεύκη inborn, and not inborn), the latter attacking individuals -only after puberty. _Hesychius_ says λεύκη, ἄνθος τι τῶν περὶ τὸ -σῶμα γινόμενον, ἄλφος δὲ λευκή τις ἐν τῷ σώματι. (λεύκη—white -leprosy, an eruption coming out on the exterior parts of the body, -but ἄλφος—dull-white leprosy, a form of λεύκη in the body). _Galen_, -_Definit. med._ (Vol. XIX. p. 140) λευκή ἐστιν ἡ ἐπὶ λευκὸν χρῶμα τοῦ -σώματος παρὰ φύσιν μεταβολή. (λεύκη is the change to an unnatural -white colour of the body). According to this it would appear to be -merely superficial discolorations of the skin that writers understood -by λεῦκαι,—a view that _Rayer_[70] seems to coincide with. _Pollux_ on -the other hand offers an explanation as follows: ἀλφὸς μέλας, ἐπιδρομὴ -σκιώδης, ἐπιπόλαιος, εὐίατος, ἀλφὸς λευκὸς, λευκότης ἐπιτρέχουσα τῇ -ἐπιδερματίδι, αὐχμηρὰ, δυσίατος· _λεύκη_, ὅταν ἐπιτείνῃ ἡ λευκότης, -καὶ φύσῃ τρίχωσιν λευκήν, εἰ δὲ κεντήσειας, ὕφαιμος, δυσίατος, ἐστιν -ὅτε ὑπέρυθρος· _ἐπανθεῖ δὲ_ αὐτὸ (?) τοῖς _χείλεσιν, οἷον ἁλὸς ἄχνη_. -(Black ἀλφός, a dark-coloured spreading eruption, superficial and -easily curable; white alphos, a whiteness running over the epidermis -(of the prepuce), dry harsh and difficult to cure; λεύκη, when the -whiteness extends, and produces a growth of white hairs, and if -you prick it, it is suffused with blood, difficult to cure, also -sometimes reddish in hue. And the eruption comes out on the lips _like -sea-foam_). Here λεύκη is evidently a much more deeply penetrating -malady, as indeed it is described by _Celsus_[71] and _Galen_.[72] It -corresponds with the white Leprosy of Moses. But the most curious thing -is the statement appended to the effect that the affection broke out -on the lips like sea-foam. This is certainly to be referred to some -other form of λεύκη, unless indeed we are to take it in connection -with the succeeding words in the text, λειχὴν ἄγριος (malignant -tetter), in which case, as we have seen with regard to Mentagra (Tetter -of the chin), the remark is based on a perfectly sound observation; -and besides, the αὐτὸ gives absolutely no sense. On the other hand -if Pollux’ datum in reference to the seat of λεύκη is correct, it -must obviously afford much light for clearing up the meaning of the -passage in Hippocrates, and in deference to it we shall be bound to -read φοινικίη instead of φθινικὴ,[73]—an emendation that presents no -difficulty, since φθινικὴ might very easily be read for φοινικίη, and -indeed (as pointed out in the Note) was actually so read. - -But one emendation leads on to another, and we shall find ourselves -bound, on the analogy of the θαυμαστὸν πάθος (wonderful complaint) in -Dio Chrysostom, to read here also θαυμαστωτάτων νοσημάτων (of the most -wonderful diseases) for θανατωδεστάτων ν., and translate accordingly: -“but λεῦκαι arise out of the most terrible aberrations of the mind,” -such for instance as the vice of the _cunnilingue_ is. If we examine -further, we shall see it is not λευκαὶ but λεῦκαι that stands in the -text, so it cannot be a question of a skin-affection of the leprosy -type at all, for λευκὸς (white) rather implies transparent and shiny, -and _Martial_ (XI. 99.) in a passage to be discussed more fully later -on, says: - - Non ulcus acre, _pustulaeve lucentes_, - Nec triste mentum, sordidique lichenes, - -(No biting ulcer, or _shiny pustules_, nor yet disfigured chin, and -foul scabs). Accordingly we have here nothing whatever to do with the -leprous-like λευκὴ, but only with _pustulae lucentes_ (shiny pustules), -which as we shall show presently were a consequence of the practices -of the _cunnilinigue_. We have the more right to assume this, as the -old Physicians ascribe λευκὴ to the φλέγμα (phlegmatic humour),—an -explanation all the more likely to have been given, as directly -afterwards follow the words, αἱ δὲ λέπραι καὶ οἱ λειχῆνες ἐκ τῶν -μελαγχολικῶν (but leprosies and tetters arise out of the melancholic -diseases). True this is in contradiction with another passage of -Hippocrates,[74] for in this we read: _λέπρη_ καὶ κνησμὸς καὶ ψώρη καὶ -_λειχῆνες_ καὶ ἀλφὸς καὶ ἀλώπεκες ὑπὸ _φλέγματος_ γίνονται. (_leprosy_, -and itch, and scab, and _tetters_, and dull-white leprosy, and manges, -arise from _phlegm_). This much at any rate appears to us to result, -viz. that the whole passage under discussion cannot possibly be by -Hippocrates, but much more probably is due to some author of the -Alexandrine age, who enjoyed ample opportunities for studying the -consequences of the unnatural excesses as so often observed since -Pompey the Great’s time. - -To assume that Hippocrates was actually acquainted with these in any -completeness would up to the present be premature; at any rate we are -bound, so far as our study of his writings enables us to judge, to deny -him any knowledge of the fact that sexual excesses were the cause of -the different affections of the genital organs chronicled by him. Of -course he may have supposed all this to be notorious and the knowledge -of it common property, but a host of statements would be found to tell -against any such supposition. Opportunities of making acquaintance with -the vice of the _cunnilingue_ could certainly not have been lacking, -it being so familiar a thing in his time that _Aristophanes_[75] again -and again derided it in his Comedies. Whatever conclusion we come to on -this head, at least the passage of Hippocrates cannot justify anyone -in maintaining that the φοινικίη νοῦσος,—(Phœnician disease) was true -Elephantiasis, even if, as may be, the preliminary proposition that -elephantiasis was a _consequence_ of debauchery be made good,—a point -to which we propose later on to return. On the subject of Satyriasis in -Crete, we have already expressed our views. - -Just as the Phoenicians carried the seed of the vice to Greece and -other lands, so at a later period was it disseminated from Syria to -Italy; and so _Ausonius_ says (Epigr. 128.): - - Eunus Syriscus inguinum liguritor, - Opicus[76] magister (sic eum ducet Phyllis) - Muliebre membrum quadriangulum cernit: - Triquetro coactu Δ literam ducit. - De valle femorum altrinsecus pares rugas, - Mediumque, fissi rima qua patet, callem - Ψ dicit esse: nam trifissilis forma est. - Cui ipse linguam quum dedit suam, Λ est: - Veramque in illis esse Φ notam sentit. - Quid imperite, Ρ putas ibi scriptum - Ubi locari Ι convenit longum? - Miselle doctor, Ȣ tibi sit obscoeno, - Tuumque nomen Θ sectilis signet. - -(Eunus from Syria, glutton of the privy parts, Opican (clownish) master -(Phyllis teaches him his letters) sees the woman’s organ four-cornered: -when compressed to a triangle he makes it out the letter Δ. From the -valley between the thighs start two furrows, a pair one on either side, -while between them is a line, where lies the opening, the crack of the -fissure; this he declares is Ψ; for ’tis three-pronged in outline. -Then when he puts in his own tongue to it, lo! it is Λ; and he can -feel there is a true Φ marked therein. What, dunce, think you a Ρ is -inscribed there, where a long Ι should by rights be placed? Miserable, -contemptible scholar, may the Ȣ (a noose) reward your foulness, and -the cleft Θ (letter of condemnation, being initial of θάνατος,—death) -be set against your name!) The more detailed interpretation of these -obscene hieroglyphics the reader may find in the commentators on the -passage, as well as in _Forberg_, loco citato p. 335. - - -Diseases of the Cunnilingue. - - -§ 24. - -Can anyone believe such a vice as this was practised without incurring -punishment? Yet there prevails amongst the Physicians of Antiquity, -even including Galen, who knew the facts, an unbroken silence. It is -impossible to suppose that girls and women could have their genital -organs purged in this mode altogether without evil results, more -particularly as actual experience in more modern times has proved that -as a consequence of the habit of _cunnilingere_ inflammations of the -external genitals have been set up in girls, as well as ulcerations in -older women through the licking of these parts by dogs. Among Ancient -writers we have found no vouchers for this; but on the other hand -several such exist to show the mischief that results from the habit -to the _cunnilingue_ himself. Excluding from consideration the _pale -complexion_[77] and evil _smell from the mouth_, which were equally -consequences of the other forms of vice already mentioned, we have -_paralysis of the tongue_ mentioned, at any rate in one passage[78]: - - Sidere percussa est subito tibi, Zoile, lingua, - Dum lingis. Certe, Zoile, nunc futuis. - -(Your tongue, Zoilus, has been stricken with a sudden doom, while in -the act of licking. Why! surely, Zoilus, you copulate now). True this -malady must be counted as one of very rare occurrence; but this is by -no means the case with the ulcerations, which would seem not always -to have confined their attacks to the tongue, but to have extended -also, just as with the _fellator_, to the other parts of the mouth as -well. This cannot but have had the effect of making it very difficult -in diagnosis to distinguish between an affection of the sort due to -_fellation_ and one due to the vice of the _cunnilingue_. - -Here again it is _Martial_ to whom we are indebted for the proofs of -our assertions. He leaves no room for doubt as to the way Manneius was -punished for his debauchery in the following passage[79]: - - _Lingua maritus, moechus ore Manneius,_ - _Summoenianis inquinatior buccis:_ - Quem cum fenestra vidit a Suburrana - Obscoena nudum lena, fornicem claudit, - Mediumque mavult basiare, quam summum: - Modo qui _per omnes viscerum tubos_ ibat, - Et voce certa consciaque dicebat: - Puer, an puella matris esset in ventre; - (Gaudete cunni, vestra namque res acta est!) - _Arrigere linguam non potest fututricem - Nam, dum tumenti mersus haeret in vulva_[80] - Et vagientes intus audit infantes, - _Partem gulosam solvit indecens morbus; - Nec purus esse nunc potest, nec impurus._ - -(_Manneius was a husband with his tongue, a fornicator with his mouth, -a more polluted wretch than the big-cheeked wenches of the suburbs._ -When a vile bawd saw him naked from a window in the Suburra, she shuts -her brothel up, and had rather kiss his middle than his head. The man -who but now could _penetrate every vessel of the inwards_, and say with -assured voice and certain knowledge whether it were a boy or a girl -in the mother’s belly,—rejoice, rejoice, organs of women, for your -business is done for you,—the same _cannot erect a fornicating tongue_. -For at the very moment _he is plunged tight in the swollen vulva_, and -hears the babes whimpering within, lo! _a shocking disease paralyses -his greedy tongue. Now can he be neither clean, nor yet unclean_). - -The Commentators, in particular _Farnabius_, refer the complaint spoken -of in the passage just quoted to paralysis of the tongue. Farnabius -says in fact: “Paralysisne ἀπὸ τῆς ἀφέδρου καὶ τῶν ἐμμηνιῶν, quorum -malefico humore marcescunt segetes, apes moriuntur etc., Plin. c. -15 Lib. V., an sideratio?” (Is paralysis intended, _resulting from -the menstruation and menstrual_ discharges, the poisonous humour of -which will wither up crops, kill bees, etc.—Pliny ch. 15. Bk. V., or -a sudden stroke?) Even supposing us willing to admit the possibility -of menstrual blood bringing on paralysis of the tongue, there can -at any rate be no question of such a thing here, inasmuch as it was -with a pregnant woman Manneius carried out his vicious practises, and -women in pregnancy do not _usually_ menstruate,—a fact about which the -Philologist naturally enough was only imperfectly posted. Of course -the possibility is always there, although the Poet says nothing about -it; and the expression _vulva tumens_ (swollen organ) evidently stands -here, as is clearly shown by what follows, for _uterus gravidus_ -(pregnant womb)[81]. The _solvere_ (to loose, destroy) points in any -case to a destruction, a dwindling, of the part, brought about by the -_indecens morbus_ (shocking disease),—which disease might very likely -find its explanation in the _scelerata lues_ (noxious contagion) -mentioned on page 258 above. As a result of this, naturally enough -not only did _arrigere_ (to erect—the tongue) become impossible, but -the _impurus_ (_Cunnilingus_) (unclean cunnilingue) grew generally -incapable of practising his vice. Nor yet was he _purus_ (clean)[82] -altogether, for was he not a _cunnilingue_?—and now he was even less -_purus_, because he suffered from the _indecens morbus_ (shocking -disease), which even Farnabius has so far rightly understood, that -he explains _nec purus_ (nor yet clean) by _morbo illo contaminatus_ -(because contaminated by the said disease). - -Rather more doubtful and difficult is the interpretation of the -following passage of _Martial_[83], which would yet appear to be -pertinent here: - - Non dixi, Coracine, te cinaedum; - Non sum tam temerarius, nec audax, - Nec mendacia qui loquar libenter. - Si dixi, Coracine, te cinaedum, - Iratam mihi Pontiae lagenam, - Iratum calicem mihi Metili. - _Iuro per Syrios tibi tumores, - Iuro per Berecynthios furores._ - Quod dixi tamen, hoc leve et pusillum est. - Quod notum est, quod et ipse non negabis: - _Dixi te_, Coracine, _cunnilingum_. - -(I never called you a _cinaedus_, Coracinus; I am not so rash or -so reckless, not being one to speak lies willingly. If I called -you a _cinaedus_, Coracinus, may Pontia’s jar be my enemy, and -Metilius’ poisoned cup. _I take oath by your Syrian tumours, by your -Berecynthian frenzies._ What I _did_ say is a trivial, an insignificant -thing, a thing well known, that you will not yourself deny,—_I said_, -Coracinus, _you were a cunnilingue_). - -What were these _Syrii tumores_ (Syrian tumours) that afflicted the -_cunnilingue_ Coracinus? _Beroaldus_, Annotat. ch. 25., understands -them as “tumores et vibices a cultris et flagris quibus sacerdotes -Cybeles (quam deam Syriam esse volunt) se sauciabant.” (the swellings -and weals from the knives and scourges with which the priests of -Cybelé,—whom they claim to be the Syrian goddess—used to wound -themselves). _Farnabius_ on the contrary thinks only _Berecynthios -furores_ (Berecynthian frenzies) to be intended in this explanation, -and makes the _tumores Syrii_ mean “_ulcera et morbos quibus credebatur -irata Isis inflare peierantes_,” (ulcers and maladies with which the -angry Isis was supposed to afflict false swearers), appealing to the -passage of Persius[84], already brought forward a few pages back (p. -254.), which reads: - - Hinc grandes Galli et cum sistro lusca sacerdos, - _Incussere Deos inflantes corpora_, si non - Praedictum ter mane caput gustaveris alli. - -(Then the tall Galli, and the one-eyed priestess with her sacred -rattle, instil terror of _the gods that make men’s bodies swell_, -unless three times at dawn you have eaten the prescribed head of -garlic). - -Whether this passage affords any direct proof would seem doubtful, -inasmuch as the _inflare corpus_ (to make the body swell) properly -speaking only refers to the abdomen. To this also the eating of the -allium (garlic), which no doubt first won its magic significance on -account of its carminative properties, appears to point. - -However another explanation is possible. Referring back to the passage -of _Porphyrius_ quoted above on p. 254., the _tumores_ Coracinus had -contracted in consequence of his general incontinence with women, -which incontinence had at last brought him as a _senex_? (old man) to -such a condition of weakness that nothing was left him but the vice of -_cunnilingere_ to satisfy his still unexhausted lubricity. A side light -in this case may be thrown on the matter by Horace’s description of the -_Anus libidinosa_ (The lecherous old woman) in Epodes VIII. 9. 19.: - - Venter mollis et femur _tumentibus_ - Exile _suris_ additum.—Fascinum - Quod ut superbo provoces ab inguine - Ore allaborandum est tibi. - -(Flabby belly and skinny thigh joined with swollen calves,—A tool, that -requires you, in order to call it up from the supercilious groin, to -work it with the mouth). _Casaubon_ in his commentary on the passage of -_Persius_ is for connecting this, as well as the _Tumores Syrii_, with -ἕλκεα Συριακὰ (Syrian sores), and—as quoted on p. 253 above—to regard -them as a consequence of the wrath of the _Dea Syria_ (Syrian goddess). -No doubt as a matter of fact the _tumores_ were a result of debauchery, -one that was prevalent in Syria and was disseminated thence to Rome, -for they attacked a _cunnilingue_ no less than other debauchees; but -this brings us no nearer to a knowledge of their nature. We should -perhaps be inclined to regard them as swellings of the tonsils or of -the lympathic glands of the throat, having the same significance as the -inguinal buboes in affections of the genitals. - -But what are the _Berecynthii furores_ (Berecynthian frenzies)? -Possibly nocturnal pains in the bones, that torment a patient to the -pitch of frenzy? The metaphor, drawn from the nocturnal rites of -Cybelé, must be admitted to be a happy one. Still, however acceptable -conjectures of the sort may be to many, we cannot take them seriously. -It appears to us most judicious to regard the _Syrii tumores_ as being -ulcerations that covered the body of Coracinus, and by their violent -itching reduced him to a state of frenzy. Our view as stated is -confirmed by Epigram 108. of _Ausonius_: - - -IN SCABIOSUM POLYGITONEM. - - Thermarum in solio si quis Polygitona vidit - Ulcera membrorum scabie putrefacta foventem, - Praeposuit cunctis spectacula talia ludis. - Principio tremulis gannitibus aëra pulsat, - Verbaque lascivos meretricum imitantia coetus - Vibrat et obscoenae numeros pruriginis implet. - _Brachia deinde rotat velut enthea daemone Maenas,_ - Pectus, crura, latus, ventrem, femora, _inguina_, _suras_, - Tergum, colla, humeros luteae Symplegadis antrum. - Tam diversa locis vaga carnificina pererrat, - Donec marcentem calidi fervore lavacri - Blandus letali solvat dulcedine morbus. - Desectos sic fama viros, ubi cassa libido - Femineos coetus et non sua bella lacessit, - Irrita vexato consumere gaudia lecto: - Titillata brevi quum iam sub fine voluptas - Fervet et ingesto peragit ludibria morsu. - Turpia non aliter Polygiton membra resolvit, - Et quia debentur suprema piacula vitae, - Ad Phlegethonteas sese iam praeparat undas. - -(_To the scabby Polygiton._—If any man caught sight of Polygiton on the -seat of the Thermae bathing the sores on his limbs all rotten with -scab, he preferred so entertaining a spectacle to all the games. First -he beats the air with twittering, whining noises, and utters broken -sounds in imitation of the wanton embraces of harlots, and completes -the symphony of his foul-minded lechery. _Then he twirls his arms about -like a Maenad under the god’s afflatus_; breast, legs, flank, belly, -thighs, _groin_, _calves_, back, neck, shoulders, cave of the bemired -Symplegades,—i. e. hollow between buttocks,—in so many different places -does the shooting torture fly, until he droops and faints in the warmth -of the hot bath and the disease is soothed and gives a fatal respite. -So it is said castrated eunuchs, when barren desire tries hard for -embraces with women and for contests they cannot properly engage in, -are consumed with empty transports on the tossed and tumbled bed,—till -eventually their lust, tickled and tickled, flames high for a last -moment, and completes the wanton act by applying the mouth and biting. -So with Polygiton a final spasm relaxes his disfigured limbs, and the -last sin-offerings of his life being due, thus makes himself ready for -the waves of Phlegethon). - -True the connexion with the vice of _cunnilingere_ is apparently lost -here, but this also may be preserved without any great straining of -the words, as we shall see presently; and accordingly the _Tumores -Syrii_ can be quite well regarded as a consequence of the vice of the -_cunnilingus_. - - -Mentagra (Tetter of the Chin). - - -§ 25. - -Ever since the so-called first appearance of Venereal Disease, most of -the advocates of the antiquity of the complaint have made a point of -bringing in _Mentagra_[85] within the purview of the quotations they -adduce to prove their contention, although strictly speaking they were -never likely to succeed in a direct demonstration that the disease was -really and truly connected with sexual excesses. Accordingly, to the -present day the majority of them see in it nothing more than a form -of Leprosy, particularly as _Hensler_[86] and _Sprengel_ were among -those who decided in favour of its leprous character. Instead of giving -a useless list of names of the different authors, who in former days -declared for the one view or the other, we think it more expedient -to quote first of all the capital authority, a passage in Pliny[87], -setting this down as it stands so as to be able afterwards to form a -correct appreciation of its bearing: - -Cap. I. “Sensit et _facies_ hominum novos omnique aevo priore -incognitos, non Italiae modo, verum etiam universae prope Europae -morbos: tunc quoque non tota Italia, nec per Illyricum Galliasve aut -Hispanias magnopere vagatos, aut alibi, quam Romae circaque: sine -dolore quidem illos ac sine pernicie vitae: sed tanta foeditate, ut -quaecunque mors praeferenda esset. - -Cap. II. “Gravissimum ex his _lichenas_ appellavere _Graeco nomine_: -_Latine_, quoniam a mento fere oriebatur, _ioculari primum lascivia_ -(ut est procax natura multorum in alienis miseriis) mox et usurpato -vocabulo, _mentagram_: occupantem in multis totos utique vultus, oculis -tantum immunibus, descendentem[88] vero et in colla pectusque ac manus, -foedo cutis furfure[89]. - -Cap. III. “Non fuerat _haec lues_ apud maiores patresque nostros. -Et primum _Tiberii Claudii Caesaris_ principatu medio irrepsit in -Italiam, quodam Perusino equite Romano Quaestorio scriba, quum in -Asia apparuisset inde contagionem eius importante. Nec sensere id -malum feminae aut servitia, plebesque humilis, aut media: sed proceres -veloci transitu osculi maxime: foediore multorum qui perpeti medicinam -toleraverant, citatrice, quam morbo. Causticis[90] namque curabatur, -ni usque in ossa corpus exustum esset, rebellante taedio. Advenerunt -ex Aegypto, _genitrice talium vitiorum_, medici, hanc solam operam -afferentes, magna sua praeda. Siquidem certum est, Manilium Cornutum, -e Praetoriis legatum Aquitanicae provinciae, H.S. CC. elocasse in eo -morbo curandum sese.” - -(Ch. I. Moreover the human _face_ experienced new diseases, and such -as had been unknown in any former age not merely to Italy but to the -whole of Europe very nearly, and these not widely diffused over Italy -generally, or through Illyricum or the provinces of Gaul or of Spain, -or indeed anywhere else but just in Rome and its neighbourhood. They -were painless, it is true, and did not involve loss of life, but were -of such a horrible nature that death in any form would have been -preferable. - -Ch. II. The most serious of these diseases they called -_lichenes_,—scabs, a Greek name; in Latin, as the malady generally -showed itself first on the chin, it was known as _mentagra_,—chin-bane, -scab or tetter of the chin, at the first by way of jest and -mockery—for it is the nature of the multitude to make merry at -others’ misfortunes,—but soon this became the recognized word. In many -persons it covered absolutely the whole countenance, the eyes alone -being left unaffected, with a horrible scurf of the skin, going down -sometimes to the neck as well, and breast, and hands. - -Ch. III. _This plague_ had not existed among our ancestors or fathers. -For the first time it crept into Italy in the middle of the reign of -_Tiberius Claudius Caesar_, a certain Perusinius, a Roman knight and -Quaestorian secretary, after a period of service in Asia, importing -the contagion from there. But women did not suffer from the malady, -or slaves, nor yet common folk of humble or middle-class station; but -nobles, and this particularly by the rapid infection of an embrace. In -many cases the scar, where patients had submitted to medical treatment, -was more horrible than the disease itself. For indeed it was curable -by caustics, except when the body had been consumed to the very bones, -the slowness of the treatment defeating its own end. Physicians -arrived from Egypt, _mother-land of such taints_, practising this cure -exclusively, to their own great profit. If, that is, it is true that -Manilius Cornutus, of the Praetorians and governor of the Province of -Aquitania, offered 200,000 sesterces for his cure when attacked by this -disease). - -Here if ever, it particularly behoves us to begin with an elucidation -of the meaning of the name given to the malady under discussion. -_Gruner_[91] long ago called attention to the divergence of opinion -as to the signification of λειχῆνες (scabs) among the writers of -Antiquity, but without success in putting the actual facts in a clear -light. We must try if we can be more fortunate. An old etymologist -says: λειχὴν παρὰ τὸ λείχω, καὶ γὰρ φάσιν ἐκ τοῦ λείχειν τὸ πάθος -ἐπαίρεται[92], (λειχὴν comes from λείχω,—I lick, because they say -the complaint is set up by licking). On this we may say.—there is no -doubt λειχῆνες and λιχῆνες are derived from λείχειν or λίχειν, but -the explanation _Kraus_ gives of the reason in his Lexicon we cannot -think conceivable, viz. “because Lichen, the same as a parasitic plant -does, or a skin-disease in animals, always creeps round further and -further (see _Herpes_,—creeping eruption), or _as it were licks its -way_,” for λείχειν is not so much _lambere_, λάπτειν,—to lick over, -lick along, as _lingere_, _ligurire_[93],—to lick up, lick up greedily. -At the same time it is true the word (_lambere_) was used by the -Romans in a somewhat similar sense, so perhaps we ought not to refer -to _lambit flamma_ (a flame licks), but rather to Plautus’ expression -(_Pers. prolog. 5._), “_quorum imagines lambunt hederae sequaces_” -(whose images creeping ivy-tendrils lick, i. e. entwine). Most probably -there are two different stems underlying the word. Of these one is -λέγειν,—to lay, etc., hence λέγνη, the edging, the border, λίγνυς, soot -(depositing itself on the edge), together with the bye-forms λέχω, λίχω -with which in fact λιχὴν, _moss_[94], so far as it forms on the edge, -the surface, fringes it, would be connected. The other stem will be -λίγω, or λείγω (comp. λίβω and λείβω), λείχω and λείχην, λίγγω, λίζω, -to which would have to be referred also λίγυς and λιγυρὸς,—clear, -shrill (ligurire, lingere,—to lick greedily, to lick), in all of which -the underlying sense is of licking, and the noise connected with it. - -It is plain that later on the derivatives of these stems suffered -manifold variations and corruptions; but how much of all this is to -be attributed to speakers and writers among the Greeks themselves, -and how much to subsequent transcribers and editors of their work, it -might be difficult to decide. But every day we have occasion to note a -number of words, to which accident or other circumstances have given an -ambiguous character. These, used quite unsuspectingly by the ignorant, -make the better informed person blush, or else extort a smile from him -that often enough causes the speaker no little embarrassment to know -the reason. Undoubtedly it was the same with the Greeks and Romans, -and so confusions between λίχω and λείχω, λιχὴν and λειχὴν, might have -easily arisen, from which people were subsequently unable to extricate -themselves. Originally perhaps λείχω, equally with _lingo_ and -_ligurio_ (to lick), may have had the simple sense of licking, and only -through later accretions to the meaning, have acquired an ambiguous -character; soon however this got transferred to it to the exclusion of -all others, and we find it used preferentially as the regular word for -_cunnilingere_. The correctness of our conclusion would seem to follow -above all from the passage of _Aristophanes_[95] given below, where it -is the additional words that narrow down the meaning of λείχω (I lick), -and definitely bring out the special signification. The words are said -of Ariphrades, who reminds us of the ἀποφρὰς (unmentionable), the name -Lucian appropriates to Timarchus: - - Οὐδὲ παμπόνηρος, ἀλλὰ καὶ προσεξεύρηκέ τι· - τὴν γὰρ αὑτοῦ _γλῶτταν αἰσχραῖς ἡδοναῖς μαίνεται, - ἐν κασαυρίοισι λείχων τὴν ἀπόπτυστον δρόσον_, - καὶ μολύνων τὴν ὑπήνην, καὶ κυκῶν τὰς ἐσχάρας. - -(Nor yet utterly villainous is he, but he has discovered yet another -device; for he polluted his own tongue with foul delights, _in the -stews licking up the abominable dew_, defiling the hair on the upper -lip, and tumbling the girls’ _nymphae_). - -In the following Epigram[96] of an unknown author λείχω is found used -absolutely, without any supplementary words: - - _Χείλων_ καὶ _λείχων_ ἴσα γράμματα· ἐς τί δὲ τοῦτο; - _Λείχει_ καὶ _Χείλων_, κἂν ἴσα, κἂν ἄνισα. - -(Χείλων,—a proper name, also means _of the lips_,—and -λείχων,—licking,—have the like letters; now what does this point to? -Chilon licks lips, whether lips like his own, or whether unlike). In -explanation of this Epigram _Forbiger_ says (loco citato p. 326.): -“Lusus in Chilonem cunnilingum. Hunc ait iure quodam suo lingere, qui -vel nomine iisdem literis constante prae se fert lingentem et lingentem -quidem tum labra oris, ut labris ligentis similia, tum cunni, ut -dissimilia.” (Pun on the name of Chilon, a _cunnilingue_. The poet says -he (Chilon) licks by a sort of inherent right of his own, who even in -his name, made up of the same letters, proclaims himself as licking, -and licking now the lips of the mouth, which are like the lips of -the licker, now those of the female organ, which are unlike). Χεῖλος -was in fact used also of the lips of a woman’s organ, the _nymphae_; -the Scholiast on τὰς ἐσχάρας (the _nymphae_) in the passage from -Aristophanes given a little above, interprets this word by τὰ χείλη -τῶν γυναικείων αἰδοίων (the lips of the female privates). According -to _Schneider_ in his Lexicon χείλων (adj.) signifies _thick-lipped_. -Perhaps it was this very Epigram that led _Lambert Bosius_ to make the -statement that χείλων arose by a mere transposition of the letters from -λείχον. - -Now if λείχην,—for we consider it should be thus accented,—is derived -from λείχω (I lick), we cannot but regard it as meaning: something -_produced by licking, a complaint brought on by licking_, and -particularly _by the licking of the cunnilingue_! Surely the Greeks -could hardly have expressed themselves more clearly. Then the fact that -the name came from the mouth of the common people is the very best -reason for its not having been understood by the educated. Yet all -the while an entirely similar form of expression has grown up in the -mouth of the German common people, the real meaning of which very few -have fathomed, but which most certainly arose in the same way as the -Greek λείχην. No doubt many of my readers have again and again heard -it said of some one with an eruption round the mouth, that is, someone -suffering from _Herpes labialis_ (Creeping eruption of the lips): -“Well! you _have_ been licking!”—for which educated people substitute -the obviously insufficient, “You _have_ been picking!” Very commonly -again one may hear: “You _have_ been licking _greben_, or picking -_greben_; and this word _greben_ is understood as being identical with -_grieben_,—_greaves_ in English, i. e. the remnants of lard that has -been cut up into pieces and fried, because the separate pustules of -the _herpes labialis_ resemble in appearance the _greaves_. So people -sometimes also say still more explicitly, “You _have_ been licking, -or picking, _greaves_; and one of them has been left sticking to your -mouth, to prove your greediness!” - -This explanation may seem a very likely one to many; nevertheless we -incline to believe the word to be of later origin, and to have arisen -from ignorance of the actual facts. We consider it more probable -that _greben_ owes its origin to some corruption of language growing -out of _gremium_, the bosom. We have been led to this conjecture by -a statement of _Adelung’s_ in his Dictionary, Article “Grieben”, -where he says: “In middle-Latin _grieben_, (greaves), were called, -in accordance with a common interchange change of the letters b. and -m. _gremium_”,—though indeed we cannot regard the word as solely and -entirely mediæval Latin, for it is found occurring as early as _Pliny_ -(Hist. Nat. XII. 19.) and _Columella_ (Res Rust. XII. 19. 3.), and is -evidently connected with _cremare_ (to burn). So just as in this case -_cremium_ and _gremium_ may have been used interchangeably, has _grebe_ -grown out of _greme_ in German, and the latter come to be used as a -synonym of _griebe_,—the latter words according to this having as -little in common with one another as the former. However those better -practised in the science of word formation must here decide! - -Now as to the word _Mentagra_ (Tetter, Scab). This was evidently a -word first framed by the Romans, as is distinctly stated not alone by -_Pliny_, but by _Galen_ as well (De compos. medic. secundum locos Bk. -V., edit. Kühn Vol. XII. p. 839.). The latter says: Ἐκδόριον λειχήνων· -ταύτῃ Πάμφιλος χρησάμενος ἐπὶ Ῥώμης πλεῖστον ἐπορίσατο _ἐπικρατούσης ἐν -τῇ πόλει τῆς μεντάγρας λεγομένης_. (Blister for Lichenes (Scabs); in -this way Pamphilus in his practise at Rome made most headway against -_the Mentagra as it was called, then prevalent in the city_). It is -usually considered to be formed on the analogy of _Podagra_, _Chiragra_ -(gout of the feet, gout of the hands) etc. from _mentum_, the chin, -and ἄγρα, the act of catching, seizing hold of,—so a disease that -attacks the chin. But more probably all these words are compounded not -with ἄγρα at all, but with ἄλγος (suffering). That is to say just as -ἀλγαλέος, by Attic interchange of letters, becomes ἀργαλέος (grievous), -κεφαλαλγία becomes κεφαλαργία (head-ache), and ληθαλγία, ληθαργία -(drowsiness, lethargy), so from ποδαλγία we get ποδαργία, and then by -metathesis ποδάγρα (gout). (Comp. _Doederlein_ “Lateinische Synonyme -und Etymologien”,—Latin Synonyms and Etymologies Pt. 4. p. 424.). The -remark _Pliny_ adds however “_ioculari primum lascivia_” (at first by -way of jesting mockery) evidently points to some ambiguity underlying -the word. But whether this consists in the recognition of the likeness -in sound between _mentum_, the chin, and _menta_, or _mentula_, -the virile member, or is to be looked for in the ἄγρα, it might be -difficult to determine. Still it seems probable, but without wishing to -entirely exclude the former hypothesis, that the latter is the case, as -will appear directly. - -_Galen_[97] distinguishes between λειχὴν ἁπλοῦς and λειχὴν ἄγριος -(simple _lichen_, and malignant _lichen_) in his enumeration of -Skin-diseases, and still more plainly in another place[98] he says: -“λειχὴν is likewise a Skin-disease; there are two forms of it, ὁ μὲν -ἥμερος καὶ πρᾳότερος, ὁ δὲ ἄγριος καὶ χαλεπώτερος (the one benignant -and milder, the other malignant and more serious). But in both of them -minute scales are detached from the skin, and the part of the skin -underneath the scales is reddened and almost ulcerated. The affection -arises from a salt phlegmatic humour (φλέγματος ἁλμυροῦ) and yellow -gall, hence the scales fall from the skin as in glazed pottery-ware -(? ἐπὶ τῶν ἁλμῶν τῶν κεραμίων). The affection is cured by internal -phlegmagogues and external embrocations.” We have already on p. 139. -above, in the footnote on ἄγριος (wild, savage) and χαλεπός (hard, -harsh), noted how these words are used with special reference to the -vice of paederastia, but they are also applied generally to the vice, -the different forms of which we have been examining here. This follows -from _Plato_[99] and _Plutarch_[100], at any rate so far as ἄγριος is -concerned, which indeed we may conveniently render by _vicious_. The -original meaning being overlooked, λείχην and λιχὴν had been taken as -synonymous,—possibly the Latin _lichenos_ first led to the mistake; -then naturally enough an appropriate epithet was sought, to signify -the _lichen_ which was the result of licking in a vicious fashion. But -this according to the already existing mode of speech could be nothing -else than ἄγριος[101] again,—λειχὴν ἄγριος, with which λειχὴν ἁπλοῦς, -_lichen insons_, (simple, innocent _lichen_) was naturally contrasted. - -Yet while _Criton_, as cited in _Aëtius_, simply and quite -correctly interpreted Mentagra by ἄγριος λειχὴν (fierce, malignant -lichen), _Galen_ appears to have been still ignorant of the special -meaning. This is shown by the words ἥμερος and πρᾳότερος (gentle, -benignant,—milder), which obviously are correct opposites of ἄγριος -only _if_ the latter is understood, as it is in _Celsus_, as equivalent -to _ferus_ (fierce, malignant), but in no way account for the ἁπλοῦς -(simple, innocent), which Galen no doubt found already established as -distinguishing epithet of λιχὴν. How little he fathomed the nature of -the evil, is proved by his ætiology of it, which makes the complaint -result from the φλέγμα ἁλμυρὸν (salt phlegmatic humour) and the χολὴ -ξανθὴ (yellow gall). The unprofessional _Martial_ had a better word to -say on the subject when he wrote his _sordidique lichenes_ (filthy, -squalid-looking lichens). Similarly it would seem the _agra_ in -Mentagra should be taken as pointing to ἄγριος (fierce, malignant). -Can it be perhaps that in this way the μολύνων τὴν ὑπήνην (polluting -the hair on the upper lip) of _Aristophanes_, the Latin _barbam -inquinare_ (to pollute the beard), have come to be used as synonyms for -_cunnilingere_? _Martial_ seems to imply it by his _triste mentum_, -_mentum periculosum_ (disfigured chin, perilous chin). Perhaps too the -_Sycosis menti_ (Sycosis,—fig-like eruption, of the chin) of _Celsus_ -and the later Greek medical writers should likewise be regarded as -coming under this head. At a matter of fact, _Archigenes_ says so in -so many words, as cited in _Galen_ (De comp. med. secundum locos. -Bk. V. edit. Kühn Vol. XII. p. 847.), ἐπὶ δὲ τῶν _συκωδῶν τῶν ἐπὶ τοῦ -γενείου, λεγομένων δὲ μενταγρῶν, ὑπὸ δέ τινων λειχήνων ἀγρίων_, ποιεῖ -κ. τ. λ. (but in the case of the sycotic, or fig-like, eruptions -on the chin, which are called mentagrae, and by others malignant -lichens, he proceeds as follows, etc.), and calls the affection of the -chin, as do other Physicians, generally ἐξανθήματα ἐν τοῖς γενείοις -(efflorescences, eruptions on the chin),—p. 824. - -If we have thus succeeded in establishing the meanings of _lichens_ -and _mentagra_, the rest of the passage of _Pliny_ will admit of easy -explanation. The disease in many cases it seems invaded the whole -face, in the same way as the _atra lues_ (black contagion) in the -passages quoted above from _Martial_ under _fellation_. Perhaps all of -these,—indeed, _Pliny_ also says _lues_,—are the be referred, as is -actually done by _Farnabius_ in his notes, to _mentagra_, seeing that -the disease could perfectly well, though certainly much seldomer, arise -equally from the practise of _fellation_. The _double entendre_ between -_mentum_ (the chin) and _menta_ or _mentula_ (the virile member) would -so acquire all the more point. - -The expression _foedo cutis furfure_ (with a horrible scurf of the -skin) appears to have led a number of authors to believe that this was -the capital characteristic of the complaint, and that the distinction -between λιχὴν and λείχην was merely one of degree. This view was -advocated in particular by _Willian_[102], who ascribes it also to -_Paulus Aegineta_[103] as well as to _Oribasius_[104] though both of -these authors limit themselves to saying that the moderately siccative -remedies are of no benefit in λείχην ἄγριος (malignant lichen), whereas -the more violent ones aggravate it, and that for this reason it was -called ἄγριος. Hence Willian’s _Lichen agrius_ (malignant lichen) has -nothing in common with the _lichen_ of the Greeks and Romans but the -mere name, for it follows clearly from the words _foediore cicatrice_ -(with a more horrible scar) that occur a little further down in -_Pliny_, that a process of skinning over by ulceration was part of the -disease, and did not owe its existence solely to the caustic remedies -employed. - -The _immunity of women_[105] equally admits of easy explanation, for -in the first place women were not likely to have readily conceived -the idea of acting after the manner of a _cunnilingue_[106], and even -if _fellation_ is admitted to be an occasionally concurrent cause of -_mentagra_, still it would seem, as already stated, to supervene much -less often as a consequence of the latter vice; while in cases where it -does, it is of a milder form and it is rather the internal parts of the -mouth that are imperilled. Besides, it is to be remembered that women -generally speaking suffer less frequently from pustulous disorders of -the cutaneous glands affecting the face than men do, as is well seen at -the present day with Acne. In the parts neighbouring on the genitals -this is exactly reversed. Still this immunity of women must not be -insisted on too far, as those persons of the female sex who used to -practise _fellation_, the Summoenianae (women of the suburbs) lay too -completely outside the range of _Pliny’s_ observation. - -As to the _servi_ (slaves) and _Plebs humilis_ (Commons of humble -station), these were surely unlikely, however little restraint they -may have put on their sensual appetites, to have readily fallen into -suchlike forms of vice,—forms which spring as a rule from the brain of -unoccupied, rich idlers. We have only to appeal to modern experience -to substantiate this. How many individuals of the lowest and middle -classes have the records of forensic medicine to show as having been -paederasts and so on? Wild aberrations in morals have at no period -begun with the common man! So we see it was the Proceres (Nobles) who -were in an especial degree attacked by the _mentagra_. - -At the same time the most conspicuous cause of _mentagra_, the practice -of _cunnilingere_ was by no means the _only_ way of getting it, for -the malady, like _condylomata_ on the genital organs, was evidently -connected with a contagion,—a fact which is clearly enough brought -out by the layman _Pliny_, whereas the Physicians say nothing about -this. Accordingly the disorder was capable of being disseminated by -_kissing_ from one individual to another. But it was not the _velox -transitus osculi_ (swift transmission of a kiss) that was instrumental -in spreading the disease, but rather the _basium_ (wanton kiss),—which -depended on some yet unidentified lascivious device[107], sucking, -playing with the tongue or the like. Still we must remember that at -the very time the _mentagra_ was spreading with such terrible rapidity, -a perfect _mania for kissing_ had broken out at Rome. _Martial_ -describes this admirably in the two following Epigrams, which are of -the very highest importance in connection with our subject: - - -_Book XII. Epigram 59:_ - -DE IMPORTUNIS BASIATORIBUS. - - Tantum dat tibi Roma basiorum - Post annos modo quindecim reverso, - Quantum Lesbia non dedit Catullo. - Te vicinia tota, te pilosus - Hircoso premit osculo colonus. - Hinc instat tibi textor, inde fullo, - Hinc sutor modo pelle basiata, - Hinc _menti dominus periculosi_, - Hinc defioculusque et inde lippus, - Fellatorque recensque cunnilingus. - Iam tanti tibi non fuit redire. - -(_Of pestilent Kissers_: Rome bestows more kisses on you, on your -return to her after fifteen years’ absence, than ever Lesbia gave -Catullus. The whole neighbourhood kisses you, and the hirsute -countryman presses you in his goaty embrace. One side the weaver is -upon you, the other the fuller, here the cobbler who but now kissed his -leather; here comes _the owner of a perilous chin_, here the one-eyed -man and here the blear, and the _fellator_, and the _cunnilingue_ -fresh from work. Now surely to return was not of such importance to you -as all this.) - - -_Book XI. Epigram 98:_ - -AD BASSUM. - - Effugere non est, Basse, basiatores. - Instant, morantur, persequuntur, occurrunt - Et hinc et illinc, usquequaque, quacunque. - _Non ulcus acre pustulaeve lucentes_, - _Nec triste mentum sordidique lichenes_, - Nec labra pingui delibuta ceroto, - Nec congelati gutta proderit nasi. - Et aestuantem basiant et algentem, - Et nuptiale basium reservantem. - Non te cucullis asseret caput tectum, - Lectica nec te tuta pelle veloque, - Nec vindicabit sella saepius clausa. - Rimas per omnes basiator intrabit. - Non consulatus ipse, non tribunatus, - Saevique fasces, nec superba clamosi - Lictoris abiget virga basiatorem. - Sedeas in alto tu licet tribunali, - Et e curuli iura gentibus reddas: - Ascendet illa basiator atque illa: - Febricitantem basiabit et flentem: - Dabit oscitanti basium natantique, - Dabit et cacanti. Remedium mali solum est - Facias amicum, basiare quem nolis. - -(_To Bassus_: Escape the kissers, no! it is not to be done, Bassus. -They set upon you, wait for you, pursue you, meet you, here, there, -and everywhere, in every street, at every corner. _Neither acrid ulcer -nor shiny pustules, neither disfigured chin_ nor foul scabs, nor lips -anointed with pink salve, nor the drop at the tip of a frozen nose will -save you. They kiss a man sweating with heat and starving with cold, -nay! even a man keeping his lips pure for the nuptial kiss. A head -muffled in hoods will not exempt you, nor a litter guarded with rug -and curtain, nor the sedan kept closed most of the time get you off. -The kisser will in by every chink. Not the very consulship, not the -tribuneship, not the stern fasces and threatening rod of the shouting -lictor will keep away the kisser. Though you sit exalted on the high -tribunal, or give laws to the people from the curule seat, both to one -and the other the kisser will climb up. He will kiss a man shaking with -fever, and drivelling with cold. He will give a kiss to a man gaping, -to a man swimming, even to a man shitting! The one and only cure for -the plague is to make a real friend, whom you will not need to kiss). - -Now we shall be in a position to explain to our satisfaction what -_Martial_ meant by _basia lasciva_ (wanton kisses),—XI. 24.—_basia -maligna_ (pestilent kisses),—XII. 55.—and _Petronius_ (ch. 23.) by his -_conspuere aliquem basio immundissimo_ (to beslobber anyone with a most -filthy kiss); and we shall be in no way surprised at the fact that -_mentagra_ not only attacked the Roman nobles as a virtual epidemic, -but that the _velox transitus osculi_ (the swift transmission of a -kiss) was alleged by Pliny as a reason of its communication. - -Finally as to the historical factor in connection with _mentagra_,—it -is implied in the account Pliny gives that it was _only at Rome_ it -was regarded as a new disease. It must have been already known to -the Greeks, for they possessed the name _Lichen_ for it. The Greek -physicians, of whom several of the ones quoted by _Galen_ lived some -considerable time before Claudius, know nothing about the disease being -a new one, while _Galen_ himself says simply, _ἐπικρατούσης_ ἐν τῇ -πόλει τῆς μεντάγρας λεγομέμης, (when the _mentagra_ as it was called -_was prevalent_ in the city). _Plutarch_ again, though he (Symposiaca -bk. VIII. Quaest. 9.) wrote a special Chapter on new diseases, with -particular reference to Elephantiasis, never mentions _mentagra_ at -all. He represents it as having been introduced into Rome from Asia, -and it was from Egypt, the _Genetrix talium vitiorum_ (Mother-land -of suchlike abominations), the Physicians[108] were imported who -understood how to cure the disorder. We have more than once noted that -Asia was the breeding place of sexual excesses, and described how vice -spread from thence over different countries and how as a result of -these practices the affections of the parts naturally concerned that -arose first in Asia subsequently passed on to these same countries. -For Rome this was in an especial degree the case with Egypt, where the -undermining of morality had gone farthest; _Martial_[109] spoke justly -when he said “_Nequitias tellus scit dare nulla magis_,” (No other land -knows better how to produce finished rascality). But the intercourse -with Asia and Egypt arose mainly in the time of Pompey, and became from -that period ever more active, while concurrently luxury was on the -increase and the old Virtus (manly virtue) of the Romans disappearing -more and more every day,—above all when Tiberius by his own example -elevated every form of vice into a sort of fancy article demanded by -fashion. - -Not that the Emperor went unpunished, for he himself probably suffered -from _mentagra_. _Julian_[110] says of him, that when Romulus had -invited to the feast of the Saturnalia all gods and Caesars, Tiberius -appeared with the rest, “but when he turned round to take his seat, -on his back could be seen in thousands scars, marks of burnings and -scrapings, indurated weals and callosities, results of his excesses -and wild lusts, cankers and scabs as it were burnt in”. Nay! according -to _Suetonius_[111] his face itself bore _crebri et subtiles tumores_ -(a multitude of minute swellings); and _Tacitus_[112] says of him: -_Praegracilis et incurva proceritas, nudus capillo vertex, ulcerosa -facies, ac plerumque medicaminibus interstincta_, (Tall and of a -most graceful, albeit bowed, figure; the head bald, the face covered -_with ulcers_, and generally patched with medical plasters). When -_Galen_[113] mentions a τροχίσκος πρὸς ἕρπητας ὁ Τιβηρίου Καίσαρος (a -lozenge for creeping eruptions, Tiberius Caesar’s), this does not in -any way necessarily imply that this was prescribed as a remedy against -eruptive symptoms on the _face_, for Tiberius, as we see from the -passage quoted from _Julian_, suffered from eruptions on all the other -parts of his body. Even if an affection of the face was intended, the -expression ἕρπης (creeping eruption), in view of the marked tendency -of the disease to spread to neighbouring parts, was not at all an -unnatural one to be used; and we may say, speaking generally, that -the view which holds the Greeks to have indicated by the word ἕρπης -any one definite and distinct form of eruption is entirely mistaken. -_Bertrandi_[114] indeed endeavours to show that _mentagra_ was a form -of malignant tetter. That the application of plasters as a remedy in -_mentagra_ was frequently recommended and employed is shown both by -_Galen_ and _Aëtius_[115]. - -But in proportion as the exciting cause grew ever more and more common, -the _cunnilingue_ being now no longer contented with girls, but -employing for the satisfaction of his shameful mania women and even -pregnant women as well, and at last actually women during menstruation, -the resulting consequences were bound to occur not only more frequently -but also in a more dangerous form. At first it was merely single -pustules, which appeared round the mouth and took possession of the -chin, and which were confounded with _Sycosis menti_ (Sycosis,—fig-like -eruption of the chin), a complaint liable to arise from other causes -as well and one long since familiar, without attracting particular -attention as anything uncommon. Later on when neither morbid vaginal -phlegm nor yet menstrual blood repelled the _cunnilingue_ any longer, -there was set up a diseased process in the cutaneous glands, the -resulting secretion rapidly drying formed a white crust or scurf, and -this was detached in flakes resembling bran. All this could not fail to -arouse remark, and accordingly the Romans, little practised in medical -diagnosis, saw in it a new disease, which in turn received a new name. -Just as in more modern times the introduction of Venereal disease was -attributed to a leprous Knight from the Holy Land, so now at Rome -_Perusinus, eques Romanus, Quaestorius scriba_ (Perusinus, a Roman -knight, a secretary in the Quaestorian office) was held responsible -for bringing _mentagra_ from Asia. As a matter of fact he probably -got his _mentagra_ in Asia in exactly the same manner in which it was -acquired in Rome,—if indeed we are on general grounds to give any -weight to this part of the story. At any rate modern times have given -us many examples of how much credence mankind is ready to give to an -account of the introduction of a disease by one definite individual. -But the disease did not stop at the cutaneous glands, the hair-glands -were also involved, the hair fell away, and ulcers formed, which spread -around with destructive virulence, as was particularly the case in -Martial’s day. On the other hand it is true deep-seated ulceration -never supervened, but the disease rather extended on the surface from -the face onwards, spreading more or less over the whole of the rest -of the body[116], and thus assumed the form of Psora (Itch) or Lepra -(Leprosy),—a phænomenon we shall have to return to once more later, its -right appreciation being of the utmost importance for the History of -Venereal Disease. - -Now, since on the one hand every _cunnilingue_ is not attacked by -_mentagra_, while on the other sometimes ulcers of the inner portion -of the mouth, sometimes _mentagra_, and the latter sometimes local, -sometimes of wide extent, are noted, the following question calls -for an answer. What circumstances conditioned these phænomena and, -generally, the special frequency of _mentagra_ in Italy? Leaving out of -account a variety of other considerations, we are bound in this place -to call in along with other factors of our explanation some special -and particular influence of the _Genius epidemicus_ (the aggregate of -epidemical conditions at large), which just at that time favoured the -rise of skin complaints. However slight the material Antiquity affords -us on this point, and especially so far as concerns the time a little -before and after Our Lord’s birth, still we _do_ find a datum for Italy -at any rate which we certainly ought not to leave unutilized. This is -the statement of _Pliny_ (ch. 5. and Bk. XX. ch. 52.) to the effect -that it was in the time of Pompey the Great, or according to _Plutarch_ -(loco citato) in that of Asclepiades, that _elephantiasis_ first showed -itself in Italy. It follows that at that period favourable external -circumstances also were in existence in connection with the conditions -of disease at large,—as indeed the ready extension of _mentagra_ from -the chin onwards to the rest of the body proves even more clearly. - -But it must not for a moment be supposed that therefore _mentagra_ -was of _epidemic origin_. Without at all wishing to embark on the -consideration of the ætiological factors of _elephantiasis_, we may -just mention the fact that according to Pliny’s account this disease -too, equally with _mentagra_, would seem to have always begun with the -_face_[117]. The conjecture is all but unavoidable, that very possibly -in either case it was the practices of the _cunnilingue_ that supplied -the exciting cause for the misfortune; and this would also probably -explain how it was _elephantiasis_ came to be connected in men’s minds -with the _Morbus phoeniceus_ (Phoenician disease). Still, as already -explained, this would only be equivalent to making it responsible in -_individual_ cases,—cases that tend inevitably to render the proper -understanding of the action of _elephantiasis_, as well as of its -history, considerably more difficult. May it not also be to some extent -the case that under the general name of _elephantiasis_ forms of -disease of very different sorts have been confounded? The views held -by the Ancients on this and on the other skin diseases still remain in -too much obscurity for anyone to be able to give a decisive judgement -on the point. For the rest most probably the _atra lues_ and _scelerata -lues_ (black contagion, abominable contagion), spoken of above, -likewise come under the category of _mentagra_. This we have felt -ourselves constrained to ascribe not solely to the practise of the vice -of the _cunnilingue_ as a cause, but to _fellation_ also,—only that in -the latter case, as we have pointed out, it is rather the inner, in the -former rather the external parts, that became affected. - - -Morbus Campanus. - -(Campanian Disease). - - -§ 26. - -Several of the commentators on _Horace_, and particularly _Laevinus -Torrentius_[118] have referred the much-discussed _Morbus -Campanus_[119] to the head of _mentagra_; accordingly this will be no -inappropriate place at any rate to mention it, though without aiming at -a complete explanation. _Horace_ represents two buffoons, _Messius_ and -_Sarmentus_, as rallying each other for the amusement of the company: - - — — Messi clarum genus Osci, - Sarmenti domina extat, ab his maioribus orti - Ad pugnam venere. Prior Sarmentus: _Equi te - Esse feri similem dico._ Ridemus: et ipse - Messius: _Accipio_; caput et movet. _O, tua cornu - Ni foret exsecto frons_, inquit, _quid faceres, cum - Sic mutilus miniteris?_ At illi foeda cicatrix - Setosam laevi frontem turpaverat oris. - _Campanum in morbum_, in faciem permulta iocatus - Pastorem saltaret uti Cyclopa, rogabat; - Nil illi larva aut tragicis opus esse cothurnis. - Multa Cicirrus ad haec. - -(Messius was sprung of the renowned race of the Oscans, -Sarmentus’ mistress is yet living; from these ancestors derived, they -came to the fray. First begins Sarmentus: “I declare you are just like -an unbroken horse.” At this sally we laugh, and Messius himself says: -“I accept the likeness,” and tosses his head. “Oh! if your horn had -not been amputated from your brow,” says he then, “what _would_ you -do, since you threaten us so fiercely, mutilated as you are?” Now an -ugly scar disfigured the left side of his shaggy brow. After making a -number of jibes at his _Campanian disease_, and his face, he asked him -to dance the shepherd Cyclops; saying there needed no mask and tragic -buskins. Many jests Cicirrus added as well). - -Messius who is chiefly spoken of in the above passage, is in the -first place represented as an Oscan by birth. Now the whole race of -the Oscans was, as _Festus_ informs us, notorious for its unnatural -excesses in matters of Love; we read in him, p. 191: “_Obscum_ duas -diversas et contrarias significationes habet. Nam Cloatius putat eo -vocabulo significari sacrum, quo etiam leges sacrae Oscae dicuntur, et -in omnibus fere antiquis commentariis scribitur _Opicum_ pro Obsco, ut -in Titini fabula quinta: Qui Obsce et Volsce fabulantur, nam Latine -nesciunt. A quo etiam verba impudentia, et elata appellantur obscena, -_quia frequentissimus fuit usus Oscis libidinum spurcarum_.” (_Obscum_ -has two different and contrary meanings. For Cloatius considers -_sacred_ to be signified by the word, in which sense sacred laws are -spoken of as leges Oscae (_Oscan_ laws), and in almost all the old -commentaries _Opicum_ is written for _Obscum_, as in the fifth Fable -of Titinius: “Who converse in _Obscan_ and Volscian, because they know -not how in Latin.” Whence also indecent words, and swelling ones, -are called _obscene_, _because the practice of unclean lusts was most -frequent among the Oscans_[120].) - -Again on p. 194., “Oscos, quos dicimus, ait Verrius Opscos ante dictos, -teste Ennio, cum dicat: De muris res gerit Opscus. Adiicit etiam, -quod _stupra inconcessae libidinis obscena dicantur, ab eius gentis -consuetudine inducta_. Quod verum esse non satis adducor, cum apud -antiquos omnes fere obscena dicta sint, quae mali ominis habebantur.” -(The _Oscans_, as we call them, Verrius says were formerly called -_Opscans_, on the evidence of Ennius, for he says: “The Opscan directs -his attack upon the walls.” He adds further that _debaucheries of -lawless love are called “obscene”, as taking this name from the habits -of the nation in question_. But I am not sufficiently convinced of the -truth of this, inasmuch as in nearly all the ancient writers things -are called _obscene_ that were held to be of evil omen). However -what the _spurca libido_ (unclean lust) consisted in may be readily -conjectured from the following explanations of _Festus_: _Oscines aves_ -Appius Claudius esse ait, quae _ore canentes_ faciant auspicium, ut -_corvus_[121], cornix, noctua, (Divinatory birds—_Oscines_ aves—are, -says Appius Claudius, such as give an augury by _singing with the -mouth_, as _the raven_, the crow, the owl); if only we remember -how the _fellator_, as was shown on a previous page, was nicknamed -_corvus_ (raven). Again in an Epigram of _Ausonius_ already quoted a -_cunnilingue_ is called _Opicus magister_; so that we cannot doubt the -question is here of that vice which is practised with the mouth. - -In another Epigram of _Ausonius_ quoted and explained above, where the -different forms of the _obscoena Venus_ (obscene Love) are specified, -Crispa there mentioned practises, - - _Et quam Nolanis capitalis luxus inussit_, - -(That vice too which headlong wantonness branded on the men of -Nola), and this _capitalis luxus_[122] of the men of Nola, as the -general sense of the whole passage clearly shows, is nothing else but -_fellation_. But the town of Nola was in Campania, and the inhabitants -of Campania again consisted for the most part of Oscans; so whatever -is true of the latter, must needs also apply to the Campanians. The -Nolans and Oscans or Opicans being _fellators_ and _cunnilingues_, the -Campanians must be so too; and as a matter of fact _Plautus_ (Trinum. -II. 4. 144.) tells us: _Campas genus multo Syrorum antidit patientia_, -(The Campanian race far outdoes that of the Syrians in _passivity_). - -Now Messius being represented as an Oscan, and this by way of mockery, -as all expounders admit, the point of the jest must evidently refer -to this _luxus capitalis_, and Messius accordingly be regarded as a -_fellator_. Now let us look if this view finds any confirmation in -what follows[123]. First of all Sarmentus says Messius is _equi feri -similis_ (like an unbroken horse). Wherein precisely the satire of this -consists is indeed somewhat doubtful, the commentators maintaining -an obstinate silence on the point; but there _must_ be some allusion -of some sort intended. We can scarcely suppose this to be to the -_Hectoreus equus_ (the Hectorean stallion) of Ovid[124] or the _equus -supinus_ (the stallion lying supine) of Horace,—Sat. II. 7. 50.[125]. -The unbroken horse is noticeable as galloping with head down between -the fore-feet, a position taken, as we have already pointed out, by -the _cunnilingue_, but which in accordance with the passage of Lucian -quoted above can equally well be that of the _fellator_[126]. Messius -must have understood the allusion, for he says, “_Accipio_”,—_caput et -movet_, (“I accept”,—and moves his head). Sarmentus takes the movement -as a threat, for he in his turn understands the _equus ferus_ (wild -horse) in yet another sense as _aries_ (a ram)[127], and adds: If only -your horn had not been amputated! What should make you threaten to -butt, _mutilus_ (mutilated)[128] as you are? - -Now in explanation of what it was led Sarmentus to indulge in this -jest, Horace goes on to say that Messius carried on the left side -of his brow a hideous scar. At this Sarmentus directs his wit, -making allusion to the _Campanus morbus_ (Campanian disease) and -Messius’ disfigured face, finishing up by asking the latter _pastorem -saltaret uti Cyclopa_ (to dance the shepherd Cyclops), adding that -for this he would need neither mask nor tragic buskins. But the -_Campanus morbus_[129] is indeed nothing else but the _capitalis -luxus_ (headlong wantonness) of the Nolans, the peculiar vice of the -Oscans, _fellation_ in fact, which Messius practised, and to which -he owed his _foeda cicatrix_ (hideous scar), his disfigured face; -and on both these points Sarmentus proceeds to rally him at great -length (_permulta iocatus_,—indulging in very many jests), without -Horace however recording his wit any further. In the _pastorem Cyclopa -saltare_ (to dance the shepherd Cyclops) again is contained an allusion -that has hitherto been quite misunderstood, one which _Lucian_ in -his Pseudologistae (ch. 27.) will best explain for us. He says to -Timarchus: “But in Italy, great gods! you acquired the heroic nickname -of ὁ Κύκλωψ (the Cyclops), because at one time you wanted to practise -your vice in imitation of the old legend, as it is found in _Homer_, -and actually, as you lay there drunk, held the κισσύβιον (wassail-bowl) -in your hand like a wanton Polyphemus; and the young man hired for the -purpose with outstretched _hasta_ (spear), that was well sharpened, -threw himself upon you like another Odysseus, to thrust out your -eye[130]. - - Yet did he miss his aim, and the spear turned slantwise beside you; - So that its point sped past, the edge of your chin merely grazing. - -Thus it is by no means unreasonable to speak of you as using -“cold-mouthed phrases” (Ψυχρολογεῖν). But you, Cyclops, opening your -mouth, and gaping as wide as mortal man can, had your cheeks plugged -by him, or better you longed, as Charybdis with the ships was fain to -swallow down helm and sail and all, you longed to absorb the whole -Οὖτις (No-man).” - -Finally the nickname Messius bears, _Cicirrus_ or _Cicerrus_, would -seem to embody a jesting allusion, as it was no doubt given him on -account of his throaty, croaking voice. It signifies the same thing as -κερκίδες (hawks) in Dio Chrysostom, and like that word is to be derived -from κέρχω (to croak)[131]. - -The _Morbus Phoeniceus_ (Phoenician disease) was not, as we have seen, -elephantiasis at all, and neither was the _Morbus Campanus_ (Campanian -disease) mentagra. But just as elephantiasis might supervene as a -consequence of _Morbus Phoeniceus_, so the _foeda cicatrix_ (hideous -scar), a mark left behind it by a previous malady, was a consequence -of the _Morbus Campanus_. Now what was the nature of this malady that -the mark it left behind showed as a _foeda cicatrix_, is precisely -what we would wish to determine. The Commentators all take the _cornu -exsectum_ (a horn amputated) as giving the explanation, though this is -by no means absolutely necessary according to the general drift of the -passage as explained; and Sarmentus might perfectly well under these -circumstances, arguing from the presence of a scar, assume or at any -rate profess to assume as the cause from which this had originated, -the previous existence of a horny excrescence, without the latter as -an actual matter of fact having ever had any previous existence. To -us at any rate the _cornu exsectum_ appears to stand in only a remote -connection with the _foeda cicatrix_, which was no doubt later on made -the subject of manifold further witticisms; only Horace has given us no -more details about the matter, either because they had entirely escaped -his memory, or possibly because he had not perfectly grasped the point -of these jokes. Certainly the conspicuously placed _at_ (but) seems to -point to a distinction of what follows from what precedes—unless indeed -it is so placed merely to mark the transition from the _oratio directa_ -to the _oratio indirecta_. - -However, granted there actually was an excrescence previously existing, -which had been removed by the knife, of what nature was the said -excrescence? It is scarcely possible, with Heindorf, to suppose the -Satyriasis of Aristotle[132] to be intended here; with much greater -probability _Schneider_ in his Greek Dictionary, under the word -διονυσιακὸς (Dionysiac, connected with Dionysus) drew attention to the -definition of _Galen_ (edit. Kühn XIX. p. 443.): διονυσίσκοι εἰσὶν -ὀστώδεις ὑπεροχαὶ ἐγγὺς κροτάφων γιγνόμεναι. λέγονται δὲ κέρατα ἀπὸ -τῶν κερασφορούντων ζάων κεκλημένα. (διονυσίσκοι are bony excrescences -growing near the temples, and they are called horns, so named from -the animals that carry horns). A passage of _Heliodorus_ (_Cocchi -Ant., Graecorum chirurgici libri, e collect. Nicetae Florent._ 1754. -fol., p. 125.) which _Oribasius, De fracturis_, has preserved, gives -a slightly different account; it reads: Ὀστώδης ἐπίφυσις ἐν παντὶ μὲν -γίγνεται μέρει τοῦ σώματος, πλεοναζόντως δὲ ἐν τῇ κεφαλῇ, μάλιστα -δὲ πλησίον τῶν κροτάφων·Ὅταν δὲ δύο ἐπιφύσεις γένωνται πλησιάζουσαι -τοῖς κροτάφοις, κέρατα ταῦτα τινες εἴωθασιν ὀνομάζειν, ἔνιοι δὲ -_διονυσιακοὺς_ τοὺς οὕτω πεπονθότας ἀνθρώπους προσηγόρευσαν. (Bony -outgrowth may occur in every part of the body, but pre-eminently on -the head, and particularly near the temples. But when there are two -such growths in the neighbourhood of the temples, some are wont to call -them _horns_, but others name the patients so afflicted διονυσιακοὶ). -Then follows the description of the outgrowth, and the method of its -removal by excision. On this passage _Cocchi_ found an old marginal -gloss from the hand of Nicotas (?), κέρατα μὲν λέγεται ἀπὸ τῆς τῶν -κεράτων ἐκφύσεως, τῶν γιγνομένων τοῖς ἀλόγοις ζώοις. _Διονυσιακοὺς_ δὲ -αὐτοὺς προσαγορεύουσιν, ἀπὸ τῆς πρὸς τὸν θεὸν ἐμφερείας _ὡς αὐτός_ -φησιν ἐν τοῖς χειρουργουμένοις,—(they are called horns from the growth -of the horns that appear on the lower animals. And they name them -διονυσιακοὶ from the likeness to the god Dionysus, as he says himself, -in the carved figures),—which on the whole confirms the statement of -Heliodorus, though he (Cocchi) prefers, following this indication, -to emend the passage of Galen also so as to read, διονυσιακοί, _οἷς_ -ὀστώδεις ὑπεροχαὶ ἐγγὺς κροτάφων _γίγνονται_, (Dionysiaci, so they are -called, i. e. those in whom bony excrescences grow near the temples). -This much, that we should read διονυσιακοὶ for διονυσίσκοι, is evident, -but whether the rest of the emendations are to be accepted may well -be open to doubt, as the second clause of the sentence, “and they are -called κέρατα (horns), so named from the animals that carry horns”, -obviously implies that the term διονυσιακοὶ is used in reference not to -the individual, but to the outgrowth. Schneider indeed agrees with the -emendation of Cocchi, but has in error put Sarmentus in the place of -Messius. - -Now supposing the latter has actually had an earlier bony outgrowth, -it is not exactly evident why after its skilful removal a _foeda -cicatrix_ (hideous scar) should have remained,—if indeed we do not -prefer to regard the _foedus_ (hideous, foul) as perhaps pointing to -the _cause_ that had occasioned the outgrowth in question. In that case -it would certainly be interesting to see thus referred to the vice of -the _fellator_ affections of the bones carrying the same meaning as our -own tophi (concretions on the bone in gouty affections). But in all -probability it was merely cutaneous tubercles that had been removed -by surgical means, the actual cautery or the knife, and these, as is -invariably their nature to do, had left behind an ugly scar. Thus -Messius would seem to have resembled Calvus _tuberossimae frontis_ -(with brow most thickly covered with tubercles) in Petronius (ch. 15.) -and the face represented on a gem, of which a delineation is said to be -found in _Corius’_ Museum Etruriae Plate II. fig. 3.,—a work we have -been unable to procure. But enough of the Morbus Campanus[133]! - - - - -Sodomy, or Bestiality. - -§ 27. - - -In the various forms of vice hitherto considered we have seen mankind -approximating more and more closely to the animal and putting himself -to a greater or less degree on the same footing; now we behold him in -_Sodomy_[134] sinking finally far _below_ the level of the animal, -renouncing not merely the human but even the animal nature, in virtue -of which he has been able so far to call himself at lowest a member of -the species. So it is with complete justice that _Plutarch_[135] says: -“At gallus si gallum conscendat absente gallina, vivus comburitur, -aruspice aliquo pronuntiante grave atroxque id esse ostentum. Ita -ipsi homines hoc confessi sunt, castitate a brutis se superari, eaque -naturae vim non facere voluptatum percipiendarum causa. Vestras -libidines natura, quamquam legis auxilio fulta, tamen intra suos non -potest coercere fines: quin eae instar fluvii exundantes atrocem -foeditatem, tumultum confusionemque naturae gignant in re venerea. Nam -et capras, porcas, equas iniverunt viri, et feminae insano mascularum -bestiarum amore exarserunt. Ex huiusmodi enim coitibus vobis sunt -Minotauri, Silvani seu Aegipanes atque (ut mea fert sententia) etiam -Sphinges et Centauri nati[136]. Enimvero fame coactus canis aut avis -aliquando cadavere humano vescitur; ad coitum nullus unquam est homo a -bestia sollicitatus, bestias vero cum ad hanc, tum ad alias voluptates -vos vi trahitis ac contra jus usurpatis.” (But if the cock tread -the cock in the absence of the hen, he is burned alive, any augur -pronouncing this to be a serious and sinister prodigy. Thus men have -themselves admitted that they are surpassed by brutes in chastity, -and that the latter do not do violence to nature with a view to the -gratification of their desires. Whereas your lusts nature cannot, -though seconded by the aid of law, restrain within their due bounds, or -stay them from overflowing like a river in flood and producing horrid -abominations, a wild cataclysm and confusion of nature in matters of -love. For men have had intercourse with she-goats and sows and mares, -while women have been inflamed with mad love of male beasts. Indeed -it is from such unions that your Minotaurs have been engendered, -and Silvani or Aegipans, and—as I suppose,—the Sphinxes too and -Centaurs[136]. True under compulsion of hunger, dog and bird sometimes -feed on a human corpse; but no man has ever been invited to coition by -any beast, though you constrain beasts by force to this as well as to -other shameful pleasures, and use them contrary to all right). - -Like all other forms of vicious lust, Sodomy too was an outcome of -Asiatic[137] and Egyptian luxury, and already in quite early times -familiar in those regions,—in fact, as is the case with sexual excesses -generally, this vice appears to have developed from the religious cult -of the countries named. Among the Egyptians[138] at any rate we meet -with Mendes, the sacred Goat or Pan, worshipped by means of Sodomy on -the part of his female devotees, who were shut up along with him. - -_Boettiger_[139] goes so far as to conjecture that the tame snakes -in the temple of Aesculapius, which were also kept in private -houses[140] as a plaything of the women, were trained and employed -by them for purposes of Sodomy. In confirmation a passage is brought -forward in this connection by _Forberg_, loco citato, p. 368, from -_Suetonius_[141], in which the mother of Augustus, Atia, is spoken -of: “In Asclepiadis Mendetis Θεολογουμένων libris lego, Atiam cum -ad sollemne Apollinis sacrum media nocte venisset, posita in templo -lectica, dum ceterae matronae dormirent, obdormisse; draconem repente -irrepsisse ad eam paulloque post egressum: illamque expergefactam -_quasi a concubitu mariti purificasse se_ et statim in corpore eius -exstitisse maculam, velut depicti draconis, nec potuisse unquam -eximi, adeo ut mox publicis balneis perpetuo abstinuerit”[142]. (In -the books of the _Theologoumena_ (sacred writings) of the Asclepiad -Mendes I read how Atia, who had come to the wonted festival of Apollo -at midnight, when her litter had been set down in the Temple, and -the other matrons were sleeping, herself fell asleep; how a snake -suddenly crept in to her, and presently emerged again; and how on -waking she _purified herself as after intercourse with her husband_, -and immediately there appeared a mark on her body, representing the -likeness of a snake, which could never be got rid of, so much so that -soon she left off ever after frequenting the public baths). - -However the Roman women seem to have especially made use of the -ass[143] for the satisfaction of their _nymphomania_, an animal that -was famed in Antiquity for its salaciousness. - -That under such circumstances the women’s genitals, and the men’s no -less, were exposed to many sorts of injury, may be readily supposed; -though we have sought in vain so far for any direct evidence of -the fact. So we may perhaps be allowed to quote here an observation -originating with _Abu Oseibah_, De vitis medicorum illustrium, (On -the Lives of Famous Physicians), according to _Reiske_[144]. This -properly speaking belongs to a later period chronologically, but it is -pertinent in the present connection. Reiske says: “Caput XIII. habet -observationem—2. de ingenti _penis inflammatione, quae nata fuerat ex -impuro cum bestia concubitu_, cum coruncula urethram obstruente, sanata -modo prorsum empirico atque crudeli. Impositum glabro lapidi penem -medicus subito praeter aegri expectationem, qua poterat vi percutiebat -manu in pugnum coacta, ut obturaculum et ulcus dissiliret. Sapit hic -casus _luem veneream_; et posset inservire illis pro argumento, qui -morbum hunc etiam veteribus cognitum fuisse contendunt. Cadit autem is -casus circa annum Christi 940.” (Chapter XIII contains the following -observation,—2. Of a violent _inflammation of the penis, which had -originated in unclean intercourse with a beast_, with a coruncle, or -knot, constricting the urethra, cured in a manner to the last degree -empirical and cruel. The penis being laid on a rough stone, the -Physician suddenly when the patient was not expecting it, struck it as -heavily as ever he could with his doubled fist, so that the stoppage -and ulcer might burst. This case has a smack of the _Venereal disease_ -about it; and might serve as an argument for those who hold that this -disease was known to the Ancients as well. But the case falls about the -year of Our Lord 940.) - - - - -Climate. - -§ 28. - - -Now that we have made ourselves acquainted with the various use -to which the Ancients put the genital organs, we are confronted -inevitably with the question,—how were the genitals themselves -affected by it all? Impossible to suppose they can have preserved -their integrity absolutely intact, while at the same time such parts -as were substituted in use for the one or the other form of them, -were exposed,—as is abundantly proved by the different diseases -described, diseases affecting the _pathic_, the _fellator_ and the -_cunnilingue_ respectively,—to manifold complaints, and very often -had to pay severely for the misuse to which they were put. Granting -that the unnatural use of the mouth and the rectum must necessarily -have endangered those parts specifically more than the penis, an organ -particularly adapted and intended for friction, still this will by no -means imply the entire immunity of the latter from ill effects. Indeed -the fact of such immunity is sufficiently disproved by the passages -quoted specifically under paederastia, without taking into account -at all the large number of actual maladies of the genitals that are -mentioned by professional and non-professional writers of Antiquity. -With some of these we have already made acquaintance,—maladies which no -one would for a moment think of ascribing _exclusively_ to the practice -of the vice of paederastia. - -Accordingly we must look for other factors, which being in part -unconnected with the use of the genitals, are not like this to be -regarded as an immediately efficient cause, but rather as predisposing -circumstances, exercising from the first an independent influence on -the normal condition of those organs. For mere use or misuse cannot -possibly be taken as in itself a sufficient reason to account for -disease, even though the Ancients may have looked upon complaints -of the genitals partly as a direct consequence of _illicita Venus_ -(unlawful Love), or in other words as it were a result of the vengeance -of outraged Nature. The genitals, like all organs of the human body, -exhibit over and above their functional activity on behalf of the -general organism and its reproduction, evidences also of an independent -activity directed towards the maintenance of their own integrity -and individual existence,—and these are bound to differ more or -less according to difference of locality and difference of time, as -indeed may be predicated of the organism as a whole, if we trust the -indications it gives. - -Now this differentiation according to locality is conditioned above -all else by climate; hence the question we have now first of all to -answer is this: _what influence did climate manifest in Ancient times -on the activity of the genital organs in general and in particular?_ -and, _to what extent may a factor favourable to the rise of affections -of the genitals be deduced from it?_ True, direct information on the -point has so far reached us only sparingly, still such as we have is -enough to justify a general view on the whole question, especially if -we reinforce it with the results of more recent observation,—always -provided this be done with proper precaution, for we sometimes find -the Ancients commending the climate of a particular country as being -exceedingly healthy, whereas in more modern times exactly the opposite -is noted. As the evidence extant and available extends only to Asia, -and in particular Syria, Palestine and Asia Minor, to Egypt, Greece -and Italy, there can for the present be no question except as to the -climate of these countries. - -Next as to _the influence of sexual activity in general_, -_Hippocrates_[145] himself tells us, after discussing the climate -of Asia: “But ἡδονή (pleasure) must necessarily predominate (among -them), and this is why among animals so many varieties are found; and -I suppose this to be equally true in the case of the Egyptians and -Lydians also.” Of course ἡδονή in this passage signifies concupiscence -in particular;—no special proof is needed of this. As a matter of fact -we observe at the present day how in hot climates, where the whole -vegetative life presents a luxuriant character, and all Nature appears -to feel the procreative impulse unceasingly, man too falls in with the -universal stress and strain of each species to maintain its foothold. -Yet as this must inevitably be done at the expense of the individual -life, we see the effort very frequently resulting in the production of -barren or sexless blossoms, and not fruit at all. The son of the South -is like a tree growing in rich, rank soil; he ripens betimes to the -sexual life, but equally early is constrained to abandon it again. The -youthful imagination springs up in its fresh quick activity, while the -body withers concurrently, and stung by lust,—lust that is yet further -exaggerated by the misuse of _aphrodisiacs_, at last has nothing left -but to drag out an invalid existence, finding a morbid gratification -in the artificial ways and means whereby imagination, sickened and -debauched by its own extravagances, seeks to supply from extraneous -sources the failing titillation of desire the organ craves. No better -confirmation of all this can be found than what is supplied already in -our investigations as so far conducted. - -We saw how in Asia lust and its abominable brood arose and extended -thence over neighbouring lands, and how the rhythmic rites of the -_Venus ebria_ (drunken Venus) could indeed refine, but hardly -increase their excesses. Babylon, Syria and Egypt were the nurseries -of licentiousness, finding only at Rome a really self-taught and -competent rival. The clear sky of Greece could cover only inhabitants -of corresponding character in body and mind, and none but a Greek -was capable of setting up the ideal, and verifying it in practice, -of a fair soul in a fair body. Deep as the Greek may have sunk in -degradation after the fall of national liberty and under foreign -influence, and though unbridled lust may have often mastered -individuals, it never dominated the nation as a whole, it was -artificially brought into existence and was never dependent on climate. -Even at Rome, colossal as was the scale on which vice manifested -itself, it ever remained but a foreign importation, for which foreign -wantons had first paved the way at a period when the climate of Asia -exerted a more immediate influence there than that of Greece. - -Like licentiousness in general, Polygamy also, in part owing its -existence to it as it does, was a consequence of the Asiatic climate; -but how far it may be fairly held to have influenced the rise of -Venereal disease, we do not as yet venture to decide; we feel -constrained to keep this point over for later investigations. The same -applies to Polyandry,—in its strict sense, when we regard it as a -form of marriage; though of course over and above this it comes into -connection with vice, inasmuch as every prostitute lives in a state of -Polyandry, as does every amateur of the sex in one of Polygamy. Under -these circumstances affections of the genitals cannot but arise among -persons otherwise healthy, as every Physician of large practice can -verify by examples, and as experiments on animals have sufficiently -demonstrated to be the case[146]. Nevertheless these hints, for we -cannot and ought not to look upon them as anything more than hints, -as any more complete discussion would carry us too far a-field for -our present purpose,—may very well suffice to recall to the reader’s -memory the influence exerted by climate on the genital functions, -especially as adequate proofs in confirmation of all this are comprised -in our preceding Sections. - - -§ 29. - -Far more important in view of our immediate object is the _influence -exerted by Climate on the individual activity of the genital organs_, -and here again we have in the first place to fix our eyes on Asia and -Egypt. The burning rays of the sun to which these regions and their -inhabitants are exposed, increase in a marked way the activity of the -skin, and of course in the same proportion do the secretions from the -mucous surfaces become less in quantity, but their product more highly -charged in quality. Then, this being the case, a certain acridity or -corroding quality of the secretion is readily set up, often making -itself noticeable by a characteristic smell. This same influence -must equally manifest itself in the mucous membrane of the inner -parts of the genitals, and vaginal mucus accordingly acquire an acrid -quality[147], if it is not removed pretty frequently from the surface -of the membrane, and becoming as it were rancid, exert a corrosive -effect on everything it comes in contact with[148]. - -Now shortly before as well as shortly after the commencement of -menstruation the secretion of mucus in the genitals is increased, -and thus the menstrual blood, having in any case a tendency to -decomposition, will mingle with this acrid, strong-smelling mucous -discharge, and in this way assume a foul, acrid character itself[149]. -This is the origin of the ill repute into which menstrual blood, and -this especially in hot climates, has fallen from the earliest times -onwards, for no doubt the virulent qualities alleged against it really -belong to it solely and entirely as a result of the admixture with it -of this vaginal mucus. Sea-water and fresh river-water are each of them -separately innocuous for health, but mix them together so as to make -brackish water, and the exhalations given off become highly detrimental! - -A similar state of things exists also in connection with the male -genital organs. The surface of the _glans penis_, where it lies -contiguous to the external skin, exhibits along with the latter an -increased secretion from the sebaceous follicles[150], the discharge -from which, if it is allowed to remain any length of time between -the prepuce and the _glans_[151], likewise acquires an acrid quality; -then re-acting on these parts, sets up an inflammatory condition of -the aforesaid sebaceous follicles. “In fact”, says _Niebuhr_[152] “the -Medical Officer of the English at Haleb (Russel) ascertained that in -hot countries more copious humours collect about the _glans penis_ than -in cold; and a friend of mine in India, who in that hot climate had -employed only the ordinary European precautions to ensure cleanliness, -got a sort of ulcers on the _glans_, an inconvenience he would have -been much more likely to escape, had he been circumcised. Subsequently -he always washed this part of his person very carefully, and from -that time forth experienced no trace of a recurrence of the trouble. -Washing the whole body and particularly the privates is an absolute -necessity in hot countries; and it is perhaps for this reason that the -religious founders of the Jews, the Mohammedans, the Fire-Worshippers, -the Heathen in India, etc., have commanded the observation of this -practice.” - -In close accord with this is the story _Flavius Josephus_[153] relates -of _Apion_ the Egyptian: “Wherefore it appears to me Apion deservedly -paid a fitting penalty for his scorn of ancestral customs; for only -when forced by necessity was he circumcised, ulceration having been -set up about his privates (his _glans penis_); and as a matter of fact -the circumcision proved vain, for gangrene supervened, and he died in -terrible pain.” Again the passage just quoted will also afford a clear -understanding of the following from _Philo_[154]: - -“Therefore were it more becoming, quitting childish and frivolous -mockery altogether, intelligently and earnestly to investigate the -causes in which this custom (Circumcision) originated, rather than -to accuse whole nations of folly in a spirit of mere prejudice. -It certainly does not seem probable to an intelligent enquirer, -approaching the question in this mood, that so many thousands of -folk in every age should have been circumcised without a sufficient -cause, submitting to great pain merely to mutilate their own and -their children’s bodies. On the other hand there are many inducements -to adopt outright and follow up the custom of our forefathers; and -in an especial degree the four following. First, _the prevention of -a virulent disease and one very difficult to cure_. This is known -as _Anthrax_,—a denomination derived, as I suppose, from the ardent -(fierce) burning (ἀπὸ τοῦ καίειν ἐντυφόμενον) that accompanies it, -and _readily arises in such as have the foreskin intact_. Secondly, to -secure that purity of the whole person obligatory upon the Priestly -caste. Whence it comes that the Priests in Egypt also scrupulously -shave the whole body; for there is something collects and is deposited -underneath the hair as well as under the foreskin, that must be -removed.” - -From a comparison of these two passages from Niebuhr and from Philo -respectively it may be gathered that the _anthrax_ disease above -mentioned did not in any way owe its rise to a _specifically_ -syphilitic origin, as has been now and again assumed by different -enquirers. What we really learn from them is to recognize the liability -of the sebaceous follicles of the _glans penis_ to lapse into a -condition of ulceration. True this tendency can be minimised to some -extent by circumcision, as well as by unremitting care to secure -cleanliness; yet it can never be completely removed, conditioned as -it really is by climatic influences that do not admit of elimination. -When once the corroding vaginal mucus of the woman, particularly in -combination with the menstrual blood with its readiness to undergo -putrefaction[155] re-acting on the mucous membrane, has set up sores -and ulcers, then follows as a necessary consequence a still more -dangerous mixture of matter and mucus. Next when under these conditions -the man’s _glans_, possessing as it does an equally great liability in -its cutaneous glands to be attacked by ulceration, enters in coition a -vagina in this state, it cannot occasion much surprise if blennorhoea -of the urethra or ulceration of the _glans penis_ supervene[156], -especially if we consider the fact that the act of coition sets the -organs concerned in enhanced activity, making them more susceptible -than ever to external injurious irritations. This is yet more likely to -be the case, as concurrently a large amount of secretion is yielded by -the morbidly affected mucous surface of the vagina, and very possibly -this secretion undergoes under the influence of nervous excitation (as -the saliva does under the influence of anger) some vital-chemical, -contagious alteration of composition. Again supposing the woman to be -at the time of coition actually in menstruation, a period when her -genital organs are _ipso facto_ roused to a condition of exaggerated -activity, the disturbance must be yet greater, and the mischief -resulting even more manifest. - -This will in part account for the fact that ulcers on the genitals, -brought about by coition, are so ready in Asia to assume a putrid -character, and show that the Ancients had good reason to designate them -by the name ἄνθραξ (anthrax, malignant pustule). For that ἄνθραξ was -actually a consequence of coition we may see from a passage, already -cited by Hensler and Simon, from Bishop _Palladius_[157], who relates -of a certain Hero, how the Demon led him to Alexandria, how he there -visited theatres and horse-races, and roamed round the taverns. “And -thus, being by this time a glutton and a drunkard, he _fell moreover -into the mire of lust after women_; and being now set upon sinning, -_he lived with a certain actress_, (and had carnal intercourse with -her?). _Then when he had done all this, by a (Divine) providence he -got an “anthrax” on the glans penis; and was so sick for six months -that his (private) parts rotted away and dropped off of themselves._ -But subsequently recovering and getting off with the loss of these -members, coming to a knowledge of God and a remembrance of the heavenly -kingdom, and after confessing all that had befallen him, he fell asleep -a few days afterwards, without having had the time to manifest works -(of repentance).” In spite of the difficulties some of the expressions -in the text exhibit, the main fact is perfectly plain, and admits of -no doubt whatever, viz. that Hero had brought the ἄνθραξ on himself by -carnal intercourse with an actress, and the moral reflections Palladius -tags on to it cannot invalidate the fact. The objections _Astruc_ -raises against the conclusiveness of the passage have already been -refuted by _Hensler_ (Geschichte der Lustseuche,—History of Venereal -Disease, I. pp. 317 sqq.), who while citing as parallel instances the -passages adduced by _Becket_ from the early XVth Century, very justly -remarks: “What proof _would_ they have, if this is not conclusive?” - -Did the female genitals perhaps receive the names ἐσχάρα (scab) and -ἄνθραξ (malignant pustule), _because_ they very often made men a -present of these things?! - -In any case it is an interesting fact that to this day in India -_anthrax_ and chancrous ulcers are looked upon as akin, and both -according to _Sir William Jones_ (Asiatic Researches Vol. II.) are -known by the name Nar Farsi or Ateshi Farsi (_Ignis Persicus_—Persian -Fire) to the Cabirajas or Indian physicians. Now if we think of the -great care taken by the Jews to ensure the multiplication of their -race, the readiness with which various forms of ulceration pass over -into mortification in hot localities,—as is shown by the examples of -Apion and Hero,—and consequently the serious liability of the organs -of generation to be destroyed, it will occasion less surprise when we -read among the laws of _Moses_[158] the following injunction: “And if a -man shall lie with a woman having her sickness, and shall uncover her -nakedness; he hath discovered her fountain, and she hath uncovered the -fountain of her blood; and both of them shall be cut off from among -their people.” Surely great and serious resulting injuries must in no -inconsiderable number of instances have been before his eyes for a -Lawgiver to feel himself constrained to assign the death penalty to -the act of coition with women during menstruation,—and this in spite -of the fact that he had already in a general way declared the woman -at this time, as well as everything she touched, to be unclean. Again -on the other hand coition with women in this condition must with the -Jews have been amongst things practised with more than ordinary -frequency, if only such an extreme punishment availed to check it; -and so we cannot really be surprised to find that the Holy Books of -that Nation perhaps earlier than the writings of any other People were -acquainted only too well with diseases of the genital organs acquired -by coition. The particular disease that broke out in consequence of the -worship of Baal-Peor has been discussed above in §§ 8 and 9; while the -fact that the Mosaic books contain the first traces of a knowledge of -_Gonorrhoea_ has long been regarded as proved beyond a doubt[159]. - -If the Climate already exerted such an influence on the aboriginal -inhabitants, how much greater must this have been where foreigners -were concerned, on whom all endemic excitants of disease in a country -notoriously work with augmented virulence. In Antiquity this fact must -have been even more conspicuously true, inasmuch as at that period the -Nations still remained much more unmixed than they subsequently became. -It is a thing which always hitherto, speaking generally, has been far -too little taken account of by Pathologists, but which is surely of -vast importance in connection with the rise and spread of Venereal -disease,—without its being in any way implied that we must necessarily -therefore adopt the theory of its American origin[160]. If we are not -much mistaken, this factor was operative also in the case of the Plague -of Baal-Peor. Now what holds good for the Jews, must equally hold good -for the other peoples of Asia and of Egypt, and even in an enhanced -degree, since these, as we have seen above, gave way to vicious -indulgence to a yet more excessive degree. - -Nevertheless, then as now distinctions no doubt existed, and probably -in Antiquity as at the present day there were districts, whose -physical conditions of climate might be regarded as actually forming -a counteracting factor, and where in spite of excesses the genital -organs seldom became diseased. The evidence for this must be given -by later investigations, for we must of necessity first possess a -geographical Nosology of Venereal disease at the present day, if we -are ever to succeed in finding and utilizing the materials for the -same in Antiquity. What has been so far collected by the meritorious -_Schnurrer_ in his Geographical Nosology is too incomplete to justify -us at present in drawing any certain conclusions, more particularly as -the greatest part of the material contributed by him is drawn from the -communications of non-medical enquirers. - -The climate of _Greece_ neither exercised any pre-eminently -stimulating effect on the sexual activity of the genitals, nor yet did -it afford a ground for the enhancement of their individual activity. -Thus enjoying as it did in consequence of that happy combination of -its seasons justly celebrated by ancient Writers[161] the advantages, -without the disadvantages, of the Tropics, and its inhabitants -possessing all functions in a more vigorous proportion, the climate -could not possibly have been directly favourable to the rise of -affections of the genitals; and for this reason made unnecessary all -precautionary measures aimed at them, such as were required in Asia. -_Italy_ exhibits but little analogy with the Greek climate; still it -cannot certainly without considerable qualification be reckoned among -factors favourable to maladies of the genital organs. From this we -may at any rate partly explain why the physicians of Greece and Rome -give so little satisfactory information on the diseases in question, -though indeed, as we shall see presently, in this case other and quite -distinct factors were at work. - - -§ 30. - -We have now seen that Climate is _ipso facto_ an important factor -favourable to the rise of affections of the genital organs. How much -_more_ powerful an influence must it exert on such affections when -already in existence. Thus the question, _what influence did Climate -manifest in Antiquity on the character and course of affections of the -genitals_, is one of the utmost moment in connection with a History of -Venereal disease,—the more so as on a correct answer being given to -it depends the correctness of our views as to the form taken in such -cases by the morbid process in Ancient times. True such a question -presupposes the existence of these affections, and ought therefore, -strictly speaking, only to be raised after the conclusion of our -present investigations. However we think enough evidence has already -been adduced in the preceding pages to remove all possible doubt from -the mind of an attentive reader as to such being the case. Besides, -this appears to us the more convenient course,—to survey in its -entirety the influence exerted by Climate, rather than to take up our -investigation of the subject afresh in different places, and thus to a -greater or less extent mangle the discussion of it. - -Preponderance of the vegetative principle combined with a certain -slackness of tissue is the character of all organisms coming under -the influence of the climate of Southern lands. In these countries an -extra-ordinary stimulus acts on the mucous membrane of the genitals, -and the character described will find its expression here also. -Reaction will proceed not so much from the arterial side, or show -itself under the guise of sthenic inflammation, but rather take the -form merely of intensified secretion. What this increased secretion -aims at is the removal of the abnormal stimulus, and the flow of -mucus so originating manifests itself as simple, so to speak merely -catarrhal, blennorrhoea. This, where the atmosphere is not impregnated -with moist vapours, readily disappears, if only somewhat greater care -is bestowed on the maintenance of cleanliness,—and all the more so, as -re-absorption, which in hot climates acts vigorously on all the mucous -membranes generally, very soon gets the upper hand again in the case -of that of the genital organs, seconded as it is by the activity of -the external skin. The latter is always in a condition of enhanced -action at the same time, while the extent of its surface of course -markedly exceeds that of the mucous membrane of the genitals. On the -other hand where the atmosphere is especially moist, the activity of -the skin, as well as the process of re-absorption internally, appears -to be less; and so under these circumstances the mucous flow will -assume more of a chronic character, but at the same time to an even -greater degree be free from inflammatory reaction. - -All the more recent observations agree in one thing, viz. that in -Southern countries the gonorrhoeal forms predominate, and speaking -generally, almost always run a mild course that hardly calls for -medical interference. There is no doubt Climatic conditions in -Antiquity differed but little from those of to-day; so that we may -safely assume that equally in Ancient times blennorrhoea showed the -same general characteristics, a fact which existing traditions moreover -prove beyond question. The frequency of blennorrhoea of the genital -organs in Antiquity is shown at once by the just quoted passage from -the Mosaic Books, while its mildness of character may be gathered -amongst other things from the remedies employed by the old Physicians, -who almost without exception followed the principle laid down by -_Celsus_ (VI. 18.), to treat gonorrhoea _levibus medicamentis_ (with -gentle remedial measures), if they were called upon to apply treatment -at all. At least this is true of acute blennorrhoea; the chronic form -of the complaint, with which alone as a general rule they had to do, of -course required astringents. No doubt each failure of arterial reaction -afforded yet another reason for the belief on the part of the Ancients -that gonorrhoea was a result of weakness of the seed-secreting vessels, -and their idea that the discharge was merely badly prepared semen. -Supposing, as must have happened, that marks of increased activity -appeared, these proceeded not so much from the circulatory system -at all as from the nerves, and _Galen_[162] was correct in referring -Priapism under these conditions to spasmodic convulsion. - -So much for mucous discharge. It was the same also with the various -forms of ulceration of the genitals. The conditions to be enumerated -presently in the next Section were already present to counteract their -rise in any considerable proportion. Further, if they did appear in -the high lands of Asia and in Upper Egypt more frequently than did -blennorhoea,—this much is shown plainly at any rate by present-day -experience,—still they lasted but a short time, as the preponderant -activity of vegetative growth, seconded by extraneous assistance, soon -mastered the disease, and quickly restored again the loss of tissue. -The course of events was otherwise indeed on lower levels, as in Syria -and Lower Egypt, districts which besides their high temperature also -showed a considerable degree of moisture in the atmosphere and soil. -Here accordingly the different forms of ulceration, unless careful -precautions were taken, assumed a malignant character, and readily -passed over into gangrene (ἄνθραξ), as we saw a little above happened -in the cases of Apion and Hero. By this means it is true every specific -characteristic of the morbid alteration was annihilated; _but_ this -only made the risk to the individual so much the greater, the patient -being at best only too apt to lose the organ attacked - -Again, though sometimes the part escaped destruction by gangrene, -even then its cure was often difficult owing to the fact that, where -the malady had been neglected, worms made their appearance in the -ulcers[163], and set up so profuse and so far spreading a suppuration -that the patient eventually succumbed to it. Of this we have an example -in the Emperor Galerius Maximianus, mentioned by _Eusebius_[164], and -to which allusion is made as early as in the Book of Ecclesiasticus -(XIX. 2, 3.), when the Author, Jesus the son of Sirach, says: “Wine and -women will make men of understanding to fall away: and he that cleaveth -to harlots will become impudent. _Moths_ (_otherwise[165]—Rottenness -and worms_) shall have him to heritage, and a bold man shall be taken -away.” The use of knife and actual cautery must naturally have played -an important part under these circumstances in the treatment adopted; -but these the patient often dreaded more than the malady itself, -and chose suicide rather than submit to them, like the “Municeps” -whose story Pliny tells in the passage quoted in a previous chapter. -But now supposing suchlike ulcers to be situated in the mouth of a -_fellator_ or _cunnilingue_, then their course must have been all the -more rapid, and the danger involved all the greater, if the patient -lived in such a climate as described; and it was in this way the -Αἰγύπτια καὶ Συριακὰ and Βουβαστικὰ ἕλκεα (Egyptian and Syrian sores, -Bubastic sores) mentioned above acquired their evil repute. Still in -the majority of cases these climatic influences could be counteracted -by appropriate medical aid and dietetic measures, or at any rate their -effect considerably reduced. Hence it was that cases of the sort only -very rarely appeared in Antiquity, and for this very reason were noted -by the Historians, when they did occur. - -The human organism possessed in Southern lands yet another way of -combating the enemy’s attacks, one which would seem to have escaped the -notice of the Physicians of Antiquity, and which, though recognized -in modern times, has yet never been at all adequately appreciated -and utilized in the history of Venereal disease, viz. _the reaction -exhibited by the skin in diseases of the genital organs in hot -climates_. So long as authorities thought of the external skin as -merely compacted of separate and distinct layers of tissue, there could -not really be any question of an accurate knowledge of its functions -whether under healthy or under morbid conditions. The investigations of -_Breschet_ and _Roussel de Vauzène_[166] as confirmed and reinforced by -_Gurlt_[167], have now taught us to understand that the skin, over and -above these layers, possesses as a matter of fact,—a fact formerly only -conjectured,—special organs belonging to the same class as the glands, -to wit the skin, hair and sweat glands. These share amongst them the -function hitherto ascribed to the skin generally, and especially -bring into correlation the sympathies of the different parts, so much -so that they may be said to be almost the sole and only seat of the -manifold forms of skin-diseases. All this we endeavoured first to -demonstrate in the series of Articles on Skin-diseases in “_Blasius’_ -Handwörterbuch der Chirurgie und Augenheilkunde” (Manual of Surgery and -Ophthalmology), and so pave the way for a compendious Survey of our -knowledge of the Skin-diseases up to the present time. - -Now while the sweat-glands stand in a special connection of sympathy -and antagonism with the lungs, the same correlation exists in a -peculiar degree between the glands of the mucous membrane of the -intestinal canal and of the genital organs on the one hand and the -cutaneous glands on the other which secrete the _sebum_ or sebaceous -humour. It would take us too far a-field, if we undertook in this -place to enter upon a detailed explanation of this circumstance, which -however is still in sore need of further clearing up. We shall content -ourselves with recalling the fact that Onanists (Masturbators) not only -often betray themselves by having a nose with a shiny, tallowy looking -surface that comes from excessive secretion of _sebum_, but also not -less frequently by their face being covered with _acne_ pustulus. -One more fact we must mention is that the outbreak of _acne_ very -often with girls heralds the approach of each period of menstruation, -and accompanies it[168]. These are signs clearly pointing to the -conclusion that stimulations of the genitals are reflected back on the -glands of the skin, for _acne_ is nothing else but an affection of -these glands, as we have demonstrated in the Work just mentioned. - -But indeed there are proofs of this antagonism still nearer to -hand. How frequently have our physicians observed an eruption[169] -resembling _roseola_ or _urticaria_ in character, at the—very often -sudden—appearance of which the gonorrhoeal symptoms have much decreased -in severity or disappeared altogether! These skin affections have been -ascribed to the balsam of Copaiva or the Cubebs pepper administered -in these cases, which are supposed to have stimulated the intestinal -mucous membrane and so sympathetically excited the skin. This may -very possibly sometimes be the case; but it could not but occur -much more frequently, if the remedial agents mentioned are to bear -the sole and entire blame. No doubt in some patients a particular -idiosyncrasy may have given rise to sympathetic action stimulative of -the intestinal canal, but in the majority the reaction of the mucous -membrane of the genitals on the cutaneous glands has undoubtedly been -a chief contributory factor under epidemic influences, while the drugs -exhibited have played only a subordinate part in producing the result. -There are cases where the gonorrhœa has been treated simply and solely -by mere antiphlogistic methods, and yet such an eruption has been -observed. - -But it is not in gonorrhœa only that these phænomena appear; they have -been noted as well in chancre, being then ascribed to the sublimate -of mercury and looked upon as affording a criterion that the drug had -exercised its full effect on the original complaint. In most cases this -was without doubt a mistake, for Biett, Rayer and other authorities -have noted the most widely divergent forms of skin-disease to appear -concurrently with the existence of chancre, and in consequence have -come to regard them as primitive symptoms. In fact cases have actually -been observed, where these were the sole primary symptoms of contagion -after indulgence in unclean coition. At the same time it is only fair -to say that this has been doubted in many quarters, observers trying to -explain the fact of the absence of other symptoms by saying the ulcers, -which are frequently very minute, may have been overlooked. At least -experience has sufficiently taught us this much, that the so-called -secondary symptoms, and therefore the skin-affections as well, appear -the more readily in proportion as the ulcers of the genitals are -smaller and more superficial; and we ourselves believe that never -without local reaction on the genital organs from coition do so-called -secondary appearances arise,—only it is not invariably ulcers that are -to looked for. - -Now when even in our temperate climate the cutaneous glands play a not -unimportant part in the morbid processes of Venereal disease, how much -more must this be the case in Asia and Egypt, where the activity of -the skin generally and that of the cutaneous glands in particular is -even under normal conditions far more conspicuously energetic, as may -be seen from the constant oily state of the skin, more particularly in -Negroes. This oily grease on the skin is in fact nothing more nor less -than the product of the action of the cutaneous glands. These glands -are peculiarly apt to become morbidly affected in travellers visiting -the South during their acclimatisation; though natives too are yearly -attacked in the Summer months by complaints of the skin-glands.[170] -The fact has long been recognized[171] that in Southern countries not -only the greater number of skin-diseases, but even Venereal disease -itself in an especial degree, appear as an exanthema of the skin, -and for this reason it there displays far less destructive effects; -but as a rule enquirers have contented themselves with the general -habit, without (as pointed out before) adequately turning the fact to -advantage in connection with the History and Theory of Venereal disease. - -This preponderating bias towards the external skin must obviously -manifest itself equally in other diseases of the mucous membranes, and -so too in those of the genital organs. Reabsorption in particular, -acting with increased vigour on the mucous surfaces, will prove its -beneficial presence also in the diseases affecting them. The foreign -matter that comes in contact with these surfaces is assimilated to a -less degree by the mucous glands and by those of the _glans penis_, and -no time is allowed it to exert a destructive influence on the small -surface receiving it; on the other hand it is quickly thrown back -on the much more extensive surface of the external skin, and there -dealt with by the cutaneous glands with their powerful secretive and -assimilatory action, being either assimilated or expelled externally. - -In particular localities this quickly happens without any striking -symptoms being locally perceptible in the skin, as e. g. in Numidia, -Libya[172] and the Northern part of Peru[173], where the disease is -said to cure itself without extraneous medical aid, and among the -inhabitants generally to be practically non-existent (?). Though -this is not the case in other countries, still the cutaneous glands -become involved in the morbid process of the disease, and secrete -with augmented copiousness, and the secretion being simultaneously -altered in character, it fails to be driven out externally, inasmuch -as external elimination is at once stopped owing to the fact that the -cutaneous glands, like the uterus in pregnancy, close their orifice, -so as to be enabled to carry out their function in their recesses. -For this reason the glands swell, and manifest themselves in the -form of _papillae_ or tubercles (very often as little bladders, or -blebs), changing later either into pustules, if the morbid products -are eventually expelled[174], or else gradually disappear, if the -process of assimilation and re-absorption has been sufficiently -vigorous. Supposing damp, cold or other unfavourable influences to be -at work, suppuration may very well supervene, or degenerative processes -commence, and so on, and _the disease pass over into leprosy and -elephantiasis_. This is above all the case in Egypt, where from the -first, chancres on the genitals would seem to possess a marked tendency -towards scurfy and scabby formations[175]. - -If these are the facts at the present day,—and no one doubts they -are,—there only remains the question: were they so in Ancient times -as well? Here we come face to face with the difficult problem as to -the relation of leprosy with Venereal disease,—a problem which for -Centuries has been the subject of dispute, and in spite of the very -careful enquiries of a Hensler and of other investigators, cannot -by any means be regarded as solved. Our own investigations on the -Leprosy of the Ancients are as yet too incomplete, and the nature of -the subject demands such far-reaching inquisition into the most widely -different individual phænomena, that we are compelled, in order to -economise our space, to renounce all idea of submitting the subject -to any more detailed examination in the present Work. Besides, in our -Second Part we shall be coming back to it again, when we have under -investigation the question as to whether or no the Venereal disease of -the XVth Century was developed from leprosy. - -For our present purpose the following statement must suffice: -The Climate of Asia and Egypt was in Antiquity, as mentioned -already, undoubtedly but little different from what it is to-day, -and the influence it exerted therefore must have shared in this -resemblance[176]. - -As to _mentagra_, we have already proved a little above that it was -a consequence of the vice of the _cunnilingue_, and as according to -Pliny’s report the latter claimed Egypt for its fatherland, obviously -the climate of that country must have been in part responsible for -its origination. Now affections of the genital organs being found in -Antiquity as the result of sexual intercourse, it follows that in this -direction also Climate must have exerted its influence, and that in -the very same way as we have just above seen it do,—in other words -manifold affections of the skin must have originated in consequence of -irritation and other morbid effects on the genital organs. True the -Ancient physicians say not a word of this; but then they derive the -greater proportion of the skin-diseases, which they mass all together -in the most admired confusion, from internal mischief of various sorts, -and regard them all as _apostases_ (suppurative inflammations carrying -off the effect of fevers, etc.),—at any rate a proof they were not -entirely unacquainted with the antagonistic relations existing between -the skin and other organs. - -So far as the genitals are concerned, they seem to have adequately -realized only the _consensus_ between the uterus and the skin[177], -whereas in male subjects they appear to have put down most of the -effects observed to the liver. But on these points we shall have -something further to say later on. Still the assertion to the effect -that Eunuchs are not attacked by _calvities_ (baldness) (_Hippocrates_, -I. 400; _Galen_, XVIII. A. 40., also p. 42., where mention is made -of the excesses _in Baccho et Venere_—in Wine and Love—peculiarly -prevalent at his epoch), which was a frequent consequence of vice in -Antiquity[178], points to the _consensus_ between genitals and skin -having been already noted. Even more is the fact, vouched for by -_Archigenes_[179], that castration was recommended by some Physicians -as a cure for elephantiasis, such as to arouse the suspicion that the -physicians of Antiquity knew perfectly well what influence affections -of the genital organs exerted on diseases of the skin. This is made -all the more likely by Archigenes (ch. 120.) not only speaking of the -disease as being contagious, but also describing the skin-affection as -secondary in character. He further declares its cause to be unknown, -puts on record the extreme lubricity of the patients (Satyriasis pp. -74, 133, 269.), and even says in so many words that such as were -castrated did not contract elephantiasis! - -We have seen how _mentagra_ attacked the _cunnilingue_, and afterwards -passed over into _psora_; in just the same way might elephantiasis,—a -complaint indeed which the Gloss of the Pseudo-Galen actually puts in -connection with the Morbus Phoeniceus (Phoenician Disease),—be brought -on by indulgence in coition. This is in no way contradicted by the -preference the disease exhibits for first making its appearance in the -face, inasmuch as the cutaneous glands of the face are in a relation -of special sympathy with the genital organs. That leprosy too no less -than elephantiasis was communicated and contracted by coition is shown -by a host of examples given in the Mediæval Historians[180]; in fact, -a large number of Physicians held Venereal disease to be a species of -leprosy or elephantiasis, while some made it actually originate in -the act of coition with leprous persons; yet for all that we do not, -according to _Hensler_, (“Vom Aussatz”,—On Leprosy, p. 396.), find it -anywhere recorded that the genital organs were first affected,—apart -that is from what _Astruc_ has brought forward on purpose to support -his own view. As everybody knows, _he_ refers all local evils existing -prior to the end of the XVth Century to Leprosy. - -But what would follow supposing traces _were_ actually to be found -proving that what was known in Asia as leprosy did as a matter of fact -first show itself in the genitals? Before we enter upon the closer -examination of reasons for this supposition, we must quote a passage -from the Work of _Von Roeser_ already several times mentioned, a -passage equally important for the pathology of Venereal disease as for -its History. _Von Roeser_, (p. 68.) writes thus: “Primary syphilis -manifests itself _in Egypt in the very rarest cases on the prepuce -or glans of the verge_; the chancres are more commonly found on the -outer skin of the penis nearer the _mons Veneris_, or actually on -this in the hairy parts which among Egyptians and Arabs are generally -kept shaved, _or else on the scrotum_. _Pruner_[181] told me that the -occurrence of a chancre on the prepuce, which indeed is absent in -Mohammedans owing to circumcision, or on the _glans penis_ is in the -ratio of 1: 3 to chancres on the last mentioned parts, hence in that -country Astruc’s opinion that syphilitic ulcers hardly ever formed on -the exterior of the verge, is strongly contradicted,—as is no less true -amongst ourselves. That circumcision is not the sole cause of this -phænomenon is manifest from the fact that in Smyrna and Constantinople -I saw plenty of chancres on the _glans_, as well as amongst Jews at -home, though I am not going to deny that circumcision may have some -share in causing the rarity of the appearance of a chancre on the -_glans_,—but this does not in any way explain the frequency of their -appearance on the scrotum and the _mons Veneris_. A tendency to take -the exanthematic type, a tendency which makes itself known also by the -fact of _many chancres_ commonly appearing at once and _showing in a -marked degree a preference for scurfy and scabby forms_, might very -possibly afford a better explanation of the phænomenon in question.” - -Now as to the supposition just expressed, this is based on a repeated -examination of a passage of the very utmost importance in the history -of leprosy, viz. Ch. XIII. of Leviticus—a chapter which has exercised -Theologians no less than Physicians for Centuries, but without our -being enabled to regard the investigations it has given rise to as in -any way concluded. However it is no intention of ours to provide in -this place a commentary on this Chapter, more particularly as we do -not possess the philological acquirements necessary for a critical -appreciation of the results so far obtained. Neither, speaking in -general terms, has anything like sufficient progress in the study of -original sources for the history of leprosy as yet been made to enable -an adequate judgement to be formed; we much prefer to limit our efforts -at present to contributing sundry observations, which stand in close -connection with our immediate object, and at the same time may afford -readers, whether scientific or philological authorities, an opportunity -of favouring us with their judgement as specialists. - -The correct understanding of the whole passage appears to us to -depend in the first place on the success of the endeavour to find a -certain and definite explanation of the expression בְּעוֹר בְּשָׂרוֹ -(b’ôr b’sarô,—“skin of the flesh” in English Authorized Version). -Luther rendered this by: _on the skin of his flesh_; the Septuagint -translators give it as ἐν δέρματι χρωτὸς αὐτοῦ (in the skin of the -surface); while _de Wette_ (whose Translation of the passage generally -we hereby ask the reader to consult, space not allowing us to quote the -whole Chapter) translates it _on the skin of his body_, and understands -by the expression every part of the external skin. - -Supposing this translation the correct one, it will be a hard matter to -explain how it was the hair should simultaneously have turned _white_, -a circumstance which strangely enough caused even Hensler no surprise. -Rosenmüller in his Scholia on the passage says: _Schilling_ (_De lepra -p. 7._) observat, in lepra alba pilos albescere_, (_Schilling_, On -Leprosy p. 7. notes that in white leprosy the hair grows white); but -it is only the _partes pilosae aut capillatae_ (hairy parts, parts -covered with long hair) that are here intended, and these are to be -understood as including merely the head, eye-brows, chin, armpits and -pubic region. Obviously the hair on other parts of the body cannot be -taken here into consideration, as it is specifically almost colourless, -and though it is true it may have had a stronger coloration in many -Jews, surely they did not _all_ belong to the race of Esau. Again -all writers on leprosy, when this mischief affecting the hair is in -question, speak solely of the hair of the parts named[182]. So when -_Haly Abbas_ in a passage quoted by Hensler (_Excerpta_ p. 9.), in -which he is treating of _Allopitia_ and _Tyria_ (forms of leprosy), -says, _Nonnunquam totius accidit pilis corporis_ (Sometimes this -happens to all the hair of the body), this also is to be understood -merely of the parts above named. Indeed _Hensler_ himself (Vom -Aussatz,—On Leprosy, p. 304.) assumes this when, after speaking of the -hair of the head and beard, he goes on: “But this mischief may also -attack other hairy parts of the body. _Haly Abbas_ says, (_Excerpta_ -p. 9.) At times this affects also the hair of the whole body. True the -passage of _Hippocrates_, in view of the erroneous punctuation, seems -to belong more properly to what follows, still even by itself it would -be probable enough, as _the preliminary symptoms are found particularly -in the arm-pit and the groin_, and might of course extend their ravages -there, just as much as on the head.” However should anyone wish to -understand here _all_ the hairy parts of the body mentioned, and -suppose the Author to be speaking in the first instance in a general -sense, then what follows will not agree, for the hair of the head and -beard was _not_ changed into _white_, but into _yellow_ (צָהֹב), as V. -30 states. There are left therefore only the eye-brows, arm-pits and -the pubic region, to which the transformation to white can apply. - -Granting these considerations to be correct, it is impossible to -understand the _b’ôr b’sarô_ as signifying the whole exterior surface -of the skin; it must imply a local limitation. But the limited area -intended can be nothing but _the genitals_, and this agrees best at -once with the facts and with the usages of Biblical phraseology. In -more than one passage, in fact, of the Old Testament _basar_, like σάρξ -(flesh) in the New, has the meaning of “sexual parts”; and even in -English the word _flesh_, particularly in ecclesiastical language, is -consecrated by custom in this sense. So Luther was perfectly justified -in the passage under discussion in translating as he did: _on the -skin of his flesh_, that is to say, of his genitals. The particular -combination of _b’ôr b’sarô_ we have not it is true been able to find -used generally in the books of the Old Testament, but we must not -therefore conclude absolutely that it is unique and peculiar to this -XIIIth. Chapter; though indeed, if such _were_ the case, it would -merely be an additional confirmation of the explanation we have given. - -So far as the matter of fact goes, such an assumption offers no -difficulties,—indeed it actually removes several, as e. g. that -connected with the coloration of the skin, and not only proves that -already at that date pustules on the genitals had been observed that -were free from any suspicion of malignant character, but further that -along with a suspicious pustule or similar symptom (scurf, ulcer) there -went a simultaneous general affection of the skin as a whole, which was -held to be diagnostic for the local malady, and accordingly proclaimed -even the suspected leper free from taint after his recovery from it. -For evidently we must take verses 12 and 13 as indicating this, where -it is stated in so many words: “And if the leprosy break out (פָּרַח, -—blossom) abroad in the skin, and the leprosy cover all the skin of -him that hath the plague from his head even to his feet, as far as -appeareth to the priest; then the priest shall look: and behold, if -the leprosy have covered all his flesh, he shall pronounce him clean -that hath the plague; it is all turned white: he is clean.” (English -Revised Version). The last words have been wrongly referred by some -Interpreters to the “Bohak” (bright spot), which is mentioned in verse -39., but really nothing more than this is intended:—after the eruption -is dried up, and the skin has returned to its natural white colour, -then the hitherto sick man is to be declared clean[183]. - -This diagnostic eruption again points to another fact, viz. that the -leprosy must have had its seat in a part of the body, the cutaneous -glands of which stand in a relation of lively sympathy with those of -the skin generally, and this according to modern experience can only -be the cutaneous glands of the genital organs. Sometimes inoculation -with cow-pox lymph brings out a general eruption of the whole skin, -but this circumstance cannot well be made pertinent here, as really -and truly the lymph is a resultant product of a feverish affection, -and therefore its innate tendency is towards a reproduction of itself -under circumstances of feverish stimulation, and to set the whole -organism, and consequently the whole cutaneous glandular system, in a -state of enhanced activity. How the diagnostic eruption comes about -may be gathered from the statement of the case given just above; while -the passage quoted from _von Roeser’s_ Work will explain the rest. -Still for the present this much may suffice to put the expert reader -in a position to test our conjecture,—for indeed so far it makes no -profession to be more than a conjecture. Supposing it found tenable, -then the further consequences that cannot but grow from it for the -elucidation of the Chapter in discussion may be readily developed. On -the other hand, if it is devoid of justification, it would be quite -useless further to elaborate a hypothesis, plunging a subject obscure -enough without this in even deeper darkness. Further than this we -only need to mention that _Hensler_ and others hold _mentagra_ to be -indicated in the bald chin and scurfy (scall) chin of Leviticus (XIII. -29 sqq.), which if they are right would merely be another point in -favour of our view. - -Finally there can hardly be any need for us to observe that we have no -idea of holding leprosy in general to be a consequence of excesses; -on the contrary we believe, to return to the problem we started with -at the beginning of this Section, that we are bound to agree to the -opinion first explicitly laid down by _Becket_[184], viz. _that under -the widely comprehensive notion of Leprosy were included other forms -of skin-diseases owing their existence to some previous affection of -the genital organs_,—in precisely the same way as this happened in the -Middle Ages, and as may be the case occasionally even at the present -day. - - -§ 31. - -What precise influence Climate exerted on the form taken and course run -by affections of the genital organs _in Greece and Italy_, can be only -approximately laid down, as the information supplied by Physicians, -though ample in quantity, mostly leaves the point indefinite as to -where the observations were made, whether in Asia Minor and Egypt -(Alexandria), or in Greece and Italy. The last named country indeed -was, as is well known, almost entirely devoid of independent native -medical Writers. - -The mild, genial sky of Greece and Italy impressed on all forms of -disease, including diseases of the genitals, a mild character. There, -on the confines of East and West, we find, it is true, the same natural -tendencies prevailing as in Asia, but always on a less exaggerated -scale. _Von Roeser_ (loco citato p. 70.) says: “In conclusion we -should note further that in Egypt gonorrhœa is a complaint of very -rare occurrence, in Greece and Turkey a very common one. That the -exanthematic character taken by syphilis is not(?) responsible for the -fact of its not manifesting itself as gonorrhœa is confirmed by the -circumstance that it occurs much more frequently in Greece than amongst -ourselves, whereas syphilis in that country has (though not in an -identical form) the exanthematic type to an even greater degree than in -our own.” _D. Hennen_[185] found Venereal disease rare in Cephalonia, -but on the contrary gonorrhœa quite common. - -No doubt the tendency to determine towards the skin is clearly -noticeable in Greece as well, but not to such an extent as to outweigh -the local affection. The latter accordingly takes a more independent -form than is the case in Asia, and for this reason, though making its -appearance more frequently, neither follows so rapid a course nor -shows so destructive a character,—if only the organism is seconded to -some extent in the efforts to combat the malady. This is shown by the -statements _Galen_ has left as to gonorrhœa and ulcers occurring in -connection with bubonic swellings,—a matter we shall have occasion to -speak of later. While in Asia the skin affection is manifested by the -formation of pustules and scurf, in Greece and neighbouring countries -of the South it rather takes the shape of _papillae_ and small blisters -or blebs, and only in obstinate cases breaks out in tubercles. Hence -_lepra_, _psora_, _lichen_, and _elephantiasis_ are the forms under -which we must look for it in the medical Writers of Antiquity, who -however say nothing as to the origin of these diseases, or else, -as we have seen before, refer them all to deficiency of the moist -humours[186]. - -We have never yet succeeded, though we have before now expended much -time on the effort, in getting a clear grasp of the ideas the Ancient -physicians intended to express by the different designations they gave -to the various skin-diseases. So we are constrained to postpone deeper -investigation of the question to a subsequent occasion, or wait to see -whether meantime some other enquirer, better equipped for the work, -may not throw light on the chaos. Only so far as _Scabies_ (Scab) is -concerned, it would seem allowable to assume allusions to be intended -to vicious living as a cause of the malady. It cannot be without a -reason that for centuries this one above all other skin diseases seems -to have fallen under special disrepute; and the term to have been used -by poets, by _Martial_[187] for example, to indicate that sensual -indulgence had been at work. In fact, several of the earliest Writers -on Venereal disease hold it to be a sort of _scabies_, and even at a -later period there is for long frequent mention made of _Venereal scars -or scabs_. Possibly also in Greece lepra (leprosy) was looked upon as a -form of skin-disease that was come by in no reputable way, and commonly -regarded as an inheritance of the debauchees[188], just as we saw to be -the case with _mentagra_ at Rome. - -Affections of the external skin consequent upon complaints of the -genital organs being thus no less common in Ancient times than they are -to-day, it follows that in inverse proportion forms of ulceration of -the palate and nose, as well as complaints affecting the bones, must -have fallen into the background and have been of more rare occurrence, -just as is observed to be the case in the present day[189]. So, to -combine all the varying forms under one generalisation, we may say that -this represents a type of disease of an exceedingly mild and favourable -character, particularly if attention is directed only to the external -symptoms, as indeed was habitually done by the old pathologists. -For even the skin-affection itself presents so little that is -characteristic, or at any rate shows itself under such varying shapes, -that even at the present day its diagnosis is extremely difficult, -being very often based solely and entirely on the admission of the -patient, whether voluntary or forced from him, of having suffered from -gonorrhœa or chancre. But if the so-called secondary symptoms are -more or less completely absent, or lack distinctness, what is there -then left beyond the primary affections of the genitals and their -succedanea? Full and sufficient descriptions of these are not lacking; -we have already quoted numerous examples, and we shall find others yet -clearer and more precise later on. - -Before quitting the subject of the influence exerted by Climate, we -are bound to return once more to the question, _in what relation -did contagion_, if contagion there was, _stand to this climatic -influence?_ The existence of contagion in the case of gonorrhœa is -certified by the passage of _Galen_ already quoted by Naumann, which -we propose later on to give in full, besides being implied long before -by the law of purification of the Mosaic Books. So far as ulcerous -formations, condylomata and skin-affections such as _mentagra_ etc., -are concerned, proof is supplied by the facts we have previously given. -According to more modern experience all forms of contagion exhibit in -Southern countries a more fugitive type than elsewhere and spread with -proportionately greater readiness. Whereas in such as are naturally -fugitive, the intensity may for that very reason be less injurious, -fixed and stable forms of contagion on the contrary must obviously -lose in strength, at any rate so far as their local effects go. They -will be the less able to make good a lodgement in the organism, -from the fact that, stimulating the latter as they do to a general -activity, they are the more readily resisted and prevented by this very -state of enhanced activity. For just as, speaking generally, chronic -complaints, uncomplicated by fever, can only be removed by artificially -setting up a feverish condition, that is to say by calling on the -organism as a whole to share in the local manifestations of disease. -Precisely the same is true of local affections set up by any fixed -and stable contagion, and so the removal of the actual contagion can -only be successfully brought about either by direct decomposition and -destruction of the affected tissue or by metamorphosis into a fugitive -form. - -Now inasmuch as the contagion was rapidly thrown off from the point of -first infection upon the cutaneous glands,—and this happened the more -readily, the more fugitive its character was,—the affections there set -up by it standing in such clear relation as they did with the primary -symptoms, were necessarily bound also to exhibit a greater or less -degree of the contagious character, as indeed is observed according -to _Jos. Frank_, _Biett_ and other authorities even in Europe to the -present day. In Greece, where the transformation was less often to -pustular and scurfy forms, more frequently merely to papillae or at -worst little bladder-like risings, or blebs (Phlyctaenae), while at the -same time the energy of the skin was not so pronounced, the interval -between the appearance of the primary and secondary symptoms was -greater, and the contagiousness of the skin-affections undoubtedly less -prominent, it cost the organism in that climate much more strenuous -effort to set in action the elimination of the disease by the skin. -Consequently the nervous system as well was injuriously affected by -sympathy to a greater extent, while the exanthematic forms showed -themselves in more obvious conjunction with itch (_psora!_). This was -partially the case in Italy too, though here the climate approximated -more nearly to that of Lower Egypt, leading to a more frequent -appearance of pustulous forms, as shown by the prevalence in that -country of _mentagra_. - -But just as climatic influence relaxed the intensity of contagion, and -diminished concurrently the malignancy of disease-types, local as well -as general, so on the contrary, in those cases where other influences -tended to counteract its effect, while the organism was not strong -enough to overmaster the assaults of the enemy by general or local -activity, it sought to guard against the contagion rising to a higher -degree of independence; it set up mortification of the ulcers, by which -means the contagion itself was directly destroyed. From all this it -may be concluded, that although climate must evidently be acknowledged -to be an important factor favourable to the rise of affections of the -genital organs in Antiquity as much as at the present day, yet on the -other hand it tended by its own action to combat the mischief it had -originated; and so, at any rate so far as the development of the morbid -process is concerned, is to be regarded to an almost equal degree as a -counteracting influence at the same time. - - -§ 32. - -The experience of all ages has conclusively proved that a large -proportion of such morbid phæenomena as occur in consequence of local -climatic conditions are capable equally of being produced sooner or -later in countries and neighbourhoods the climate of which is entirely -different by help of the _genius epidemicus_; and that the readiness -with which they are so produced varies in direct ratio with the degree -in which the climate is associated with and seconds the favourable -factors. It is indeed extremely difficult, in view of the low level -of development to which the science of Epidemics, in general no less -than in particular, has as yet attained, to show this as applicable in -any given case, more especially if it is a question of the epidemic -condition of some disease of which the pathological relations -themselves are far from being as yet adequately known. Still this must -not prevent us from making at any rate an attempt at investigation of -the question, how much or how little effort has been manifested by such -influence in the course of years. - -But the influence of the genius epidemicus on diseases in general -is a twofold one. _Either_ it supplies the capital, most essential -external circumstances conditioning the production of a disease, -in fact is related to it as cause to effect. In virtue of it the -disease is an _epidemic_ disease, coming into existence for the first -time concurrently with the development of the genius epidemicus, -disappearing again with the cessation of its prevalence, and once -again springing up if and when the genius epidemicus makes a second -re-appearance. _Or else_ the most essential external conditioning -circumstances are specifically independent of the genius epidemicus; -while the latter takes merely a remote share in the way of favouring or -counteracting the production of the disease, manifesting its influence -rather in modifying the form and direction of such morbid reactions as -have arisen in the organism without its intervention at all,—in other -words _the disease is subject to epidemic influence_. - -Unfortunately hitherto these two kinds of influence exerted by the -genius epidemicus have been only too often confounded, and no adequate -distinction drawn between epidemic diseases on the one hand and -diseases subject to epidemic influence on the other. This has been -especially so with regard to Venereal disease, the epidemic character -of which curiously enough enquirers have felt bound to vindicate, as -well at the beginning of the XVth. Century as here and there even at -the present day. The baselessness of such an opinion is so perfectly -obvious to anyone who weighs the matter with any care, that we really -do not think it necessary to devote more pains now to proving the -point, particularly as we propose to treat it more fully in another -place. On the other hand Venereal disease _is_ subject to epidemic -influence, in fact it is so perhaps to a greater extent than many -other forms of sickness, as will be clearly shown in the course of -our historical investigations. Accordingly the only question still -wanting an answer is, how far such influence may have been effectual -in Antiquity. This question of course presupposes the existence -already of a number of diseases appearing in consequence of Venereal -excesses; still we possess sufficient proof, as previously stated -in the course of our enquiries into the influence of climate, to -justify a provisional assumption of their existence for our immediate -purpose. For openly admitting as we do our ignorance in relation to the -influence of the genius epidemicus on sexual activity generally and on -the individual activity of the genital organs in particular, and noting -the problem to be one that can only be solved in the future, there is -nothing else left us to investigate here but this, viz. _the influence -of the genius epidemicus in reference to the forms taken and course -followed by diseases occurring in consequence of Venereal excesses_. - -It may be collected from later experience and observation that there -are three clearly marked forms of the genius epidemicus or _epidemic -condition_, that exercise a preponderating influence on affections -of the genitals and Venereal disease, and condition the frequency of -the occurrence of one or the other type of these, viz. _catarrhal_, -conditioning blennorrhœal affections, the _exanthematic_, conditioning -complaints of the cutaneous glands, and the _typhoïdal_, conditioning -various forms of chancre and their malignancy. - -With regard to the influence of the _genius epidemicus catarrhalis_ -and _exanthematicus_, it would seem to be difficult to arrive at -any definite conclusion as to what precisely this was in Asia and -the South of Europe, since the Climate was _ipso facto_, as already -shown, pre-eminently favourable to blennorrhœal and cutaneous -affections; nevertheless the rise and spread of mentagra as well as -of elephantiasis in the time of Pompey the Great does afford some -indication at any rate so far as Italy is concerned. No doubt the -Hippocratic writers several times mention the prevalence of skin -affections at particular periods; but the expressions they employ are -too general to make it possible for us to take these into special -consideration in this place. However there is one passage we must -make an exception of,—a passage of the greatest importance for our -purpose, even though in all probability it refers to the commencement -of a combined erysipelas-typhoïdal condition, to which we shall have -occasion to return again later. In it Hippocrates relates how after -a dry Summer with Southerly winds and frequent rain there followed -a mild, wet Winter, next cold and even snow-storms succeeded in the -Spring with much rain, and finally a very hot Summer again. In the -Spring began inflammatory fevers and erysipelas, and[190] “in many -cases aphthae and ulcerations formed in the mouth, many rheums occurred -in the genitals taking the form of ulcers and abscesses on the external -and internal surface of the sexual parts; also eye troubles, with -discharge, obstinate, persistent and painful; also growths, which are -called σῦκα (figs) on the inner and outer surface of the eye-lids, -causing many to lose their sight; besides they frequently occurred -on other parts liable to ulceration and particularly on the genital -organs.” In this passage the expressions ἑλκώματα, φύματα, ἔξωθεν -ἔσωθεν τὰ περὶ βουβῶνας (ulcers and abscesses on the external and -internal surface of the sexual parts) is as a rule misunderstood by -the annotators. But really ἔξωθεν (on the outside) evidently refers -to ἑλκώματα (ulcers), while ἔσωθεν (on the inside) goes with φύματα -(abscesses), and signifies a swelling and inflammation of a mucous -gland resulting in suppuration, as may be seen from the next quoted -Aphorism[191]. “Such patients as have φύματα (abscesses) in the urethra -find relief, so soon as these have suppurated and broken.” That this -relief (λύσις) consisted in the cessation of pain and of the retention -of urine may be gathered not only from Galen’s commentary on the first -passage, and from the λύεται ὁ πόνος (the suffering is relieved) in -the repetition of the same Aphorism, but Hippocrates actually says so -distinctly in a third passage[192]. - -Supposing the view, still generally held even in the last Century, -that regards gonorrhœa as a result of an ulcer in the urethra, to -have been already adopted in Hippocrates’ time,—and inasmuch as the -expression γονοῤῥοία, so far as we know, never occurs in his writings, -the assumption would not only not be absurd, but such a view would -really be preferable to that which makes out the discharge to be badly -made semen,—we shall find in this passage an expression of the fact of -the more common occurrence of gonorrhœa, the most troublesome symptom -of which, viz. the pain suffered during micturition (πόνος, δυσουρία, -ἰσχουρία, suffering, difficulty in micturition, retention of urine), -disappears, as is well known, concurrently with the commencement of -the discharge (πύου ῥαγέντος, φυμάτων ῥαγέντων,—when the pus has -broken out, when the abscess has broken), or if it does not entirely -disappear, is at any rate sensibly diminished. But it is not really -needful to accept this as having been the ruling opinion; the facts may -very well be accounted for by supposing that in virtue of the _epidemic -condition_ a strongly marked tendency was set up on the part of the -glandular organs to inflammatory and suppurative action, by which not -merely the glands of the external skin (ἑλκώματα ἔξωθεν),—ulcerations -on the outside, Moses’ יְהֹוָה צְבָאוֹת), but also those of the mucous -membrane of the urethra (φύματα ἔσωθεν,—abscesses on the inside) were -affected, exactly as is observed at the present day, especially in the -chronic forms of gonorrhœa. - -The gonorrhœa then in this case would seem to have been of a more -malignant type and to have been combined with ulceration. This best -agrees with the general delineation of the _epidemic condition_ as -a whole, the exanthematic character of which declared itself in -the fig-like growths or tumours,—the σῦκα αἰδοίοισιν (figs on the -genitals). _Grimm_ (Vol. I. p. 490.) already remarks on this passage -of Hippocrates: “One might be tempted in this case to regard the -ulcerations of the genital parts and their consequences, the fig-like -tumours, as being the first signs of disease due to incontinence. -Indeed what was there to hinder an evil of the sort in those times -and under a warm climate from signalizing itself,—then subsequently -so far losing its malignant character that its nature was completely -misunderstood? Something of the same kind actually happens under our -own eyes in connection with this very disease.” - - -§ 33. - -Still more important were the effects of these meteorological -conditions on ulcers of the genitals _already in existence_. We -read (loco citato p. 482.): “Even before the beginning of Spring, -concurrently with the commencement of the cold time, erysipelas made -frequent appearances sometimes with, sometimes without, visible cause; -it showed itself highly malignant in type, and carried off many. Many -again suffered from painful affections of the pharynx (anginae,—sore -throats), loss of voice (affections of the wind-pipe), inflammatory -fevers with delirium, aphthae in the mouth, φύματα (abscesses) in the -genital organs, ophthalmias, ἄνθρακες (malignant pustules), etc.—Also -many got erysipelas from external causes, at such spots as these had -happened to affect them, even after the smallest injuries[193], and -in all parts of the body. Above all sexagenarians suffered in this way -in the head, if they were treated in the smallest degree carelessly. -Even under careful and scientific treatment wide-spread phlegmonous -affections frequently occurred, while the erysipelas spread to a -serious extent and with great rapidity in all directions. In most -of the patients so affected the metamorphosis that succeeded was to -ulcerations, whilst _muscles, sinews and bones fell away to a serious -degree_. But the morbid product that collected did not resemble -ordinary matter (pus), but was a sort of putrid _sanies_, occurring -equally in combination and by itself[194]. Such as were attacked in the -head, became bald over the whole head and chin, the bones were laid -bare and fell away, and such ῥεύματα (morbid discharges) as described -occurred frequently, whether with or without fever. Symptoms of the -kind however were more terrifying than really destructive[195], for -among patients in whom these (ῥεύματα) came to maturity and resulted -in suppuration, the majority were saved; on the contrary many died -among those in whom the phlegmonous affections and the erysipelas -disappeared, without undergoing any such metamorphosis into other forms -of disease. Moreover the same thing happened to those in whose case -(the morbid product) attacked some other part of the body. For with -many of them the whole upper and fore arm fell away; while in some -patients the disease attacked the ribs, the sole difference being -whether some destruction was wrought on their anterior or posterior -aspect; in others again the whole thigh or the lower leg or the whole -foot was laid bare. _But the most dangerous of all was, when this or -the like happened in the neighbourhood of the private parts or to the -private parts themselves_, and the mischief manifested itself in the -form of ulcers, and as the result of external causes. In many patients -suchlike symptoms occurred during, before, as well as after the -fever”[196]. - -_Galen_, who has left us a Commentary on this passage (Vol. XVII. -A.) mentions in the first place that aphthae, φύματα (abscesses) -of the genitals, etc. specifically possessed (p. 661.) nothing of -κακοηθεία (malignity), but only when as in this case they occurred in -conjunction with a putrid general condition. “The putrid character -easily arises even without a pestilential general condition, if the -parts are attacked by phlegmonous affections or erysipelas, and spreads -likewise over the neighbouring parts lying uppermost; hence it is we -are compelled after cutting away the decayed tissues to cauterize the -place. It is no wonder then, when such a condition has arisen that -upper and fore-arm, thigh and lower leg, ribs and head are attacked, -if the private parts suffer above all others.—So far the author has -discussed those affections of a kind akin to erysipelas which associate -themselves with ulcerations or other comparatively insignificant -external cause; in what follows he speaks of such attacks as occurred -without any such occasioning cause”[197]. - -Now if we examine these statements, so far as they are of immediate -interest in view of our object, we may unhesitatingly conclude from -them, that in Hippocrates’ time a large number of patients suffered -from ulcers of the genitals. These it seems under the influence of the -prevailing typhoïdal conditions were assailed by inflammation of an -erysipelas-like type, rapidly passing over into humid gangrene, which -latter destroyed the parts attacked, readily extended its ravages, and -eventually killed the patient. This is an observation which _Galen_ -likewise had frequent occasion to make (so probably under the head of -Influence of the Climate of Asia, pp. 318, 326, 329.), without any -exactly definite typhoïdal conditions having been prevalent[198], and -even saw himself under these circumstances very generally constrained, -in order to put a stop to the spread of the mortification, _to amputate -the gangrenous tissue, and afterwards cauterize the wound_. What was -the origin of these ulcers of the genitals is indeed not stated; but -it is certain they were not invariably conditioned by the prevailing -_genius epidemicus_. Besides, since Hippocrates several times mentions -them without giving the cause that produced them, it is a more likely -conjecture to suppose that this cause was one universally familiar (it -consisted in an act of unclean intercourse with women), than to assume -it to have been _absolutely unknown_ to physicians generally[199]. - -Again the result of this investigation is of still more especial -interest in so far as it enables us to properly appreciate -Thucydides’ notice of the so-called _Plague of Athens_.[200] This has -been discussed by very many writers, and has given occasion to the -most widely different explanations. He relates as follows: “For the -disease which at first had its stronghold in the head, beginning from -above downwards traversed by degrees the whole body; and even supposing -a patient to have escaped the worst, yet a seizure of the extremities -put its mark upon him. For it attacked the genitals and the extremities -of the hands and feet; and many escaped death, but with the loss of -these parts.” Even more clearly does the poet _Lucretius_[201] paint -the disease, when he says: - - Profluvium porro qui tetri sanguinis acre - Exierat; tamen in nervos huic morbus et artus - Ibat et _in partes genitales corporis ipsas_, - Et graviter partim metuentes limina leti - _Vivebant ferro privati virili_. - -(Then too if any one had escaped the acrid discharge of noisome blood, -the disease would yet pass into his sinews and joints and onward even -_into the sexual organs of the body_; and some from excessive dread of -the gates of death _would live bereaved of these parts by the knife_. -Munro’s translation). - -Though we really are concerned only with the last words of Thucydides, -so far as they relate to the genitals, yet what precedes has given -occasion to such extraordinary interpretations that we feel bound to -devote some attention to this as well. The whole passage proved itself -an especial _stone of stumbling_ to those writers who endeavoured to -identify the Athenian plague with _scarlet-fever_, as _Malfatti_ did, -or with _small-pox_, like _Scuderi_ and _Kraus_. In fact this is why -the last named says as he does[202]: “The loss of the private parts -and the extremities (στερισκόμενοι τούτων,—being deprived of these, -with the loss of these) would certainly seem to point merely to the -loss of the _free use_ of these parts, in consequence of ulcerations, -swellings of the joints, lesions and contractions, for the entire -members are not likely to have been destroyed by mortification or -amputated by the surgeon? Indeed it is only in deference to the verses -of Lucretius that the latter opinion has become the one generally held; -but even Ancient commentators[203] have felt that the Roman poet may -very possibly have mistaken Thucydides’ meaning. Moreover I feel myself -disposed to agree with them particularly on this ground, that the -mortification of the whole of any of the greater limbs, though it _has_ -been observed in pestilential fevers, in _Typhus contagiosus putridus_ -(putrid infectious Typhus) amongst others, yet makes a comparatively -rare symptom of the disease, and at the same time so dangerous a one -that it can hardly be, as Thucydides alleges it was, that many (πολλοὶ) -after such a serious affection escaped death, while on the contrary -some (εἰσὶ δ’ οἵ) only did so with the loss of the eyes.” Any one who -will compare the just quoted passages of Hippocrates and Galen with the -account of Thucydides, will want no further proof that as a matter of -fact mortification of the extremities did supervene, an occurrence that -even in later times[204] is not of the extreme rarity that _Kraus_ -and others believe. Again the fact that _many_ of those attacked -escaped with their lives is the less surprising when one remembers that -Thucydides is not speaking of entire arms and feet as having fallen -off, but only of ἄκρας χεῖρας καὶ πόδας, that is to say, fingers and -toes. However supposing any one to prefer not to supply ἄκρων with -τούτων, but take it as used in its full extent, maintaining that -hands and feet as well as genitals were entirely destroyed, even this -would not belong to the category of _extremely rare_ phenomena, for -Hippocrates actually saw the extremities entirely fall off in similar -circumstances, while if only the ῥεύματα (morbid discharges) came duly -to maturity and maturation supervened, the major part (οἱ πλεῖστοι -τούτων ἐσώζοντο,—the majority of these were saved) escaped with their -life. - -Finally the passage of Thucydides gives no sort of evidence to prove -that the ἀκρωτηρίων ἀντίληψις (seizure of extremities) occurred solely -in those attacked by the fever as metastasis and so on. For the first -sentence quoted, to the effect that the disease traversed the whole -body, evidently refers back to the preceding clause ἐπικατιόντος τοῦ -νοσήματος ἐς τὴν κοιλίαν (when the disease descends into the abdomen), -and for this reason is connected with it by the conjunction γὰρ—“for”. -The succeeding words καὶ εἴ τις ἐκ τῶν μεγίστων περιγένοιτο (and even -supposing a patient to have escaped the worst) may very well be taken -in this way; μεγίστων (the greatest, worst things) is made not a Neuter -absolute, like τὰ ἔσχατα (last extremities) and such like phrases -in other places, but κακῶν (evils) is supplied to go with it, and -the whole translated: “even supposing a patient escaped the greatest -evils”, that is to say if he were not attacked by the λοῖμος (Plague) -in the forms of head and abdominal affections, “yet it marked him”, -that is it made its existence manifest by gangrene of the extremities -supervening[205]. This Thucydides, a layman writing on a medical -subject, supposes to be a mere manifestation of the λοῖμος (Plague), -while Hippocrates regarded it as the proof of the erysipelas-putrid -condition, which caused the already previously existing ulcers etc. to -assume this character. - -We have already mentioned the fact that at Athens ulcers of the feet -were of frequent occurrence; and these must, no less than the ulcers -of the genitals previously existing in any case, have necessarily -been likewise assailed by the general unhealthy condition of things, -and when this happened, have passed over into gangrene. Thucydides in -fact says expressly at the beginning of his delineation of the disease -(ch. 49.): τὸ μὲν γὰρ ἔτος, ὡς ὡμολογεῖτο, ἐκ πάντων μάλιστα δὴ ἐκεῖνο -ἄνοσον ἐς τὰς ἄλλας ἀσθενείας ἐτύγχανεν ὄν. εἰ δέ τις καὶ προέκαμνέ τι, -_ἐς τοῦτο πάντα ἀπεκρίθη_. (For indeed that year, as was universally -admitted, chanced to be of all years one especially free from other -diseases in general; and indeed if any one suffered previously from -any complaint, _all ended in this_, the plague.)” We have seen how -Hippocrates observed the prevalence of ulcers of the genitals at the -period of the special meteorological conditions he drew attention to, -and without doubt in the same way such existed at Athens as well, and -were subsequently dominated by the prevailing erysipelas-typhoïdal -conditions. This was manifested in one of two ways; either the ulcers -became gangrenous, or the patient was attacked by typhus, precisely -as is noted to be the case at the present day[206]. But under either -eventuality the existing contagion was annihilated, in the one case -by the general feverish reaction of the organism[207]. But in those -cases where neither fever nor mortification supervened, the contagion -undoubtedly assumed a more strongly effective character, was more -readily infectious, set up more deeply penetrating ulcerations, and -the tendency towards the skin being the predominating one, exanthematic -eruptions with an inclination to ulcerative forms (ἐκθύματα μεγάλα, -ἕρπητες πολλοῖσιν μεγάλοι,—great pustules, extensive creeping eruptions -in many cases) were observed by Hippocrates to be set up in Summer, -(loco citato p. 487.). All these are factors of the highest importance -for the history of Venereal disease, as it is only by them that we -shall be enabled to solve the great riddle of the origin of Venereal -disease in the XVth. Century,—a riddle to which the answer would long -ago have been found, if only enquirers had not been in the habit almost -down to our own days of persistently looking upon Venereal disease as -an isolated phænomenon. - -True it is impossible from the passage of Thucydides to decide with -any certainty whether the extremities, hands, feet and genitals, fell -off of their own accord or were removed by the knife; but our own -opinion is that both was the case, for of course there were Physicians -at Athens, and until they had learned their powerlessness against the -prevailing sickness, they no doubt employed the remedial means at -their disposal, and these consisted according to Hippocrates solely -and simply in the use of scalpel and cauterizing iron, all other -measures having proved unavailing. That these were equally resorted to -in ulcerations of the genitals we see from the passage of Galen quoted -above, and the Poem of the Priapeia, p. 74, confirms the same in the -most convincing way. - -Enough has been alleged to prove how far the view expressed in many -different forms, to the effect that, in the Athenian Plague as well -as in the meteorological conditions and their results as laid down by -Hippocrates, it is a question of Venereal disease, is justified by -facts, and to show that even in Antiquity materials are to be found to -demonstrate conclusively that the _genius epidemicus_ exercised a not -unimportant influence on the rise, form and course of the ulcerations -of the genital organs. In what way this influence acted on the -complaints consequent on paederastia and the vices of the _cunnilingue_ -and the _fellator_ and affecting the posterior and mouth, we cannot -at any rate at the moment demonstrate historically, but it seems only -probable that previously existing ulcerations in the mouth and throat -must under an erysipelas-typhoïdal general condition have proved -themselves in the highest degree dangerous to the sufferers. - - - - -SECOND SECTION. - -Influences which served to hinder to a greater or less degree the -inception of Diseases consequent upon the Use or Misuse of the Genital -Organs. - - - - -§ 34. - - -It has been fully proved in the course of our previous investigations -that Asia and Egypt must be regarded as the two focus-points of -exaggerated sensual licence, the conditions of climate being most -favourable in those regions for the generation of affections consequent -upon sexual excesses. So it may be fairly concluded without further -proof that in the same parts of the world attention was early devoted -to the problem how to render such influences,—no mere passing ones, be -it observed, but continuously operative,—as little harmful as possible. -Now in what way could this end be more adequately attained than by -_cleanliness_ carried out to the highest possible degree? As a matter -of history, the merest superficial acquaintance with the customs and -usages of Antiquity clearly shows that equally in Asia and in Egypt -concern for bodily cleanliness had occupied the particular attention -of both political and sacerdotal Legislators from the most remote -period. More than this, it had come to be looked upon by the people -as so entirely necessary, as to be all but inextricably blended with -their very life and being. Any idea of vexatious compulsion entirely -disappeared, and the laws and ordinances directed to this object are in -force to this day as fully as they were thousands of years ago. - -Inhabitants of the temperate zone who visited these lands were bound to -think,—unless they gave more careful consideration to the subject than -most were likely to do,—such almost universal and such scrupulous care -for cleanliness exaggerated; and so we find, e. g. the Greek writers, -who cite many of the usages of this description, invariably referring -to them merely as a sort of curiosity. In later times, e. g. in _St. -Athanasius_,[208] they are even condemned as being prompted by the -Devil, in order to diminish the amount of time to be devoted to pious -exercises. It may well be that in course of time a too scrupulously -precise dependence on ancestral custom had brought many of these usages -into ridicule, especially when they were practised in countries where -in some cases the reasons for their observance altogether cease to be -operative. Yet anyone who considers with due care the conditions under -which they were originally introduced, will find himself constrained to -admit that the Lawgiver was only obeying a behest of necessity. - -If the different customs and usages of the Ancients in connection with -their careful attention to cleanliness are examined more minutely, they -are found to be divisible into two classes, according as (1.) their -object was to prevent uncleanliness, or (2.) to banish it, when once -admitted. All measures connected with sanitary police supervision, the -enforcement of which in modern civilized States leads to such endless -difficulties, were almost entirely in the hands of the Priests, to whom -the People were accustomed to accord an unquestioning obedience. It -was an easy matter therefore to prevent any injurious contamination -from extending over a wide area; it sufficed simply to declare unclean -whatever might prove injurious to health to ensure its being avoided -in practice,—and in the majority of instances with the most scrupulous -care. This is a factor in the problem that appears never to have been -properly appreciated by our Historical Pathologists; otherwise they -must long ago have abandoned many prejudices regarding the knowledge -possessed by the Ancients as to contagious matter. For how _could_ -practical observations be collected on infection and the liability to -infection, when every possible chance of infection was carefully and -generally avoided? Most of the Peoples of Antiquity considered contact -with a dead body a pollution, more than this, they thought even the -neighbourhood of a corpse to have the same effect. They hung up notices -to warn the passers-by, and placed vessels of water (ἀδάνιον, ὄστρακον, -γάστρα—water-stoup, earthen vessel, water-pot) before the house where -a dead man lay, that those who came in and out might be able to purify -themselves again on the spot[209]. Of course all did not go so far as -the Persians, who declared every sick person unclean. Still it is a -fact, and this most certainly not merely among the Jews, that all the -various infectious skin-diseases that were massed together under the -name of Leprosy[210], and also Gonorrhœa (Clap), made the sufferer, -and also everything he touched, unclean, and caused them to be set -apart where no one should come in contact with them; and this continued -so long as the sickness lasted. - -Now does it really need any further proof that these diseases developed -a perfectly well-known form of contagious matter: or is an arbitrary -and imaginary theory to be adopted by preference, to the effect that -injunctions of the sort owed their existence merely to the caprice of -the Legislator, and were not based on any actual experience of real -detriment resulting from their neglect in favour of others? At any -rate it is certain that, where these laws were in force and where each -individual followed them out exactly, a disease that is communicable -only by close contact could not possibly be disseminated over any wide -area. This could not take place under such circumstances, even though -it had been engendered in its original form and continued prevalent for -a long period of time. - -However it was not only the sick that were avoided, but all possible -causes as well that might lead to the disease. It was not only the -effort required and the pain, but most likely the possibility also -of injury resulting, that made the weakly Asiatic forgo the _Jus -primae noctis_ (Right of the first night), and declare unclean the -supposed[211] injurious effects of the vaginal blood that flowed on -the rupture of the hymen, as well as the act of defloration itself. -Pollution was guarded against in this case, as it was by the regulation -banishing women during the time of menstruation from the neighbourhood -of men, a regulation that had the binding force of law amongst almost -all the Nations of Antiquity. The same held good for the time of -purification of women who had been lying-in,[212] a condition which -was supposed in some unexplained way to be able to exert a possibly -injurious influence on the genital organs of the husband. - - - - -Depilation. - -§ 35. - - -In spite of all this it might yet happen that contact with a sick -person could not be avoided, and all possible causes of the diseases -in question escaped. Attention therefore was naturally directed to the -effort to make the admission of the contagion and of matters having -deleterious effects as difficult as might be. There were two means for -attaining this end held to be especially effective,—depilation and -circumcision. - -The hair as is well known is particularly apt to attract and retain all -kinds of moisture; and it will of course do this in the case of the -genital secretions, whether healthy or morbid, if they come in contact -with it. These secretions will the more readily exert an injurious -effect, as each hair is accompanied by at least two cutaneous glands, -possessing an excretory duct or pore, and in those parts of the -body where a thicker and stronger growth of hair is found, develop a -considerably increased degree of activity,—an increased activity which -they exhibit in any case in hot countries. “Hence too the Priests in -Egypt shave the body carefully; for there is something collects under -the hair, that must be removed,” _Philo_ says in a passage cited above, -and a fragment of _Theopompus_ preserved by _Athenaeus_[213] also tells -us, that this habit existed also among the Greeks, as well as among -different peoples of Italy. - -In later times however the habit gradually disappeared in these -countries; and is only found again at the period of greatest luxury, -when the Pathics endeavoured by the removal of hair from all parts -of the body, except the head, to assimilate their outward appearance -to the feminine type[214]. Especially were they bound to rid the -posteriors[215] of hair, as one penetrating into the anus during -unnatural connexion might easily cause small cuts at the orifice, and -produce chafings of the penis. For the same reason paederasts, as -indeed was the case with all amateurs of Love, invariably took care -to remove all hair from the genitals[216], to avoid endangering the -posterior and the private parts of their mistresses. Even more than -men, did _women_ seek to remove the hair from their private parts, -as they do to this day in the East. This appears never to have been -the case among the Jews; but in Asia and in Egypt the custom was -observed by all classes of the people, and probably from those lands -first spread into Greece and Italy. It seems to have been adopted -very generally by Greek women;[217] but it was _especially_ hetaerae -and “filles de joie”[218] who practised local as well as general -depilation. A similar state of things must have existed at Rome[219], -where older women resorted to the removal of hair from the genitals as -a means of concealing their age[220]. In any case whether in Greece -or in Italy the purpose and special object of depilation seems to have -been soon lost sight of, and the practice to have been still to some -extent kept up merely as a matter of fashion. Nevertheless it is a -fact that the habit has continued even down to modern times in these -countries, and is actually followed there to some extent on the ground -of cleanliness[221]. - -Depilation is completed by the _polishing_ of the skin with pumice, -etc., a treatment that made it very much less liable to take up dirt of -all kinds. This and the _anointing_ of the body, that commonly followed -it, as it did the bath (see later), guarded against the introduction -of foreign matter into the tissues to an important extent, yet without -interfering with transpiration, which in southern countries takes -place more by the cutaneous glands than by the sweat-pores. This fact -goes some way to explain how it was that the contagious plagues of -Antiquity, generally of a transient character, never properly speaking -acquired any wide extension, unless they were carried along with -the _Genius epidemicus_ at the same time; and that even the latter, -as is the case at the present day, could seldom master and reverse -endemic predispositions. This last consideration merits the particular -attention of the Historical Pathologist, as giving him a partial -indication why Antiquity comes so far behind later times in regard -to startling epidemics, at the same time teaching him to regard Asia -as the home of Endemic, Europe of Epidemic Diseases. This ought to -safeguard him against many over-hasty conclusions in his views of the -progressive developement and evolution of disease in general. At the -same time it will undoubtedly destroy not a few agreeable dreams, where -he has allowed imagination to outrun reality. - - - - -Circumcision[222]. - -§ 36. - - -_Herodotus_ himself represents circumcision as a very ancient usage -even in his time, as to which it is a moot point whether the Egyptians -or Ethiopians first practised it. From the Egyptians it would seem to -have passed on to the Phoenicians and Syrians in Palestine, from the -Colchians to the Syrians living on the banks of the river Thermodon -and Parthenius and to the Macronians[223]. To the present day we find -Circumcision practised, as all the world knows, among the Mohammedans, -Persians and Jews, among the Kaffirs on the South-East Coast of -Africa, the Abyssinian Christians[224], the inhabitants of the Pacific -Islands[225], as well on the mainland of America,—and this not merely -among the coast dwellers, but also in several inland districts of South -America[226]. - -Without in this place going into the different reasons that have been -alleged to account for the original introduction of Circumcision, -especially among the Jews, we may yet say, looking back to our -previous exposition in § 29., that we hold ourselves bound to see in -Circumcision originally a religious-hygienic measure, intended to guard -a part of the body already in the earliest times held in such high -honour among the Egyptians, Indians etc. as was the penis, against any -probable chance of defilement by uncleanliness (sebaceous smegma on the -_glans penis_); for it was found that the uncurtailed prepuce made the -maintenance of a clean _glans penis_ much more difficult, favouring -as it did the collection of the smegma resulting from the sebaceous -secretions, and thus gave occasion for the formation of pustules and -ulcers and the like inconveniences. These were referred not to the -natural cause, but rather looked upon as a deserved punishment due to -the anger of the offended deity to whom the penis was sacred, the deity -being himself defiled and made unclean by the uncleanliness of the -organ. To escape such anger men were ready enough to remove a part, the -direct utility of which was as little obvious at the first glance as -that of the hair that grew in its neighbourhood,—a proceeding they were -the more willing to agree to, as the mischief the uncurtailed prepuce -occasioned was often enough manifested. - -At first only the Priests, who of course were at the same time the -Physicians of primitive Peoples, were allowed to undertake the -performance of this operation; subsequently it devolved upon the people -generally as well, either by direct command or because they were now -convinced of the utility of circumcision. This utility however must -have grown less and less frequently visible in proportion as fewer -uncircumcised individuals were left in evidence; and so in the same -degree the hygienic motive fell more and more into the background. -Thus only the religious was left, and this was now taken as the sole -reason and sufficient explanation of the universal custom. Circumcision -accordingly came to be a symbol signifying adoption among such as were -initiated into the Egyptian Mysteries, and similarly adoption among -the initiated of the Lord, adoption into the peculiar People of God. -It is in this fashion the various discordant views as to the origin -of circumcision, all of which proceeded in the first instance from -a more or less one-sided point of view, may most satisfactorily be -brought into agreement. True the motive for the operation was supplied -by a pathological factor, but one which owed its force to a religious -idea, and thus at first the knife was regarded not so much from the -_physician’s_ point of view as from the _religious_ side. - -But again later, when religious ideas of the sort were more and more -disappearing before a cool examination of actual nature, when the -tale of diseases originating in the anger of a deity was growing -every day fewer, belief became impossible in the religious meaning of -circumcision, or indeed such belief was deliberately rejected, now -that a clear and natural explanation of the rite was to be found. The -religious motive in turn made way for the medical-hygienic, as in -_Philo_ in the passage quoted above, and even Our Lord seems to have -held no other view of the rite, when he says[227]: “If a man received -circumcision on the sabbath, that the law of Moses may not be broken; -are ye wroth with me, because I _made a man every whit whole_ on the -sabbath?” _De Wette_ in his Translation adds: “that is to say, not -simply, as in circumcision, in one member, but in the whole body.” In -fact the question is here of the healing of the man “which had been -thirty and eight years in his infirmity” (Ch. V.), whom Christ had -made whole at the Pool of Bethesda on the Sabbath, for which reason -the Jews wished to put him to death. The sick man was afflicted in his -whole body, i. e. in every limb, for without help he could not leave -his bed and go down into the Pool. Thus Christ we see contrasts the -healing of all the members with circumcision, making it plain that in -his view the latter makes whole merely a single member, the penis, or -at least puts it in such a condition that it cannot become sick (ὑγιῆ -ἐποίησα,—I made whole); accordingly the rite possessed for him only a -purely medico-hygienic aim. - -As to the introduction of Circumcision among the Jews, this may very -likely, as we have already pointed, have taken place in the following -mode: Evidently the Jews when in Egypt were not yet circumcised, as -the speech of the lord Joshua clearly implies, “This day have I taken -the reproach of Egypt from off you;” for in the eyes of the Egyptians -the uncircumcised condition of the Jews was a reproach, just as in -later times “Uncircumcised” was the strongest word of abuse with -the Jews themselves.[228] Moses brought up by the Egyptian Priests, -initiated into their secret wisdom, must necessarily have been -circumcised, and so have known the hygienic as well as religious point -of view. Convinced of its expediency, he determined to introduce it -among the Jews, in order to make them by outward sign in some sort -a holy and pure priestly Nation.[229] For this reason we find the -command to circumcise on the eighth day after birth specified among -the _Laws of Purification_,[230] yet without any further supplemental -addition,—which would certainly not have been omitted, if it had at -that time been regarded as a symbolic sign of covenant. Circumcision -did not yet possess its purely symbolic meaning; and so it is not yet -included among the laws given at Sinai, where the blood of the Burnt -Offerings seals the covenant with God. - -But subsequently when the Jews at Shittim gave themselves to the -licentious worship of Baal Peor, not merely the expediency stood out -in glaring conspicuousness, but the positive necessity of observing -the laws of purity in general, including that of circumcision in -particular. Thus the long conceived idea of Moses came to maturity, -to enjoin upon the People the rite of circumcision as special symbol -of unity with Jehovah; though he could not hope to bring about its -universal adoption by adults, until these were on the point of actually -setting foot on the Promised Land. This could only be after the death -of Moses; consequently it was Joshua at Arolath who first circumcised -all those who had been born in the Wilderness. Now all the sufferings -of the march were forgotten, the land flowing with milk and honey, -that was to content all their highest wishes, lay before their eyes, -and so they were willing enough to consent to purchase its everlasting -possession at the cost of what is certainly a painful, but at the same -time on the whole only a trifling, operation. But then when every male -was circumcised, there was no longer any evidence, as explained above, -to convince people of the necessity of the observance, and thus for -the future Circumcision appeared in the guise of a _purely_ religious -symbol, as the sacramental outward and visible sign of adoption into -sonship with Jehovah,—a point of view subsequently consistently kept to -throughout the Old Testament. - -Finally with regard to the notion, expressed in many different forms, -that Circumcision was originally introduced on behalf of increased -fruitfulness on the part of the Sons of Abraham,[231]—an idea found as -early as in the pages of _Philo Judaeus_, it would appear not to be -so much the greater length of the foreskin that came into question, -but rather the same general reasons that ensured a condition of -cleanliness in the procreative organs; for the alleged interruption -of the ejaculation of the semen owing to the excessive length of the -foreskin can after all only occur, if the latter is at the same time -unduly contracted at its orifice in such a way that during the act of -coition it cannot be drawn back over the _glans_. Supposing, as we -have seen to be the case, complaints affecting the _glans penis_ when -covered with the normal prepuce to be readily set up through climatic -influences, the free use of the organ of procreation must of course -in this way have been interfered with, or even in extreme cases, -completely prevented. But inasmuch as the Jew, in this resembling most -of the Nations of Antiquity, made a numerous posterity his highest -glory,[232] and as this could only be obtained on the condition of -a healthy procreative member, every endeavour must obviously have -been made to remove anything likely to be prejudicial to the part -so profoundly reverenced, anything capable of disturbing, or even -altogether frustrating, the due performance of its functions. - -But just as this removal of a part of the prepuce, and the consequent -increased possibilities of cleanliness of the _glans_, more or -less counteracted the injurious effects of Climate tending to set -up diseases of the _glans penis_ in general, it must have equally -exercised as against possible affections of this part resulting from -coition a certain prophylactic influence,—though undoubtedly this was -not _so_ great as it has been in some quarters represented to be, as we -intend to explain more fully elsewhere. Hence to some extent, but only -to a limited extent, can the practice of circumcision be regarded as -a proof of the existence of Venereal disease in Antiquity; but at the -same time to refer it to this as _sole_ motive, as _Stoll_[233] does, -is quite inadmissible. - -What has here been said of _the Circumcision of men_, holds good also -in the main of _that of maids and women_. This consists in the removal -of the _praeputium clitoridis_; but neither the amputation of the -Clitoris itself in so-called _Tribads_ must be confounded with it, -nor yet the operation on the exaggerated nymphae or inner _labia_, of -women. The Arabs, among whom this practice,—female circumcision,—is -especially rife at the present day as it was of old,[234] call the -part that is subjected to circumcision نوي (_nava_), the circumcision -itself خفض (_battar_) or خفض (_chaphad_), and what is cut away in -circumcision بظر (_bätr_). Usually the circumcision of maids is first -performed on the completion of the tenth year by women who make it -their special business and who are known as مبظّرة (_mobatterat_). -These women perambulate the streets and openly call out, “Any maids to -circumcise?”[235] Besides the Arabs, Circumcision of maids is to be -found among the Copts or modern Egyptians,[236] the Ethiopians,[237] in -some districts of Persia,[238] among the Negroes in Bambuk[239] and the -Panos in the province of Maynas in South America, the latter actually -restricting the practice to the women.[240] - - - - -Baths and Bathing. - -§ 37. - - -In spite of all precautions adopted it was impossible to keep away -everything unclean from the body, while this latter by its own -excrements was constantly making itself more or less unclean;[241] -hence it was only natural that from the most primitive times men’s -attention was directed towards means of removing the uncleanliness so -contracted. But the defilement was never more than an external one; -it concerned merely the skin and the orifices of the mucous membrane, -while the matter requiring removal was of a sort soluble in water, and -thus water was always the chief and foremost means employed to secure -cleanliness. Doctrines of Cosmogony further confirmed the practice; -these made water the origin of all things, a direct effluence of the -deity and therefore itself divine,—a means not only of purification, -but of sanctification as well. - - Θάλασσα κλύζει πάντα τἀνθρώπων κακά, - -(The sea washes away all evils of mankind) was the refrain, one that -resounds to this day in our ears from the East; so that we cannot -wonder that baths and bathing formed a capital factor both in the -public and private life of the Ancients. Whatever view might be taken -of sexual intercourse, all agreed in this, that a certain defilement -was connected with it, which (as follows indeed from our exposition on -earlier pages) might easily become injurious to the organs brought into -activity, and could only be obviated by dint of _baths_ and a system of -_bathing_.[242] - -Thus we read in _Herodotus_:[243] “But as often as a _Babylonian_ has -had intercourse with his wife, he sits down beside a lighted censer, -and his wife does the same on the opposite side; then when morning has -come, both _bathe_ themselves, for they will touch no vessel until they -have washed. The same practice is followed by the _Arabians_ too.” -Whether bathing after _each_ act of coition was a national custom -of the _Egyptians_, we have been unable to discover, but _Clement -of Alexandria_[244] states that they were forbidden, as was almost -everywhere the case in Antiquity, to enter the temple without having -washed or bathed themselves after sexual intercourse; while the Priests -were bound to bathe after every nocturnal pollution.[245] This was -equally an ordinance of the _Jews_, who at the same time were rendered -by such pollution unclean till the evening. The last named People -were also obliged to wash after every act of coition; at any rate -_Josephus_[246] and _Philo_[247] declare it to have been so, for in -the Old Testament it is nowhere enjoined. As is generally known, this -custom has been kept up in the East down to the present day, even among -the Christian populations,—affording a concurrent testimony to the -necessity for its observance in these countries. - -Whether the _Greeks_ deliberately and with intention made use of baths -and bathing immediately after sexual intercourse, it is difficult to -ascertain quite for certain; but it seems probable, as not only does -Mythology more than once[248] make express mention of the bath after -coition, but the phrase ὅσιος ἀπ’ εὐνᾶς ὤν (being holy, purified, -after the couch) points to the same conclusion. Moreover there is a -passage in _Lucian_,[249]—though it is quite true he often describes -Roman customs,—that might be thought to prove the same. - -Clearer indications are forthcoming in the case of the _Romans_, who -not only must not undertake any sacred function or enter a Temple, if -they had failed to bathe after carrying out coition,[250] but were -also bound generally after every act of cohabitation to wash the -parts brought into use. At any rate this holds good of the women, -and so applies to the Roman matron (comp. the passage of _Suetonius_ -quoted in § 27) as to Atia, the mother of Augustus, as well as in an -even greater degree to the amica (mistress) or courtesan. The regular -name for this was _aquam sumere_ (to take water).[251] Indeed there -were actually special attendants _aquarioli_ (water-boys),[252] whose -business it was not merely to fetch water for this purpose, but -also in particular to bathe and cleanse the “filles de joie” after -sexual intercourse. For this reason _Lampridius_ says of the Emperor -Commodus (ch. 2), _aquam gessit, ut lenonum ministeriis probrosis natum -magis, quam in loco crederes, ad quem fortuna pervexit_ (he fetched -water, so that you would more readily suppose him born to perform the -shameful offices of pandars than in the station whereto fortune raised -him). Such cleanliness was especially obligatory on those who had to -do with the preparation of food and drink, such as bakers, cooks and -butlers;[253] and if we do not find it directly enjoined among many -ancient Peoples, the only reason of this is that they were already -accustomed to wash and bathe every morning[254] immediately on leaving -their bed. - -In the same way as after natural coition the parts brought into use -were bathed and washed, this was also done after _unnatural_, and so we -read in the Collection of Priapeia (Carm. 40.): - - Falce minax et parte tui maiore, Priape, - Ad fontem, quaeso, dic mihi qua sit iter? - Vade per has vites, quarum si carpseris uvas - Quas aliter sumas, hospes, habebis aquas— - -(Standing in threatening attitude with my bristling pruning-knife -and your better part, Priapus, I enquire: “Pri’thee tell me, which -is my way to the fountain?” “Go through yonder vines, but if you -dare to pluck the grapes, you will find, stranger, _water you must -take_ elsewhere”). Clearly this is to be taken as meaning paederastia -or irrumation looked upon as punishments inflicted for the theft -contemplated; and shows us at the same time it was not without a -“double entendre” that Priapus was set up as a direction-post to -fountains, a point that _Lomeier_[255] has already brought out with -perfect correctness. Again the _fellator_ after his work used to -cleanse the mouth with water, as we learn from several passages in -_Martial_; thus amongst other places we read in one, of Lesbia,[256] - - Quod fellas et aquam potes, nil Lesbia peccas, - Qua tibi parte opus est, Lesbia, sumis aquam. - -(You _fellate_ and then drink water; you do no wrong in this, Lesbia; -where lies your work, there Lesbia you _take water_). - -If we further add to this scrupulous cleanliness the quiet life led by -the women of Antiquity, who spent most of their time, as women still do -in the East, reclining, it is evident that in spite of the predisposing -influence of Climate, injurious secretions from the vagina and uterus, -or indeed ulcerations of these parts, must—speaking generally, and in -proportion—have occurred but rarely. Moreover such maladies of the -sort as were contracted were quickly got rid of again spontaneously, -for very often even at the present day rest and cleanliness suffice by -themselves for the removal of primary affections of the genitals. On -the other hand it cannot be denied that a careless non-observance of -these primeval laws of cleanliness must have then avenged itself all -the more severely on the offending individual, and given occasion for -the setting up of incurable diseases. - -But great as the counteracting effect of the frequent use of baths -in Antiquity was on the rise of diseases in general, and of those -resulting from sexual excesses in particular, none the less in other -ways did these same baths, directly or indirectly, _give occasion -for their rise and spread_. As to their _direct_ effect in this -direction,—we certainly find but scanty evidence of any in the -authorities, and even such as _are_ forthcoming may very possibly be -referred to the head of general want of cleanliness[257]. Still in -view of the fact that at the present day the cellar baths of the Jews -contribute to some degree to the spread of disease, and especially of -skin-disease of different types, as did baths generally in the Middle -Ages, the conjecture is surely justified that similar results followed -in Antiquity, especially at Rome under the Emperors. - -_Indirectly_ maladies consequent upon sexual excesses were helped on by -the mere fact that the ancient Baths afforded manifold opportunities -for such excesses. The bath-attendants, or _aquarioli_ (water-boys), -who fetched the water for bathing, not only carried on vicious -practices with the women frequenting the place themselves, but also -made a business of procuration, as already pointed out just above, p. -214. The lascivious Roman Ladies took their own slaves with them to -the Baths, that they might attend upon their mistresses.[258] At first -the same bathing Establishments were used equally by both sexes, but -not at the same time; and according to _Dio Cassius_,[259] _Agrippa_ -would appear to have first, 721 A. U. C., established the public Baths -at Rome for men and women, from which place later on Baths open to -both sexes were introduced into Greece, as _Plutarch_[260] states. -The Greeks called these Establishments ἀνδρόγυνα λούτρα (men-women, -male-female, baths), and used to set up an image of Hermaphroditus -in front of them.[261] In the Imperial period, when all shame was -laid aside and Heliogabalus himself _in balneis semper cum mulieribus -fuit_ (always visited the Baths in company of the women) (_Lampridius_ -ch. 2), the use of the Baths both by men and women, and this at the -same time, had become an established custom, as may be seen from -several passages of _Martial_;[262] and it was in vain the Emperors -_Hadrian_,[263] _Marcus Antoninus_[264] and _Alexander Severus_[265] -endeavoured to restrain the abuse by enactments. These were just as -unavailing as were the invectives of the Fathers of the Church.[266] - -The Bathing Apartments, from which antique Roman modesty had excluded -almost every glimmer of external light, were now patent to the eyes -of the passer-by. Fitted up with every device of the most refined -luxury,[267] they were transformed into regular brothels;[268] and -accordingly were not allowed to open their doors earlier than one hour -before the ordinary establishments of this nature. - -The same opportunities which the Baths gave for vice with women, they -afforded no less for vice between men,—for paederastia. There it was -that amateurs looked about for _bene vasatos_ and καλλιπύγους, (men -with fine instruments, men with handsome buttocks), and this among the -Greeks as well as among the Romans,[269] though the latter in this as -in other things beat the record of all other nations. - - - - -THIRD SECTION. - -Relation of the Physician to Diseases consequent upon the Use or Misuse -of the Genital Organs. - - - - -§ 38. - - -In the preceding Sections we have become acquainted with the various -influences capable of favouring or counteracting the rise of diseases -consequent upon the use or misuse of the genitals in Antiquity. At -the same time we have shown how a multitude of affections of the most -different kinds attacked, as a result of the unnatural gratification -of sexual desire, those parts which under these circumstances had -to undertake the rôle of the genital organs of the one or the other -sex. Thirdly we have brought forward in the course of the enquiry at -any rate some examples, proving beyond a doubt that the sexual parts -themselves too under favourable external conditions sometimes became -diseased as the consequence of indulgence in sexual intercourse. -Still these results were for the most part based on the evidence -of non-medical Writers, for of set purpose we abstained as much as -possible from calling the professional Writers into Court on these -points, so as to be able to treat in their proper mutual connexion -whatever statements these latter have left us as to the maladies in -question. This course appeared to us all the more necessary, as it is -precisely the medical evidence which the opponents of the existence of -Venereal disease in Antiquity believe themselves able to utilize in -justification of their opinions. - -But before we proceed to the detailed examination of the actual -statements, it would seem expedient to get an answer to the following -question: _whether indeed the Physicians of Antiquity generally were in -a position to acquire an adequate knowledge of the bodily consequences -of vicious living?_ In fact on the correct answer to this question -obviously depends the correct appreciation of the medical Writings as -sources for the History of Venereal disease. Only under the condition -that this question may be answered in the affirmative, can the evidence -supplied by the Physicians be regarded as satisfactory for their own -period. That it cannot of course be so for all periods, has been -pointed out already in our examination of the authorities for Antiquity -generally. Indeed for long periods of time Physicians had no special -_locus standi_, inasmuch as each individual in the case of the most -usual maladies endeavoured to help himself, and if the family recipes -left him stranded, then betook himself with prayers for assistance to -the Gods and their intermediaries on earth, the Priests. This still -continued, even after the Physicians had won their recognition as -a special profession, and we find accordingly throughout Antiquity -popular, sacerdotal, and professional or _medical_ medicine, if we may -be allowed the expression, continuing to exist simultaneously side by -side, and not a trace anywhere of the ridiculous limitation according -to which no man has a right to be well without the help of a doctor. - -Now having made it clear by what we have said, that in order to gain -knowledge of a disease in Antiquity it is by no means enough to go to -the Physicians only, even when such existed, that the latter should -never be regarded as sole possessors of whatever was known from the -point of view of pathology and therapeutics, we are bound to apply -the same rule in the case of diseases consequent upon vicious habits. -Of this the foregoing Sections contain amply sufficient proofs. It has -there been shown how the genital organs were under the protection of -special deities. Diseases affecting them were ascribed to the vengeance -of the said deities, as at Athens to Dionysus, at Lampsacus to Priapus. -To them sufferers had recourse to win by their prayers the removal of -the divine anger, as well as its consequences; and all this happened -not only in times when Physicians did not as yet exist, but no less -when they did and in defiance of them, as the poems of the Priapeia -sufficiently prove.[270] How long these ideas lived on is shown by the -pictures _Philo_ (p. 315) and _Palladius_ (p. 318) draw of their times, -while the XVth. and XVIth. Centuries reproduced the same scenes. - -The most obvious reason for this no doubt was the _enigma presented -by the origin_ of diseases of the genitals, particularly for any one -unacquainted with the existence of contagions and their modes of -activity. The man who with a healthy penis had accomplished coition, -observed some days afterwards, though without resenting the fact, a -mucous discharge to have been set up, or an ulcer, pustule, or what -not, to have appeared. The cause of these affections he sought for in -vain, for of course the mere act of coition was the very last thing he -was likely to regard as such. Rather accustomed, wherever the cause of -any phænomenon was unknown to him, to ascribe it to the intervention -of the deity, he saw in his complaint likewise the Θεῖον (divine) as -eventual cause. Naturally therefore it was divine assistance, and -not human, that would avail to relieve him of his pain. Long after -this time moreover, when men had ceased to refer all diseases to the -vengeance of the gods, and now discovered natural causes for maladies -of the genitals, as for other diseases, anything rather than just -the act of coition was looked upon as cause of the observed effects, -as indeed is the case to this day among the Turks,[271] and as the -earliest Writers on Venereal disease abundantly show to have been so -in their time. That the Physicians were no exceptions to this rule, we -shall show on a later page. - -A much more weighty reason however why the patient attacked by some -affection of the genitals turned not to men (Physicians) for help, but -to the Gods, and the Priests who represented them, was the feeling of -_shame_. Since first Adam and Eve had recourse to the fig-leaf, it has -ever been a habit among all peoples of the ancient as of the modern -world to withdraw the procreative parts from the view of others by -covering them. But above all did the Ancients regard the exposure of -these parts[272] one of the severest trials to which modesty could be -exposed; and rightly enough therefore designate them by the name of -_pudenda_, αἰδοῖα, _the parts of shame_. Neither the wide extension of -Phallic worship, nor yet the compulsory exposure of the Ephebi[273] and -the naked exercises of maidens and youths at Sparta[274], can fairly -be cited in this connexion as proofs to the contrary. - -In our own day the most accomplished voluptuaries are in no wise -shocked at undertaking in secret the most shameful doings, but yet -when it comes to showing the Physician the diseased instruments of -their bestial lusts, often put this off so long as to run great risks -of entirely losing the signs of their manhood; and without a doubt it -was the same at the period when habitual depravity had reached its -culminating point of enormity. Even Priapus himself asks (Carm. 3): - - Nec mihi sit crimen, quod mentula semper operta est. - -(Nor let it be laid as a crime against me, that my member is ever -covered up.) If with this is compared the poem from the Priapeia -quoted on p. 74 of Vol. I., no one can fail to agree with us when we -say that the field of observation open to Physicians in Antiquity -with regard to diseases of the genitals can never have been at all -extended. Even the Priests, at any rate in later times, were only -resorted to in the more serious instances; but even so their journals -of cases, supposing them ever to have kept such, would have been a far -better source of information than those of the Physicians. We find a -confirmation of this in the Mosaic Books of the Law, which contain the -earliest and clearest delineations we possess of affections of the -genital organs both in men and women. - -But if men were so reluctant, how much more so must women have -been, who were universally held to have committed a crime if they -had given any part of their body to the eyes of a stranger. Just as -the assistance of the Physician was disdained in childbirth, and to -account for the fact the fable of Agnodicé invented, in the same way -in complaints of the genitals women hesitated to submit themselves to -the inquisition of the Physician. But seeing the female sexual organs -are pre-eminently the home and breeding place of Venereal disease, -this closed what was precisely the most direct way to a correct -understanding of maladies of the genitals. The ancient Physicians, -like our own forefathers, could at best make leucorrhœa the universal -scape-goat; and accordingly even _Galen_, as we shall find presently, -laid no stress on the circumstance, and drew no inference from it, that -wherever men were attacked by gonorrhœa, the women with whom they had -had coition likewise suffered from the complaint. - -Further, to this general sense of shame was added a certain timidity -before the professional status of real Physicians as a class, as well -as the pretty universally prevalent idea of the _ignominiousness of a -sickness brought on by a person’s own fault_, at any rate among the -educated part of the population. This comes out in the following -passage of _Plato_,[275] where he says: “Does it appear to you -disgraceful to stand in need of medical help, when it is not wounds at -all or such sicknesses as depend on the seasons that have befallen, but -when a man through indolence and a way of life such as we have noted -(i. e. a very luxurious one), is filled full of fluxes and accumulations -of wind like a sea, giving occasion to the noble sons of Asclepius -to designate these complaints by the names of superfetations and -catarrhs?” This was more than a mere expression of individual opinion; -there is no doubt affections of the genital organs, more especially if -their relation to sexual intercourse was known, belonged to the class -of diseases held to be most disgraceful,[276] and the Poet is justified -in saying: - - _Diis me legitimis nimisque magnis_ - Ut Phoebo puta, filioque Phoebi - _Curatum dare mentulam verebar_. - -(To the lawful gods, deities too exalted for me, such for instance as -Phoebus, and Phoebus’ son, I feared to entrust my member for cure.) -Thus it was not to the “noble sons of Asclepius”, in other words the -Physicians, who treated freemen only, that patients resorted for help, -but to the gods, or else to the medical underlings (ὑπηρέται τῶν -ἰατρῶν,—subordinate assistants of the physicians), to the slave-doctors -and quacks, who plied their trade in the doctor’s shops,—establishments -where, as we have seen above, paederasts and pathics foregathered. -Exactly the same state of things prevailed down to the middle of the -last Century; and to this day a majority of such sufferers rarely as a -matter of fact come under any other hands. - -The knowledge and observations of these Cullers of simples and -Compounders of balsams, if indeed as a rule they really possessed the -former, or knew how to make the latter, necessarily perished on their -decease, or at best were passed on by tradition to their successors in -the doctor’s shops, without professional Physicians or medical Science -being one whit advantaged. To such men it was a matter of perfect -indifference what was the origin of the disease for which they sold -their powders and decoctions, for as _Plato_ (De legg. IV. 720) says, -they paid no attention to the existing conditions of disease, and did -not care to give a thought to any such thing. But at any rate,—and this -was the chief point,—the patient was spared a humiliating confession, -and was glad enough to buy the privilege even at the cost of possible -ruin to his health. We must further remember that the “filles de joie” -in Greece and at Rome were mostly slave-women, who from the very -fact of their status could make no claim to treatment by free-born -physicians, and that during the flourishing period of Greek medicine -under the Hippocratic school it was chiefly persons of the lowest -station or else sailors and foreign traders and the like who sought -enjoyment in the arms of prostitutes. Such men by their constant -change of abode made all continued observation a simple impossibility, -so that the very imperfect knowledge possessed by the scientifically -trained Physicians with regard to diseases of the genitals and their -consequences need occasion little surprise. - -It is true of course that at the period of universal degradation -of morals Physicians must have found no lack of opportunities for -observation; but the great majority of them were incapable of utilizing -these, actually blocked the way of set purpose, as we shall see -presently, that led in the direction of more accurate investigation, -or else troubled their heads little about the cultivation of Science -or the systematic record of observations. The latter, if they had -published them, whether in writing or orally, could only have been -detrimental, particularly in the case of physicians of the character -of Charidemus’ medical attendant,[277] to their own interests. In -fact they were bound to call all their subtlety into play for the -express purpose of concealing the true cause of diseases of this type, -a circumstance which no doubt we have to thank for a large number of -the extravagant and often more than ludicrous statements regarding the -origin of Venereal disease in the XVth. and XVIth. Centuries. - -But as a matter of fact the public itself was no less careful to -guard the secret, as we gather from _Martial_,[278] as well as from -the fact that _Galen_ felt himself constrained even in his day to -compose a special Treatise on dissimulated diseases. This sort of -intentional deception on the part of patients was so much the easier, -as Physicians in those times, as said above, in virtue of their -pathological views,—some of which indeed may very well have originated -in this way,—were little accessible to the truth. For these reasons -they deserved, at any rate to some degree, the satiric lash of Martial; -and were very generally ridiculed by the more discerning of the laity. -This comes out in the important words of _Appuleius_ (Metamorph. -X. 211.) as follows: “Crederes et illam fluctuare tantum vaporibus -febrium: nisi quod et flebat: _Heu medicorum ignavae mentes!_ Quid -venae pulsus, quid caloris intemperantia, quid fatigatus anhelitus -et utrimque secus iactatae crebriter laterum mutuae vicissitudines? -_Dii boni! Quam facilis, licet non artifici medico, cuivis tamen docto -venereae cupidinis comprehensio_, cum videas aliquem sine corporis -calore flagrantem.” (Could you imagine her so tempest-tossed by the -vapours of mere fever,—not to mention that she kept forever crying: -“_Oh! the sorry wits of doctors!_” What means the throbbing vein, -the excessive temperature, the labouring breath, and the hurried -interchange of heaving flank, panting now on one side now on the other? -_Great heavens! how easy the diagnosis, not of course for a medical -expert, but for any one learned in the symptoms of love_, when you see -a person burning, yet without bodily fever-heat). - -But does all this justify us in casting a stone at our medical -colleagues of Ancient times? For the last three hundred years we -imagine ourselves clearly acquainted with Venereal disease and all its -forms; yet how many a bubo has been mistaken for a strangulated hernia, -anal callosity, or the like, how many a case of vaginal gonorrhœa -for simple _fluor albus_ (white discharge, leucorrhœa), how many a -condyloma on the posteriors for hæmorrhoidal swellings, and accordingly -not treated as the physician in _Juvenal_, _medico ridente_ (the -physician grinning the while), treated them,—that is duly cut away or -ligatured? - -Lastly to all these reasons was added further the _mildness and -absence of danger characterizing the disease_ itself, at any rate in -the majority of instances,—as proved in our earlier investigations. -To our own day genuine amateurs of Love, thanks to those who supply -“advice, direction and information” on these subjects, endeavour as a -rule, at any rate in the earlier stages, to cure without assistance the -wounds received in the fight. This was equally so in Antiquity, as the -following significant passage of _Galen_[279] shows: “This is pretty -well all I have to say at present as to ephemeral fevers. For _patients -who have contracted fever consequent upon a bubo, do not consult -physicians as to what they must do; but after first treating the ulcer -which occasioned the bubo and then the bubo itself_, bathe after the -abatement of the severity of the attack. After that if any one says a -word as to the “diatriton” (fast till the third day), all laugh and -declare him a precisian: I suppose because they are of the opinion that -nothing must be resigned to nature that is not invariably there.” - -We know quite well that the Ancients called all glandular swellings -buboes, and that they were perfectly well acquainted[280] with those -glandular swellings in the arm-pits and the groin which follow upon -ulcers of the fingers and toes; but this in no way justifies us in -referring the above passage, which is certainly written in a general -sense, _solely_ to suchlike buboes and not equally to those in the -soft tissues; more particularly as _Galen_, in the place where he is -dealing expressly with the treatment of buboes and the phlegmonous -affections preceding them and occasioning ulcers (loco citato p. 881), -explicitly mentions phlegmonous symptoms as κατὰ αἰδοῖον (affecting the -privates) and γυναικὶ κατὰ μήτραν ἢ αἰδοῖον (in women affecting womb -and privates),—loco citato p. 893. Hence we think ourselves justified -in drawing attention to the passage as containing an indication of -the reason why ulcers of the genital organs pursued a milder course -and admitted of an easier cure in Antiquity, because the _ephemera_ -evidently facilitated the assimilation and elimination of the -contagion, this taking place either at the point primarily attacked, -or else occurring because it (the ephemeral fever) led to an enhanced -activity of the cutaneous glands by provoking an exanthematous eruption. - - -§ 39. - -But for no small part of this reluctance on the part of patients the -Physicians were themselves to blame. We have no wish in this place -to enlarge upon the possibility of professional indiscretion in -their case, though long ago the Hippocratic masters saw themselves -constrained to guard their scholars against it.[281] Of far greater -weight was the nature of the _treatment_, especially that applied to -ulcers of all kinds, which was excellently adapted to fill sufferers -with fear and trembling. Already _Hippocrates_[282] taught that -ulcers with callous margins must be cauterized or else cut away with -the knife. _Galen_[283] declares himself even more plainly in the -same sense: “But if the margins of the ulcer merely are discoloured -and callous, they must be removed right to where the healthy flesh -begins. Supposing this condition to have extended more widely, then the -question arises,—whether we ought to cut away all the diseased tissue, -or prefer a more tedious method of cure. It is natural and necessary -in this case to consult the inclination of the patient; for whereas -some prefer to avoid the knife and submit to a more tedious treatment, -others on the contrary are ready for anything, so long as they get -cured.” The same procedure was adopted with ulcers of the genitals, -especially gangrenous ulcers, as is proved at once by the passage -already quoted on p. 176 of Vol. II above. - -The Asiatic, for whom the genital organs were an object of veneration, -was no doubt horrified, as the Turk is to this day,[284] at the idea -of any such operation on himself; while the licentious Roman, who -must have dreaded its very probable result in the entire loss of the -further use and enjoyment of the parts in question,[285] sought any -other means for choice, preferred to have recourse to Priapus or even -resorted to suicide, like the _Municeps_ of Pliny mentioned on p. 257, -before he trusted himself to the physicians who ever since the Carnifex -(Butcher) Archagathus had appeared at Rome, strove to rival one another -in infatuation for cautery and amputation. In any case it was only the -direst necessity[286] that drove the sufferer under such circumstances -to the physician; while the latter had really and truly no reason for -enquiring into the origin of the evil, as very often absolutely no -alternative was left him but to grasp the knife or cauterizing iron. In -this way medical procedure could not but have fallen into disrepute, -while physicians were in most instances necessarily deprived of all -opportunity of systematic observation. - -Whether there were other factors as well to induce the old Physicians -to apply the ordinary treatment of ulcers in general to those of the -genital organs, we cannot indeed as yet for the time being determine. -Certainly the conjecture is an obvious one that they may well have -had an inkling of the specific nature of such ulcers, and that it -was not merely the local mischief they sought to put a stop to by -early application of cautery and knife. However it is only further -and more careful investigations that must be allowed to decide the -point,—the more so, as the general _views as to the formation of -ulcers_ held by the Ancients seem in many respects to tell against it. -Thus _Galen_[287] says: “The mode in which these (ulcers involving -destruction of substance) are set up however is twofold; they arise -either by removal of surrounding tissue (ἐκ περιαιρέσεως) or by eating -away (ἐξ ἀναβρώσεως). How the former acts is well known. As to the -eating away, if it proceed from the inward parts of the organism, it -is an outcome of the evil humours; but if it arise from outside, then -it is a result of the physician’s remedial measures or of fire.” From -this we gather that all ulcers of the genitals, as well as others, -which did not result from the action either of remedial measures or of -fire, were held as being necessarily an outcome of the evil humours -of the body. Further, that this view was not in any way peculiar -to the time of Galen, but was a direct and necessary consequence -of the further development of the pathology of “humours,” follows -from the circumstance that we find the same opinion expressed by -_Hippocrates_.[288] Again _Plato_ shared the latter author’s general -doctrine of _apostasis_ (suppurative inflammation taking off evil -humours) in his “Timaeus”, where he derives from the white phlegm, -striking outwards to the skin, cutaneous eruptions, rashes and the like -maladies, from the acrid, salty phlegm on the other hand the fluxes of -all types, bearing different names according to the different parts of -the body affected. - -If we do not choose to infer from this the proof of a then occurring, -genuine and consistent genesis of the affections peculiar to the -genitals, we are bound at any rate to admit that such a view must -necessarily have debarred all thought of any _specific_ character as -belonging to ulcers of these organs,—the more so as to this very day -we look in vain for any clear conception of really characteristic -symptoms marking out Venereal ulcers in particular. Further, the -knowledge that ulcers of the genitals were contracted through sexual -intercourse, lacked entirely, so far as the ancient Physicians were -concerned, the necessary confirmation and authority to induce them to -make a special and distinctive class of morbid process to include them, -because as a rule they paid no sort of attention to the occasioning -cause, unless in virtue of its being still present and active, or else -by the necessity for its elimination, it could afford some indication -for therapeutic purposes. _Galen_ brings this out best and most -clearly in the following passage:[289] “Moreover it will be a fitting -occasion now to make it clear that not one of the causes directly -occasioning the diathesis, or particular condition of body, will give -any indication as to treatment; guiding signs for the purpose must -rather be gathered from the complaint itself. What is to be done in -any individual case depends on the immediate purpose and the nature of -the part attacked, on the predominant temperament and the like facts. -For to put it shortly, _in no case can an indication as to what is -beneficial be taken from any one of the factors that are no longer -existent_,—i. e. in actual operation. But as it often happens that in -order to diagnose some affection that cannot be recognized either by -help of ratiocination or by the senses, we are obliged to inquire into -the cause that occasioned it, laymen conclude the guiding signs for -remedial treatment to be taken from the same source. But this is by -no means so. This may be plainly seen in those instances where the -diathesis is quite well known in all its details; for whether it be -_ecchymosis or ulceration or erysipelas or putrescent ulcer_ (σηπεδὼν) -_or phlegmonous affection in any organ, it is perfectly useless to -trace out the cause that occasioned it_ (αἴτιον ποίησαν), _if this -latter is now no longer active_. On the other hand for any affection, -a clear insight into which is lacking, a knowledge of the occasioning -cause is useful.” - -This principle was equally applied to affections of the genitals, the -antecedent act of coition being regarded as affording absolutely no -help in diagnosis, as we see from the passage of _Galen_ to be next -discussed. In this passage the declaration of a gonorrhœal patient to -the effect that the women with whom he had connection suffered no less -than himself from the malady, was entirely without influence on our -author in the way of inducing him to assume and lay down a _specific_ -type of gonorrhœa. Under these circumstances it is really a matter -for no surprise[290] that the old Physicians in discussing affections -of the genitals never allege sexual intercourse as an occasioning -factor amongst others; and the conclusion drawn that such affections -in Antiquity were not contracted by coition, _because_ the ancient -Writers do not definitely and in every single instance assign this as -a cause, evidences really and truly merely the absence of any accurate -study of their works and the knowledge of their views that is acquired -as a result of such study. It is abundantly clear however that the -neglect of the etiological factors referred to led eventually to their -being completely overlooked; and it is no less obvious that this must -needs have been a source of manifold mistakes, which degraded the -physician in the eyes of the non-professional laity, very often made -him ridiculous by reason of this ignorance, and brought down, as we -have seen, many a cut of the satirist’s whip on his devoted shoulders. -But how many of our colleagues are there not at the present day whom -Venereal disease involves in the same doubts and difficulties? - -However it may perhaps be suggested that, although the ancient -Physicians did not feel themselves obliged to make any mention of -sexual intercourse as cause of affections of the genitals, they cannot -for all that have failed to notice the phænomena of infection. To say -nothing of the fact that in no small proportion of instances affections -of the genitals under the favouring conditions previously described -did not as a matter of fact arise through infection, but actually in -a sense spontaneously,[291] and further that to this day we possess -absolutely no criterion to distinguish such diseases arising in this -way,—for it is only superficial and indolent observers that deny the -possibility of such origination altogether,—apart from all this, -the view which the Ancients took as a whole of the general question -of infection was one in the highest degree inadequate. For this -state of things, as _Heyne_[292] long ago pointed out, the τὸ θεῖον -(the divine element), or in other words the prevalent opinion that -infectious diseases were an infliction of the offended deity, is mainly -responsible. In these very diseases of the genitals, we have in fact -seen how they were ascribed to the wrath of Dionysus and Priapus; and -how long such ideas lasted, and how intimately they were interwoven -with the life of the people, may be gauged by the circumstance that -even the Christian Fathers themselves took every pains and used every -effort to maintain them. - -Now is it really in any way reasonable to expect the physicians of -those times to have so completely extricated themselves from the -predominant range of ideas? and have we any right to abuse them for -their beliefs at the present moment, when in our own day there are to -be found not a few physicians who deny absolutely the contagiousness of -Venereal disease under its different forms? All the old practitioners -could do was to draw attention to the fact that underlying the τὸ θεῖον -there lurked some natural cause, and this view Hippocrates did actually -maintain in his writings. As to the indicative signs of this cause -perceptible by the senses, as to the material substance, whatever it -may be, that communicates infection, into all this they could hardly -be expected to initiate investigations,[293] deficient as they were in -every sort of aid and assistance for the task. For I ask, have we, in -spite of all our researches, thus far attained to any satisfactory and -certain results? Could the Anti-Contagionists ever have come forward -at all, if we had been successful in demonstrating the contagion to be -perceptible to the senses? - -Besides all this, we actually find to the present day that in the -countries in question the contagion exhibits but a low degree of -virulence, and only under epidemic influence, as at the epoch of the -Athenian Plague, did it assume a virulent character at all,—a fact -that will be made yet clearer in our Continuation of the History of -Venereal Disease. But wherever the contagion did exhibit this virulence -of character, the ulcers that were set up passed over as a rule into -gangrenous mortification, or else the physicians either exterminated -it altogether by the actual cautery or removed it along with the part -in which it had established itself. Thus any further spread of the -contagion in its original form was not to be expected, as in patients -of the sort there can be no doubt all desire for coition must have been -destroyed. - -If we now bring together the results of our discussion so far, we -shall find reason to believe that, speaking generally, the ancient -physicians,—that is physicians properly so called,—possessed but scanty -opportunities, especially in the case of women,[294] of observing -with any precision the origin and course of affections of the genital -organs, for it was mostly only the malignant forms of these that came -under their notice, and these were of their very nature, except when -epidemic conditions were at work, necessarily of infrequent occurrence. -Their pathological views stood in the way of unprejudiced observation, -_conspicuous_ characteristic symptoms were as little to be found -then as they are nowadays, any adequate knowledge of the material -_substrata_ of contagions was lacking to them in these as in other -forms of disease, and thus they felt no direct inducement to class the -_primary_ affections of the genitals as forming a special category of -disease. - -Then again with regard to the _secondary_ symptoms, the ancient -practitioners in the cases treated by them made the occurrence of such -all but impossible, for scalpel and cauterizing iron either entirely -eradicated the contagion along with its material _substratum_, or -else removed it with all speed before it could be reabsorbed into the -system. Even when these did nevertheless appear, in some instances too -great an interval of time intervened, in others the parts attacked -were too remote from the spot primarily affected for it to have been -possible for them to be referred to any direct inter-communication. -Indeed this was made an actual impossibility in most cases, as it -was just those very spots that are the usual seat of the secondary -affections which were attacked primarily in consequence of the -different modes of _Venus illegitima_ (abnormal love) with such extreme -frequency as to make it barely practicable for the keenest eye at a -diagnosis to discover any actual distinction between the two,—and -this without taking into account the circumstance that in view of the -pronounced tendency conditioned by climatic causes for the morbid -process to strike outwards to the external skin, mischief in the mucous -membranes and bones must necessarily have fallen to a considerable -extent into the background. - -If circumstances put it out of the power of the ancient Physicians to -unite under one whole the separate forms of Venereal disease, to look -at the morbid process in its entirety, it is no less self-evident that -for the same reasons they could have found no occasion to invent a -_special name_ for a thing that was simply invisible to them. Hence -the conclusion drawn that, because no such special name is found, -_therefore_ Venereal disease cannot have existed, strictly speaking -requires no further consideration. Still, granting for the sake of -argument that they had recognized at any rate the generic difference -of the primary affections, were they therefore bound to introduce -a special name for them? _Galen_ shall supply the answer. He says, -mentioning[295] that the old Physicians possessed no special name for -depression of the skull in conjunction with fissure of the bone: “It -is better to give a clear description than to fall back miserably on -barbarous names, which the younger physicians have invented in great -plenty.” In another place[296] he finds fault with the different -designations given to ulcers, and then proceeds: “If I consented to -enumerate all the names, I should be running the risk of deliberately -teaching what I recommend others to avoid, when I say that the true -searcher after truth must needs withdraw his attention from the -nomenclature that has grown up, and fix his eyes on the actual fact.” - -While these expressions of opinion demonstrate the uselessness of the -names, they show at the same time that no inconsiderable number of -such names must no doubt have been in existence. So far as affections -of the genitals are concerned, not only is this indicated by the Greek -φθινὰς,—wasting disease and the Latin _robigo_,—ulcerous sore, not -to mention the ambiguous ἄνθραξ,—carbuncle, malignant pustule, but -_Celsus_ expressly declares the fact, saying (Bk. VI ch. 18) at the -beginning of his description of Diseases of the sexual parts: “Proxima -sunt ea, quae ad partes obscoenas pertinent, quarum apud Graecos -vocabula et tolerabilius se habent et accepta iam usu sunt, cum omni -fere medicorum volumine atque sermone iactentur, apud nos foediora -verba, ne consuetudine quidem aliqua verecundius loquentium commendata -sunt.” (Next come such words as apply to the parts of shame, the Greek -names for which are at once less offensive and are now sanctioned by -usage, as they are constantly occurring in every medical book and -medical discussion, whereas our native (Latin) names are coarser and -are not even recommended by any custom on the part of those who speak -with some regard to modesty). Celsus himself communicates but few -of these words, for he wrote _simul et pudorem et artis praecepta -servans_, (observing at once the laws of modesty and the rules of his -art); while between him and the writers of the Hippocratic school -medical Literature is all but a blank to us. The same is the case -between _Celsus_ and _Galen_; and of a period so important for our -purpose as that of the licentious Emperors, likewise not a single -independent medical Writer has come down to us. In fact even the -Fragments of the Compiler Oribasius, lately made known to the world by -Mai, contain, alas! nothing more than the headings of the Chapters most -interesting to us. - -In such a condition of things it is really verging on the borders -of folly to hope to give a dogmatic and decisive judgement as to -the knowledge of Venereal disease possessed by the Physicians of -Antiquity,—the more so as the extant medical Works have never once -been adequately ransacked, as _Naumann_ only the other day proved in -the case of _Galen_. But of a surety it is easier to maintain the -Ancients knew nothing of Venereal disease, than to devote the best part -of a man’s life-time to the investigation, how much the Ancients did -actually know about it! - - -§ 40. - -If we turn now from these discussions to the statements of the ancient -Physicians themselves, there are two different ways in which we may -regard them ourselves and present them to the reader’s eyes. _Either_ -we put down consecutively everything that has been said by one and the -same Author and examine each single datum we owe to him by itself, _or_ -we bring together the data given by different writers on one and the -same subject, and then compare these one with another. The first way, -the one generally followed by historians of Venereal disease hitherto, -gives us it is true the general results of the knowledge possessed by -the several writers on the different forms of Venereal disease; but, -seeing on the one hand we do not in most instances actually possess -all the works of our Author, while on the other even when we do, we -are not justified in looking upon his report as embodying a _résumé_ -of all the knowledge of his time, the advantages of such a way of -dealing with the subject are on the whole but slight, while it has the -_dis_advantage of rendering considerably more difficult the general -survey of the information possessed by Antiquity as to Venereal -disease, which nevertheless is really our immediate and capital -concern, and cannot fail moreover to occasion a host of contradictions. - -The second way not only relieves us from this disadvantage, but also -ensures us that general Survey which is peculiarly necessary, and to -the absence of which the circumstance is chiefly to be ascribed that it -has been possible hitherto to convince the opponents of the antiquity -of Venereal disease only in the most incomplete manner of its actual -existence in those times at all, as the exposition of the contrary -view, in itself incomplete, was bound in its fragmentary presentment -to seem even more incomplete still. Of course, in following the second -way of exposition, there is an unavoidable dislocation of the data -communicated by each individual writer, but this is a thing of but -little moment, more particularly as its inconvenience is minimised by -our giving the passages, when quoted for the first time, _in extenso_, -so as to have on subsequent occasions merely to refer back to them. -Again the want of a clear marking of dates, a point undoubtedly of -great importance in historical researches, is readily obviated by our -laying down the available fixed points of our chronology in the general -Survey that forms a necessary conclusion to our exposition. - -No doubt _Hensler_ and _Alex. Simon_ had already struck out this second -way of exposition; but the latter writer merely examined the data of -the several Writers by themselves without making any effort to build -them up into one whole. To do this was, it is true, a proceeding -quite foreign to the method adopted by the Ancients, but for our own -time, accustomed as we now are to demand a systematic exposition of a -subject, it seems absolutely indispensible. _Hensler_ on the other hand -in his treatment of the question fixed his particular attention solely -on the Middle Ages, and made it his immediate aim merely to prove that -previously to the ninetieth year of the XVth Century local affections -of the genital organs were already well known, and had been subjected -to treatment.[297] - -Now with regard to the actual exposition that follows, we shall refrain -in it as much as possible from going into particulars, such as the text -itself or the views of the Authors might seem to make obligatory, as -the needful space fails us, at any rate for the present. Moreover the -matter coming under review has been discussed already by many others, -while as for critical elucidations, let them be as pressingly required -as they may, we lack all the necessary _apparatus criticus_. In fact in -the case of several Writers, the translation, let alone the original -text, was with difficulty accessible, for which reason many a passage -of those already known may perhaps have been passed by unregarded. -A complete collection of all passages, including those still -unknown,—for the harvest as was mentioned above has by no means been -all reaped,—will certainly not be demanded by any reasonable reader -from a Student of thirty, for hardly even a greybeard Enquirer surely -could boast of having read all printed works of the ancient Physicians. -For the rest, our present object is not at all to give an exhaustive -exposition of all the ideas and observations of ancient Physicians as -to affections of the genital organs; it only concerns us here to bring -together what is true and directly available for our task. Under this -head would certainly seem to come the following seven points: - - -1. =Gonorrhœa= (_Clap_). - - Nimia profusio seminis,—excessive flow of seed (Celsus), γονόῤῥοια. - -Gonorrhœa, the name of which is compounded of γονή (badly made semen) -and ῥεῖν (to flow),[298] consists in an affection of the seminal -vessels, not of the private parts themselves, which merely serve as the -road for the excretion of the seed.[299] _Two kinds_ of gonorrhœa must -be distinguished, according as the malady is, or is not, combined with -erection of the penis.[300] - -_Gonorrhœa with erection of the penis_ is called sometimes _Satyriasis_ -or _Satyriasmus_ sometimes _Priapism_,[301] and is a species of -cramp,[302] which however only attacks the penis, belongs to the -category of the emphysemata, or inflations,[303] and is conditioned -by an afflux of the humours, particularly of conspissated or badly -compounded humours.[304] However this last phænomenon is only a -symptom of that morbid lasciviousness which _Paulus Aegineta_ entitles -Priapism, while he designates the condition connected with it by -the name of Satyriasis, this having its origin in an inflammatory -affection of the seminal vessels.[305] No proof is needed that both -these views are right so far as this, that gonorrhœa is both spasmodic -and inflammatory, and in either case may be accompanied by priapism. -Nothing, or only very little, is evacuated of a nature to make the -patients experience relief; and if there is, they are again attacked -by the evil, until the original cause of the erection is eliminated, -on which the penis relaxes of itself and subsides.[306] According to -_Paulus Aegineta_ paresis of the spermatic vessels,—the second form -of gonorrhœa,[307]—supervenes, if the disease is not relieved, or -else general spasms. Patients attacked by such spasms succumb rapidly, -suffering from cold sweats and tympanitic distension of the abdomen. -_Alexander of Tralles_ (IX. 10) saw the erection even continue after -the death of the patient. This form is not a common one; it occurs -pre-eminently among young people,[308] and according to _Themison’s_ -observations, who frequently saw the complaint in Crete, where however -it was probably very often a result of pederastia, is subject to -epidemic influence. - -The _treatment_ of this form of gonorrhœa demands according to -_Paulus Aegineta_ (loco citato) immediate general blood-letting,—this -_Galen_[309] also recommends, and practised with advantage,—local -cupping or leeching, simple clysters, cooling and composing -embrocations and poultices of solanum (nightshade) or cicuta (hemlock) -in the lumbar region, of litharge, Cimolian earth, psymithium -(white-lead) with vinegar, water or sweet wine, on the perineum. -Internal remedies are a decoction of mallows, mercury and birch-bark, -sap of rue, decoction from the root of the iris, nymphaea (water-lily) -and adianthum (maidenhair). Diuretics are injurious. Patients should -at the same time be put upon a low, vegetable diet, and the supine -posture avoided. _Galen_ (loco citato) recommended in addition emetics, -but not purgatives, also embrocations of _ceratum rosaceum_, friction -and subsequently gymnastic exercises. _Alexander of Tralles_ insists -particularly on the patient avoiding[310] all wanton scenes and -thoughts, and forbids the use of any cold, specially astringent things, -whereby the resolution of the contraction is made more difficult (πάθος -δυσδιαφόρητον γενέσθαι,—the affection is rendered hard to be resolved). - -Gonorrhœa without erection of the penis, that is to say gonorrhœa -proper, exhibits a persistent, involuntary discharge of the seed,[311] -has some analogy with _incontinentia urinae_, and usually depends -like the latter on weakness or failure in the retentive power of the -spermatic vessels.[312] Very often an inflammatory stage supervenes, -making the complaint approximate to the first form; patients secrete -copious and hot semen, which provokes them to ejaculation,—an -ejaculation however that is followed by great exhaustion. If they -avoid copulation, headache is established, pains in the stomach and -nausea, while nocturnal pollutions cause them similar inconveniences -to those they incur from coition. The ejaculation is accompanied by -heat and smarting pain,—and this not solely among men but with women -as well; for one of these patients, _Galen_ writes,[313] told me that -not only himself, but also _the women with whom he had accomplished -coition_, experienced during the discharge a biting, burning pain. -On the contrary, according to _Aretaeus_,[314] it would seem the -only symptoms found in conjunction with the complaint are itching -of the privates, a voluptuous feeling and a violent inclination -to sexual intercourse. This datum admits of ready explanation if -we consider the fact that in southern countries the inflammatory -stage that makes its appearance is very brief and as a rule hardly -noticeable, provided,—though no doubt this condition was pretty often -broken,—coition was not indulged in during its course. - -As a matter of fact in the great majority of instances the Physician -had only the chronic form to treat. Generally speaking a patient -first notices the complaint, when the discharge begins; and then the -latter, when once the inflammatory stage is over, proceeds day and -night undisturbed and without special voluptuous feeling, without -wanton dreams,[315] often without any particular sensation at all. -The actual discharge is a thin, cold, pale, sterile flux. Towards the -end of the illness it becomes thicker, assumes an acrid quality, and -eventually ceases altogether to flow.[316] But if the malady persists, -especially in young people, then according to _Aretaeus_, the whole -visage of the sufferers assumes a greyish look; they grow sluggish, -atonic, spiritless, faint-hearted, indolent, dull, weak, emaciated, -incapable of effort, unhealthy-looking,[317] pale, womanish, have -no appetite, feel chilly, complain of heaviness in the limbs, are -weak-loined, feeble and unfit for anything. According to _Galen_, the -abdomen falls in, besides all the rest of the body collapsing more or -less and withering; while patients become lean, of a yellowish pale -complexion and hollow-eyed. In this way the complaint not unfrequently -paves the road to paralysis, or else sufferers die of _tabes_ or -wasting.[318] Specifically and in itself the disease is not dangerous, -but it provokes various other complaints, and represents a highly -disagreeable, ill-reputed affection (Aretaeus),[319] that almost -always follows a chronic course,[320]—for which reason Aretaeus and -Caelius Aurelianus actually treat of it under the head of chronic -diseases. - -Gonorrhœal pus is infectious, as is implied by the Mosaic Laws of -Purification (Leviticus Ch. XV.), and the malady is communicated by -coition, as is seen from the words of _Galen_,—p. 428. But as early -as the Fourth Century the idea was prevalent that the _conjunction of -the stars_ was not devoid of influence, as such or such a conjunction -might from a man’s very birth determine that _the individual was to -die of gonorrhœa_. This at any rate is maintained by _Julius Firmicus -Maternus_,[321] who lived in the time of Constantine the Great. -The disease has to be carefully distinguished from the nocturnal -pollutions,[322] that are at times one of the sequelae of gonorrhœa. - -The treatment is, according to _Aretaeus_, at the commencement that -for an ordinary rheum or flux, by keeping the parts affected cool, -in order to counteract the flow of the humours to them; by degrees -going on to a heating and at the same time desiccating procedure, -then the application of fresh wool to the part, the employment of -friction, embrocations of _ceratum rosaceum_ or _oinanthinum_ with -white wine, olive oil with melilot, marjoram, rosemary, poultices of -barley-meal, saltpetre and dyll, but above all rue, with the addition -of honey or, according to _Celsus_, vinegar; as further treatment, -stimulating cataplasms, of a strength to redden the skin or even to -bring out pustules on it, so as to draw off the afflux of the humours, -or else as an alternative, plasters of the nature of the _emplastrum -viride_ (green plaster), of _baccae lauri_ (laurel berries). As for -internal treatment, the patient should drink decoctions of: _semen -lactucae_ (lettuce juice), _cannabis_ (hemp), _rad. orcheos_ (orchis -root), _nymphaeae_ (waterlily), _halicacabi_ (bladder-wort), etc.; -and take _castoreum_ (beaver oil), or the antidotes of _Symphon_, -_Philo_, or _Bestinus_, which are prepared from _viper’s flesh_. -In case of very profuse discharge, the patient should be directed -to drink hard red wine; if he is acrid with bile (χολωδέστερον καὶ -δριμύτερον,—over-bilious and acrid), lukewarm baths are brought into -requisition (Alexander of Tralles). On one point all authorities are -agreed, that the main thing to depend on is diet. Both food and drink, -says Celsus, must be cold, a precaution Themison also recommended in -satyriasis, whereas Caelius Aurelianus denounces it. The patient must -not indulge in semen-forming matters, such as cause flatulency, but -take nourishing food, flesh of animals but not fish, a little light -wine with it, for the constant ejaculation is weakening; he should be -careful as to resting,[323] lie on a cool bed, either on the right side -or the left (Paulus Aegineta), not on the back (Celsus). - -Where the complaint is of longer continuance, exercise in the open -air and the use of cold baths is to be recommended, which latter -_Celsus_[324] it appears prefers to see resorted to, as well as cold -aspersions, almost at the very commencement; a mode of treatment -that is even now coming into fashion again among ourselves, as the -water-cure mania makes further and further progress. _Galen_[325] -recommended, besides diet and medicine, that with a view to -retarding the preparation of semen, gymnastic exercises, particularly -such as bring the upper part of the body into activity, e. g. -ball-playing both with great and little balls and the casting of leaden -disks, be resorted to. After bathing, patients must rub and wash over -the hips with desiccative ointments, oil expressed from red, coarse -olives, roses or quinces, wax-salves with the juices of _sempervivum_ -(evergreen house-leek), _solanum_ (nightshade), _umbilicus Veneris_ -(navelwort), _portulaca_ (purslain), linseed boiled in water, etc. -I once saw, he says, the Intendant of a Gymnasium Athletes lay a -leaden disk on the lumbar region of an athlete as a measure against -nocturnal pollution,—a means _Caelius Aurelianus_ prescribed _also_ for -gonorrhœal patients,—and afterwards recommended the same treatment to -another sufferer from these, who was thankful for the advice. Others -again found lying on the _agnus castus_ beneficial to them, as well as -the taking of its juice along with rue. Violently active refrigerants -in the form of ointments, prepared from poppy and _atropa mandragora_ -should not be employed, and this equally applies to sleeping on -these plants when they are in bloom, for they act injuriously on the -kidneys. On the other hand sleeping on roses was advantageous,—Caelius -Aurelianus added to the list the leaves and flowers of _vitex_ (agnus -castus, Abraham’s balm). “Besides these I have excogitated many other -specifics for patients of the sort, and found their utility confirmed -in practice. For instance those afflicted with such a condition of -body should pay particular attention to this. When the accumulation of -semen that has to be ejaculated is at its greatest, they should during -the day take a nourishing yet moderate meal, and then when they lie -down to sleep accomplish sexual intercourse.[326] But on the following -day, after taking their fill of sleep, they should on rising chafe -themselves till the skin is reddened. Next they should rub the body all -over with oil; then soon after take some well-leavened, pure bread, -baked in the baking-pan, and mixed with wine, after which they may then -go about their customary business. Between the rubbing with oil and the -meal of bread patients may go for a walk, if there is a spot convenient -for the purpose in the neighbourhood, _except in the colder time of the -year, for at that season it is better for them to stay indoors_.” - -With regard to _gonorrhœa in women_, it is all but impossible to -arrive at any accurate knowledge of what the Ancient Physicians knew -concerning it. The reason of this is that the views held as to the -effect of deteriorated menstrual blood and of the ῥοῦς γυναικεῖος -(female discharge), by means of which the whole body was supposed -to purge itself of evil humours,[327] absolutely precluded the -possibility of any unprejudiced observation, in precisely the same -way as down to quite modern times the _fluor albus_ (white flux, -blennorrhœa) conditioned the extremely imperfect knowledge possessed by -the faculty of female gonorrhœa. We purpose to leave over the inquiry -into the points which differentiate the two (male and female gonorrhœa) -to another opportunity; and will only note here that gonorrhœa in -women, strictly so called, was by no means utterly unknown,—in fact -there is no doubt whatever as to its being distinguished from the ῥοῦς -γυναικεῖος (female discharge), as is shown by the passage of _Galen_ -quoted above, and still more clearly by _Aretaeus_,[328] who speaks -of γονόῤῥοια γυναικεῖα (female gonorrhœa) distinctly as ἄλλος ῥόος -λευκὸς, another species of white flux. Whether perhaps this knowledge -was first accumulated at the epoch of Tiberius and his fellows cannot -indeed be positively determined; but certainly the word ἐλέξαμεν (we -have named it) of the text of Aretaeus may very well leave room for -such a conjecture, and as a matter of fact Aretaeus would appear -to have lived under Domitian, and was therefore a contemporary of -Martial’s! - - -2. Ulcers and Caruncles in the Urethra. - -We have already seen from Hippocrates, Celsus and Galen that the -ancient Physicians had observed the inflammation and subsequent -matteration of the small mucous glands of the urethra evidenced by the -symptoms of painful micturition, and seeing that mere tenesmus, as -well as dysentery, are denominated ἑλκώσις (ulceration) by them, it is -by no means improbable that many a urethral ulcer and many a case of -gonorrhœa may have been treated under the name of ischuria (retention -of urine). This is the more likely, as we learn from a passage of -_Celsus_[329], one usually misinterpreted in several respects, that -the urethral discharge was explained as due to an extension of -the ulcer to the spermatic cords (_vasa deferentia_,—seed-bringing -vessels). Yet further confirmation is afforded by a passage of -_Actuarius_,[330] already cited by Simon, and our own conjecture -expressed on a previous page thus justified. - -Ulcers however also occurred in the urethra[331] unconnected with -tubercular swellings (ἀφανὲς ἕλκος,—invisible ulcer); these not -unfrequently occasioned bleeding,[332] and made their presence known -by the accompanying pain, while synchronously small irregularly-shaped -particles (ἐφελκύδες) were ejected.[333] The appropriate treatment of -these ulcers has been described by _Paulus Aegineta_ (loco citato); -it consisted in injections of honey and milk (_Aëtius_, IV. 2. 19., -and _Actuarius_ also recommended _enemata morsus expertia_,—clysters -free from biting acridity), introduction of lotus pounded in a leaden -mortar by means of a feather or a twisted piece of lint (λεπτὸν -στρεπτὸν,—light material twisted,—an anticipation of the bougie?) -along with a mixture of gall-apple, flowers of zinc (oxide of zinc), -starch-flour and aloes smeared in equal parts with rose-sap and -plantain-sap. - -Not unfrequently such ulcers give rise to the establishment of -_caruncles in the urethra_, particularly _in the neighbourhood of -the neck of the bladder_, though they occur[334] also in the ear, -nose, as well as in connection with the privates and anus, in the -latter case presenting the symptoms of ischuria (retention of urine), -interfering as they do with the outflow of the urine. The presence of -these caruncles may be diagnosed by the preceding symptoms, as also -by the circumstance that the urine is evacuated by the introduction -of a _catheter_, that this occasions pain at the seat of ulceration -and breaks through the caruncle, causing the urine to pass mixed -with blood and the remains of the caruncle. It is necessary to know -if a thrombus (blood-clot) or calculus blocks the urethra; but as -to whether we pronounce the mischief to be situated in the urethra -itself and the cause of the ischuria to be there as well, this is a -distinction of no practical or scientific value.[335] For as a rule -it was solely as being the excretory duct of the bladder that the -urethra had some little attention directed to it; while any signs -it exhibited were generally regarded simply as symptoms connected -with the urinary bladder and the kidneys. Partial _growing up, or -morbid extuberance, in the urethra_ (συσσάρκωσις,—a growing together) -following on a previous ulceration is described by _Heliodorus_, as -given in Oribasius,[336] occasioning either a narrowing of the urethral -passage in one spot or its being filled up over its entire superficies -with morbid outgrowths of tissue. Partial narrowing causes dysuria or -strangury (difficulty of micturition), the narrowing of the whole canal -by morbid outgrowths, ischuria (impossibility of micturition, retention -of urine). The outgrowth must be removed by means of a small lancet. -The mode of procedure is then as follows. The patient is placed on his -back, the penis straight out; then with the fingers of the left hand -the operator compresses it behind the spot where the growth is found, -in order to prevent the blood from flowing inwards when the incision -is made; next he takes the knife in the right hand, pushes the point -into the urethra, divides it as far along as the base of the morbid -growth, but not so as to go beyond it. This done, he proceeds to cut -out the growth by means of a circular incision, and compresses the -urethra between the fingers, causing the growth to spring forwards. -Supposing it now projects but does not actually spring out, it is -extracted by means of a _mydion_ (boat-shaped instrument). After the -removal of the growth the urethra must be protected from contact with -the urine, which during the first few days is best done by applying an -_ipoterion_, or compress,[337] made of papyrus. The mode of preparing -this is described in detail later on, and a sort of elastic catheter -indicated. Catheters of copper and tin might also be used, or a -quill taken for the purpose. The tin or lead catheters are not to be -inserted till after the third day, and carry in front a projecting -shield. The application of a bandage described is declared to be of -great advantage. Scirrhosities of _the neck of the bladder_, abscesses -and the like, are mentioned by _Galen_ (loco citato) as occurring -occasionally. With regard to _diseases of the prostates_ subsequent -investigations must authenticate the amount of knowledge possessed of -these by the physicians of Antiquity. - -_Inflammation of the testicles_[338] is usually characterized according -to _Paulus Aegineta_[339] by pain under strong pressure by the fingers, -while only a slight pressure causes no uneasiness. Redness and heat -are slight externally, but the latter is perceptible deep in by an -investigating finger. Sometimes fever is associated with it, and if -the inflammation is not quickly combated, the pain, _Celsus_ tells -us,[340] extends to the inguinal and lumbar regions, the parts swell, -the spermatic cord grows thicker and at the same time indurated. Both -authorities make the treatment consist at first in blood-letting at the -ankle,[341] and the use of soft poultices of bean-meal,[342] pounded -cumin, linseed, etc. to which in cases of induration is added later on -a mixture of crocus and wine. In obstinate instances poultices are used -of _rad. cucumeris agrestis_ (root of the wild cucumber);[343] _Paulus -Aegineta_ under these circumstances prescribes grapes, peas, cumin, -brimstone, nitre and resin, made into a cataplasm with honey, besides -sundry wax-salves. A considerable list of remedial agents is found -enumerated in _Marcellus_ (ch. 33.) intended to combat the _tumores et -dolores testiculorum_ (swellings and pains in the testicles); of these -we will only mention the salves of mutton-suet and nitre, the sea-water -compresses, the poultices of _rad. cicutae_ (hemlock root), white of -egg, frankincense and ceruse (white lead). _Aretaeus_[344] gives us -an interesting piece of information to the effect that in order to -counteract neuralgia of the testicles and spermatic cord, accompanied -at the same time by intestinal colic, the spermatic cord was _cut -out_, being looked upon as the cause of the suffering. Important too -is the case related by _Hippocrates_,[345] where a patient at Athens -suffered from _prurigo_ (itch) of the whole body, but above all of the -_testicles_ and the forehead, his skin having grown thick and hard as -it does in leprosy, so that nowhere could it be pulled up above the -general surface. - -_Induration_ of the testicles is mentioned by _Galen_,[346] who assigns -it as one cause of sterility. The same author[347] likewise speaks of -the testicles being affected with _aphthae_ (διδύμους ἀφθῶντας), which -he says should be treated with _terra cimolia_ (Cimolian chalk) and -myrtle-berries. - - -§ 41. - - -3. Ulcers of the Genitals. - - φθινάς, ἄνθραξ, ἔσχαρα,—robigo, cancer. (Wasting ulcer, malignant - pustule, scab,—ulcerous sore, eating, suppurating ulcer). - -Though we cannot exactly subscribe to Alexander Simon’s declaration -to the effect that it would fill whole volumes, if we wished to cite -systematically and in full all that has been said by the oldest -and earlier medical Writers on ulcerous affections that attack the -sexual parts from the points of view of pathology and therapeutics, -still the number of such passages is no doubt sufficiently imposing. -Unfortunately their contents cannot be described as equally important; -for the pathological side is sacrificed to the therapeutic,—in fact the -great majority give nothing more than the general names ἕλκος (ulcer) -or φλεγμονὴ αἰδοίου (inflamed tumour of the privates), and then at -once pass on to discuss the remedial measures expedient. This mode -of procedure is indeed quite consistent with the general character -of medical science in those days, for it is always the case that the -more medicine declines, the more practitioners think themselves bound -to look for remedial means nowhere but in the prescription-books. -Curiously enough we find that almost every thing given by the later -physicians already has a place in the pages of _Celsus_; the latter -probably utilized the Alexandrian physicians, on whose knowledge the -later Writers appear to have made little advance. - -Now with regard to ulcers of the genitals in general,—these are of -frequent occurrence, as to begin with the parts are from their very -constitution prone to putrefactive changes, as well owing to their -moist nature, possessing as they do so many glands that draw moisture -together, and being covered with hair, as because they are at the -same time excretory organs[348]. The time of year exerts an influence -on the appearance of such ulcers, for they show themselves chiefly -in the summer,[349] particularly when a South wind is blowing,[350] -a wind that is moist and warm and fosters a tendency towards the -resolution of fluid and solid parts alike. Thus ulcers of the genitals -are likewise subject to epidemic influence, as has been clearly -demonstrated on previous pages. They are acquired by coition, and -that equally by natural coition, as the instance of Hero mentioned on -a previous page shows without a shadow of doubt, as by the unnatural -forms, and particularly by paederastia, which last caused the malady -of Naevolus’ slave also referred to in an earlier passage. Moreover in -the hot regions of Asia and Africa want of cleanliness also, especially -when men were uncircumcised, gave occasion, as in Apion’s case, to -the establishment of ulcers of the genitals. These were looked upon -by the Ancient physicians in most instances as an outcome of the evil -humours of the body,—an opinion which need cause us less surprise as -even in much more modern times a large number of physicians have -endeavoured to explain the origin of chancres by an antecedent general -infection, that manifested itself in this way, viz. by the appearance -of these sores. Ulcers not unfrequently took the form of aphthae, -particularly in women,[351] being in that case more superficial, -but for that very reason readily eating their way over adjacent -parts,—(_cancer_, eating ulcer). In many instances inflammation -(φλεγμονὴ, ἐρυσίπελας—phlegmonous inflammation, erysipelas) and -swelling of the parts affected were accompanying circumstances. They -were often painful,—sometimes moist, sometimes dry. In the majority of -cases they assumed under favouring conditions a putrefactive character -(φαγέδαινα,—phagedenic or eating ulcer), under which circumstances -worms actually bred in the sores, or else they manifested from the -very first a marked tendency to pass over into gangrene (ἄνθραξ, -_carbunculus_,—malignant pustule, carbuncle), where as a rule merely an -ulcer developing from a minute bladder (bleb) or φύμα existed in the -first instance. On the other hand its course was often very chronic, -without phlegmonous ulcers at all, or if these were present, either -they were callous, or else condylomatous outgrowths sprung from them. - -In accordance with these varying factors did the _treatment of ulcers -of the genitals_ vary, though without any universally recognized -special distinction from that adopted for ulcers in general. -Speaking generally, purgings by the rectum are not indicated; but -preferably in affections of the genitals revulsory treatment by -emetics is employed.[352] If blood-letting is resorted to, it must -be either in the hollow of the knee or at the ankle.[353] As to local -measures, fatty matters according to _Antyllus_ are not good for the -genitals,[354] whereas astringents and desiccatives are beneficial, -if that is to say the phlegmonous condition is absent.[355] On the -contrary if the latter is found, this must in the first place be -combated, then a mixture applied consisting of sifted resin and -pounded cumin, or alternatively a poultice of barley-meal, hydromel -and vine-leaves reduced to a pulp, or else cumin with butter and -tree-resin.[356] Above all Galen[357] recommended in the early stages -before the appearance of an eating or phagedenic ulcer (κατὰ τῶν ἐν -αἰδοίοις φλεγμονῶν ἐν ἀρχῇ, πρὶν ὑποφαίνεσθαι τινα νομώδη σηπέδονα,—in -phlegmonous affections of the privates at the commencement, before any -eating ulceration appear) a _ceratum rosaceum_ (wax-salve of roses), -the preparation of which he gives _in extenso_, and Aëtius copying -from him; its activity is enhanced by the addition of a little _oleum -sabinum_ (Sabine oil). If the ulcers are complicated with _swelling_, -a compound of white-lead (ψιμύθιον) and triturated vine-leaves is -applied,[358] sea-water compresses,[359] or poultices of boiled lentils -and pomegranate rind.[360] For _painful_ ulcers pompholyx (flowers of -zinc)[361] was particularly recommended, or a decoction of linseed -with the addition of myrrh; also woman’s milk may be advantageously -used as well,[362] especially with the addition of _anodynes_, and -above all pompholyx or flowers of zinc. _Paulus Aegineta_ (loco citato) -prescribed the application of butter and resin melted together in -equal parts, or linseed ground up with myrrh and resin. In _raw_ and -_dry_ ulcers of the genitals the aloe was very generally prescribed; -it was powdered and sprinkled over the sore,[363] or if a phlegmonous -condition was already established, dissolved in water.[364] In the -second case _Oribasius_[365] prescribed likewise the use of lead,—and -indeed it was a usual recommendation with regard to most of the -recognized remedies that they should be pounded and triturated in -leaden mortars with leaden pestles. - -Superficial ulcers _of an aphthae-like character_ were treated as early -as in _Hippocrates’_ time and indeed by him[366] with a decoction of -myrtle-berries boiled in wine. As a remedy against _moist_ ulcers a -certain mixture of Crito’s, compounded of frankincense and myrrh boiled -in sweet wine, had a great reputation;[367] but above all the powder -of _charta usta_ (papyrus ash), anise and _cucurbita_ (gourd)[368] -was employed, after the ulcer had been washed with urine; further the -_cortex pinus_ (cork-tree), _lapis haematites_ (bloodstone, haematite -iron-ore),[369] to which frankincense was added in the case of more -deep-seated ulcers,[370] also _cadmium ustum_ (burnt calamine) (Paulus -Aegineta); likewise washing with urine proved beneficial.[371] In -_spreading or eating_ ulcers (νομῶδες ἕλκος) a poultice was applied -of lentils, pomegranates and oxymel[372] reduced to a pulp; but a -still more usual remedy was to sprinkle verdigris over the sore,[373] -and especially verdigris in conjunction with a salve made of -_charta usta_ (papyrus ash), sulphur, lead-slag, honey and _ceratum -rosaceum_ (wax-salve of roses); another remedy highly thought of was -the _pastillus corax_ (corax cake), the ingredients of which were -verdigris, chalk, gallnut, frankincense, turpentine, wax, oil of -myrtles and beef-tallow; this was particularly beneficial in combating -the carbunculous form of the disease. Very often however recourse to -the cauterizing iron and the knife was unavoidable, especially if -gangrene supervened, or if the callosity of the edges of the ulcer made -cicatrisation impossible. - -Such were the general methods of treatment employed for ulcers of the -genital organs, but these naturally varied according to the various -distinctions between the several sorts conditional on the situation of -the sore. Thus it becomes our next business to indicate on what parts -of the body ulcers were observed:— - - -A. ULCERS ON THE MALE GENITAL ORGANS. - -It is invariably the case that forms of ulceration affecting the male -genitals are the most familiar and best known, and this was equally -true in Antiquity. Whatever information the Ancient physicians deemed -it necessary to record on the subject is found as early as _Celsus_ -laid down with something approaching to completeness in his writings -(VI. 18.). - - -a. _Ulcers of the Prepuce._ - -According to Leonidas[374] fissures and cracks in the prepuce -frequently occurred, in all cases of the latter being too tight and -being forcibly drawn back. On these supervened pain and phlegmonous -inflammation; and then if a cure were not speedily effected, the -edges assumed a condition of callosity, necessitating the use of the -knife for its removal. However, more often than not the wound broke -out again, because as was noted as early as by _Hippocrates_,[375] -wounds of the prepuce are as a rule obstinate in healing. To meet this -eventuality _Galen_[376] provides an entirely suitable procedure. While -ulcers of the glans penis demand desiccative remedies, those of the -prepuce rather call for _epilotics_,[377] especially anise. Supposing -the prepuce to become gangrenous, it must be cut away circularly, -and the bleeding stopped by cauterization; if this treatment is not -needful, a mixture of verdigris with honey, or pomegranate and vetch is -applied.[378] Ulcers on the inner fold of the prepuce, as also on the -skin of the penis generally, are mentioned by _Celsus_ (VI. 18.), the -latter likewise by _Galen_.[379] Such ulcers on the inner fold of the -prepuce, Celsus states, not unfrequently give occasion to the setting -up of phimosis and paraphimosis; and yet another consequence, a morbid -growing together of glans and prepuce was observed by _Oribasius_ (loco -citato, 5.) and _Paulus Aegineta_ (VI. 56.), for which these authors -prescribe appropriate medical and surgical treatment. Under the name of -_cancer_ (eating ulcer) of the prepuce Celsus, it would seem, describes -the νομὴ (spreading ulcer) of the Greek physicians, which commences by -the ulcer turning black. Occasionally too the ulcers developed out of -themselves morbid growths, excrescences or condylomata, particularly -the form known as _thymion_ (warty excrescence). - - -b. _Ulcers of the Glans Penis._ - -These are, as pointed out by _Celsus_ (VI. 18.), best described by -taking their pathological and therapeutic aspects together; but it -would serve no useful purpose to quote once more in this place the -passages dealing with this part of the subject, which have been so -often printed already. He makes a distinction, as does _Galen_,[380] -between dry and clean, moist and suppurative, ulcers, the latter of -which readily lead to phimosis and paraphimosis. The discharge is -sometimes thin and watery, sometimes purulent, and on occasion becomes -evil-smelling; the ulcerations both spread superficially and penetrate -inwards, and may actually destroy the glans underneath the prepuce, -so that it perishes altogether. When this happens, _Paulus Aegineta_ -(VI. 57.) has a leaden pipette inserted in the orifice of the urethra, -to enable the patient to pass water. In other cases the prepuce grows -into one with the ulcerated glans penis (_Celsus_, _Paulus Aegineta_, -_Oribasius_). Ulcers _circa coronam glandis_ (round the crown of the -glans penis) are mentioned by _Aëtius_.[381] - -A special kind is the _cancer colis_ (eating ulcer of the member), -probably the same as the νομὴ (spreading ulcer) of the Greeks, which -Aëtius[382] delineates as a spreading, flaccid ulcer, which on pressure -emits a thin bloody discharge, that subsequently becomes feculent. -Hemorrhage is apt to supervene according to Celsus on the shedding of -a cicatrix artificially produced by operation or the cauterizing iron. -Another species of _cancer_ is the φαγέδαινα (phagedenic, eating -ulcer) of the Greeks, which extends rapidly and penetrates to the -bladder. It appears to be identical with ἄνθραξ (malignant pustule), -though Celsus mentions the _carbunculus colis_ (carbuncle of the -member) in a special category; for the description he gives, bk. V. -ch. 28., of carbuncle is equally applicable to the phagedaena.[383] -Ἄνθραξ (malignant pustule) begins with itching, later on a pustule, -or else a number of little bladders or blebs resembling millet-seeds -appear, which burst in much the same way as a blister due to burning -does, leaving behind an _ulcus crustaceum_ (scab-encrusted ulcer), -resembling the cicatrix of a burn; this is firmly adherent and black -in colour. The surrounding tissue is likewise black and violently -inflamed, the inflammation not unfrequently having an erysipelas-like -character. _Galen_[384] designates the process ἀνθράκωσις, and declares -that buboes are an accompanying feature. He holds the ulcers of the -genitals occurring under the special climatic conditions laid down by -Hippocrates above to have been partly ἄνθραξ,[385] the disease to which -Hero succumbed. - -Another kind of ulcer affecting the male genitals is mentioned by -_Pollux_[386] under the name of θηρίωμα (malignant sore), which -_Celsus_ (V. 28.) likewise speaks of, but without particularizing its -situation. The same fact applies to ulcers of the glans penis as to -those of the prepuce, viz. that many forms of morbid outgrowths arise -from them; in other instances callosities on the edges of the ulcers -are built up, leaving behind a callous protuberance, which the Greeks -appear to have called ἥλος (a nail), the Romans _clavus_ (a nail).[387] -The proper treatment to be followed in each of these special cases is -given by Celsus and the Writers he cites. - - -B. ULCERS OF THE FEMALE GENITAL ORGANS. - -In this connection, as indeed in the discussion of the female genital -organs generally, we once again meet with the difficulty due to the -indefiniteness of the names given to the several parts. Not only do -the Greeks constantly make use of the general expression αἰδοία, μόρια -(privates, parts), but they likewise employ ὑστέρον and μήτρα (the -womb) sometimes as meaning the vagina, sometimes the uterus, though -it is true the later Writers like _Galen_[388] designate the vagina ἡ -ὑστέρα, the uterus ὁ ὑστέρος, yet without keeping consistently to the -distinction. The same applies to the use in Latin of _locus_ (place), -_pars_ (part), and _vulva_ (womb), which last word stands for the -uterus in _Celsus_, _Pliny_ and most of the later Writers. - -Passing over the indefinite expressions _dolores_ (pains), -_inflammatio_ or _phlegmoné_ (inflammation) of the genitals, although -the treatment prescribed for them clearly implies that very often -ulceration was concurrently present, we find the various kinds of -ulcers of the female genitals most fully and systematically described -by _Aretaeus_,[389] _Paulus Aegineta_ (III. 65-68.) and _Aëtius_[390] -following Archigenes, Soranus and Aspasia.[391][392] - -_Abscesses_ _Aëtius_ says (loco citato, ch. 110.) occur on the female -_labia_; if these extend in the direction of the anus, they must not -be opened with the knife, as fistulas are liable to be set up, but -there is no fear of this when they extend towards the urethra. The -same author (p. 109.) speaks of _pustulae scabrae_ (scabrous, scurfy -pustules) in the vagina and orifice of the womb, which throw off -bran-like scales, as also (ch. 108.) of _tubercula miliaria_ (miliary -tubercles) in the same localities. These may no doubt be recognized -by touch, but are better diagnosed by means of the uterine speculum, -or _Dioptra_, and _ex coitus affrictu_ (in consequence of friction -in coition) interfere with menstruation and conception. Obviously -what is here pointed to is the swollen mucous glands, which in our -modern practice likewise are frequently observed in gonorrhœal cases. -Often the ulcers take a form characterized by _fissures_ (ῥαγάδες, -_fissurae_,—fissures, _rimae_,—cracks), particularly at the orifice of -the uterus.[393] Sometimes they become callous, at others give rise to -morbid outgrowths; as a rule the discharge is a thin watery juice, and -pain is felt during coition.[394] - -Ulcers strictly so called, says Aretaeus, are either superficial, in -fact rather excoriations than ulcers, and far-spreading; they itch -as though salt had been sprinkled on the surface, give off a small -quantity of thick pus, free from smell, and are not malignant. To this -class probably belong the aphthae-like ulcers of Hippocrates.[395] In -other cases they are more deep-seated; being then painful, discharging -an evil-smelling pus, and having a less mild character than the -former, but still not such as to be described as malignant. If they -penetrate yet deeper, the edges then become rough, the discharge -takes the form of a malodorous juice, while the pain is more severe -than in the other kinds. The actual tissue of the womb is partially -destroyed in the latter case, while morbid outgrowths form, which make -cicatrization extremely difficult. This last kind was known also as -_phagedaena_, (eating ulcer); it is dangerous, especially if the pain -increases and the patient falls into low spirits. An offensive juice is -discharged, so foul that the patient herself is hard put to bear it; -the ulcer is highly intolerant of being touched for the application -of remedial means; it may end fatally, and is known under the name -of “Crab-ulcer”. Νομὴ (spreading ulcer),[396] carbuncle and _sordida -ulcera_ (foul ulcers) of the uterus are mentioned by _Aëtius_ (loco -citato), who shows the mode of investigating them by means of the -uterine speculum and a treatment consisting mainly of injections[397] -and pessaries prepared of a number of different remedies. Not -unfrequently unskilful treatment of ulcers of the vagina occasioned -morbid outgrowths, which according to _Celsus’_ teaching,[398] must be -removed by surgical means. Lastly the fact that ulcers of the genital -organs of women were prejudicial to men who consummated coition with -them and were for that reason dreaded by them, is clearly implied in -the narrative of _Cedrenus_.[399] - - -4. Ulcers of the Fundament. - -We have already seen how fissures and ulcers of the fundament were a -not unusual consequence of the vice of the pathic, yet not the faintest -indication of the fact is to be found in the medical Writers. The -knowledge possessed by the Ancients as to affections of the fundament -have been collected with a very considerable degree of completeness by -_Aëtius_,[400] especially as copying Galen; the remaining authorities -treat them as a rule in conjunction with the corresponding affections -of the genitals, and mostly recommend the same remedies for them. So -far therefore as they are concerned we refer back to the information -given in connection with the latter. At the same time the remark may -be permitted that this juxtaposition of the two seems to point to the -Ancients having held, as we maintain they did, the view that affections -of the genitals and affections of the anus arose from like causes and -were of like character, as is shown by their dealing with the one and -the other class of diseases on the same general lines. - -_Ardentes dolores_ (burning pains)[401] and _pruritus_ (itching)[402] -of the anus are not uncommon. _Inflammations_[403] often supervene as a -consequence of fissures, morbid growths and ulcers. _Rhagades_ (cracks) -and _fissures_[404] are found either in the sphincter muscle or in the -rectum, and are an accompaniment of condylomata, whenever the latter -become inflamed and spread, causing the surrounding tissue to rupture; -the edges frequently assume a callous condition, and then require to be -broken down and thus transformed into a simple ulcer. Often abscesses -are set up[405] as a result of the inflammation, and these are liable -to lead to fistulas. The ulcers[406] on occasion assume the character -of the νομὴ φαγέδαινα (eating and spreading ulcer). Supposing them -situated on the sphincter ani, they must neither be cut nor cauterized, -as severance of the muscle makes it impossible for the patient to -retain the faeces. This loss of retentive power may also occur apart -from any operation, if the νομη (spreading ulcer) destroy the muscle. -Supposing on the contrary the νομὴ to be below the sphincter, knife or -cauterizing iron may either of them be employed. In some instances -ulcers lead to a morbid growth at the orificium ani, that must be -obviated by means of pipettes of lead.[407] In other cases _rhagades_ -(cracks) and ulcers lead eventually to morbid outgrowths. - - -5. Buboes. - - Bubo, panus (swelling resembling the thread wound on bobbin of a - shuttle), paniculus (diminutive of same), inguen (swelling in the - groin). - -Under the name of _bubo_ the ancient Physicians understood any form -of inflammation of the lymphatic glands. Now such inflammation occurs -above all other places in the inguinal region, and thus inflammation -of the inguinal glands came to be especially indicated by the word, as -well as the inguinal region itself. Similarly the Romans used _inguen_ -(the groin) both for the region and for the disease. Subsequently -many distinctions were drawn; a phlegmonous affection combined with -swelling was called a βουβὼν (bubo), while the name φῦμα (swelling) -was appropriated to a swelling of the glands characterized by its -rapid establishment and its tendency to suppuration (bubo with -suppurative pustule in the centre), and φύγεθλον (burning swelling) -to one conjoined with (cutaneous) inflammation of an erysipelas -character,[408] which last form, if it passes on into induration, is -known as χοιρὰς or _struma_ (scrofulous or strumous swelling). The -best exposition from the points of view equally of pathology and -therapeutics is found in _Galen_.[409] The glands in virtue of their -spongy structure are peculiarly liable to take up rheums or fluxes of -all descriptions; accordingly the glands of the groin, armpits and -neck swell, directly ulcers are set up in the toes, fingers or head. -The body being overloaded with evil humours is another reason for the -establishment of buboes, and in this case they are more difficult -to cure. Further, _Hippocrates_[410] derived buboes in women from -interrupted menstruation, and maintains[411] that the most part owe -their origin to some affection of the liver. - -The majority of Writers however are agreed that among other occasioning -causes ulcers hold the first place,[412] though none of them speak -expressly of ulcers of the genitals, unless indeed we see good to make -the passage of Hippocrates discussed a little above refer to these. No -doubt in this passage the words ἑλκώματα, φύματα ἔξωθεν ἔσωθεν τὰ περὶ -βουβῶνας (ulcerations, tumours external and internal in the inguinal -region) might admit of such an explanation, in which case the words -must be taken not as referring to each single patient, but rather -held to mean that ulcers and glandular swellings with a tendency to -suppuration were set up, the latter occurring in some patients in the -urethra, in others in the groin. Such an interpretation is favoured -by the case of the Eunuch discussed in § 20, for there can be no doubt -the metathesis of buboes into fistulous ulcers was noted by Celsus and -other observers. Still it is highly improbable that ulcers on the feet -should have afforded the sole and only cause of buboes; it is much -more natural to suppose that this, as being the more rare case, was -for that very reason brought into special prominence by the ancient -Physicians. Besides we have seen above that the old Physicians seldom -or never really had an opportunity of seeing the sympathetic buboes, as -patients treated the ulcers themselves, and the buboes then disappeared -spontaneously. Oribasius no less than other Writers holds buboes -following on an ulcer to be without danger. - -Lastly the cases are very rare in which secondary buboes under the -prevailing tendency and course of the disease are thrown out on the -skin, and if they do arise, the ulcer as a rule heals up. This being -so, the Physician is consulted, only supposing the buboes refused to -disappear. On the contrary if the ulcer was still there, the Physician -sought actually to stimulate it to enhanced activity, as is distinctly -implied by what _Galen_ says (loco citato). Lint smeared with -_tetrapharmacum_ (compound of wax, tallow, pitch and resin), liquified -by the addition of _oleum rosaceum_ (oil of roses) was applied and warm -poultices over that; while on the actual bubo was laid in the first -instance wool moistened with oil, to which when the pain and swelling -of the part were relieved, was added an admixture of salt. Plethoric -or cacochymic (generating evil humours) subjects are to be bled or -cupped. If the bubo is inflamed and inclined to suppurate, it must be -scarified, the patient having first been purged. Dispersion is then -attempted, in this case by means of pulp and honey poultices, but not -by plasters, as these are apt to provoke inflammation. If pus appears, -recourse must not be had at once, as some advise, to opening with -the knife; rather the poultices should be persevered with till the -inflammation is relieved. Acrid poultices are suitable only when the -metathesis to induration has already begun. - -If dispersion does not follow and the matter has collected in greater -quantities, then the most elevated spot, the same where the skin is the -thinnest, should be opened. Should a part of the skin be discoloured, -it must be cut away. Some advise always cutting out a piece in the -shape of a myrtle-leaf, others make very long incisions; but this -not only causes a disfiguring scar, but often also interferes with -the movement of the part. As a general rule a single incision is -sufficient, which should be made diagonally across the inguinal region, -not parallel with the direct diameter of the thigh, as then the edges -are brought actually into contact when the limb bends.[413] After the -opening of the abscess, it should be treated by preference with finely -sifted frankincense, as should all forms of ulcer. We may mention -further that according to Sextus Placitus Papyriensis[414] the wearing -of a stag’s genitals was considered a _prophylactic_ against buboes. - - -6. Exanthemata on the Genitals. - -Long ago _Hensler_ endeavoured in the Graduation Theme of his -mentioned in the list of Historical Authorities to prove that -certain eruptions occurring on the genitals were communicated and -acquired as the result of coition. In particular did this apply -above all to _herpes_ (creeping eruption), under which name must be -understood, as is distinctly implied in a passage of _Galen_,[415] a -form of eruption accompanied by ulceration. It is true the passages -of _Hippocrates_[416] cited by Hensler in regard to the _herpes -esthiomenos_ (eating herpes) would appear to be open to some doubt -and obscurity, while the interpretations given by _Pollux_ (Onomast. -IV. 25. 191.) _φλυκτίς_, φλύκταινα ἐπιμήκες, μάλιστα περὶ βουβῶνας -καὶ μασχάλας. _φύγεθλον_, φῦμα περὶ βουβῶνα μετὰ πυρετοῦ, (φλυκτίς, a -long-shaped blister, particularly in the groin and armpits. φύγεθλον, -a tumour in the groin accompanied by fever) refer probably only to -bubonic swellings; still these objections hardly apply to the φύματα -(swellings) described in § 32,—the less so as _Celsus_ himself (VI. -18.) explains: “Tubercula etiam, quae φύματα Graeci vocant, _circa -glandem_ oriuntur, quae vel medicamentis vel ferro aduruntur; et cum -crustae exciderunt, squama aeris inspergitur, ne quid ibi rursus -increscat;” (Tuberculous swellings also, which the Greeks call φύματα, -arise _about the glans penis_, and are burned away either by caustic -drugs or by the actual cautery. Afterwards when the scabs have fallen -off, the sore is dusted with slag of bronze, to prevent any second -growth later on). Moreover it is possible the passage of _Galen_,[417] -πρὸς δὲ τὰ ἐν αἰδοίοις φυόμενα ἀπίου σπέρμα ἐπίπασσε καὶ τραγείᾳ χολῇ -περιχρῖε. (But for growths on the privates sprinkle pear-juice and rub -in goat’s gall) may refer to these cases, though no doubt it may also -be held to apply to the tubercles occurring in the female vagina (§ -41,—3. B.). - -Again _epinyctis_ (night-pustule),[418] which Hensler also mentions -but declares to be equally open to suspicion as to interpretation, -would seem hardly pertinent in this connection, for the violent pain -experienced at once tells against the likelihood of its being an -affection of this class. Its appearance _in eminentibus partibus_ (on -prominent parts, on the extremities) finds a clear explanation in the -words added by _Pollux_ (loco citato, 197.) περὶ κνήμας καὶ πόδας ἐν -νυκτὶ γενομένη (appearing on legs and feet during the night); while it -is proved that Celsus meant to indicate nothing else by it from his -words in describing φλυζάκιον (little blister), which he says occurs -_raro in medio corpore, saepe in eminentibus partibus_,—rarely on the -trunk, frequently on prominent parts, extremities. Still we do not for -a moment wish to dispute the fact that the male genitals were at any -rate among the Ancients counted as belonging to the _partes eminentes_, -and as chancrous blebs do usually appear suddenly and often during the -night, it is quite possible these may have been all along intended by -_epinyctis_,—especially as on Hippocrates’ authority[419] creeping -eruptions (ἕρπητες) arise from night-pustules (ἐκ τῶν ἐπινυκτίδων.) -However _Pollux_ (loco citato, 206.) likewise again mentions the legs -and feet (κνήμαις καὶ ποσίν), declaring these eruptions attack those -of elderly people. From this we may conclude the epinyctis of the -Ancient writers to have been very likely nothing else but that form of -_impetigo_ (scabby eruption) which is vulgarly known as the _salt-flux_. - -_Aetius_[420] mentions _pustulae spontaneae in pudendis_ (pustules -spontaneously set up on the privates), provoking _phimosis_, and -describes[421] _scabies scroti_ (scab of the scrotum) with metathesis -into ulceration and scaliness, after the disappearance of which very -often acute _pruritus scroti_ (itch of the scrotum) is left behind. -_Galen_ (XIX. p. 449.) defines _psoriasis scroti_ (itching of the -scrotum) as a form of induration of the scrotum accompanied by itching, -as well as in some instances by ulcers. - -Under exanthematic types come also the various _condylomata_. These -when they appeared on the genitals and in other localities of the body, -were called by the Greeks σῦκος, συκώσις, σύκωμα, συκώδης ὄγκος, (fig, -figlike excrescence, figlike swelling, figlike lump), by the Romans -_ficus_ (fig), whereas the same disease when it showed itself on the -fundament, received the name of condyloma[422] _par excellence_. At -the same time this distinction was by no means strictly observed; -in particular the larger forms of _thymus_ (warty excrescence) were -designated by the name σῦκος (fig), albeit it would seem that _thymus_ -was used as specific name for all protuberances on the fundament and -genitals. Σῦκος or _ficus_ is according to _Galen_[423] an ulcerative -tubercle secreting moisture,—the _varus_ (blotchy eruption) on -the contrary being dry, according to _Oribasius_[424] of circular -shape and reddish colour, hardish and rather painful. It is found -above all on the hairy parts of the body, the head, chin, fundament -and genitals,[425] as the passages quoted above in § 13 from Martial -show. They occurred, as it would seem, most frequently on the female -genitals, in which situation they are described so long ago as by -_Hippocrates_[426] under the name of κιων (pillar, pillar-like -excrescence) and said to be evil-smelling. _Aspasia_[427] -says, “condyloma est rugosa eminentia. Rugae enim circa os uteri -existentes dum inflammantur, attolluntur et indurantur, tumoremque ac -crassitudinem quandam in locis efficiunt.” (a condyloma is a wrinkled -protuberance. For when the wrinkles surrounding the orifice of the -uterus grow inflamed, they become prominent and indurated, occasioning -a swelling and thickening in the parts). _Paulus Aegineta_ (III. 75., -VI. 71.) describes them under the name of _hemorrhoids_ as painful, -reddish, excrescences suffused with blood, which break (διαλείμμασι), -and give off a pale discharge in drops. Much more common was the -appearance of _condylomata on the fundament_,[428][429] particularly -in male subjects; in which case they were specially ascribed to -pederastia, as we have already seen. This makes it impossible to decide -definitely which condylomata were of primary and which of secondary -character; but the fact in no way authorizes us to deny altogether the -occurrence of the latter in Ancient times. - - -7. Morbid Outgrowths on the Genital Organs. - - σαρκώδη βλαστήματα, verrucae. (fleshy outgrowths, warty excrescences). - -The general name θύμος (_thymus_,—warty excrescence), or according to -Celsus perhaps more correctly θύμιον (small warty excrescence), appears -to have been used by the Greeks to designate all morbid outgrowths, -and particularly those of the genitals and fundament, while they -appropriated the expressions σῦκος, ἀκροχορδὸν, and μυρμήκια (fig or -figlike excrescence, wart with a neck, wart growing directly on the -skin) to signify the different subordinate species. The θύμιον, which -_Celsus_[430] is the first Writer to delineate in detail, is a warty, -reddish,—according to Paulus Aegineta white too in some cases, and as -a rule painless,—fleshy outgrowth, slender at the base, broader above, -rather hard and rough at the top. Thus it bears a certain resemblance -to the flower of the thyme, from which circumstance comes the name. -The upper part is easily split, and then bleeds,—more than might be -expected Aëtius says from its size; the same also sometimes happens -spontaneously. Usually it has the size of an Egyptian bean, though -occasionally it is quite small. Sometimes one such growth appears, at -others several are found together, now on the palms of the hands, now -on the soles of the feet; but the worst are always those on the genital -organs. - -According to _Aëtius_, who calls the larger sorts σῦκος (fig), -_thymus_ is also found on the fundament and on the face, in women on -the _labia_, in the entrance to the vagina and in the vagina itself, -spreading thence to the fundament and even over the thighs. This is -confirmed by _Oribasius_, who as well as Paulus Aegineta and perhaps -Celsus, distinguishes a _malignant_ and a _non-malignant_ form. The -non-malignant growths generally disappear of themselves; but if they -are amputated, there remains behind, so says Celsus, a circular root -which penetrates deep into the flesh; and not only do they grow again, -but further take the character of the malignant form, become painful -and filled with a bloody ichor. The malignant show themselves both -with and without ulceration, as well as after the disappearance of the -non-malignant growth; they are harder, rougher and larger, have a dirty -livid hue, and are painful, particularly on being touched. Thymus on -the glans penis is more dangerous than when affecting the prepuce,[431] -more especially if it assume a carcinomatous character. If of the -non-malignant type it should be lightly scarified with the point of -a scalpel, then some mild escharotic employed, for which the Writer -just named gives several prescriptions. If of the malignant type, it -is according to Paulus Aegineta either tied with a horse-hair and then -removed by knife or cautery, or according to what Oribasius says the -latter is at once resorted to. But seeing thymus on the prepuce is -often found affecting the inner and outer surfaces simultaneously, -cautery must not be employed on both at once, for in that way the -foreskin would be destroyed altogether. The better plan is to begin -with those situated on the inner surface, first cutting them away, then -cauterizing, and finally when they are cicatrized proceeding to the -treatment of the others. But not a few are incurable. - -Ἀκροχορδὸν[432] is a smooth, circular, fleshy protuberance, having a -slender circular base, so that it looks as though it hung on a string, -whence the name. It is painless and callous, usually has the same -colour as the skin, while its dimensions seldom exceed those of a -bean. As a rule several occur together, but disappear again of their -own accord, especially if they are only small, though on occasion -they get inflamed and suppuration follows; they leave no root behind -on amputation. According to _Galen_ and _Aëtius_ they occur on the -fundament, according to Philumenes, as given in the latter author, -likewise on the female genitals. They are removed either by means of a -thread or with the lancet, though escharotics and other acrid remedies -are also employed. - -A highly inveterate form is the μυρμήκια, or _formica_ (ant) of -later Writers, which is almost always discussed by medical Authors -concurrently with ἀκροχορδόν. It is, Celsus tells us, less prominent -and harder than the θύμιον, has deeper roots, is more painful, broad at -the bass and slender at the top, less suffused with blood and seldom -larger than a lupin-bean. The colour according to Aëtius is blackish. -On its being touched, the patient has the sensation of having been -bitten by an ant. As an exactly similar growth appears on the hands, -most Writers, e. g. Celsus and Oribasius, speak only of this latter; -but Aëtius describes it expressly as occurring on the fundament and -on the female genitals; and it was observed in the latter situation -by Philumenes, or Aëtius (loco citato, ch. 105.) in the case of _his -own wife_, whom he cured by three days’ fumigation with _origanum_, -(wild-marjoram). Not to mention the usual escharotic remedies, for -which Aëtius in especial gives several formulæ, the following modes -of treatment recommended by the medical Writers evidently apply to -warts on the hands only,—by extirpation with a myrtle-leaf shaped -scalpel called a _scolopomachaerion_ (small pointed surgical knife), -squeezing off by means of a quill or metal pipette, and above all -sucking with the lips and gnawing off. This last was in _Galen’s_ time -especially[433] a very fashionable treatment and is described by him as -a new discovery made at Rome. - - - - -§ 42. - -Retrospect. - - -If we now turn back again and make a brief survey of the various forms -of affections of the genitals described on preceding pages, comparing -them with those of the present day, such as we have opportunity to -observe in modern times, we think every unprejudiced reader will be -found ready to admit that they agree with these latter in _very -nearly every_ respect whatever, and that _every_ doubt would be -removed, if only the medical Writers had appended to the records -of their observations in each case the words, “got by infection in -coition.” But to what cause do we refer such cases as a matter of -fact, notwithstanding the denial on the part of the patient that he -has exposed himself to any infection? Do we not take it for granted as -a certainty that such infection did actually precede? Are we in the -habit of noting down in every instance in our day-book of cases the -antecedent act of coition that occasioned the chancre or what not; and -does this omission in any way imply that this did not first occur? To -our mind at any rate the fact suffices that non-professional observers -and even a professional one like Galen have supplied irrefutable -evidence that some of these affections were acquired by coition. -Amongst others, morbid outgrowths for example are manifestly shown -to have been so set up by the statement that they occurred on the -fundament of pathics; and it needs no great perspicacity to draw the -conclusion that if (unnatural) coition produced them in the pederast, -the same maladies occurring on the genital organs owed their origin to -the same cause. - -But granting these maladies originated in coition, there must -necessarily have been some other factors active as well, besides the -mere act. Thus when patients are found explaining to the physician -(Galen) that the women with whom they had accomplished coition suffered -from the same evil as themselves (gonorrhœa), no one surely can suppose -anything but that a transmission of the disease took place in virtue -of a contagion. Such affections of the genitals as are transmitted -in coition by contagion we are wont to regard as primary forms of -Venereal disease; and those acquired and disseminated in the same way -in Antiquity must accordingly be designated by the same name. But these -primary forms extended not only to the genitals; they were equally -and in the same way acquired through the various modes of _Venus -illegitima_ (abnormal Love) in the anus and the mouth, localities -where we are accustomed nowadays to see the secondary symptoms chiefly -appear. Consequently it was impossible for the Ancients,—and is really -and truly no less so down to the present moment for the Moderns,—to -make a definite distinction between primary and secondary forms. It is -equally impossible to deny outright the former existence of the latter -in these localities, the more so as, however wide the dissemination -of vicious practices of various sorts, no very large number of men -suffering from a diseased member are likely to have misused mouth or -anus. - -But if we are forced in considering the secondary forms to leave mouth -and anus almost entirely out of the question,[434] then only cutaneous -diseases and those affecting the bones are left us, for _ozaena_ -(fetid polypus), which was regarded as incurable by the Ancient -physicians,[435] cannot any more than the others be taken into account -in connection with primary affections of the mouth, unless indeed we -are prepared to look upon the ῥέγχειν (snorting) of the men of Tarsus -as a secondary complaint of pathics. - -With regard to _cutaneous affections_, we have seen how the forms -of _lichen_ and _mentagra_ passed over into _psora_ and _lepra_ (§§ -23, 25), and how the conclusion to be drawn from this is plain, viz. -that the secondary cutaneous forms of Venereal disease were formerly -assigned as belonging to leprosy. This seems to be confirmed by a -passage of _Johannes Moschus_[436] that has only just been brought -under our notice, in which it is related how a monk of the Monastery -of Penthula could no longer master the appeals of the flesh, travelled -to Jericho to get relief from the “superfluity of his naughtiness” in -a brothel in that place; how when he had entered the house, he was -suddenly attacked by leprosy, whereupon he speedily returned to his -Monastery. How much Venereal disease has in common with elephantiasis -must be determined by later investigations. At any rate it is worth -while to note its frequent occurrence in Egypt, its establishment in -Italy along with the various forms of _lichen_, its infectiousness, as -well as the statement of Celsus (III. 25.), who calls it an _ignotus -paene in Italia morbus_ (a disease almost unknown in Italy), and that -even the bones would appear to be affected by it. - -Lastly, inasmuch as the tendency of the morbid process to strike -outwards to the skin was conditioned by the influence of climate, while -cutaneous forms of Venereal disease were amongst the most common of -occurrences, it follows that not only were affections of the mucous -membranes bound to fall proportionally into the background and appear -with less frequency, but those of the bones as well. Still the mucous -membranes _were_ sometimes attacked, and _affections of the bones_ did -also undoubtedly occur, though with incomparably greater rarity,—such -affections being, as is well known, at the present day of rare -occurrence, and especially so in hot climates. Corrosion of the tibia -is mentioned by Plutarch, and peculiar pains of the periosteum, which -are so deep-seated and stable as to make the patient believe the bones -themselves to be the seat of the mischief, are spoken of as early as -by _Archigenes_ cited by _Galen_,[437] the latter adding that these -pains were commonly known as οστοκοποι (racking the bones). If further -we ought to count in this connection those forms of _exostosis_ (morbid -excrescence) _of the bones of the skull_ described above in § 26, -which it seems were so prevalent among the inhabitants of Cyprus as to -have gained for the island according to some authorities its name of -Κεραστία (horned),[438] we should actually have to hand proofs of the -existence in Antiquity of _all_ the symptoms that at the present day -constitute Venereal disease. All we need to do is to unite these into -one general picture and give the name that is now sanctioned by custom, -in order to arrive at the final result,—that _Venereal Disease_, though -not recognized and described as such by the Ancient Physicians, _was as -a matter of fact existent in Antiquity_. - - - - -CONCLUSION. - - -Having reached this general result at the conclusion of the first Part -of our Investigations, we would now seem only to have to co-ordinate -the various pieces of evidence thus far brought together without -reference to time and place, but merely on the principle of similarity -of contents, under local and temporal conditions, in order to obtain -a general exposition of _the development of Venereal Disease in -Antiquity_. Willing as we may be to undertake the task, and necessary -as its performance is,—for it is precisely this that constitutes the -History properly so called of the Disease,—still we must freely admit -that for the present the fixed data indispensable for the work are too -few to enable us to do more than offer suggestive hints. At the same -time to supply these missing data by hypotheses that must necessarily -lack all positive grounds, is not, at any rate in our opinion, -consistent with the dignity and duty of a Historian. - -As to the _local_ determinations, those defining the places, to which -such or such information given us belongs, are extremely scanty, and -such as they are, we owe them mainly to the non-professional Authors. -Among the Physicians, who from the nature of the case must be chiefly -considered here, they are all but entirely wanting; true they are -almost all Greek instances, still in the majority of cases it is left -absolutely undetermined whether the observations, the mere results of -which moreover are given us, were made in Greece, at Rome or in Asia -Minor. But even supposing knowledge amounting to certainty _were_ -available on this point, yet the local range as compared with the whole -Ancient world is too limited to entitle us to use it successfully as -evidence in drawing up a general History of the Disease. - -The _temporal_ determinations are in no better case. This is especially -so where the Physicians are concerned; not to mention the general -uncertainty as to the epoch at which most of them lived and made their -observations, they are for the most part bad witnesses for this reason -if for no other, that they have obviously copied one from another, -or at any rate so far as their works are extant for our examination, -utilized,—with the possible exception of Galen,—certain common sources -of information, which unfortunately have been completely lost. The loss -is the more to be deplored as the authorities in question belonged just -to the most flourishing period of scientific Medicine, that of the -Alexandrian physicians. - -Yet another drawback is that up to the present we are entirely without -information as to the consecutive order of the series of epidemics -in Antiquity, by the indirect help of which alone do the historical -factors conditioning Venereal disease become discernible; while so -far as appears, there is no reasonable hope of our ever attaining -any clearer light on the point. Nay! even if we did possess the -information, it could only apply to Greece, Rome and Asia Minor, for -as previously pointed out, in countries situated in the hot Zone the -_genius epidemicus_ (general consensus of epidemic conditions) is but -rarely as a rule strong enough to override the _genius endemicus_ -(general consensus of endemic conditions). As much therefore as can in -such a state of things be predicated with some basis of reason as not -entirely hypothetical may be pretty well summed up as follows:— - -Diseases of the genital organs developed little by little among nearly -all the Peoples of Antiquity known to us at all intimately under the -favouring conditions detailed in preceding pages. At the same time in -virtue of the large number of counteracting influences they seldom -attained to any high degree of intensity, and remained mostly local, -taking the form of mucous discharges and superficial ulcers, without -provoking any general reaction of the organism. Even when such reaction -did occur, it was the skin that felt it, in such a way as to throw off -the effects of morbid activity in the form of cutaneous maladies. These -conditions lasted usually as long as the different Peoples continued -to cultivate mutual exclusiveness; directly they abandoned this, and -individual members of different foreign stocks began to combine to -gratify an unbridled licentiousness, affections of the genitals not -only increased in frequency, but over and above this a malignant -character was stamped upon them, with which both the development and -the intensity of any particular contagion stood in direct ratio. - -Examples are to be found in the Plague of Baal Peor among the Jews -at Shittim (§§ 8. and 9. above), in the introduction of the cult of -Dionysus at Athens (§ 98.) and of Priapus at Lampsacus (§ 7.), both -of which latter are connected with the March of Bacchus to and from -India, as well as lastly in the introduction of the Lingam-worship in -India itself (§ 6.). All these phænomena point to the conclusion that -a remarkable frequency and malignity of affections of the genitals was -connected with influences conditioned from without, amongst which we -have to reckon the general epidemic conditions. This becomes the more -interesting and important from the fact that we meet with the same -thing again in the XVth. Century, a period when the incorrect view -taken of the circumstances led to the most contradictory opinions being -held. However both influences and effects were merely transitory, as -is proved by the unanimous consensus of authorities that the phænomena -provoked by the conditions disappeared again after a certain interval -of time, an interval that seems among the Jews only to have lasted -somewhat longer under endemic influence. - -Still under no circumstances does this justify us in arguing to a total -absence of all affections of the genital organs,—as is proved, no -doubt after an interval of more than a thousand years, (if indeed we -are to admit the occurrences just mentioned to count at all as actual -historical facts), by (1) the general weather conditions laid down by -Hippocrates and their consequences, and (2) an event that probably was -connected with the same conditions, the Plague of Athens described by -Thucydides. Here we find indisputable proof given us that affections -of the genitals, as also most likely the contagion conditioning them, -increased under favourable epidemic influence in frequency, malignity -and intensity, while concurrently the secondary forms manifested -themselves pre-eminently by symptoms of an exanthematic type. - -For close on five hundred years onwards we are again left without -information; but the statements contributed by Celsus show that -meantime there had been ample opportunities of observing and treating -affections of the genitals. In the time of Pompey the Great, when -Themison made his observations on the wide prevalence of satyriasis -in Crete, there was developed, it would appear, though from what -causes is not known, a general consensus of predominantly exanthematic -conditions, that seems to have continued for a long period of time, -no doubt as was to be expected with sundry interruptions intervening. -Under favour of these conditions was developed in the first instance -elephantiasis, and later on under the Emperor Claudius _mentagra_, -which above all in Martial’s time afflicted the Romans, while caricous -tumours (_ficus_) became an every-day complaint. From that epoch -onwards, direct historical evidences more and more tend to disappear, -till eventually it is only in the prescription-books of Physicians that -we gather any inkling of the continued necessity for medical aid and -concurrently of the existence of Venereal Disease. - - - - - INDEX - OF - GREEK AND LATIN WORDS - EXPLAINED IN THE TEXT, - AND OF THE - SUBJECTS DISCUSSED - IN BOTH VOLUMES - - - - - INDEX - - OF AUTHORS EXPLAINED OR EMENDED. - - - Ausonius, 153, II. 67. - Aristophanes, II. 62, 163. - Aristotle, 183. - - Dio Chrysostom, 134. - - Eusebius, 222. - - Galen, II. 7, 10, 48, 52. - - Hephaestion, 230. - Herodian, 219. - Herodotus, 17, 144. - Hippocrates, 239, 250, II. 9, 54, 171, 172. - Horace, 93, 131, 178, II. 196. - - Juvenal, 174. - - Lucian, 156. - - Martial, 152, II. 41, 64, 67, 80. - Moses, 52, II. 156. - - Palladius Heliopolitanus, II. 127. - Persius, II. 37, 68. - Philo, 207. - Pliny, II. 71. - Pollux, II. 319. - - Seneca, 89. - Septuagint, The, II. 141. - Synesius, 226. - - Thucydides, II. 179. - - - INDEX - - OF GREEK WORDS EXPLAINED. - - - ἀγριολειχῆναι, II. 80. - ἄγριος, 135, II. 80. - ἀγριοψωρία, II. 80. - ἀκόλαστος, 135. - ἀλώπηξ, II. 46. - ἀλωπεκία, II. 46. - ἀνανδρία, 219. - ἀνάρσιος, 206. - ἀνδρόγυνα λούτρα, II. 219. - ἀνδρόγυνος, 195 - ἀφροδισιάζεσθαι, 235. - - βἀλλάδες, II. 80. - βάταλος, 225. - - γλωσσαλγία, II. 31 - γρυπαλώπηξ, II. 23. - γυμνός, II. 230. - γυναικεία ἐπιθυμία, II. 128. - γυνή, 190. - γύννιδες, 223. - - δασύπους κρεῶν ἐπιθυμεῖ, 200. - δεικτηρίαδες, 76. - διάγραμμα, 72. - διαλέγεσθαι, II. 128. - διονυσιακός, II. 108. - διωβολιμαῖα, 73. - - ἕλκεα Αἰγύπτια, II. 37. - — Βουβαστικά, II. 37. - — σηπεδόνα, II. 247. - — Συριακά, II. 37. - ἕλκος, II. 128. - ἐμπολή, 73. - ἐνάρεες, 201. - ἐνοίκιον, 76. - ἐπίπαστα, II. 51. - ἔργον, II. 10. - ἐσχάρα, II. 129. - ἑταῖραι μουσικαί, 76. - — πέζαι, 79. - εὐνοῦχος, 199. - - θηρίωμα, II. 296. - θύμιον, II. 311. - θύμος, II. 311. - - ἰατρεῖα, 120. - ἰατρίναι, II. 248. - ἰποτήριον, II. 282. - ἵππος, II. 103. - ἴσχια, 242. - - καθῆσθαι ἐπ’ οἰκήματος, 18, 71. - καπηλεία, 73. - καπηλεῖον, 73. - καπήλιον, 73. - καταδακτυλίζειν, 123. - καταπορνεύειν, 18. - κέδματα, 242. - κέρας, II. 108. - Κεραστία, II. 319. - κῆπος, 47. - κίναδος, II. 114. - κίων, II. 310. - κουρεῖα, 120. - κρεμαστῆρες, II. 277, 284. - κρητίζειν, 117, 123. - κτείς, 51. - κυναλώπηξ, II. 46. - κύων τεῦτλα οὐ τρώγει, 200. - - λαλεῖν, II. 163. - λειχὴν ἄγριος, II. 80. - λειχῆνες, II. 74. - λεσβιάζειν, II. 4. - λεῦκαι, II. 56. - - μάργος, II. 10. - μαστρόπιον, 76. - μαστροπός, 76, 121. - ματρύλλεια, 72, 76. - μίσθωμα, 72. - μύζουρις, II. 15. - μυλλοί, 29. - μυοχάνη, II. 14. - μυριοχαύνη, II. 16. - μυσάχνη, II. 15. - μυσιοχάνη, II. 15. - - νοῦσος θήλεια, 144. - νόσος, 179, 180. - — γυναικεία, 234. - - οἴκημα, 71. - ὀλισβόκολλιξ, 162. - ὄλισβος, 162. - ὀπή, II. 67. - ὄφις, 200. - - παιδοκόραξ, II. 50. - παραστάται, II. 285. - πασχητιασμός, 190. - πέος, 51. - περιλαλεῖν, II. 163. - πορνεῖον, 71. - πόρνη, 71, 76. - πορνοβοσκός, 72. - πορνοτελώνης, 74. 75. - πορνοτρόφος, 72. - πράττειν, 123. - προαγωγεῖα, 72, 76. - προαγωγός, 76, 122. - - ῥέγχειν, 134, 143. - ῥιναυλεῖν, II. 26. - ῥιναύλουρις, II. 26. - ῥινοκολοῦρος, II. 24. - ῥοδοδάφνη, II. 5. - ῥοδωνία, II. 7. - - σαράπους, II. 15. - σάρξ, II. 158. - σαπέρδιον, II. 19. - σῆφις, II. 247. - σιφνιάζειν, 123. - σκύλαξ, II. 46. - σκυτάλαι, 198. - σόφισμα, II. 4. - στατηριαῖα, 74. - στεγανόμιον, 76. - στομαλγία, II. 31. - στῦμα, II. 10. - στυμάργος, II. 9. - στῦω, II. 10. - στωμύλλεσθαι, II. 163. - συκίνη ἐπικουρία, 197. - σύκον, II. 310. - σφιγκτήρ, 112. - σφιγκτής, 112. - - τέγος, 76. - τέλος πορνικόν, 74. - τιμᾶσθαι, 244. - τριαντοπόρνη, 72. - τρόπος, II. 14. - - φθίνας, II. 57. - φοινία, 229. - ἐν Φοινίκῃ καθεύδεις, II. 51. - φοινικέη νόσος, II. 52. - φοινικίζειν, II. 48. - φοινικιστής, II. 61. - φύγεθλον, II. 303. - φύματα, II. 169. - - χαλεπός, 135. - χαλκιδίζειν, 123. - χαλκιδίτις, 72. - χαμαιευνάδες, 76. - χαμαιεύνης, 76. - χαμαιτηρίς, 76. - χαμαιτύπαι, 76. - χαμαιτυπεῖον, 76. - χαμεύνης, 76. - χιάζειν, 123. - χοιράς, II. 303. - χρυσάργυρον, 108. - - - INDEX - - OF LATIN WORDS EXPLAINED. - - - aes uxorium, 84. - alicariae, 99. - ambubaiae, 100. - amica, 101. - albus, II. 196. - aquaculare, II. 214. - aquam sumere, II. 213. - aquarioli, II. 213. - - baccariones, II. 214. - basiare, II. 88. - basiator, II. 88. - basium, II. 88. - bustuariae, 100. - - capitalis luxus, II. 102. - capra, 134. - captura, 94. - caput demissum, II. 103. - catamitus, 179. - cellae, 89. - — lustrales, 100. - consistorium libidinis, 91. - corvus, II. 50. - cunnus albus, II. 196. - - diobolaria, 94. - digitus infamis, 136. - — medius, 136. - dogma, II. 4. - - effeminatus, 194. - equus, II. 103. - - fellare, II. 3. - femina, 191. - ficus, 131. - fornix, 88. - frons, 89. - - grex, 179. - - Harpocratem reddere, II. 19. - hortus, 47. - - illauta puella, II. 213. - imbubinare, II. 130. - inguen, II. 303. - irrumare, II. 3. - - leno, 93. - lepus pulmentum quaeris, 200. - lomentum, II. 196. - longano, 162. - lupanar, 88. - lustrum, 100. - luxus, II. 102. - — capitalis, II. 102. - - merces cellae, 92. - meretrices bonae, 100. - — lodices, 91. - moechus, II. 24. - morbus, 177. - - navis, 133. - nervus, II. 277. - nonaria, 95. - nudus, II. 230. - - oscedo, II. 100. - - patientia feminea, 228. - patientia muliebris, 228. - penis, 51. - percidi, 127. - pollutiones, II. 210. - proseda, 95. - prostibula, 95. - pustulae lucentes, II. 61. - - quadrantaria permutatio, II. 214. - - robigo, II. 57. - - salgama, II. 51. - sanctus, 113. - sarapis, II. 19. - scorta devia, 103. - — erratica, 99. - — nobilia, 101. - — vestita, 103. - sectus, 126. - sicca puella, II. 213. - summoenianae, 88. - Syrii tumores, II. 67. - - tacere, II. 32. - titulus, 89. - togata, 93. - - uda puella, II. 220. - - villicus puellarum, 93. - - - INDEX OF SUBJECTS. - - - A. - - _Acrochordon_ (kind of wart), II. 314. - - _Aediles_ have supervision over the Brothels, 107, - keep a list of the public prostitutes, 107. - - _Ætiology_, Neglect of, II. 243. - - _Afranius_, Paederast, 154. - - _Agoranomi_ at Athens have supervision over the Brothels and - Whoremasters, 72. - - _Alcibiades_, most members of his family Pathics, 160. - - _Anginae_ (quinsies) common in Egypt, II. 36, - among Fellators, II. 32. - - _Anthrax_ (malignant pustule), II. 125, - consequent upon sexual intercourse, II. 128, - Epidemic in Asia, II. 179. - - _Anus_, Ulcers, 134, II. 295, - Condylomata, 130, - Rhagades, 129, II. 302. - - _Aphaca_, Temple of Aphrodité at, 222. - - _Aphrodité_ ἀναδυομένη (rising from the sea) in the Temple of - Aesculapius, 30, - εὔπλοια (giving a prosperous voyage), 27, - λιμενίας (of harbours), 27, - οὐράνια (heavenly), 27, - πάνδημος (of the people), 27, - ποντιά (of the sea), 27, - πραξις (doing, sexual intercourse), 121, - φιλομήδης (laughter-loving, _or_ loving the genitals), 39. - - _Apion_, II. 124. - - _Armenian women_ bound to give themselves up an offering to the - honour of Venus, 19. - - _Athens_, Brothels at, 71, - Plague, II. 180, - Diseases of Genital organs in consequence of Neglect of worship - of Bacchus, 78, - Ulcers on the foot common, II. 38, - Inns, 8, 78. - - - B. - - _Baal Peor_, 52. - - _Babylonian women_ bound to give themselves up an offering to the - honour of Venus, 18. - - _Bacchus_ ἀνδρόγυνος (man-woman), 195, - is lascivious, 43, - Pathic, 194, - practises “Onania postica”, 195, - his worship, 79, 195. - - _Bachelors_ at Rome, Tax on, 84. - - _Barbers’ Shops_ at Athens, Resorts of the Pathics, 120, - in Rome, II. 221. - - _Bassus_ Cinaedus, 171. - - _Batalus_ Cinaedus, 171. - - _Bathing_ after Coition, II. 209, - in common, II. 219, - gives occasion for Vice, II. 219. - - _Baths_ at Athens, Resorts of the Pathics, II. 120, - in Rome, II. 221. - - _Blood_, vaginal, unclean, II. 320, - mucus, II. 121. - - _Bones_, affections of the, II. 318. - - _Bordeaux_, derivation of name, 28. - - _Brothels_ do not exist in Asia, 64, - in Greece under supervision of the Agoranomi, 72, - established at Athens by Solon, 70, - in Rome, 88, - were under supervision of the Ædiles, 107, - on country estates, 105, - in Palaces, 105. - - _Bubonic swellings_, II. 238, 303, - among Eunuchs, 253, - in connection with ulcers of the foot, II. 238. - - - C. - - _Caesar_ a Pathic, II. 41. - - _Campanus Morbus_, II. 99. - - _Carthaginian women_ bound to give themselves up an offering in - honour of Venus, 22. - - _Castration_ of Pathics, 116, - in Elephantiasis, II. 154. - - _Catheter_, II. 281. - - _Chancres_, II. 286, - called θηρίωμα (malignant sore), II. 296, - robigo (blight), II. 57, - φθινὰς (wasting), II. 57, - in Egypt have tendency to form scabs, II. 149, - on the posteriors, II. 301, - on the glans penis, II. 295, - on the female genital organs, II. 296, - on the skin of the penis, II. 155, - on the mons Veneris, II. 155, - on the prepuce, II. 293. - - _Circumcision_, or Cutting, of Maids, II. 206. - - _Cleanliness_ checks the rise of Venereal disease, II. 187. - - _Cleopatra_ keeps Cinaedi, 178. - - _Climate_, II. 115, - influence on genital organs, II. 120, - on diseases of the genital organs, II. 135, - on activity of generation, II. 117. - - _Coition_ in Temples, 23, - Unnatural Coition due to vengeance of Venus, 151. - - _Complexion_, pale, of Cinaedi, 143, - of Cunnilingues, II. 64. - - _Condylomata_, II. 313, - on the posteriors, 130, II. 311, - on the genitals, II. 310. - - _Contagion_, views of the Ancients as to, II. 246, - in Southern countries more transient, II. 164. - - _Corpse_ unclean, II. 189. - - _Crete_, paederastia in, 117, - Satyriasis common there, 127. - - _Cunnilingus_, II. 46, - practises vice with women at time of Menstruation, II. 188, - diseases of the, II. 63. - - _Cyprus_ is called Κεραστια (horned), II. 319, - its inhabitants frequent sufferers from Bony Outgrowths (Exostosis) - of the Skull, II. 319, - their daughters bound to give themselves up an offering in honour - of Venus, 22. - - - D. - - _Defloration_, its performance impure, 25. - - _Depilation_, II. 191, - executed by women on men, II. 192, - by men on women, II. 192, - of Pathics, 172, II. 192, - of the anus, II. 192, - of the genital organs, II. 192. - - _Diatriton_ (fasting until the third day), II. 237. - - _Diseases_, bodily, brought on by men’s own fault are - disgraceful, II. 231. - - _Diseases_, Names of, II. 249. - - _Dispensaries_ at Athens, resort of the Pathics, 120. - - _Dolores Osteocopi_ (Pains that rack the Bones), II. 319. - - _Doctors_ have few opportunities of observing diseases of the - Genitals, II. 225, - inexperienced “in re venerea” (in Venereal matters), II. 237, - lewd-minded, II. 236, - Doctors from Egypt cure the Mentagra (Tetter of the Chin) at - Rome, II. 91. - - _Doctors’ shops_ at Athens, resort of the Pathics, 120. - - _Dogs_ used as cunnilingi, II. 48. - - _Dowry_, earned by maidens by prostitution, 21, 25. - - - E. - - _Egypt_, quinsies common, II. 37, - and ulcers of the neck, II. 35, - form taken there by Venereal disease, II. 149, - inhabitants lascivious, II. 91, - offer up their daughters to Zeus, 40, - Physicians experienced in the cure of Mentagra (Tetter of the - Chin), II. 91. - - _Elephantiasis_, II. 97, 154, - communicated by Coition, II. 154, - infectious, II. 163. - - _Epinyctis_, II. 309. - - _Erotic_ poets, lascivious, 8. - - _Eunuchs_, kept by distinguished women, 116, 178, - do not suffer from Calvities (Baldness), II. 153, - nor from Elephantiasis, II. 154. - - _Exanthema_ of the Genital organs, II. 319. - - _Excrescences_ on the Genital organs, II. 311. - - _Exostosis_ (Bony outgrowths) of the Skull, II. 108, 319, - common in Cyprus, II. 319. - - - F. - - _Fakeers_ in India, 34. - - _Fellator_, Diseases of the, II. 3. - - _Felt-lice_ (Pediculi pubis), II. 197. - - _Fish_ diet induces Leprosy and Ulcers, II. 38, 39. - - _Floralia_ at Rome, 84. - - - G. - - _Galerius_ Maximianus, II. 140. - - _Galli_, Priests of Cybelé, 231, - pay prostitution-tax to the Romans, 231. - - _Gangrene_ of the Genitals, II. 176, - during the Plague of Athens, II. 179, - of the limbs, II. 182. - - _Genitals_, their purification after coition, II. 208, - exposure in the case of Youths at Athens, II. 229, - compulsory by law at Rome, II. 229. - - _Genitals, Diseases of_ induced by Dreams, 200, - at Athens, in consequence of the neglect of the Worship of - Bacchus, 43, - at Lampsacus in consequence of the banishment of Priapus, 44, - Cure is won by prayers to Priapus, 45, - women treated by women’s Physicians, II. 248. - - _Genius Epidemicus_ its influence on Venereal Disease, II. 167, - on Ulcers of the Genitals, II. 172. - - _Germans_ practise Paederastia, 228. - - _Glans penis_, male, more active secretion from glands of this part - in hot countries, II. 124, - liable to Inflammation and Ulceration, II. 295, - Ulcers of, II. 124, - Thymus (warty excrescence) II. 313. - - _Gonorrhœa_ - in Hippocrates, II. 171, - Moses, II. 130, - common in Southern countries, II. 136, - is ignominious, II. 234, II. 265, - in man, II. 260, - in woman, II. 269. - - _Greece_, Climate, II. 134, - Cult of Venus, 27. - - _Groin_, tumours in the, a consequence of riding, 242. - - - H. - - _Hæmorrhoids_, II. 310, - among Pathics, 130, - common in the time of Martial and Juvenal, 133. - - _Hair_, Affection of the, II. 156, - in Leprosy and Elephantiasis, II. 157. - - _Hares_,—androgynic (sometimes male, sometimes female), 200. - - _Hand_, left—ill-reputed, II. 209, - used for Onanism, II. 209, - in purification of the Genital organs, II. 213. - - _Heliades_ punished for licentious love, 154. - - _Helos_ (callosity) on the glans penis, II. 296. - - _Hemitheon_, Cinaedus, 172. - - _Hermaphroditus_, statues of—in front of Baths, II. 220. - - _Hero_ suffers from ulcers on the genitals, II. 127. - - _Herod_, disease from which he suffered, II. 140. - - _Herpes_ (creeping eruption), II. 308. - - _Hetaerae_, 79, - dress of, 81, - Seminary at Corinth, 79, - follow the Greek armies, 80. - - _Hieroduli_, female, 30. - - - I. - - _Ignis Persicus_ (Persian fire), II. 130. - - _India_, Venereal disease in, 40. - - _Infection_, views of the Ancients on, II. 248, - in the South more transient, II. 164. - - _Inguinal tumours_, a consequence of riding, 242. - - _Inns_ of ill-repute at Athens, 76, - fornication practised in them, 8, - at Rome, 98. - - _Irrumator_, II. 3. - - _Ischuria_ (Retention of urine) in case of ulcers of Urethra, II. 170. - - _Isis_, Worship of—at Rome, 103. - - - J. - - _Jews_, their Diseases at Shittim, in consequence of worship of - Baal-Peor, 52, - their daughters give themselves up an offering to the honour of - Astarté, 66. - - _Juno_, Patron-goddess of Lust, 44. - - - K. - - _Kissing_ disseminates Mentagra (Tetter of the Chin), II. 88. - - _Kissing_, Mania for,—at Rome, II. 88. - - - L. - - _Lame men_ are lecherous, 240. - - _Lampsacus_, affections of the genitals among the men there in - consequence of the expulsion of Priapus, 44. - - _Lemnos_, women of,—their evil smell, 148. - - _Lepra_ (scaly leprosy), Mentagra (Tetter of the Chin) changes into - it, II. 72, - produced by vicious practices, II. 163, II. 317. - - _Leprosy_, connection with Venereal disease, II. 150, - a punishment from the gods, II. 189, II. 315, - spreads from the genital organs, II. 154, 156. - - _Lesbos_, women of—are fellatrices, II. 4, - tribads, 161. - - _Liber_, another name of Bacchus, 43. - - _Lingam-worship_ in India, 33. - - _Locris_, women of—give themselves up an offering in honour of - Venus, 22. - - _Lydian_ women give themselves up an offering in honour of Venus, 21. - - - M. - - _Matrix_, dilater of the, II. 299. - - _Matrix_ (or injecting) syringe, II. 300. - - _Mena_, goddess of Menstruation, 25. - - _Mendes_, cult of—in Egypt, II. 113. - - _Menstrual blood_ unclean, 23, - liable to putrefaction, II. 126, - injurious consequences in Coition, II. 121, 149, - produces skin-affections, II. 149. - - _Menstruation_, women during—Coition with such, II. 130, - produces affections of the genital organs in man, II. 127, - Leprosy, II. 149. - - _Mentagra_ (Tetter of the Chin), II. 71, - is subject to epidemic influence, II. 100, - changes into Lepra and Psora, II. 72. - - _Miletus_, women of—are artificial tribads, 162. - - _Morbus Campanus_, II. 98, - _Phoeniceus_, II. 54. - - _Mucous membrane_, its secretions in the South more copious and - acrid, II. 121. - - _Mutuus_, the Priapus of the Romans, 26. - - _Myrmecia_, II. 314. - - _Myrrha_ punished by Venus, 157. - - - N. - - _Names_ of Diseases, II. 249. - - _National_ diversities influence the rise of Venereal - disease, II. 131, 321. - - _Neuralgia_ of the testicles and spermatic cord, II. 284. - - - O. - - _Ointments_ for the skin, II. 139. - - _Oscans_ are licentious, II. 100, - are Cunnilingues, II. 101. - - _Ozaena_ (fetid polypus), II. 317. - - - P. - - _Paederastia_, 108, - at Athens, 119, - in Bœotia, 121, - Chalcis, 122, - Chios, 122, - Crete, 117, - Elis, 121, - Germany, 228, - Greece, 117, - Italy, 124, - Rome, 124, - Siphnos, 124, - Syria, 116, - Tarsus, 139, - practised in Temples, 111, - is a mental disorder, 182, - inclination to it is innate, 236, - and hereditary, 160, - due to vengeance of Venus, 146, 172, 182. - - _Paederasts_, diseases of, 126. - - _Paedophilia_, 117. - - _Paralysis_ of the Tongue due to the practices of the - Cunnilingue, II. 64. - - _Parmenides_, Fragment of, 163. - - _Patients_ suffering from affections of the genital organs deceive - the Physician, II. 235, - dread the knife, 46, II. 241, - treat themselves, II. 238. - - _Pathics_, signal of invitation employed by, 143, - condition at Athens, 120, - kept in the Roman brothels, 124, - had to pay Prostitution-tax, 126, 231, - characteristics, 169, - dress, 172, - allow the hair of the head to grow long, 173, - depilate their persons, II. 191, - resemble women, 189, - seed-ducts in their case go to the anus, 235, - bear children, 235, - diseases of, 126, - pale complexion, 143, - foul breath, 142, - suffer from affection of the mouth, 134, 142, - ulcers on posteriors, 127, - hæmorrhoids, 130. - - _Penis_, artificial, 161, 198. - - _Phallus-worship_, 40, - in Egypt, 40, - Greece, 41, - India, 33, - Syria, 49. - - _Philoctetes_ is Onanist, 155, - Pathic, 152. - - _Phlyctaenae_ (blisters) on the skin in diseases of the - Uterus, II. 153. - - _Phoeniceus Morbus_, II. 54. - - _Phoenician women_ give themselves up an offering in honour of - Venus, 21. - - _Physicians_ have few opportunities of observing diseases of the - Genitals, II. 225, - inexperienced “in re venerea” (in Venereal subjects), II. 237, - lewd-minded, II. 235, - Physicians from Egypt cure the Mentagra (Tetter of the Chin) at - Rome, II. 91. - - _Piles_ (hæmorrhoids), II. 310, - among Pathics, 130, - common in time of Martial and Juvenal, 133. - - _Polyandry_, II. 120. - - _Polygamy_, II. 120. - - _Prepuce_, ulcers, II. 293, - rhagades (chapped sores), II. 293, - thymus (warty excrescence), II. 311. - - _Priapism_, II. 136. - - _Priapus_, 43, - lover of gardens, 47, II. 215, - made of fig-wood, 195, - red, II. 57, - used to rupture the hymen, 24, 26, 51, - possesses fructifying virtues, 26, - sufferers from complaints of the genitals pray to him, 50. - - _Priests_ undertake the deflowering of virgins, 47. - - _Prophylactics_ against Bubo, II. 307, - against Gonorrhœa, II. 307. - - _Propotides_ punished by Venus, 156. - - _Prostitute-keepers_ (Whoremasters) at Athens, 72, - under supervision of the Ædiles, 107, - considered infamous, 98. - - _Prostitutes’ fees_ fixed by the Agoranomi at Athens, 73, - at Rome, 94. - - _Prostitution-tax_ at Athens, 74, - leased out by the Magistrate at Athens, 75, - at Rome, 107, - at Byzantium, 107, - paid by Pathics, 107, 126, 231, - by the Priests of Cybelé, 231. - - _Prostitution-tax_, farmers of—at Athens, 75. - - - R. - - _Rhagades_ (chapped sores) of the posteriors, 127, - of the female genitals, II. 298, - of the prepuce, II. 293. - - _Rhinocolura_, Colony of II. 24. - - _Rome_, Baths at, II. 220, - Brothels, 88, - Cult of Priapus, 43, - Cult of Venus, 33, - Inns, 98, - Isis-worship, 103, - Mania for kissing, II. 88, - Mentagra (Tetter of the Chin), II. 71, - Paederastia, 123, - Prostitution-tax, 107. - - _Roseola_ in gonorrhœal patients, II. 143. - - - S. - - _Satyriasis_, II. 255, - common in Crete, 127. - - _Scabies_ (Itch), II. 69, II. 162. - - _Scythians_, νοῦσος θήλεια (feminine disease) of the, 144, - men-women, 240. - - _Shamefacedness_ of patients, II. 235. - - _Skin_, reaction of the—in affections of the genital - organs, II. 141, II. 153, II. 159. - - _Skin-diseases_, infectious in Venereal disease, II. 165. - - _Smell_, foul—from the mouth of Pathics, 142, - of Fellators, II. 30. - - _Snakes_ used for vicious purposes, II. 113. - - _Sneeze_ betrays the Cinaedus, 171. - - _Sodomy_, II. 110, - with he-goats, II. 113, - with asses, II. 114, - with snakes, II. 113. - - _Suicide_ due to ulcers of genital organs, II. 42, - to ulcers of the neck, II. 40. - - _Sycosis_ of the Chin, II. 81. - - _Syringe_, Matrix or Injecting, II. 300. - - - T. - - _Tarsus_, frequency of paederastia there, 139. - - _Testicles_, inflammation of, II. 282, - ulcers, II. 285, - induration, II. 285. - - _Tetter_ of the chin (Mentagra), II. 71, - subject to epidemic influence, II. 100, - changes into Lepra and Psora, II. 72. - - _Throat, Ulcers of the_—among fellators, II. 14, II. 34. - - _Thymus_ (warty excrescence) on the genital organs, II. 311. - - _Tiberius_, sickness of, II. 92. - - _Tongue_, Paralysis of the—due to the practices of Cunnilingue, II. 66. - - _Tribads_, artificial, 161. - - _Typhus_, influence on Venereal disease, II. 182. - - - U. - - _Ulcers_, Egyptian, II. 35, - a result of vengeance of the Dea Syra, II. 37, - on the tibia common at Athens, II. 38, - origin, II. 242, - general treatment, II. 239. - - _Ulcers of the Genitals_, II. 139, II. 275, - offspring of evil humours, II. 242, - readily change to _caries_, II. 139, II. 177, - worms in them, II. 141, - common under putrid epidemic conditions, II. 168, - treated with knife, II. 176, - by actual cautery, II. 176, - of women—are feared by men, II. 162, - lead to suicide, II. 176. - - _Ulcers of the Throat_ in case of Fellators, II. 14, II. 34, - lead to suicide, II. 42. - - _Urethra_, ulcers of the, II. 171, II. 177, - caruncles, II. 279, - strictures, II. 279. - - - V. - - _Vaginal blood_, unclean, II. 320, - mucus, II. 121. - - _Varices_ (dilated veins) cause impotency, 242. - - _Venereal disease_, names, II. 249, - changes into Leprosy, II. 140, - into Elephantiasis, II. 149, - relation to Leprosy, II. 150, - to Typhus, II. 182, - cured without professional aid, II. 148, II. 238, - of the mucous membranes and bones not common in Southern - countries, II. 250. - - _Venus_, calva (bald), 33, - Cult of, 13, - in Asia, 16, - Babylon, 17, - Greece, 27, - Italy, 33. - - _Virgins_ give themselves up an offering in honour of Venus in - Armenia, 18, - at Babylon, 18, - Carthage, 20, - in Cyprus, 22, - Locris, 22, - Lydia, 20, - Palestine, 66, - Phœnicia, 20, - in honour of Zeus in Egypt, 40, - reason of custom, 22. - - - W. - - _Whoremasters_ at Athens, 72, - under supervision of the Ædiles, 107, - considered infamous, 98. - - _Women_, allow paederastia to be practised with them, 139, - seldom suffer from Mentagra (Tetter of the chin), II. 84, - or Elephantiasis, II. 153, - or Venereal disease, II. 153. - - _Worms_ in ulcers, II. 137. - - - Z. - - _Zeus_, the Egyptians give up their daughters as an offering in his - honour, 41. - - - - - Finished - Printing Five - Hundred Copies of - this Book in two Vols. August - MDCCCXCVIII at Nymeguen, Holland, at the - Printing-House of G. J. Thieme, - Oriental Printer, for - Charles Carrington - of Paris. - - - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] _Festus_, p. 135., says: _Rumen_ est pars colli, qua esca devoratur -(The _rumen_, or gullet, is that part of the neck, where food is -swallowed). _Nonius_, p. 18.: rumen dicitum locus in ventre, quo -cibus sumitur et unde redditur (rumen was applied to the locality -in the belly to which food is taken in and from which it is given -back).—_Isidore_, Etymolog. bk. XII. 37., Ruminatio autem dicta est -a _ruma_, eminente gutturis parte, per quam dimissus cibus a certis -animalibus revocatur (Now rumination is so called from the _ruma_, or -gullet, the upper portion of the throat, by which food after being -swallowed is brought up again by certain animals). It is true _Varro_ -gives another explanation: ruminare propter _rumam_, id est prisco -vocabulo mammam (to ruminate so called on account of the _ruma_, that -is in old Latin the breast); and so one might equally well understand -by _irrumare_ the custom of voluptuaries, one that is still practised, -of employing the space between the bosoms as _vagina_. At any rate -_Dr. Hacker_ of Leipzig assured the author he had on several occasions -observed cases where prostitutes had chancrous swellings between the -bosoms, as well as under the arm-pits,—for these also are employed with -the same object.—Does _ruma_ possibly stand for _rima_ (a chink)? In -any case we should compare what _Suidas_ gives under the words ῥῦμα, -ῥῦμη and ῥύμματα. Synonyms are _comprimere linguam_, _buccam offendere_, -etc. (to compress the tongue, to hit against the cheek). - -[2] The etymology of _fellare_ is still obscure. _Vossius_, Etymolog., -derives it from the Æolic φηλᾶν for θηλᾶν and θηλάζειν, to suck the -breasts. _Pliny_, Hist. Nat. bk. XI. 65., says of the tongue of cats: -imbricatae asperitatis ac limae similis, attenuansque lambendo cutem -hominis (of a ridged roughness of surface, like a file, capable of -wearing through the human skin by licking). The meanings which _Suidas_ -gives under φελλά, etc. would seem to point to an old stem φέλλω,—to -roughen, to file. - -[3] _Lucian_, Works, edit. Lehmann, Vol. VIII. pp. 56-84. - -[4] πρὸς θεῶν, εἶπέ μοι, τὶ πάσχεις, ἐπειδὰν κἀκεῖνα λέγωσιν οἱ πολλοὶ, -_λεσβιάζειν_ σε καὶ _φοινικίζειν_; (for translation see text above); as -to φοινικίζειν, this will be discussed later on. The word λεσβιάζειν -occurs in Aristophanes, Frogs 1335; and he also uses λεσβιεῖν in -the same sense, Wasps, 1386., μέλλουσαν ἤδη λεσβιεῖν τοὺς ξυμπότας; -(a girl standing ready to λεσβιεῖν—love in the Lesbian mode,—the -revellers). On this passage the Scholiast remarks: ἵνα μὴ τὸ παλαιὸν -τοῦτο καὶ θρυλλούμενον δι’ ἡμετέρων στομάτων εἴπω σόφισμα, ὅ φασι -παῖδας Λεσβίων εὑρεῖν. (this ancient trick, a matter of common gossip -to any in our mouths, which they say the children of the Lesbians -invented).—_Suidas_ s. v. _Λεσβίαι_· μολύναι τὸ στόμα. Λέσβιοι γὰρ -διεβάλλοντο ἐπὶ αἰσχρότητι. (under the word Λεσβίαι—Lesbian women, to -defile the mouth. For the Lesbians were reproached for foulness). -_Hesychius_: λεσβιάζειν· πρὸς ἄνδρα στόμα στύειν. Λεσβιάδας γὰρ τὰς -λαικαστρίας ἔλεγον. (to play the Lesbian; to use the mouth to a man for -an obscene purpose. For they used to call wanton courtesans Lesbians). -_Eustathius_, Comment. ad Homeri Iliad, p. 741., εἰσὶ βλασφημίαι -καὶ ἀπὸ ἐθνῶν καὶ πόλεων καὶ δήμων πολλαί, ῥηματικῶς πεποιημέναι· -_ἐθνῶν_ μὲν, οἵον _κιλικίζειν_ καὶ _αἰγυπτιάζειν_, τὸ πονηρεύεσθαι, καὶ -_κρητίζειν_, τὸ ψεύδεσθαι· ἐκ _πόλεων_ δὲ, οἷον _λεσβιάζειν_, τὸ -αἰσχροποιεῖν· εἶτα παραγαγόντες Φερεκράτους χρῆσιν ἐν Ἰάμβῳ τὸ δώσει -δέ σοι _γυναῖκας ἑπτὰ Λεσβίας_· ἐπάγουσιν ἀμοιβαῖον τί· _καλον_ γε -δῶρον ἕπτ’ ἔχειν λαικαστρίας· ὡς τοιούτων οὐσῶν τῶν Λεσβίων γυναικῶν· -ἐκ _δήμων_ δὲ βλασφημία, τὸ _αἰξωνεύεσθαι_, ἤγουν κακολεγεῖν. Αἰξωνεῖς -γὰρ δημόταται Ἀττικοί, σκωπτόμενοι ὡς κακολόγοι, καθὰ καὶ οἱ Σφήττιοι -ἐπὶ ἀγριότητι. (And there are many reproaches applying to nations, and -cities, and demes, implied in the use of certain words; for instance in -the case of nations, to play the Cilician, and to play the Egyptian, -i. e. to be a rogue, and to play the Cretan, i. e. to be a liar; again, -in the case of cities, to act the Lesbian, i. e. to act filthily; -further we may bring forward a passage of Pherecrates in Iambic verse, -viz. the line, “And he shall give thee seven Lesbian women,” to which -the answering verse is, “Verily! a noble gift, to get seven harlots,” -implying that such was the character of the Lesbian women. Lastly an -example of such a reproach applying to demes, to play the Æxonian, in -other words to be foul-mouthed. For the Æxonians were Attic demes-men, -ridiculed as being evil-speakers in the same way as the Sphettians were -on the ground of rusticity). The word σόφισμα (trick) in the passage -of the Scholiast to Aristophanes explains the word “dogma” in Martial, -bk. IX. 48., Dic mihi, percidi, Pannice, _dogma_ quod est? (Tell -me, Pannicus, what is the trick of the paederast?). _Theopompus_ in -“Ulysses” says: δι’ ἡμετέρων στομάτων εἴπω σόφισμ’ ὅ φασι παῖδας Λεσβίων -εὑρεῖν. (a certain trick common in our mouths which they say children -of the Lesbians invented). _Strattis_ in “Pytisus”: τῷ στόματι δράσω -ταῦθ’ ἅπερ τοῦ αἰσχροῦ τάττεται [ταῦθ’ ἅπερ οἱ Λέσβιοι]. (with my mouth -I will do those things that are reckoned as obscene,—those things that -the Lesbians do).] - -[5] Haud scio an Rhododaphnes cognomine a Syris isti tradito -tecte sugilletur cunnilingus, ita ut rosa lateat cunnus, in lauri -folio lingua lingens, (I cannot say for certain whether by the -surname of “Rhododaphne”—rose-laurel—given the man by the Syrians -it is covertly suggested he was a _cunnilingus_, as much as to say -that while a _cunnus_—female organ—is suggested by the rose, a -licking tongue is the same in the laurel-leaf), says _Forberg_, loco -citato p. 281. _Suidas_, s. v. ῥοδωνία· ἔστι μὲν ὁ τῶν ῥόδων λείμων· -ἄλλοι δὲ καὶ τὴν _ῥοδοδάφνην_ οὕτω φασὶ καλεῖσθαι (under the word -ῥοδωνία—rose-garden: it is the meadow of roses; but others again say -this is called ῥοδοδάφνη). _Pliny_, Hist. Nat. XVI. 33. _Hesychius_, s. -v. ῥοδωνία says: δηλοῖ δὲ καὶ _τὸ ἀνδρὸς αἰδοῖον_ αὕτη. (under the word -ῥοδωνία—rose-garden: this signifies also _the human genitals_). - -[6] The explanation of this is to be found in the Priapeia -Carmina, 75. - - _Barbatis_ non nisi _summa_ petet. - -(With bearded men will touch but the extremities). - -[7]_Pseudo-Galen_, Works, edit. Kühn, Vol. XIX. p. 142. - -[8] Handbuch der Klinik (Hand-book of Clinical Medicine), vol. -VII. p. 88. Also at a yet earlier date in Schmidt’s Jahrbuch 1837., -Vol. XIII. p. 101. - -[9] _Στομάργου_, ἐν τῷ δευτέρῳ τῶν ἐπιδημιῶν ὁ Διοσκουρίδης -οὕτως γράφει, καὶ δηλοῦσθαι φησὶ τοῦ λαλοῦντος μανικῶς· οἱ δὲ ἄλλοι -_στυμάργου_ γράφουσι καὶ ὄνομα κύριον ἀκούουσι. (_Στομάργου_: in the -second Book of the Epidemia Dioscorides writes the word thus, and says -it signifies such as talk insanely; others however write στυμάργου, and -understand it as a proper name). - -[10] _Hippocrates_, Bk. II. sect. 2. edit. Kühn, Vol. III. p. -436., Καὶ ἡ Στυμαργέω ἐκ ταραχῆς ὀλιγημέρου πολλὰ στήσασα, κ. τ. λ. -(And the female slave of Stymargeos having after a few days’ disturbance -re-established much, etc.)—The same passage occurs in _Galen_, Comments -on the Epid. bk. II. edit. Kühn, Vol. XVII. A. p. 324., with an -explanation of the subject-matter, and also has Στυμαργέω.—_Ibidem_, -p. 458., ἡ _Στυμάργεω_ οἰκέτις ἡ _Ἰδουμαῖα_ ἐγένετο, κ. τ. λ. (the -female slave of Stymargeos, the Idumaean, was, etc.).—_Galen_ cites -the passage, _loco citato_ p. 467., without comment, but he likewise -reads Στυμάργεω. In two other passages, in which he comments on the -statements last quoted from Hippocrates, the text is obviously corrupt. -In “De tremore, palpitatione, convulsione et rigore” (Of Trembling, -Palpitation, Convulsion and Rigor), edit. Kühn, vol. III. p. 602, it -reads: Ἐστυμάργεω οἰκέτις, ᾗ οὐδὲ αἵμα ἐγένετο, ὡς ἔτεκε θυγατέρα, κ. -τ. λ. (a female slave of Estymargeos, in whose case flowed no blood at -all, when she gave birth to a daughter, etc.). Also _Assmann_ in his -Index to Kühn’s Edition of Galen, pp. 232 and 307., represents it by -_Estymergi ancilla_ (a female slave of Estymergus). However there can -be no doubt Ἡ Στυμάργεω οἰκέτις (The female slave of Stymargeos) ought -to be read in Galen; on the other hand we see clearly from this passage -that the text of Hippocrates is quite wrong in giving the Proper name -ἡ Ἰδουμαῖα (the Idumaean), and this, as indeed the sense too requires, -must be changed into ᾗ αἵμα οὐδὲ (in whose case not even blood); and -one is more especially convinced of this on reading the explanation -given by _Galen_, _loco citato_. Besides this, following Galen’s lead, -we should read δεῖ ἐλθεῖν for διελθεῖν and προφάσεως for προφάσιος. -Also he has ἀφορμὴν instead of ἀχὴν.—The _second_ passage of _Galen_ -occurs in the “De venae sectione” (On the opening of a Vein) adv. -Erasistrat., ch. 5.: ἐκεῖνο δέ πως εἴρηται; _ἐκ τοῦ μαργέω_ οἰκέτιδος -_οὐδὲ αἵμα ἐγένετο_, ὡς ἔτεκε θυγατέρα, ἀπέστραπτο τὸ στόμα _πρός_ [τῆς -μήτρας καὶ ἐς] ἰσχίον καὶ σκέλος ὀδύνη, παρὰ σφυρὸν τμηθεῖσα _ἐράϊσε_ -[ἐῤῥῄισε], καίτοι τρόμοι τὸ σῶμα _περικατεῖχον_ [πᾶν κατεῖχον]· ἀλλ’ ἐπὶ -τὴν πρόφασιν _χρὴ ἐλθεῖν_ καὶ τῆς προφάσεως _τὴν τροφήν_. (Now how is -this account given? from a female slave of Stymargeos not even blood -flowed, when she gave birth to a daughter; the mouth was distorted from -(the womb, and in) loin and leg there was pain; on being cut (bled) on -the ankle, she found relief, though shudderings ran down the (whole) -body; but we must go to the cause, and the origin of the cause). Here -too it is evident, besides the emendations already pointed out as -necessary, we must read ἐκ Στυμάργεω, as the edition of Kühn, vol. XI. -p. 161., does actually and rightly read. _Dioscorides_ may be right -so far, that the word, _strictly speaking_, is not a “Nomen proprium” -(Proper name), but in the passage named it stands for one, if only, as -is likely enough, for a nickname, as it is called. - -[11] _Athenaeus_, Deipnos., bk. I. ch. 8., quotes from the “Phaon” of -the Comic Poet Plato: τρίγλη—καὶ _στύματα μισεῖ_. (a mullet,—and hates -erections). Comp. bk. VII. ch. 126. - -[12] The verb στύω (I erect the penis) occurs often in -_Aristophanes_, e. g. “Acharnians” 1218., στύομαι (I have an erection), -“Peace”, 727., ἐστυκότες (men with penes standing), “Lysistr.” 214., -ἐστυκὼς (a man with penis standing), 598., στῦσαι (to make the penis -stand), 869., ἔστυκα γὰρ (for my penis was standing); always in the -sense of to make, or have, an erection. - -[13] _Suidas_ explains μάργος by μαινόμενος (being mad) and -_Hesychius_ also by ὑβριστὴς (recklessly insolent), a word we have -already learned from repeated examples to recognize as signifying -unnatural lust. _Clement of Alexandria_, Paedag., bk. II. ch. 1. p. -146., says: καὶ ἡ λαιμαργία, μανία περὶ τὸ λαιμόν, καὶ ἡ γαστριμαργία, -ἀκρασία, περὶ τὴν τροφήν· ὡς δὲ καὶ τοὔνομα περιέχει, μανία ἐπὶ -γαστέρα· ἐπεὶ μάργος, ὁ μεμῃνώς. (And gluttony, i. e. madness in -connection with the gullet, and greediness, i. e. intemperance in -connection with food, in other words as the name implies, madness as to -the belly; for μάργος means a madman). - -[14] _Lucian_, Pseudologist. ch. 21., uses ἔργον (work) of the -_Irrumator_ and _Fellator_. Similarly _Horace_, Epod. VIII. 19, says: - - fascinum - Quod ut superbo provoces ab inguine, - _Ore allaborandum_ est tibi. - -(a member ... that needs, for you to provoke it to rise from the -unsympathetic groin, to be worked with your mouth). _Ovid’s_ phrase -“dulce opus” (sweet task) and _Horace’s_ “molle opus” (gentle task) -are familiar. Comp. _Hesychius_, s.v. ἀῤῥητουργία,—αἰσχρουργία, -κακουργία, τὰ ἀῤῥητα ἐργάζεσθαι, (under the word ἀῤῥητουργία, infamous -action,—base action, evil action, the performance of infamous tasks). - -[15] The word στόμαργος is found in _Sophocles_, in a passage -where Electra says to Clytaemnestra (581): - - Κήρυσσέ μ’ εἰς ἅπαντας, εἴτε χρὴ, κακὴν, - εἴτε _στόμαργον_, εἴτ’ ἀναιδείας πλέαν. - Εἰ γὰρ πέφυκα _τῶνδε τῶν ἔργων_ ἴδρις - σχεδόν τι τὴν σὴν οὐ καταισχύνω φύσιν. - -(Proclaim me to all, if need be, an evil woman, _foul-mouthed_ and full -of shamelessness. For if I am cunning _in these tasks_, it is but that -I am not far from sharing your own character). _Suidas_ under the word -interprets στόμαργος here by φλύαρος (prating). _Philo_, De Monarchia -bk. I. edit. Mangey, vol. II. p. 219., says: _στομαργίᾳ_ χρήσασθαι καὶ -ἀχαλίνῳ γλώσσῃ, βλασφημοῦντας οὓς ἕτεροι νομίζουσι θεούς. (to indulge -in _loose talking_ and an unbridled tongue, blaspheming such as other -men hold to be gods). The _Etymologicum Magnum_ s. v. γλώσσαργον, -_στόμαργον_ ἠ ταχύγλωσσον, (under the word idle-tongued,—_foul-mouthed_ -or loose-tongued). Whereas _Aristophanes_ has the word στοματουργός, -“Frogs” 848., - - ἔνθεν δὴ _στοματουργὸς_ ἐπῶν - βασινίστρια λίσπη - γλῶσσ’.... - -(So thence a _phrase-making_ word-sifting, smooth tongue ...) - -[16] Comp. p. 172 above. _Lucian_, Pseudolog. ch. 31., calls it -παροινῶν (acting drunkenly). _Athenaeus_, Deipnos. bk. XIII. ch. 80., -φιλόπαις δ’ ἦν _ἐκμανῶς_ καὶ Ἀλέξανδρος, ὁ βασιλεύς. (And he was a -lover of boys, _to an insane degree_, was Alexander the King). _Dio -Chrysostom_, Tarsica I. p. 409., says of the ῤέγχειν (snorting of the -Cinaedi): ἀλλ’ ἐστὶ σημεῖον τῆς αἰσχάτης ὕβρεως καὶ _ἀπονοίας_ (but -it is a sign of the most abandoned insolence and _infatuation_), and -again p. 412.: ὡς ἤδη μανία τὸ γιγνόμενον ἔοικεν αἰσχρᾷ καὶ ἀπρέπει -(so now the resulting condition resembles madness, disgraceful and -unseemly madness). _Clement of Alexandria_, Paedag. bk. III. ch. 8., -περὶ τὰ παιδικὰ _ἐκμανῶς_ ἐπτοημένοι (men set upon enjoyments with boys -_insanely_). But above all is the following passage from Juvenal (Sat. -VI. 299) apposite in this connection: - - ... Quid enim Venus ebria curat? - Inguinis et capitis quae sint discrimina nescit. - -(For of what does drunken love take heed? What are the differences -betwixt groin and head, she ignores). _Seneca_, De ira II.: _Raptus_ -ad stupra et _ne os quidem libidini exceptum_. (Carried away -into obscenities and not even the mouth held secure from lust). -_Lactantius_, VI. 23., Quorum teterrima libido et execrabilis _furor_ -ne _capiti_ quidem parcit. (Whose most foul lust and abominable -_frenzy_ spares not even _the head_). - -[17] _Xenophon_, Cyropaed. II. 2. 28. Hence too _Cicero_, Tuscul. -V. 20., Haberet etiam _more Graeciae_ quosdam adolescentes amore -coniunctos (he would keep also, _after the fashion of Greece_, sundry -young men bound to him in ties of affection); of course it is a -question here of Paedophilia merely, but we have seen how readily this -was confounded with Paederastia. _Aristophanes_, Eccles. 918., - - ἤδη τὸν ἀπ’ Ἰωνίας - τρόπον τάλαινα κνησιᾷς· - δοκεῖς δέ μοι καὶ λάβδα κατὰ τοὺς Λεσβίους. - -(Now, wretched woman, you itch after the fashion of Ionia; and you -appear to me to long even for the _Lambda_ (licking) of the Lesbian -mode). Hence _motus Ionicos_ (Ionic movements) in _Horace_, Odes III. -5. 24. and _Plautus_, Stich. V. 7. 1., Quis _Ionicus_ aut cinaedus qui -hoc tale facere posset. (What _Ionian_ or cinaedus is there could show -himself capable of such an act as this). - -[18] _Hippocrates_, Epidem. bk. II. sect. 1. edit. Kühn, Vol. III. p. -435. - -[19] Comment. in Hippocrat. Epidem., bk. II. edit. Kühn, Vol. XVII. A. -p. 312. - -[20] _Martial_, bk. XII. 55., Nec clusis aditum neget labellis. (and -refuse not access by shutting the lips). - -[21] Μύζουσις is cited by _Eustathius_ on Homer, Odyssey XVII. p. 1821. -52. and XIV. p. 1921. end, as also ἀπομύζουρις on Iliad XI. p. 867. -44., in the sense of _fellatrix_, παρὰ τὸ μυζᾶν, ἤγουν θηλάζειν οὐράν. -(connected with μυζᾶν, to suck, that is to say to suck like an infant -a man’s member). _Suidas_ says: μυζεῖ καὶ μύζει, θηλάζει λείχει μῦ, -μύζει· ἀπὸ τοῦ μῦ παρῆκται τὸ μύζειν, πολλοῖς ἄλλοις ὁμοίως· μύζειν δέ -ἐστι τὸ τοῖς μυκτῆρσιν ἦχον ἀποτελεῖν. _Ἀριστοφάνης_ τί μύζεις,—(μυζεῖ -and μύζει,—sucks like an infant, licks with a _mooing_ noise, _moos_); -from this _mooing_ noise is derived μύζειν as is the case with other -similar words; now μύζειν is to produce the noise made in the nostrils -in the act of sucking. Aristophanes has τί μύζεις; (what is the -mooing noise you make?) On this passage of Aristophanes (Thesmoph. -238.) the Scholiast observes: τοῦτο δὲ φώνημα σημαίνει ἔκλυσίν τινα -ἀφροδισιαστικήν· ὅθεν καὶ μύται ἐλέγοντο τὸ παλαιὸν ἀφροδισιασταὶ καὶ -γυναικομανεῖς. (Now this sound proclaims a certain dissoluteness in -lovemaking; whence of old voluptuaries and men mad after women were -called also μύται). Μῦς, the mouse, also comes from the same stem, -from its picking and gnawing; so does μυῖα, the fly, and as _Aelian_, -Hist. Anim. bk. XV. ch. 1., says of a fish, ὑποχανὼν κατέπιε τῆν μυῖαν -(it gaped its mouth and swallowed down the fly), we might perhaps read -μυιοχάνη after flies, as if she wanted to catch flies, a fly-catcher, -fly-trap, unless indeed we prefer to take μυιοχάνη as being a -compound-word expressing a high degree of lecherousness. The lecherous -nature of the fly is well-known, as well as their habit of licking, -which makes _Varro_, de Re Rust. III. ch. 15., say: Non ut muscae -_liguriunt_. (They do not _lick_, like flies). Ligurire (to lick) is -used in the sense of _fellare_ and _cunnilingere_. _Aelian_, Hist. -Anim. bk. IV. ch. 5., mentions a fish, χάνη, which is particularly -lustful: χάνη δὲ ἰχθὺς λαγνίστατος (Now the χάνη is a most lustful -fish). Again μυσαροχάνη (μυσαρὸς, filthy) would be a significant word -for a _fellatrix_. - -[22] _Suidas_, s. v. _μυσάχνη_, ἡ πόρνη παρὰ Ἀρχιλόχῳ· καὶ _ἐργάτις_ -καὶ _δῆμος_ καὶ _παχεῖα_. Ἱππῶναξ δὲ _βορβορόπιν_ καὶ ἀκάθαρτον ταύτην -φησίν. ἀπὸ τοῦ βορβόρου καὶ _ἀνασυρτόπολιν_, ἀπὸ τοῦ ἀνασύρεσθαι. -Ἀνακρέων δὲ _πανδοσίαν_ καὶ _λεωφόρον_, καὶ _μανιόκηπον_· κῆπος γὰρ -τὸ _μόριον_. Εὔπολις _εἰλίποδα_, ἐκ τῆς εἰλήσεως τῶν ποδῶν τῆς κατὰ -τὴν μίξιν. (under the word μυσάχνη; this means “the prostitute” in -Archilochus; also in same sense _working-woman_, and _commonalty_, -and _brawny wench_. Also Hipponax calls an unclean woman of the sort -_filthy-eyed_ (βορβορόπις) from βόρβορος, mire, and _town-exposer_ -ἀνασυρτόπολις from ἀνασύρεσθαι, to pull up the clothes. Also Anacreon -uses _all-giving_ and _public thoroughfare_ and _mad in the privates_ -(μανιόκηπος); for κῆπος (a garden) means a woman’s private parts. -Eupolis uses _walking with a rolling gait_, from the rolling of the -legs, the result of sexual intercourse). - -[23] _Lampridius_, Life of Heliogabalus ch. 5. _Clement of Alexandria_, -Paedag. bk. III. p. 254. edit. Potter, ἁβροδίαιτος περιεργία πάντα -ζητεῖ, πάντα ἐπιχειρεῖ, βιάζεται πάντα· συνέχει τὴν φύσιν· τὰ γυναικῶν -οἱ ἄνδρες πεπόνθασιν καὶ γυναῖκες ἀνδρίζονται παρὰ φύσιν· γαμούμεναί -τε καὶ γαμοῦσαι γυναῖκες· _πόρος δὲ οὐδεὶς ἄβατος ἀκολασίας_. -(delicately-living idleness searches out all things, attempts all -things, forces all things. It constrains Nature. Men have come to -endure the treatment proper to women, while women act as men contrary -to nature; women are both given in marriage and themselves take men in -marriage, and _no way of impurity is left untrod_. Again of a similar -significance are perhaps the words μυριοστόμος (ten-thousand-mouthed) -and ἀθυροστόμος, ἀθυροστομία, ἀθυροστομέω (unrestrained of mouth, -unrestrainedness of mouth, to be unrestrained of mouth), and εὐρόστομος -(wide-mouthed). _Epicrates_ said of a lecherous girl, ἡδ’ ἀρ’ ἦν μυωνία -(she was a regular mouse-hole), and _Philemon_ called another μῦς -λεύκος) (white mouse), while _Aelian_, Hist. Anim. Bk. XII. ch. 10, -gives yet another similar expression, μυωνίαν ὅλην ὀνομάσας (having -named her a complete mouse-hole); she is a perfect mouse-hole, in other -words she has as many entrances as a mouse-hole. Instead of μυριοχαύνη -we might also read μυριομήχανος (of ten-thousand devices), referring to -the _fessus mille modis_ (fatigued by a thousand modes of pleasure) in -_Martial_, bk. IX. 58. and on the analogy of Δωδεκαμήχανος (of a dozen -devices), a name borne by the “fille de joie” Cyrené, because she had -contrived twelve different _postures of Love_. Comp. _Suidas_, under -word δωδεκαμήχανος, and the Scholiast on Aristophanes, “Frogs” 1356. -Also μιαροχάνη (μιαρὸς, polluted) might be defended, on reference to -_Aristophanes_, Acharnians 271-285. - -[24] _Hippocrates_, Epidem. bk. II. Vol. III. p. 436. Galen, vol. XVII. -A. p. 322. - -[25] Perhaps the word was σαπερδίς, which in _Aristotle_, Hist. Anim. -VIII. 30., signifies a certain fish, for in _Athenaeus_, Deipnos. p. -591., σαπέρδιον (the diminutive) is the nick-name of a _hetaera_, and -when _Diogenes_ (Diogenes Laertius, VI. 2. 6.) made a scholar wear a -σαπέρδης, the latter threw it away (ὑπ’ αἰδοῦς ῥίψας), (having cast it -from him in disgust). Note at the same time that the word _Sarapis_ -also occurs in _Plautus_ (Paenulus V. 5. 30 sqq.), where Anthemonides -says: - - Ligula, i in malam crucem - Tune hic amator audes esse, hallex viri? - Aut contrectare, quod mares homines amant? - Deglupta maena, _Sarapis_ sementium, - Mastruga, ἃλς ἀγορᾶς ἅμα; tum autem plenior. - Allii ulpicique, quam Romani remiges. - -(Thou mannikin, go to and be crucified! Dost dare to play the lover -here, thou Tom Thumb of a man? or to meddle with what male men love? -Skinned sprat, _Sarapis_ of the corn-crops, sheepskin, common salt -of the market; and yet reeking worse of garlic and leek than Roman -bargees!). To restore this undoubtedly corrupt text is beyond our -powers, but this much at any rate results from the passage as a -whole that _Sarapis_ or _Sarrapis_ here too signifies a vicious man. -Anthemonides certainly takes Hanno, to whom this speech is addressed, -for a _cinaedus_, for he says later on: “nam te cinaedum esse arbitror -magis quam virum” (but I reckon you to be a cinaedus rather than a -man), and he had previously said: “Quis hic homo est _cum tunicis -longis_, quasi puer cauponius?” (Who is this fellow _with the long -tunics_, like a waiter at a cookshop?) and “Sane genus hoc muliebrosum -est tunicis demissitiis.” (Surely this is a womanish sort, _with his -trailing tunics_). Similarly _Turnebus_, Adversar. bk. X. ch. 24., -mentions the fact that _Hesychius_ explains σάραπις by περσικὸς χιτὼν -(a Persian tunic). However he prefers to read, instead of _Sarrapis_, -_arra pisa ementium_, (pledge of such as buy at the price of one pea) in -reference to the vice of Bacchus, “obscoenum et mollem virum, qui pro -arra dari possit vilis mercimonii.” (a foul and deboshed man, fit only -to be given as pledge at the value of any cheap commodity). - -[26] Comp. the passage of Lucian quoted on p. 229 above. _Suetonius_, -Tiberius ch. 44., “Majore adhuc et turpiore infamia flagravit, -vox ut referri audirive, nedum credi, fas sit. Quasi pueros primae -teneritudinis, quos pisciculos vocabat, institueret, ut natanti -sibi _inter femina versarentur_ ac luderent, lingua et morsu sensim -appetentes, atque etiam quasi infantes firmiores, necdum tamen lacte -depulsos, inguini seu papillae admoveret; pronior sane ad id genus -libidinis et natura et aetate. Quare Parrhasii quoque tabulam, in qua -Meleagro Atalanta ore morigeratur, legatam sibi sub conditione, ut si -argumento offenderetur, decies pro ea sestertium acciperet, non modo -praetulit, sed et in cubiculo dedicavit.” (He was guilty of a yet -more flagrant and abominable villainy, so much so it hardly admits -of being related or listened to, let alone believed, to this effect. -He arranged that boys of tender years, whom he called his little -fishes, should move about between his thighs, as he swam, and play -there making darts at him with tongue and mouth and biting him softly; -also infants of somewhat stronger growth, but still not yet weaned, -he would put to his member as if to their mothers’ teat, being indeed -both by natural disposition and time of life more apt to this form -of indulgence. So when a picture of Parrhasius, in which Atalanta is -represented _gratifying_ Meleager with her mouth, was willed to him -with the stipulation that, if he objected to the subject, he should -have a million serterces instead, not only did he choose the painting, -but actually enshrined it in his bed-chamber). _Theophrastus_, Charact. -ch. 11., ὁ δὲ βδελυρὸς τοιοῦτος, οἵος ὑπαντήσας γυναιξὶν ἐλευθέραις -_ἀνασυράμενος_ δεῖξαι τὸ αἰδοῖον. (But he was such a filthy wretch, -that on meeting free women he would _pull up his clothes_ and show -his private parts.—_Dionysius of Halicarnassus_, Excerpt. de Legat. -ch. 9. says of the Tarentine Philonis, _ἀνασυράμενος_ τὴν ἀναβολὴν -καὶ σχηματίσας ἑαυτὸν ὡς αἴσχιστον ὀφθῆναι, τὴν οὐ λέγεσθαι πρέπουσαν -ἀκαθαρσίαν κατὰ τῆς ἱερᾶς ἐσθῆτος τοῦ πρεσβευτοῦ κατεσκέδασε. -(_raising his mantle_ and throwing himself into the most disgusting -posture to be exposed in, he bespattered the Ambassador’s sacred robe -with the unspeakable filth).—_Galen_, Exhortat. ad artes ch. 6., -ἀνασυράμενοι προσουροῦσι. (lifting up their clothes, they make water -over it).—_Lucian_, Cataplus 13., καὶ σὺ δὲ ὦ Ἑρμῆ; σύρετ’ αὐτὸν εἴσω -τοῦ ποδός. (You too, Hermes? drag ye him within your leg). _Clement -of Alexandria_, Protrept. p. 13, mentions an Ἀφροδίτη περιβασίη -Aphrodité protectress,—or otherwise, Aphrodité that stretches the legs -apart), known also to _Hesychius_, and explained by some Commentators -as “stretching the legs apart”. In _Suidas_ σαίρειν is explained by -_hiare_ (to gape open); and the Lexicographers give σάραβος as meaning -γυναικεῖον αἰδοῖον (a woman’s privates) and the word is found in _Dio -Chrysostom_, De regno IV. 75., as the name of a Tavern-keeper,—also -if we are not mistaken, in Plato. σάρων too _Hesychius_ explains by -γυναικεῖον (woman’s parts). He also has ἀρρενώπες (masculine-looking), -which some interpret by Androgyne (man-woman) or _fellator_. The -reading ἀγράπους occurring, we might also read γυρόπους (crook-footed); -_Suidas_ under word γραῦς (old woman) cites: ἡ γρῆϋς, ἡ χερνῆτις, ἡ -γυρὴ πόδας. (the old woman, the spinster, the _crooked of feet_). - -[27] _Catullus_, Carm. 35. 64., - - An continentes quod sedetis insulsi - Centum, aut ducenti, non putatis ausurum - Me una ducentos _irrumare sessores_? - -(Think you, because you sit there side by side, a hundred fools, or two -hundred, think you I shan’t dare to _irrumate_ two hundred _sitters_ at -once?). - -[28] _Aelian_, Hist. Anim. bk. VI. ch. 24., ἡ δὲ ἡσύχως καὶ πεφεισμένως -τοῦ ἑαυτῆς στόματος ἀνατρέπει αὐτούς. (but the fox, quietly and so -as to forbear biting with its mouth, turns them over). ch. 64., ἥδε -χανεῖν τε καὶ ἐνδακεῖν οὐ δυναμένη, κᾆτα οὔρησεν αὐτοῦ ἐς τὸ στόμα. -(but she—the fox—being unable to open her mouth and fix her teeth in, -finally made water into its mouth). - -[29] Virgil, Aen. VI. 494., says of Deiphobus, Helen’s paramour: - - Atque hic Priamiden laniatum corpora toto - Deiphobum vidit, lacerum crudeliter ora, - Ora manusque ambas, populataque tempora raptis - Auribus, _et truncas inhonesto vulnere naris_. - -(And now Deiphobus he sees, the glorious Priam’s son; - - But all his body mangled sore, his face all evilly hacked, - His face and hands; yea, and his head laid waste, the ear lobes lacked, - And _nostrils cropped unto the root by wicked wound and grim_. - - WILLIAM MORRIS’S translation). - -_Martial_, bk. III. Epigr. 85., - - Quis tibi persuasit _nares abscindere moecho_? - Non hac peccatum est parte, marite, tibi - Stulte, quid egisti? nihil hic tua perdidit uxor, - Cum sit salva sui mentula Deiphobi. - -(Who persuaded you to crop the adulterer’s nostrils? ’Twas not with -this part the offence was done you, sir husband! Foolish man, what -have you done? in this your wife has lost naught, so long as her -Deiphobus’ member is safe and sound). _Martial_, bk. II. Epigr. 83., - - Foedasti miserum, marite, moechum: - Et se, qui fuerant prius, requirunt - _Trunci naribus_ auribusque vultus. - Credis te satis esse vindicatum? - Erras! Iste potest et _irrumare_! - -(You have mutilated, husband, the unhappy adulterer: and his face -cropped of nose and ears asks itself what it was like before. Think you -your revenge is complete? Nay! you are mistaken; the fellow can still -_irrumate_!)—a passage that might very well be made to prove our point. - -[30] _Martial_, bk. XI. Epigr. 61., - - Lingua maritus, _moechus ore_ Maneius. - -(Maneius is a husband with his tongue, a debaucher with his mouth). Bk. -III. Epigr. 84., - - Quid narrat tua _moecha_? non puellam - Dixi, Tongilion. Quid ergo? _Linguam!_ - -(What tale is it your harlot tells? Nay! I did not say _girl_, -Tongilion. What then? Why, _tongue!_). - -[31] _Diodorus_, Bk. I. ch. 60. Same is related in _Strabo_, Geogr. bk. -XVI. p. 759.—_Seneca_, De Ira bk. III. ch. 20. - -[32] _Sozomen_, Hist. Eccles. bk. VI. ch. 30., Rhinocolura vero -illo tempore _viris piis_ non aliunde advocatis, sed _indigenis_ -floruit, quorum optimos sapientiae sese studio hic dedisse intellexi. -Novi Melanam, tunc ecclesiae episcopum et Dionysium, monasterium -ad septentrionem urbis moderantem, ac Solonem, Melanis fratrem ac -successorem in episcopatu. (But Rhinocolura at that time abounded in -_men of piety_, not invited thither, but _natives_, the most eminent -of whom I have been informed devoted themselves in that place to -the study of Wisdom. I knew personally Melanas, then Bishop of the -church there, and Dionysius, governing a monastery lying to the South -of the City, and Solon, brother of Melanas and his successor in the -Bishopric.). The same is affirmed by _Nicephorus_ as well, (Hist. -Eccles. bk. XI. ch. 38.). Within the last two years there has appeared -a Tract or Occasional Paper, dealing with the Colony at Rhinocolura, -but unfortunately we cannot put our hand on the more precise memorandum -of its contents. - -[33] As to his views on the _Morbus Phoeniceus_ (Phoenician Disease), -this will be discussed under the head of the vice of the _Cunnilingue_. - -[34] _Bonorden_, “Die Syphilis” (Syphilis). Berlin 1834., p. 19. - -[35] _Clossius_, “Ueber die Lustseuche” (On Venereal Disease). Tübingen -1797., p. 49.—_Perenotti di Cigliano_, Of Venereal Disease, p. 92. -_Fabre_, Treatise on Venereal Disease, p. 5. - -[36] Martial, XI. Epigr. 30., - - Os male causidicis et dicis olere poetis: - Sed fellatori, Zoile, peius olet. - -(The mouth you say smells ill with pleaders and poets; but Zoilus, it -smells worse with the _fellator_). Hence the expressions, _os male -olens_, _anima foetida_, _gravis_, _graveolens_, _graveolentia oris -spiritus ieiunio macer_, _ieiuna anima_, _hircosum osculum_, _basia -olidissima_. (evil-smelling mouth, fetid breath, foul, ill-smelling, -fetid smell of the breath from the mouth—hungry and lean, fasting -breath, goaty kiss, most smelly embraces). Possibly too this was the -origin of the Lemnian women’s punishment. Comp. above p. 148. - -[37] _Galen_, Comment. on Hippocrates’ De Humor. bk. II., edit. Kühn, -Vol. XVI. p. 215. Different means of counteracting this evil are given -by _Galen_, De parabilib. bk. II. ch. 7., Vol. XIV. p. 424. of Kühn’s -ed., where amongst other matter we read: διαμασῶνται δέ τινες καὶ τῆς -πίτυος φύλλα, ὅταν ἐκπορεύωνται, _καὶ ὕδατι διακλύζονται_, (but others -chew up even leaves of the pine, when they go abroad, and _wash out the -mouth with water_), the Latin _lavare_, _aquam sumere_ (to wash, to -take water)?—as to which later. - -[38] _Martial_, VI. 55., - - Quod semper cassiaque cinnamoque - Et nido niger alitis superbae - Fragras plumbea Nicerotiana, - Rides nos, Coracine, nil olentes, - Malo, quam bene olere, nil olere. - -(Because forever scented with cassia and cinnamon and smeared with -spices from the nest of the proud phoenix, you are fragrant of the -leaden caskets of Niceros, you laugh at us that are unscented; I had -rather even than smell sweet, not smell at all). - -[39] So _Euripides_, Medea 525., joins together στόμαργον γλωσσαλγίαν -(busy-mouthed tongue-tiresomeness, i. e. wearisome talkativeness). - -[40] Perhaps there is an allusion to this in _Martial_, bk. XI. - -[41] _Martial_, Bk. VI. Epigr. 41. Also bk. IV. Epigr. 41., - - Quid recitaturus circumdas vellera collo? - Conveniunt nostris auribus illa magis. - -(Why do you when going to read your verses aloud wind woollen wraps -round your throat? The wool were better in our ears). The _tacere_ -(to hold his tongue) in the first Epigram stands for _fellare_, as -in _Martial_, VII. IX. 5. 96. Perhaps too the verse of Epicharmus -given in _Aulus Gellius_, Noct. Attic. I. ch. 15. is applicable in -this connection, οὐ λέγειν δύνατος, ἀλλὰ σιγᾷν ἀδύνατος. (Not able to -speak, yet unable to be silent). Comp. _Martial_, VI. 54. VII. 48. XII. -35.—“_Harpocratem_ reddere (to recall _Harpocrates_” in _Catullus_ -74. 4.) Again _Minutius Felix_, In Octav., says: “Esse malae linguae, -etiamsi _tacerent_” (To be of a _foul_ tongue, _even if they kept -silence_). _Priapeia_, 27. 4., “altiora tangam” (I will touch higher -things). In part we may have to look for the same allusion also in -_Ausonius’_ Epigrams 46, 47 and 51, and several other very similar ones -in the Anthology. - -[42] _Aretaeus_, De causis et signis acutorum morborum, (Of the causes -and symptoms of Acute Diseases). Comp. De Curatione acut. morb., (Of -the treatment of Acute Diseases), Bk. I. ch. 9. - -[43] _Martial_, bk. X. Epigr. 56., - - Non secat et tollit stillantem Fannius uvam. - -(Fannius does not use the knife, yet removes the dripping uvula). - -[44] _Martial_, Bk. IV. Epigr. 42. Bk. XI. Epigr. 14.: Urbis deliciae -salesque Nili. (Darling of the City, savour of the Nile). - -[45] The fact that, according to _Prosper Alpin_ De Medicina -Aegypt.—(Of Egyptian Medicine, Bk. I. ch. 14.), gangrenous sore-throat -prevails all the year round among children in Egypt, need not prejudice -our conclusion; in fact it rather helps to explain how the sore-throat -brought on by _fellation_ was able so readily and quickly to assume the -malignant type described. - -[46] _Aëtius_, Tetrab. I. Serm. IV. ch. 21. Perhaps the “Cancer oris” -(cancer of the mouth) in boys, of which _Celsus_, VI. 15., makes -mention, belongs to the same category. - -[47] _Herodotus_, Bk. II. ch. 60. - -[48] _Plutarch_, De superstitione II. 170 D., Τὴν δὲ Συρίαν θεὸν οἱ -δεισιδαίμονες νομίζουσιν ἂν μαινίδας τὶς ἢ ἀφύας φάγῃ τὰ ἀντικνήμια -διεσθίειν, ἕλκεσι τὸ σῶμα πιμπλάναι, συντήκειν τὸ ἧπαρ. (for -translation see text above). We may add that μαινίδας is the _maena_ -(sprat) of the Romans, for which _Hesychius_ has σαραπίους, while -_Plautus_ uses _deglupta maena_ (skinned sprat) as a contemptuous name -for a vicious debauchee (above p. 238. Note 1.). By the Dea Syra some -have understood the goddess Derceto, who was worshipped at Ascalon -under the image of a maiden, whose lower half ended in a fish. To her -the fishes were sacred, and for this reason the Syrians were forbidden -to eat fish. Comp. _Lucian_, De Dea Syra p. 672. _Diodorus Siculus_, -II. 4. - -[49] _Porphyrius_, De Abstinentia bk. IV. ch. 15., - - παράδειγμα τοὺς Σύρους λαβέ· - Ὅταν φάγωσιν ἰχθὺν ἐκεῖνοι διά τινα - Αὑτῶν ἀκρασίαν, τοὺς πόδας καὶ γαστέρα - Οιδοῦσιν· εἶτα σακκίον ἔλαβον· εἰς δ’ ὁδὸν - Ἐκάθισαν αὐτοὶ ἐπὶ κόπρου καὶ τὴν θεὸν - Ἐξιλάσαντο τῷ ταπεινῶσαι σφόδρα. - -(As an example take the Syrians: These people, when they have eaten -fish, in consequence of some unwholesome quality in themselves, swell -in feet and belly. Then they take quickly a wallet; and down they sit -by the road-side on dung, and so appease the goddess by their exceeding -humbleness). At Athens ἕλκη ἔχειν ἐν τοῖς ἀντικνημίοις (to have sores -on the shin-bones) would seem to have been a usual thing, according to -_Theophrastus_, Charact. XIX. - -[50] _Athenaeus_, Deipnosoph. bk. VIII. p. 346. d. Indeed it would seem -that the Stoic _Antipater_ of Tarsus related how a Syrian Queen Gatis -was excessively fond of eating fish, and accordingly forbad anyone ἄτερ -Γάτιδος (except Gatis) in the whole country to indulge in it, and from -this circumstance came the name of Atergatis—the Syrian Venus! - -[51] _Martial_, Bk. I. Epigr. 79. Possibly also the passage in -_Hippocrates_, Epidem. bk. VII., Vol. III. 691 of Kühn’s ed., ὁ τὸ -καρκίνωμα τὸ ἐν τῇ φάρυγγι καυθεὶς ὑγιὴς ἐγένετο ὑφ’ ἡμέων, (The -patient who was cauterized for cancer of the throat recovered under -our treatment), which Jöhrens in a quotation to be given presently -(below § 25.) refers to Venereal disease, as is also done by him in the -case of the throat-ulcers mentioned in the Tract of _Hippocrates_, De -Dentitione (On Teething), Vol. I. p. 484. of Kühn’s ed. - -[52] A striking analogy to this suicide is to be found in the -well-known passage of _Pliny_ (Epist. bk. VI. epist. 24.), one of much -importance in connection with affections of the genitals, which may -therefore very well be quoted here by anticipation: - -_C. Plinius Macro Suo S._ Quam multum interest, quid a quo fiat! -Eadem enim facta claritate vel obscuritate facientium aut tolluntur -altissime, aut humillime deprimuntur. Navigabam per Larium nostrum, -quum senior amicus ostendit mihi villam, atque etiam cubiculum, quod -in lacum prominet. Ex hoc, inquit, aliquando municeps nostra cum -marito se praecipitavit. Causam requisivi. _Maritus ex diutino morbo -circa velanda corporis ulceribus putrescebat: uxor, ut inspiceret, -exegit: neque enim quemquam fidelius indicaturam, possetne sanari. -Vidit, desperavit: hortata est, ut moreretur, comesque ipsa mortis, -dux immo et exemplum et necessitas fuit._ Quod factum ne mihi quidem, -qui municeps, nisi proxime auditum est; non quia minus illa clarissimo -Arriae facto, sed quia minor est ipsa. Vale. (Caius Pliny to his friend -Macer, Greeting.—What a vast difference it makes, by whom a particular -thing is done! For the very same actions in virtue of the fame or -obscurity of the doers are raised to the topmost pinnacle or brought -down to the lowest depth. I was sailing along our Lake of Larius, when -my companion and elder pointed out a certain country house to me, nay, -a particular bed-room, which projects into the Lake. From this chamber, -he said, some time ago a fellow-countrywoman of ours threw herself, -along with her husband. I asked the reason. _The husband, it seemed, -in consequence of a disease of long standing was rotting with ulcers -on the private parts of the body. The wife demanded a right to look; -for she thought no one else likely to give a more conscientious opinion -than herself as to whether he could be cured. She saw, and despaired -of recovery; so she urged him to die, and herself was companion of his -death, giving in fact at once incitement, example and compulsion to -the deed._ This achievement I had never, though a man of the country, -heard of till that moment; not because it was a whit less glorious than -Arria’s renowned exploit, but solely because the doer was less famous. -Farewell). - -[53] _Catullus_, Carm. 57: - - Pulchre convenit improbis cinaedis - Mamurrae pathicoque, Caesarique. - -(An excellent understanding exists between the vile _cinaedi_, the -pathic Mamurra and Caesar). - -[54] _Suetonius_, Vita Jul. Caesaris chs. 49, 51, 52., where Curio, the -Elder, calls him (Caesar) “omnium mulierum virum, et omnium virorum -mulierem” (husband of all women, and wife of all men). The same indeed -was said also of _Alcibiades_. In _Athenaeus_, Deipnos. bk. XII. p. -535., we read in a fragment of the Comic Poet _Pherecrates_: - - Οὐκ ὢν ἀνὴρ γὰρ Ἀλκιβιάδης, ὡς δοκεῖ, - ἀνὴρ ἁπασῶν τῶν γυναικῶν ἐστι νῦν. - -(For not being a man at all, Alcibiades, it seems, is now husband of -all our women). - -[55] _Catullus_, Carm. 80.: - - Quid dicam, Gelli, _quare rosea ista labella_ - _Hiberna fiant candidiora nive,_ - Mane domo cum exis, et cum te octava quiete - E molli longo suscitat hora die. - Nescio quid certe est. An vere fama susurrat, - _Grandia te medii tenta vorare viri_? - Sic certe clamant Virronis rupta miselli - Ilia, et _emulso labra notata sero_. - -(Would you have me tell, Gellius, why those rosy lips grow whiter -than the winter’s snow, when you sally out from home in the morning, -and when the eighth hour of the long summer day wakes you from gentle -sleep? Nay! I know not what it is for sure. Does report say true, that -whispers _you mouth the swollen member of a man’s middle_? So at any -rate declare the deboshed vigour of poor feeble Virro, and _your own -lips marked by the humour you draw out_). _Martial_, Bk. VII. Epigr. -94.: - - Bruma est, et riget horridus December, - Audes tu tamen osculo nivali - Omnis obvios hinc et hinc tenere, - Et totam, Line, basiare Romam. - Quid possis graviusque saeviusque - Percussus facere atque verberatus? - Hoc me frigore basiet nec uxor. - Blandis filia nec rudis labellis. - Sed tu dulcior, elegantiorque, - Cuius livida naribus caninis, - Dependet glacies, rigetque barba, - Qualem forficibus metit supinis - Tonsor Cinyphio Cilix marito. - Centum occurrere malo _cunnilingis_, - Et Gallum timeo minus recentem. - Quare si tibi sensus est pudorque, - Hibernas, Line, basiationes, - In mensem, rogo, differas Aprilem. - -(’Tis winter time, and the shuddering chill of December is upon us. -None the less, Linus, you dare to greet with your frosty salute all men -you meet here and there, and to kiss all Rome. What more disagreeable -or more cruel could you do, if you had been struck or thrashed? With -an embrace so chilling may no wife kiss me, or unripe maid with -wheedling lips. But you,—you think yourself more attractive and more -pleasing, you from whose dog-like nose a blue icicle hangs, whose beard -is frozen stiff, such a beard as the Cilician shearer crops with his -upward-pointing clippers from the chin of a Cinyphian he-goat. I had -rather meet a hundred _cunnilingues_; I am less afraid of a Gaul new -come to town. Wherefore, if you possess any sense or any shame, I do -beseech you, Linus, defer your wintry salutes till April is come). Now -_Linus_ is designated by _Martial_, bk. VII. Epigr. 9, as a _fellator_, -and bk. XI. Epigr. 26., as a _cunnilingue_. - -[56] Whence also the proverbial saying in _Suidas_: κύνα δέρειν -δεδαρμένην· τὸ τοῦ Φερεκράτους· σχῆμα δέ ἐστι ἀκόλαστον εἰς τὸ -αἰδοῖον· εἴρηται δὲ ἐπὶ τῷ, ἄλλο πασχόντων αὖθις ἐφ’ οἷς πεπόνθασιν ἡ -παροιμία. (to skin the skinned bitch; expression of Pherecrates; is an -abominable practice in connection with the private parts; the proverb -is spoken of such as suffer something a second time over, after having -suffered it once already). Similarly _Plautus_, Trinum. II. 4. 27., -Edepol _mutuum_ mecum facit (By my faith, he plays give and take with -me). Again κυνάμυια (shameless fly) is found in _Suidas_, which he -explains by ἀναιδεστάτη· παρεσχημάτικε τὸ ὄνομα ἀπὸ τοῦ κυνὸς καὶ τῆς -μυίας· ὁ μὲν γὰρ κύων ἀναιδής, ἡ δὲ μυῖα θρασεῖα, (a most shameless -woman: name borrowed figuratively from the dog and the fly; for the -dog is shameless, and the fly audacious)—probably with a reference to -_Homer_, II. XXI. 394., where κυνόμυια is found, and the Scholiast -observes: ἀναιδής ὡς μυῖα, ἐκ δύο ἀναιδῶν τελείων, τοῦ τε κυνός καὶ -τὴς μυίας, διὰ τὸ ὑπερβάλλον τῆς ἀναιδείας. (shameless as a fly; from -two completely shameless creatures, the dog and the fly; on account -of the excessive degree of their shamelessness). Further there is in -this connection the word κυναλώπηξ (fox-dog), which was a nick-name -of _Philostratus_, as we see from _Aristophanes_, Knights 1078., on -which passage the Scholiast observes: λέγει δὲ αὐτὸν καὶ πορνοβοσκὸν -καὶ καλλωπιστὴν (now he calls him both brothel-keeper and dandy). If -we derive the word from τὸν κύνα (frenulum praeputii,—ligament of the -prepuce,—Paulus Aegineta, VI. 54.) ἀλωπίζειν, it would designate the -_fellator_, as ἀλωπὸς, ἀλωπίζειν, ἀλωπηκίζω is formed from α privative -(negative) and λῶπος, λώπη (the covering, skin, wool); and ἀλωπηκία -is to be explained in the same way,—but not from the scab or mange of -the fox, nor yet as the Etymologicum Magnum would have it, because the -places where the fox discharges his urine die, the grass e. g. dries -up and withers. Hence ἀλώπηξ might be taken as _bald-headed_, and -then the further meaning of licentious dissoluteness given to it, for -in Antiquity baldness was very usually looked upon as a consequence -of sexual excesses, and as every one knows, Caesar was called by his -soldiers _moechus calvus_ (the bald-headed adulterer). But old men, who -in particular are bald-headed, especially practised, owing to their -lack of the power of erecting the penis, the vice of _irrumation_ -and of the _cunnilingue_, which makes _Martial_ say (IV. 50.) _Nemo -est, Thai, senex ad irrumandum_ (No one, Thais, is too old a man for -irrumation). κυναλώπηξ would then be a _bald-headed cunnilingue_. -Possibly however this idea was also partly due to a reminiscence of -the fox’s habit, when desirous of following up a scent, of sticking -his head to the ground (_Aelian_, Hist. Anim. VI. ch. 24.),—a manœuvre -he also adopts, as is generally known, when dying. In evidence of this -view may be quoted what _Cicero_, Orat. pro Domo ch. 18., says to -Sextus Clodius: _ligurris_ (you are a licker), and ch. 31. Quaere hoc -ex Sexto Clodio, iube adesse, latitat omnino; sed si requiri iusseris, -invenient hominem apud sororem tuam (Publii Clodii) _occultantem se -capite demisso_ (Require this of Sextus Clodius, bid him appear; he -lurks entirely out of sight. But if once you order him to be sought -out, they will find the man at your sister’s house (Publius Clodius’s) -_hiding himself with head held down_.) Comp. _Catullus_, 87. In -_Martial_, Bk. IV. Epigr. 53., _canis_ is used in same sense as κύων -in Greek,—apparently? Perhaps the women of Antiquity made use of dogs -as well to serve as _cunnilingues_. According to _Brockhusius_ on -Tibullus I. 7. 32., II. 4. 32. they were usual companions of “ladies of -pleasure” at Rome, whence too _suburanae canes_ (bitches of the Subura) -in _Horace_, Epod. V. 58. and _Subura vigilax_ (the watchful Subura) -in _Propertius_, IV. 7. 15. During the Middle Ages at any rate such an -employment of dogs was nothing unusual. This is stated by _Panormita_, -Hermaph. Epigr. XXX., Epitaphium Nichinae Flandrensis, Scorti egregii:— - - Pelvis erat cellae in medio, qua saepe lavabar, - Lambebat madidum blanda catella femur. - -(Epitaph on Nichette the Fleming, a famous Harlot:—There stood a basin -in middle of the chamber, in which I would many a time wash myself, the -while my fawning bitch-pup licked her mistress’s dripping thigh). - -and Epigr. XXXVII., - - Te viset Jannecta, sua comitante catella, - Blanda canis dominae est, est hera blanda viris. - -(Jeannette shall visit you, her bitch-pup accompanying her; complacent -is the hound to its mistress, the lady complacent to men). - -[57] _Galen_, De simplic. medicament. temperamentis ac facultat. Bk. X. -ch. 1., edit. Kühn Vol. XII. p. 249. - -[58] κοπροφάγος (Excrement-Eater). To this _Martial_, bk. III. Epigr. -77., seems to allude, when he says: - - Nescio quod stomachi vitium secretius esse - Suspicor, ut quid enim, Baetice, _saprofagis_? - -(I suspect there exists some secret vitiation of the stomach; else why, -Baeticus, do you _eat putrid meat_?) - -[59] It is evident from this that Meier in his above mentioned Article -on Paederastia is wrong in citing the expression αἰσχρουργὸς (worker -of obscenities) as being used for the direct equivalent of _cinaedus_. -Incidentally we would take this opportunity of further observing -that the word παιδοκόραξ (boy-raven, i. e. a person ravenous after -boys), which is also mentioned in the same Article as synonymous with -_cinaedus_, is wrongly referred to paederastia, for it really, like the -Latin _corvus_ (raven), signifies a _fellator_. Its true explanation -is given in _Pliny_, Hist. Nat. bk. X. ch. 15., Corvi pariunt cum -plurimum quinos. _Ore eos parere aut coire vulgus arbitratur._ (Ravens -produce at most a brood of five each pair. _The vulgar believe these -birds produce or copulate with the mouth)._—Aristoteles (De gen anim. -Bk. III. ch. 6.) negat,—sed illam exosculationem, quae saepe cernitur, -qualem in columbis, esse. (Aristotle denies this,—but adds that there -is the same billing, which is often noticed, as with doves). Hence also -_Martial_, bk. XIV. Epigr. 74., - - Corve salutator, quare fellator haberis? - In caput intravit mentula nulla tuum. - -(You raven that salute your mate, why are you thought to be a -_fellator_? No member ever penetrated into your head). Greek Anthology, -bk. II. Tit. 9. 13., λευκὸν ἰδεῖν κόρακα (a white crow to all -appearance). - -[60] Instead of ᾧ φαίνεται _Rost_ has proposed to read ὧν φαίνεται. -(_Forbiger_, on the Hermaphrod. of Panormita, p. 281. Note b.) - -[61] _Brunck_, Analecta Vol. III. p. 334., - - Δημώναξ, μὴ πάντα κάτω βλέπε, μηδὲ χαρίζου - τῇ γλώσση· δεινὴν χοῖρος ἄκανθαν ἔχει. - Καὶ συζῇς ἡμῖν. _ἐν Φοινίκῃ δὲ καθευδεις_, - κοὐκ ὢν ἐκ Σεμέλης μηροτραφὴς γεγόνας. - -(Demonax, be not for ever looking downwards, and be not complacent with -your tongue; that organ—the _pudenda muliebria_—has a sharp thorn. And -indeed you live with us, _but you sleep in Phoenicia_, and though no -child of Semelé, are thigh-bred). - -[62] In particular it is the following Epigram in _Brunck’s_ Analecta -that has given occasion to this explanation: - - Ἀλφειοῦ στόμα φεῦγε· φιλεῖ κόλπους Ἀρεθούσης. - _πρηνὴς ἐμπίπτων ἁλμυρὸν ἐς πέλαγος._ - -(Fly the Alpheus’ mouth; he loves the bosom of Arethusa, _falling -headlong into the salt sea_). Forbiger might have further cited the -following passage from _Aristophanes_, Knights 1086, 87., - - ΑΛ. Καὶ γὰρ ἐμοὶ καὶ γῆς καὶ τῆς ἐρυθρᾶς γε θαλάσσης - χὤτι γ’ἐν Ἐκβατάνοις δικάσεις, _λείχων_ ἐπίπαστα. - -(Verily for me you shall be judge over earth and the Red Sea to boot -and all the realm of Ecbatana, _licking up_ comfit-cakes,—? pickles). -Here ἐπίπαστα is, as probably also in v. 103., the Salgama (pickles -in brine) of _Ausonius_, Epigr. 125.; which moreover affords at any -rate a partial explanation of the passage in _Pollux_, Onomast. bk. -VI. ch. 9. p. 61., bk. X. ch. 24. p. 96. Still, even if according to -this _Phoenicia_ were used in the sense of the genital organs of women -at time of menstruation, it by no means follows that φοινικίζειν meant -_only_ to have dealings with women in menstruation, any more than it -does that it is identical with καταμηνίου πίνων (drinking of menstrual -blood), as it has been shown just above not to be. In fact _Galen_ says -explicitly: φαίνεταί μοι παραπλήσιον, (it appears to me to be something -_similar!_) - -[63] _Seneca_, De beneficiis bk. IV. ch. 31. - -[64] _Seneca_, Epist. 87. - -[65] _Galen_, Works, edit. Kühn, Vol. XIX. p. 153. - -[66] _Naumann_, Handb. der Klinik (Text-book of Clinical Medicine), -Vol. 7. p. 88. - -[67] The author at any rate is more cautious than _Sprengel_, who -(_Th. Batemann_), Prakt. Darstellung der Hautkrankheiten (Practical -Exposition of Diseases of the Skin), Halle 1815., p. 427. Note, writes: -“Hippocrates appears to mention it (Elephantiasis) under the name -φοινικίη νόσος (Phoenician disease), which _Galen_ (Explan. voc. Hipp.) -_distinctly and definitely_ explains as Elephantiasis.” - -[68] _Hippocrates_, edit. Kühn Vol. I. pp. 223, 233., Λειχῆνες δὲ -καὶ λέπραι καὶ λεῦκαι, οἷσι μὲν νέοισιν ἢ παισὶν ἐοῦσιν ἐγένετό τι -τούτων, ἢ κατὰ μικρὸν φανὲν αὔξεται ἐν πολλῷ χρόνῳ, τούτοισι μὲν οὐ χρὴ -ἀπόστασιν νομίζειν τὸ ἐξάνθημα, ἀλλὰ νόσημα· οἷσι δὲ ἐγένετο τούτων -τι πολύ τε καὶ ἐξαπίνης, τοῦτο ἂν εἴη ἀπόστησις· γίνονται δὲ λεῦκαι -μὲν ἐκ τῶν _θανατωδεστάτων_ νοσημάτων, οἷον καὶ ἡ _νοῦσος ἡ φθινικὴ_ -καλεομένη. αἱ δὲ λέπραι καὶ οἱ λειχῆνες ἐκ τῶν μελαγχολικῶν. ἰῆσθαι δὲ -τουτέων εὐπετέστερά ἐστιν ὅσα νεωτάτοισί τε γίνεται καὶ νεώτατά ἐστι, -καὶ τοῦ σώματος ἐν τοῖσι μαλθακωτάτοισι καὶ σαρκωδεστάτοισι φύεται. -(for translation see text above). - -[69] _J. W. Wedel_, Progr. de Morbo phoeniceo Hippocratis, (Graduation -Exercise on the Phœnician disease of Hippocrates), Jena 1702. 4to., -reprinted in _E. G. Baldinger_, Selecta doctorum virorum opuscula in -quibus Hippocrates explicatur, denuo edita, (Select Tracts of Learned -Men dealing with the Interpretation of Hippocrates,—Second ed.), -Göttingen 1782., pp. 215-222. The Author does not seem to be really -self-consistent; he wavers between Elephantiasis and Purpura. - -[70] _Rayer, Maladies de la peau._ Bruxelles 1836. p. 385. Et quoique -les termes de la description du λεύκη se rapportent assez bien à la -leucopathie partielle, la plupart des interprètes et des critiques, -se fondant sur une passage d’Hippocrate (Prorrhet. lib. II.) ont -pensé, que sous ce nom les anciens avoient indiqué une maladie grave, -l’éléphantiasis anesthétique ou la lèpre des juifs. (_Rayer_, Diseases -of the Skin. Brussels 1836., p. 385., And although the terms in which -this λεύκη is described are pretty well consistent with the symptoms -of partial leucopathy, still the majority of interpreters and critics, -taking their stand on a passage of Hippocrates (Prorrhet. bk. II.) have -held that under this name the Ancients indicated a serious disease, -viz. anaesthetic elephantiasis or the leprosy of Jews). - -[71] _Celsus_, Bk. V. ch. 27. 19., λεύκη habet quiddam simile alpho, -sed magis albida est et altius descendit: in eaque albi pili sunt, et -lanugini similes. (λεύκη has some resemblance to alphus, but is more -white in colour, and penetrates deeper; also in it there are white -hairs of a woolly appearance). In these last words the interpreters -have supposed themselves to find the ἁλὸς ἄχνη (sea-foam) of _Pollux_, -Onom. IV. 193., expressed! - -[72] _Galen_, Isag., edit. Kühn Vol. XIV. p. 758.,—De symptomat. -differ. Vol. VII. p. 63.—De symptomat. caus. bk. II. ibid. pp. -225 sqq., where the λεύκη is described as a consequence of -_nutritio depravata_ (morbid nutrition), whereby τὴν σάρκα γίνεσθαι -φλεγματικωτέραν (the flesh becomes over phlegmatic). Comp. _Aetius_, -Tetrab. IV. I. ch. 133. _Paulus Aegineta_, bk. IV. ch. 5. _Actuarius_, -Meth. med. II. 11. VI. 8. _Oribasius_, De morb. curat. III. 58. _Scip. -Gentilis_, Comment. in Apuleii apologiam, note 524.—_Suidas_ s. v. -_λεύκη_· παρὰ Ἡροδότῳ πάθος τι περὶ ὅλον τὸ σῶμα, (under word λεύκη: -in Herodotus, a complaint affecting the whole surface of the body). In -_Alexander_, Aphrodis. Problem. I. 146, λεῦκαι signify the white flecks -on the finger-nails. - -[73] _Pollux_, Onomast IV. ch. 25. p. 187., mentions among forms of -wasting-diseases φθίνης νόσος, for which some editors, and quite -rightly, prefer to read φθίνας νόσος (wasting disease). _Suidas_ also -says φθίνας ἡ νόσος, but without giving any further explanation; on the -contrary in _Hesychius_ we find: s. v. φθινὰ[ς] ἡ ἐρυσίβη, καὶ εἶδος -ἐλαίας (under word φθινὰ; the red blight, also a species of olive). But -by ἐρυσίβη is signified _mildew_, _blight_, _smut on grain_, the same -thing therefore as the Romans called _rubigo_ or _robigo_, on which -_Servius_, on Virg. Georg. I. 151., has the following observation: -Robigo genus est vitii, quo culmi pereunt, quod a rusticanis calamitas -dicitur. Hoc autem genus vitii ex nebula nasci solet, cum _nigrescunt -et consumuntur_ frumenta. Inde Robigus deus et sacra eius septimo -Kalendas Maias Robigalia appellantur. Sed _haec abusive_ robigo -dicitur; nam _proprie robigo est_, ut Varro dicit, _vitium obscoenae -libidinis quod ulcus vocatur: id autem abundantia et superfluitate -humoris_ solet nasci, quae Graece σατυρίασις dicitur. (_Robigo_ is a -sort of blight, that kills the corn-stalks, which is spoken of as a -_disaster_ by the peasants. Now this kind of blight commonly springs -from a mist or exhalation, the crops blackening and being burnt up. -Hence the god Robigus, and his feast-day on the seventh day before -the Kalends of May (April 24.), known as the Robigalia. But this is -called _robigo_ only by a misnomer; for properly speaking _robigo_ -is, as Varro says, a vitiation due to abominable licentiousness and -is called an ulcer, and it commonly springs from that abundance and -over-copiousness of the humour, which in Greek is called Satyriasis). -These words are for our purpose pose of the highest importance, -teaching us as they do, that _a distinctive form of ulceration, that -the patient had brought on himself by sexual excesses, was not only -familiar among the Romans_ but actually bore the _special_ name of -_robigo_. It must have displayed a distinctive redness, and have -consumed the parts affected similarly to the smut or rust of grain, -or the rust of iron. It is surely a sufficient indication to call the -chancre-ulcer a blight, a burning: Comp. anthrax, carbo (malignant -pustule, carbuncle). To this day in Germany it is vulgarly said of any -one attacked by the primary forms of Venereal disease, “the man has -burned himself”. _Festus_, (edit. Dacier p. 451.) says: _Robum_ rubro -colore et quae rufo significare, at bovem quoque rustici appellant, -manifestum est, unde et _materia quae plurimas venas eius coloris -habet_ dicta est rubor, (_Robus_ clearly indicates things of a red -or reddish colour,—now countrymen even speak of an ox as _robus_; -hence _any substance having manifold veins of this colour_ is called -_rubor_). Now such is habitually the case with the penis attacked by -phimosis or paraphimosis and under the morbid condition of constant -erection (Satyriasis) superinduced by these. Again this shows us the -reason why Priapus is so frequently called “_ruber_ hortorum custos” -(the _red_ keeper of gardens),—_Priapeia_ Praef. 5.; and why he is -said, “_Ruber_ sedere cum _rubente_ fascino,” (to sit, _red_ with his -_ruddy_ verge),—_Horace_, Odes 84. Sat. I. 8. 5. Now as the blight in -grain was regarded specially as a consequence of the dew (mil_dew_), -and _ros_ (dew) again is used in the sense of the male semen, as well -as for the moisture secreted in the female vagina during coition, we -might draw yet another analogy from this, and at the same time a proof -of the _verecundia loquentium_ (shamefacedness in speech),—p. 43., -of the _old_ Romans. Thus it would seem the Greeks too indicated by -their φθινὰς the same thing as the Romans by _robigo_. That it was a -human disease, is clearly enough shown by the passage from Pollux, -and besides we can see it was so from another in _Plutarch_ in his -Life of Galba (ch. 21.), where he says: Τιγελλῖνον μὲν οὐ πολὺν ἔτι -βιώσεσθαι φάσκοντος· χρόνον, ὑπὸ _φθινάδος νόσου_ δαπανώμενον, (For he -said that Tigellinus would not live much longer, being exhausted by a -wasting disease),—a quotation proving at the same time the deadliness -of the malady. Once more, _Hesychius_ has for φθινὰ also φοινία, -saying, _φοινία_. ἐρυσίβη (φοινία: red blight, and as the adjective -corresponding would necessarily be φοινικίος or φοινίκινος, it follows -that φοινικίη νόσος and φθινικὴ νόσος,—φθινικὴ being the adjective -from φθινὴ or φθινὰς, (which however would more strictly speaking be -φθινακή), would mean exactly the same thing, viz. an “Ulcus rubrum et -rodens ex coitu cum foeda muliere natum” (red eating ulcer, coming from -coition with an unclean woman), the fatal event of which affection -was a matter of common observation among the Ancients. Now if this -interpretation is the right one in the passage of Hippocrates, it is -clear that λεῦκαι were the consequences of this malady, and accordingly -we should have a proof that in Antiquity, no less than in modern -times, primary ulcers not only preceded secondary affections of the -skin, but were actually _recognized as such_. However as the proofs -for this _aperçu_ are still too fragmentary on the side of the ancient -Physicians, we must suspend our immediate judgement on the point, and -content ourselves for the present with saying, that φοινικίη νοῦσος -stood originally in the text in the sense of _cunnilingere_ (to be a -_cunnilingue_), whereas a later inquirer put φθινικὴ into its place, -inasmuch as in his time their meanings had become identical as that -of a bodily ailment, and so _the consequence_ of the vice instead of -the vice itself found its way even into the text. For granted φθινὰς -has the meaning of _robigo_ (blight), there is no doubt this only came -to be the case as late as in the time of the Alexandrine critics. -Besides this, φοινικιστὴς is also found in the _Etymologicum Magnum_ -for _Cunnilingus_; we read: γλωττοκομεῖον, ἐν ᾧ οἱ αὐληταὶ ἀπετίθεσαν -τὰς γλώττας· εἴρηται δὲ καὶ τὸ _γυναικεῖον αἰδοῖον_ ὑπὸ Εὐβούλου -_φοινικιστὴν_ σκώπτοντος· (γλωττοκομεῖον, tongue-hole, place in which -fluteplayers insert their tongues); _the female privates_ also called -so by Eubulus, making a scoff at the φοινικιστὴς,—_cunnilingue_). The -_Etymologicum Magnum_ further has as synonyms for _cunnilingere_: -_γλωττοστροφεῖν_, περιλαλεῖν καὶ στωμύλλεσθαι· _γλωττοδεψεῖν_, -αἰσχρουργεῖν (_to ply the tongue_: to talk excessively, to babble; -_to work or soften with the tongue_: to do obscenely), and for -_cunnilingus_, _γλώσσαργον_, στόμαργον (_tongue-busy_: mouth-busy). - -[74] _Hippocrates_, περὶ παθῶν, edit. Kühn Vol. II. p. 409. -It is true this Work is reckoned among the spurious ones, and _Galen_ -(Vol. XI. p. 63.) ascribes it to _Polybius_. - -[75] _Aristophanes_, Acharnians 271. - - Πολλῷ γὰρ ἐσθ’ ἥδιον, ὦ Φαλῆς Φαλῆς - κλέπτουσαν εὑρόνθ’ ὡρικὴν ὑληφόρον, - τὴν Στρυμοδώρου Θρᾷτταν ἐκ τοῦ Φελλέως, - μέσην λαβόντ’ ἄραντα, καταβαλόντα καταγιγαρτίσαι· - -(For ’tis much pleasanter, Phales, Phales! when you have found a -blooming woodcutter girl filching wood, say Strymodorus’ Thracian maid -from Phelleus, to take her round the middle and lift her up and throw -her down and take the kernel right away),—where perhaps we should read -Στυμοδώρου for Στρυμοδώρου. Knights 1284., - - Τὴν γὰρ αὐτοῦ γλῶτταν αἰρχραῖς ἡδοναῖς λυμαίνεται, - ἐν κασαυρίοισι _λείχων_ τὸν ἀπόπτυστον δρόσον, - καὶ μολύνων τὴν ὑπήνην, καὶ κυκῶν τὰς ἐσχάρας. - -(For he pollutes his own tongue with foul delights, in the stews -licking up the abominable dew, defiling the hair on the upper lip, and -tumbling the girls’ _nymphae_). Peace 885., - - Τὸν _ζῶμον_ αὐτῆς προσπεσὼν ἐκλάψεται. - -(Falling upon her he will suck up _her broth_). - -[76] _Juvenal_, Satir. VI. 455.: - - Nec curanda viris Opicae castigat amicae - Verba Soloecismum liceat fecisse marito. - -(And rebukes the expressions of her clownish (Opican) friend, things -not worth men’s notice. Surely a husband should be allowed to make a -solecism). - -[77] _Martial_, bk. I. Epigr. 78., - - Pulchre valet Charinus, et tamen pallet. - Parce bibit Charinus, et tamen pallet. - Bene concoquit Charinus, et tamen pallet. - Sole utitur Charinus, et tamen pallet. - Tingit cutem Charinus, et tamen pallet. - _Cunnum Charinus lingit, et tamen pallet._ - -(Charinus is in excellent health, and yet he is pale. Charinus drinks -moderately, and yet he is pale. Charinus digests well, yet he is pale. -Charinus takes the sun, yet he is pale. Charinus dyes his skin, yet he -is pale. _Charinus licks a woman’s organ, yet he is pale)._ - -[78] _Martial_, bk. XI. Epigr. 86. As to this Zoilus see _Martial_, bk. -XI. Epigr. 61. - -[79] _Martial_, Bk. III. Epigr. 61. - -[80] _Greek Anthology_ bk. II. Tit. 13. Note 19., - - Τὴν φωνὴν ἐνοπήν σε λέγειν ἐδίδαξεν Ὅμηρος, - Τὴν γλῶσσαν δ’ ἐν _ὀπῇ_ τίς σ’ ἐδίδαξεν ἔχειν. - -(Homer taught you to utter your voice and speak whole words, but, -pray! who taught you to have your tongue in a hole?) Here ὀπὴ (hole) -obviously stands for the female organ,—a meaning omitted in the -Lexicons. - -[81] So too in the following Epigram of _Ausonius_ (127.), - - Eune, quod uxoris gravidae _putria inguina_ lambis, - Festinas glossas non natis tradere natis. - -(Eunus, you lick the flabby organs of your pregnant wife; is it you -are in a hurry to give learned explanations to your babes unborn?) -we should explain the _putria inguina_ not so much as _rotten_, -_ulcerous_, but rather as _laxata_ or _laxa_ (relaxed, flabby). -Similarly _Horace_, Epod. VIII. 7., speaks of _mammae putres_ (the -flabby dugs) of an old woman. - -[82] _Martial_, IX. 63., - - Ad coenam invitant omnes te, Phoebe, cinaedi: - Mentula quem pascit, non, puto, purus homo est. - -(All the _cinaedi_, Phoebus, invite you to dinner: a man the penis -feeds is not, I think, a _clean_ man). - -_Petronius_, Sat., Non taces, nocturne percussor, qui ne tum quidem, -quum fortiter faceres, cum _pura muliere_ pugnasti. (Silence, stabber -by night, who not even when you were at your best, ever faced _a clean -woman_). - -[83] _Martial_, Bk. IV. Epigr. 43. - -[84] _Persius_, Satir. V. 186-188. - -[85] _Wendelinus Hock de Brackenau_ entitled his Treatise on the -Venereal Disease: _Mentagra_, sive Tractatus de causis, praeseruatis, -regimine et cura Morbi Gallici, vulgo Mala Francosz., etc., (Mentagra, -or a Treatise on the Causes, Preventives, Treatment and Cure of the so -called French Disease, etc.). Strasburg 1514. 4to. _Sartorius_ Frid. -praes. _Conrad. Johrenio_, Diss. de mentagra ad loc. Plinii Secundi -hist. nat. lib. XXVI. cap. 1. (Dissertation on mentagra in connexion -with the passage of Pliny Secundus’ Hist. Naturalis bk. XXVI. ch. 1.). -Frankfurt-on-Oder N. D. 49 pp. 4to. Gives a sort of exegesis of the -passage, speaks in first place of new diseases in general, passes on to -the Venereal Disease, the antiquity of which the author upholds, and -finally discusses Mentagra, which he holds to be a leprous-syphilitic -affection. The work is still quite worth reading, more especially as -the author quotes some passages from the Chronicle of _Anhalt von -Beckmann_, at that time still unprinted, and which we find mentioned -hardly anywhere else. - -[86] _Hensler_, “Vom abendländischen Aussatze im Mittelalter”, (On -Occidental Leprosy in the Middle Ages). Hamburg 1790. pp. 67, 206, 307. - -[87] _Pliny_, Hist. Nat. Bk. XXVI. chs. 1, 2, 3. - -[88] _Galen_, De comp. med. secundum locos, edit. Kühn Vol. XII. p. -841. προσχαριζόμενον τῇ ἐξωτάτῳ γραμμῇ τοῦ λειχῆνος μικρόν τι τῶν -ἀπαθῶν σωμάτων. (giving up to the external mark of the scab yet another -small part of the bodies hitherto unaffected). - -[89] _Galen_, (De comp. med. secundum locos bk. V., edit. Kühn Vol. -XII. p. 830.) quotes from Criton the following description in further -confirmation: Πρὸς δὲ τοὺς ἐπὶ τῶν γενείων λειχῆνας πάθος ἀηδέστατον, -καὶ γὰρ κνησμοὺς ἐπιφέρει καὶ περίστασιν τῶν πεπονθότων καὶ κίνδυνον -οὐκ ὀλίγον, ἕρπει γὰρ ἔστιν ὅτε καθ’ ὅλου τοῦ προσώπου, καὶ ὀφθαλμῶν -_ἅπτεται_, καὶ σχεδὸν τῆς _ἀνωτάτω δυσμορφίας_ ἐστὶν αἴτιον, καὶ -διὰ τοῦτο χρηστέον ἂν εἴη ἐπιμελέστερον τῇ θεραπείᾳ, ἐφορῶντα τοὺς -_παροξυσμοὺς_ καὶ _τὰ διαλείμματα_ καὶ _συγκρίνοντα ἀπὸ τῶν κεχρονισμένων -τὰ νεοσύστατα_, ἐφ’ ὧν ἁρμόσει χρῆσθαι τοῖς ξηραίνουσι φαρμάκοις· _ὅταν -δ’ εἰς ψώραν ἢ λέπραν μεταπέσῃ_ πρὸς τοῖς ξηραίνουσι χρῆσθαι καὶ τοῖς -ῥύπουσιν. (But in the case of _lichenes_, scabs, on the chin the malady -is most troublesome. Now it brings on itchings and a critical condition -of the afflicted and no small danger; for it creeps sometimes over -the whole face, and _attacks the eyes_, and generally is productive -of the _most utter disfigurement_. Wherefore physicians should devote -more than ordinary care to its treatment, watching _the crises of the -malady, and the intervals, and judging from the symptoms that have -become chronic such as have but just broken out_, on the appearance of -which it will be expedient to exhibit siccative medicines. On the other -hand when _it has resolved itself into the itch or leprosy_, exhibit -cathartics in combination with the siccatives). The same is contributed -also by _Aëtius_, Tetrab. II. serm. 4. ch. 16. Besides the discrepant -statement to the effect that the eyes are attacked as well, the most -noteworthy points are the crises and intervals Mentagra went through, -and its passing over into Psora and Lepra (Itch and Leprosy). - -[90] _Galen_ and _Aëtius_, loco citato, give particulars of the -composition of a number of these. - -[91] _Gruner_, Morborum antiquitates pp. 162-171. - -[92] _J. C. Dieterich_, Iatreum Hippocraticum, continens Narthecium -medicinae veteris et novae (Hippocratic Remedies, containing a Treasury -of Ancient and Modern Medicine), Ulm 1661. 4to., p. 692. - -[93] Hence also _Diogenes Laertius_, VI. 2. 6., ἅλα λείχειν (to lick up -salt). - -[94] The explanation of _Galen_, De simpl. medicam. temperam. et -facult. bk. VII. ch. 11. 6. (edit. Kühn, XII. p. 57.): λειχὴν ὠνομάσθαι -δ’ οὕτω δοκεῖ διὰ τὸ λειχῆνας θεραπεύειν (and it seems lichen,—moss, is -so called because it cures lichenes,—scabs), is hardly likely to find -any one else to subscribe to it. - -[95] _Aristophanes_, Knights 1280-1283. In the Wasps, 1280-1283, -_Aristophanes_ says, speaking of the same Ariphrades: - - Εἶτ’ Ἀριφράδην πολύ τι θυμοσοφικώτατον, - ὃν τινά ποτ’ ὤμοσε μαθόντα παρὰ μηδενὸς, - ἀλλ’ ἀπὸ σοφῆς φύσεος αὐτόματον ἐκμαθεῖν - γλωττοποιεῖν εἰς τὰ πορνεῖ’ εἰσιόνθ’ ἑκάστοτε - -(Then Ariphrades, much more ingenious-clever, who he swore without -ever having learnt the trick from any, but all out of his own wisdom, -discovered how to work the tongue, going into the brothels everywhere). - -Also Peace 883-885.: - - ΤΡ. τίς; ΟΙΚ. ὅστις; Ἀριφράδης, - ἄγειν παρ’ αὑτὸν ἀντιβολῶν. ΤΡ. Ἀλλ', ὦ μέλε, - τὸν ζωμὸν αὐτῆς προσπεσὼν ἐκλάψεται. - -(_Trygaeus._ Who? _Servant._ Who? why Ariphrades, begging to bring her -to him. _Trygaeus._ But, dear man, he will fall on her, and lick up her -broth). - -[96] _Anthologia Graeca_, cum versione Latina _Hugonis Grotii_, -edita ab H. de Bosch (_Greek Anthology_, with Latin version by _Hugo -Grotius_, edit. H. de Bosch) Utrecht 1795. 4to., Vol. I. p. 38. bk. II. -Tit. 5. Epigr. 9. _Brunck’s_ Analecta, Vol. III. p. 165. Epigr. 76. -Here too should be quoted the following Epigram (_Brunck’s_ Analecta, -Vol. II. p. 386. Anthology, bk. II. Tit. 5. Epigr. 8.) of _Ammianus_, -which at the same time speaks for the general meaning of _licking_: - - Οὐχ ὅτι τὸν κάλαμον λείχεις, διὰ τοῦτό σε μισῶ, - Ἀλλ’ ὅτι τοῦτο ποιεῖς καὶ δίχα τοῦ καλάμου. - -(Not because you lick the _reed_, not for this do I abominate you; but -because you do so even without the reed). _Ausonius_, Epigr. 126., -endeavours in another way, by initial letters, to indicate λείχει (he -licks): - - Λαῒς, Ἔρως, et Ἴτυς, Χείρων et Ἔρως, Ἴτυς alter - Nomina siscribis, prima elementa adime: - Ut facias verbum, quod tu facis, Eune magister: - Dicere me Latium non decet opprobrium. - -(Λαῒς, Ἔρως, and Ἴτυς, Χείρων and Ἔρως, Ἴτυς repeated,—if you write -these names, then take off the first letters, you make a verb with them -that means what you do, learned Eunus; it does not become me to name -the abomination nation in Latian speech). At the same time we see from -this that in the IVth. Century, where _Ausonius_ lived at Bordeaux, the -vice of the _cunnilingue_ was still constantly practised and that not -even in secret. Should the words of _Clement of Alexandria_, Paedagog. -II. ch. 8. p. 178., also be brought into connection with this: ἡ δὲ -ἐπιτήδευσις τῆς εὐωδίας, δελεάρ ἐστι ῥαθυμίας, πόῤῥωθεν _εἰς λίχνον_ -ἐπιθυμίον ἐπισπωμένης. (And the cultivation of sweet perfume is a bait -of idleness, indirectly alluring to dainty voluptuousness)? The _male -olere_ (to have an evil smell) held good equally for the _cunnilingue_. - -_Diogenes Laertius_, V. 65., quotes verses of _Crates_, where we -read: οὔτε _λίχνος_, πόρνης ἐπαγγελλόμενος παρῇσι (nor dainty desire, -proclaimed on the cheeks of a harlot); the same occur also in _Clement -of Alexandria_, loco citato ch. 10. Finally yet another quotation, from -_Martial_ (XI. 59.), should come in here; he says to a pathic: - - At tibi nil faciam: sed lota mentula laeva - λειχάζειν cupidae dicet avaritiae, - -(But to _you_ I will do no harm; nay! rather shall my member, when -your left hand has done its work and been washed, say to your grasping -avarice,—now lick, fellate, me). This passage has been misunderstood by -most of the commentators, because they chose to read _lana_ (woollen -cloth) for _laeva_ (the left hand), or else thought to find here a -reference to manustupration (masturbation with the hand). But really -it means nothing more than that the poet declares he will resort to -_irrumation_, after his mentula (member) has been washed with the left -hand, [the Latin cannot mean this; _lotā_ is ablative case, and must -be taken with _laevā_. _Transl._],—a usage to which we shall come back -again subsequently; but which is at once clearly authenticated by a -fragment of _Lucilius_, where we read: - - Laeva lacrimas mutoni absterget amica. - -(With the left hand his mistress wipes the tears from his penis). - -[97] _Galen_, Isagoge ch. 18. (edit. Kühn Vol. XIV. 779). - -[98] _Galen_, loco citato ch. 13. pp. 657, 758. - -[99] _Plato_, Phaedo p. 81 A., οἱ ἀφικομένη ὑπάρχει αὐτῇ εὐδαίμονι -εἶναι, πλάνης καὶ ἀγνοιας καὶ φόβων καὶ _ἀγρίων ἐρώτων_ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων -κακῶν τῶν ἀνθρωπείων ἀπηλλαγμένῃ. (So having come there, the soul is -in a state of assured happiness being free of error and ignorance and -fear, and _fierce passions_ and the other ills of mankind). - -[100] _Plutarch_, De solert. anim. p. 972 D., _Ἔρωτες_ δὲ πολλῶν οἱ μὲν -ἄγριοι καὶ περιμανεῖς γεγόνασιν, οἱ δὲ ἔχοντες οὐκ ἀπάνθρωπον ὡραϊσμόν. -(But for the passions of many, some are naturally fierce and frantic, -but there are others again that show no anti-social effeminacy). The -_Etymologicum Magnum_ says: ἄγριοι οἱ παιδεράσται, ἤτοι _ὅτι ἄγριόν -ἐστι τὸ πάθος_ ἡ παιδεραστία. (wild,—means the paederasts, that is, -because the _passion of paederastia is a wild one_). Perhaps too the -phrase of Theocritus is referable to the same: ἄγριον, ἄγριον ἕλκος -ἔχει κατὰ μηρὸν Ἄδωνις (a savage, savage wound has Adonis in the thigh). - -[101] In _Hesychius_ occurs also the form ἀγριοψωρία (malignant -itch). Whether the latter is connected with our subject, technical -investigations must inform us. The passing over of Mentagra into Psora -(Itch) points that way. - -[102] Willian, “Die Hautkrankheiten” (Skin-Diseases), transl. by F. -Friese, Breslau 1794. 4to., Vol. 1. pp. 29 and 32. - -[103] _Paulus Aegineta_, De re Med. bk. IV. ch. 3., ἀγρίους δὲ -καλοῦσι λειχήνας τοὺς ὑπὸ τῶν μετρίως ξηραινόντων οὐδὲν ὀνιναμένους. -ὑπὸ δὲ τῶν σφοδρῶς παροξύνοντας. (now they call _malignant lichens_ -those which get no benefit from the milder siccatives, and are actually -aggravated by the more violent). - -[104] _Oribasius_, De morb. curat., edit. Eunap. bk. III. ch. -59., in Steph. collect. p. 637., Ergo quibus nihil affertur auxilii -ab iis medicamentis quae mediocriter siccant et exacerbantur ab iis -quae siccant vehementer, eas λειχῆνας ἄγριους vocant. (Accordingly such -_lichens_ as are in no way benefited by remedies that are moderate -siccatives, and are aggravated by those that are violent ones, these -they call λειχῆνας ἀγρίους (malignant lichens)). - -[105] _Jöhrens_, in his Dissertation already cited speaks -thus on the subject (p. 47): “De feminis, cum suavia maritorum evitare -nequiverint, quomodo ab ista infectione liberae evaserint, maius -restat dubium: nos opinamur, cum viri barbam saepius radi soliti -fuerint, ea propter patentibus a novacula poris virulentum illud -fermentum aut incentivum toxicum facilis sese insinuare et characterem -suum imprimere; imberbes contra feminas, glabritie cutis resistente -_porisque minus patulis_, sospitari potuisse.” (In the case of women, -when they have been unable to avoid the caresses of husbands, it -remains very doubtful how they have got off free from this infection. -Our own opinion is that as men have always been accustomed to have the -beard shaved frequently, for this reason the pores being opened more -widely by the action of the razor, that virulent ferment and active -poison creeps in more easily and produces its characteristic effect. On -the other hand women being beardless, the baldness of the skin offering -an obstacle and the _pores being less open_, have been able to escape). - -[106] However this did happen in isolated cases, as is shown -by the example of Philaenis, who indeed was a Tribad properly, in -_Martial_, bk. VII. Epigr. 67., - - Post haec omnia cum libidinatur, - Non fellat, putat hoc parum virile. - Sed plane medias vorat puellas. - Di mentem tibi dent tuam, Philaeni, - Cunnum lingere quae putas virile. - -(After all these indulgences when she still feels lustful, she does not -_fellate_, this she deems unmanly; she just mouths girls’ middles. The -gods give you your desire, Philaenis, you who think it a _manly_ vice -to act the cunnilingue). Comp. bk. IV. Epigr. 41. But it was always a -very exceptional thing to find this vice practised among women; in fact -_Juvenal_, Sat. II. 47-49., denies it altogether: - - Non erit ullum - Exemplum in nostro tam detestabile sexu, - Taedia non lambit Cluviam, nec Flora Catullam. - -(No such detestable example is to be found in our sex,—Taedia does not -lick Cluvia, nor Flora Catulla). - -[107] It is a surprising circumstance that the words _basium_, -_basiare_, _basiator_ (kiss, to kiss, kisser) appear only to have -come into use by the Romans from the time of Catullus onwards, and -are found almost exclusively in Martial, Juvenal and the still later -Petronius, so coinciding with a period in which dissoluteness of morals -had reached the highest pitch among the Romans. Some would derive the -word _basium_ from βάζω, loqui, (to speak); so perhaps it may have been -used in a similar way to narrare (to tell) in _Martial_ (III. 84.) in -the sense of _cunnilingere_. Βάζω, βαίνω, βεινῶ and βινῶ (to speak, -to go, to have sexual intercourse) seem all to have one and the same -stem. The second of the two Epigrams of _Martial_ quoted in the text -reminds us almost involuntarily of the first Tarsica of Chrysostom. -Apparently _basium_ and _basiare_ always imply a _vicious kiss_, to -_kiss viciously_, in a general way. Hence _Martial_, XI. 62., Mediumque -mavult basiare quam summum, (And she had rather kiss his middle than -his head). _Petronius_, Sat., Ultime cinaedus supervenit,—extortis -nos clunibus cecidit, modo basiis olidissimis inquinavit. (Finally a -_cinaedus_ appeared,—he made at us with writhing buttocks, and anon -befouled us with most evil-smelling kisses). - -[108] _Galen_, loco citato, mentions in particular the -physicians. _Crito_ and _Pamphilus_, who lived in the reign of -Domitian, and who accordingly were contemporaries of _Martial’s_, as -pre-eminently successful in the treatment of _mentagra_. - -[109] Also _Hippocrates_, De aere aq. et loc. p. 549. Vol. I. -ed. Kühn, says: ἀλλὰ τὴν _ἡδονὴν κρατέειν_, διότι πολύμορφα γίνεται -τὰ ἐν τοῖς θηρίοις· περὶ μὲν οὖν _Αἰγυπτίων_ καὶ Λιβύων οὕτως ἔχειν -μοι δοκεῖ. (But that _love of pleasure_ gained the mastery, inasmuch -as the passions in beasts are of many forms; now with regard to the -_Egyptians_ and Libyans this seems to me to be the case). - -[110] _Julian_, Caesares, in “Opera Omnia” Paris 1630. 4to., -Pt. II. p. 9., Ἐπιστραφέντες δὲ πρὸς τὴν καθέδραν ὤφθησαν ὠτειλαὶ κατὰ -τὸν νῶτον μυρίαι, καυτῆρες τινὲς καὶ ξέσματα, καὶ πληγαὶ χαλεπαὶ καὶ -μώλωπες, ὑπὸ τῆς ἀκολασίας καὶ ὠμότητος, ψωραί τινες καὶ λειχῆνες, οἷον -ἐγκεκαυμέναι. (for translation see text). - -[111] _Suetonius_, Vita Tiberii ch. 68. - -[112] _Tacitus_, Annals bk. IV. ch. 57. - -[113] _Galen_, De composit. medicament. secundum genera bk. V. -ch. 12. edit. Kühn Vol. XIII. p. 836. - -[114] _Bertrandi_, “Abh. von den Geschwüren” (Treatise on -Ulcers) from the Italian. Erfurt 1790. 8vo. § 200. - -[115] _Aëtius_, Tetrab. II. serm. 4. ch. 16., Quandoquidem -vero plurimi sunt qui illitionum usum aversantur, _maluntque adhibere -emplastra_, utpote quae neque per sudores obtortos defluant, neque -rarefacta etiam cutem circumtendant, annectam et horum aliquot -apparatus. (However, inasmuch as there are many who are opposed to the -use of salves, and prefer to apply plasters, on the ground that the -latter are not liable to run through sweatings that are superinduced -nor yet to liquify and spread on the skin, I will add some forms of -these plasters). - -[116] _Plinius Valerianus_, De re medica bk. II. 56., Graeco -nomine lichenes appellatur, quod vulgo mentagram appellant, et est -vitium, quod per totam faciem solet serpere, oculis tantum immunibus; -descendit vero in collum et pectus ac manus, foedat cutem; eosque, -qui sic vexantur, osculari non convenit, quoniam contactus eorum -perniciosus fore perhibetur. (In Greek nomenclature the name _lichenes_ -is given to what the common people call _mentagra_, and is a malady -that as a rule creeps over the whole face, the eyes alone being -unaffected. But it also goes down to the neck and breast and hands, -disfiguring the skin. It is not right for those so afflicted to kiss, -for their contact is said to be injurious.)—_Marcellus Empiricus_, De -med. liber ch. 19., Ad lichenem sive mentagram, quod vitium neglectum -solet per totam faciem et per totum corpus serpere et plures homines -inquinare. Nam Soranus medicus quondam ducentis hominibus hoc morbo -laborantibus curandis in Aquitania se locavit. (For _lichen_ or -_mentagra_, a malady which if neglected will creep over the whole face -and the whole body, and disfigures many men. Indeed Soranus a Physician -at one time sold his professional services in Aquitania to two hundred -patients suffering from this disease). - -[117] _Marcellus Empiricus_, De medicam. liber ch. 19., -Adversum _Elephantiasin, quod malum plerumque a facie auspicatur, -primumque oritur quasi lenticulis variis et inaequalibus, cute alba, -alibi tenui, plerisque locis dura et quasi scabida et ad postremum sic -increscit ut ossibus, caro adstricta, tumescentibus primum digitis -atque articulis indurescat_. Hic morbus peculiariter Aegyptiorum -populis notus est nec solum in vulgus extremum, sed etiam reges ipsos -frequenter irrepsit, unde adversus hoc malum solia ipsis in balneo -repleta humano sanguine parabantur. Mustelae igitur exustae cinis -et eiusdem belluae, id est elephantis sanguis immixtus et inlitus, -huiusmodi corporibus medetur. (_Against _elephantiasis_, which malady -is generally seen in the face, beginning first with a sort of scales of -various shape and different size, the skin being white, in some parts -thick, in others thin, in most places hard and with a sort of scab over -it; eventually the malady increases to such a degree that the flesh is -as it were drawn tight over the bones, the fingers and joints swelling -first, and becomes indurated._ This disease was particularly familiar -among the peoples of Egypt, and not merely did it affect the lowest -vulgar, but even frequently crept in amongst kings themselves, whence -it came that, to combat the evil, baths filled with human blood were -prepared for them in the bath-house. The ashes therefore of a burned -weasel and the blood of the corresponding beast, that is to say the -elephant, were mixed together and used as an ointment in the remedial -treatment of bodies so afflicted).—_Actuarius_, Meth. med. bk. VI. ch. -6. On diseases of the _Face_, reads: Ad affectus eminentes, _facieique -pruritus ac principum elephantiae_, (For the principal affections, -_itchings of the face and the beginnings of elephantiasis_). Again -_Aretaeus_, De sign. chron. bk. II. ch. 13. edit. Kühn p. 179., says: -τὰ πολλὰ μὲν ὅκως καὶ _ἀπὸ σκοπιῆς τοῦ προσώπου ἀρχόμενον_ τηλεφανὲς -πῦρ κακόν, (Most oftentimes resembling a far-seen bale-fire _beginning -from the watchtower, as it were, of the face_). - -[118] Commentar. in Horatium. Antwerp 1608. Vol. II. p. 469. - -[119] _Zachar. Platner_, De Morbo Compano ad verba Horatii bk. -I. Sat. V. v. LXII. prolusio (Dissertation on the Companian Disease -as mentioned by Horace). Leipzig 1732. 4to., also reprinted in his -Opuscula, Leipzig 1794. 4to. Vol. II. pp. 21-28. The author holds the -disease to have been a sort of warts, having a resemblance with those -observed in Syphilitic patients.—_Nebel_, E. L. W., De morbis veterum -obscuris (On some Obscure Diseases of the Ancients), Sect. I., Giessen -1794. 8vo. pp. 18-25. The author believes the Morbus Campanus to have -been identical with Sycosis or θύμιον (large wart), but to have had no -connection with the _Lues Venerea_ (Venereal Contagion). - -[120] Noteworthy is the explanation of _Isidore_, Etymol. bk. -IV. ch. 9. 17., _Oscedo_ est, qua infantum ora exulcerantur, dicta -a languore oscitantium. (_Oscedo_ is a complaint whereby children’s -mouths become ulcerated, so called from the languor of those gaping); -the latter part is unintelligible. Were these _oscitantes_ (gapers) -possibly _fellators_? _Lucian_, Pseudolog. ch. 27. says of Timarchus, -ἀναπετάσας τὸ στόμα, καὶ ὡς ἔνι πλατύτατον κεχηνὼς, ἠνείχου τυφλούμενος -ὑπ’ αὐτοῦ τὴν γνάθον. (and with a gape as wide as is possible to make, -you were borne away, your jaw blocked by him). - -[121] _Horace_, Odes III. 27. 11. _Ausonius_, Idyll. XI. 15. - -[122] _Luxus_ in the sense of sexual excess occurs not -unfrequently in ancient writers, e. g. in _Tacitus_, Hist. IV. 14., -_Suetonius_, Nero 29. _Capua luxurians_ is well known from the -history of Hannibal. It is worth noting that _Paracelsus_ gives the -name _luxus_ to Venereal disease; he says, De causis et origine luis -Gallicae, (Of the Causes and Origin of the French Contagion), bk. I. -ch. 5.: _Luxus_ autem nomen quod attinet, illud ab influentia, id -est, efficiente causa desumptum esse intelligendum est. Est autem -_luxus_ irritatio quaedam ac titillatus spermatis, ad perficiendum -actum venereum, a morbis in corpore latentibus causata, itaque Veneris -impressione a morbo in actu ipso facta, tum ex vulgari luxu fit -_luxus morbi_ seu _morbidus_. Proinde _luxus_ hic non naturalis sed -_Satyricus_ dicendus erit. (But _luxus_ the name that is applied to -it, this name must be understood as being taken from the influencing -circumstance or efficient cause. Now _luxus_ is a certain irritation or -tickling of the seed, leading to the performance of the Venereal act -and caused by diseases latent in the body, and so a strong motion of -love being made in consequence of the disease in the act itself, then -from the common expression _luxus_, is formed _luxus_ of the disease, -or morbid _luxus_. It follows this _luxus_ will have to be called not -natural, but _Satyric luxus_). - -[123] Possibly a _double entendre_ lurks even in the _ad -pugnam venere_ (they came to the fight). _Festus_, under the word, -says: Osculana pugna in proverbio, quo significabatur victos vincere, -(An Osculan—otherwise Asculan,—fight a proverbial saying that signified -the vanquished being victorious). The Roman general Laevinus was beaten -by King Pyrrhus at Asculum, soon after at the same place the King was -himself beaten by Sulpicius. - -[124] Ovid, De arte amandi bk. III. v. 778., Nunquam -Thebais Hectoreo nupta resedit equo, (Never did his Theban -bride—Andromaché,—sit on the Hectorean stallion). Comp. _Martial_, bk. -XI. Epigr. 105. - -[125] It is worthy of note that _Rhazes_, Elchavi seu -Continens, Brescia 1486. fol., p. 276., mentions certain ulcers on -the verge, that come from _ascensio mulieris supra virum_ (the woman -getting on the man)! - -[126] _Seneca_, Nat. Quaest. bk. I. ch. 16., also says of -Hostius, who had contrived magnifying mirrors for his use, in order -to see himself in all positions: Et quia non tam diligenter intueri -poterat, _cum compressus erat et caput merserat, inguinibusque -alienis obhaeserat_, opus sibi suum per imagines offerebat, (But -as he could not so accurately see, when he was shut in and had -plunged down his head, and was fast to another’s private parts, -under those circumstances he had his doings represented to him by -pictures).—_Catullus_, LXXXIII. 7., - - Nam nihil est quidquam sceleris quo prodeat ultra, - Non si _demisso_ se ipse voret _capite_. - -(For there exists no further form of wickedness that he can resort -to,—not even if he devour himself _with down-pressed head_). -_Propertius_, bk. II. 15. 22., Mecum habuit positum lenta puella caput, -(A limber girl held her head down-pressed along with me). - -[127] Equum, qui nunc aries appellatur, in muralibus machinis, -Epeum ad Troiam (sc. invenisse), (The horse, which now is called the -ram, among engines for attacking walls, Epeus invented at Troy), says -_Pliny_, Hist. Nat. bk. VII. ch. 57. (edit. Franz, Vol. III. p. 287.); -similarly _Pausanias_, bk. I. ch. 23., ἵππος δούρειος μηχάνημα εἰς -διάλυσιν τοῦ τείχους (a horse of wood an engine for the destruction -of the wall). Further ἵππος (horse) is used as a nickname for a lewd -man. The Scholiast on _Oribasius_, Collect. Med. bk. XXIV. ch. 8. in -_A. Mai_, Auct. Class. e vatican. codd. edit. Vol. IV. p. 30. mentions -ἵππος πύργος (horse tower), but in what sense we have not been able to -decide. - -[128] _Mutilus_, κολοβὸς, κόλος, the special expression -for beasts that have lost one or both horns. Thus _mutilus aries_ (a -mutilated, hornless, ram) _Columella_ de R.R. VII. 3., _capella mutila_ -(mutilated she-goat) VII. 6., _bos mutilus_ (mutilated ox) _Varro_, De -ling. Lat. VIII. ch. 26. (Heindorf). - -[129] The Scholiast _Acro_ even in his time says on this -passage: Campanum in morbum. Aut oris foeditatem aut arrogantiam. -Dicuntur enim Campani foedi osse, arrogantes. Sic foeda accipiamus. -Aliter, Campani, qui et Osci dicebantur ore immundi. Unde etiam Oscenos -dicimus. (As to the Campanian disease, this is either foulness of -mouth, or arrogance. For the Campanians are said to be foul, arrogant. -So let us take it as foul. In another sense, the Campanians, who -were also called Oscans are filthy of mouth. For which reason we say -_Osceni_—obscene). _Lambinus_ expresses himself yet more distinctly: -Campani, qui antea Osci dicebantur, habiti sunt ore impuro atque -incesto; τοῦτ’ ἔστι τῷ στόματι αἰσχροποιοῦντες καὶ λεσβιάζοντες, -morbum igitur animi intellige, ut Od. I. 37. (The Campanians, -who were previously called Oscans, were considered of impure and -abominable mouth; that is to say as acting uncleanly with the mouth or -_Lesbianizing_; understand therefore a mental disease, as in Od. I. -37.). The Latin _Morbus_ is frequently so used. - -[130] _Homer_, Iliad XI. 233. - - (κἀκείνου) - Ἀτρείδης μὲν ἅμαρτε, παραὶ δέ οἱ ἐτράπετ’ ἔγχος· - αἰχμὴ δ’ ἐξεσύθη παρὰ νείατον ἀνθερεῶνα. - -(Now him Atreides missed, and his spear was turned aside past him, -and the point sped rushing past the very edge of his chin). Similarly -_Diogenes_ according to Diogenes Laertius’ (VI. 53.) report parodied the -Homeric verse (Iliad X. 282): “No sleeper must drive a spear through -your back,” as he woke a handsome youth, who lay incautiously asleep. - -[131] In _Festus_, under the word bigenera (hybrids), we read: -_Cicursus_ ex apro et scropha domestica, (_Cicursus_ from the wildboar -and the domestic sow). Comp. _Varro_, De L. L. bk. VII. p. 368. edit. -Sp. - -[132] _Aristotle_, De Generatione Animalium, bk. IV. ch. 3., -Παραπλήσιον τούτῳ καὶ τὸ νόσημα τὸ καλούμενον σατυρίασις· καὶ γὰρ ἐν -τούτῳ διὰ ῥεύματος ἢ πνεύματος ἀπέπτου πλῆθος εἰς τὰ μόρια τοῦ προσάπου -παρεμπεσόντος ἄλλου ζώου καὶ σατύρου φαίνεται τὸ πρόσωπον. (Akin to -this also is the disease known as Satyriasis; for in this complaint, in -consequence of the super-abundance of rheum or crude humour that has -become segregated to the regions of the face, the latter seems that of -a strange animal or a Satyr). - -[133] Besides Acro, _Florus Christianus_ also, in his notes on -Aristophanes’ Wasps v. 1337., referred the morbus Campanus to -_fellation_, saying, Hac detestanda libidine iuxta Lesbios usi sunt -_etiam Campani_ sive Nolani, ut ex Ausonio et Horatio patet, quorum -testimonia non arcessam, quia hoc occupatum ab eruditioribus. Hoc -tantum dicam, aenigma illud, quod in Clodii Metelli uxorem iactum -putant: In triclinio Coa, in cubiculo Nola, respicere ad hanc Lesbiam -et Campanam foeditatem. (This hateful form of lust was practised by -the _Campanians_ or Nolans, as well as by the Lesbians, as is manifest -from what Ausonius and Horace say,—whose evidence however I will not -quote, this ground being already preoccupied by more learned writers. -This much only will I add, viz. the riddle that was directed against -the wife of Metellus Clodius: “On the banquet-couch a Coan, in the -bed-chamber a Nolan,” and which is thought to allude to this Lesbian -and Campanian abomination). The riddle is found in _Quintilian_, -Instit. Orat. VIII. 6.; but is differently explained in Forberg, loco -citato p. 283. He says: _Coam_ dici, quod voluerit in triclinio coire, -_Nolam_, quod noluerit in cubiculo, (that she was called a _Coan_, -because willing to have intercourse on the banquet-couch, a Nolan, -because unwilling to do so in the bed-chamber), that is to say, Clodia -would satisfy her lust only publicly, not in private. - -[134] _Hier. Magius_, Bk. V. De sodomitica immanitate ad Leg. cum vir -nubit. 31. C. ad leg. Jul. De adulter.—_Wolfart_, Diss. de sodomia vera -et spuria in hermaphrod. Erfurt 1743.—_Bechmann_, De coitu damnato. Pt. -II, ch. 1.—_Schurig_, Gynaecology, § 2. ch. 7. - -[135] _Plutarch_, Bruta animalia ratione uti, (That brutes employ -reason), ch. 15. - -[136] Lucretius, De rerum natura, bk. V. 888., - - Ne forte ex homine et veterino semine equorum - Confieri credas Centauros posse, nec esse. - -(Never suppose that the Centaurs _could_ be framed from man and -the bestial seed of horses, and _were_ not so framed). _Clement of -Alexandria_, Coh. p. 51. Aristonymus the Ephesian begat with a she-ass, -Fulvius Stella with a mare, the former a girl, the latter a boy. -_Plutarch_, Parall. ch. 26. - -[137] Leviticus, Ch. XX, 15-19., “And if a man lie with a beast, he -shall surely be put to death: and ye shall slay the beast. And if a -woman approach unto any beast, and lie down thereto, thou shalt kill -the woman, and the beast: they shall surely be put to death.” Comp. -_Philo_, De specialibus legibus,—Works, edit. Mangey, Vol. II. p. 307. - -[138] _Plutarch_, Bruta animalia ratione uti, (That brutes employ -Reason), ch. X., ὁ Μενδήσιος ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ τράγος λέγεται πολλαῖς καὶ -καλαῖς συνειργνυμένος γυναιξὶν οὐκ εἶναι μίγνυσθαι πρόθυμος· ἀλλὰ πρὸς -τὰς αἰγας ἐπτόηται μᾶλλον. (The Mendesian Goat in Egypt is said, though -shut up with many beautiful women, not to be eager to have intercourse -with them; but rather is he inflamed towards the she-goats). Yet this -did sometimes happen; _Herodotus_, Hist. bk. II. ch. 46., Καλεῖται δὲ -ὅ τε τράγος καὶ ὁ Πὰν Αἰγυπτιστὶ Μένδης· ἐγένετο δ’ ἐν τῷ νομῷ τούτῳ -ἐπ’ ἐμεῦ τοῦτο τὸ τέρας. γυναικὶ τράγος ἐμίσγετο ἀναφανδόν· τοῦτο ἐς -ἐπίδεξιν ἀνθρώπων ἀπίκετο. (Now the goat and Pan are called in Egyptian -Mendes; and there occurred in this district in my time the following -marvel,—a he-goat had intercourse with a woman openly; and this came -to be an example among men). Strabo. XVII. p. 802., Μένδης, ὅπου τὸν -Πᾶνα τιμῶσι, καὶ ζωὸν τράγον· οἱ τράγοι ἐνταῦθα γυναιξὶ μίγνυνται. -(Mendes, where they honour Pan, and a live goat; the he-goats there -have intercourse with women). In a fragment (from Pindar) there given, -we read: - - ἔσχατον Νείλου κέρας αἰγιβάται - ὅθι τράγοι γυναιξὶ μίγνυνται. - -(The furthest mouth of the Nile, where bucking he-goats conjoin with -women). The Museum Herculanense actually preserves representations -of the thing on Monuments. _Plutarch_, De solertia animalium (Of the -Intelligence of Animals), ch. 49., relates a similar case even with -crocodiles, which was said to have happened at Antaeopolis. - -[139] _Boettiger_, “Sabina oder Morgenscenen in Putzzimmer einer -Römerin,” (Sabina, or Morning Scenes at the Toilette of a Roman Lady), -Bk. II. p. 454. - -[140] _Pliny_, Hist. Nat. Bk. XXXIX. ch. 4., Anguis Aesculapius -Epidauro Romam advectus est, vulgoque pascitur et in domibus. (The -snake of Aesculapius was introduced from Epidaurus to Rome, and is very -commonly kept there, even in houses). _Martial_, bk. VII. Epigr. 86., -Si gelidum collo nectit Gracilla draconem. (If Gracilla twines a clammy -snake round her neck). Comp. _Lucian_, Alexander, Works, Vol. IV. p. -259. _Philostratus_, Heroic. Bk. VIII. ch. 1. - -[141] Suetonius, Vita Augusti, ch. 94. - -[142] This last statement acquires no little additional interest from -the fact that according to more modern observations on the part of _J. -Carver_ (Voyage dans l’Amérique Sept., etc. trad. de l’Anglais,—Travels -in North America, etc., transl. from the English, Yverdun 1784., pp. -355 sqq.) and Crêve-Cœur (Lettres du Cultivateur Américain,—Letters -from an American Farmer, Vol. III. p. 48), the bite of the rattle-snake -would appear to call up on the skin of the person bitten, each -recurrent year, marks resembling the hue of the snake. Comp. _C. W. -Stark_, “Allgem. Pathologie” (General Pathology), Leipzig 1838. p. -364. Perhaps too the expression κίναδος belongs in this connection, -of which the Scholiast on Aristophanes, Clouds 447., says, εἶδός τι -θηρίου.—κακοῦργος οὖν, φησὶν, ὡς ἀλώπηξ, τινὲς δὲ κίναδος ζῶον μικρὸν -_τὸ αἰδοῖον εἰςσωθοῦν καὶ ἐξωθοῦν_. (a kind of beast,—mischievous, -they say, as a fox, but others say κίναδος means a little animal that -_forces its way in and out of the privates_). Suidas brings forward the -same statement, under the word κίναδος. From the connection in which -_Democritus_ mentions it in Stobaeus’ Sermon. 42., περὶ κιναδέων τε καὶ -ἑρπετέων (Of κίναδοι and Creeping Things), _Schmeider_ in his Lexicon -supposes it to signify _snakes_ particularly. Again _Schnieder_, -Arrian’s Indica p. 50., interprets it by ὄφις (a snake). The close -resemblance with κίναιδος (Cinaedus) is striking. - -[143] _Juvenal_, Sat. VI. 332, 33. - - Hic si - Quaeritur, et desunt homines: more nulla per ipsam, - Quominus imposito clunem summittat _asello_. - -(If he is sought in vain, and men are not to be found; _she_ makes no -delay, but straightway submits her rear to the _donkey_ that is made to -mount her). Comp. _Appuleius_, Metamorphos. Bk. X. 226. Pasiphaé’s bull -is familiar to all. Comp. Suetonius, Nero II. Martial, Spectac. VI. - -[144] _Jo. Jac. Reiske_ and _Jo. Ern. Fabri_, Opuscula medica ex -monumentis Arabum et Ebraeorum, (Minor Medical Treatises derived from -the Monuments of the Arabs and Jews), Revised edition by _Ch. G. -Gruner_, Halle 1776. 8vo., p. 61. - -[145] _Hippocrates_, De aere aq. et loc., edit. Kühn Vol. I. p. 549. - -[146] Comp. _Simon Zeller von Zellenberg_, Abhandl. über die ersten -Erscheinungen venerischer Lokal-Krankheitsformen und deren Behandlung, -(Treatise on the first Appearances of Local Forms of Venereal disease, -and their Treatment), (One treatise under six heads),—Vienna 1820. -large 8vo. pp. 11-18. - -[147] According to _Al. Donné_, Recherches microscopiques sur la -nature des mucus et la matière des divers écoulements des organes -genitourinaires chez l’homme et chez la femme, (Microscopic Researches -into the Nature of the Mucous Secretions and the Constituents of the -Various Discharges from the genito-urinary Organs in Male and Female), -Paris 1837., the vaginal mucus disengaged under normal circumstances -_always exhibits an acid reaction_. - -[148] According to _J. P. Schotte_, Von einem ansteckenden, -schwarzgallichten Faulfieber, welches im Jahr 1778 in Senegall -herrschte, (Account of a Contagious, black biliary, putrid Fever, -prevalent in Senegal in the Year 1778), from the English (Stendal) -1786. 8vo., p. 103., both men and women in Senegal get ulcers, quite -without any syphilitic contagion, in the one sex on the _glans penis_ -or the under side of the prepuce, in the other on the inner side of the -_labia_. - -[149] _Virey_, De la Femme, 2nd. edition, Brussels 1826., p. 70., -En effet, dans la chaleur, lorsque les excrétions de la peau, des -glandes sébacées, des cryptes du vagin, augmentent en abondance et -en fétidité, il n’est pas étonnant que le sang menstruel, pour peu -qu’il séjourne en ces parties voisines de l’anus, qui sont dans un -état d’orgasme, acquière bientôt de l’odeur. (Indeed in a hot climate, -when the secretions from the skin, from the sebaceous glands, from the -recesses of the vagina, increase in abundance and in foulness, it is -not surprising that the menstrual blood, remaining for a time as it -does in the regions contiguous to the anus, these regions being in a -state of sur-excitation, quickly acquires an evil smell). So _Haller_ -too says (Elem. Physiolog. Vol. VII. pt. II. p. 146.), _Ex Asia -videtur opinio de menstrui sanguinis foetida et venenata natura ad nos -pervenisse_, et per medicos potissimum Arabes ad Europaeos transiisse. -In calidissimis certe regionibus, si ad aestuosum aerem immundities -accesserit, non repugnat, sanguinem in loco calente, in vicinia faecum -alvinarum retentum, acrem fieri et foetire.... _Lentorem aliquem possit -mucus admistus addidisse._ (_It is from Asia that the opinion as to the -fetid and poisonous character of menstrual blood would seem to have -come to us_, being transmitted mainly by the Arab physicians to those -of Europe. No doubt in very hot climates, if dirty habits be added to -the extreme heat of the atmosphere, there is nothing at all unlikely -in the blood, retained as it is in a hot locality, in close proximity -to the faeces in the bowels, growing sour and smelling foul.... _A -certain viscous quality may very well have been added by the admixture -of mucous discharge_). What has been observed as to the injuriousness -of menstrual blood by our predecessors since _Pliny_ (Hist. Nat. VII. -15. XIX. 10. XXVIII. 7.) may be found partially collected in _Schurig_, -Parthenologia 227-240. Comp. _Frank de Frankenau_, Satyrae Medicae -(Medical Satires), p. 89. Comp. pp. 54. sqq.—_Hensler_, Geschichte der -Lustseuche, (History of Venereal Disease), Vol. I. pp. 204. sqq., where -it is demonstrated that a great proportion of the Writers on Venereal -disease at the beginning of the XVIth. Century attribute its rise to -intercourse with women during menstruation. - -[150] _Burdach_, Die Physiologie als Erfahrungswissenschaft, -(Physiology as an Experimental Science), 2nd. edition, Vol. I. p. -196.—_Boerhaave_, Tract. de lue venerea, (Treatise on Venereal -Contagion), Venice 1753., p. 6., says, In Asia ad partes genitales sub -praeputio naturaliter sordes colliguntur, quae acres redditae generant -multa mala, quae praecipue ad luem veneream accedere proxime videntur; -non vere sunt lues venerea; imo nostri nautae hoc etiam experiuntur, -dum in illis terris degunt, nam nisi quotidie praeputium eluerent aqua -salsa et aceto, vel similibus remediis brevi eodem morbo laborarent. -(In Asia filth of sorts naturally enough collects on the genital parts -beneath the prepuce, and this turning sour originates many complaints, -which seem above all others to approximate closely to the Venereal -disease. This our sailors found out, when living in those regions; for -if they did not daily thoroughly wash the prepuce with salt water and -vinegar, or similar remedies, they would soon suffer from the disease -in question). - -[151] _Thevenot_, Travels, Pt. I., p. 58., says, “The Arabs in fact -have the prepuce so long that, if they did not have it circumcised, -they would suffer much inconvenience from it; and little children are -to be seen among them whose prepuce hangs down to a very considerable -length;—not to mention that, supposing their foreskin uncircumcised, -every time after passing water some drops would remain behind, -rendering them unclean.” - -[152] _Niebuhr_, Beschreibung von Arabien, (Description of Arabia) -Copenhagen 1772. 4to., p. 77. - -[153] _Josephus_, Contra Apionem bk. II. ch. 13., ὅθεν εἰκότως μοι -δοκεῖ τῆς εἰς τοὺς πατρίους αὐτοῦ νόμους βλασφημίας δοῦναι δίκην -Ἀπίων τὴν πρέπουσαν· περιετμήθη γὰρ ἐξ ἀνάγκης, _ἑλκώσεως αὐτῷ περὶ -τὸ αἰδοῖον γενομένης_· καὶ μηδὲν ὠφεληθεὶς ὑπὸ τῆς περιτομῆς ἀλλὰ -σηπόμενος ἐν δειναῖς ὀδύναις ἀπέθανεν. (for translation see text). -The expression περὶ τὸ αἰδοῖον (about the privates) is evidently to -be understood here as meaning the _glans penis_, or at any rate the -prepuce. This is implied by the general sense of the whole passage. - -[154] _Philo_, De circumcisione, Works edit. Th. Mangey Vol. II. p. -211. Ἓν μὲν, χαλεπῆς νόσου καὶ δυσιάτου πάθους ἀπαλλαγὴν, ἣν _ἄνθρακα -καλοῦσιν_, ἀπὸ τοῦ καίειν ἐντυφόμενον, ὡς οἶμαι, ταύτης τῆς προσηγορίας -τυχόντος, ἥτις οὐ κολώτερον τοῖς τὰς ἀκροποσθίας ἔχουσιν ἐγγίνετο· -Δεύτερον, τὴν δι’ ὅλου τοῦ σώματος καθαρότητα πρὸς τὸ ἁρμόττειν τάξει -ἱερωμένῃ. Παρ’ ὃ καὶ ξυρῶντο τὰ σώματα προσυπερβάλλοντες οἱ ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ -τῶν ἱερέων. ὑποσυλλέγετο γὰρ καὶ ὑποστέλλει καὶ θριξὶ καὶ ποσθίαις ἔνια -τῶν ὀφειλόντων καθαίρεσθαι. (for translation see text above). - -[155] That is to say so far as it is suffered to remain for any -length of time in the vagina and comes more or less in contact with -the atmospheric air; for in the case of healthy menstrual blood no -injurious combination is set up at all or any foul acridity developed, -as _John Stedman_ (Physiolog. Versuche und Beobachtungen,—Physiological -Investigations and Observations, transl. from the English, Leipzig -1778. 8vo., pp. 50-54.) long ago maintained. It is more probable -however that any slight putrefactive action occurring is in each case -due not so much to this as to the _acid quality_ of the menstrual -blood, which in conjunction with the acid vaginal mucus undergoes -a kind of acetous fermentation in the vagina, the product of which -has thus a corrosive effect. _Retzius_ indeed has lately not only -found menstrual blood to possess an exceedingly acid reaction, but -even proved that it contains free phosphoric and lactic acids. Comp. -Arsberättelse om Svenska Läkare Sällskapets Arbeten, 1835., pp. 19-21. -Froriep’s Notiz, Vol. 49., p. 237. - -[156] Hence too _Hugo Grotius_ writes (Commentar. ad Mosis lib. -III.—Commentary on Book of Leviticus, ch. 15.): Sciendum est autem -in Syria et locis vicinis non minus τὴν γονόῤῥοιαν quam τὰ ἐμμήνια -habere aliquid contagione nocens, (But it is to be observed that in -Syria and the neighbouring regions ἡ γονοῤῥοία (discharge from the -genitals) no less than τὰ ἐμμήνια (menstrual discharge) contains a -principle contagiously injurious). Even _Astruc_, the eager advocate -of the American origin of Venereal disease, says (Vol. I. p. 92.): -Sane constat in hac nostra Europa, quae magis temperata est, si cum -menstruatis res habeatur, balanum et praeputium leviore phlogosi -aut superficiariis pustulis, quae tamen brevi cessant, _plerumque_ -affici. Quanto graviora ergo iis impendere credendum est, quos in -calidiore et aestuante climate misceri cum foeminis non pudet, dum -illis menses actu fluunt natura acerrimi et quasi virosi. Ideo forsan -factum est, ut medici Arabes, qui regiones calidiores incolebant, -quam Graeci et Latini, et primi et saepe disseruerint de pustulis et -ulceribus virgae, oriundis ex coitu cum foeda muliere, hoc est (?), -cum muliere menstruata. (It is an undoubted fact that in this Europe -of ours, though enjoying a more temperate climate, if intercourse is -had with women during menstruation, the _glans penis_ and prepuce are -_generally_ attacked by some little inflammation or by superficial -pustules, which however soon disappear. What much more serious -consequences then must we suppose threaten those who in a warmer -climate, one steaming with heat, are not ashamed to make coition with -women, whilst their _menses_ are actually flowing, these being from -the nature of the case exceedingly acrid and almost poisonous. Perhaps -this is why the Arab physicians, who lived in warmer countries than the -Greek and Latin practitioners, first and most often treated of pustules -and ulcers of the verge, arising from coition with an unclean woman, -that is to say (?) with a woman during menstruation). Comp. _Fr. Eagle_ -and _Judd_ in Behrend’s Syphilologie, Vol. I. 117 and 285. - -[157] _Palladius_, Lausiaca historia, ch. 39. in Magna Bibliotheca -Patrum (Great Library of the Fathers), Vol. XIII., Paris 1644. fol., -p. 950.: Οὕτως δὲ γαστριμαργῶν καὶ οἰνοφλυγῶν ἐνέπεσεν καὶ εἰς τὸν -βόρβυρον τῆς γυναικείης ἐπιθυμίας· καὶ ὡς ἐσκέπτετο ἁμαρτῆσαι _μιμάδι -τινὶ προσομιλῶν συνεχῶς τὰ πρὸς τὸ ἕλκος ἑαυτοῦ διελέγετο· τούτων -οὕτως ὑπ’ αὐτοῦ διαπραττομένων γέγονεν αὐτῷ κατά τινα οἰκονομίαν ἄνθραξ -κατὰ τῆς βαλάνου· καὶ ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ἐνόσησεν ἑξαμηνιαῖον χρόνον, ὡς -κατασαπῆναι αὐτοῦ τὰ μορία καὶ αὐτομάτως ἀποπεσεῖν_· ὕστερον δὲ -ὑγιάνας καὶ ἐπανελθών ἄνευ τούτων τῶν μελῶν, καὶ εἰς φρόνημα θεϊκὸν -ἐλθὼν καὶ εἰς μνήμην τῆς οὐρανίου πολιτείας, καὶ ἐξομολογησάμενος -πάντα τὰ συμβεβηκότα αὐτῷ τοῖς ἁγίοις πατράσιν, ἐνεργῆσαι μὴ φθάσας -ἐκοιμήθη μετὰ ὀλίγας ἡμέρας. (for translation see text above). For -κατὰ _τινὰ_ οἰκονομίαν (by a certain providence) we ought probably to -read κατὰ _θινὰν_ or _θείαν_ οἰκονομίαν, a collocation of words -constantly found in Palladius, and occurring in this very chapter a -few lines before, in the sense of “by Divine providence”. On the other -hand the words τὰ πρὸς τὸ ἕλκος ἑαυτοῦ διελέγετο are to us absolutely -unintelligible. _Helvetius_ translates the passage: Incidit in coenum -femineae cupiditatis et cum peccare constituisset cum quadam mima -assidue colloquutus, _ulcus suum aperuit_, (He fell into the mire -of lust after women, and having set his mind on sinning, constantly -conversing with a certain actress, _he opened his sore_. Indeed the -γυναικείη ἐπιθυμία (womanly lust) itself is ambiguous, as strictly -speaking it points to something unmanly, and if we compare with it -the γυναικεία νοῦσος (womanly disease) of Dio Chrysostom (p. 209.), -our thoughts cannot but turn to the vice of the pathic,—which however -Hero could not very well practise with an actress, and to which he -could hardly owe an _anthrax_ on the _glans penis_. But ch. 35. shows -us plainly enough that _Palladius_ in using the phrase means lust, -indulgence with women, accomplishing coition. It is related in that -chapter of the Abbot Elias, how he had founded a nunnery, and was -thereupon assailed by violent desire to abuse the nuns; wherefore he -prayed, ἀπόκτεινόν με, ἵνα μὴ ἴδω αὐτὰς θλιβομένας. ἢ _τὸ πάθος_ μου -λάβε, ἵνα αὐτῶν φροντίζω κατὰ λόγον. (Kill me, that I may not see them -troubled, or else take away my _passion_, that I may look upon them -with reason and moderation). Thereafter he fell asleep and dreamed the -angels had castrated him, and on waking found indeed that he still -possessed his genitals, but he declared, ὅτι οὐκέτι ἀνέβη εἰς τὴν -καρδίαν μου πάθος _γυναικὸς ἐπιθυμίας_. (there no more entered into my -heart the passion of _lust after_ women). But now what does τὰ πρὸς τὸ -ἕλκος mean? Guided by the general sense, we might take it as meaning -the genital organs, though we have searched in vain for analogous -passages. But in that case it could be made to apply only to the -female genitals or to the rectum, because these only exhibit a breach -of continuity (ἕλκος,—a wound); or else we should have to suppose the -seed to be looked upon in a sort of way as matter discharged, and the -male genitals, which secrete it, therefore called ἕλκος (a wound), for -otherwise the ἑαυτοῦ (his own) cannot be got in. No less uncertain -is the meaning of διελέγετο; “to converse” cannot possibly be taken -as the sense here. _Suidas_ and _Hesychius_ explain διαλέγεσθαι by -συνουσιάζειν (to associate with). _Pollux_, Onomast. V. 93. περὶ -μίξεως ζώων (On the intercourse of Animals) says, διαλεχθῆναι.—οὐδ’ -ἡ διάλεξις, ἀλλὰ διειλέχθην αὐτῇ καὶ διειλεγμένος εἰμὶ ὡς Ὑπερίδης. -II. 125. Ὑπερίδης δὲ διειλεγμένος, ἐπ’ ἀφροδισίων. Ἀριστοφάνης δὲ -διαλέξασθαι ἔφη. (διελεχθῆναι,—not ordinary conversation, but it means -“I had converse with her”, or “I am conversant”, as says Hyperides, -II. 125. Now Hyperides says “conversant with”, speaking of love -intercourse; and Aristophanes “to have converse with”). Comp. Küster -and Brunck on Aristophanes’ Plut. 1083. Moeris p. 131. Abresch, lect. -Aristaenet. p. 50. But the meaning of accomplishing coition is implied -already in προσομιλῶν (associating with), so that διαλέγεσθαι must -here indicate some other more special circumstance. The Scholiast -of Aristophanes on Lys. 720 interprets διαλέγουσιν by διορύττουσιν -(bore through), penetrate); accordingly we must take διαλέγεσθαι as -deponent, in which case we should have to read τὰ πρὸς τὸ ἕλκος _αὐτῆς_ -διελέγετο (he penetrated _her_ private parts), and make the τὰ πρὸς -ἕλκος refer to the actress and her hymen (or fibula?), just as in the -passage cited from Josephus on p. 315. the expression περὶ τὸ αἰδοῖον -(about the privates) signifies the foreskin. If we would keep ἑαυτοῦ -(his own), then we must take διαλέγομαι in the sense of καθαίρειν (to -purify) (Hesychius says διαλέγειν, ἀνακαθαίρειν,—to purify), and put -in an οὐκ (not),—i. e. he did not purify his genitals. If we keep to -the meaning of separation, division, we might understand the sentence -as saying that Hero tore apart his foreskin; though really ἕλκος could -scarcely be applied with any propriety to the male genitals at all. For -its being used of the female genitals on the other hand a good analogy -is offered by ἐσχάρα (a scab), which occurs in Aristophanes, Knights -1286. and often elsewhere. Eustathius, on Odyss. p. 1523., says: δῆλον -δ’ ὅτι ἐσχάραν καὶ τὸ γυναικεῖον ἐκάλουν μόριον. (Now it is evident they -used to call the female part ἐσχάρα). However in this case the learned -reader must be left to decide for himself. - -[158] _Leviticus_ ch. 20. v. 18. It is true _Maimonides_ according -to _Selden_, Uxor Hebraica (The Jewish Wife), Frankfurt 1673. 4to., -p. 133., says: At vero si esset mensibus immunda, tametsi deducta -fuerit, _etiam et coitus sit secutus_, nuptiae non perficiebantur. -(But indeed if she were unclean with menstruation, though she had -been led forth to a husband’s house, _even if coition had followed_, -the marriage was not proceeded with)—but in that case of course it -happened unwittingly; though no doubt it may very well on the other -hand have been done not unfrequently wittingly. _Festus_ explains the -Latin word _imbubinare_ by “menstruo mulierum sanguine inquinare” (to -pollute with the menstrual blood of women), which might almost justify -us in conjecturing, that _buboes_ had been observed to originate -from intercourse with women during menstruation. _Hippocrates_, De -natura pueri (On the Bodily Constitution of the Boy), edit. Kühn Vol. -I. p. 390., derives affections of the sort in women from arrested -menstruation. - -[159] _Leviticus_ Ch. 15. Want of space forbids our giving this -Chapter here; but anyone who will read it through carefully, must -easily see that in it the question is merely of a morbid discharge -from the genitals (basar), the duration of which was uncertain. For -this reason those affected continued still unclean for nine days -after the cessation of the flux, whereas the man who had encountered -ordinary pollution (verse 16.) was unclean only till the evening. -The Septuagint translators render the flux by ῥύσις (flowing, flux), -the person affected by the flux γονοῤῥυής (having a flux from the -genitals), while they say of ordinary pollution, ὡς ἐὰν ἐξέλθῃ ἐξ -αὐτοῦ κοίτη _σπέρματος_ (“if any man’s seed of copulation go out of -him”). _Astruc_ and others wished to refer the flux from the genitals -to Lepra (Leprosy), but in that case the Leprosy must needs have been -previously noticeable in the person affected by the flux, and the flux -therefore been really a symptom. Thus it would have demanded no further -special ordinance for purification, as that commanded for Leprosy would -have been used for it. Again the same would also have occurred, had -the flux been noticed as _first_ symptom of the Leprosy, for then the -Priest was bound to have confined the person so affected and put him -under observation, to see whether the other symptoms of Leprosy would -show themselves as well. But of this there is nothing whatever to be -found in the writings attributed to Moses, who clearly distinguishes -between the flux and Leprosy, as also does the Author of II Samuel III. -29. Speaking generally, no other Author ever mentions the flux as a -constant or frequent symptom of Leprosy, while _Schilling_ even denies -its occurrence altogether. Comp. _Hensler_, Vom abendl. Aussatze (On -Oriental Leprosy), pp. 130, 396. - -[160] _Astruc_, De morbis venereis (Of Venereal diseases), p. 93., Quid -igitur mirum varia, heterogenea, acria multorum virorum semina (et -smegmata we may add) una confusa, cum acerrimo et virulento menstruo -sanguine mixta, intra uterum aestuantem et olidum spurcissimarum -mulierum coercita, mora, heterogeneitate, calore loci brevi -computruisse ac prima morbi venerei semina constituisse, quae in -alios, si qui forsan continentiores erant, contagione dimanavere?... -Cum ergo in omnibus terrae locis, _ubi lues venerea antiquitus endemia -fuisse videtur_, eundem aeris fervorem cum pari incolarum impudicitia -coniunctum fuisse manifestum sit, haud inanis inde locus est colligendi -morbum natura eundem, quo regiones longissime dissitae et inter quas -nulla fuit commercii communio, simili modo infestabantur, a simili -causarum earundem concursu, in quo tantum convenirent, generatum -olim fuisse et _generari etiamnum_, si indigenae iisdem moribus -vivant. (What is there surprising then in the fact that the various, -heterogeneous, acrid seminal fluids of a number of different men (and -unguents as well, we may add), all confounded together and mixed with -the exceedingly acrid and virulent menstrual blood, confined within -the steaming hot and fetid womb of the dirtiest of women, by long -continuance in one place, by heterogeneity of components, by the heat -of the locality, should very soon have grown putrid, and so laid the -first seeds of Venereal disease,—which then passed on by contagion -to other men, men that were very possibly more self-restrained?... -So, inasmuch as in all parts of the world, _wherever Venereal disease -appears to have been endemic in Antiquity_, it is plain the same heat -of the atmosphere was united with a similar immorality on the part of -the inhabitants, there is therefore sufficient ground for concluding -that the disease, identical in its nature and one whereby regions -far removed from one another and between which existed no commercial -intercourse were attacked in a like way, was originally produced by a -like conjunction of identical causes, a conjunction wherein these only -agreed,—and _is still so produced_, supposing the inhabitants to still -live after the same fashion). _Wizmann_ (loco citato p. 32.) moreover -is of opinion that Venereal disease under the conditions just named -originates in Turkey to this day _in its true form_. A similar view is -shared by _Eagle_ and _Judd_ (loco citato p. 306.). - -[161] _Herodotus_, bk. III. ch. 106., ἡ Ἑλλὰς τὰς ὥρας πολλόν τι -κάλλιστα κεκραμένας ἔλαχη. (Hellas possesses seasons in many respects -most admirably combined). Comp. _Dahlmann_, Herodotus pp. 90. sqq. -_Plato_ again praises the εὐκρασία τῶν ὡρῶν (happy mingling of the -seasons) of Hellas in more than one passage; e. g. Timaeus 24, C., -Critias III E., Epinom. 987 D.; and _Aristophanes_ in a fragment of his -Horae preserved by Athenaeus, Deipnos. IX. p. 372. says of Attica: - - ὥστ’ οὐκέτ’ οὐδεὶς οἵδ’ ὁπηνίκ’ ἐστὶ τοὐνιαουτοῦ. - -(So never yet has any man been able to tell precisely in what part of -the year he is). - -[162] _Galen_, De symptomat. causis bk. III. ch. 11., edit. Kühn Vol. -VII. p. 267., καὶ μὴν αἰ γονόῤῥοιαι, χωρὶς μὲν τοῦ συντείνεσθαι τὸ -αἰδοῖον, ἀῤῥωσίᾳ τῆς καθεκτικῆς δυνάμεως τῆς ἐν τοῖς σπερματικοῖς -ἀγγείοις· ἐντεινομένου δέ πως, οἷον σπασμᾷ τινι παραπλήσιον πασχόντων -ἐπιτελοῦνται. (Moreover gonorrhoeas, except in the case of the member -being in a state of tension, arise from weakness of the retentive -capacity in the spermatic vessels; but when there is tension of any -sort, they are subject to a kind of spasm resembling that of convulsive -patients). - -[163] _Larrey_, “Relation historique et chirurgicale de l’expédition -de l’armée d’Orient, en Egypt et en Syrie,” (Historical and Surgical -Account of the Expedition of the Army of the East, in Egypt and Syria), -Paris 1803. p. 116., Pendant le travail de la suppuration, les blessés -furent seulement incommodés des vers ou larves de la mouche bleue, -commune en Syrie. L’incubation des oeufs que cette mouche deposait -sans cesse dans les plaies ou dans les appareils, étoit favorisée par -la chaleur de la saison, l’humidité de l’atmosphère et la qualité de -la toile à pansement (elle étoit de coton) la seule qu’on ait pu se -procurer dans cette contrée. La présence de ces vers dans les plaies -paraissait en accélérer la suppuration, causait des demangeaisons -incommodes aux blessés et nous forçait de les panser trois ou quatre -fois le jour. Ces insectes, formés en quelques heures, se développaient -avec une telle rapidité, que du jour au lendemain, ils étaient de la -grosseur d’un tuyau de plume de poulet. On faisait à chaque pansement -des lotions d’une forte décoction de rhue et de petite sauge, qui -suffisaient pour les détruire; mais ils se reproduisaient bientot après -par le défaut des moyens propres à écarter l’approche des mouches -et à prévenir l’incubation de leurs oeufs. (During the action of -suppuration, the only inconvenience the wounded met with was from the -worms or larvae of the blue fly, common in Syria. The hatching of the -eggs, which this fly was continually depositing in the wounds or their -dressings, was favoured by the heat of the season, the moisture of the -atmosphere, and the nature of the material used for bandages. This was -cotton, the only material for the purpose that could be procured in -that country. The presence of these worms in the wounds appeared to -accelerate their suppuration, caused the wounded men to suffer from -troublesome itchings and forced us to renew the dressings three or four -times a day. These insects, formed in a few hours, developed with such -extraordinary rapidity, that from one day to the next, they reached -the size of a fowl’s quill. At each dressing lotions were applied -of a strong decoction of rue and dwarf sage, which was effectual in -destroying them; but they reappeared again very soon afterwards owing -to the want of proper means for preventing the approach of the flies -and hindering the hatching of their eggs). Compare what Larrey (p. -278.) says as to the climate of Syria. - -[164] _Eusebius_, Histor. Eccles. bk. VIII. 14., τί δεῖ τὰς ἐμπαθεῖς -ἀνδρὸς αἰσχρουργίας μνημονεύειν; ἢ τῶν πρὸς αὐτοῦ μεμοιχευμένων -ἀπαριθμεῖσθαι τὲν πληθύν; οὐκ ἦν γέ τοι πόλιν αὐτὸν παρελθεῖν, μὴ -οὐχὶ ἐκ παντὸς φθορὰς γυναικῶν παρθένων τε ἁρπαγὰς εἰργασμένον.—cap. -16. μέτεισι γοῦν αὐτὸν θεήλατος κόλασις· ἐξ αὐτῆς αὐτοῦ καταρξαμένη -σαρκὸς, καὶ μέχρι τῆς ψυχῆς παρελθοῦσα. _ἀθρόα μὲν γὰρ περὶ τὰ μέσα -τῶν ἀποῤῥήτων τοῦ σώματος ἀπόστασις γίγνεται αὐτῷ· εἶθ’ ἕλκος ἐν βάθει -συριγγώδες καὶ τούτων ἀνιάτος νομὴ κατὰ τῶν ἐνδοτάτῳ σπλάγχνων· ἀφ’ ὧν -ἀλεκτόν τι πλῆθος σκωλήκων βρύειν, θανατώδη τε ὀδμὴν ἀποπνέειν_, -τοῦ παντὸς ὄγκου τῶν σωμάτων ἐκ πολυτροφίας αὐτῷ καὶ πρὸς τῆς νόσου -εἰς ὑπερβολὴν πλήθους πιμελῆς μεταβεβληκότος· ἣν τότε κατασαπεῖσαν, -ἀφόρητον καὶ φρικτοτάτην τοῖς πλησιάζουσι παρέχειν τὴν θέαν, ἰατρῶν -δ’ οὖν οἱ μὲν, οὐδ’ ὅλως ὑπομεῖναι τὴν τοῦ δυσώδους ὑπερβάλλουσαν ἀτοπίαν -οἷοι τε, κατεσφάττοντο. οἱ δὲ διῳδηκότος τοῦ παντὸς ὄγκου καὶ εἰς -ἀνέλπιστον σωτηρίας ἀποπεπτωκότος μηδὲν ἐπικουρεῖν δυνάμενοι, ἀνηλεῶς -ἐκτείνοντο. (What need to recall the passions and abominations of the -man? or to count the multitude of debaucheries done by him? Nay, he -could not pass through a city without leaving behind him everywhere -ruin of women and rape of virgins.—ch. 16. Yet heaven-sent punishment -overtakes him, commencing with his very flesh and going on to assail -the life. For an incessant suppurative inflammation attacks him in -the region of the private parts of the body; then later on a wound -penetrating deep in like a fistula and an incurable eating sore -affecting these inmost intestines. Then from these an indescribable -number of worms bred, and a corpse-like smell was given off, the whole -bulk of the bodily parts having through high living and under the -influence of the disease changed into an exaggerated superfluity of -fat. Then this rotting away, displayed an intolerable and an appalling -spectacle to his attendants; while among his physicians, some finding -themselves utterly unable to endure the exceeding horribleness of -the stench, put an end to their lives; while others, the whole bulk -having gone to complete rottenness, and the patient in a condition -that admitted no hope of recovery, being unable to afford any help, -were cruelly put to death). This passage occurs as well, word for -word, in _Nicephorus_, Histor. Eccles. VII. 22. Aur. Victor. Epit. ch. -40., Galerius Maximianus _consumptis genitalibus_ defecit, (Galerius -Maximianus died, _the genital organs being destroyed_).—_Zosimus_, -Hist. II. 11. speaks merely of τραῦμα δυσίατον (a wound difficult to -cure), and _Paulus Diaconus_, Hist. miscell. XI. 5., says: putrefacto -introrsum pectore, et vitalibus dissolutis, cum ultra horrorem humanae -miseriae etiam vermes eructaret, medicique iam ultra foetorem non -ferentes, crebro iussu eius occiderentur etc. (the bosom having -putrefied within, and the vitals rotted away, when exceeding the climax -of human horror and suffering he began to bring up worms, and his -physicians unable to bear the excessive foulness of the stench, were -being executed at his frequent order, etc.). The same fate happened to -_Herod_, of whom _Josephus_, Antiq. XVII. 6. says: τοῦ αἰδοίου σῆψις -σκώληκας ἐμποιοῦσα (mortification of the genitals producing worms). -Comp. _Bochart_, Hierozoicon, edit. Rosenmüller vol. III. p. 520. - -[165] This reading is clearly preferable. The Septuagint translators -render it σήπη καὶ σκώληκες κηρονομήσουσιν αὐτὸν, (Rottenness and worms -shall be his heritage), where however it must be admitted σῆτες (moths) -is also retained by the Editors. - -[166] “Nouvelles recherches sur la structure de la peau”, (Recent -Investigations as to the Structure of the Skin), with 3 Plates. Paris -1835. 221 pp. 8vo. - -[167] “Vergleichende Untersuchungen über die Haut des Menschen und der -Haussaügethiere, besonders in Beziehung auf die Absonderungsorgane -des Hauttalgs und des Schweisses,” (Comparative Investigations as to -the Skin in Man and the Domestic Mammals, with particular reference -to the Organs of Secretion of the Sebaceous Humour and the Sweat), in -_Muller’s_ Archiv. für Physiologie Jahrg. 1835., pp. 399-418. With -copperplates, a comparison of which will very much facilitate the -proper understanding of what follows. - -[168] Already we find _Lorry_, “Abb. von den Krankheiten der Haut,” -(Treatise on Diseases of the Skin), Vol. I. p. 50., saying: “There -is found to exist moreover a certain sympathy between the generative -parts of men and women and the skin, which under the violent stimulus -of sexual coition swells; but after it is over, sweat comes out on it, -and _sometimes little heat-pimples appear_. p. 83., Now at puberty, a -period when all the glands are opened, there is brought to the organs -of transpiration a great quantity of a subtle and fluid material, there -arises a peculiar smell, and if this matter has accumulated, it clogs -the minute vessels, the humour contained in these becomes thick by -retardation and solidification,—the result being a pimply eruption on -the skin. This much is certain, that if both sexes are fully developed, -and live chaste, an extensive series of mutually connected pustules may -arise, _just as if they were produced by the swelling of the glands -in the skin_. The pustules are ranged in the same order as that in -which the glands lie; exactly as if they were the meeting-place of the -humours that would seem to have been dispersed in the skin.” Comp. -_Haller_, Elem. physiolog. Vol. VII. bk. XXVIII. sect. 3. § 4. - -[169] More precise information on this, as well as on several other -opinions expressed in the course of these Inquiries as to the pathology -of Venereal disease, the reader will find placed at his disposal in -our forthcoming Work, “Introduction to a Scientific Knowledge of the -Venereal Disease.” - -[170] Comp. _Hillary_, “Beobachtungen über die Veränderungen Luft und -die damit verbundenen epidemischen Krankheiten auf der Insel Barbados,” -(Observations on Changes of Atmosphere and the Epidemic Sicknesses -connected with them in the Island of Barbadoes), transl. from the -English by J. Ch. G. Ackermann. Leipzig 1776. 8vo., pp. 3 sqq. - -[171] _Alex. Traj. Petronius_, De morbo Gallico, (On the French -Disease—Syphilis), bk. II. chs. 24., and 26 (Aphrodisiacus pp. 1225, -1226.) in his time says: Et in regione calida, quoniam secundum naturae -suae impetum ad cutem fertur, minus saevire, in frigida vero, quoniam -contra suam naturam ad interna migrare cogitur, magis.—Neque nos non -lateat, in ambiente (ut dicunt) calido, quoniam ad cutim attractio -fit, morbum hunc et secundum naturae suae impetum creari, et simul ad -exteriora prorumpere solere. In frigido autem, quia intro repellitur -contra suae naturae motum retroverti et solidas corporis partes saepius -depasci. Frequentius etiam in regione calida quam frigida apparere; -hic enim circumfusus aer, ne morbus ad cutim extendatur, prohibet -(nam intro pellit), illic vero et ad cutim trahit et eandem retinet. -(Moreover in a hot region, inasmuch as in accordance with the impulse -of its nature it is carried to the skin, it is there less virulent; -whereas in a cold one, as it is compelled against its nature to travel -to the inward parts, it is more so.—Again we should not let this escape -our notice, that in a hot environment (as they say), inasmuch as an -attraction takes place towards the skin, this disease also according -to the impulse of its nature is there brought into being, and is wont -to break out towards the external parts. On the other hand in a cold -one, because it is drawn within, it is turned back contrary to the -motion of its nature, and more often feeds upon the solid parts of the -body. Again it appears more frequently in a hot region than in a cold -one; for in the latter case the surrounding air (driving it within as -it does) hinders the disease from extending to the skin, whereas in -the former it draws it to the skin and keeps it there). But specially -pertinent in this connection is p. 1211.—_Puydebat_, “Über den Einfluss -des Climas auf den Menschen,” (Of the Influence of Climate on Man), in -the “Bulletin méd. de Bordeaux, 1836. May 21. (Froriep Notiz. 1836. -Vol. 49. p. 179.) writes: Die immer geöffneten Hautporen hauchen in den -heissen Ländern einen reichlichen, mehr oder weniger stark riechenden -Schweiss aus. Die Hautdrüsen sondern eine ölige Flüssigkeit in Menge -ab, welche die Haut schlüpfrig macht und derselben jenes bei den -Negern so auffallende Ansehn giebt. Dieser Zustand der Haut macht sie -zu Exanthemen, z. B. Masern, Blattern, Syphilis, Lepra, Elephantiasis -geneigt. (The ever open skin-pores expire in hot countries a rich and -more or less strongly smelling sweat. The cutaneous glands secrete an -oily fluid in quantities, which makes the skin slippery and gives it -that appearance so striking in Negroes. This state of the skin makes it -liable to exanthematic effections, e. g. Measles, Small-pox, Syphilis, -Leprosy, Elephantiasis).—In cold countries the transpiration of the -skin is very weak; in consequence the internal secretions are increased -in quantity, while in hot countries they are lessened from a directly -opposite cause.” Comp. _J. von Röser_, “Ueber einige Krankheiten des -Orients,” (On some Diseases of the East). Augsburg 1837., pp. 67-71., -to whose statements we shall have to return on several future occasions. - -[172] _Joannes Leo_, “Descriptio Africae”, (Description of Africa), -Leyden 1632. 12mo., p. 86., Paucis admodum toto Atlante, tota Numidia -totaque Libya hoc notum est contagium. Quodsi quisquam fuerit qui -se eo infectum sentiat, mox in Numidiam aut in Nigritarum regionem -proficiscitur, cuius tanta est aeris temperies, ut optimae sanitati -restitutus inde in patriam redeat: quod quidem multis accidisse ipse -meis vidi oculis, qui nullo adhibito neque pharmaco neque medico, -praeter saluberrimum iam dictum aërem, revaluerant. (To very few -persons indeed in the whole of the Atlas, the whole of Numidia and of -Libya, is this contagion known. But if there should be any man who -feels himself attacked by it, he presently journeys into Numidia or the -district of the Nigritae, where the nature of the air is such that he -returns home again restored to excellent good health. This I have seen -happen to many with my own eyes, who without help of druggist or doctor -recovered by the exceeding salubrity of the air as aforesaid). Comp. -_Scaliger_, Exercitat. CLXXX. ch. 18.—_Petronius_, loco citato p. 1213. - -[173] _Schnurrer_, “Geographische Nosologie,” (Geographical -Nosology,—Distribution of Diseases), p. 454. - -[174] _Brown, W. G._ “Reisen in Afrika, Egypten und Syrien.” (Travels -in Africa, Egypt and Syria), transl. from the English by C. Sprengel. -Weimar 1800. 8vo., p. 389., tells us of a marine at Kahira, who had -become infected, how the man, having in the mean time taken no means -whatever to combat the disease and without giving up either the use of -brandy or the practice of copulation, two months later got a violent -itching eruption over his whole body, and particularly on the head and -over the glands of the neck. This he treated by sprinkling over it a -sort of red earth, whereupon it dried up and disappeared, so that four -weeks later he found himself completely cured and his skin as clean -and smooth as before. _Schnurrer_, loco citato p. 453., also gives the -story, but with sundry inaccuracies. Similar observations were made -by _Th. Clarke_ at the Cape of Good Hope, London Med. Gazette 1833. -_Behrend_, Syphilidologie Vol. I. pp. 241 sqq. The Minorite _Conti_ -declared in opposition to _Norberg_ (Biörnstähl’s Briefe, 6 vol. p. -410.): “Christian no less than Mussulman in the East is strictly -forbidden to cohabit with a woman before the eighth day after her -purification. If it _is_ done within that period, the man’s body is -poisoned: he experiences swelling, ulcers, sores, itch and pains in -the limbs, and shows all the symptoms of leprosy. At this time the -female does not become pregnant, because the blood is unclean, but if -conception does occur, the child also gets a bad itch, and generally -is affected like his parents.” _Fr. Eagle_ (Lancet July 1836., Note -671.). _Behrend’s_ Syphilidologie, Vol. I. p. 118., relates a number of -cases that occurred in London where after intercourse with women during -menstruation both gonorrhœa and chancre supervened. - -[175] _Von Roeser_, loco citato p. 69. _Sonnerat_, “Reise nach -Ostindien”, (Journey to the East Indies), I. 94, 99. _Schnurrer_, -Geogr. Nosologie p. 409. Note, says: “In Hindostan in particular -experience has shown that a badly treated syphilis changes into -leprosy.” That this is not a thing of such extreme rarity in Europe -either, we shall prove more fully in another place. Meantime compare -what _Hensler_, “Vom Abendländischen Aussatze”, (On Oriental Leprosy), -pp. 228 sqq., says on the subject. - -[176] _Galen_, Ad Glaucon. de meth. med. II., edit. Kühn Vol. XI. -p. 142., says: κατὰ γοῦν τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρειαν _ἐλεφαντιῶσι πάμπολλοι_ -διά τε τὴν δίαιταν καὶ _τὴν θερμότητα τοῦ χωρίου·—ἅτε δὲ θερμοῦ τοῦ -περιέχοντος ὄντος καὶ ἡ ῥοπὴ τῆς φορᾶς αὐτῶν πρὸς τὸ θέρμα γίνεται_· -(At any rate in the neighbourhood of Alexandria very many persons -suffer from elephantiasis as well through their mode of life as owing -to _the heat of the locality_;—for indeed as a result of the excessive -heat of the climate, the tendency of their constitution is also towards -heat). In Germany and Mysia he asserts the disease is seldom observed, -and in Scythia almost never. - -[177] Phlyctaenae (blisters) in erysipelas of the uterus are mentioned -by Hippocrates, De ant. mulierum, edit. Kühn II. p. 541. _Galen_, edit. -Kühn Vol. XVII. A. p. 358., ἴσθι γὰρ ὅτι τὰ ἐξανθήματα ἐν ταῖς τῆς -μήτρας διαθέσεσιν εἰς τὸ δέρμα ἐκραγέντα σημαίνουσιν ὅτι ἡ φλεγμονὴ -ἢ ἐρυσίπελας ἐκ τοῦ ἀποζέοντος καὶ λεπτοῦ αἵματος ἐν ταῖς μήτραις -ἐγγίνεται, ὡς ἐν τῷ περὶ γυναικείης φύσεως γέγραπται. (Be assured that -those eruptions that break out on the skin in certain morbid conditions -of the womb signify that the inflammation or erysipelas proceeds from -the deficiency and poorness of the blood in the womb, as is stated in -my Work, On the Female Constitution). - -[178] _Aristotle_, Problem IV. 18. - -[179] _Aëtius_, Tetrab, IV. serm. 1. ch. 122., Novimus quosdam -audaciores qui sibi ipsis testes ferro resecarunt; castratis enim non -in peius malum ipsum procedet. Neque enim temere reperias, inquit -Archigenes, ullum aliquem castratum elephantiasi laborantem, neque item -facile mulierem. Quare etiam quidam ex confidentioribus medicis manum -admoverunt, et quotquot sane ex eis ex sectione periculum evaserunt, -per consequentis curationis usum perfecte ab hac maligna affectione -liberati sunt. (We know of some bolder spirits who have amputated their -own testicles with the knife; for after castration the actual evil will -not then proceed to any worse length. For, says Archigenes, you will -not readily find any single case of a castrated man suffering from -elephantiasis, nor will you easily discover a woman at all affected by -this disease. Wherefore, in fact, some of the more daring practitioners -have operated, and there is no doubt that such of their patients as -escaped the dangerous effects of the operation, have been through -the employment of subsequent precautions completely freed from this -malignant complaint). Comp. _Hensler_, “Vom Aussatz”, (On Leprosy), -p. 401. With regard to _the immunity of women_, an assertion likewise -made in connection with _mentagra_ (p. 288), _von Roeser_ writes (loco -citato p. 67.) referring to Venereal disease: “Above all it is now the -case in Greece and Turkey that the practising physician,—and I have -been assured of the fact by many persons,—exceedingly seldom meets with -syphilitic female patients in his practice; that yet notwithstanding -this none of _the sequelæ and different forms of subsequent mischief_ -that are usually found resulting from the disease when every kind of -medical aid is neglected, are seen in patients of that sex.”—P. 71., -“Only poison would seem, as a result of the secretive process exerted -by the affected parts of the skin and the mucous membrane, which is -much more powerful in women than in men, to be more readily eliminated -from the body than is the case with men, so much so indeed that it is -an almost unheard of thing in Egypt to find a female patient under -medical treatment.”—still this does not justify the conclusion that -women _never_ suffered from Venereal disease, as even von Roeser -himself admits. Again Larrey, loco citato p. 253., actually found -himself constrained in view of the wide dissemination of the disease -among the French soldiers, to establish a special hospital for infected -women, in order to check the spread of the complaint. - -[180] Comp. _Foot_, “Abh. über die Lustseuche” (Treatise on Venereal -Disease), transl. from the English by _H. Ch. Reich_, Vol. I. p. 62. - -[181] Surgeon in Chief of the Esbekieh Hospital at Cairo. - -[182] The passage of _Aretaeus_ (Morb. chron. bk. II. ch. 13. edit. -Kühn p. 180.) can hardly be cited as evidence on the other side in this -case, as the question there discussed is elephantiasis, not the leprosy -of the Jews at all. Any how we read there: τρίχες ἐν μὲν τῷ παντὶ -προτεθνήσκουσι, χερσὶ μηροῖσι κνήμῃσι, αὖθις ἥβῃ, γενείοισι ἀραιαὶ, -ψεδναὶ δὲ καὶ ἐπὶ τῇ κεφαλῇ κόμαι· τὸ δὲ μᾶλλον πρόωροι, πολιοὶ καὶ -φαλάκρωσις ἀθρόη· οὐκ εἰς μακρὸν δὲ ἥβη καὶ ἐπιμίμνοιεν παυραὶ τρίχες, -ἀπρεπέστεραι τῶν ἀποιχομένων. (Hair dies first in every part, on hands, -thighs, shins; again on pubes and cheeks it becomes thin, and scanty -also on the head. The locks are prematurely white, and baldness becomes -general; nor is it long before pubes and cheeks are bare, and if a few -scanty hairs should remain, they are uncomely as compared with those -that have disappeared). Nor would it be any fairer to cite the fact -that Albinos are covered over the whole body with a fine, white, woolly -hair. - -[183] Already _J. D. Michaelis_, “Fragen an eine Gesellschaft gelehrter -Männer, die auf Befehl Ihro Majestät des Königs von Dänemark nach -Arabien reisen,” (Questions addressed to a Society of Learned Men, -travelling at the Command of HM. the King of Denmark to Arabia), -Frankfurt-on-the-Main 1762., p. 23., says in the 11th. question on -Leprosy under head No. 8.: “Does it possess a natural diagnostic mark -in this, if it breaks out everywhere at once, and covers the whole -body? From Leviticus XIII. 12-13. we might seem to be almost justified -in concluding this to be so. But I am in doubt how in that case this -passage is to be interpreted in accordance with the history of the -disease.” Comp. p. 335. Note 1. - -[184] Philosoph. Transactions Vol. XXXI. _Foot_, Treatise on Venereal -Disease, Vol. I. pp. 25 sqq. - -[185] _D. Hennen_, Sketches of the Medical Topography of the -Mediterranean. London 1830. - -[186] _Galen_, De febr. diff., bk. I., edit. Kühn Vol. VII. 284 sqq., -δριμὺ δ’ ἀποῤῥοῖ καὶ δακνῶδες περίττωμα τοῖς ἤτοι κακοχυμοτέροις, -ἢ ἐδέσματα μοχθηρὰ προσφερομένοις τοιαῦτα γοῦν ἐδέσματα καὶ νῦν -ἀναγκασθέντες ἐσθίειν πολλοὶ διὰ λιμὸν οἱ μὲν ἀπέθανον ἀπὸ σηπεδονωδῶν -τε καὶ λοιμωδῶν πυρετῶν, _οἱ δὲ ἐξανθήμασιν ἑάλωσαν ψωρώδεσι τε καὶ -λεπρώδεσιν_. (But there discharges an acrid and biting excretion, and -this in patients already only too much afflicted with evil humours, or -else food becomes noxious to them, though normally able to tolerate -such food; and now being forced to eat, many died in consequence of -the plague, some from putrefying and pestilential fevers, while others -again _were attacked by exanthematic eruptions of the psora and lepra -types_). - -[187] Martial, Bk. VI. Epigr. 37., - - O quanta _scabie_ miser laborat! - Culum non habet, est tamen cinaedus. - -(How sad a scurvy (_scabies_) does the wretch groan under! Bottom all -gone; and yet he is a cinaedus!) - -Bk. XI. Epigr. 8., - - Penelopae licet esse tibi sub principe Nerva - Sed prohibet _scabies_ ingeniumque vetus. - -(You may be a Penelope under Nerva as Emperor; only that _scurvy_ -hinders you and inveterate viciousness). The _mala scabies_ (horrid -scurvy) from _Horace_, Ars Poet. 453., is familiar; as well as the -statement of _Justin_ (Hist. XXXVI. 2.) to the effect that the Jews -were driven out of Egypt on account of Scabies and Vitiligo (Tetter), -that the Egyptians might not be infected by them. Comp. _Michaelis_, -“Mosaisches Recht”, (Mosaic Law) IV. 209. The infectious nature of -psora is declared also by _Aristotle_, Problem. VII. 8. _Galen_, De -puls. diff., IV. 1. The transition of _mentagra_ into _psora_ has been -already mentioned. - -[188] _Aristophanes_, Birds 151. makes Euelpides say: βδελλύττομαι -τὸν Λέπρεον ἀπὸ Μελανθίου (I detest the “Leprean” of Melanthius), on -which the Scholiast remarks: Μελάνθιος ὁ τραγικός· κωμωδεῖται γὰρ εἰς -μαλακίαν καὶ ὀψοφαγίαν. Πλάτων δὲ αὐτὸν ἐν Σκύθαις ὡς _λάλον_ σκώπτει· -εἶχε δὲ Μελάνθιος λέπραν. (Melanthius the Tragedian; for he is derided -on account of his luxurious living and gluttony. But Plato laughs at -him in the “Scythians” as a _garrulous_ person; now Melanthius had -_leprosy_). The same thing is mentioned in the “Peace”, 803., with -the addition, καὶ πολὺ μᾶλλον ἐν Κόλαξιν Εὔπολις ὡς κίναιδον αὐτὸν -διαβάλλει καὶ κόλακα· ἀλλὰ καὶ ὡς λευκὰς ἔχοντα καὶ λεπράς. (and -still more severely does Eupolis in his “Flatterers” ridicule him -as being _pathic_ and a flatterer; moreover as having whites,—white -leprosies,—and leprosies). Here we would particularly call attention -to the λευκαί (white leprosies), which we have already noted as a -consequence of the habits of the _cunnilingue_; and with this the -λάλον (garrulous, talkative) of the Comic poet Plato agrees very -well, for _Hesychius_ explains γλωσσοστροφεῖν (to ply the tongue) by -_περιλαλεῖν_ and στωμύλλεσθαι (_to be very talkative, to babble_). Thus -_lepra_ would seem to be attached as penalty to the vice of the pathic, -Elephantiasis is stated to be infectious by _Aretaeus_, Morb. chron., -II. 12. and _Paulus Aegineta_, IV. 1.; however, present day experience -tells us nothing of this, and the later Greek physicians refer it again -to deficient gall (Marx, Orig. contag., p. 78.); what was the meaning -of its great contagiousness in earlier times? - -[189] _Von Roeser_, loco citato p. 69. Inflammation of the throat, or -ulcerations of the throat, are very rare; still rarer are diseases of -the bones, and then only taking the form of swellings of the periosteum. - -[190] _Hippocrates_, Epidem. Bk. III., edit. Kühn Vol. III. p. 486., -στόματα πολλοῖσιν ἀθώδεα, ἑλκώδεα· ῥεύματα περὶ τὰ αἰδοιᾶ πολλά· -ἑλκώματα, φύματα, ἔξωθεν ἔσωθεν τὰ περὶ βουβῶνας, ὀφθαλμίαι ὑγραὶ, -μακραὶ χρόνιαι μετὰ πόνων· ἐπιφύσεις βλεφάρων ἔξωθεν ἔσωθεν, πολλῶν -φθείροντες τὰς ὄψιας, ἃ σῦκα ἐπονομάζουσιν· ἐφύετο δὲ καὶ ἐπὶ τῶν ἀλλῶν -ἑλκέων πολλὰ καὶ αἰδοίοισιν. (for translation see text above). - -[191] _Hippocrates_, Bk. IV. Aphor. 82., edit. Kühn Vol. III. p. 735., -ὁκόσοισιν ἐν τῇ οὐρήθρῃ φύματα φύεται, τουτέοισι διαπυήσαντος καὶ -ἐκραγέντος λύσις. (for translation see text above). The same Aphorism -is repeated again Bk. VII. Aphor. 57. p. 763., ὁκόσοισιν ἐν τῇ οὐρήθρῃ -φύματα γίνονται, τουτέοισι διαπυήσαντος καὶ ἐκραγέντος _λύεται ὁ -πόνος_. (Patients having abscesses in the urethra, _find relief from -the suffering_, so soon as these have suppurated and broken).—_Celsus_, -bk. II. ch. 8. translates this by: Quibus in fistula urinae minuti -abscessus, quos φύματα Graeci vocant, esse coeperunt, iis ubi pus ea -parte profluxit, sanitas redditur. (Patients in whom small abscesses -have been set up in the urinary canal, which the Greeks call φύματα, -recover when once matter has flowed out at the spot).—_Galen_, in his -Explanation of the first Aphorism of Hippocrates (edit. Kühn Vol. XVII. -B. p. 778.) says: πρόχειρον γὰρ παντὶ γνῶναι τῶν ἐν τῷ πόρῳ τῷ οὐρητικῷ -τῷ κατὰ τὸ αἰδοῖον, τοῦτο γὰρ οὐρήθραν καλοῦσι· συνισταμένων φυμάτων -τὴν λύσιν γίγνεσθαι ῥαγέντων· ἐνδέχεται γὰρ ἰσχουρίαν δή τινα γενέσθαι -καὶ διὰ τὸ τοιοῦτον φῦμα καὶ μέντοι καὶ ὡς τὸ φῦμα τοῦτο ῥαγὲν _ἰάσεται -τὴν ἰσχουρίαν εὔδηλον_. (For it is within the knowledge of every -observer that in the case of abscesses that have been set up in the -urinary canal in the region of the privates,—called the urethra,—relief -is afforded when once these have burst. For it is likely some -retention of urine occurs on account of such abscess, and so the fact -of this abscess having burst will obviously remedy the retention). -Comp. _Galen_, De loc. affect. Bk. I. ch. 1., bk. VI. ch. 6. _Paulus -Aegineta_ bk. IV. ch. 22. - -[192] _Hippocrates_, Coact. praenot., edit. Kühn Vol. I. p. 312., -οἷσι δὲ φῦμα περὶ τὴν κύστιν ἐστὶ τὸ παρέχον τὴν δυσουπίην, παντοίως -σχηματισθέντες ὀχλέονται· _λύσις δὲ τούτου γίνεται πύου ῥαγέντος_. -(Patients having an abscess in the region of the bladder that causes -difficulty of micturition, find themselves troubled and affected in -all sorts of ways; _but relief from this is experienced, when once the -matter has broken out_). - -[193] _Hippocrates_, De aere aquis et locis, edit. Kühn Vol. I. p. -526., κἢν μὲν τὸ θέρος αὐχμηρὸν γένηται, θᾶσσον παύονται αἱ νοῦσοι· -ἢν δὲ ἔπομβρον, πολυχρόνιοι γίνονται καὶ φαγεδαίνας κοινῶς ἐγγίνεσθαι -ἀπὸ πάσης προφάσιος, ἢν ἕλκος ἐγγένηται. (And if the Summer is a dry -one, the diseases will cease more speedily; if on the other hand it is -rainy, they become chronic, and such that cancerous sores are set up on -any pretext, if an injury of any sort occur). - -[194] _Galen_, in his Commentary on this passage (Vol. XVII. A. p. -671) says in this connection: διεσήπετο δ’ ὑπὸ τῶν μοχθηρῶν χυμῶν ὑγρῶν -τὰ στερεά· ποικίλον δ’ εἶναι τὸ ῥεῦμα διὰ τὴν τῶν σηπομένων διαφθορὰν -εὔλογον· ὑπὸ γὰρ κοινῆς αἰτίας τῆς σηπεδόνος ἕκαστον τῶν σηπομένων ἴδιον -εἶδος ἴσχει τῆς διαφθορᾶς. (But under influence of the morbid moist -juices the solid parts rotted away; so it is only reasonable to expect -the discharge to be complex, resulting from the destruction of the -parts rotted away; for although proceeding from one common cause, that -of decomposition, each of the rotting parts has its own particular form -of decomposition). - -[195] _Galen_, in his Commentary loco citato p. 672., adds: φοβερωτέραν -εἶχε φαντασίαν ἐν τοῖς περὶ κεφαλὴν μορίοις, διὰ τὸ κᾂν βραχὺ τὴν παρὰ -φύσιν ἐνταῦθα παραλαχθείη, πλέον γίνεσθαι τὸ αἶσχος ἢ κατὰ τὰ ἄλλα -μόρια μεγάλην ἐκτροπὴν εἰς τὸ παρὰ φύσιν ἔχοντα. μηροῦ μὲν γὰρ τὸ -βραχίονος ἢ κνήμης ἢ πήχεως ἀποῤῥυὲν δέρμα μικροτέραν ἔχει φαντασίαν, -εἰ δὲ τῆς κεφαλῆς συναποπέσοιεν αἱ τρίχες τῷ δέρματι καὶ πολὺ μᾶλλον -ἡ τοῦ γενείου σὺν αὐταῖς, ἡ μὲν φαντασία τοῦ πάθους γίνεται μεγάλη, ὁ -κίνδυνος δ’ ᾗττον ἢ εἰ περὶ αἰδοῖα συμβαίη τὸ τοιοῦτον πάθος ἢ λάρυγγα -καὶ θώρακα καί τι τῶν κυρίων· οὐ μόνον δὲ τὰ περὶ τὴν κεφαλὴν οὕτως -γινόμενα φοβερὰ μᾶλλον ἦν ἢ κακίω, ἀλλὰ καὶ καθ’ ὁτιοῦν ἄλλο μέρος -οὕτως ἐκπίπτοντα· κακίω γὰρ ἦν ἐφ’ ὧν ἀπέστησεν εἰς τὸ βάθος ὁ τὸ -ἐρυσίπελας ἐργαζόμενος χυμὸς κ. τ. λ. (It offered a more terrifying -appearance where the parts about the head were affected, because even -if only a small deviation occur there from what is normal, the feeling -of disgust experienced is greater than in connection with other parts -of the body, even when showing a great divergence towards what is -abnormal. For the fact of the skin of the thigh being perished, or even -when showing of the upper arm, or of the leg, or fore-arm, affords a -less formidable appearance, but if the hair fall from the head and the -skin along with it, and still more if that of the cheeks and chin go -with it, the appearance of injury is very great; but the danger is all -the while really less than if the like were to happen to the private -parts or larynx and thorax or any of the vital parts. And not only are -such things when they happen to the head more terrifying than actually -dangerous, but also when it so falls out with regard to any other part; -for much more dangerous is the case of those in whom the humour that -sets up erysipelas has penetrated deeply in, etc.). - -[196] Hippocrates, loco citato p. 284., πολλοῖσι μὲν γὰρ βραχίων καὶ -πῆχυς ὅλος [ὅλως] περιεῤῥύη· οἷσι δ’ ἐπὶ τὰ πλευρὰ ταῦτα ἐκακοῦτο ἢ -τῶν ἔμπροσθέν τι ἢ τῶν ὄπισθεν· οἷσι δὲ ὅλος ὁ μηρὸς ἢ τὰ περικνήμια -ἐψιλοῦτο καὶ ποὺς ὅλος· ἢν δὲ πάντων χαλεπώτατον τῶν τοιούτων, ὅτε περὶ -ἥβην καὶ αἰδοῖα γενοίατο, καὶ τὰ μὲν περὶ ἕλκεα καὶ μετὰ προφάσιος -τοιαῦτα· πολλοῖσι δὲ ἐν πυρετοῖσι καὶ πρὸ πυρετοῦ καὶ ἐπὶ πυρετοῖσι -ξυνέπιπτεν. (for translation see text above). For ἢ τὰ περικνήμια -ἐψιλοῦτο should evidently be read more correctly with _Galen_, De -temperam. bk. I., edit. Kühn Vol. I. p. 532. ἢ τὰ περὶ τὴν κνήμην -ἀπεψιλοῦτο. - -[197] _Galen_, Vol. XVII. A. p. 674., Καὶ χωρὶς λοιμώδους -καταστάσεως, ὅταν ἐν τούτοις τοῖς χωρίοις ἤτοι φλεγμονή τις ἢ -ἐρυσίπελας γένηται, ῥᾷστά τε σήπεται καὶ συμπαθείας ἐργάζεται τῶν -ὑπερκειμένων μορίων· διὸ καὶ πολλάκις ἀναγκαζόμεθα _μετὰ τὸ περικόψαι -τὰ σεσηπότα τὴν χώραν ἐκκαίειν_· οὐδὲν οὖν θαυμαστὸν, τοιαύτης -καταστάσεως γινομένης ὡς καὶ βραχίονα καὶ μηρὸν καὶ κνήμην, πλευράν τε -καὶ κεφαλὴν διασήπειν, ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἥκειν κακώσεως τὰ περὶ αἰδοῖα.... -Ἄχρι τοῦ νῦν ὁ λόγος αὐτῷ γέγονε περὶ τῶν ἐρυσιπελάτων, ὅσα δ’ ἕλκωσιν ἤ -τι μικρὸν οὕτως ἄλλο τῶν ἔξωθεν αἰτίων συνέστη· ἐφεξῆς δὲ περὶ τῶν ἄνευ -τοιαύτης αἰτίας γενομένων ποιήσεται τὸν λόγον. (for translation see -text above). - -[198] Hippocrates moreover, Aphorism. Vol. I. p. 724., says: -τοῦ δὲ θέρεος ... καὶ _σηπεδόνες αἰδοίων_ καὶ ἵδρωα. (And in the Summer -... occur also _putrefactions of the privates_ and transpirations). - -[199] Very possibly in many cases these affections of the -extremities and genital organs owed their existence to _anthrax_ -or _carbuncle_; for not only does _Hippocrates_ (p. 487.) say that -ἄνθρακες πολλοὶ κατὰ θέρος καὶ ἄλλα ἃ σὴψ καλέεται (many cases -of malignant pustule in Summer-time, as well as other complaints -known under the general name of putrefaction) appeared under these -meteorological conditions, but _Galen_ likewise (Method. med. bk. XIV., -edit. Kühn Vol. X. p. 980.) observed an _anthrax_ epidemic in Asia, -that itself began with numerous _phlyctaenae_ (blisterous swellings) -resembling millet seeds; these subsequently broke and gave rise to an -ἕλκος ἐσχαρῶδες (scabby sore). Indeed the destruction of the skin took -place even without the previous occurrence of _phlyctaenae_. πολλάκις -δὲ οὐ μία _φλύκταινα_ γεννᾶται κνησαμένων, ἀλλὰ _πολλαὶ_ μικραὶ καθάπερ -τινὲς κέγχροι καταπυκνοῦσαι τὸ μέρος ὧν ἐκρηγνυμένων ὁμοίως ἐσχαρῶδες -ἕλκος γεννᾶται· κατὰ _δὲ τοὺς ἐπιδημήσαντας ἄνθρακας ἐν Ἀσίᾳ καὶ -χωρὶς φλυκταινῶν_ ἐνίοις εὐθέως ἀπεδάρη τὸ δέρμα. (And often _not one -phlyctaena_ is originated on patients scratching themselves, but _many_ -minute ones like millet seeds, closely covering the affected part; -and when these have broken, a kind of scabby sore is produced. And in -cases of _anthrax_ (malignant pustule), which was at one time epidemic -in Asia, in some patients even without there having been previous -_phlyctaenae_, the skin was immediately destroyed).—Comp. _Galen_, De -tumor. praeternat. Vol. VII. p. 719. Further, this information is in -any case of importance for the more correct appreciation of the facts -as to the Plague of Athens. - -[200] _Thucydides_, Peloponnesian War, bk. II. ch. 49., -Διεξῄει γὰρ διὰ παντὸς τοῦ σώματος ἄνωθεν ἀρξάμενον τὸ ἐν τῇ κεφαλῇ -πρώτον ἱδρυθὲν κακόν· καὶ εἴ τις ἐκ τῶν μεγίστων περιγένοιτο, τῶν γε -ἀκρωτηρῖων ἀντίληψις _αὐτὸν_ ἐπεσήμαινε· κατέσκηπτε γὰρ ἐς αἰδοῖα καὶ -ἐς ἄκρας χεῖρας καὶ πόδας· καὶ πολλοὶ στερισκόμενοι τούτων διέφευγον· -(for translation see text above). In this passage it is usual to -read ἀντίληψις _αὐτοῦ_ ἐπεσήμαινε, supplying κακοῦ from the previous -clause to go with αὐτοῦ—(the seizure of the disease itself on the -extremities manifested itself); but even supposing the double genitive -with ἀντίληψις defensible, the construction is still very awkward, -and is made still more so by the fact that in taking it this way we -are compelled to translate ἐπεσήμαινε by “manifested itself” (mali -vis, apprehendens extremas corporis partes se prodebat, manifestam -faciebat,—the strength of the disease declared itself, made itself -manifest, in seizing the extremities of the body,—is Wittenbach’s -interpretation, Select. Hist. p. 367.), without by so doing obtaining -any clear meaning of the sentence. On the other hand this is got -directly we read with _Reiske_ (Annotations p. 21. in his “Thucydides -Reden, übersetzt von Reiske, nebst lateinischen Anmerkungen über -dessen gesammtes Werk,”—Speeches in Thucydides translated into German -by Reiske, together with Latin Notes on his “Histories” generally, -Leipzig 1761. 8vo.) ἀντίληψις _αὐτὸν_ ἐπεσήμαινε,—a seizure put its -mark on him. But whether αὐτοῦ is read or αὐτὸν in any case it will -be impossible to take the sentence as _Kraus_, p. 54., has done, when -he says: “The pustulous suppurative eruption begins with the head and -spreads little by little over the entire body even to the hands and -feet. The fact that Thucydides had the eruption especially in his -mind when he speaks of the gradual spread of the evil throughout the -whole body is shown by the expressions chosen by him “The disease goes -through the entire body and _marks_ (ἐπεσήμαινε) hands and feet.” Now -by what other of the symptoms mentioned would the affection of the -hands and feet have been likely to make itself evident except by the -eruption?” There must surely be few readers of Thucydides capable of -putting so radically false an interpretation on the Historian’s words. - -[201] _Lucretius_, De rerum natura bk. VI. 1205 sqq. - -[202] _Kraus_, “Ueber das Alter der Menschenpocken,“—(On the Antiquity -of Small-pox), Hanover 1825., pp. 54 sqq. - -[203] _Paulinus Fabius_, Praelectiones Marciae, etc. 352 (but he -_defends_ his accuracy, as do Lambinus and Mercurialis),—_Scuderi_ Pt. -I. p. 126. To these we may add _Petr. Victorius_, Variar. lect. bk. -XXXV. ch. 8. - -[204] As in the Antonine Plague in the year 235 A. D.,—_Galen_, De -usu part. III. ch. 5., De prob. pravisque alimentor. succ. ch. 1., -edit. Kühn Vol. VI. p. 749.; _Cyprian_, Works, Venice 1728. fol., p. -465.—Further note _Hecquet_, “Obs. sur la chute des os du pied dans -une femme attaquée d’une fèvre maligne,” (Observations on the Falling -in of the Bones of the Foot in the case of a Woman attacked by a -Malignant Fever), in Memoires de Paris 1746. Histor. p. 40.—_J. C. -Brebis_, De sphacelo totius fere faciei post superatam febrem malignam -oborto, (On the Mortification of almost the whole Face supervening -after Recovery from a Malignant Fever), in Act. Acad. N. C. Vol. IV. -p. 206.—_Percival_ (Samml. auserles. Abh. Vol. XV. p. 335.) observed -during an epidemic of putrid fever at Manchester many patients -with violent erysipelas on the face and head; and in the Typhus -epidemics of 1806-1813, _von Hildebrand_ (“Ueber den ansteckenden -Typhus,”—On infectious Typhus), 2nd. edition, Vienna 1814., p. 200. -and _Horn_ (“Erfahrungen über die Heilung des ansteckenden Nerven- und -Lazarethfiebers,”) (Experiences in the Cure of infections Nervous and -Hospital Fevers), 2nd. edition, Berlin 1814., pp. 49, 71. saw violent -inflammations of an erysipelas character set up in the nose, elbows, -fingers and particularly the toes of their patients, which rapidly -passed over into mortification. - -[205] A further, question arises whether we should not read, instead of -κατέσκηπτε γὰρ καὶ ἐς τὰ αἰδοῖα (for it attacked the genitals also), -κατέσκηπτε γὰρ _κακὸν_ ἐς τὰ αἰδοῖα (for mischief, evil, attacked the -genitals). - -[206] _Joseph Franc_, Prax. med. univ. praecept. Pt. I. Vol. III. -sect. 2., Typhus, ch. 2. § 4. Note 11. Observation 108., says: -“Notwithstanding the fact that in the General Hospital of Vienna -Venereal patients were separated from others, yet it often happened at -the time I was Physician in Chief there, that patients suffering from -concealed Venereal disease or paying patients were admitted into the -common Wards. Now if one or the other got typhus, or if such a patient -was already lying there, or was brought there, _the Venereal cases -without exception took the typhus_, and particularly so during the -mercurial treatment.” - -[207] _Schönlein_, “Vorlesungen”, (Prelections), Vol. II. p. 48., “The -syphilitic exanthema either remains stationary when typhus arises, or -disappears instantly and for ever—or the part affected with syphilis -becomes gangrenous.” _Neumann_, “Specielle Pathologie und Therapie”, -(Special Pathology and Therapeutics), Vol. II. p. 107., “Violent, -severe typhoïdal fevers cure syphilis completely; its symptoms -disappear with the commencement of the illness and never return.—Again -after Petechial fever I have in most cases observed that the syphilis -troubles that disappeared at its commencement never came back again.” -_Historical_ vouchers will be afforded in plenty by our later -investigations. - -[208] Works, Vol. I. p. 765. Epistola ad Amunem, monachum. (Letter to -Amunis, a monk). - -[209] _Euripides_, Alcestis 98., - - πυλῶν πάροιθεν δ’ οὐχ ὁρῶ - πηγαῖον ὡς νομίζεται - χέρνιβ ’ἐπὶ φθιτῶν πύλαις, - χαίτα τ’ οὔτις ἐπὶ προθύροις - τομαῖος, ἃ δὴ νεκύων - πένθει πιτνεῖ. - -(Before the doors I see no lustral water from the fountain, as is wont -at the doors of the departed, and in the forecourt is no shorn hair, -which is ever cut in mourning for the dead.) Comp. _Kirchmann_, De -funeribus Rom. (On Roman Funerals) bk. I. last ch., bk. II, ch. 15. -_Lomeier_, De veterum gentil. lustrationibus (On Public Purifications -among the Ancients), ch. 16. _Casaubon_, On the “Characters” of -Theophrastus, ch. 16. - -[210] It may be mentioned by way of supplement that Leprosy among the -Ancients was pretty nearly universally regarded as a punishment from -the gods. Even the Greeks held this view, as comes out clearly from -_Aeschylus_, Choeph. II. 2. This fact points to various conclusions as -to liability to infection in Leprosy and the obscurity in which the -causes of the disease are involved. - -[211] In accordance with the explanations given on a previous page -it might be thought quite conceivable that so long as the hymen -was intact, a part of the mucous discharge of the vagina and of -the menstrual blood was retained, and acquired a certain degree of -malignity. This acting on points of the penis where the surface had -been accidentally broken in the act of defloration, or even on the -mucous membrane of the urethra, might exert an injurious influence. - -[212] _Euripides_, Iphigeneia in Tauris 380. _Porphyrius_, bk. II. περὶ -Ἀποχῆς (On Abstinence), _Dio Chrysostom_, Homily XIII, on Epist. to -Ephesians.—_Theophrastus_, Charact. ch. 16.—_Th. Bartholinus_, Antiq. -veteris puerperii synopsis (Synopsis of Antiquities of Childbirth in -Old Times). Copenhagen 1646. 8vo. - -[213] Deipnosoph. bk. XII. p. 518., Πάντες δὲ οἱ πρὸς ἑσπέραν οἰκοῦντες -βάρβαροι πιττοῦνται καὶ ξυροῦνται τὰ σώματα· καὶ παρά γε τοῖς Τυῤῥηνοῖς -ἐργαστήρια κατεσκεύασται πολλὰ, καὶ τεχνῖται τούτου τοῦ πράγματός -εἰσιν, ὥσπερ παρ’ ἡμῖν οἱ κουρεῖς· παρ’ οὓς ὅταν εἰσέλθωσι, παρέχουσιν -ἑαυτοὺς πάντα τρόπον, οὐδὲν αἰσχυνόμενοι τοὺς ὁρῶντας, οὐ δὲ τοὺς -παριόντας· χρῶντοι δὲ τούτῳ τῷ νόμῳ πολλοὶ καὶ τῶν Ἑλλήνων καὶ τῶν τὴν -Ἰταλίαν οἰκούντων, μαθόντες παρὰ Σαμνιτῶν καὶ Μεσαπίων. (Now all the -Barbarians that dwell towards the West, use pitch as a depilatory, -and shave their bodies. Indeed amongst the Tyrrhenians establishments -are fitted up in numbers for this purpose, and there are artistes who -practise this profession, like barbers among ourselves. And when men -go into their shops, they expose themselves in every part, feeling no -shame of spectators nor of passers-by. And this custom is followed -also by many of the Greeks and of the inhabitants of Italy, who have -learned it from Samnites and Messapians). The depilation of men and -boys was attended to by women (_Martial_, XI. 79.) at the period of the -highest degree of dissoluteness; in fact there was a special guild of -such women, known as _ustriculae_. _Tertullian_, De pallio ch. 4. In -the same way men performed this service for women, as e. g. _Domitian_, -according to _Suetonius_, ch. 22., Erat fama, quasi concubinas ipse -develleret (Rumour went, to the effect that the Emperor used to “pluck” -his mistresses with his own hand,)—and _Heliogabalus_ according to -_Lampridius_, ch. 31., In balneis semper cum mulieribus fuit, ita ut -eas ipse psilothro curaret, ipse quoque barbam psilothro accurans, -quodque pudendum dictu est, eodem quo mulieres accurabantur, et eadem -hora. Rasit et virilia subactoribus suis ad novaculam manu sua, qua -postea barbam fecit. (At the baths he was always with the women, -going so far as to apply the “psilothrum” (a depilatory) in their -treatment himself, finishing off his own beard also with “psilothrum”, -and using, disgusting to relate, the same as the women were being -treated with, and at one and the same time. Moreover he shaved his -debauchees’ (pathics) privates to the navel with his own hand, and then -shaved his own beard). - -[214] They used to remove the hair on the _face_ (_Martial_, III. 74.), -from the _nose_ (Ovid, Art. Amand. I. 520.), on the arches of the -_eyebrows_ (Cicero, Orat. pro Roscio), from the armpits (_Juvenal_, -XIV. 194., _Seneca_, Epist. 115.), on the _arms_ (_Martial_, III. 63.), -the _hands_ (_Martial_, V. 41.), on the _legs_ (_Juvenal_, IX. 12.) As -to the beard, that has already been spoken of. - -[215] _Martial_, II. 62., Cui praestas culum, quem, Labiene, pilas. (To -whom you give your fundament, Labienus, that you strip of hair). - -[216] _Martial_, II. 62., - - Quod pectus, quod crura tibi, quod brachia vellis, - Quod cincta est brevibus _mentula tonsa_ pilis, - Haec praestas, Labiene, tuae, quis nescit? amicae. - -(You pluck your chest, your legs, your arms, your _shaven member_ is -surrounded by short hair,—all these pains you offer, everyone knows it, -to your mistress.) Bk. IX. 27., - - Cum _depilatos_, Chreste _coleos_ portes, - Et _vulturino mentulam parem collo_, - Et prostitutis laevius caput culis, - Nec vivat ullus in tuo pilus crure - Purgentque crebrae cana labra volsellae etc. - -(For you have _your testicles freed from hair_, Chrestus, and _your -member like a vulture’s neck_, and your head smoother than those -posteriors that you prostitute. Not a hair lives on your leg, and -frequent application of the tweezers keeps clean your shaven lips, -etc.) Comp. Bk. IX. 48. 58. _Suetonius_, Otho 12. _Persius_, IV. 37. -_Ausonius_, 131. - -[217] _Aristophanes_, Lysistrat. 151., - - Εἰ γὰρ καθῄμεθ’ ἔνδον ἐντετριμμέναι - κἀν τοῖς χιτωνίοισι τοῖς ἀμοργίνοις - γυμναὶ παρίοιμεν, _δέλτα παρατετιλμέναι_, - στύοιντ’ ἂν ἅνδρες κἀπιθυμοῖεν πλεκοῦν. - -(For if we sat within doors anointed with unguents, and if we appeared -lightly clad in robes of Amorgian flax, _our bellies plucked clear of -hair_, the men would all have erections, and would be fain to lie with -us.) For the same reason Mnesilochus was freed of hair on the genitals -and in all other parts of the body, so as not to be recognised in the -assemblage of women. - -[218] Aristophanes, Eccl. 718., says of prostitutes: - - καὶ τάς γε δούλας οὐχὶ δεῖ κοσμουμένας - τὴν τῶν ἐλευθέρων ὑφαρπάζειν Κύπριν, - ἀλλὰ παρὰ τοῖς δούλοισι κοιμᾶσθαι μόνον. - κατωνάκῃ _τὸν χοῖρον ἀποτετιλμένας_. - -(And the slave-women ought not to bedizen themselves and snatch -away the love that is free-women’s by rights; but should lie with -slaves only, their pudenda plucked clean to please the wearer of the -smock.) Frogs 515., Ξ. πῶς λέγεις; ὀρχηστρίδες; Θ. ἡβυλλιῶσαι κἄρτι -παρατετιλμέναι (Xanthius. What say you? dancing-girls? Therap. Yes! -young wenches, just _plucked clean_). Comp. Lysistrat. 88. - -[219] _Martial_, bk. XII. Epigr. 32., - - Nec plena turpi matris olla resina - Summoenianae qua pilantur uxores. - -(Nor yet your mother’s jars full of foul resin, wherewith the suburban -dames free themselves of hair.) - -[220] Martial, bk. X. Epigr. 90., - - Quid vellis _vetulum_, Ligella, _cunnum_? - Quid busti cineres tui lacessis? - Tales _munditiae_ decent puellas. - Erras, si tibi cunnus hic videtur, - Ad quem mentula pertinere desit. - -(Why pluck you bare, Ligella, _your old organ_? why vex you the ashes -of your tomb? Such _nice allurements_ are for girls. You are mistaken -if you think yours is of a sort that a man’s member should be fain -to belong to it.) This passage, together with those quoted a little -above from Aristophanes and Theopompus, will explain sufficiently what -_Horace_ (Sat. I. 2. v. 36.) meant by his “mirator _cunni_ Cupiennius -_albi_,” (Cupiennius admirer of a _white organ_), for the _albus_ -(white) here evidently stands for _rasus_, _depilatus_, _nudus_, -(shaven, freed from hair, bare); as in _Juvenal_, Sat. I. 111., Nuper -in hanc urbem _pedibus_ qui venerat _albis_, (Who but now had arrived -in this city with white, i. e. bare, feet.) The commentators have -hitherto always explained it by _matrona stola alba_, seu _candida_, -_vestita_, (a matron clad in a white, or glistening-white, robe), -because, as _Heindorf_ puts it, no other interpretation is to hand. -But really there are several possible explanations on similar lines. -It might be for “_canus_ cunnus”, (hoary, aged; organ) (_Martial_, bk. -IX. 38., bk. II. 34.), though again the meaning of _depilatus_ (free -of hair), in another sense, might equally well be at the bottom of -this, as is the case with _cana labra_ (hoary, white, lips)—IX. 28. Or -_albus_ (white) may be taken as synonymous with _increta_, _cerussata_ -(whitened with chalk, painted with ceruse), to which _Martial_ supplies -the explanation, when he says (III. 42.), - - Lomento rugas uteri quod condere tentas, - Polla, tibi ventrem, non mihi labra linis; - -(When you endeavour to hide the wrinkles on your stomach with powder, -’tis your own belly, Polla, not my lips, you smear with the stuff),—as -also bk. IX. 3., Illa _siligineis_ pinguescit adultera _cunnis_, -(It—i. e. your penis—in adulterous loves, grows fat on women’s organs -powdered with fine wheaten flour); [but another way of taking the line -is: She, i. e. your mistress,—adulterous dame, grows fat on wheaten -cakes—cakes baked in the shape of _cunni_.] The _Lomentum_, which is -not derived from _lavimentum_ or _lavamentum_ (something to wash with), -as Scheller, following Voss, makes it to be, but from the Greek λείωμα -faba communita (_ground_ beans), was bean-meal (_Vegetius_, De re -veterin. V. 62., says: in subtilissimo lomento, hoc est farina fabacea, -(in the finest _lomentum_, that is bean-flour.); and at the present -day the Japanese, it seems, according to _Thunberg_, use a kind of -bean-meal instead of soap. Roman ladies were most careful to maintain -the _aequor ventris_ (smoothness of the belly)—_Aulus Gellius_, Noctes -Att. I. 2.); whence _Martial_, (III. 72.) says, addressing Laufella, -who refuses to bathe with him: - - Aut tibi pannosae pendent a pectore mammae - Aut _sulcos uteri_ prodere nuda times. - -(Either your breasts hang flabby from your bosom, or you fear, if you -strip, to betray the furrows on your belly.) To obviate wrinkles on -the face, they sprinkled their faces with chalk; and so _Petronius_, -(Satyr. ch. 23.) says: et inter rugas malarum tantum erat cretae, ut -putares detectum parietem nimbo laborare, (and amidst the wrinkles of -the cheeks was so much chalk, that you would think a partition-wall -had been stripped and was wrapped in a cloud of dust); and we read -in _Lucian’s_ poem (Greek Anthology, Bk. II. tit. 9.) μὴ τοίνυν τὸ -πρόσωπον ἅπαν ψιμύθῳ κατάπλαττε. (Now don’t besmear all your face with -ceruse). However if _cunnus must_ be taken as equivalent to _femina_ -(a woman), it would be on all fours with _albus amicus_ (white, -white-faced, friend) in _Martial_ (bk. X. 12.), which _Farnabius_ -explains by σκιατρόφος (reared in the shade, delicate), answering -more or less to our “_Whey-face_”. At any rate _any_ of these -interpretations are for certain nearer the truth than the _stola alba_ -(clad in _a white robe_) one. - -[221] Italae nonnullae se depiles tangere amant circa partes hymenaeo -sacras, _veritae foetationem morpionum_ (Some Italian women like -to feel the skin bare of hair round those parts that are sacred to -marriage, _fearing the foul breeding of lice_), writes _Rolfink_, -“Ordo et methodus generationi dicat. partium cognoscendi fabricam,” -(Orderly and Systematic Knowledge of the Structure of the Parts -devoted to Procreation). Jena 1664. 4to., p. 185. This may have been -one motive among the Ancients also for the removal of the hair, for -Aristotle in his time (Hist. Anim. bk. V. ch. 25.) is acquainted with -felt-lice (crabs), and calls them φθεῖρες ἄγριοι (wild lice), without -however mentioning what part of the person they infest. His words are: -ἔστι δὲ γένος φθειρῶν, _οἳ καλοῦνται ἄγριοι_, καὶ σκληρότεροι τῶν -ἐν τοῖς πολλοῖς γιγνομένων· εἰσὶ δὲ οὗτοι καὶ δυσαφαίρετοι ἀπὸ τοῦ -σώματος. (There is another kind of lice, _called wild lice_, and more -troublesome than the common sort. It is most difficult to rid the body -of these). _Celsus_, De re medica bk. VI. chs. 6. and 15., mentions -them as occurring in the eye-lashes: Genus quoque vitii est, qui inter -pilos palpebrarum pediculi nascuntur. φθειρίασιν Graeci nominant. -(There is another kind of taint, lice that breed among the hair of the -eyelids; it is called in Greek φθειρίασις—lousiness.) - -[222] _Lockervitzens, Christ._ Disp. II on Circumcision, Witepsk 1679. -4to.—_Antonius_, Dissertation on the Circumcision of the Gentiles, -Leipzig 1682. 4to.—_Grapius_, Did Abraham borrow Circumcision from -the Egyptians? Rostock 1699. 4to. Jena 1722. 4to.—_Vogel_, Graduation -Exercise on Questions as to the Advantages of the Medical Employment -of Circumcision, Göttingen 1763. 4to.—_Hofmann_, On Circumcision as -deserving of the name of an Old Testament Sacrament. Altorf 1770. -4to.—_Ackermann, J. Ch. G._, “Aufsätze über die Beschneidung” (Essays -on Circumcision) in _Weise’s_ “Materialien für Gottesgelahrtheit -und Religion,” (Materials for Theological and Religious Study), -1 vol. Gera 1784. 8vo., pp. 50 sqq. comp. _Blumenbach’s_ Med. -Biblioth. Vol. I. p. 482.—_Meiners_, Christ., De circumcisionis -origine et causis, (On the Origin and Reasons of Circumcision), in -Commentat. Societ. Göttingen Vol. XIV. pp. 207 sqq.—_Borhek_, “Is -Circumcision Hebraic by First Origin? and What prompted Abraham -to its Introduction? A Historico-exegetical Enquiry,” Duisburg -and Lemgo 1793. 8vo.—_Bauer, F. W._ “Description of the Religious -Constitution of the Ancient Jews.” Leipzig 1805. large 8vo. Vol. I. -pp. 76 sqq.—_Cohen, Moses_,“Dissertation on Circumcision, regarded -under its Religious, Hygienic and Pathological Aspects”. Paris 1816. -4to.—_Brück, A. Th._ “A Word on the Advantages of Circumcision,” in -Rust’s Magaz. Vol. VII. 1820. pp. 222-28.—_Hofmann, A. G._ in Ersch -and Gruber’s “Encyclopaedie”, _Circumcision_, Vol. IX, (1822) pp. -265-70.—_Autenrieth, J. H._, “Treatise on the Origin of Circumcision -among savage and semi-savage Peoples, with reference to the -Circumcision of the Israelites; together with a Critique by C. Chr. von -Flatt.” Tübingen 1829, large 8vo. - -[223] _Herodotus_, Hist. Bk. II. ch. 104. _Origen_, Bk. V. ch. 41. -Works edit. De la Rue, Vol. I. p. 609 D.—_Cyril_, Contra Julian. Bk. X. -edit. Spanhem. p. 354. B.—_Diodorus Siculus_, Bk. I. ch. 28.—_Strabo_, -Geograph. Bk. XVII. ch. 2. 5. edit. Siebenkess. In _Sanchuniathon_ -(Fragments edit. Orelli, p. 36.) Circumcision is actually referred back -to Cronos. - -[224] _Ludolf_, Histor. Aethiop. Bk. III. ch. 1. pp. 30 sqq. _Paulus_, -“Sammlg. morgenländischer Reisebeschreibg.” (Collection of Descriptions -of Eastern Travel), Pt. III. p. 83. - -[225] Forster’s “Beobachtungen,” (Observations), p. 842.—Cook’s Last -Voyage, Vol. I. p. 387., Vol. II. pp. 161, 233. - -[226] _J. Gumilla_, “Histoire de l’Oronoque,” (Hist. of Oronoko), -Avignon 1708. Vol. I. p. 183. _Veigl_ in _Murr’s_ “Sammlung der Reisen -einiger Missionare,” (Collection of Travels of Various Missionaries), -p. 67.—_de Pauw_, “Reflections sur les Américains,” (Reflections -on the Natives of America), Vol. II. p. 148. _Spizelius, Theoph._, -Elevatio revelationis Montezinianae de repertis in America tribubus -Israeliticis, (Confutation of the Montezinian revelation as to the -Finding of the lost Tribes of Israel in America.) Bâle 1661. 8vo. -_Burdach_, Physiology. Vol. III. p. 386. - -[227] Gospel of St. John, Ch. VII. v. 23., Εἰ περιτομὴν λαμβάνει -ἄνθρωπος ἐν σαββάτῳ, ἵνα μὴ λυθῇ ὁ νόμος Μωσέως, ἐμοὶ χολᾶτε ὅτι ὅλον -ἄνθρωπον _ὑγιῆ ἐποίησα_ ἐν σαββάτῳ. (for translation see text above). - -[228] I Samuel, Ch. XVII. v. 14. It is true we find even in Genesis the -covenant with Jehovah celebrated by Abraham by means of circumcision; -but it was in later times only in each case that this custom was -referred back to him as being racial father of the Nation. For the same -reason in the case of Joshua the matter is so represented as if the -Jews had been already circumcised at their expulsion from Egypt. If -this had really and truly been the case, it is impossible to see why -circumcision was not carried out on those born on the march to Canaan. -They were perfectly able to keep other laws, and they could have -observed this too, if it had been given them at the time! - -[229] Leviticus, Ch. XIX. v. 6. - -[230] Leviticus, Ch. XII. v. 3. - -[231] _J. G. Hofmann_, De causa foecunditatis gentis circumcisae in -circumcisione quaerenda, (On the Reason for the Fertility of the -Circumcised Race to be sought in the fact of their Circumcision), -Leipzig 1739. 4to.—_S. B. Wolfsheimer_, De causis fecunditatis -Hebraeorum nonnullis sacr. cod. praeceptibus nitentibus, (On the Causes -of the Fertility of the Jews as dependent upon certain Precepts of the -Sacred Volumes), Halle 1742.—_Bauer_, loco citato Vol. I. p. 63. - -[232] The Talmud says: Quicunque Israelita liberis operam non dat, est -velut _homicida_. (An Israelite, whoever he be, that fails to give heed -to the procreation of children, is a kind of _murderer_). _Selden_, -Uxor. Hebraic. Bk. I. ch. 9. - -[233] _Stoll_, Praelectiones in diversos morbos chronicos, (Lectures -on certain Chronic Diseases), Vol. I. p. 96, writes as follows: -Antiquissimum cum _Henslero_ pronuntiavi, atque inter Aegyptios, -Judaeos, Graecos dein et Romanos perfrequentem _ut quasdam harum -gentium consuetudines, mores, leges ac statuta forte inde possis -repertere_.... Sic praeceptum _circumcisionis_, antiquissima plane -consuetudo, idcirco fortassis instituta fuerat, atque tanquam ritus -sacer, tanquam praeceptum quoddam, de quo dispensari nemo queat, -introducebatur, quod circumcisus videatur difficilius morbum urethrae -contrahere, rariusque ablato scilicet praeputio, intra quod virus -haeret, rodit, cancros facit, quod et ipsum efficitur pessime in -phymosi, paraphymosi. Glans ipsa in homine minus facile virus resorbere -videtur, occallescens nempe.... Nota viriginitatis sedulo examinata est -in neonuptis puellis; custodia foeminarum per totum orientem; adulterii -crimen, maxime foeminarum, morte expiatum _videntur docere, scivisse -antiquitatem remotissimam, morbum quendam gravem, immundum volgivaga -Venere dari et communicari_. (With _Hensler_ I pronounce it—Venereal -disease—to be of most ancient origin, and to have been of such -frequency among the Egyptians, Jews, as well as the Greeks and Romans, -that it may well _be possible to discover in it the cause of sundry -habits, customs, laws and enactments of these Peoples_.... For instance -the precept of circumcision, evidently an extremely ancient custom, was -very possibly first instituted for this reason, and was introduced in -the guise of a sacred rite, a ceremonial precept from which there can -be no dispensation, because the circumcised man would seem less readily -to contract disease of the urethra, and in cases where the prepuce has -been removed, inside which the poison remains adherent and corrodes, -less frequently suffers from chancres, an effect that follows in its -worst form in phymosis and paraphymosis. The _glans penis_ itself in -a man thus treated seems to absorb the poison less easily, being in -fact grown partially callous.... The fact that the sign of virginity -was scrupulously examined in newly married virgins, the careful guard -kept over women throughout the East, the penalty of death attached to -the crime of adultery, especially in women, _all seem to show that the -remotest Antiquity was aware of some serious, foul disease being given -and communicated by indiscriminate Love_. - -[234] _Strabo_, Geograph. Bk. XVII. ch. 11. § 5.—_Reland_, De religione -Muhamedan., (On the Mohammedan Religion), p. 75. _Niebuhr_, Description -of Arabia, p. 70. - -[235] _Seezen_, in a letter to von Hammer on the Mines of the East. -Vol. I. p. 65. - -[236] _Paulus_, “Sammlung morgenländ. Reisebeschreibg.,” (Collection -of Descriptions of Eastern Travel), Vol. III. p. 83.—_Olivier’s_ -“Reise in Aegypten, Syrien, etc.,” (Travels in Egypt, Syria, etc.), p. -413.—_Seezen_, loco citato p. 65. Perhaps even the ancient Egyptians -circumcised maids in their time. _Ambrosius_, Abraham Bk. II. ch. -11., in Works Vol. I. p. 347., Paris edition of 1686. _Galen_, De usu -partium Bk. XV. - -[237] _Ludolf_, History of the Ethiopians Bk. III. ch. 1. - -[238] _Chardin_, Voyages en Perse, (Travels in Persia), Vol. X. p. 76., -Amsterdam edition. - -[239] _Mungo Park_, Travels p. 180.—Voyage au pays de Bambouc, (Journey -to the Land of Bambuk), p. 48. - -[240] _Veigl’s_ “Gründliche Nachrichten von der Landschaft Maynas in -Südamerika,” (Trustworthy Account of the Province of Maynas in South -America), in _Murr’s_ “Sammlung der Reisen einiger Missionarien von der -Gesellschaft Jesu,” (Collection of the Travels of various Missionaries -of the Society of Jesus), Nüremberg 1785., p. 67. - -[241] _Plutarch_, On Isis and Osiris ch. 94. Hence we commonly find -among the Ancients the custom, merely after the evacuation of urine -and fæces, of cleansing the parts concerned. Accordingly _Josephus_, -De Bello Judaic. Bk. II. ch. 8., says: καίπερ δὲ φυσικῆς οὔσης τῆς -τῶν σωματικῶν λυμάτων ἐκκρίσεως ἀπολούεσθαι μετ’ αὐτὴν, καθάπερ -μεμιασμένοις, ἔθιζον. (And even though the evacuation of the bodily -defilements was in the course of nature, they were accustomed to wash -themselves after it, as in the case of men polluted). The Romans used -for the purpose a sponge fastened to the end of a stick, as we see from -_Seneca_, Letter 70, where he says: Lignum, quod ad emendanda obscoena -adhaerente spongia positum est, totum in gulam sparsit, (The stick -that is placed with a sponge fixed to it for cleansing filth, this he -shook right in his mouth). Slaves took stones, bulbs, etc. for the -purpose. _Aristophanes_, Plut. IV. 1. After making water it was usual -to wash the hands. _Petronius_, Satyr. 27. Exonerata ille vesica, aquam -poposcit ad manus. (After relieving his bladder, he asked for water for -his hands). This care for cleanliness roused, as mentioned before, the -utmost anger on the part of Saint Athanasius; but it is to this day the -custom among the Turks, for it is enjoined by the Koran (Sure IV. 42.), -even adding that only one hand ought to be used (_Niebuhr_, Description -of Arabia, p. 78.), namely the _left_. The same hand was used also by -the Romans, as well as perhaps by all ancient Peoples. Hence _Martial_ -says, bk. XI. 59., sed lota mentula laeva.... (but my member, when -my left hand has been washed....). With the left hand, amica manus -(the _mistress_ hand), masturbation was performed, _Martial_, IX. 42. -XI. 74.; it served to cover the genitals, _Lucian_, Amor. 13., hence -according to _Ovid_, Ars amandi, Bk. II. 613. - - Ipsa Venus pubem quoties velamina ponit, - Protegitur laeva semireducta manu - -(Venus herself, as oft as she lays aside her garments, half withdrawn -covers herself with her left hand), and Priapus is represented in Art -holding the penis with the left hand, Priapeia 24. 34. If we are not -mistaken, this was also the case with Horus among the Egyptians. What -has just been said explains at the same time the reason why the left -hand has from of old been held in disrepute, an idea still preserved in -the expression, to marry, to be married, _with the left hand_. - -[242] _Friedr. Hoffmann_, Diss. med. 3., asserit luem Veneream -Constantinopolidos non grassari, quod feminae munditiei apprime -studiosae post opus aquam sumant et locos diligenter colluant (asserts -that Venereal disease is not prevalent at Constantinople, because -the women being extremely careful of cleanliness take water after -their work and scrupulously wash the parts), says _Astruc_, I. p. -108. This is further confirmed by _Oppenheim_, “Ueber den Zustand der -Heilkunde etc. in der Türkei,” (On the Condition of Medical Science -etc. in Turkey), Hamburg 1838., p. 81., who writes: “Without the great -cleanliness of the Turks, who after any single occasion of coition not -only practise washing, but wherever at all possible, go to the bath as -well, the disease (Venereal) would undoubtedly be still more widely -spread.” - -[243] Herodotus, Histor. Bk. I. ch. 198., Ὁσάκις δ’ ἂν μιχθῇ γυναικὶ -τῇ ἑωυτοῦ ἀνὴρ Βαβυλώνιος περὶ θυμίημα καταγιζόμενον ἵζει· ἑτέρωθι δὲ -ἡ γυνὴ τὠυτὸ τοῦτο ποιέει· ὄρθρου δὲ γενομένου λοῦνται καὶ ἀμφότεροι· -ἄγγεος γὰρ ουδενος ἅψονται πρὶν ἂν λούσωνται· ταὐτὰ δὲ ταῦτα καὶ Ἀράβοι -ποιεῦσι. (for translation see text above). - -[244] _Eusebius_, Praeparat. evangel. p. 475. C., Μηδὲ εἰς ἱερὰ -εἰσιέναι ἀπὸ γυναικῶν ἀλούτοις ἐνομοθέτησαν. (And they enjoined that -men should not enter into temples unwashed after women). - -[245] _Chaeremon_ in _Porphyry_, περὶ ἀποχ. bk. IV. §. 7, The -expression _pollutiones_ (pollutions) for nocturnal ejaculation of seed -shows the Romans also saw a defilement in this. Comp. _Heinsius_ on -Ovid’s Art of Love, bk. III. 96. - -[246] Josephus, Contra Apionem, bk. II. p. 1381., καὶ _μετὰ τὴν νομιμὸν -συνουσίαν_ ἄνδρος καὶ γυναικὸς ἀπολούσασθαι _κελεύει ὁ νόμος_· ψυχῆς τε -καὶ σώματος ἐγγίνεται μολυσμός. (Even _after the lawful intercourse_ of -man and wife _the Law orders_ men to wash: a defilement both of soul -and body ensues). - -[247] _Philo Judaeus_, De special. legg., τοσαύτην δ’ ἔχει πρόνοιαν -ὁ νόμος τοῦ μηδ’ ἐπὶ γάμοις νεωτερίζεσθαι, ὥστε καὶ τοὺς συνιόντας -εἰς ὁμιλίαν ἄνδρας καὶ γυναῖκας κατὰ τοὺς ἐπὶ γάμοις θεσμοὺς, ὅταν -εὐνῆς ἀπαλλάττωντο, οὐ πρότερον ἐᾷ τινος ψαύειν ἢ _λουτροῖς_ καὶ -_περιῤῥαντηρίοις χρῆσθαι_. (But the Law takes such precautions that -nothing strange and unlawful be done in marriage, that it suffers -not even such as come together in intercourse, men and women united -according to the laws of marriage, when they quit the bed, to touch -anything before they have _employed baths and sprinklings_.) The -same Writer, De mercede meretricis non accepienda in sacrar., (Of -Harlots’ Hire not meet to be Taken in the Holy Place), Works edit. -Mangey Vol. II. p. 265., moreover states that in his time the public -women made frequent use of warm baths. - -[248] _Europa_ bathed in Crete after coition with Zeus (Antigonus -Carystius, Hist. mirab. 179.), Venus after the first embraces of Vulcan -(Athenaeus, Deipnos. XV. p. 681.), Ceres after lying with Neptune -(Pausanias, Arcad. p. 256.). - -[249] In Amor. 42. Lucian says of the women (Hetaerae), νύκτας ἐπὶ -τούτοις διηγούμεναι, καὶ τοὺς ἑτερόχρωτας ὕπνους καὶ θηλύττητος εὐνὴν -γέμουσαν· _ἀφ’ ἧς ἀναστὰς ἕκαστος εὐθὺ λουτροῦ χρεῖός ἐστι_. (passing -their nights in this way, enjoying indiscrimate sleep and a couch -teeming with wantonness; from the which each man when he has risen, -straightway is in need of bathing). _Hesiod_, Works and Days 731., -writes, - - μηδ’ αἰδοῖα γονῇ πεπαλαγμένος ἔνδοθι οἴκου - ἑστίη ἐμπελαδὸν παραφαινέμεν, ἀλλ’ ἀλέασθαι. - -(Nor yet when done with generation, within the house hard by the hearth -expose the privates, but retire aside). - -[250] _Persius_, Sat. II. 15., - - Haec sancte ut poscas, Tiberino in gurgite mergis - Mane caput bis terque et _noctem flumine purgas_. - -(That you may make this request free from taint, you plunge your head -in Tiber’s flood twice and three times at dawn, and _purge away your -night in the stream_). _Gregory the Great_, Answers to ten Questions -of Augustine, first English Bishop: Vir cum propria uxore dormiens, -intrare ecclesiam, non debet, sed neque lotus intrare statim debet.... -Et quamvis de hac re diversae hominum nationes diversa sentiant, atque -custodire videantur, _Romanorum tamen semper atque ab antiquioribus_ -usus fuit, post ad mixtionem propriae coniugis et lavacrii -purificationem ab ingressu ecclesiae paullatim reverenter abstinere. (A -man sleeping with his own wife, ought not to enter a church, and not -even when washed ought he to enter immediately after.... And although -on this matter different nations of mankind hold different opinions -and appear to keep different customs, yet the Romans’ practice always -and from the most ancient times has ever been, that subsequently to -intercourse with his lawful wife and the purification of the bath a man -reverently abstain for a while from entering a church). For the same -reason _Tibullus_ says, Carmina bk. II. 1., - - Vos quoque abesse procul jubeo discedite ab aris, - Queis tulit hesterna gaudia nocte, Venus. - -(You too I bid stand afar off, depart ye from the altars, to whom -yesternight Venus brought her joys). Comp. _Ovid_, Amor., bk. III. -eleg. 6. - -[251] _Ovid_, Amor., bk. III. eleg. 7. 84. - - Neve suae possent intactam scire ministrae, - Dedecus hoc _sumta_ dissimulavit _aqua_. - -(And that her handmaids might not know her untouched, she dissembled -this disgrace by _taking water_). - -_Ovid_, Ars Amandi, bk. III. 619., - - Scilicet obstabit custos ne scribere possis, - _Sumendae_ detur cum tibi tempus _aquae_. - -(Of course your guard will put obstacles in the way to hinder your -writing, though time be given you for _taking water_). - -_Martial_, bk. VII. Epigr. 34., - - Ecquid femineos sequeris matrona recessus? - Secretusque tua, cunne, lavaris aqua? - -(What! do you a matron penetrate into women’s secret haunts? and by -stealth are you washed, O female organ, in the water that appertains -to you?) _Petronius_, Sat. 94., Itaque extra cellam processit, tanquam -_aquam peteret_. (And so she came forward outside her chamber, and -if she _were going for water_).—_Cicero_, Orat. pro Caelio, ch. 14. -represents his grandfather Appius Claudius Caecus, who (442 A. U. C.) -had constructed the Appian Way, say to his depraved granddaughter: -Ideo aquam adduxi ut ea tu inceste uterere? (Was it for this I brought -the water to Rome, that you might use it for abominable purposes?) -Comp. Casaubon on Cicero, Letters to Atticus, bk. I. Letter 16. For -the same reason women and girls who only rarely participated in sexual -intercourse were called _siccae_ (dry) (_Plautus_, Miles Glor. III. -1. 192. _Martial_, XI. Epigr. 82. _Petronius_, Sat. 37.), in contrast -to the _uda puella_ (wet girl) _Juvenal_, Sat. X. 321. _Martial_, XI. -17., who was obliged to wash herself frequently. So too _illota_ or -_illauta_ virgo (unwashed maid) stands for _intacta_ virgo (untouched -maid), as in _Plautus_, Poenul. I. sc. 2. 22. Nam quae lavata est, -nisi perculta est, meo quidem animo, quasi _illauta_ est. (For she who -is washed, unless she is bedecked as well, in my opinion, is as good -as _unwashed_). In fact the whole of this scene is important for our -subject. - -[252] _Festus_, p. 19. under word _Aquarioli_: Aquarioli -dicebantur mulierum impudicarum sordidi asseclae. (Aquarioli, or -water-boys, a name given to the shameless attendants of immodest -women).—_Tertullian_, Apologet. ch. 43. They were also known as -_baccariones_ from baccarium, a word which _Isidor_ explains by -aquarium (a water vessel). An old Gloss says: baccario πορνοδιάκονος, -meritricibus aquam infundens (baccario, a prostitutes’ attendant, one -who pours water for whores); another: aquarioli, βαλλάδες, βαλλὰς, from -βάλλων ὕδωρ, ab aqua jaciunda (water-boys, or throwers, from throwing -water). These aquarioli at the same time carried on the business of -procurers; so _Juvenal_ says, Sat. VI. 331., veniet conductus aquarius. -(Some water-carrier will come, hired for the purpose). Comp. _Lipsius_, -Antiq. lect. I. 12. Hence also the word _aquaculare_ was used meaning -lenocinari (to be a pandar); see _Turnebus_, Adversar. XIV. 12. XXVIII. -5. Besides this they held themselves, especially in the public baths, -at the disposal of lustful women, very often earning in this way the -Bath farthing they had to pay. Probably Dasius in _Martial_, bk. II. -Epigr. 52., was such an Aquariolus. - - Novit loturas Dasius numerare, poposcit - Mammosam Spatalen pro tribus, illa dedit. - -(Dasius knew well how to count the women going to bathe; he asked -big-bosomed Spatalé the price for three, and she gave it). Hence the -_quadrantaria permutatio_ (farthing barter) in Cicero, Orat pro Caelio -ch. 26. Comp. _Juvenal_, Sat. VI. 428., - - Callidus et cristae digitos impressit aliptes, - Ac summum dominae femur exclamare coegit. - -(The artful masseur too pressed his fingers on the clytoris, and -made the upper part of his mistress’ thigh resound under his hands). -From the passage of _Martial_ it follows that _Busch_, “Handbuch der -Erfindungen,” (Manual of Inventions), vol. II. p. 8., is mistaken in -saying: _Women_ and persons not yet adult had the bath _gratis_; in -fact in the passage from Juvenal, Sat. II. 152., quoted by him, it -is a question of boys only. For the rest, the Aquarioli recall the -λουτροφόροι (water-bearers) of the Greeks; these were boys, whose -duty it was to fetch the water for the Bride’s bath before marriage. -_Pollux_, Onomast. III. 43. _Harpocration_, under the word, p. 49. -_Meursius_, Ceramicus ch. 14. p. 40. _Böttiger_, “Vasen gemälde” -(Vase-painting), I. p. 143. Again the παρανύμφοι (groomsmen), who -anointed the bride, and as a rule were from 17 to 19 years old, may be -mentioned here by way of illustration. Hancarville, Antiquités Vol. I. -plate 45. Vol. III. plate 43. Vol. IV. plate 69. - -[253] _Columella_, De re rust. bk. XII. ch. 4., His autem omnibus -placuit, eum, qui rerum harum officium susceperit, castum esse -continentemque oportere, quoniam totum in eo sit, ne contractentur -pocula vel cibi, nisi aut ab impubi aut certe abstinentissmo rebus -venereis. Quibus si fuerit operatus vel vir vel femina, debere eos -flumine aut perenni aqua, priusquam penora contingant, ablui. (But all -were agreed upon this, that he who should undertake the performance -of these duties ought to be chaste and continent, since all depends -on his care that drink and food be not defiled, unless indeed they -are prepared by one still immature or at any rate one extremely -self-restrained in the matter of love. But if it has been indulged in -by man or woman, they ought to be cleansed in the river or in flowing -water, before they touch the victuals). From what precedes the words -quoted, it may be conjectured that this custom prevailed also among the -Carthaginians and Greeks. - -[254] _Propertius_, bk. III. eleg. 9., At primum pura somnum tibi -discute limpha. (But first shake off your sleep with pure water). -_Apuleius_, Metamorphos. bk. II., Confestim discussa pigra quiete, -alacer exsurgo meque purificandi studio, marino lavacro trado. (Soon -as ever dull sleep is shaken off, at once I briskly rise, and with -the desire of purification, I give myself to the bath of sea water.) -_Tacitus_, Germania ch. 22., Statim e somno, quem plerumque in diem -extrahunt, lavantur, saepius calida, ut apud quos plurimum hiems -occupat. (Immediately on rising from sleep, which as a rule they -prolong into the day-time, they wash, generally in warm water, as one -would expect among men whose winter lasts most of the year). - -[255] _Lomeier_, De lustrationibus veterum gentium, (Of the Lustrations -of Ancient Peoples), ch. XVI. p. 167., Et Priapus iter ad fontem -monstrare dicebatur, quod qui quaeve viros experirentur lotione opus -haberent; (Moreover Priapus was said to point the way to the fountain, -because such men, or women as had intercourse, were in need of -washing); in confirmation of which he then alleges the passage quoted -in the text. - -[256] _Martial_, Bk. II. Epigr. 50. Comp. bk. II. 70., bk. III. 69. 81. -_Petronius_, Sat. 67., Aquam in os non coniiciet. (He will not throw -water into his mouth). - -[257] E. g. the Epigram of _Martial_ (VI. 81.) on Charidemus, who -according to VI, 56. was a _fellator_. - -[258] _Martial_, bk. VII. Epigr. 34. 35., - - Inguina succinctus nigra tibi servus aluta - Stat, quoties calidis tota foveris aquis. - -(A slave girt about the loins with a pouch of black leather stands by -you, as oft as you are washed all over with warm water). _Claudian_, I. -106., - - Pectebat dominae crines et saepe lavanti - Nudus in argento lympham portabat alumnae. - -(He was wont to comb his mistress’ hair, and oft when she bathed, naked, -he would bring water for his lady in a silver ewer). - -[259] _Dio Cassius_, Histor. bk. XLIX. ch. 43., τά τε βαλανεῖα προῖκα -δι’ ἔτους καὶ ἀνδράσι καὶ γυναιξὶ λούεσθαι παρέσχε. (And he opened the -Baths gratuitously throughout the summer both to men and women). Comp. -_Pliny_. Hist. nat. bk. XXVI. ch. 24. 9. Dio Cassios. LIV. 29. - -[260] _Plutarch_, Cato Major ch. 39., συλλούσασθαι δὲ μηδέποτε· καὶ -τούτου κοινὸν ἔθος ἔοικε Ῥωμαίων εἶναι. καὶ γὰρ πενθεροῖς γάμβροι -ἐφυλάττοντο συλλούεσθαι, δυσωπούμενοι τὴν ἀποκάλυψιν καὶ γύμνωσιν· εἶτα -μέντοι παρ’ Ἑλλήνων, τὸ γυμνοῦσθαι μαθόντες αὐτοὶ πάλιν τοῦ καὶ μετὰ -γυναικῶν τοῦτο πράσσειν ἀναπεπλήκασι τοὺς Ἑλλήνας. (And never bathed -together; indeed the common habit of doing so appears to be of Roman -origin. For at first sons-in-law used to guard against bathing with -fathers-in-law, feeling shame at such exposure and stripping naked. -Later on however having learned the habit of stripping naked from the -Greeks, they again in their turn have taught the Greeks that of doing -so along with women). The _balnea virilia_ (men’s baths) are mentioned -in _Aulus Gellius_, Noct. Att. X. 3., where he shows that they were -also used by women. - -[261] Catalect. Graecor. Poetarum, - - ἀνδράσιν Ἑρμῆς εἰμί· γυναιξὶ δὲ Κύπρις ὁρῶμαι· - ἀμφοτέρων δὲ φέρω συμβολά μοι τοκέων - Τοὔνεκεν οὐκ ἀλόγως με τὸν Ἑρμαφρόδιτον ἔθεντο - _ἀνδρογύνοις λουτροῖς_ παῖδα τὸν ἀμφίβολον. - -(To men I am Hermes; for women I am looked upon as Cypris; and I bear -the tokens of both my parents. Therefore not without good reason have -they set me up, the Hermaphrodite, the boy of double nature, before -male-female baths). - -[262] _Martial_, Bk. VI. 34. bk. III. 51. bk. II. 76. As early as -_Ovid_, Art of Love, bk. III. 639., we read: - - Quum custode foris tunicam servante puellae - Celent furtivos balnea tuta iocos, - -(When the doorkeeper at the entrance keeps the girl’s garments, and the -discreet baths cover surreptitious amusements); also in _Quintilian_, -Institut. bk. V. ch. 9., nam si est signum adulterae lavari cum viris, -etc. (if indeed it is a mark of a lewd woman to bathe with men). - -[263] _Spartian_, Life of Hadrian ch. 18., Lavacra pro sexibus -separavit. (He assigned separate baths for the two sexes). Dio Cass. -LXIX. ch. 8. - -[264] _Julius Capitolinus_, Life of Marcus Antoninus ch. 23., Lavacra -mixta submovit, mores matronarum composuit diffluentes et iuvenum -nobilium. (He abolished the mixed Baths, and restrained the loose -habits of the Roman ladies and of the young nobles). - -[265] _Lampridius_, Life of Alexander Severus ch. 24., Balnea mixta -Romae exhiberi prohibuit, quod quidem iam ante prohibitum Heliogabalus -fieri permiserat. (He forbad the opening of mixed Baths at Rome, a -practice which, though previously prohibited, Heligabalus had allowed -to be followed). - -[266] _Clement of Alexandria_, Paedagog. bk. III. ch. 5., says -of women: καὶ δὴ τοῖς μὲν ἀνδράσι τοῖς σφῶν οὐκ ἂν ἀποδύσαιντο, -προσποίητον αἰσχύνης ἀξιοπιστίαν μνώμεναι· ἔξεστι δὲ τοῖς βουλομένοις -τῶν ἄλλων οἴκοι τὰς κατακλείστους, γυμνὰς ἐν τοῖς βαλανείοις θεάσασθαι· -ἐνταῦθα γὰρ ἀποδύσασθαι τοῖς θεαταῖς, ὥσπερ καπήλοις σωμάτων, οὐκ -αἰσχύνονται ἀλλ’ ὁ μὲν Ἡσίοδος (Oper. et Dies lib. II. 371). - - Μὴδὲ γυναικείῳ λυτρῷ χρόα φαιδρύνεσθαι, - -παραινεῖ· κοινὰ δὲ ἀνέωκται ἀνδράσιν ὁμοῦ καὶ γυναιξὶ τὰ βαλανεῖα· -κἀντεῦθεν ἐπὶ ἀκρασίαν ἀποδύονται· ἐκ τοῦ γὰρ εἰσορᾶν, γίνεται -ἀνθρώποις ἐρᾶν· ὥσπερ ἀποκλυζομένης τῆς αἰδοῦς αὐτοῖς κατὰ τὰ λουτρὰ· -αἱ δὲ μὴ εἰς τοσοῦτον ἀπερυθριῶσαι, τοὺς μὲν ὀθνείους ἀποκλείουσιν, -ἰδίοις δὲ οἰκέταις συλλούονται, καὶ δούλοις ἀποδύονται γυμναὶ, καὶ -ἀνατρίβονται ὑπ’ αὐτῶν, ἐξουσίαν δοῦσαι τῷ κατεπτηχότι τῆς ἐπιθυμίας, -τὸ ἀδεὲς τῆς ψηλαφήσεως· οἱ γὰρ παρεισαγόμενοι παρὰ τὰ λουτρὰ ταῖς -δεσποίναις γυμναῖς, μελέτην ἴσχουσιν ἀποδύσασθαι πρὸς τόλμαν ἐπιθυμίας -ἔθει πονηρῷ παραγράφοντες τὸν φόβον. (And of a truth they would not -strip before their own husbands, feigning a pretended plausibility of -mock-modesty; but for other men, whosoever will, may readily see the -women that are so close shut up at home, naked at the Baths. For there -they are nowise ashamed to strip before the spectators, looking on -like dealers in human flesh; whereas Hesiod (Works and Days, bk. II. -371.) advises “But do not, for the earning of a woman’s price, let her -wash her skin bright and clean.” Now the Baths are open for men and -women alike. And hence their stripping leads to incontinence; for from -seeing, men come to desire, as though their modesty were washed away -in the Baths. Other women that have not attained such effrontery, shut -out strangers indeed, but wash along with their own house-slaves, and -are stripped naked before their servants and are rubbed by them, giving -opportunity to the man a-tremble with longing, the free right to handle -without fear; for the men that are admitted into the Baths with their -naked mistresses take care to strip in such a way as to correspond to -the daring audacity of their longing, putting down fear to the count of -evil habit).—_Cyprian_, De Virginum habitu: Quid vero, quae promiscuas -balneas adeunt, quae oculis ad libidinem curiosis, pudori ac pudicitae -dicata corpora prostituunt, quae cum viros ac a viris nudae vident -turpiter ac videntur, nonne ipsae illecebram vitiis praestant. (But in -truth, those women that frequent indiscrimate Baths, that expose to -prying and lustful eyes their bodies that should be dedicate to modest -shamefacedness, that along with men see what is disgraceful to see and -in nakedness are seen by men, do not such women offer an enticement to -sinfulness?) Comp. _Mercurialis_, De arte Gymnast. bk. I. ch. 10.—It -is true we read in _Julius Caesar_, De bello Gallico bk. VI. ch. 21., -of the ancient Germans: Intra annum vero vicessimum feminae notitiam -habuisse, in turpissimis habent rebus; cuius rei nulla est occultatio, -quod et _promiscue in fluminibus perluuntur_, (But to have known a -woman under the twentieth year is held by them most disgraceful; and -there is no concealment of it, as _they bathe indiscriminately in the -rivers_); but here the antecedent clause bars any suspicion of sexual -excesses having been invited by the practice. - -[267] _Seneca_, Epist. 86. says, speaking of the bath of Scipio: -Balneolum angustum, tenebricosum ex consuetudine antiqua; non videbatur -maioribus nostris caldum nisi obscurum. (A little narrow bath-chamber, -dim and gloomy after the antique fashion; our fathers could not believe -a bath warm unless it was dark too).—Next he describes explicitly the -luxury of the Roman Baths, and then goes on,—In hoc balneo Scipionis -minimae sunt rimae magis quam fenestrae, muro lapideo exsectae, ut -sine iniuria munimenti lumen admitterent. At nunc _blattaria_ vocant -_balnea_, si qua non ita aptata sunt, ut totius diei solem fenestris -amplissimis recipiant; nisi et lavantur et colorantur; nisi ex solio -agros et maria prospiciant.... Imo si scias, non quotidie lavabatur. -Nam ut aiunt, qui priscos mores urbis tradiderunt, brachia et crura -quotidie abluebant, quae scilicit sordes opere collegerant: ceterum -toti nundinis lavabantur. Hoc loco dicet aliquis, liquet mihi -immundissimos fuisse. Quid putas illos oluisse? militiam, laborem, -virum. Postquam munda balnea inventa sunt, spurciores sunt. (In this -bath of Scipio there are tiny chinks rather than windows, cut through -the stone wall, so as to admit light without detriment to the shelter -afforded. But nowadays men call them _Baths for night-moths_, any -that are not disposed in such a way as to let the sunlight enter all -day long by immense windows; if they are not washed and sun-burned at -once; if they cannot look out on fields and sea from the pavement.... -If you must know the truth, he did not bathe every day. For we are -told by those who have handed down accounts of the primitive manners -of the City, our ancestors would wash daily arms and legs, for these -had grown soiled with the dust of toil: but they washed all over only -on market-days. Hearing this, it will be said, “It appears to me they -must have very filthy people.” Well! what think you it was they smelt -of? Of fighting, and honest work, and manly vigour. Sweet, clean Baths -have been introduced; but the population is only more foul). Comp. -_Plutarch_, Quaest. convival. VIII. 9. _Sidonius Apollinaris_ bk. II. -Epist. 11. _Pliny_, Hist. nat. XXX. 54. - -[268] _Ammianus Marcellinus_, XXVIII., Tales, ubi comitantibus -singulos quadraginta ministris, tholos introierint balnearum, ubi -sunt, minaciter clamantes, si apparuisse subito ignotam compererint -meretricem, aut oppidanae quondam prostibulum plebis, vel meritorii -corporis veterem lupam, certatim concurrunt, palpantesque ad venam -deformitate magna blanditarum ita extollunt, ut Semiramin. (Such men, -when with forty servants attending each master they have entered the -rotundas of the Baths, where they remain with loud threatening shouts, -if they should note an unknown courtesan to have put in an appearance, -or some prostitute once popular with the common herd, or some old -harlot who has sold her person for years, they strive who shall be -first on the spot, and wheedling her to the top of her bent, with -mighty exaggeration of flattery, praise her beauty as though she were -a Semiramis). _Lampridius_, Life of Heliogabalus ch. 26., Omnes de -circo, de theatro, de stadio, de omnibus locis et _balneis_, meretrices -collegit in aedes publicam. (All the prostitutes from circus, from -theatre, from race-course, from all places and from _the Baths_, he -brought together into public establishments). Comp. _Suetonius_, -Caligula ch. 37. - -[269] Martial, bk. I. Epigr. 24., - - Invitae nullum, nisi cum quo, Cotta, lavaris, - Et dant convivam balnea sola tibi. - Mirabar, quare nunquam me, Cotta, vocasses. - Iam scio, me nudum displicuisse tibi. - -(You invite no man, Cotta, but your bathing companion; the Baths only -supply a guest for you. I used to wonder, why you had never asked me; -now I know that you did not like the look of me when naked). Comp. -_Martial_, Bk. I. 97. bk. VII. 33. bk. IX. 34. _Juvenal_, Sat. VI. 373. - -[270] It must be left to future investigation to decide, whether the -great number of _phalli_ found in so many places where Temples formerly -existed, is not in part to be explained by supposing these figures to -have formed thank-offerings for the happy recovery of the corresponding -parts from sickness. - -[271] _Oppenheim_, Ueber den Zustand der Heilkunde in der Türkei, (On -the Condition of of Medical Knowledge in Turkey), p. 81., “Without the -very great cleanliness of the Turks, who after every occasion of sexual -intercourse not only wash carefully, but also wherever it is possible -go to the bath likewise, the disease would undoubtedly be yet more -widely spread than it is.... Yet the Turk will never admit, or rather -he simply cannot bring himself to conceive, that he has contracted -an infection through unclean cohabitation, but will be found always -to give some other cause as occasioning his sickness. In fact the -language itself shows this; the Turkish expression for gonorrhœa is -“_Belzouk_”, literally: chill of the back (from _bel_, back and _zouk_, -cold), and chill or overheating will always be represented as having -brought it on.”—Moreover _Zeller von Zellenberg_, Abh. über die ersten -Erscheinungen venerischer Lokal-Krankheitsformen und deren Behandlung, -(Dissertation on the earliest Appearances of Forms of Local Venereal -Disease, and their Treatment), Vienna 1810., p. 7., is of the opinion, -that the reason of the imperfect knowledge possessed by the Ancients of -gonorrhœa, chancre and buboes is to be found in this delayed appearance -of the symptoms of disease after coition. - -[272] We see this in the clearest possible way from the passage of -_Herodotus_, bk. I. ch. 9, 10., where Candaules wishes to induce Gyges -to see his wife naked, in order to convince him of her beauty, but the -latter objects: ἅμα δὲ κιθῶνι ἐκδυομένῳ συνεκδύεται καὶ τὴν αἰδῶ γυνή· -πάλαι δὲ τὰ καλὰ ἀνθρώποισι ἐξεύρηται, ἐκ τῶν μανθάνειν δεῖ· -(but when she strips off her tunic, a woman strips off therewith -her modesty likewise; now mankind have long ago ascertained what is -honourable, and from this we must learn how to act). Then Herodotus -adds to this further (ch. 10.), παρὰ γὰρ τοῖσι Λυδοῖσι, σχεδὸν δὲ -παρὰ τοῖσι ἄλλοισι βαρβάροισι, καὶ ἄνδρα ὀφθῆναι γυμνὸν, ἐς αἰσχύνην -μεγάλην φέρει· (for among the Lydians, as indeed among pretty nearly -all Barbarians, for a person to be seen naked is counted for the -greatest disgrace). Comp. _Plutarch_, De audiend. rat. p. 37. _Diogenes -Laertius_, VIII. 43. _Plato_, Politics V. 6. p. 457. A., V. 3. p. 452., -Οὐ πολὺς χρόνος, ἐξ οὗ τοῖς Ἕλλησιν ἐδόκει αἰσχρὰ εἶναι καὶ γέλοια, -ἅπερ νῦν τοῖς πολλοῖς τῶν βαρβάρων, γυμνοὺς ἄνδρας ὁρᾶσθαι. (It is -no long time since it appeared to the Greeks, as it does still to most -of the Barbarian peoples, shameful and ridiculous for men to be seen -naked). In reference to the genital organs _Hesiod_ says (Works and -Days 733.): - - μηδ’ αἰδοῖα γονῇ πεπαλαγμένος ἔνδοθι οἴκου - ἑστίῃ ἐμπελαδὸν παραφαινέμεν, ἀλλ’ ἀλέασθαι· - -(Nor yet when done with generation, within the house hard by the hearth -expose the privates, but retire aside). St. Augustine, De civit. dei -bk. XIV., Omnes gentes adeo tenent in usu pudenda velare, ut quidam -barbari illas corporis partes nec in balneis undas habeant. (All -nations in fact make it a habit to cover the privates, so much so that -some Barbarians do not expose the parts of the body naked even in the -Baths). _St. Ambrose_, Offic. I. 18., Licet plerique se et in lavacro, -quantum possunt, tegant, ut vel illic, ubi nudum totum est corpus, -huius modi intecta portio sit. (Most men may also cover themselves, -as much as they can, even in the Bath, so that even there, where the -whole body is naked, a part may so be hidden). _Arnobius_, bk. V., -Propudiosa corporum monstratur obscoenitas, obiectanturque partes -illae, quas pudor communis abscondere, quas naturalis verecundiae lex -iubet, quas inter aures castas sine venia nefas est ac sine honoribus -apellare praefatis. (The foulest abomination of men’s bodies is -exhibited, and those parts exposed, which common modesty, the natural -law of shamefacedness, bids us conceal, which among ears polite it -is forbidden to name without asking pardon and making a preface of -apologies).—bk. III., Insignire his partibus, quas enumerare, quas -persequi probus audeat nemo, nec sine summae foeditatis horrore mentis -imaginatione concipere. (To parade those parts, which no honourable man -dare name or describe, nor even without a shudder at such a height of -foulness conceive a mental picture of). Comp. p. 42. and _Oppenheim_, -loco citato p. 128., who undoubtedly ranks the importance of the vice -of paederastia too high, when he finds in it the main reason for the -feeling of shame prevalent among the Turks. - -[273] _Aristophanes_, Wasps 578., παίδων τοίνυν δοκιμαζομένων αἰδοῖα -πάρεστι θεᾶσθαι. (Yet when boys are under test, men may see their -privates). Comp. _Athenaeus_, Deipnos. bk. XII. p. 550. Petit, Ad -legg. Attic. p. 227. At Rome likewise in cases of marriage disputes -the men were obliged to offer their genital organs for examination -(_Quintilian_, Declam. 279.), a Law which was only revoked by -Justinian. Comp. _Gundlingiana_ No. 23. pp. 342 sqq. We learn from -_Plato_, Theaetet. 151., ποίαν χρῆ ποίῳ ἀνδρὶ συνοῦσαν ὡς ἀρίστους -παῖδας τίκτειν, (what sort of maid must mate with what sort of man -to produce as fine children as may be), that the marriageable girls -were examined by the midwives,—a procedure that Plato wished to see -universally introduced in his ideal State (De legg. bk. XII.). But -against this _Theodoretus_, Contra Graecos bk. IX., declaims vigorously. - -[274] In any case it is an error to suppose that by this it is implied -that the maidens and young men were absolutely naked. They were merely -μονόπεπλοι (single-frocked), clothed in a single short frock, slit -up at the hips, for which reason they were also known by the name -φαινομηρίδες (showing the thighs) (_Pollux_, Onomastic. VII. 55.), a -costume which was pretty much the general Doric one; thus _Moeris_ says -δωριάζειν τὸ παραγυμνοῦσθαί τινα μέρη, (to follow Dorian fashions, -to expose certain parts). Comp. _Meursius_, Laconic. bk. I. end. -_K. O. Müller_, The Dorians, IInd. Part pp. 263, 265. _Josephus_, -De special. legg., Works, Vol. II. p. 328. The meaning of γυμνὸς is -nothing more than “lightly clad”, in mere underclothing, without outer -cloak. So _Eubulus_, (Athenaeus bk. XIII. p. 568.) says, speaking of -the brothel-girls, γυμνάς—ἐν λεπτονήτοις ὑμέσιν ἑστωτας (standing -“naked”—in light-spun garments). _Aelian_, Var. hist. XIII. 37., ἐν -χιτωνίσκῳ γυμνὸς, (“naked” in a tunic). Similarly _nudus_ (naked) in -Latin, as _Cuper_ (Observat. bk. I. ch. 7.) long ago pointed out, -often has no other meaning, but merely stands for _tunicatus_ (clad -in the tunic), in tunic only, without cloak or toga. We see this very -clearly in _Petronius_, Satir. 55., Aequum est induere nuptam ventum -textilem,—Palam prostare nudam in nebula linea. (’Tis right a bride -should put on woven wind,—that she should stand openly for sale, -“naked” in a linen cloud!) In precisely the same way the Jews use their -word עָרֹם (arôm), Isaiah Ch. XX. 2., Job Ch. XXIV. 7. 10. I Samuel -ch. XIX. 24., and the Arabs مسلوخ (mesluch). - -[275] _Plato_, Republic, bk. II. p. 405. The Speech of _Lysias_ Ὑπὲρ -Φανίου contains a passage, preserved for us by _Athenaeus_, bk. XII. p. -552., in which these principles are expressed in Court, to induce the -Judges to condemn the dissolute Cinesias: τοῦτον δὲ τὸν ὑπὸ πλείστων -γινωσκόμενον οἱ θεοὶ οὕτως διέθεσαν, ὥστε τοὺς ἐχθροὺς αὐτοῦ βούλεσθαι -ζῆν μᾶλλον ἢ τεθνάναι, παράδειγμα τοῖς ἄλλοις, ἵν’ ἴδωσιν ὅτι τοῖς ἄλλοις -ὑβριστικῶς πρὸς τὰ θεῖα διακειμένοις, οὐκ εἰς τοὺς παῖδας ἀποτίθενται -τὰς τιμωρίας, ἀλλ’ αὐτοὺς κακῶς ἀπολύουσι, μείζους καὶ χαλεπωτέρας, -καὶ τὰς νόσους, ἢ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἀνθρώποις, προσβάλλοντες· τὸ μὲν γὰρ -ἀποθανεῖν ἢ καμεῖν νομίμως κοινὸν ἅπασιν ὑμῖν ἐστίν· τὸ δ’ οὕτως ἔχοντα -τοσοῦτον χρόνον διατελεῖν, καὶ καθ’ ἑκάστην ἡμέραν ἀποθνήσκοντα μὴ -δύνασθαι τελευτῆσαι τὸν βίον, τούτοις μόνοις, προσήκει τοῖς τὰ τοιαῦτα, -ἅπερ οὗτος, ἐξημαρτηκόσιν. (But this man, who is known to most of you, -the gods have brought to such a pass that his enemies may well wish him -to live rather than die, to be an example to other men, showing them -that where men’s conduct is too violently overbearing towards the gods, -these do not inflict punishments on their children, but pay them out in -person with misfortunes, bringing down on them calamities and diseases -greater and more severe than fall to the lot of others. For death and -sickness are admittedly common to all of you; but to continue so long -in such a condition, and dying every day, yet not be able to have -done with his life, this is the fate only of men who have committed -such evil deeds as he has). Again, the Taxili, an Indian people, -regarded any bodily sickness as disgraceful, and on its appearance gave -themselves to the fire; αἴσχιστον δ’ αὐτοῖς νομίζεσθαι νόσον σωματικήν· -τὸν δ’ ὑπονοήσαντα καθ’ αὑτοῦ τοῦτο ἐξάγειν ἑαυτὸν διὰ πυρὸς νήσαντα -πυράν, (But they hold a bodily disease to be most disgraceful; and the -man who has formed a suspicion of the existence of such in himself, -goes through the fire, after making a funeral pyre) says _Strabo_, -Geograph. bk. XV. p. 716. 65. We should compare with this the suicide -of Festus spoken of above and of the “Municeps” _Pliny_ tells of. - -[276] _Aretaeus_, De caus. et sign. chron. morb. (On the Causes and -Symptoms of Chronic Diseases), bk. II. ch. 5., says indeed explicitly -of gonorrhœa: ἀνώλεθρον μὲν ἡ γονόῤῥοια, _ἀτερπὲς δὲ καὶ ἀηδὲς μέσφι -ἀκοῆς_, (Gonorrhœa is not indeed a dangerous complaint, but it is -one that is hateful and abominable of repute). - -[277] _Martial_, bk. VI. Epigr. 31., - - Uxorem, Charideme, tuam scis ipse sinisque - _A medico futui_. Vis sine febre mori! - -(Your wife, Charidemus, you know _to be entered by the doctor_ of your -own knowledge, and suffer it. You are fain to die without a fever!) -Similar instances occurred equally in the time of Hippocrates, as we -gather from the oath, in which stands the clause: εἰς οἰκίας δὲ ὁκόσας -ἂν ἐσίω, ἐσελεύσομαι ἐπ’ ὠφελείῃ καμνόντων, ἐκτὸς ἐὼν πάσης ἀδικίης -ἑκουσίης καὶ φθορίης τῆς τε ἄλλης, καὶ _ἀφροδισίων ἔργων, ἐπί τε -γυναικείων σωμάτων καὶ ἀνθρώπων ἐλευθέρων τε καὶ δούλων_. (Also into -whatsoever houses I enter, I will go in there for the succour of sick -persons, devoid of all voluntary offence and all evil-doing, and above -all of all amorous practices, whether on the persons of women or free -men or slaves). At the same time we learn from this document, that even -then paederastia was wide-spread enough already, and that physicians -were actually not ashamed to abuse their patients in this, as in other -vicious ways! Undoubtedly it is from no other reason that the Turk -at this very moment will rather expire than allow a clyster to be -administered to him. - -[278] _Martial_, bk. II. Epigr. 40., - - Omnes Tongilium medici iussere lavari, - O stulti! febrem creditis esse? gula est. - -(All the doctors ordered Tongilius to bathe; fools! think you it is a -fever? it is gluttony that is the matter). Comp. bk. XI. Epigr. 87. - -[279] _Galen_, Method. medendi, bk. VIII. ch. 6., edit. Kühn Vol. X. -p. 580., σχεδὸν εἴρηταί μοι πάντα περὶ τῶν ἐφημέρων πυρετῶν· οἱ γὰρ -ἐπὶ βουβῶσι πυρέξαντες οὐδὲ πυνθάνονται τῶν ἰατρῶν ὅ τι χρὴ ποιεῖν· -ἀλλὰ τοῦθ’ ἕλκους ἐφ’ ᾧπερ ἂν ὁ βουβὼν αὐτοῖς εἴη γεγεννημένος, αὐτοῦ τε -τοῦ βουβῶνος προνοησάμενοι, λούονται κατὰ τὴν παρακμὴν τοῦ γενομένου -κ. τ. λ. (for translation see text above). The _Diatriton_ mentioned -in the next sentence was the fast till the third day, which was -generally prescribed by _Thessalus_ and the _methodic_ school. For this -reason it was called διάτριτον θεσσαλείον (Thessalus’ _diatriton_), -and the physicians who held to it διατριτάριοι ἰατροὶ (doctors of the -_diatriton_), as we gather from the subsequent statement of _Galen_. -Of the ephemera in case of buboes _Galen_ also speaks, ad Glauconem -meth. med. bk. I. ch. 2., edit. Kühn Vol. XI. p. 6., καὶ οἱ ἐπὶ βουβῶσι -δὲ πυρετοὶ τούτου τοῦ γένους εἰσὶ, πλὴν εἰ μὴ χωρὶς ἕλκους φανεροῦ -γένοιντο, (Moreover the fevers that follow on buboes are of this kind, -the exception being if they have not been without open ulceration). -_Celsus_ moreover, De re med. bk. VI. ch. 18., says à propos of -diseases of the genitals, that he means to undertake their description, -quia in vulgus eorum curatio praecipue cognoscenda est, quae -invitissimus quisque alteri ostendit, (because a general acquaintance -is particularly desirable with the means of curing such complaints as -every man is most reluctant to make known to another). - -[280] _Galen_, Meth. med., bk. XIII. ch. 5. p. 881., οὕτως οὖν -καὶ δι’ ἕλκος ἐν δακτύλῳ γινόμενον ἤτοι ποδὸς ἢ χειρὸς οἱ κατὰ τὸν -βουβῶνα καὶ τὴν μασχάλην ἀδένες ἐξαίρονταί τε καὶ φλεγμαίνουσι, τοῦ -καταῤῥέοντος ἐπ’ ἄκρον τὸν κῶλον αἵματος ἀπολαβόντες πρῶτοι· καὶ κατὰ -τράχηλον δὲ καὶ παρ’ ὦτα πολλάκις ἐξῄρθησαν ἀδένες, ἑλκῶν γενομένων -ἤτοι κατὰ τὴν κεφαλὴν ἢ τὸν τράχηλον ἤ τι τῶν πλησίων μορίων· -ὀνομάζουσι δὲ τοὺς οὕτως ἐξαρθέντας ἀδένας βουβῶνας. (Thus then in -consequence of an ulcer that has formed in a finger or toe the glands -of the groin and the arm-pit become swollen and inflamed, having been -the first to receive back the blood that flows down to the extremity of -the limb. Moreover on the neck and about the ears glands are frequently -swollen, when ulcers have been set up in the head or neck or any of -the neighbouring parts. And glands swollen up in this way are known as -buboes). - -[281] Hippocratic Oath, in _Hippocrates_, Vol. I. p. 2., ἃ δ’ ἂν ἐν -θεραπείῃ ἢ ἴδω ἢ ἀκούσω, ἢ καὶ ἄνευ θεραπείης, κατὰ βίον ἀνθρώπων, ἃ μὴ -χρή ποτε ἐκκαλέεσθαι ἔξω, σιγήσομαι, ἄῤῥητα ἡγεύμενος εἶναι τὰ τοιαῦτα. -(and whatsoever I may see or hear in my practice, or even apart from -practice, connected with men’s life, what ought not in any case to be -revealed, this I will say nought of, holding such secrets inviolable). - -[282] _Hippocrates_, De locis in homine, edit. Kühn Vol. II. p. 139. - -[283] _Galen_, Method. medendi bk. IV. ch. 2., edit. Kühn Vol. X. p. -238. - -[284] _Oppenheim_, loco citato p. 123. The Eastern Christian woman in -question actually assured Niebuhr herself that she would never agree -to the knife being applied to her husband’s genitals, and yet in this -case it was merely a question of dividing an over short _frenulum_. -_Michaelis_, “Mosaisches Recht”, (Mosaic Law), Vol. IV. p. 3. - -[285] Examples of such are at any rate plentiful in _Martial_, e. g. bk. -XI. Epigr. 75., - - Curandum penem commisit Bacchara Graecus - Rivali medico: Bacchara Gallus erit. - -(Bacchara entrusted the cure of his member to a rival doctor: Bacchara -was a Greek, he will now be a Gaul,—“Gallus”, castrated Priest of -Cybelé). - -bk. II. Epigr. 46., - - Quae tibi non stabat, praecisa est mentula, Glypte. - Demens, cum ferro quid tibi? Gallus eras. - -(Your member, Glyptus, that you could never get to stand erect, has -been cut. Fool,—why! what had you to do with the knife? You were a -“Gallus” already). - -bk. III. Epigr. 81., - - Abscissa est quare Samia tibi mentula testa, - Si tibi tam gratus, Baetice, cunnus erat? - -(Why has your member been cut with a Samian potsherd, if the female -organ, Baeticus, was so dear to you)? - -[286] _Scribonius Largus_, De compos. medicam. edit. Bernhold, -Strasburg 1786., p. 2., writes in his Introduction to the Callistus: -Siquidem verum est, antiquos herbis ac radicibus eorum corporis vitia -curasse: quia etiam tunc genus mortalium _inter initia non facile -se ferro committebat_. Quod etiam nunc plerique faciunt, ne dicam -omnes; et, nisi magna compulsi necessitate speque ipsius salutis, non -patiunter sibi fieri, quae sane vix sunt toleranda. (If in fact it is -true that the Ancients cured the diseases of their bodies by means of -herbs and roots: for even then the race of mortals _at the beginning -did not readily entrust its cure to the knife_. And this is what even -now the most part do; and, unless constrained by a sore need and by the -hope of actual recovery, do not suffer operations to be performed on -them, which in very deed are hardly to be endured). - -[287] _Galen_, Method. medendi bk. IV. ch. 1., edit. Kühn Vol. X. p. -233. - -[288] _Hippocrates_, Coact. praenot., edit. Kühn Vol. I. p. 343., τὰ -ἑρπηστικὰ ὑπεράνω βουβῶνος πρὸς κενεῶνα καὶ ἥβην γινόμενα, σημαίνει -κοιλίην πονηρευομένην. (Spreading eruptions that appear above the groin -towards the flank and pubes point to an evil condition of stomach). - -[289] _Galen_, Method. medendi bk. IV. ch. 3., edit. Kühn Vol. X. pp. -243 sqq. - -[290] Hence _Hensler_ is quite right in saying as he does (History -of Venereal Disease Vol. I. p. 298.): “It is extraordinary that a -precision should have been demanded on the part of the Ancients, which -they could not possibly possess, such indeed as cannot be expected -in any disease during its childhood. As to requiring them to have -announced the cause of the evil with certainty and clearness, this is -always only the result of time and reiterated experience.” - -[291] _Galen_, De locis affect. bk. VI. ch. 5., edit. Kühn Vol. VIII. -p. 422., φαινομένου δὲ σαφῶς, ἰσχυροτάτην ἔχειν τὴν δύναμιν ἐνίας -τῶν οὐσιῶν, ὑπόλοιπον ἂν εἴη ζητεῖν, εἰ διαφθορά τις ἐν τοῖς ζώοις -δύναται γενέσθαι τηλικαύτη τὸ μέγεθος, ὡς ἰῷ θηρίου παραπλησίαν ἔχειν -ποιότητά τε καὶ δύναμιν. (But it being plainly evident that there are -some creatures that have the power developed in the highest degree, it -would be superfluous to enquire whether there can exist in animals a -destructive force so great in amount as to possess a quality and power -similar to poison in snakes). In fact he answers this question in the -affirmative so far as regards semen and menstrual blood, appealing to -the poisonous quality of the spittle of dogs in rabies. - -[292] _Heyne_, De febribus epidemicis Romae falso in pestium censum -relatis Progr., (On certain Epidemic Fevers at Rome incorrectly -referred to the Category of Plagues,—a Graduation Exercise), Göttingen -1782., p. 4. (Works vol. III.), Hoc enim erat illud, quod antiquitatem -omnino ab subtiliore naturae adeoque et morborum cognitione revocavit -et retraxit, quod ea, quae ad interiorem eius notitiam spectabant, -inprimisque quae ab solenni rerum cursu recedebant, ad religiones -metumque deorum referebantur. (For indeed this was the cause which -withdrew and kept back Antiquity generally from a more precise -acquaintance with nature and so with diseases, viz. that everything -which regarded the more intimate knowledge of it, and above all -everything that was somewhat out of the common course of things, became -a matter of religious scruples and superstition). Comp. _C. F. H. -Marx_, Origines Contagii, (Original Causes of Contagion) Carlrühe and -Baden 1824. - -[293] As a rule they ascribed the origin of the contagion to σῆψις -(putrefaction), and from their point of view septic, or putrefactive, -diseases were pretty much the same as infectious (_Galen_, De febr. -diff. I. 4.). Hence it would seem probable the ἕλκεα σηπεδόνα -(putrefying ulcers) were at any rate partly looked at in the same -light,—a circumstance of the highest importance as bearing on ulcers of -the genitals, as in that case these latter are manifestly represented -as being infectious. It is to be hoped that experts will give their -decision as to this. At any rate as early as _Galen’s_ time (De locis -effect. bk. VI. ch. 5., edit. Kühn Vol. VIII. p. 422.) the action of -contagion was regarded as analogous to that of the electric ray-fish -(νάρκη θαλάττιος) and the magnet, and the conclusion was drawn: ταῦτά -τε οὖν ἱκανὰ τεκμήρια τοῦ σμικρὰν οὐσίαν ἀλλοιώσεις μεγίστας ἐργάζεσθαι -μόνῳ τῷ ψαῦσαι. (these then are sufficient evidences of the fact that a -small creature may produce very great variations by contact alone). - -[294] These were treated by the female physicians (αἱ ἰατρίναι), -_Galen_, De loc. effect. VI. 5., Vol. VIII. p. 414. and the midwives, -who had to examine the female genitals in cases of disease affecting -them, and report the results to the Physicians. Σκέψασθαι κέλευσον τὴν -μαῖαν ἁψαμένην τοῦ τῆς μήτρας αὐχένος, (bid the midwife examine by -touch the neck of the womb), _Galen_ says, loco citato p. 433. - -[295] _Galen_, De morborum causis, ch. 9., edit. Kühn Vol. VII. p. 39. - -[296] _Galen_, Methodus medendi bk. II. ch. 2., edit. Kühn Vol. X. p. -84. - -[297] _Hensler_, History of Venereal Disease Vol. I. p. 191. He says -explicitly: “However I do not propose to follow up to its original -cause the history either of gonorrhœa, valuable as the results might -be, nor that of any other complaint liable to occur. It is sufficient -for my purpose to elucidate my Authorities for Venereal disease at its -first appearance from the circumstances of their epoch, though no doubt -incidentally the eye must sometimes take a wider sweep and look further -and higher.” - -[298] _Galen_, De loc. affect, bk. VI. 6. (VIII. p. 439.), τὸ δὲ τῆς -γονοῤῥοίας ὄνομα προφανῶς ἐστι σύνθετον ἐκ τῆς γονῆς καὶ τοῦ ῥεῖν· -ὀνομάζεται γὰρ τὸ σπέρμα καὶ γονός. (Now the name of gonorrhœa is -evidently compounded from the words γονὴ and ῥεῖν. For the semen -(σπέρμα) is also known as γονός.) - -[299] _Galen_, loco cit. p. 441., γονόῤῥοια μὲν οὖν τῶν σπερματικῶν -ὀργάνων ἐστὶ πάθος, οὐ τῶν αἰδοίων, οἷς ὁδῷ χρῆται πρὸς ἔκρουν ἡ -γονή· (Gonorrhœa accordingly is an affection of the seminal organs, -not of the privates, which the seed merely uses as its passage for -excretion).—De usu partium bk. XIV. ch. 10. (IV. p. 188.), κατὰ δὲ τὰς -γονοῤῥοίας αὐτῶν μόνων ἐστὶ τὸ πάθημα τῶν σπερματικῶν ἀγγείων. (But in -gonorrhœas the affection is one solely of the seminal vessels). - -[300] _Galen_, De symptom. caus. bk. II. ch. 2. (VII. p. 150.), ὥσπέρ -γε καὶ τῆς γονοῤῥοίας ἡ ἑτέρα διαφορά· εἰ μὲν γὰρ μετὰ ἐντάσεως τοῦ -αἰδοίου γένοιτο, οἷον σπασμός ἐστιν, εἰ δὲ χωρὶς ταύτης, ἀῤῥωστία -τῆς καθεκτικῆς δυνάμεως. (As is the case too with the second variety -of gonorrhœa. For if it be combined with tension of the private, it -is a sort of spasm, but if without this, a weakness of retentive -force).—Bk. III. ch. 11. (p. 267.), καὶ μὴν καὶ αἱ γονόῤῥοιαι, χωρὶς -μὲν τοῦ συνεντείνεσθαι τὸ αἰδοῖον, ἀρρωστία τῆς καθεκτικῆς δυνάμεως τῆς -ἐν τοῖς σπερματικοῖς ἀγγείοις· ἐντεινομένου δέ πως, οἷον σπασμῷ τινι -παραπλήσιον πασχόντων ἐπιτελοῦνται. (Moreover also gonorrhœas, if not -combined with a state of tension of the private, are from a weakness of -retentive power in the seminal vessels; but if there is any tension, -they are marked by a sort of spasm resembling that of spasmodic -patients). - -[301] _Galen_, De tumoribus praeternat., ch. 14. (VII. p. 728.), -καθάπερ καὶ τὰς κατὰ φύσιν ἐντάσεις τῶν αἰδοίων μὴ καθισταμένας τινὲς -ὀνομάζουσι σατυριασμὸν, τινὲς δὲ πριαπισμόν. (Precisely as tensions -of the privates not originating in a natural way are called by some -Satyriasis, by others Priapism). The latter, as we gather from _Galen_, -Method. XIV. ch. 7. (X. p. 968.), by the younger physicians. - -[302] _Galen_, De usu partium bk. XIV. ch. 10. (IV. p. 187.), πηλίκην -γὰρ ἔχει δύναμιν εἰς τὴν τῶν περιεχομένων ἔκκρισιν ὁ οἷον σπασμὸς τῶν -μορίων τοῖς ἀφροδισίοις ἑπόμενος, ἔνεστί σοι μαθεῖν ἔκ τε τῶν ἐπιληψίων -τῶν μεγάλων κἀκ τοῦ παθήματος, ὃ δὴ καλεῖται γονόῤῥοια· κατὰ μὲν γὰρ -τὰς ἰσχυρὰς ἐπιληψίας, ὅτι τὸ πᾶν σῶμα σπᾶται σφοδρῶς, καὶ σὺν αὐτῷ τὰ -γεννητικὰ μόρια, διὰ τοῦτο ἐκκρίνεται τὸ σπέρμα· κατὰ δὲ τὰς γονοῤῥοίας -αὐτῶν μόνων ἐστὶ τὸ πάθημα τῶν σπερματικῶν ἀγγείων· ὁποίαν οὖν τάσιν -ἐν τοῖς εἰρημένοις νοσήμασι πάσχει, τοιαύτην ἴσχοντα ταῖς συνουσίαις -ἐκκρίνει τὸ σπέρμα. (for how great a force in the way of stimulating -the secretion of the surrounding glands is exerted by the species -of spasm of the parts that follows on amatory action, you may learn -from the seizures in the more serious forms of epilepsy, as also from -the affection which is known as gonorrhœa. For in violent epileptic -seizures, because the whole body is strongly convulsed, and with it the -procreative parts, for this reason the semen is secreted; whereas in -gonorrhœas the affection is one solely of the actual seminal vessels. -Accordingly whatever tension these parts undergo in the diseases -mentioned is the same in degree as they experience on secreting semen -in acts of sexual intercourse). Comp. Note 2. - -[303] _Galen_, Method. medendi bk. XIV. ch. 7. (X. p. 967.), αὐτίκα -γέ τοι πάθος ἐστὶ τὸ καλούμενον ὑπὸ τῶν νεωτέρων πριαπισμὸς, ἐπειδὴ -τὸ αἰδοῖον ἀκουσίως ἐξαίρεται, τῶν οὕτω διακειμένων· ὃ θεασάμενός τις -τῶν ἐν τοῖσδε τοῖς ὑπομνήμασι προγεγυμνασμένων ἑτοίμως γνωριεῖ τοῦ -τῶν ἐμφυσημάτων ὑπάρχον γένους· (The immediate complaint is what is -called by the younger school Priapism, when the private part is erected -involuntarily in patients so afflicted; and if any of my readers who -have been prepared beforehand in the present memoranda see this, he -will readily recognize the phænomenon to belong to the class of the -emphysemata, or inflations). De sympt. caus. bk. III. ch. 11. (VII. p. -266). - -[304] _Galen_, De causis morb. ch. 6. (VII. p. 22.), καὶ ὡς ἐνίοτε -μὲν εἰλικρινὴς ἐπιῤῥεῖ τούτων ἕκαστος τῶν χυμῶν, ἐνίοτε δ’ ἀλλήλοις -ἐπιμίγνυνται· καὶ ὡς αἱ τῶν οἰδούντων—μορίων διαθέσεις ἐντεῦθεν ἐπὶ -πλεῖστον ποικίλλονται ... καὶ σατυριάσεις ἐκ τούτου τοῦ γένους εἰσὶ. -(And so sometimes each of these humours is secreted pure, while at -other times they are mixed one with the other; and so from this -circumstance the conditions of the parts suffering swelling vary in the -highest degree.... Now cases of satyriasis are of this kind). Comp. -Method. med. bk. XIV. ch. 7. - -[305] _Paulus Aegineta_, bk. III. ch. 56., ἡ σατυρίασις ἐστὶ παλμὸς -τοῦ αἰδοίου φλεγμονώδει τινι διαθέσει τῶν σπερματικῶν ἀγγείων ἑπόμενος -μετ’ ἐντάσεως· καὶ εἰ μὴ παύσαιτο ὁ παλμός, κατασκήπτειν εἴωθεν εἰς -πάρεσιν τῶν σπερματικῶν ἀγγείων ἢ σπασμόν, καὶ ἀπόλλυντας ὀξέως οἱ -σπασθέντες· τελευτῶντες δὲ φυσῶνται γαστέρα καὶ ὑδροῦσι ψυχρόν. -(Satyriasis is palpitation of the private part following on an -inflammatory condition of the spermatic vessels and accompanied with -tension. If the palpitation do not cease, it commonly passes into -paresis of the spermatic vessels or spasm, and patients attacked by the -spasm quickly succumb; and in their last moments they have the abdomen -distended and suffer from cold sweats.) - -[306] _Actuarius_, Method. med. bk. I ch. 22., Priapismus vero -est permanens constansque colis extensio.—Corripit hic affectus -cum calidus crassusque spiritus in colem decumbit, qui ubi non -facile egredi permittitur, penem vi extendit. Hi exiguum vel nihil -seminis eiaculantur, sentiunt tamen quod spiritus una excludatur -et levari quidem aegri ita quadamtenus videntur: verum denuo eodem -malo corripiuntur, donec intensionis causa fuerit sublata. Coles -resolvitur, aut quod nervi illius aliqua intemperie debilitentur -aut quod spiritus confluens deficiat vel meatus eius obstruantur -dissecenturve. (Now priapism is a permanent and chronic state of -erection of the member.—This complaint attacks a patient, when a hot -and heavy spirit descends into the member, which not being suffered to -readily escape, violently erects the penis. Such patients ejaculate -little or no semen, yet feel that the spirit is voided along with it, -and so far as there _is_ any emission, appear to be relieved thereby; -but they are again attacked afresh by the same evil, until the cause -of the tension has been removed. Then the member is relaxed, either -because its muscles are weakened by some morbid condition, or because -the spirit converging to it fails or its passages are blocked and -become dried up). - -[307] _Aretaeus_, Morb. chron. sympt. bk. II. ch. 5., ἀπὸ σατυριήσεως -ἐς γονοῤῥοίης ἀπόσκηψιν ἡ κατάστασις. (The established tendency -after satyriasis is towards a determination of gonorrhœa). _Caelius -Aurelian_, Acut. morb. bk. III. ch. 18., Omnibus tamen in ultimo -conductio nervorum fit, quam Graeci spasmon vocaverunt et voluntarius -seminis iactus. (Yet in all cases eventually a certain action of the -muscles takes place, which the Greeks call spasm, and a voluntary -ejaculation of semen). - -[308] _Galen_, Method. med. bk. XIV. ch. 7. (X. p. 970.), γίνεται δὲ -οὐ πολλοῖς μὲν τὸ πάθος τοῦτο, νεανίαις γε μὲν μᾶλλον ἢ κατ’ ἄλλην -ἡλικίαν· (Now this complaint does not attack many, and young men are -more liable than any other age). _Caelius Aurelian_, Acut. morb. bk. -III. ch. 18., Sed antecedentes ipsius passionis causae sunt epota -medicamina—ἐντατικὰ—, item immodicus atque intemporalis usus veneris. -Est autem communis passio viris atque feminis, quae solet accidere -aetatibus mediis atque iuventuti. (But the antecedent causes of the -actual complaint are the taking of drugs, viz. aphrodisiacs, as also -immoderate and unseasonable indulgence in love. And the complaint is -common both to men and women, and regularly attacks persons in middle -life as well as the young). - -[309] _Galen_, Method. med. bk. XIV. ch. 7. (X. pp. 969 sqq.). Comp. -De Composit. medicam. secund. locos, bk. IX. ch. 9. (XIII. p. 318.). -_Caelius Aurelian_, Acut. morb. bk. III. 18., Chron. morb. bk. II. -1. V. 9. _Actuarius_, Method. med. I. 15. _Nonnus_, Epitom. ch. 194. -_Priscian_, bk. II. ch. 11. - -[310] _Caelius Aurelian_ bk. III. ch. 18., Prohibentes etiam hominum -ingressum et magis iuvenum feminarum atque puerorum. Pulchritudo enim -ingredientium admonitione quadam provocat aegrotantes; quippe cum etiam -sani saepe talibus usi statim in veneream veniant voluptatem, provocati -partium effecta tentigine. (Forbidding the entrance even of men, much -more that of youths, women and boys. For the beauty of those entering -excites the patients by calling up remembered images; for even healthy -subjects frequently enjoying such sights straightway fall in lustful -love, incited by a certain tension of the parts being produced). He -also recommended shaving the hair of the pubis. - -[311] _Galen_, De loc affect. VI. 6. (VIII. p. 439.), ἡ μὲν οὖν -γονόῤῥοια σπέρματος ἀπόκρισίς ἐστιν ἀκούσιος, ἔξεστι δὲ καὶ ἀπροαίρετον -ὀνομάζειν, ὥσπερ καὶ σαφέστερον, ἀπόκρισιν σπέρματος συνεχῶς -γιγνομένην, χωρὶς τῆς κατὰ τὸ αἰδοῖον ἐνστάσεως ... ὥσπερ δὲ καὶ τ’ ἄλλα -πάντα τὰ ἐκ τοῦ σώματος ἡμῶν ἐκκενούμενα κατὰ διττὸν τρόπον τοῦτο -πάσχει, ποτὲ μὲν ἐκ τῶν περιεχόντων αὐτὰ σωμάτων ἐκκρινόμενα, ποτὲ δὲ -αὐτομάτως ἐκρέοντα δι’ ἀῤῥωστίαν τῶν αὐτῶν σωμάτων οὐ κατεχόμενα, οὕτως -καὶ τὸ σπέρμα· (Now gonorrhœa is an involuntary discharge of semen, or -we may call it unintentional, if we prefer, as being a clearer term, -the discharge of semen taking place continuously, without erection in -the member.... And just as other parts of our body when evacuated, -suffer this in one of two ways, sometimes being discharged by the -bodies that surround them, at others flowing out automatically, as -failing to be retained through some weakness in the bodies themselves, -so is it also with the semen).—_Paulus Aegineta_, bk. III. ch. 55., ἡ -γονόῤῥοια σπέρματος ἐστὶν ἀκούσιος ἀπόκρισις σανεχῶς γινομένη χωρὶς τῆς -κατὰ τὸ αἰδοῖον ἐνστάσεως, διὰ τὴν τῆς καθεκτικῆς δυνάμεως ἀσθένειαν -γινομένη. (Gonorrhœa is an involuntary discharge of seed going on -persistently without erection in the member, being due to feebleness of -the retentive power). _Nonnus_, Epitome ch. 193., says the same. - -[312] _Galen_, loco citato p. 441., ὥσπερ γε καὶ τὴν τῆς γονοῤῥοίας, -ἀνάλογον οὔρων ἐκκρίσεσιν ἀκουσίοις, ὅταν ἡ κατέχουσα δύναμις αὐτὴ -παραλυθεῖσα τύχῃ. (Similarly too the discharge of gonorrhœa, analogous -to the involuntary discharges of urine, whenever the retentive power -itself has come to be paralysed). _Actuarius_, Method. med. bk. I. ch. -22., Causa autem eius est, seminalium vasorum fluxus facilitas, aut -impotentia aut quod ob enatam intemperiem semen continere nequeant, aut -quod _humor_ quispiam _mordax_ ibi abundans stimulet. (Now the cause -of it is the facility of flow from the seminal vessels, either from -impotence or because they are unable to retain the semen in consequence -of a morbid condition that has arisen, or else because some _acrid_ -humour is there in over-abundance, stimulating the flow). - -[313] _Galen_, De sanitate tuenda Bk. VI. ch. 14. (VI. p. 443.), -Μοχθηροτάτη δὲ σώματός ἐστι καὶ ἡ τοίαδε· σπέρμα πολὺ καὶ δερμὸν ἔνιοι -γεννῶσιν, ἐπείγει γὰρ αὐτοὺς εἰς ἀπόκρισιν, οὗ μετὰ τὴν ἔκκρισιν -ἔκλυτοί τε γίγνονται τῷ στόματι τῆς κοιλίας, ... ἀσθενεῖς γίγνονται, -καὶ ξηροὶ καὶ λεπτοὶ, καὶ ὠχροὶ, καὶ κοιλοφθαλμιῶντες οἱ οὕτω -διακείμενοι· εἰ δὲ ἐκ τοῦ ταῦτα πάσχειν ἐπὶ ταῖς συνουσίαις ἀπέχοιντο -μίξεως ἀφροδισίων δύσφοροι μὲν τὴν κεφαλὴν, δύσφοροι δὲ καὶ τῷ στομάχῳ, -καὶ ἀσώδεις· οὐδὲν δὲ μέγα διὰ τῆς ἐγκρατείας ὠφελοῦνται· συμβαίνει -γὰρ αὐτοῖς ἐξονειρώττουσι παραπλησίας γίνεσθαι βλάβας, ἃς ἔπασχον ἐπὶ -ταῖς συνουσίαις· _ὡς δέ τις ἐξ αὐτῶν ἔφημοι, δακνώδους τε καὶ θερμοῦ -πάνυ τοῦ σπέρματος αἰσθάνεσθαι κατὰ τὴν ἀπόκρισιν, οὐ μόνον ἑαυτὸν, -ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰς γυναῖκας αἷς ἂν ὁμιλήσῃ_· (However the most troublesome -condition of body is the following: some patients produce copious -and hot semen, and this provokes them to ejaculation, then after its -ejaculation, they grow relaxed at the neck of the belly, ... and become -weak, and dried up, and thin, and pale, and hollow-eyed,—the patients -that find themselves so affected. And if after suffering in these -ways, they then indulge in the intercourse of sexual love, they are -afflicted in head and in stomach, and with nausea. Nor on the other -hand do they get any great benefit from continence; for they come, by -having pollutions in dreams, to undergo similar inconveniences to those -they incurred in sexual intercourse. And as one of them said to me, _he -experienced a biting and exceedingly hot sensation from the semen in -its ejaculation,—and not himself only, but also such women as he had -intercourse with_). - -[314] _Aretaeus_, De morbor. chronic. symptom. bk. II. ch. 5., -Ἀνώλεθρον μὲν ἡ γονόῤῥοια, _ἀτερπὲς δὲ καὶ ἀηδὲς μέσφι ἀκοῆς_· ἣν -γὰρ ἀκρασίη καὶ _πάρεσις_ τὰ ὑγρὰ ἴσχῃ καὶ γόνιμα μέρεα, ὅκως διὰ -ψυχρῶν ῥέει ἡ θορὴ, οὐδὲ ἐπισχεῖν ἐστὶ αὐτὴν οὐδὲ ἐν ὕπνοισι· ἀλλὰ -γὰρ ἤν τε εὕδῃ, ἤν τε ἐγρηγορέῃ, ἀνεπίσχετος ἡ φορὴ, ἀναίσθητος δὲ ἡ -ῥοὴ τοῦ γόνου γίγνεται· _νοσέουσι δὲ καὶ γυναῖκες τήνδε τὴν νοῦσον_, -ἀλλ’ ἐπὶ κνησμοῖσι τῶν μορίων καὶ ἡδονῇ προχέεται τῇσι ἡ θορή· ἀτὰρ -καὶ πρὸς ἄνδρας ὁμιλίῃ ἀναισχύντῳ· ἄνδρες δὲ οὐδ’ ὅλως ὀδάξονται· -τὸ δὲ ῥέον ὑγρὸν λεπτὸν, ψυχρὸν, ἄχρουν, ἄγονον· πῶς γὰρ ζωογόνον -ἐκπέμψαι σπέρμα ψυχρὴ οὖσα ἡ φύσις· ἢν δὲ καὶ νέοι πάσχωσι, γηραλέους -χρὴ γενέσθαι πάντας τὴν ἕξιν, νωθώδεας, ἐκλύτους, ἀψύχους, ὀκνέοντας, -κωφούς, ἀσθενέας, ῥικνούς, ἀπρήκτους, ἐπώχρους, λευκοὺς, γυναικώδεας, -ἀποσίτους, ψυχροὺς, μελέων βάρεα, καὶ νάρκας σκελέων, ἀκρατέας, καὶ ἐς -πάντα παρέτους· ἥδε ἡ νοῦσος ὁδὸς ἐς παράλυσιν πολλοῖσι γίγνεται· πῶς -γὰρ οὐκ ἂν τῶν νεύρων ἥδε ἡ δύναμις πάθοι τῆς ἐς ζωῆς γένεσιν φύσιος -ἀπεψυγμένης. (Gonorrhœa is not indeed a dangerous thing, but it _is_ a -disagreeable one, and one that is _in the highest degree unseemly in -repute_. For if incontinence and _paresis_ attack the soft procreative -parts, the semen flows all the same even though the organs are cold, -nor is it possible to stop it even in sleep; for whether a man sleep, -or wake, the running is continual, and the flow of the seed goes on -unconsciously. _And women also are subject to this complaint_; but in -their case the discharge of the semen is accompanied with itchings and -with pleasurable feeling, as well as with shameless intercourse with -men, whereas men are not in any way excited. And the moisture that -is discharged is thin, cold, colourless, unfruitful; for how should -its nature, that is cold, send forth fertile semen? And if young -men suffer from it, they are bound to grow old in constitution and -condition, sluggish, relaxed, lifeless, hesitating, dull of hearing, -weak, shrunken, ineffectual, pallid, white, womanish, without appetite, -chilly, heavy of limb, and stiff of leg and palsied in every part. This -complaint is the avenue to paralysis for many; for how should this -power of the nerves not suffer when the natural parts pertaining to the -generation of life are chilled). - -[315] _Celsus_ De re med. bk. IV. ch. 21., Est etiam circa naturalia -vitium, nimia profusio seminis, quod sine venere, sine nocturnis -imaginibus sic fertur, ut interposito spatio, tabe hominem consumat. -(There is another complaint connected with the private parts, viz. -excessive discharge of semen, which apart altogether from love, and -apart from nocturnal pollutions in dreams, is so persistent that, given -a sufficient interval of time, it destroys a man by wasting). - -[316] _Alexander of Tralles_, bk. IV. ch. 9., δέονται γὰρ οὗτοι τῶν -ἐπικιρνώντων καὶ ἐμψυχόντων πάνυ καὶ λουτρῶν εὐκράτων· ὥστε παχυνθεῖσαν -ἠρέμα τὴν γονὴν καὶ εὔκρατον γενομένην, μηκέτι φέρεσθαι. (For these -patients require compound and very cooling drugs, and lukewarm baths; -so that the seed growing quietly thicker and well-conditioned, may no -longer flow away). - -[317] _Galen_, Definit. medic. n. 288. (XIX. p. 426.), Γονόῤῥοιά -ἐστιν ἀπόκρισις ἐπιφέρουσα σπέρματος νόσημα μετὰ τοῦ τήκεσθαι τὸ σῶμα -καὶ ἀχρούστερον ἀποτελεῖσθαι· γίνεται δὲ ἀτονησάντων τῶν σπερματικῶν -ἀγγείων, ὥστε τρόπον τινὰ παρειμένων αὐτῶν μὴ κρατεῖσθαι τὸ σπέρμα. -(Gonorrhœa is a discharge producing a diseased state of semen -accompanied by wasting of the body and an unhealthy-looking complexion; -and it arises through the semen vessels having become atonic, so that, -these being in a way paralysed, the semen is not retained). - -[318] _Actuarius_, Method. med. bk. I. ch. 22., Et in seminis quidem -profluvio, neque coles intenditur, neque aeger eadem qua sanus -afficitur voluptate, sed perinde ac si superfluum quiddam excerneretur, -sensu privatur. Quod si morbus moram traxerit, necesse est ut aeger -in colliquationem collabatur ac pereat; quod pinguior humoris portio -eiiciatur ac vitalis spiritus non parum una effluat. (Moreover in -this excessive flux of semen, neither is the member erected, nor does -the patient experience the same pleasure as he does in health, but -exactly as though something superfluous were being eliminated, he is -robbed of sensation. But if the malady runs a more protracted course, -the sufferer cannot but fall into collapse and succumb, inasmuch as -the richer portion of the humour is ejaculated, and the vital spirit -must escape along with it). As early as _Hippocrates_, De morbis bk. -II., edit. Kühn Vol. II. p. we read: ἡ νωτιὰς φθίσις ἀπὸ τοῦ μυελοῦ -γίνεται· λαμβάνει δὲ μάλιστα νεογάμους καὶ φιλολάγνους ... καὶ ἐπὴν -οὐρέῃ ἢ ἀποπατέῃ, προέρχεταί οἱ θορὸς πουλὺς καὶ ὑγρὸς, καὶ γενεὴ οὐκ -ἐγγίνεται, καὶ ὀνειρώσσει, κἂν συγκοιμηθῇ γυναικί, κἂν μή. (Spinal -consumption arises from the marrow; and it attacks particularly newly -married men and lascivious subjects.... And every time the patient -makes water or evacuates, semen flows from him copious and wet, and -he does not succeed in generating, and has nocturnal pollutions, -whether he sleep with a woman or no). Ought this not to be referred to -gonorrhœa? - -[319] _Aretaeus_, p. 424. loco citato; also De curat. morb. chron. bk. -II. ch. 5., καὶ τοῦ ἀτερπέος τοῦ πάθεος εἵνεκεν καὶ τοῦ κατὰ σύντηξιν -κινδυνώδεος καὶ τῆς ἐς διάδεξιν γένος χρείης λύειν χρὴ μὴ βραδέως -τὴν γονόῤῥοιαν πάντων κακῶν οὖσαν αἰτίην· (Equally on account of the -disagreeable nature of the malady as on account of the risk of _tabes_ -or wasting and for the sake of the needful maintenance of posterity, -gonorrhœa should be rapidly cured, being the cause of very many evils). -Truly if not another passage remained to us from the Ancient writers -besides these two of Aretaeus’, they alone would suffice to convince us -of the existence in his time of virulent gonorrhœa brought on by sexual -intercourse; and it is quite inconceivable how _Simon_, Versuch einer -krit. Gesch. (Essay towards a Critical History), Bk. I. p. 24., can -say: “Thus for instance _all_ the symptoms, which Aretaeus mentions in -his Chapter on Gonorrhœa, speak for _true seminal flux_!” - -[320] _Theodorus Priscianus_, bk. II. logic, ch. 11., Satyriasis, -gonorrhœa vel priapismus, quibus similis est sub immoderata patratione -molestia, his accidentibus disterminantur. Gonorrhœa sine veretri -extensione vel usus venerii desiderio, spermatis affluentissima sub -effusione corpora debilitat et per chronica tempora producitur. -(Satyriasis, gonorrhœa or priapism, maladies involving similar -inconvenience as in immoderate copulation, are distinguished by the -following particularities. Gonorrhœa without erection of the member -or desire for the enjoyment of love, debilitates the body by a most -copious discharge of semen, and is protracted over chronic periods of -time). - -[321] _Julius Firmicus Maternus_, Astronomica bk. III. chs. 7 and 8., -In loco octavo ♀ ab horoscopo constituto ... si ☿ cum ea fuerit vel -cum ☿ Venerem in hoc loco positam, malevola stella respexerit, vel -per quadratum vel diametrum, vel si cum ipsis, in hoc loco fuerit -inventa, omne eius qui natus fuerit patrimonium dissipatur vel -qualicunque proscriptione nudatur, _mors vero illi per gonorrheam_, -id est _defluxionem seminis_, aut contractionem vel spasmum aut -apoplexin fertur. (In the eighth place determined by the horoscope -stands ♀ Venus.... If ☿ (Mercury) be in conjunction with it, or if -Venus standing in this place with ☿ (Mercury) be faced by an evil -star, whether by quadrate or diameter, or if such star is found in -conjunction with them in this place, all the patrimony of him who has -been born under this conjunction is wasted, or is lost utterly by some -proscription or another, and _his death is brought about by gonorrhœa, -that is to say a flux of the semen_, or cramp or spasm or apoplexy.) - -[322] Caelius Aurelianus, Morb. Chron. bk. V. ch. 7., Item antecedens -causa supradictae passionis, quam _seminis_ appellamus _lapsum_, -fuisse probatur, a qua discernitur, si quidem illa passio etiam per -diem vigilantibus aegris fluere facit semen, nulla phantasia in usum -venereum provocante. (Such is proved to have been another antecedent -cause of the above named malady, which we call _discharge of semen_; -but a distinct cause has to be assigned, if it so be that the malady -in question makes the semen flow even by day and when the patients -are awake, and though no dream provokes to the exercise of love). -_Philagrius_ appears to have made this distinction quite correctly, -when as quoted by _Aëtius_ (Tetrab. III. serm. 3. ch. 34.), De seminis -in somno profluvio, Philagrii (On the discharge of semen in sleep, -according to Philagrius), he says: Semen in somnis profundere dicuntur -quicumque dum dormiunt, _naturae genitale semen_ emittunt, quod ipsum -eis ut plurimum ob vitiati humoris materiam, aut materiae multitudinem -aut ob partium seminalium robur contingit. Iam vero quidam et ob -animi moestitiam aut inediam, per somnos praeter consuetudinem semen -excreverunt, atque id materiae acrimonia irritati, non ob partium -seminalium robur, pertulerunt etc. (They are said to discharge semen in -sleep, whoever during slumber, ejaculate _the genital seed of nature_, -because they possess it in the greatest degree of abundance either on -account of the constituting material of the semen being vitiated or -on account of the copiousness of this material, or else on account of -the vigour of the seminal organs. But there are also many cases where -men have emitted semen in sleep contrary to their wont in consequence -of sadness of spirits or fasting, having done so because irritated -by the acridness of the material, and not through any vigour of the -seminal organs, etc.). The only pity is that Aëtius has not preserved -for us his (Philagrius’) opinion as to gonorrhœa, and has not shown -clearly exactly what belongs to Philagrius in the Chapter; for a great -deal, as indeed is stated, is from Galen and referred by the compiler -to gonorrhœa. Philagrius in fact only lived in the latter half of -the Fourth Century,—A.D. 364 according to Sprengel, 300 according to -Lessing. - -[323] _Actuarius_, Meth. med. bk. IV. ch. 8., Convenit ad haec reliqua -victus ratio, quae ad siccitatem declinet, sed non sit calidior, verum -frigida. Insuper nutriendus aeger est, viresque modice reficiendae; -namque ob continuam excretionem languet corpus et imbecillum est. -Quies apta est, et balnea quae humectent tamen alioqui non sunt -idonea. Animalia agrestia, quae refrigerantibus exsiccantibusque -condiantur, sunt accommodata et vinum pauculum tenueque. (Consistent -with this are the remaining rules of diet. This should incline towards -dryness, but must not be at all hot, but cold. Further the sufferer -must be adequately nourished, and his strength fairly well kept up; -for owing to the constant ejaculation of semen the body grows languid -and weak. Rest is desirable, and baths, in other circumstances used -for moistening the body, are not here advisable. Game, seasoned with -cooling and desiccating condiments, is appropriate, and a little thin -wine.) - -[324] _Celsus_, bk. IV. ch. 21. In hoc affectu salutares sunt -vehementes frictiones, perfusiones natationesque quam frigidissimae. -(In this complaint violent frictions are advantageous, also aspersions -and plunge baths as cold as they can be borne). - -[325] _Galen_, De sanitate tuenda bk. VI. ch. 14. (VI. p. 444.),—The -best illustration in reference to the statements made in this -connection by _Aëtius_ (Tetrab. III. serm. 3. ch. 33.), which indeed -is superscribed as Galen’s and draws most of its material from him -and from Aretaeus, showing however in many ways that it was based on -personal observation or that the author had before him some better and -older authority. Unfortunately the passage, previously glanced at, was -subsequently mislaid by us, and so we are able merely to give it in a -Footnote, with the request that the reader will complete from it what -is said in the text. Profluvium igitur seminis, vasorum seminariorum -affectio est, non pudendi, _quae dolorem quidem non ita valde inferre -solet, molestiam autem non vulgarem et_ pollutionem exhibet ob assiduum -et invitis contingentem seminis fluxum. Oboritur autem aliquando -etiam ex seminariorum vasorum fluxione, _quandoque etiam satyriasi -praecedente profluvium seminis succedit_. Contingit autem affectio -maxime pubertatem transgressos citra decimum quartum annum, imo aliis -etiam aetatibus. Est autem semen quod profluit, aquosum, tenue, citra -appetentiam coeundi et ut plurimum quidem citra sensum, quandoque vero -cum voluptate quadam promanans. Corrumpitur affectis sensim universum -corpus ac gracilescit, praesertim circa lumbos. Consequitur et -debilitas multa, non ob multitudinem seminis profluentis sed ob locorum -proprietatem. _Non solum autem viris sed et mulierculis hoc accidit, -et in feminis sane aegre tollitur._ Ceterum cura communis est cum ea -quae in omni fluxione adhibetur. _Primum igitur in quiete et pauco -cibo ac aquae potu affectos asservare oportet_; deinde etiam lumbos -et pubem contegere lanis vino et rosaceo aut oenanthino aut melino -madefactis. Neque vero ineptae sunt spongiae posca imputae. Sequentibus -vero diebus cataplasmatis ex palmis, malis, acacia hypocisthide, -oenanthe, rhoe rubro et similibus. Insessibus item adstringentibus -utendum est, ex lentisci, rubi, myrti et similium in vino austero sive -mero sive diluto decocto. Cibis autem utendum qui aegre corrumpantur -et difficulter permutantur et resiccandi vim habent. Dandum etiam cum -potu et cibis, viticis ac _cannabis_ semen praesertim tostum. Rutae -item semen ac folia, lactucae semen et cauliculi ac nymphaeae radix. -In potu vero quotidie pro communi aqua, _aqua in qua ferrum saepe -extinctum est_ praebeatur. Quidam vero corticem radicis halicacabi ex -aqua eis bibendum praebuerunt, neque ineptum fuerit huius aliquando -periculum facere. _Antidotus_ etiam _haec magnae celebritatis_ tum ad -hoc modo semen profudentes, tum ad assidua in omnis profluvia commode -exhibetur. Seminis salicis ʒvjj calaminthae ʒvj seminis viticis albae -ʒv rutae ʒjv seminis cicutae ʒjj cum aqua in pastillos digerito et -ex eis ad Ponticae nucis magnitudinem cum poscae cyathis tribus -praebeto. _Omnem vero acrium rerum esum et multi vini potum_ et olerum -exhibitionem _vitare oportet_, diaetam vero universam resiccatoriam et -adstringentem constituere. Post prima autem mox tempora ad unctiones et -exercitatricem diaetam transeundum, per quam totum corpus et praesertim -affecta, ad sanitatem perducantur, et plurima quidem tempora circa -unctiones immorandum, paucies vero lavandum, si aut lassitudini aut -cruditati mederi velimus. Bonum fuerit etiam, _si nihil prohibuerit, ad -frigidae lavationem_ defugere, quae omnem morbum ex fluxione obortum -depellere consuevit, maxime si medicamentaria qualitate aqua praedita -sit, velut sunt in Albulis aquae, quae etiam in potu acceptae eis summe -prosunt. Sunt autem sapore subsalso et tactu lactei teporis. Convenit -item per intervalla quaedam illitionibus et epithematis et malagmatis -uti, quae rubefacere et emollire possint, atque ea quae in profundo -haerent ad superficiem transferre. _Decubitus_ porro _frequenter -in latus fiat_, calaminthae foliis et rutae et viticis substratis. -Epithema autem in eis usu venit hocce. Capillum Veneris multum -contundito et terito cum aceto aut apii succo aut seridis aut psyllii -eoque cochlearum carnes coctas excipito et simul in linteolum infarta -coxendicibus imponito. Utendum vero et praescripto ad priapismum -cerato et iis quae paulo mox ad seminis in somno profluvia dicentur. -_Omnem autem de rebus venereis cogitationem excludere oportet._ (Thus -we see excessive discharge of semen is an effection of the seminal -vessels, not of the member. _This complaint does not indeed as a rule -cause any very great pain, but it does occasion no ordinary degree -of inconvenience_ and defilement in consequence of the constant -involuntary discharge of semen. However sometimes it may arise from -a flux in the seminal vessels, and _occasionally on an antecedent -attack of satyriasis profuse discharge of semen supervenes_. The malady -particularly attacks those who have passed the period of puberty but -are under fourteen, but other ages are also liable. And the semen -that is discharged is watery, thin, the discharge being unaccompanied -with any desire for coition, and indeed as a rule without any feeling -whatever, though at times taking place with a certain voluptuous -sensation. The whole body of those attacked suffers and becomes wasted, -especially in the lumbar region. There follows great weakness, not so -much owing to the amount of the semen discharged as to the nature of -the parts affected. _Again, this disease is not peculiar to men, but -assails young women as well, and in the case of females is eliminated -with very great difficulty._ However the treatment is the same as that -applied in all fluxes. First of all therefore patients must observe -rest and a scanty diet both in food and drinking water; then the loins -and pubis should be covered with cloths moistened with wine, and -_rosaceum_ and oenanthinum and melinum (oil of roses, of young vine -buds, of melilot). Sponges soaked in posca (acid drink of vinegar and -water) are also appropriate. Then on the succeeding days cataplasms -of palms, apples, acacia, hypocisthis (parasitic plant growing on -the cisthus), wild vine, red wild-poppy, and the like. Embrocations -moreover should be employed of an astringent character, consisting -of a decoction of the mastic, bramble, myrtle and the like, in hard -wine, whether unmixed or diluted. Diet should embrace such foods as -resist corruption and deterioration, and possess a desiccative quality. -Along with the food and drink should be administered the juice of the -agnus castus and of _hemp_, especially after boiling. Also the juice -and leaves of rue, the juice of lettuce and colewort and the root of -nymphaea (water-lily). As to drink for daily use, instead of ordinary -water, water should be given in which _iron has been repeatedly -tempered_. Some practitioners indeed have administered the bark of the -root of the bladder-wort in water as a beverage for such patients, -and it will not be inappropriate to make trial of this on occasion. -Another _antidote of great renown_ is exhibited with advantage both for -sufferers from this discharge of semen, as well as for constant fluxes -of all kinds. Take of juice of the sallow Ʒvjj, of calamint Ʒvj, of -juice of the white agnus castus Ʒv, of rue Ʒjv, of juice of hemlock -Ʒjj; compound with water into small cakes or lozenges, and administer -one of these of the size of a hazel-nut along with three cups of posca -(vinegar and water). _But the patient must avoid all eating of acrid -things and the drinking of much wine_ and the use of vegetables; the -diet must be generally of a desiccative and astringent type. Moreover -presently after the earlier stages embrocations and an active mode -of life should be adopted, whereby the whole body and particularly -the parts affected are brought into a healthy state; the embrocations -should be persevered in for long periods of time, but washing on the -other hand sparingly employed, if we wish to remedy the lassitude and -acrid habit of body. It will be of advantage moreover, _if there is -nothing to prevent, to have recourse to cold bathing_, which has the -property of expelling all diseases arising from flux, more especially -if the water is endowed with a healing quality, such as the waters of -Albulae, which also are of the greatest use in these cases when taken -as a drink. They are of a slightly salt taste, and of a milky warmth to -the touch. Further, it is suitable to employ at intervals lotions and -poultices and plasters, such as will redden and soften the skin, and -bring to the surface those matters that lie latent underneath. Again, -_rest should frequently be taken lying on the side_, the leaves of -calamint and rue and agnus castus being spread as a couch. A poultice -employed in these cases is as follows. Pound a quantity of Venus-hair -and rub it up with vinegar or parsley juice or that of endive or -fleabane, add to it the cooked meat of snails, pack all together in a -linen cloth and lay upon the hips. Also the wax plaster prescribed for -priapism should be employed, and the remedies to be mentioned presently -for discharges of semen during sleep. Lastly _all thinking about love -ought to be avoided_.) - -[326] Similarly _Aretaeus_, Morb. chron. therap. bk. II. ch. 5., says: -εἰ δὲ καὶ σώφρων ἔοι ἐπὶ τοῖσι ἀφροδισίοισι καὶ λούοιτο ψυχρῷ, ἐλπὶς -ὡς ὤκιστα ἀνδρωθῆναι τὸν ἄνθρωπον, (And if he indulge with moderation -in love and bathe in cold water, there is good hope that the man will -rapidly recover manly vigour). This need surprise us the less, if we -remember that the notion of a superfluitas seminis (superfluity of -seed),—this was why Diogenes practised onanism, _Galen_, Vol. VIII. p. -419.,—was all the time in the background, and gonorrhœa according to -Caelius Aurelianus and other authorities actually arose from too great -self-continence. Si igitur Venerem exercere consueverit et crebriore -uti concubitu, nunc autem continentius et purius innocentiusque degat, -sine dubio a copia id sustinet cum partes illam ferre nequeunt. (If -therefore a man is in the habit of practising love and indulging in -fairly frequent cohabitation, well and good; but if on the contrary -he live a too continent, pure and innocent life, without a doubt he -endures this evil from the over-copiousness (of semen), as the parts -cannot tolerate it.) This idea owed its origin partly to the confusion -of gonorrhoea with nocturnal pollutions,—a confusion found even in the -passage from Galen quoted a little above, and in especial was revived -in the XVth. and XVIth. Centuries under the auspices of the monks and -nuns. It at the same time gave occasion to the practice of resorting to -copulation with a maiden as a cure for gonorrhœa. At any rate it was an -opinion already found in Hippocrates, that copulation was a desiccative -measure which in diseases arising from the phlegmatic humour -(_Hippocrates_, Epidem. bk. VI. Vol. III. p. 609., _Galen_, XVII. A. p. -284.) is of advantage to hot and moist constitutions (_Galen_, Vol. VI. -p. 402.) - -[327] _Galen_, De sympt. caus. bk. III. ch. 11. (VII. p. 265.), ἀλλὰ -καὶ τὰ μοχθηρὰ διὰ τῶν ὑστερῶν ῥεύματα, καλεῖται δὲ _τὸ σύμπτωμα_ ῥοῦς -γυναικεῖος, ἐκκαθαιρομένου κατὰ τοῦτο τὸ μόριον ἅπαντος τοῦ σώματος -γίγνεται. (Besides there are the troublesome fluxes by way of the womb; -and the _symptom_ of these is known as “female discharge”, and takes -place as the whole body purges itself by this part). _Nonnus_, ch. 204. -_Paulus Aegineta_, bk. II. ch. 63. _Rufus_ of Ephesus, bk. I ch. 44. - -[328] _Aretaeus_, De sign, chron. morb. bk. IV. ch. 11., ἄλλος ῥόος -λευκὸς ἡ ἐπιμήνιος κάθαρσις λευκὴ δριμεῖα καὶ ὀδαξώδης ἐς ἡδονήν. -ἐπὶ δὲ τοῖσι καὶ ὑγροῦ λευκοῦ, πάχεος, γονοειδέος πρόκλησις· τόδε τὸ -εἶδος _γονόρῤῥοιαν γυναικείαν ἐλέξαμεν_· ἔστι δὲ τῆς ὑστέρης φύξις, -οὕνεκεν ἀκρατὴς τῶν ὑγρῶν γίγνεται· ἀτὰρ καὶ τὸ αἷμα ἐς χροιὴν λευκὴν -ἀμείβει. (Another white discharge is the menstrual purging, white, -acrid, and provoking a pleasurable itching. But in addition to these -forms there is also a calling out of a moist, white, thick, semen-like -discharge; and this species we have named “_female gonorrhœa_”; and -it is an escape from the womb, because this cannot retain the moist -humours. Further, it actually changes the blood to a white colour.) -Perhaps too what _Galen_, De semine bk. II. ch. 1. (IV. p. 599.), says -is pertinent in this connection: ταῖς δ’ ἄλλαις ἔλαττόν τε καὶ ὑγρὸν -ἐκπίπτον φαίνεται πολλάκις ἔσωθεν ἐξ αὐτῶν τῶν ὑστερῶν, ἵναπερ οὐρεῖ. -(but in other women there appears to be a smaller and moist discharge -very often, inside, coming from the womb itself, in micturition). Again -_Theod. Priscianus_, bk. III. 10., says: Aliquando etiam spermatis -spontanei et importuni fluxu feminae fatigantur, quod Graeci gonorrhœam -appellant. (Sometimes too women are troubled with a discharge of -involuntarily and unexpectedly emitted semen, a complaint the Greeks -call gonorrhœa.) Comp. the passage quoted above from Aëtius. - -[329] _Celsus_, De re medica bk. VI. ch. 18., Solet etiam interdum ad -_nervos_ ulcus descendere; profluitque pituita multa sanies tenuis -malique odoris, non coacta at aquae similis, in qua caro recens lota -est; doloresque is locus et punctiones habet. Id genus quamvis inter -purulenta est, tamen lenibus medicamentis curandum est.... Praecipueque -id ulcus multa calida aqua fovendum est, velandumque neque frigori -committendum. (Moreover the ulcer is wont sometimes to descend to the -_cords_; and then there is discharged a quantity of phlegm, a thin -_sanies_ of an ill odour, not congealed but like water in which a -piece of fresh meat has been washed; and the place experiences pain -and a pricking sensation. This sort, though it comes under the head of -purulent complaints, should nevertheless be treated with mild drugs.... -And above all this form of ulcer should be fomented with copious -warm water, and should be covered and not exposed to cold). From the -last sentence it may be concluded that it is not the acute form of -blennorrhœa of the urethra that is in question here (bk. IV), but the -chronic. The words _ad nervos_ (to the cords) have given occasion -to some very extraordinary explanations. _Simon_, Krit. Gesch. Vol. -I p. 23., considers it would be most natural to refer this to the -inside of the member, to the urethra in fact, though as a matter of -fact gonorrhœa of the glans penis might just as likely be intended in -the passage. But in the latter case the interpretation is absolutely -impossible, as the glans penis is never called _nervus_. The corpora -cavernosa it is true are described in several places by _Galen_, e. g. -De loc. aff. bk. VI. ch. 6., as “a pipe-like cord, for the body is -cord-like in form, the whole being hollow like a pipe”, but he adds -χωρὶς τῆς καλουμένης βαλάνου (always excepting the glans penis, as it -is called), and indeed that _nervus_ generally signifies the penis is -evident at once from Horace, Epod. XII. 19.; even the plural _nervos_ -is found in _Petronius_, Sat. 129., 134.,—so the Greeks similarly -use νεῦρον (nerve, cord) for the penis, sometimes with the addition -σπερματικὸν (spermatic, seminal), as Eustathius points out,—Comm. on -the Iliad, X. 1390. However Celsus had no idea of this in his mind; -everything shows that with him the _ad nervos_ points to nothing but -the _vasa deferentia_ or spermatic cords, as he distinctly declares -himself in bk. VII. ch. 18: Dependent vero (testiculi) ab inguinibus -per _singulos nervos_, quos κρεμαστῆρας Graeci nominant. (But the -testicles hang from the groin by separate cords, which the Greeks call -κρεμαστῆρες,—suspenders). Similarly _Columella_, De re rustic. bk. VI. -ch. 26., Testium nervos, quos Graeci κρεμαστῆρας ab eo appellant, quod -ex illis genitales partes dependent. (The cords of the testicles, which -the Greeks name κρεμαστῆρες,—suspenders, because the genital parts -hang by them); again _Pollux_, Onomast. bk. II. Ch. 4., κρεμαστῆρας δὲ -λέγονται τὰ νεῦρα, τοῦς διδύμους ἀνέχει. (κρεμαστῆρες,—suspenders, is -the name of the cords; and they support the testicles). The possibility -of the suppuration extending to the seed reservoir and the spermatic -cords is proved by the case lately observed and made known by _Ricord_. - -[330] _Actuarius_, Method. med. bk. IV. ch. 8., Caeterum non est -ignorandum, nonnunquam in interna penis parte exiguum tuberculum -oboriri, quod dum disrumpitur, sanguinem aut exiguum puris effundit; -quare quidam arbitrantur ex profundo ea prodire, citraque rationem -metuere coeperunt. Verum res ex penis dolore deprehenditur. Venae autem -sectione sola, victuque frigidiusculo aegrum a molestia vindicavimus. -_Quod si vitium moram traxerit et vulnus_ (ἕλκος?) _altius pervenerit_, -enemata morsus expertia, qualibus in lippitudine utimur, infundimus. -Balneo ac omni mordenti evidenterque calefaciente tum cibo tum potione -abstinemus, ita namque promptius aeger valetudinem recipit. (However it -must not be forgotten that sometimes a small tubercle is established in -the internal part of the penis, which on bursting discharges blood and -a small quantity of pus; for which reason some suppose these symptoms -to proceed from a deep-seated evil, and have been unreasonably alarmed. -But the truth may be gathered from the pain in the penis. However by -the mere opening of a vein and a cooling diet we have saved a patient -from all inconvenience. On the other hand if the mischief has followed -a protracted course and the sore (ἕλκος?,—ulcer) has penetrated farther -in, we introduce clysters free from biting acridity, such as we make -use of for blear-eyed patients. We forbid the bath, and everything -acrid and manifestly heating whether in food or drink, for in this way -the sufferer recovers his health more rapidly). - -[331] _Paulus Aegineta_, bk. III. ch. 59., εἰ δὲ κατὰ τὸν καυλὸν -ἔνδον τῆς τοῦ αἰδοίου τρήσεως ἀφανὲς ἕλκος γένηται, γινώσκεται ἐκ -τοῦ πύον ἢ αἷμα κενοῦσθαι χωρὶς οὐρησέως. Θεραπεύεται δὲ πρῶτον μὲν -ὑδαρεῖ μελικράτῳ _κλυζόμενον_, ἔπειτα δὲ γάλακτι, κἄπειτα μίξαντες τῷ -γάλακτι τὸ τοῦ ἀστήρος κολλύριον, ἢ τὸν λευκὸν τροχίσκον, ἢ τὸν διὰ -λωταριῶν ἐν μολυβδαίνῃ θυίᾳ παραπέμπειν, ἥγουν καὶ _πτερὸν_ βάψαντες -διαχρίειν, εἶτα _λεπτὸν στρεπτὸν_ χρίσαντες ἐνθῆναι· κάλλιστον δὲ -ἐστί καὶ τὸ λαμβάνων κηκίδος καὶ πομφόλυγος, ἀμύλου τε καὶ ἀλόης ἶσα, -λειωθέντα ῥοδίνῳ καὶ χυλῷ ἀρνογλώσσου. (But if in the canal within the -perforation of the member an invisible ulcer arise, it is recognized -from the fact of matter or blood being discharged without micturition. -And it is treated first by being _rinsed_ with a weak honey-mixture, -and then with milk and afterwards by mixing with the milk the salve of -the _aster atticus_, or the white lozenge, or a preparation of lotus -pounded in a leaden mortar; _a feather_ should be dipped in this and -it should be rubbed on, or else _a piece of thin material made into a -twist_ should be smeared with it and the drug introduced by this means; -but the best of all is by taking equal parts of gall-apple, flowers of -zinc, starch-flour and aloes smeared with rose-sap and plantain-sap). - -[332] _Caelius Aurelianus_, Morb. chron. bk. II. ch. 8., In iis enim -qui ulcus habuerint, cum mictum fecerint, sanguis fluet attestante -mordicatione et dolore et aliquando egestione corpusculorum, quae -ἐφελκύδας Graeci vocaverunt. (In patients who have got an ulcer, -whenever they make water, blood will flow and the fact be attested by -accompanying biting sensation and pain and sometimes by the ejection of -small particles which the Greeks have named ἐφελκύδες). - -[333] _Galen_, De loc. affect. bk. I. ch. 5., εἰ γοῦν ὑμενώδους χιτῶνος -ἐκκριθείη μόριον, ὅτι μὲν ἕλκωσίς ἐστὶ που, δηλώσει.... εἰ δ’ οὐρηθείη -τῆς οὐρήθρας αὐτῆς. (If for example a small portion of the membranous -coat be shed, this will show there is ulceration somewhere.... And if -in micturition particles of the urethra itself be passed). Comp. Paulus -Aegineta, loco citato. - -[334] _Galen_, De symptom. caus. bk. III. ch. 8., ἴσχονται μὲν γὰρ ἢ -ἀδυνατούσης ἐκκρίνειν τῆς κύστεως, ἢ στεγνωθέντος αὐτῆς, τοῦ στομάχου· -ταυτὶ μὲν οὖν ἄμφω τὰ νοσήματα τῆς κύστεως ἓν κοινὸν ἔχει σύμπτωμα, -τὴν ἰσχουρίαν·—αἱ μὲν οὖν _στεγνώσεις_ τοῦ στομάχου δι᾽ ἔμφραξίν τε -καὶ _μύσιν_ ἀποτελοῦνται· καὶ γίνεται ἡ μὲν _ἔμφραξις_ ὑπὸ θρόμβου τε -καὶ πύου παχέος καὶ λίθου καὶ πώρου καὶ διὰ _βλάστημά_ τι κατ’ αὐτὸν -ἐπιτραφὲν τὸν πόρον ὁποῖα κἀν τοῖς ἄλλοις ἅπασιν ἐκτὸς ὁρᾶται γινόμενα -κατά τε τὰ ὦτα καὶ ῥῖνας _αἰδοῖά_ τε καὶ ἕδραν· ἡ δὲ _μύσις_ ἤτοι -δι’ ὄγκον ἐπὶ φλεγμοναῖς ἀποτελεῖται καὶ _σκίῤῥοις_ καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις -οἰδήμασιν, ὅσα τε τὸν τράχηλον ἐξαίροντα τῆς κύστεως εἰς τὸν ἐντὸς -πόρον ἀποχεῖ τὸν ὄγκον. (For they suffer either because the bladder is -unable to secrete or because its orifice is stopped; but both these -complaints of the bladder have one symptom in common, viz. retention of -urine.... Now the _stoppages_ of the orifice are produced by _blocking_ -or by _closing up_; and stoppages are caused by a clot or dense -matter or a calculus or chalkstone or some growth that has formed in -the actual passage, as is also observed to occur in other, external, -organs, the ears, the nostrils, genitals, or fundament; but closure -is due either to a tumour following on phlegmonous affections or by -indurations or other swellings which dilate the neck of the bladder -and discharge the tumour into the internal passage). Comp. _Caelius -Aurelianus_ bk. V. ch. 4. - -[335] _Galen_, De loc. affect. bk. I. ch. 1. (VIII. p. 12.), οὕτω -δὲ εἰ καὶ σάρκα τινὰ δι᾽ ἕλκωσιν ἐπιτραφεῖσαν ἡγούμεθα τὸν τράχηλον -τῆς κύστεως ἐμφράττειν, ἔκ τε τῶν προηγησαμένων τοῦ ἕλκους σημείων -ἔκ τε τοῦ κενωθῆναι τὸ οὖρον ἐπὶ τῷ _καθετηρι_ συλλογιούμεθα· καί -ποτε καὶ γενόμενον οἶδα τοιοῦτόν τι πάθημα· διαβαλλομένου γοῦν τοῦ -καθετῆρος, ἤλγησεν κατ’ ἐκεῖνο τοῦ πόρου τὸ μέρος, ἔνθα καὶ πρότερον -ἐτεκμηράμεθα τὴν ἕλκωσιν εἶναι· _θλασθείσης δὲ τῆς σαρκὸς ὑπὸ τοῦ -καθετῆρος_, ἠκολούθησε μὲν μετὰ τὴν τῶν οὔρων ἔκκρισιν αἵματός τέ τι -καὶ θρύμματα τῆς σαρκός· ... τὸ δ’ εἴτε πάθος εἶναι λεκτέον τοῦ πόρου -τὸ γεγονός, εἶτε αἴτιον ἰσχουρίας ἐν τῷ πόρῳ περιέχεσθαι, τῶν ἀχρήστων -εἰς τὴν τέχνην ἐστίν. (Accordingly if we suspect some accretion of -tissue, the result of ulceration, to be blocking the neck of the -bladder, our diagnosis will depend both on the foregoing signs of -the existence of an ulcer and also on the fact of the urine being -voided on the introduction of a _catheter_. Sometimes moreover I have -noted the following case to occur; on turning the catheter about pain -was experienced at the part of the canal where we had previously -conjectured the ulceration to be situated, and the tissue being broken -down by the catheter, there followed after the evacuation of the urine -some blood and particles of tissue.... Whether in this case we ought to -describe the mischief as something affecting the urethral canal, or say -that the cause is something lying in the same canal, is scientifically -unimportant). For the catheter must always have the shape of the -passage leading to the bladder (Method. med. bk. IV. ch. 7. X. p. -301.); accordingly it must be bent into the shape of the letter -“S” (Introduct. ch. 19. Vol. XIV. p. 788). The inventor of it was -Erasistratus (ibid. p. 751.). The employment of the catheter is well -described by _Paulus Aegineta_ bk. VI. ch. 59., who adds that different -catheters must be used according to age and sex. - -[336] _Oribasius_, Bk. L. ch. 8. (Mai’s Classicor. auctor. e Vatican. -codd. edit.—Classical Authors edited from the Vatican MSS.), Vol. IV. -p. 187. - -[337] The word ἰποτήριον is also found written ἰπωτήριον in _Galen_, De -comp. medic. sec. gen. bk. IV. ch. 7. (XIII. p. 725.), who gives it as -a φάρμακον (remedy) invented by Heraclides of Tarentum, but which is -not described in detail. The word is missing in our Lexicons, though -Castellus gives it. - -[338] _Galen_, In Hippocrat. de diaet. in acut. (XV. p. 759.), γίνεται -δ’ ἔντασις ὄρχεως ἐνίοτε μὲν ὑπὸ τῆς καθ’ ἑαυτὸν φλεγμονῆς, ἐνιοτε -δὲ ὑπό τινος τῶν ἄνω φλεγμαινόντων ἑλκομένου. (Now tension of the -testicles occurs sometimes owing to inflammation in the testicles -itself, at other times owing to one of more inward parts that are -inflamed becoming ulcerated). - -[339] _Paulus Aegineta_, Bk. III. ch. 54. - -[340] _Galen_, De prognost. ex puls. bk. IV. ch. 10. (IX. p. 416.). -Synops. de puls. ch. 31. (ibid. p. 540). - -[341] _Celsus_, Bk. VII. 18. VI. 18. - -[342] _Hippocrates_, de Nat. Homin. edit. Kühn. Vol. I. p. 364. -_Galen_, Vol. XV. p. 131. - -[343] _Galen_, Vol. XI. p. 877., XII. p. 50. - -[344] _Aretaeus_, De sign. chronic. bk. II. ch. 8., θώυμα δὲ τουτέων -μέζων, εἰς ὄρχιας καὶ κρεμαστῆρας ἀδόκητον ἄλγος ἐπιφοιτῇ· πολλοὺς -τῶν ἰητρῶν ἥδε ἡ ξυμπαθείη λήθει· καὶ γὰρ καὶ ἐξέταμόν κοτε τοὺς -κρεμαστῆρας, ὡς ἰδίην ἔχοντας αἰτίην· (And there is another thing -more surprising than this, when the pain suddenly shifts to the -testicles and spermatic cords. Now this sympathy between the different -organs escapes many physicians; and sometimes they actually cut out -the spermatic cords as if these contained the special cause of the -suffering). In the edition due to Kühn’s industry the word κρεμαστῆρες -is translated by _musculos cremasteres dictos_ (the muscles called -cremasteres). The expression is also found in the “De sign. acut.” II. -6., and _Petit_ in his Commentary on the first named passage declares -in all seriousness that the sympathy was sufficiently well known to -anatomists, arising from the connection of the cremasteres muscles with -the peritonaeum and its processes, which statement appears to rest on -the datum of _Galen_, De usu partium bk. XIV. ch. 11. (IV. p. 193.) and -De semine bk. II. ch. 5. (IV. p. 635.), where the cremasteres certainly -are called μυώδη σώματα (muscular bodies) and compared with the round -ligaments of the womb. Still _Galen_ says distinctly in the latter -passage that they contained arteries, veins and the spermatic ducts, -in the Isagoge ch. 11. (XIV. p. 719.) ὃς (γόνος) φέρεται ἐπ’ αὐτοὺς -διὰ τῶν κρεμαστήρων (it,—the seed,—is conveyed to them through the -cremasteres). On the other hand in the “De musc. sect.” Vol. XVIII. -B. p. 997., the musculi cremasteres properly so called are clearly -described, and the statement added: Τὸ δὲ ἔργον αὐτῶν ἀνατείνειν -τὸν ὄρχιν· ὅθεν ἔνιοι κρεμαστῆρας αὐτοὺς ὀνομάζουσι (but their duty -is to hold up the testicles, for which reason some name them the -cremasteres,—suspenders). Neither Blancard-Kühn nor yet Kraus’s Lexicon -give under the word “Cremaster” any meaning but that of the muscles; -the same is true of Schneider. Comp. _Paulus Aegineta_ bk. VI. ch. 61., -where the spermatic cords are also called παραστάται (supporters), as -also by Galen, Defin. med. XIX. p. 362. and De semine bk. I. Vol. IV. -p. 565., where they are spoken of as κιρσοειδῆς παραστάται (varicose -parastatae). A denomination Herophilus first made use of (Galen IV. p. -582.) and which according to _Athenaeus_ Deipnos. bk. IX. p. 396. was -likewise given to the testicles. - -[345] _Hippocrates_, Epidem. bk. V., edit. Kühn Vol. III. p. 548. -Besides Hippocrates mentions almost exclusively the sympathetic -swellings of the testicles that occur in cases of interruptions of -the respiration, particularly in coughs. Sextus Placitus Papyriensis -likewise, ch. 92. 4., ch. 101. 2., speaks of prurigo veretri (itching -of the privates). - -[346] _Galen_, De semine ch. 15. (IV. p. 564). - -[347] _Galen_, De medic. sec. loc. bk. IX. ch. 8. (XIII. p. 317.). -_Paulus Aegineta_ bk. III. ch. 54. Both authors also make mention in -this connection of _sarcosis testium_ (swelling of the flesh of the -testicles). _Rambach_, Thesaurus Eroticus, a work which now for the -first time is within our reach to consult, quotes under _ova_ pro -coleis (ova,—eggs, put for testicles): - - Vel tantus ad ora veniret - Aut aliis causis ita computresceret ovum, - Ne fieri posset quin crudelis medicina - Ova recidisset, medici reprobabilis usus. - -(In fact such foulness appeared, or from other causes the testicle was -so rotten, that nought could be done but for cruel surgery to cut out -the testicles,—the horrid habit of doctors), and assigns to it the name -_Ovidius Pseud._ Is this perhaps a specimen of those old lines properly -to be ascribed to some mediaeval monk? - -[348] _Galen_, Method. med. bk. V. ch. 4. (X. p. 325.), καὶ κατὰ -τοῦτο ἐπ’ αἰδοίων καὶ ἕδρας εἰς τὴν τοιαύτην ἀνάγκην ἀφικνούμεθα -πολλάκις, ὅτι ῥᾳδίως σήπεται τὰ μόρια διά τε τὴν σύμφυτον ὑγρότητα -καὶ ὅτι περιττωμάτων εἰσὶν ὀχετοί. (And in this respect with regard -to the privates and fundament we constantly come back to the same -conditions of causation, viz. that these parts are readily affected -by putrefaction, as well owing to their natural moistness as because -they are channels for excretions). Commentar. in Hippocrat. De humor. -(XVI. p. 414.), ἀλλὰ καὶ ἡ φύσις τῶν τόπων οὐ μικρὸν πρὸς τὸ δέχεσθαι -σηπεδόνας ποιεῖ· καὶ γὰρ τὸ στόμα καὶ τὰ αἰδοῖα πολλὴν ὑγρότητα τῇ -φύσει κέκτηται· καὶ προσέτι τοὺς ἀδένας ἔχουσιν ἐγγὺς, ἄπερ πάντα τὰ -περιττὰ εἰσδέχεσθαι πεφύκασιν. (Moreover the nature of the localities -has no small influence on their liability to putrefactive changes. -For the mouth and the private parts possess much moisture of their -very nature; and besides this they have the glands close by, all which -circumstances tend naturally to make them the receptacles of excessive -moisture). De usu partium bk. XI. ch. 14. (III. p. 910.), ἤδε δὲ καὶ -περὶ τὴν τῶν αἰδοίων φύσιν αἱ τρίχες ἅμα μὲν ἐξ ἀνάγκης ἐγένοντο, θερμὰ -γὰρ καὶ ὑγρὰ τὰ χωρία. (Now this quality and the fact of the privates -being naturally surrounded with hair would seem to be necessary -consequences, because the localities are hot and damp).—_Cassius_, -Problem. 2., Cur supremae corporis sedes ad nomas sunt opportunae, -similiter et concavae? An quia noma putrefactio est quaedam et sensus -interitus atque extinctio. Supremae autem partes ob alimenti penuriam -calore facile destituuntur, ita ut hac de causa census ablationem -incurrant. Concavae vero ob humidae in ipsis materiae affluentem -copiam, cuius occasione putredine corripiunter. (Why are the extreme -parts of the body liable to nomae (eating ulcers), and likewise the -concave parts? It is because a _noma_ is a form of putrefaction and a -perishing and extinction of sensation? Now the extreme parts owing to -the scantiness of the nourishment they get are easily robbed of heat, -so that for this reason they incur loss of sensation. On the other hand -the concave parts owing to the excess of moist matter that collects in -them, which is the occasion of their being attacked by putrefaction). -Comp. what was said above under the head of “Climate”. - -[349] _Hippocrates_, Aphorism. Vol. III. p. 724. _Galen_, Vol. XVI. p. -27. - -[350] _Galen_, Comment in Hippocrat. De humor. Vol. XVI. p. 414. - -[351] _Hippocrates_, De nat. muliebr. Vol. II. p. 586., ἀφθήσῃ τὰ -αἰδοῖα (the privates affected with aphthae). De morb. muliebr. bk. II. -Vol. II. p. 614. - -[352] _Galen_, Method. med. bk. XIII. ch. 11. (X. p. 903.), ἀντισπᾶν -γὰρ χρὴ τῶν ἀρχομένων ῥευματίζεσθαι παρρωτάτω τὸ περιττὸν, οὐχ ἕλκειν -ἐπ’ αὐτὰ· κατὰ τοῦτον οὖν τὸν λόγον οὐδὲ γαστρὸς οὐδ’ ἐντέρων ἀρξαμένων -φλεγμαίνειν ὑπηλάτῳ χρῆσθαι προσήκει· τὴν δ’ αὐτὴν ἔνδειξιν ἔχει -τούτοις μὲν μήτρα τοῖς ὀργάνοις αἰδοῖα· τό γε μὴν ἐμέτοις χρῆσθαι τῶν -αἰδοίων πεπονθότων ἀντισπαστικόν ἐστὶ βούθημα. (For what is necessary -is to reject the excess as far as may be from the parts that are -beginning to be congested, not to draw it towards them. Therefore in -accordance with this reasoning neither in the case of belly nor of -intestines, when these have begun to be inflamed, is it expedient to -employ purging medicine; also the same indication as in the case of -these organs holds good for womb, and private parts. The treatment when -the privates are attacked is revulsory, viz. the use of emetics). - -[353] _Galen_, loco citato p. 904., ἐπὶ δὲ νεφρῶν καὶ κύστεος αἰδοίου -τε καὶ μήτρας τὰς ἐν τοῖς σκέλεσι, μάλιστα μὲν τὰς κατὰ τὴν ἰγνύαν, εἰ -δὲ μὴ, τὰς παρὰ σφυρόν (In complaints of the kidneys and bladder, of -the privates and womb, bleedings on the legs, and particularly in the -hollow of the knee, or otherwise at the ankle). - -[354] _Oribasius_, Medicin. collect. bk. IX. ch. 24., Pudendis -incommoda sunt pinguia, prosunt autem adstringentia. (Fatty matters -are prejudicial to the privates, astringents on the contrary are of -advantage). - -[355] _Galen_, De medicam. sec. loc. compos. bk. IX. ch. 8. (XIII. p. -315.), τὰ δ’ ἐν αἰδοίοις ἕλκη καὶ κατὰ τὴν ἕδραν χωρὶς φλεγμονῆς ὄντα -ξηραινόντων πάνυ δεῖται φαρμάκων. (Now ulcers on the privates and -about the fundament, if free from the phlegmonous condition, require -dessicative drugs above all). Method. med. bk. V. ch. 15. (X. p. 381.). - -[356] _Galen_, loco citato pp. 317, 383.—_Oribasius_, Synops. bk. IX. -ch. 38. - -[357] _Galen_, Method. med. bk. X. ch. 9. (X. p. 702.).—_Aëtius_, -Tetrab. II. serm. 1. ch. 91. - -[358] _Galen_, De compos. medic. sec. loc. bk. IX. ch. 8. (XIII. p. -316.). _Paulus Aegineta_, bk. III. ch. 59. _Oribasius_ De loc. affect. -bk. IV. ch. 102. - -[359] _Galen_, loco citato p. 316. _Paulus Aegineta_, loco citato. -Oribasius, loco citato. - -[360] _Galen_, loco citato p. 317. - -[361] _Galen_, loco citato p. 316. De simplic. medic. temperam. -ac facult. bk. X. (XII. p. 235.). _Paulus Aegineta_, loco cit. -_Oribasius_, loco cit. - -[362] _Galen_, De simplic. medic. temperam, ac. facult. bk. X. ch. 2. -(XII. p. 268.). - -[363] _Galen_, Method. med. bk. V. ch. 15. (X. p. 382.), De composit. -medic. sec. loc. bk. IX. ch. 8. (XIII. p, 316.). _Paulus Aegineta_, -loco cit. _Aëtius_, Tetrab. I. serm. 1. _Nonnus_, Epit. ch. 195. - -[364] _Galen_, De simplic. medic. temperam. ac facult. bk. VI. (XI. p. -822.). _Aëtius_, loco cit. - -[365] _Oribasius_, De virtute simplicium bk. II., under word -“Molibdos”,—lead. - -[366] _Hippocrates_, De natura muliebri Vol. II. p. 586. - -[367] _Galen_, De composit. med. sec. loc. bk. VII. (XIII. p. 36.). - -[368] _Galen_, loco cit. p. 316., Method. med. bk. V. ch. 15. (X. p. -382.), De simplic. medicam. temperam. ac facult. bk. VI. (XI. p. 832.). -_Paulus Aegineta_, bk. III. ch. 59. _Oribasius_, De loc. affect. IV. -102. Collect. IX. 24. _Nonnus_, Epitom. ch. 195. - -[369] Orpheus de lapidibus XVIII. 33., - - ἀνδρός τ’ αἰδοίων ἄκος ἔσσεται, ὅς κε πίῃσι. - -(And it shall be a cure of the privates of a man, whosoever shall drink -thereof). - -[370] _Galen_, Method. med. bk. V. ch. 15. (X. p. 363.). - -[371] _Galen_, De simplic. medic. temperam. ac facult. bk. X. (XII. p. -285.). - -[372] _Paulus Aegineta_, bk. III. ch. 59. _Oribasius_, Collect. bk. IX. -ch. 24. _Nonnus_, Epitom. ch. 195. - -[373] _Paulus Aegineta_, bk. IV. ch. 44. _Aëtius_, Tetrab. IV. serm. 2. -ch. 17. - -[374] _Aëtius_, Tetrab. IV. serm. 2. ch. 24. Collect. L. ch. 9. - -[375] _Hippocrates_, Coac. praenot. Vol. I. p. 389., Aphorism. Vol. -III. p. 752. _Galen_, Method. med. bk. III. ch. 1. (X. p. 161.). - -[376] _Galen_, Method. med. bk. XIV. ch. 15. (X. p. 1001 sqq.). - -[377] _Galen_, loco cit. bk. V. ch. 15. (X. p. 381.), De simplic. -medic. temperam. ac facult. bk. VI. (XI. pp. 832, 806.). - -[378] _Paulus Aegineta_, bk. VI. ch. 57. - -[379] _Galen_, Method. med. bk. V. ch. 15 (X. p. 381.), _Aëtius_, -Tetrab. III. 2. ch. 15., recommended drawing the prepuce forwards in -micturition, so as to make the urine flow between the foreskin and -glans penis, by which means the ulcers and fissures are readily cured. - -[380] _Galen_, Method. med. bk. V. ch. 15. (X. 381.). _Paulus -Aegineta_, bk. III. 59. _Oribasius_, Synops. IX. 37. _Marcellus -Empiricus_, ch. 33. - -[381] _Aëtius_, Tetrab. IV. serm. 2. ch. 3. - -[382] _Aëtius_, Tetrab. IV. serm. 2. ch. 17. - -[383] _Actuarius_, Method. med. II. ch. 12. _Aëtius_, Tetrab. IV. serm. -2. ch. 18. _Sextus Placitus Papyriensis_, ch. V. 2. V. 43. _Theodor. -Priscianus_ I. 25. - -[384] _Galen_, Isag. ch. 16. (XIV. p. 777.). - -[385] _Galen_, De temperam. 4. (I. p. 532.). - -[386] _Pollux_, Onomast. bk. IV. ch. 26. 206., θηρίωμα, γίνεται μὲν -ἕλκος περὶ ἀνδρῶν αἰδοῖα, ἔστι δὲ ὅτε καὶ περὶ δακτ_ύλους_ [read -δακτυ_λιους_], καὶ ἀλλὰχοῦ, αἷμα πολὺ καὶ μέλαν καὶ δυσῶδες ἀφιὲν μετὰ -μελανίας τὴν σάρκα ἀνεσθίον. (θηρίωμα,—malignant sore, is an ulcer -affecting men’s privates, as well as sometimes the fingers (? the -anus), and other parts, discharging much black evil-smelling blood, -accompanied with black colour and eating away the flesh). - -[387] _Sextus Placitus Papyriensis_, XV. 3. - -[388] _Galen_, Isagog. ch. 11. (XIV. p. 719.), ταῖς δὲ γυναιξὶν ἡ -ὑστέρα ἔοικεν ὀσχῇ ἀνεστραμμένῃ, (but in women the vagina is like a -scrotum inverted), though in accordance with what comes next the uterus -may also by understood to be here intended. Commentar. in Hippocrat. -De Alimento (XV. p. 326.), περὶ δὲ τῆς ὑστέρας ὀλίγα ῥηθήσεται· καὶ -πρῶτον μὲν, πότερον ὑστέρον ἢ μήτραν κλητέον ἐστὶ τὸ μόριον ἐκεῖνο, ὃ -πρὸς τὴν κύησιν ἔδωκε φύσις ταῖς γυναιξὶν, οὐδὲν διαφέρει. (Now about -the vagina we shall not say much. However first of all we may remark as -to the question whether we should name the part which nature has given -to women for connection ὑστέρος or μήτρα, that this is a matter of -indifference). Moreover the Physicians use κόλπος (fold, bosom), e. g. -_Galen_, De tumoribus praeter naturam ch. 4. (VII. p. 717.) for the -vaginal canal, as the Romans did _sinus_ (fold, bosom) in Latin. - -[389] _Celsus_, bk. V. ch. 25. _Marcellus_, De medic, ch. 7. 17. -_Sextus Placitus Papyriensis_ II. 7., XV. 2., XXXI. 12. _L. Apuleius_, -De herb. XLIX. 1., LXXIV. 3., CXXI. 2. - -[390] _Celsus_, bk. V. 28. 25. _Galen_, Vol. II. p. 150., X. p. 993. -XI. p. 9. 1001., XVI. p. 180., XVII. B. pp. 274, 855., XIX., p. 428, -_Oribasius_, De virt. simpl. bk. II. 1. under word “Leucoion”, De loc. -affect. bk. IV. ch. 112. _Aëtius_, Tetrab. I. serm. 1. under word -“Leucoion”, Tetrab. IV. serm. 4. ch. 83. _Actuarius_, Method. med. bk. -VI. chs. 8, 9. - -[391] _Aretaeus_, De sign. chron. bk. II. ch. 11. - -[392] _Aëtius_, Tetrab. IV. serm. 4. chs. 88-94. - -[393] The uterine speculum is mentioned by _Aëtius_ also chs. 86, 88. -and its use described; as also by _Paulus Aegineta_, bk. III. ch. 65., -bk. VI. ch. 73., and for the examination of the rectum, bk. VI. ch. 78. - -[394] _Galen_, De loc. affect. bk. VI. ch. 5. (VIII. p. 436.). _Paulus -Aegineta_, bk. III. chs. 59, 75. _Aëtius_, Tetrab. IV. serm. 2. ch. -15., serm. 4. ch. 107. - -[395] _Hippocrates_, De natura muliebri Vol. II. pp. 586, (588), 591., -De morbis mulier. bk. II. Vol. II. 878. - -[396] _Nonnus_, Epitom. ch. 206., distinguishes between ῥυπάρον ἕλκος, -νομὴ μετὰ φλεγμονῆς (foul ulcer, eating sore with inflammation) and -ἄνευ φλεγμονῆς νομή (eating sore without inflammation); as does _Paulus -Aegin._, bk. III. ch. 66. - -[397] By means of the uterine syringe, μητρεγχύτης. _Galen_, Synopsis -medic. sec. loc. IX. ch. 8. (XIII. p. 316.). _Oribasius_, Collect. -medic. bk. X. ch. 25. - -[398] _Celsus_, bk. VII. ch. 28. _Pliny_, Histor. nat. XXX. 4. _Sextus -Placitus Papyriensis_, XXXII. 2. _Paulus Aegineta_, bk. III. ch. 73. - -[399] _Cedrenus_, Σύνοψις ἱστορικὴ (Historical Survey), edit. J. -Goar and H. Fabrot, Paris 1647. fol., p. 266. In Diocletian’s time -when persecutions of the Christians were general, a fair and modest -maiden was charged with having spoken disrespectfully of the gods; -for punishment she was sent to a brothel with the order that she must -reimburse the brothel-keeper three shillings a day. The latter was -to make her serve as a prostitute, and she was to receive all who -wished to go with her. Account however was taken of the fact that she -declared _she had an ulcer on her privates_, and this obliged them to -wait till it was cured (προσφασιζομένη ἕλκος ἔχειν ἐπὶ κρυπτοῦ τόπου -καὶ τούτου ἀπαλλαγὴν ἐκδέξασθαι) (pretexting she had an ulcer in a -secret place, and must wait for its removal). The same story is told by -_Palladius_, Hist. lausiac. ch. 148., as having happened at Corinth, -who calls the ulcer an evil-smelling one, that might easily stir the -repugnance of her visitors against the girl, (λέγουσα, ὅτι ἕλκος ἔχω -τι εἰς κεκρυμμένον τόπον, ὅπερ ἐσχάτως ὄζει, καὶ δέδοικα μὴ εἰς μῖσός -μου ἔηθητε τῷ ἀποτροπαίῳ τοῦ ἕλκους· ἔνδοτε οὖν μοι ὀλίγας ἡμέρας καὶ -ἐξουσίαν μου ἔχετε καὶ δωρεάν με ἔχειν,)—(saying “I have an ulcer in -a secret part, which smells very ill, and I fear you may come to feel -repugnance towards me owing to the foulness of the ulcer; grant me -therefore a few days, then may work your will of me and I undertake to -give myself freely”). The last sentence shows clearly that the ulcer -was easy to cure. Comp. Nicephorus, Hist. eccles. bk. VII. chs. 12, 13. - -[400] _Aëtius_, Tetrab. IV. serm. II. chs. 1, 2, 3, 9, 10. _Galen_, -Synops. med. sec. loc. bk. IX. ch. 7. (XIII. p. 315.). _Oribasius_, De -loc. affect. bk. IV. ch. 93. _Paulus Aegineta_, bk. III. ch. 59. - -[401] _Galen_, Euporist. bk. I. ch. 14. (XIV. p. 382.), Synops. med. -sec. loc. bk. IX. ch. 7. (XIII. p. 315.), _Oribasius_, De loc. affect. -bk. IV. ch. 93. _Paulus Aegineta_, bk. III. ch. 59. - -[402] _Galen_, Euporist. bk. I. ch. 14. (XIV. p. 382.). _Oribasius_, De -loc. affect, bk. IV. ch. 94. - -[403] _Galen_, Synops. med. sec. loc. bk. IV. ch. 6. (XIII. p. 309.), -ch. 7. (p. 314.), Synops. med. sec. gen. bk. V. ch. 12. (XIII. p. -837.). _Oribasius_, De loc. affect. bk. IV. ch. 92. _Paulus Aegineta_, -bk. III. ch. 59. _Nonnus_, Epit. ch. 198. - -[404] _Celsus_, bk. VI. ch. 18., bk. VII. 30., bk. V. 20. _Galen_, -Synops. med. sec. loc. bk. IX. ch. 6. (XIII. p. 309.), Synops. med. -sec. gen. bk. V. ch. 13. (XIII. p. 840.), De simplic. med. temp. ac -facult. bk. IX. chs. 3, 23. (XII. p. 231.), bk. XI. ch. 1. (XII. -p. 333.), _Paulus Aegineta_, bk. III. ch. 59., bk. VI. ch. 80. -_Oribasius_, De loc. affect. bk. IV. ch. 95. _Dioscorides_ bk. I. ch. -34., ch. 94. _Scribonius Largus_, De compos. med. ch. 223. _Marcellus_, -ch. 31. _Nonnus_, Epitom. ch. 196. _Isidorus_, Origin. bk. IV. ch. 7. - -[405] _Aëtius_, loco citato ch. 9. from Leonidas. _Paulus Aegineta_, -bk. VI. ch. 78. - -[406] _Celsus_, VI. 18. _Galen_, (X. p. 381.), Synops. med. sec. loc. -bk. IX. ch. 6. (XIII. p. 307.), De simplic. temperam ac facult. bk. VI. -(XI. p. 821.). _Paulus Aegineta_, bk. III. ch. 59. - -[407] _Paulus Aegineta_, bk. VI. ch. 80. - -[408] _Galen_, Method. med. ad Glaucon. bk. II. ch. 1. (XI. p. 77.), -De tumor. praet. nat. ch. 15. (VII. p. 729.), Comment. in Hippocrat. -Aphorism. (XVII. B. p. 636.).—_Paulus Aegineta_, bk. IV. ch. 22. -_Actuarius_, bk. II. ch. 12. _Cassius_, Problem. 42. _Nonnus_, Epitom. -247. _Heliodorus_, in Mai’s Class. auctor. e Vatic. codd. edit. Vol. -IV. p. 13. note 3. - -[409] _Galen_, Method. med. bk. XIII. ch. 5. (X. pp. 180 sqq.). Comp. -_Celsus_, bk. V. ch. 28. _Oribasius_, Sympos. bk. VII. 31., De morb. -curat. bk. III. ch. 46. - -[410] _Hippocrates_, De natura pueri, Vol. I. p. 390. - -[411] _Hippocrates_, Epidem. bk. VI. Vol. III. p. 619. - -[412] In reference to ανθραξ _Galen_ says, Isagog. ch. 16. (XIX. p. -777.): ἀνθράκωσις δέ ἐστιν ἕλκος ἐσχαρῶδες μετὰ νομῆς καὶ _ῥεύματος_ καὶ -_βουβῶνος_ ἐνίοτε καὶ πυρετῶν γινομένων περὶ τὸ ἄλλο πᾶν σῶμα, ἔστι δὲ -ὅτε καὶ περὶ ὀφθαλμούς. (But ἀνθράκωσις (malignant ulcer) is a scabby -ulcer conjoined with eating ulcer and _discharge_ and _bubo_, as also -with fevers sometimes affecting the whole body and at other times the -eyes in particular). - -[413] _Galen_, loco citato p. 887., ἐχούσης δὲ τῆς τοιαύτης τὸ μῆκος -μεῖζον τοῦ πλάτους, ἐγκάρσιον ἔστω τὸ μῆκος ἐπὶ τοῦ βουβῶνος, οὐ -κατ’ εὐθὺ τοῦ κώλου· καὶ γὰρ κατὰ φύσιν οὕτως ἐπιπτύσσεται τὸ δέρμα -ἑαυτῷ, καμπτόντων τὸ κῶλον. (But such an incision having greater length -than breadth, the length should be diagonally to the groin, not in the -line of the direct diameter of the limb. For in this way the skin is -naturally folded over itself, when patients bend the limb). - -[414] _Sextus Placitus Papyriensis_, De medicamentis ex animal. ch. 1. -note 14., Cervi pudenda si tecum habueris, inguina tibi non tumebunt, -et si tumor antiquus fuerit, velociter recedet. (If you carry with -you a stag’s genitals, your groin will never swell, and if you have a -long-standing swelling, it will quickly disappear.) We must further -note supplementarily that _Prophylactics against female gonorrhœa_ -appear also to have been known and used; at any rate _Galen_, Euporist. -bk. II. ch. 26. note 37. (XIV. p.485.), cites measures against humidity -of the genital organs during coition πρὸς τὸ μὴ καθυγραίνεσθαι τὸ -αἰδοῖον ἐν ταῖς συνουσίαις τῶν γυναικῶν;—(to guard against the humidity -of the genitals in coition amongst women), consisting in fact in unripe -gall-apples, ashes and wine as a lotion, or infusion of gall-apples -with sulphurated wool as a vaginal-plug, honey and nitre as an -embrocation! - -[415] _Galen_, Method. med. bk. II. ch. 2. (X. p. 83). - -[416] _Hippocrates_, Aphorismor. Vol. III. p. 742., De liquidorum usu -Vol. II. p. 163. - -[417] _Galen_, Synops. medic. sec. loc. bk. IX. ch. 8. (XIII. p. 317). - -[418] _Celsus_, bk. V. ch. 28. _Oribasius_, De morb. crat. bk. III. -ch. 54. Synops. bk. VII. ch. 37, ch. 42., Collect. bk. XLIV. ch. 11. -Mai loco cit. p. 31. _Aëtius_, Tetrab. IV. serm. 2. ch. 61. _Paulus -Aegineta_ bk. IV. ch. 9. - -[419] _Hippocrates_, Prorrhet. bk. II. Vol. I. p. 204. - -[420] _Aëtius_, Tetrab. IV. serm. 2. ch. 15. - -[421] _Aëtius_, Tetrab. IV. serm. 2. ch. 20. - -[422] _Galen_, Definit. medic. Vol. XIX. p. 446. - -[423] _Aëtius_, Tetrab. IV. serm. 2. ch. 3. - -[424] _Oribasius_, Synops. medic. sec. loc. bk. V. ch. 4. (XII. p. -823.). _Aëtius_, Tetrab. II. serm. 4. ch. 14. - -[425] _Oribasius_, Synops. bk. VII. ch. 40. _Aëtius_, loco citato. -_Paulus Aegineta_, bk. III. ch. 3. - -[426] _Marcellus_, De medic. ch. 31., gives prescriptions “ad ficos qui -in locis verecundioribus nascuntur,” (for fig-like swellings that occur -in the more private parts). _Nonnus_, Epit. 214. - -[427] _Aspasia_, De natura mulier. Vol. II. p. 588., De morb. mulier. -bk. II. Vol. II. p. 879. The Etymologicum Magnum under the word -explains κίων by ἀπὸ τοῦ κίειν καὶ ἀνίεναι εἰς ὕψος (so called from its -going upwards and rising to a height). Comp. _Phil. Ingrassias_, De -tumor. praet. natur. p. 273. - -[428] _Aëtius_, Tetrab. IV. serm. 4. ch. 106. - -[429] _Celsus_, bk. VI. ch. 18. _Aëtius_, Tetrab. IV. serm. 2. ch. 3. -_Paulus Aegineta_, bk. III. ch. 59., bk. IV. ch. 15., bk. VI. ch. 80. -_Sextus Placitus Papyriensis_, XI. 7. _Apuleius_, De herb. LXXX. 8. A -large number of remedies against them are given by _Galen_: Vol. XIII. -309, 312, 422, 447, 512, 560, 715, 738, 781, 787, 824, 828, 831, 833, -837, 840. - -[430] _Celsus_, bk. V. ch. 28. Comp. _Galen_, Defin. med. (XIX. p. -444.). _Oribasius_, Synops. VII. ch. 39., Collect. bk. XLV. ch. 12., -bk. L. ch. 7. (in Mai loco cit. p. 43, p. 186). _Aëtius_, Tetrab. IV. -serm. 2. ch. 3., serm. 4. ch. 105. _Paulus Aegineta_, bk. III. ch. 59., -bk. VI. chs. 58, 71. _Nonnus_, Epit. ch. 197. _Pollux_, Onomast. bk. -IV. ch. 25. sect. 194., θύμος, ὐπέρυθρος ἔκφυσις, τραχεῖα, ἔναιμος, οὐ -δυσαφαίρετος, μάλιστα περὶ αἰδοῖα καὶ δακτύλιον καὶ παραμήρια· ἔστὶ -δ’ ὅτε καὶ ἐπὶ προσώπῳ. (θύμος,—_thymus_, a reddish outgrowth, rough, -suffused with blood, not difficult to remove, occurring chiefly on the -genital organs and anus and insides of the thighs; but sometimes on the -face too). _Marcellus_, ch. 33. _Myrepsus_, XXXVIII. ch. 157. - -[431] _Hippocrates_, De ulcer. Vol. III. p. 319., shows a knowledge of -them very uncommon so early as his time. - -[432] _Celsus_, bk. V. ch. 28. ch. 1. _Galen_, Defin. med. (XIX. p. -444.) _Oribasius_, Collect. bk. XLV. ch. 11. ch. 14. (Mai loco cit. 41, -43.) _Aëtius_, Tetrab. IV. serm. 2. ch. 3., serm. 4. ch. 105. _Paulus -Aegineta_, bk. IV. ch. 15., bk. VI. ch. 87. _Actuarius_, bk. II. ch. -11., bk. IV. ch. 15., bk. VI. ch. 9. _Pollux_, Onomast. bk. IV. ch. 25, -sect. 195. - -[433] _Galen_, Method. med. bk. XIV. ch. 17. (X. p. 1011.). - -[434] Perhaps some weight should be attached to the fact that the -ancient physicians recommend as remedies against ulcers of the nose and -mouth exactly the same means as they employed in cases of ulcer of the -genitals. Comp. _Celsus_ bk. VI. ch. 18. - -[435] _Celsus_, bk. VI. ch. 8., bk. VII. ch. 11. _Galen_, Synops. med. -sec. loc. bk. III. ch. 3. (XII. 678.). _Oribasius_, De loc. affect. -Vol. IV. chs. 45, 46. _Aëtius_, Tetrab. II. serm. 2. chs. 90, 91, 93. -_Paulus Aegineta_ bk. III. ch. 23. _Alexander of Tralles_ bk. III. -ch. 8. _Caelius Aurelianus_ morb. chron. bk. II. ch. 1. _Actuarius_, -Method. med. bk. II. ch. 8., bk. VI. ch. 4. _Nonnus_, Epit. ch. 93. -_Pollux_, Onomast. bk. IV. ch. 25. sect. 204. The remark of _Galen_, -Isagog. ch. 20. (XIV. p. 792.), is interesting that _falling way of -the nose_ from the palate gives sufferers an apelike look, ἀλλὰ κἂν -ἐξ ὑπερώας μεσίζῃ ἡ ῥὶς, ὥς φησι, σιμοῦνται ἀθεραπεύτως,—(but if the -nose separates from the palate, they get flat-nosed, as they say, -like monkeys,—incurable.) A special _nasal syringe_, rhynenchytes, is -mentioned by _Caelius Aurelianus_, Chron. bk. I. ch. 4., bk. III. ch. -2. Comp. _Calmasius_, Ad Solin p. 274. - -[436] _Johannes Moschus_, Pratum spirituale (Meadow of the Soul) ch. -14. in Magna Bibliotheca veterum Patrum (Great Library of the Ancient -Fathers) Vol. XIII. Paris 1644. fol., p. 1062. Ὁ Ἀββᾶς Πολυχρόνιος -πάλιν ἡμῖν διηγήσατο, ἡμῖν λέγων, ὅτι ἐν τῷ κοινοβίω τοῦ Πενθουκλὰ, -ἀδελφὸς ἦν πάνυ προσέχων αὑτὸν καὶ ἀσκητής· ἐπολεμήθη δὲ εἰς πορνείαν, -καὶ μὴ εἰσενεγκὼν τὸν πολέμον, ἐξῆλθεν τοῦ μοναστηρίου καὶ ἀπῆλθεν εἰς -Ἰεριχὼ πληρῶσαι τὴν ἐπιθυμίαν αὐτοῦ· _καὶ ὡς εἰσῆλθεν εἰς τὸ καταγώγιον -τῆς πορνείας, εὐθέως ἐλεπρούθη ὅλως_· καὶ θεασάμενος ἑαυτὸν ἐν τοιούτῳ -σχήματι, εὐθέως ἐπέστρεψεν εἰς τὸ μοναστήριον αὐτοῦ, εὐχαριστῶν τῷ -θεῷ καὶ λέγων, ὅτι ὁ θεὸς ἐπήγαμέν μοι τὴν τοιαύτην νόσον, ἵνα ἡ ψυχή -μου σωθῇ. (The Abbot Polychronius again related an incident to us, -telling us how in the Monastery of Penthula there was a brother well -self-disciplined and ascetic. But he was sorely tempted to fornication, -and unable to fight the temptation, he went forth from the Monastery -and departed to Jericho to fulfil his desire; and when he _entered into -the common house of fornication, straightway he became leprous all -over_. And when he saw himself in such a case, straightway he returned -to his Monastery, blessing God and saying, “God hath brought down this -disease upon me, that my soul might be saved”). - -[437] _Galen_, De locis affect. bk. II. ch. 8. (VIII. pp. 91, 104.). -τοὺς δὲ ἀπὸ τῶν περὶ τὰ ὀστέα προστυπεῖς εὑρήσεις, ὡς αὐτῶν δοκεῖν τῶν -ὀστέων ὄντας· ... ὅτι δ’ οἱ τῶν περικειμένων τοῖς ὀστοῖς ὑμένων πόνοι -βύθιοί τ’ εἰσὶν, τοῦτ’ ἔστι διὰ βάθους τοῦ σώματος ἐπιφέροντες αἴσθησιν, -αὐτῶν τε τῶν ὀστῶν ἐπάγουσιν φαντασίαν ὡς ὀδυνωμένων, οὐδὲν θαυμαστόν· -ὀνομάζουσι γοῦν αὐτοὺς _ὀστοκόπους_ οἱ πλεῖστοι, γίνονται τὰ πολλὰ -μὲν ἐπὶ γυμνασίοις, ἔστιν ὅτι δὲ καὶ διὰ ψύξιν, ἢ πλῆθος. (Now you will -find patients suffering from pains in the parts surrounding the bones -inclined to suppose they are suffering from the bones themselves.... -And it is not at all surprising that pains in the membranes that lie -about the bones being deep-seated, that is giving a sensation of -being deep-seated in the body, make patients imagine it is the bones -themselves that suffer. In fact they call them generally bone-racking -pains; and they are set up as a rule after bodily exercises, but also -sometimes as a consequence of cold or heat). - -[438] _Natalis Comes_, Mythologia bk. III. p. 383., Deinde dicta -(Cyprus) _Cerastia_, ut inquit Xenagoras in libro secundo de insulis, -quod illam homines habitarent, _qui multos tumores, tanquam cornua -quaedam in capitibus habere_ viderentur, cum cornua κέρατα dicta -sint a Graecis et κεράσται cornuti. (Then it (Cyprus) was also named -_Cerastia_, as Xenagoras says in his second Book “On Islands”, because -its inhabitants _often had protuberances that looked like horns on -their heads_, for horns are called κέρατα in Greek, and those having -horns κεράσται. Comp. _Stephanus_, De urbibus, under word Κύπρος, and -Σφήκεια. _Tzetzes_, in Lycophron. Cassandr. 474. p. 173., ἐκαλεῖτο -δὲ καὶ Κεραστία, ὡς μὲν Ἀνδροκλῆς ἐν τῷ περὶ Κύπρου λέγει, διὰ τὸ -_ἐνοικῆσαι αὐτῇ ἄνδρας, οἳ εἶχον κέρατα_· ὡς δὲ Ξεναγόρας ἐν τῷ περὶ -Νήσων, διὰ _τὸ ἔχειν πολλὰς ἐξοχὰς_, ἃς κέρατα καλοῦσι, Κεραστία -ὠνομάσθη. (And it was also called Κεραστία, according to Androcles -in his Book “On Cyprus”, _because men lived in it who had horns_; -but according to Xenagoras in his “On Islands”, because they had -many protuberances, which they call horns, for this reason it was -named Κεραστία). Even supposing the etymology to be a fable, is -the fact therefore on which it was based bound to be mythical too? -Again _Pollux_, Onomast. bk. IV. ch. 25., says, Κέρατα, ἐν τῷ τόπῳ -τῶν κεράτων περὶ τὸ μέτωπου _πωρώδεις ἐκφύσης_, (horns,—_a sort of -callous outgrowths_ at the place where horns grow on the forehead). -The words succeeding περὶ τὸ δέρμα (on the skin) are no doubt more -appropriately taken with ἕρπης (creeping eruption) that comes next -after them. In _Sextus Placitus Papyriensis_, ch. XI. 5. we read: -Elephantis stercus illitum omnes tumores emendat, et _duritias, quae in -fronte nascuntur_, mire tollit, (Elephant’s dung rubbed on cures all -swellings, and removes in a wonderful way the _callosities that grow on -the forehead_), but this really and truly can only be held applicable -to cutaneous tubercles.) - - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Plague of Lust, Volume II (of II), by -Julius Rosenbaum - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK PLAGUE OF LUST, VOLUME II *** - -***** This file should be named 63246-0.txt or 63246-0.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/6/3/2/4/63246/ - -Produced by Turgut Dincer, Les Galloway and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This -book was produced from images made available by the -HathiTrust Digital Library.) - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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