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The Project Gutenberg eBook of Early Printed Books, by E. Gordon Duff.
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<div>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 63237 ***</div>
<div class="transnote">
<h2 class="nopagebreak" title="">Transcriber’s Notes.</h2>
<p>The spellings of Schœffer and Schoeffer have been left as printed.</p>
<p>Footnotes were moved to the ends of the text they pertain to and numbered
in one continuous sequence.</p>
<p>Differences in hyphenation of specific words and missing punctuation have been
rectified where applicable.</p>
<p>Other changes made are noted at the <a href="#end_note" title="Go to the End Note">end of the book.</a></p>
</div>
<hr class="tb" />
<div class="figcenter">
<img class="cover" src="images/i_cover.jpg" alt="cover" width="650" height="1106" />
</div>
<p class="space-above4"></p>
<div class="figcenter">
<a id="image_frontis" name="image_frontis"><img src="images/i_frontis.jpg" alt="FROM SCHOEFFER’S CANON OF THE MASS" width="287" height="500" /></a>
<p class="caption">FROM SCHOEFFER’S CANON OF THE MASS</p>
</div>
<p class="space-above4"></p>
<hr class="chap" />
<h1>Early Printed Books</h1>
<p class="center p09">By</p>
<p class="center p130">E. Gordon Duff</p>
<p class="space-above2"></p>
<div class="figcenter">
<a id="i_title" name="i_title"><img src="images/i_title.jpg" alt="" width="100" height="114" /></a>
</div>
<p class="space-above4"></p>
<p class="center">London</p>
<p class="center">Kegan Paul, Trench, Trübner & Co., Ltd.</p>
<p class="center">MDCCCXCIII</p>
<p class="space-above4"></p>
<hr class="ex_small" />
<p class="space-above4"></p>
<p class="center">TO<br /></p>
<p class="center">THE MEMORY OF<br /></p>
<p class="center">HENRY BRADSHAW</p>
<p class="center">ἀποθανὼν ἔτι λαλεῖ</p>
<hr class="chap" />
<div class="chapter">
<h2><a name="Preface" id="Preface"></a>Preface</h2>
<p>In the following pages I have endeavoured to give
a short account of the introduction of printing into
the principal countries and towns of Europe, and to
bring our information on the subject as far as possible
up to date.</p>
<p>Small books on large subjects are for the most
part both superficial and imperfect, and I am afraid
the present book forms no exception to this rule, but
my excuse must be that I have attempted rather to
draw attention to more out of the way information
than to recapitulate what is already to be found in
the majority of bibliographical books.</p>
<p>Above all, I have tried as far as possible to confine
myself to facts and avoid theories, for only by working
from facts can we help to keep bibliography in
the position, to which Henry Bradshaw raised it, of
a scientific study.</p>
<p>And, in the words of a learned Warden of my
own college, ‘if any shall suggest, that some of the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_viii" id="Page_viii">[viii]</a></span>inquiries here insisted upon do seem too minute and
trivial for any prudent Man to bestow his serious
thoughts and time about, such persons may know,
that the discovery of the true nature and cause of
any the most minute thing, doth promote real
knowledge, and therefore cannot be unfit for any
Man’s endeavours who is willing to contribute to
the advancement of Learning.’</p>
<hr class="tb" />
<p>I must express my best thanks to two friends,
Mr. F. J. H. Jenkinson, University Librarian, Cambridge;
and Mr. J. P. Edmond, Librarian to the
Earl of Crawford and Balcarres, for very kindly
reading through the proofs of the entire book and
making many useful suggestions and corrections.</p>
<p class="right">E. G. D.</p>
<p><i>March 1893.</i></p>
</div>
<hr class="chap" />
<div class="chapter">
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_ix" id="Page_ix">[ix]</a></span></p>
<h2 id="CONTENTS">CONTENTS</h2>
<table summary="Contents" class="toc">
<tr>
<td> </td>
<td class="pag"><small>PAGE</small></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="ccn" colspan="2"> CHAPTER I</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cht"><span class="smcap">Steps towards the Invention</span>,</td>
<td class="pag"><a href="#Page_1" title="Page 1">1</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="ccn" colspan="2"> CHAPTER II</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cht"><span class="smcap">The Invention of Printing</span>,</td>
<td class="pag"><a href="#Page_21" title="Page 21">21</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="ccn" colspan="2"> CHAPTER III</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cht"><span class="smcap">Spread of Printing in Germany</span>,</td>
<td class="pag"><a href="#Page_39" title="Page 39">39</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="ccn" colspan="2"> CHAPTER IV</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cht"><span class="smcap">Italy</span>,</td>
<td class="pag"><a href="#Page_59" title="Page 59">59</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="ccn" colspan="2"> CHAPTER V</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cht"><span class="smcap">France</span>,</td>
<td class="pag"><a href="#Page_78" title="Page 78">78</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="ccn" colspan="2"> CHAPTER VI</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cht"><span class="smcap">The Low Countries</span>,</td>
<td class="pag"><a href="#Page_95" title="Page 95">95</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="ccn" colspan="2"> CHAPTER VII</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cht"><span class="smcap">Spain and Portugal—Denmark and Sweden</span>,</td>
<td class="pag"><a href="#Page_113" title="Page 113">113</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="ccn" colspan="2"> CHAPTER VIII</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cht"><span class="smcap">Westminster: Caxton—Wynkyn de Worde—Julian
Notary</span>,</td>
<td class="pag"><a href="#Page_125" title="Page 125">125</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_x" id="Page_x">[x]</a></span></td></tr>
<tr>
<td class="ccn" colspan="2"> CHAPTER IX</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cht"><span class="smcap">Oxford and St. Alban’s</span>,</td>
<td class="pag"><a href="#Page_147" title="Page 147">147</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="ccn" colspan="2"> CHAPTER X</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cht"><span class="smcap">London: John Lettou—William de Machlinia—Richard
Pynson</span>,</td>
<td class="pag"><a href="#Page_160" title="Page 160">160</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="ccn" colspan="2"> CHAPTER XI</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cht"><span class="smcap">The Spread of the Art in Great Britain</span>,</td>
<td class="pag"><a href="#Page_174" title="Page 174">174</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="ccn" colspan="2"> CHAPTER XII</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cht"><span class="smcap">The Study of Bookbinding</span>,</td>
<td class="pag"><a href="#Page_185" title="Page 185">185</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="ccn" colspan="2"> CHAPTER XIII</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cht"><span class="smcap">The Collecting and Describing of Early Printed
Books</span>,</td>
<td class="pag"><a href="#Page_201" title="Page 201">201</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="cht"><span class="smcap">Index of Printers and Places</span>,</td>
<td class="pag"><a href="#Page_213" title="Page 213">213</a></td>
</tr>
</table>
</div>
<hr class="chap" />
<div class="chapter">
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xi" id="Page_xi">[xi]</a></span></p>
<h2 id="Illustrations">Illustrations</h2>
<table summary="Illustrations" class="toi">
<tr>
<td> </td>
<td class="tdsub"><span class="smcap">Page from the Canon of the Mass printed by
Schoeffer about 1458</span> (<em>much reduced</em>),<br />
<span class="ind2">(From the unique copy in the Bodleian.)</span></td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#image_frontis" title=""><em>Frontispiece</em></a></td>
</tr><tr>
<td> <small>PLATE</small></td>
<td> </td>
<td class="right"> <small>PAGE</small></td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="right"><span class="smcap">I.</span></td>
<td class="left1"><span class="smcap">Page 3 of the ‘Mirabilia Romæ,’</span><br />
<span class="ind1"> (From the copy in the British Museum.)</span></td>
<td class="right"><a href="#Page_11">11</a></td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="right"><span class="smcap">II.</span></td>
<td class="left1"><span class="smcap">The Catalogue issued by Schoeffer about 1469</span>
(<em>reduced</em>),<br />
<span class="ind1">(Reproduced from a full-sized facsimile of the original
in the Munich Library, published in the <i>Centralblatt
für Bibliothekswesen</i>.)</span></td>
<td class="right"><a href="#Page_31">31</a></td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="right"><span class="smcap">III.</span></td>
<td class="left1"><span class="smcap">Page 3 of the ‘Liber Epistolarum’ of Gasparinus
Barzizius, the first book printed at Paris,</span><br />
<span class="ind1">(From the copy in the British Museum.)</span></td>
<td class="right"><a href="#Page_83">83</a></td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="right"><span class="smcap">IV.</span></td>
<td class="left1"><span class="smcap">Fragment of an edition of the ‘Doctrinale’ of
Alexander Gallus</span>, one of the so-called ‘Costeriana,’<br />
<span class="ind1">(Reduced from the copy in the British Museum.)</span></td>
<td class="right"><a href="#Page_98">98</a></td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="right"><span class="smcap">V.</span></td>
<td class="left1"><span class="smcap">Page of the first edition of the ‘Sarum Breviary,’</span><br />
<span class="ind1">(Printed at Cologne about 1475.)</span></td>
<td class="right"><a href="#Page_127">127</a></td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="right"><span class="smcap">VI.</span></td>
<td class="left1"><span class="smcap">Part of a page from the ‘Golden Legend,’</span><br />
<span class="ind1">(Printed by Julian Notary in 1503. From the copy in the British Museum.)</span></td>
<td class="right"><a href="#Page_144">144</a></td>
</tr><tr>
<td><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xii" id="Page_xii">[xii]</a></span></td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="right"><span class="smcap">VII.</span></td>
<td class="left1"><span class="smcap">First page of the ‘Excitatio ad Elemosinam
Faciendam,’</span><br />
<span class="ind1">(Printed at Oxford about 1485. From the unique copy
in the British Museum.)</span></td>
<td class="right"><a href="#Page_152">152</a></td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="right"><span class="smcap">VIII.</span></td>
<td class="left1"><span class="smcap">Page of the ‘Horæ ad Usum Sarum,’</span><br />
<span class="ind1">(Printed at London by Machlinia. From the fragment
in the University Library, Cambridge.)</span></td>
<td class="right"><a href="#Page_163">163</a></td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="right"><span class="smcap">IX.</span></td>
<td class="left1"><span class="smcap">Last page of the ‘Festum Nominis Jesu,’</span><br />
<span class="ind1">(Printed at London by Pynson about 1493. From the
unique copy in the British Museum.)</span></td>
<td class="right"><a href="#Page_167">167</a></td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="right"><span class="smcap">X.</span></td>
<td class="left1"><span class="smcap">Stamped Binding with the Device of Pynson,</span><br />
<span class="ind1">(From the original in the British Museum.)</span></td>
<td class="right"><a href="#Page_193">193</a></td>
</tr>
</table>
</div>
<hr class="chap" />
<div class="chapter">
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">[1]</a></span></p>
<h2><a name="EARLY_PRINTED_BOOKS" id="EARLY_PRINTED_BOOKS">EARLY PRINTED BOOKS.</a></h2>
<hr class="ex_small" />
<h2><a name="CHAPTER_I" id="CHAPTER_I"></a>CHAPTER I.</h2>
<p class="center">STEPS TOWARDS THE INVENTION.</p>
<p><span class="smcap">When</span> we speak of the invention of printing, we
mean the invention of the art of multiplying books
by means of single types capable of being used again
and again in different combinations for the printing
of different books. Taking the word printing in its
widest sense, it means merely the impression of any
image; and the art of impressing or stamping words
or pictures seems to have been known from the very
earliest times. The handles of Greek amphoræ, the
bases of Roman lamps and vases, were often impressed
with the maker’s name, or other legend, by
means of a stamp. This was the basis of the art, and
Cicero (<cite>De Nat. Deorum</cite>, ii. 37) had suggested the
combination of single letters into sentences. Quintilian
refers to stencil plates as a guide to writing; and
stamps with letters cut in relief were in common use
amongst the Romans. The need for the invention,
however, was not great, and it was never made. The
first practical printing, both from blocks and mov<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">[2]</a></span>able
type, was done in China. As early as <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> 593
the more important texts were printed from engraved
wooden plates by the order of the Emperor Wên-ti,
and in the eleventh century printing from movable
type was introduced by a certain smith named
Picheng. The multiplicity of Chinese characters
rendered the discovery of movable type of little
economical value, and the older system of block
printing has found favour even up to the present
time. In the same way, Corea and Japan, though
both had experimented with movable type, returned
to their former custom of block printing.</p>
<p>It is impossible now to determine whether rumours
of the art could have reached Europe from China
and have acted as incentives to its practice. Writers
on early printing scout the idea; and there is little to
oppose to their verdict, with our present uncertain
knowledge. Modern discoveries, however, point to
the relations of China with foreign countries in the
fourteenth century having been much more important
than is generally supposed.</p>
<p>The earliest productions in the nature of prints
from wooden blocks upon paper which we find in
Europe, are single sheets bearing generally the image
of a saint. From their perishable nature but few of
these prints have come down to our times; and though
we have evidence that they were being produced, at
any rate as early as the fourteenth, perhaps even as
the thirteenth century, the earliest print with a
definite and unquestioned date still in existence is
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[3]</a></span>the ‘St. Christopher’ of 1423. This print was discovered
in 1769 by Heinecken, pasted inside the
binding of a manuscript in the library of the Convent
of the Chartreuse at Buxheim in Swabia. The manuscript,
which is now in the Spencer Library,<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> is
entitled <cite>Laus Virginum</cite>, is dated 1417, and is said
to have been given to the Monastery of Buxheim by
a certain Anna, Canoness of Buchau, ‘who is known to
have been living in 1427.’ On the inside of the other
board of the binding is pasted a cut of the Annunciation,
said to be of the same age and workmanship as
the St. Christopher. It is worth noticing that there
seem to have been some wood engravers in this
Swabian monastery, who engraved the book-plate for
the books given by ‘Dominus Hildibrandus Brandenburg
de Bibraco’ towards the end of the fifteenth
century; and these book-plates are printed on the
reverse sides of pieces of an earlier block-book, very
probably engraved and printed in the monastery for
presentation to travellers or pilgrims.</p>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a>The Spencer Library has now passed into the possession of Mrs.
Rylands, of Manchester; but as many of the early printed books in it
are described in Dibdin’s <cite>Bibliothecá Spencerianá</cite>, and as it is so
widely known under the name of the Spencer Library, it has been thought
best, in order to avoid confusion, to refer to it under its old name
throughout the present book.</p></div>
<p>The date on the celebrated Brussels print of 1418
has unfortunately been tampered with, so that its
authenticity is questioned. The print was found by
an innkeeper in 1848, fixed inside an old chest, and
it was soon acquired by the Royal Library at Brussels.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[4]</a></span>Since the date has been touched up with a pencil, and
at the same time some authorities consider 1468 to
be the right reading, it is best to consider the St.
Christopher as the earliest dated woodcut. Though
these two are the earliest dated prints known, it is,
of course, most probable that some others which are
undated may be earlier; but to fix even an approximate
date to them is in most cases impossible.
The conventional way in which religious subjects
were treated, and the extraordinary care with which
one cutter copied from another, makes it difficult even
for a specialist to arrive at any very definite conclusions.</p>
<p>In England, wood engraving does not seem to have
been much practised before the introduction of printing,
but there are one or two cuts that may be
assigned to an earlier period. Mr. Ottley, in his
<cite>Inquiry concerning the Invention of Printing</cite>, drew
attention to a curious Image of Pity which he had
found sewn on the blank leaf at the beginning of
a manuscript service-book. This cut, of which he
gives a facsimile in his book, is now in the British
Museum. Another cut, very similar in design and
execution, and probably of about the same date, was
found a few years ago in the Bodleian, also inserted
at the beginning of a manuscript service-book. In
the upper part of the cut is a half-length figure of
our Lord, with the hands crossed, standing in front
of the cross. On a label at the top of the cross is
an inscription, the first part of which is clearly
O<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[5]</a></span> BACIΛEVC, but the second part is not clear. In
the British Museum cut it has been read ‘hora 3ª;’ and
though this interpretation is ingenious, and might be
made to fit with the Museum copy (which has unfortunately
been touched up), the clearer lettering of
the Bodleian copy, which has evidently the same
inscription, shows that this reading can hardly be
accepted.</p>
<p>Below the figure we have the text of the indulgence—</p>
<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poetry">
<div class="stanza">
<div class="verse"> ‘Seynt gregor’ with othir’ popes & bysshoppes yn feer<br /></div>
<div class="verse"> Have graunted’ of pardon xxvi dayes & xxvi Mill’ yeer’<br /></div>
<div class="verse"> To theym that befor’ this fygur’ on their’ knees<br /></div>
<div class="verse"> Deuoutly say v pater noster & v Auees.’<br /></div>
</div></div></div>
<p>Ottley was of opinion that his cut might be of as
early a date as the St. Christopher; but that is, of
course, a point impossible to determine. From the
writing of the indulgence, Bradshaw considered it to
belong to the northern part of England; and the
subject is differently treated from other specimens
of the Image of Pity issued subsequently to the introduction
of printing, for in them the various symbols of
the Passion are arranged as a border round the central
figure. Inserted at the end of a Sarum Book of
Hours in the British Museum is a drawing of an
Image of Pity, with some prayers below, which
resembles in many ways the earlier cuts.</p>
<p>The woodcut alphabet, described by Ottley, now
in the British Museum, has been considered to
be of English production, because on one of the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[6]</a></span>prints is written in very early writing the two words
‘London’ and ‘Bechamsted.’ There seems very little
reason beyond this for ascribing these letters to an
English workman, though it is worth noticing that
they were originally bound up in a small volume,
each letter being pasted on a guard formed of fragments
of English manuscript of the fifteenth century.</p>
<p>In the Weigel Collection was a specimen of English
block-printing which is now in the British Museum;
it is part of some verses on the Seven Virtues, but it
is hard to ascribe any date to it. Another early cut
is mentioned by Bradshaw as existing in Ely Cathedral.
It is a cut of a lion, and is fixed against one of
the pillars in the choir, close to the tomb of Bishop
Gray, whose device it represents. This bishop died
in 1479, so that an approximate date may be given
to the cut. It is very probable that these last two
specimens of block-printing are later than the introduction
of printing into England, and the only ones
that should be dated earlier are the British Museum
and Bodleian Images of Pity.</p>
<p>A good many single woodcuts were executed in
England before the close of the fifteenth century.
They were mostly Images of Pity, such as have been
mentioned, or ‘rosaries’ containing religious emblems,
with the initials I. H. S. A curious cut in the
Bodleian represents the Judgment, and below this a
body in a shroud. Above the cut is printed, ‘Surgite
mortui Venite ad Judicium,’ and below on either side
of a shield the words, ‘Arma Beate Birgitte De Syon.’</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[7]</a></span></p>
<p>A curious devotional cut is inserted in the <cite>Faques
Psalter</cite> of 1504 in the British Museum, containing the
emblems of the Passion and a large I. H. S. At the
base of the cut are the initials d. h. b., perhaps referring
to the place where the cut was issued. Most of
these cuts were doubtless produced in monasteries or
religious houses to give or sell to visitors, who very
often inserted them in their own private books of
devotion, and in this manner many have been preserved.
The Lambeth copy of the Wynkyn de Worde
<cite>Sarum Horæ</cite> of 1494 shows signs of having contained
eighteen of such pictures, though only three
are now left.</p>
<p>After the single leaf prints we come to the block-books,
which we may look upon in some ways as the
precursors of printed books.</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[8]</a></span></p>
<p>‘A block-book is a book printed wholly from carved
blocks of wood. Such volumes usually consist of
pictorial matter only; if any text is added in illustration,
it likewise is carved upon the wood-block, and
not put together with movable types. The whole of
any one page, sometimes the whole of two pages, is
printed from a single block of wood. The manner in
which the printing was done is peculiar. The block
was first thoroughly wetted with a thin watery ink,
then a sheet of damp paper was laid upon it, and the
back of the paper was carefully rubbed with some
kind of dabber or burnisher, till an impression from
the ridges of the carved block had been transferred to
the paper. Of course in this fashion a sheet could
only be printed on one side; the only block-book
which does not possess this characteristic is the
<cite>Legend of St. Servatius</cite> in the Royal Library of
Brussels, and that is an exceptional volume in many
respects besides.’<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> These block-books must be considered
as forming a distinct group of themselves,
radically different from other books, though undoubtedly
they gave the idea to the inventor of movable
type. They continued to be made during the whole
of the fifteenth century, almost always on the same
plan, and each one as archaic looking as another.
The invention of movable type did not do away with
the demand, and the supply was kept up.</p>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>Conway’s <cite>Woodcutters of the Netherlands</cite>. Cambridge, 1884. 8vo.</p></div>
<p>Unfortunately we have no data for determining the
exact period at which these books were made; and it
is curious to note that all the editions which are dated
have a late date, the majority being between 1470 and
1480, and none being earlier than the first date, with
the exception of the Brussels block-book, which is
dated 1440.</p>
<p>The number of different block-books in existence is
hard to estimate, but it must approach somewhere
near one hundred. Many of these are of little importance,
many others of too late a date to be of much
interest.</p>
<p>The best known of the earlier block-books are the <cite>Ars Moriendi</cite>, the
<cite>Biblia Pauperum</cite>, the <cite>Apocalypse</cite>, and the <cite>Canticum Canticorum</cite>.
Of these, the first and third are probably German, the second and
fourth Dutch. <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[9]</a></span>Of all these books there are a number of editions, not
easily distinguishable apart, and which it is difficult to place in
chronological order. These editions are hardly editions in the modern
sense of the term. They were not produced by a printer who used one set
of blocks till they were worn out, and then cut another. The woodcutter
was the only tradesman, and he sold, not the books, but the blocks.
He cut set after set of blocks to print the few books then in demand,
and these were sold to private purchasers. We find wealthy people or
heads of religious establishments in possession of such sets. In the
inventory of Jean de Hinsberg, Bishop of Liège, 1419-1455, are noticed—</p>
<div class="blockquot">
<p>‘Unum instrumentum ad imprimendas scripturas et ymagines</p>
<p>‘Novem printe lignee ad imprimendas ymagines cum quatuordecim
aliis lapideis printis.’</p></div>
<p>Thus, these editions do not necessarily follow one
another; some may have been produced side by side
by different cutters, others within the interval of a
few months, but by the same man. Their date is
another difficult point. The copies of the <cite>Biblia
Pauperum</cite>, <cite>Apocalypse</cite>, and <cite>Ars Moriendi</cite>, which
belonged to Mr. Horn, were in their original binding,
and it was stamped with a date. The books were
separated and the binding destroyed. Mr. Horn
asserted from memory that the first three figures
of the date were certainly 142, and the last probably
an 8. Mr. Conway very justly points out that the
resemblance of a 5 of that date to our 2 was very
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[10]</a></span>strong, and that Mr. Horn’s memory may have
deceived him.</p>
<p>It will be noticed in examining block-books generally,
that the letterpress in the majority of the later
examples is cut in imitation of handwriting, and not
of the square church hand from which printing types
and the letterpress of the earlier block-books were
copied. The reason of this probably is, that it was
found useless to try to compete with the books printed
from movable type in regularity and neatness. To
do so would have involved a much greater expenditure
of trouble by the woodcutter and designer. The
illustrations were the important part of the book, and
the letterpress was put in with as little trouble as
possible.</p>
<p>The sheets on which the early block-books were
printed were not quired, <i>i.e.</i> placed one inside the
other to form a quire or gathering, as was done in
ordinary printed books, but followed each other singly.
In many of the books we find signatures, each sheet
being signed with a letter of the alphabet as a guide
to the binder in arranging them.</p>
<p>Among the dated block-books may be mentioned
an edition of the <cite>Endkrist</cite>, dated 1472, produced at
Nuremberg; an edition of the <cite>Ars Moriendi</cite> cut by
Hans Sporer in 1473; and another of about the same
period cut by Ludwig zu Ulm. Of the <cite>Biblia
Pauperum</cite> there are three dated editions known, one
of 1470 and two of 1471. A copy of the <cite>De generatione
Christi</cite> has the following full colophon:—</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[11]</a></span></p>
<p>‘Johannes Eysenhut impressor, anno ab incarnationis
dominice Mº quadringentesimo septuagesimo Iº.’
Hans Sporer of Nuremberg produced an edition of
the <cite>Biblia Pauperum</cite> in 1475, and Chatto speaks of
another of the same year without a name, but containing
as a mark a shield with a spur upon it, which
he supposes to stand for the name Sporer. Many of
these later books were not printed in distemper on
one side of the paper only, but on both sides and in
printer’s ink, showing that the use of the printing
press was known to those who produced them.</p>
<div class="figcenter">
<a id="i_010" name="i_010"><img src="images/i_010.jpg" alt="PAGE 3 OF THE ‘MIRABILIA ROMÆ’" width="295" height="500" /></a>
<p class="caption">PAGE 3 OF THE ‘MIRABILIA ROMÆ’</p>
</div>
<p>Among the late block-books should be noticed the
<cite>Mirabilia Romæ</cite> [Hain 11,208]; for why it should have
been printed as a block-book is a mystery. It consists
of 184 pages of text, with only two illustrations,
printed on both sides of the page, and evidently of
late date. The letterpress is not cut in imitation of
type, but of ordinary handwriting, and the book may
have been made to sell to those who were not
accustomed to the type of printed books. The arms
of the Pope which occur in the book are those of
Sixtus IV., who occupied the papal chair from 1471
to 1484, so that the book may be considered to have
been produced within those two dates, probably nearer
the latter. The accompanying facsimile is taken from
the first page of text.</p>
<p>The best known of the block-books, and the one
which has the most important place in the history
of printing, is the <cite>Speculum Humanæ Salvationis</cite>.
While it is called a block-book, it has many differ<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[12]</a></span>ences
from those we have previously spoken of, and
occupies a position midway between them and the
ordinary printed book.</p>
<p>The earliest block-books were printed page by page,
and the sheets were bound up one after the other; but
the <cite>Speculum</cite> is arranged in quires, though still only
printed on one side of the page. In it, too, the text
is, as a rule, printed from movable type, except in the
case of one edition, where some pages are entirely
xylographic. There are four editions known, printed,
according to the best authorities, in the following
order:—</p>
<p>1. Latin, printed with one fount. [Hessels, 2.]</p>
<p>2. Dutch, printed with two founts. [Hessels, 3.]</p>
<p>3. Latin, with twenty leaves printed xylographically.
[Hessels, 1.]</p>
<p>4. Dutch, with one fount. [Hessels, 4.]</p>
<p>In all these four books the same cuts are used, and
the type with which they were printed was used in
other books.</p>
<p>Edition 1 contains sixty-four leaves, made up by
one gathering of six leaves, three of fourteen, and one
of sixteen; the text is throughout printed from
movable type. In two copies, those in the Meerman-Westreenen
Museum at the Hague, and the Pitti
Palace at Florence, are to be found cancels of portions
of some leaves. Either the text or the illustration
has been defectively printed; in each case the defective
part has been supplied by another copy pasted on.</p>
<p>Edition 2 contains sixty-two leaves, made up in
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[13]</a></span>the same way as the first edition, but having only
four leaves in the first gathering. Two leaves in this
edition are printed in a different type from the rest of
the book.</p>
<p>Edition 3 contains the same number of leaves, and
is made up in the same way as edition 1. It is
remarkable for having twenty leaves printed entirely
from blocks, text as well as illustrations.</p>
<p>Edition 4 is made up in the same way as edition 2.
The copy in the library at Lille contains some leaves
with text printed upon both sides, seemingly by an
error of the printer. The very fact of their existence
shows that it was possible to print the text on both
sides of the leaf. There must therefore have been
some reason other than the ignorance or incapacity of
the printer for printing these books on one side only,
or, as it is called, anopisthographically.</p>
<p>There can be very little doubt that Mr. Sotheby is
correct in his conjecture, that ‘the then usual process
of taking off the wood engravings by friction, rendered
it impossible to effect two impressions back to
back, as the friction for the second would materially
injure the first. On this account, and on no other,
we presume, was the text printed only on one side.’
In the Lille copy above mentioned, two leaves, 25
and 26 (the centre sheet of the third quire), contain
printed on their other side the text, not the illustrations,
of leaves 47 and 62 (the first sheet of the fifth
quire.)</p>
<p>From this we learn three things of great import<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[14]</a></span>ance—1. That the text
and the cut were not printed at the same time, and that the text was
printed first. 2. That the printer could print the text, for which he
used movable type, on both sides of the paper. 3. That the book was
printed, not page by page, but two pages at a time.</p>
<p>Mr. Ottley was strongly of opinion, after careful
examination, that the book was certainly printed two
pages at a time. He says, ‘The proofs of this are, I
think, conclusive. The upper lines of the text in
those two pages always range exactly with each
other.... Here and there, in turning over the book,
we observe a page printed awry or diagonally on the
paper; in such case, if the other page of the same
sheet be examined, the same defect will be noticed.
Upon opening the two Dutch copies of the edition,
which I shall hereafter show to be the fourth at
Harlem, in the middle sheet of the same gathering we
find, upon comparing them, the exact same breadth
and regularity of the inner margin in both, and the
lines of the two pages range with each other exactly
the same in both copies, which could not be the case
had each page been printed separately.’</p>
<p>Where and when was this book printed? Conjectural
dates have been given to it ranging from
1410 to 1470. The earliest date that can be absolutely
connected with it is 1471-73. Certainly there
is nothing in its printing which would point to its
having been executed earlier than 1470. Its being
printed only on the one side of the leaf was a matter of
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[15]</a></span>necessity on account of the cuts, and is not a sign of
remote age, while the printing of two pages at a time
argues an advance of knowledge in the printer, and
consequently a later date. About 1480-81 the blocks
which had been used for the four editions of the
<cite>Speculum</cite> passed into the hands of John Veldener.
This Veldener printed in Louvain between 1475 and
1477, and he was not then in possession of the blocks.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[16]</a></span>‘At the end of 1478 he began work at Utrecht, still,
however, without this set of blocks. For his second
edition of the <cite>Fasciculus temporum</cite>, published 14th
February 1480, he had a few new blocks made, some
of which were copied from <cite>Speculum</cite> cuts. At last,
on the 19th April 1481, he published an <cite>Epistles and
Gospels</cite> in Dutch, and into that he introduced two
cut-up portions of the real old <cite>Speculum</cite> blocks.
This was the last book Veldener is known to have
printed at Utrecht. For two years we hear nothing
more of him, and then he reappears at Kuilenburg,
whither he removed his presses. There, on the
27th September 1483, he printed a quarto edition
of the <cite>Speculum</cite> in Dutch. For it he cut up all
the original blocks into their separate compartments,
and thus suited them to fit into the upper portion
of a quarto page. He had, moreover, twelve new
cuts made in imitation of these severed portions of
the old set, and he printed them along with the
rest. Once more, in 1484 he employed a couple
of the old set in the Dutch <cite>Herbarius</cite>, which was
the last book known to have been issued by him
at Kuilenburg. Thenceforward the <cite>Speculum</cite> cuts
appear no more.’<a name="FNanchor_3_3" id="FNanchor_3_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a></p>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_3_3" id="Footnote_3_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a>Conway’s <cite>Woodcutters</cite>, p. 13. </p></div>
<p>The only place, then, with which the <cite>Speculum</cite>
blocks are definitely connected is Utrecht, and there
they must be left until some further evidence is forthcoming
respecting their origin; nor have we any
substantial reason for believing that when they passed
into the possession of Veldener they had been in
existence for more than ten or twelve years.</p>
<p>Some among the late block-books are of interest
as having been produced by men who were at the
same time printers in the ordinary sense of the word.
There is part of a <cite>Donatus</cite> in the Bodleian, with
a colophon stating it to be the work of Conrad
Dinckmut, a printer at Ulm from 1482 to 1496. In
the British Museum is a German almanac of about
1490 produced by Conrad Kacheloffen, who printed a
number of books, many with illustrations, at Leipzig.
For a book so small as the <cite>Donatus</cite>, a book which
was always in demand, it would be almost as economical
to cut blocks as to keep type standing, and we
consequently find a number of such xylographic
editions produced at the very end of the fifteenth
century. In the Bibliothèque Nationale are two
original blocks, bought by Foucault, the minister of
Louis XIV., in Germany, and probably cut about
1500 or shortly before. The letters are cut in exact
imitation of type, and with such regularity that a
print from the block might almost pass for a print
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[17]</a></span>from ordinary type, did not the bases and tops of a
few letters overlap.</p>
<p>The latest block-book of any size was printed at
Venice. It is the <cite>Figure del Testamento Vecchio</cite>,
printed about 1510 by Giovanni Andrea Vavassore.</p>
<p>In the library at Lambeth Palace are two curious
block-printed leaves of early English work. Each
leaf contains an indulgence printed four times, consisting
of a figure of Saint Cornelius and five lines of
text. ‘The hole indulgence of pardon granted to
blessed S. Cornelis is vi score years, vi score lentes,
ii M ix C and xx dais of pardon for evermore to
endure.’</p>
<p>It shows us very clearly the cheapness with which
such work could be produced; for, in order to save the
time which would be occupied in taking impressions
singly from one block, two blocks have been used
almost exactly the same, so that two impressions
could be taken off at once. This was usually done in
printing indulgences from movable type, for there
the trouble of setting up twice was very small compared
to the gain in the time and labour which
resulted from it.</p>
<p>There still remains to be noticed the one specimen
of xylography produced in France. This is known
as <cite>Les Neuf Preux</cite>. It consists of three sheets of
paper, each of which contains an impression from a
block containing three figures. They are printed by
means of the frotton in light-coloured ink, and have
been coloured by hand. The first sheet contains
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[18]</a></span>pictures of the three champions of classical times,
Hector, Alexander, and Julius Cæsar; the second,
the three champions of the Old Testament, Joshua,
David, and Judas Maccabæus; the third, the three
champions of mediæval history, Arthur, Charlemagne,
and Godfrey of Boulogne. Under each picture is a
stanza of six lines, all rhyming, cut in a bold type.</p>
<p>These leaves form part of the <cite>Armorial</cite> of Gilles le
Bouvier, who was King-at-Arms to Charles VII. of
France; and as the manuscript was finished between
9th November 1454 and 22nd September 1457, it is
reasonable to suppose that the prints were executed
in France, probably at Paris, before the latter date.
The verses are, at any rate, the oldest printed specimen
of the French language.</p>
<p>When we consider that printing of a rudimentary
kind had existed for so many centuries, and that
during the whole of the early part of the fifteenth
century examples with words or even whole lines of
inscription were being produced, we can only wonder
that the discovery of printing from movable types
should have been made so late. It has been said
inventions will always be made when the need for
them has arisen, and this is the real reason, perhaps,
why the discovery of printing was delayed. The
intellectual requirements of the mediæval world were
not greater than could be satisfactorily supplied by
the scribe and illuminator, but with the revival of
letters came an absolute need for the more rapid
multiplication of the instruments of learning. We
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[19]</a></span>may even say that the intellectual activity of the
fifteenth century not only called printing into existence,
but furnished it with its noblest models. The
scholarly scribes of Italy at that epoch had revived
the Caroline minuscules as used in the eleventh and
twelfth centuries, and it was this beautiful hand
which the early Italian printers imitated, thereby
giving us the ‘Roman’ type in which our books are
still printed.</p>
<p>I cannot more fitly close this preliminary chapter
than by quoting from the MS. note-books of Henry
Bradshaw the opening sentences of his article ‘Typography’
for the <cite>Encyclopædia Britannica</cite>, an article
which unfortunately was never completed.</p>
<p>‘Typography was, in the eyes of those who first
used it, the art of multiplying books, of writing by
means of single types capable of being used again
and again, instead of with a pen, which, of course,
could only produce one book at a time.<a name="FNanchor_4_4" id="FNanchor_4_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a></p>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_4_4" id="Footnote_4_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> This is clearly brought before us by the words of the first
printers at Avignon, ‘ars artificialiter scribendi,’ a phrase used
several times over in speaking of their new invention.</p></div>
<p>‘The art of multiplying single sheets, for which
woodcut blocks could be used to serve a temporary
purpose, may be looked upon as an intermediate
stage, which may have given the idea of typography.
When the reproduction of books had long passed
out of the exclusive hands of the monasteries into the
hands of students or hangers-on of the universities,
any invention of this kind would be readily and
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[20]</a></span>rapidly taken up. When there was no Greek press
in Paris, we find Georgius Hermonymus making a
living by constant copying of Greek books for the
scholars who were so eager for them. So Reuchlin
in the same way supported himself by copying.</p>
<p>‘In fact, the two departments of compositor and
corrector in the printing office were the direct representatives
and successors of the scribe and corrector
of manuscripts from the early times. The kind of
men whom we find mentioned in the early printing
offices as correctors, are just such men as would be
sought for in earlier times in an important scriptorium.
In our modern world, printed and written
books have come to be looked upon as totally distinct
things, whereas it is impossible to bring before our
minds the state of things when books were first
printed, until we look upon them as precisely the
same. They were brought to fairs, or such general
centres of circulation as Paris, Leipzig, or Frankfort,
before the days of printing, just as afterwards, only
that printing enabled the stationer to supply his
buyers with much greater rapidity than before, and at
much cheaper rates; so that the laws of supply and
demand work together in such a manner that it is
difficult to say which had more influence in accelerating
the movement.’</p>
</div>
<hr class="chap" />
<div class="chapter">
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[21]</a></span></p>
<h2><a name="CHAPTER_II" id="CHAPTER_II"></a>CHAPTER II.</h2>
<p class="center">THE INVENTION OF PRINTING.</p>
<p><span class="smcap">The</span> earliest specimen of printing from movable
type known to exist was printed at Mainz in 1454.
In making this statement, I do not wish to pass over
the claims of France and the Low Countries to the
invention of printing, but only to point out that, in
considering the question, we must put the evidence
of the printed books themselves first, and then work
from these to such documentary evidence as we
possess. France has the documents but no books;
the Low Countries neither the one nor the other; and
therefore, if we are to set about our inquiries on any
rational plan, we must date the invention of printing
from the date of its first product. This is the famous
<cite>Indulgence</cite> of Nicholas V. to such as should contribute
money to aid the King of Cyprus against the
Turks.</p>
<p>In the copy of the <cite>Indulgence</cite> now preserved in the
Meerman-Westreenen Museum at the Hague (discovered
by Albert Frick at Ulm in 1762, and afterwards
in the collections of Schelhorn and Meerman),
the place of issue, Erfurth, and the date, November
15, have been filled in; thus giving us as the earliest
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[22]</a></span>authentic date on a printed document, November 15,
1454.</p>
<p>In the years 1454 and 1455 there was a large
demand for these <cite>Indulgences</cite>, and seven editions were
issued. These may be divided into two sets, the one
containing thirty-one lines, the other thirty lines; the
first dated example belonging to the former.</p>
<p>These two sets are unmistakably the work of two
different printers, one of whom may well have been
Peter Schœffer, since we find the initial letters which
are used in the thirty-line editions used again in an
<cite>Indulgence</cite> of 1489 certainly printed by him. Who,
then, was the printer of the other set? He is generally
stated to have been John Gutenberg; and though
we have no proof of this, or indeed of Gutenberg’s
having printed any book at all, there is a strong
weight of circumstantial evidence in his favour.</p>
<p>What do we know about John Gutenberg, the
presumed printer of the first dated specimen of
printing? The earliest information comes from the
record of a lawsuit brought against him at Strasburg
in 1439 by George Dritzehn, for money advanced.</p>
<p>There is hardly room for doubt that the business
on which Gutenberg was engaged, and for which
money was advanced him, was printing. There is a
certain ambiguity about some of the expressions,
but the greater part of the account is too clear and
straightforward to allow of any doubt.<a name="FNanchor_5_5" id="FNanchor_5_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> It may
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[23]</a></span>safely be said that before 1439 Gutenberg was at
work at Strasburg, experimenting on and perfecting
the art of printing.</p>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_5_5" id="Footnote_5_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> A very careful literal and unabridged translation will be found
in Hessels’ <cite>Gutenberg</cite>, pp. 34-57. The text used is Laborde’s with
some corrections, and Schœpflin’s readings when they vary are given in
notes. It should be noted that Mr. Hessels implies that the account of
this trial is a forgery, or at any rate unreliable; but his negative
and partial reasoning cannot stand against the evidence brought forward
by many trustworthy authorities.</p></div>
<p>The next document which relates to him as a
printer is the lawsuit of 1455, the original transcript
of which was recently found at Göttingen. This was
brought against him by Fust to recover a loan of 800
guilders. In this lawsuit mention is made of two
of Gutenberg’s servants, Heinrich Keffer, afterwards a
printer at Nuremberg, and Bertolf von Hanau, supposed
to be the same as Bertold Ruppel, the first
printer at Basle. Peter Schœffer also appears as a
witness. We learn from this suit that somewhere
about August 1450, Fust advanced the amount of
800 guilders, and about December 1452 a like
amount; but these loans were advanced in the first
instance by Fust towards assisting a work of which
the method was understood, and we are therefore
justified in considering that by that time Gutenberg
had mastered the principles of the art of printing.</p>
<p>The first two books printed at Mainz were the
editions of the <cite>Vulgate</cite>, known from the number of
lines which go to the page as the forty-two line and
thirty-six line Bibles. The forty-two line edition is
generally called the Mazarine Bible, because the copy
which first attracted notice was found in Cardinal
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[24]</a></span>Mazarin’s library; and the thirty-six line edition,
Pfister’s or the Bamberg Bible, because the type used
in it was at one time in the possession of Albrecht
Pfister of Bamberg. On the question as to which of
the two editions is the earlier, there has been endless
controversy; and before going farther, it will be as
well to state shortly the actual data which we possess
from which conclusions can be drawn.</p>
<p>The Paris copy of the forty-two line Bible has the
rubricator’s inscription, which shows that the book
was finished before the 15th August 1456.</p>
<p>The only exact date we know of, connected with
the other Bible, is 1461, this date being written on a
copy of the last leaf, also preserved in the Bibliothèque
Nationale at Paris.</p>
<p>The types of both Bibles were in existence in 1454,
for they were used in the thirty and thirty-one line
letters of <cite>Indulgence</cite> printed in that year.</p>
<p>The type of the forty-two line Bible is clearly a
product of the Gutenberg-Fust-Schœffer partnership,
for it is used afterwards by Schœffer as Fust’s partner,
and must therefore have been the property of Fust.
Mr. Hessels, who has worked out the history of the
types with extreme care and accuracy, says: ‘I have
shown above that one of the initials of the thirty line
<cite>Indulgence</cite> is found in 1489 in Schœffer’s office. The
church type of the same <cite>Indulgence</cite> links on (in spite
of the different capital P) to the anonymous forty-two
line Bible of 1456. This Bible links on to the thirty-five
line Donatus, which is in the same type, and has
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[25]</a></span>Schœffer’s name and his coloured capitals.<a name="FNanchor_6_6" id="FNanchor_6_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> This
again brings us to the <cite>Psalter</cite>, which Joh. Fust
and Peter Schœffer published together on the 14th
August 1457, at Mentz, their first (dated) book with
their name and the capitals of the <cite>Donatus</cite>.’</p>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_6_6" id="Footnote_6_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_6"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> The colophon of this book says: ... ‘per Petrum de Gernssheym
in urbe Moguntina cum suis capitalibus absque calami exaratione
effigiatus;’ and Mr. Hessels translates ‘cum suis capitalibus,’ ‘with
his capital letters,’ a rendering which is surely impossible.</p></div>
<p>We may safely say of the forty-two line Bible, that
it could not have been begun before about August
1450 (when Gutenberg entered into partnership with
Fust), and that it could not have been finished later
than August 1456 (the rubricated date of the Paris
copy).</p>
<p>As regards the thirty-six line Bible, M. Dziatzko
has brought forward, after much patient study, some
remarkable evidence. He proves, from an examination
of the text, that the thirty-six line Bible was set
up, at any rate in part, from the forty-two line Bible.
One copy survives which betrays this; for the compositor
has passed from the last word of leaf 7 to the
first word of leaf 9. In another place he has misread
the beginning of a chapter, and included the last two
words of the one before, which is explained by the
arrangement of the text in the forty-two line edition.</p>
<p>Dziatzko concludes that this latter edition was the
product of the Gutenberg-Fust confederation, and
that Gutenberg may have produced the thirty-six line
Bible more or less <em>pari passu</em>, either alone or in
partnership with (perhaps) Pfister. An examination
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[26]</a></span>of the paper used in printing the two books points
to the conclusion that there were substantial means
available for the production of the forty-two line
Bible, while the thirty-six line seems to show many
separate purchases of small amounts of different
papers.</p>
<p>It is impossible to assign any date for the commencement
of the thirty-six line Bible. Fust had
clearly nothing to do with it, and the type may have
been made and some sheets printed before the
partnership for printing the forty-two line Bible was
entered into in 1450. The largeness of the type and
consequent lesser number of lines to the page points
to an early date, for the tendency was always
to increase the number of lines to the page and
economise paper. Thus we find that when the first
gathering of the forty-two line Bible had been
printed, which has only forty lines to the page, the
type was recast, so as to have the same face of letter
on a smaller body; and with this type the page was
made to contain forty-two lines to the page.</p>
<p>The workmanship and the appearance of the type
would also lead us to suppose that the thirty-six line
Bible was printed earlier than the <cite>Manung widder
die Durcke</cite>, which, being an ephemeral publication
applicable only to the year 1455, must presumably
have been printed in 1454.</p>
<p>We can therefore probably put both Bibles earlier
than 1454.</p>
<p>The first book with a printed date is the well-<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[27]</a></span>known
<cite>Psalmorum Codex</cite> of 1457, printed by
Schœffer. Of this book nine copies are known,
and all vary slightly from each other.<a name="FNanchor_7_7" id="FNanchor_7_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> Only two
types are used throughout the <cite>Psalter</cite>, but both are
very large. Mr. Weale, on account of the variations
observable in the letters, insists that the book was
printed from cut and not cast type; but he gives no
reason for this opinion; and when we consider that
books had already been produced from cast type, it is
impossible to understand why Schœffer should have
resorted to so laborious a method. The dissimilarity
of some letters is not so strong a proof of their having
been cut, as the similarity of the greater number is of
their having been cast. Bradshaw, who was of this
opinion, had also noted some curious shrinkages in
the type, resulting from the way the matrices for the
type were formed.</p>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_7_7" id="Footnote_7_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> For a very full account of this book see the Catalogue of MSS. and
Printed Books exhibited at the Historical Music Loan Exhibition, by W.
H. James Weale, London, 1886, 8vo, pp. 27-45.</p></div>
<p>The most striking thing about the <cite>Psalter</cite> are
the wonderful capital letters; and how these were
printed has always been a vexed question. In the
editions of 1457 and 1459 they are in two colours,
the letter in one colour and the surrounding ornamentation
in another. Though it is impossible to
determine exactly how they were produced, there is
at any rate something to be settled on the question.
In one case, in the edition of 1515, in which these
initials were still used, the exterior ornament has
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[28]</a></span>been printed, but the letter itself and the interior
ornament have not. This shows at any rate that the
letter and the ornament were not on one block, and
that the exterior and interior ornaments were on
different blocks; and is also in favour of the suggestion
put forward by Fischer, that the ornament and
the letter, though on different blocks, were not
printed at the same time. In support of his theory,
Fischer mentioned a case of the letter overlapping
the ornament in a copy of the edition of 1459, and
such a slip could not have occurred had the letter
and ornament been printed from inset blocks in the
method new known as the Congreve process.</p>
<p>It has also been argued by some writers, among
whom is William Blades, that the letter was not
printed in colour, but that the design was merely
impressed in blank upon the paper or vellum, and
afterwards filled in with colour by the illuminator.
This is shown, it is said, by some portions of lines
here and there in the ornamentation remaining
uncoloured, a result surely due to imperfect inking
rather than to a careless illuminator. It is hardly
probable that the rubricator would begin a line and
leave the end uncoloured while it was plainly traced
for him; but, on the other hand, it is just such a fault
as would, and often did, occur in printing an elaborate
and involved ornament. No doubt in some cases the
capitals, like the letters of the text, were touched up
by the rubricator; and this is, as a rule, most noticeable
when the ornament or letter is in blue. The blue
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[29]</a></span>ink used had a green tinge, and in some cases looked
almost grey, and was therefore very often touched up
with a brighter colour. Mr. Weale is of opinion
that these letters were not set up and printed with
the rest of the book, but were ‘printed, subsequently
to the typography, not by a pull of the press, but by
the blow of a mallet on the superimposed block.’</p>
<p>It was probably about 1458, between the times of
printing the two editions of the <cite>Psalter</cite>, that Schœffer
printed the book called in his catalogue of 1469-70,
<cite>Canon misse cum prefacionibus et imparatoriis suis</cite>.
This was the Canon of the Mass, printed by itself for
inserting in copies of the Missal. This particular
part, being the most used, was often worn out
before the rest of the book; and we know from early
catalogues<a name="FNanchor_8_8" id="FNanchor_8_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> that it was the custom of printers to
print this special part on vellum. While the printing
of a complete Missal would have been a doubtful
speculation, the printing of this one part, unvarying
in the different uses, required no great outlay, and
was almost certain to be profitable. Two copies only
are known, and these are of different editions. One
is in the Bodleian, and was bound up with an
imperfect copy of the <cite>Mainz Missal</cite> of 1493. The
other is in the Imperial Library at St. Petersburg,
in a copy of the <cite>Breslau Missal</cite> of 1483.</p>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_8_8" id="Footnote_8_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_8"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> In a catalogue issued by Ratdolt about 1491 we read: ... ‘videlicet
unum missarum (?) in papiro bene corporatum et illigatum cum canone
pergameneo non ultra tres florenos minus quarta: sed cum canone papireo
duos florenos cum dimidio fore comparandum.’</p></div>
<p>The Bodleian copy consists of twelve leaves,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[30]</a></span>printed on vellum in the large type of the <cite>Psalter</cite>,
and ornamented with the same beautiful initials.
The capital T of the <cite>Te igitur</cite>, commencing the
Canon, is as large as the well-known B of the
<cite>Psalter</cite>, and even more beautiful in execution.
Besides the ordinary coloured capitals which occur
also in the <cite>Psalter</cite>, there is a monogram composed
of the letters V.D., standing for <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">Vere dignum</i>.</p>
<p>In 1459 a second edition of the <cite>Psalter</cite> was issued,
and also the <cite>Rationale Durandi</cite>, both containing
coloured capitals, though some copies of the latter
book are without the printed initials. A <cite>Donatus</cite>
without date, printed in the type of the forty-two line
Bible, has also the coloured capitals, and may be
dated before 1460. After that time we only find
these letters in use for the editions of the <cite>Psalter</cite>
which appeared in 1490, 1502, 1515, 1516; and for a
<cite>Donatus</cite> in the 1462 Bible type. Their size and the
trouble of printing them account, no doubt, for their
disuse.</p>
<p>In June 1460, Schœffer issued the <cite>Constitutions</cite> of
Clement V., a large folio remarkable for the care
with which it was printed, and for the clever way in
which the commentary was worked round the text.
In 1462 appeared the first dated <cite>Bible</cite>, which is at
the same time the first book clearly divided into two
volumes.<a name="FNanchor_9_9" id="FNanchor_9_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> In the next few years we have a number
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[31]</a></span>of Bulls and other such ephemeral publications,
relating mostly to the quarrels which were going on
in Mainz; but in 1465, Schœffer starts again to
produce larger books, and in this year we have the
<cite>Decretals</cite> of Boniface VIII. and the <cite>De Officiis</cite> of
Cicero. This latter book is important as being the
first containing Greek type, that is, if it is allowed
to be earlier than the <cite>Lactantius</cite> of the same year
printed at Subiaco. In 1466 it was reprinted.</p>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_9_9" id="Footnote_9_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_9"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> It has never, I think, been noticed in print that some of the
capital letters in certain sheets of this Bible are not the work of
the rubricator, but are printed. Attempts were made to print both
the blue and the red on the same page, but it apparently was found
too laborious, and was given up. The red letters were printed in
colour; the letters which were to be blue were impressed in blank, and
afterwards filled up in colour by the illuminator. He did not always
follow the impressed letter, so that its outline can be clearly seen.
Some copies of this Bible have Schœffer’s mark, and a date at the end
of the first volume; others are without them. The colophons also vary.</p></div>
<div class="figcenter">
<a id="i_031" name="i_031"><img src="images/i_031.jpg" alt="SCHOEFFER’S CATALOGUE." width="257" height="500" /></a>
<p class="caption">SCHOEFFER’S CATALOGUE.</p>
</div>
<p>In or about 1469, Schœffer printed a most interesting
document, a catalogue of books for sale by
himself or his agent. It is printed on one side of
a sheet, and was meant to be fixed up as an
advertisement in the different towns visited, the
name of the place where the books could be obtained
being written at the bottom. There are altogether
twenty-one books advertised, three of which were
not printed by Schœffer, but probably by Gutenberg;
and there are also in the list three unknown books.
Nearly all the important works from the press are in
it, the 1462 Bible on vellum, the <cite>Psalter</cite> of 1459, the
<cite>Decretals</cite>, the <cite>Cicero</cite>, and others. At the foot of the
list is printed in the large <cite>Psalter</cite> type, ‘Hec est
littera psalterii,’ so that the sheet is the earliest
known type-specimen as well as catalogue.</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[32]</a></span></p>
<p>The three books which are unknown, at any rate
as having been printed by Schœffer, are the <cite>Consolatorium
timorate conscientie</cite> and the <cite>De contractibus
mercatorum</cite>, both by Johann Nider, a famous
Dominican, and the <cite>Historia Griseldis</cite> of Petrarch.</p>
<p>In 1470, Schœffer put out another advertisement
relating to his edition of the <cite>Letters of St. Jerome</cite>,
printed in that year. Of this broadside two copies
are known, one in the Munich Library, the other,
formerly belonging to M. Weigel, in the British
Museum. From 1470 to 1479, Schœffer printed a
large number of books. Hain mentions twenty-seven,
almost all of which he himself had collated.
This was the busiest time in Schœffer’s career,
and he carried on business in several towns. His
agent in Paris, Hermann de Stalhœn, died about
1474, and the books in his possession were dispersed.
On the complaint of Schœffer, Louis XI. allowed
him 2425 crowns as compensation,—a sum which
shows that the stock of books must have been very
large. In 1479 he was received as a citizen of
Frankfort-on-the-Maine on payment of a certain
sum, no doubt in order that he might there sell his
books. At Mainz he became an important citizen,
and was made a judge.</p>
<p>From 1457 to 1468, Schœffer had used only four
types, the two church types which appear in the
<cite>Psalter</cite>, and the two book types which appear in the
<cite>Durandus</cite>. In this year he obtained a fifth type,
like the smaller one of the <cite>Durandus</cite>, and about the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[33]</a></span>same in body, but with a larger face. In 1484 and
1485 two new types appear, one a church type very
much resembling that used in the forty-two line
Bible, but with a larger face; the other, a vernacular
type, which occurs first in the <cite>Hortus Sanitatis</cite> of
1485, a book containing Schœffer’s mark though
not his name, and appears the year following in the
<cite>Breydenbach</cite>, printed at Mainz by Erhard Reüwick.
Reüwick was an engraver, and the frontispiece to the
<cite>Hortus Sanitatis</cite> is perhaps from his hand, showing,
if it be so, a connection between him and Schœffer,
which his use of the latter’s type tends to confirm.
In fact, it seems most probable that the text of the
two editions of the <cite>Breydenbach</cite>, the Latin one of
1486 and the German one of 1488, was really printed
by Schœffer, while Reüwick engraved the wonderful
illustrations. The title-page of this book is an
exquisite piece of work, and by far the finest example
of wood engraving which had appeared. It is further
noticeable as containing cross-hatching, which is
usually said to have first been used in the poor cuts
of that very much overpraised book, the <cite>Nuremberg
Chronicle</cite> of 1493. It contains also a number of
views of remarkable places, printed as folded plates.
Some of these views are as much as five feet long, and
were printed from several blocks on separate pieces
of paper, which were afterwards pasted together.</p>
<p>Schœffer continued to print during the whole of
the fifteenth century, though towards the end he
issued few books, Another printer, Petrus de Fried<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[34]</a></span>berg,
started to print at Mainz in 1493, and between
that time and 1498 issued a fair number of books.
About 1480 a group of six or seven books, all undated,
were printed at Mainz, which were long supposed
to be very early, and not impossibly printed
by Gutenberg. One of these was a <cite>Prognostication</cite>,
said to be for the year 1460, and therefore presumably
printed in 1459. A copy is preserved in the library
of Darmstadt; and some years ago this was examined
by Mr. Hessels, who found that the date had been
tampered with, and that it should really read 1482.</p>
<p>From 1455 onwards, while the press of Schœffer
was busily at work, we lose sight of Gutenberg.
Three books, however, all printed about 1460 at
Mainz, are ascribed to him. These are the <cite>Catholicon</cite>
(a kind of dictionary) of 1460, the <cite>Tractatus racionis et
conscientiæ</cite> of Matthæus de Cracovia, and the <cite>Summa
de articulis fidei</cite> of Aquinas, both without date. To
these may be added a broadside indulgence printed
in 1461. Bernard attributes these books to the press
of Henry Bechtermuntze, who afterwards printed with
the same type at Eltvil. One fact appears to tell
strongly against this conclusion. In 1469-70, when
Schœffer issued his catalogue, we find these three
books in it, the remainder being all of Schœffer’s
own production. How did they get into Schœffer’s
hands? Had they been printed by Bechtermuntze
we should surely find the <cite>Vocabularius ex quo</cite> also
in the catalogue, for he had issued editions in 1467
and 1469. It is more probable that they had formed
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[35]</a></span>the stock of a printer who had given up business, and
had therefore got rid of all the books remaining on
his hands.<a name="FNanchor_10_10" id="FNanchor_10_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a></p>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_10_10" id="Footnote_10_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_10"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> In 1468 all the materials connected with Gutenberg’s press were
handed over to Conrad Homery, their owner, who binds himself to use the
type only in Mainz; and also binds himself, if he sells it, to sell
it to a citizen of Mainz, <em>provided that citizen offers as much as a
stranger</em>. The stock of printed books would also belong to Homery in
his capacity of creditor, and would be sold in Mainz, where, so far as
we know, there was no one except Schœffer to buy them.</p></div>
<p>In the copy of the <cite>Tractatus racionis</cite> belonging to
the Bibliothèque Nationale the following manuscript
note occurs: ‘Hos duos sexternos accomidauit mihi
henrycus Keppfer de moguncia nunquam reuenit ut
reacciperetur,’ etc. This Keppfer was one of Gutenberg’s
workmen; and his name occurs in the notarial
instrument of 1455, so that this inscription forms a
link between the book and Gutenberg.</p>
<p>We have, unfortunately, no direct evidence as to
the printer. We know that the books were printed
at Mainz, for it is directly so stated in the Schœffer
catalogue and in the colophon of the <cite>Catholicon</cite>. Now
we know of no printers at Mainz in 1460 except
Schœffer and Gutenberg, and Schœffer was certainly
not the printer of these books. On the other hand,
there are no books except these three that could have
been printed by Gutenberg; and if these three are to
be ascribed to any one else, Gutenberg is left in the
position of a known printer who printed nothing. It
has been shown above that it is very improbable that
the books were printed by Bechtermuntze; and the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[36]</a></span>fact that in 1470 the remaining copies were in the
hands of a man who did not print them, points to
their real printer having died or given up business.
Though from these various facts we can prove nothing
as regards the identity of the printer, we have some
show of probability for imagining that he must have
been Gutenberg.</p>
<p>There is no doubt whatever that the <cite>Catholicon</cite>
type appears at Eltvil in the hands of the two
brothers Bechtermuntze in 1467, for in the <cite>Vocabularius
ex quo</cite> there is a clear colophon stating that
the book was commenced by Henry Bechtermuntze
and finished by Nicholas Bechtermuntze and Wygand
Spyess of Orthenberg on the 4th of November 1467.</p>
<p>There has been a great deal of argument on the
question how these types came into the hands of
the Eltvil printers while Gutenberg was alive. We
know that Gutenberg became a pensioner of Adolph
II. in 1465, and would therefore presumably give up
printing in that year. The types and printing
materials which he had been using belonged to a
certain Dr. Homery, and were reclaimed by him in
1468. The distance from Eltvil to Mainz is only
some five or six miles, and the Rhine afforded easy
means of communication between the two places, so
that the difficulty of the transference of type backwards
and forwards seems, as a rule, very much
overstated. Although we have no evidence of printing
at Eltvil before 1467, still it will be best to give
an account of the press in this chapter, since it was
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[37]</a></span>so intimately connected with the early press at
Mainz.</p>
<p>In 1467, on the 4th November, an edition of the
<cite>Vocabularius ex quo</cite> was published. The colophon
tells us that the book was begun by Henry Bechtermuntze,
and finished by his brother Nicholas in
partnership with a certain Wygand Speyss of
Orthenberg. A second edition was published in
June 1469 by Nicholas Bechtermuntze alone. Both
these editions are printed in the type used for the
<cite>Catholicon</cite> of 1460, but with a few additional abbreviations.
In 1472 a third edition of the <cite>Vocabularius
ex quo</cite> was issued, in a type very similar to the
type of the thirty-one line <cite>Letters of Indulgence</cite>, but
slightly smaller; and an edition of the <cite>Summa de
articulis fidei</cite> of Aquinas [Hain, *1426] was issued
in the same type. In 1477 a fourth edition of the
<cite>Vocabularius ex quo</cite> was printed by Nicholas Bechtermuntze;
the type is different from that used in
the other books, and is identical, as Mr. Hessels
tells us, with that used about the same time by Peter
Drach at Spire.</p>
<p>Before leaving Mainz, it will be as well to notice
the books printed by the Brothers of the Common
Life at Marienthal. This monastery was close to
Mainz on the opposite side of the river, and not far
from Eltvil. The earliest book is a <cite>Copia indulgentiarum
per Adolphum archiepiscopum Moguntinum
concessarum</cite>, dated from Mainz in August 1468, and
presumably printed in the same year. In 1474 they
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[38]</a></span>issued the <cite>Mainz Breviary</cite>, a book of great rarity,
and of which the copies vary; in fact, of certain
portions there seem to have been several editions.
Their latest piece of printing with a date is a broadside
indulgence of 1484, of which there is a copy at
Darmstadt. Dr. F. Falk, in his article ‘<em>Die Presse zu
Marienthal im Rheingau</em>,’ mentions fourteen books as
printed at this press; but he includes some printed in
a type which cannot with certainty be ascribed to
Marienthal. The Brothers seem to have used only
two types, both of which are found in the <cite>Breviary</cite>.
Both are very distinctive, especially the larger, which
is a very heavy solid Gothic letter, easily distinguishable
by the curious lower case <em>d</em>.</p>
</div>
<hr class="chap" />
<div class="chapter">
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[39]</a></span></p>
<h2><a name="CHAPTER_III" id="CHAPTER_III"></a>CHAPTER III.</h2>
<p class="center">SPREAD OF PRINTING IN GERMANY.</p>
<p><span class="smcap">Before</span> 1462, when the sacking of Mainz by Adolf
von Nassau is popularly supposed to have disseminated
the art of printing, presses were at work in at
least two other German towns, Strasburg and Bamberg.</p>
<p>The first of these places is mentioned by Trithemius,
who records that after the secret of printing was discovered,
it spread first to Strasburg. Judging merely
from authentic dates, this is evidently correct, for we
have the date 1460 for Strasburg, and 1461-62 for
Bamberg. There are, however, strong reasons for supposing
that this order is hardly the correct one, and
that Bamberg should come first. Since, however, the
statement and the dates exist, it will be safer for us
provisionally to consider Strasburg as the first, and
state later on the arguments in favour of Bamberg.</p>
<p>Though no dated book is known printed at Strasburg
before 1471, in which year Eggestein printed the
<cite>Decretum Gratiani</cite>, and though Mentelin’s first dated
book is of the year 1473, yet we know from the
rubrications of a copy of the <cite>Latin Bible</cite> in the
library at Freiburg, that that book was finished, the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[40]</a></span>first volume before 1460, and the second before 1461.
Concerning the printer, John Mentelin, a good deal is
known. Born at Schelestadt, he became a scribe and
illuminator; but, like many others, abandoned the
original business to become a printer. P. de Lignamine
in his Chronicle says that by 1458, Mentelin
had a press at Strasburg, and was printing, like
Gutenberg, three hundred sheets a day. By 1461 he
had finished printing the forty-nine line edition of the
<cite>Latin Bible</cite>. He died on the 12th December 1478,
leaving two daughters, one married to Adolf Rusch
d’Ingwiller, his successor; the other, to Martin Schott,
another Strasburg printer. Very few of his books
are dated; and as his types have not yet been systematically
studied, the books cannot be ranged in any
accurate order.</p>
<p>Taking the information in Lignamine’s Chronicle as
exact, and we have no reason to doubt its accuracy,
we may take certain books in the type of the Bible
as the earliest of Mentelin’s books.<a name="FNanchor_11_11" id="FNanchor_11_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> Round 1466
we can group some other books, the <cite>Augustinus de
arte predicandi</cite> and the <cite>Homily on St. Matthew</cite> by
St. Chrysostom. A copy of the former book in the
British Museum is rubricated 1466; and of the latter
a copy in the Spencer Collection has the same year
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[41]</a></span>added in manuscript. In Sir M. M. Sykes’ sale was
a volume containing copies of these two books bound
together in contemporary binding. About 1470, Mentelin
issued a catalogue containing the titles of nine
books, including a <cite>Virgil</cite>, a <cite>Terence</cite>, and a <cite>Valerius
Maximus</cite>. Mentelin also printed the first edition of
the Bible in German, a folio of 406 leaves. Several
copies are known with the rubricated date of 1466;
and the same date is also found in a copy of the
<cite>Secunda secundæ</cite> of Aquinas. Many other of his
books contain manuscript dates, and show that they
are considerably earlier than is usually supposed.</p>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_11_11" id="Footnote_11_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_11"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> In the University Library, Cambridge, is a very interesting copy
of the first volume of this Bible, bought at the Culemann sale. It
consists for the most part of proof-sheets, and variations from the
ordinary copies occur on almost every page. It is printed on small
sheets of paper in the manner of a broadside, the sheets being pasted
together at the inner margin.</p></div>
<p>Henry Eggestein, whose first dated book was
issued in 1471, was living in Strasburg as early as
1442, and probably began to print almost as soon as
Mentelin. The earliest date attributable to any of
his books is 1466, the date written by Bamler, at that
time an illuminator, in the copy of one of his forty-five
line editions of the Bible now in the library at
Wolfenbüttel. In 1471, Eggestein himself tells us
that he had printed a large number of books. A
little time before this he had issued a most glowing
advertisement of his Bible. He appeals to the good
man to come and see his wonderful edition, produced,
as the early printers were so fond of saying, not by
the pen, but by the wonderful art of printing. The
proofs had been read by the best scholars, and the
book printed in the best style. This Bible, which has
forty-five lines to the column, was finished by 1466,
for the copy now in the library at Munich was
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[42]</a></span>rubricated in that year. The only printed dates that
occur in Eggestein’s books are 1471 and 1472. Hain
gives three books of the years 1474, 1475, and 1478
as printed in his type, but these contain no printer’s
name.</p>
<p>The most mysterious printer connected with the
history of the Strasburg press, is the printer who used
a peculiarly shaped capital R, and is therefore known
as the R printer. He seems to have been very
generally confounded with Mentelin till 1825, when
the sale catalogue of Dr. Kloss’ books appeared. In
this sale there happened to be two copies of the
<cite>Speculum</cite> of Vincent de Beauvais, one the undoubted
Mentelin edition, the other by the R printer. The
writer of the note in the catalogue stated that, on
comparison, the types of the two editions, though very
like each other, were not the same. Since the type is
different, and the peculiar R has never yet been
found in any authentic book printed by Mentelin, we
may safely say that Mentelin was not the printer.
To whom, then, are the books to be ascribed? Many
consider them the work of Adolf Rusch d’Ingwiller.
M. Madden attributes them all to the Monastery of
Weidenbach at Cologne, in common with most of the
other books by unknown printers, and dates them
about 1470. Bradshaw, writing to Mr. Winter Jones
in 1870, says: <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[43]</a></span>‘In turning over a volume of fragments
yesterday, I found a Bull of Sixtus IV., dated 1478,
in the type of the famous “R” printer so often confounded
with Mentelin. His books are commonly
put down to 1470 or earlier, and I believe no one
ever thought of putting his books so late as 1478.<a name="FNanchor_12_12" id="FNanchor_12_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a>
Yet this little piece is almost the only certain date
which is known in connection with this whole series
of books.’ Complete sets of the <cite>Speculum</cite> of Vincent
de Beauvais are very often made up, partly from
Mentelin’s and partly from the R printer’s editions,
which points to their having been probably printed at
the same place and about the same time. The
earliest MS. date found in any of the books by the
R printer is 1464; for a note in the copy of the
<cite>Duranti Rationale divinorum Officiorum</cite> in the library
at Basle, states that the book was bought in that
year for the University. If this date is authentic,
it follows that Strasburg was the first place where
Roman type was used.</p>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_12_12" id="Footnote_12_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_12"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> This indulgence had been noticed by Bernard, <cite>De l’Origine de
l’Imprimerie</cite>, vol. ii. pp. 108, 109.</p></div>
<p>The next important printer at Strasburg is George
Husner, who began in 1476 and printed up till 1498.
His types may be recognised by the capital H, which
is Roman, and has a boss on the lower side of the
cross-bar. John Gruninger, who began in 1483, issued
some beautifully illustrated books, the most celebrated
being the <cite>Horace</cite>, <cite>Terence</cite>, and <cite>Boethius</cite>, and
Brandt’s <cite>Ship of Fools</cite>. He and another later Strasburg
printer, Knoblochzer, share with Conrad Zeninger
of Nuremberg the doubtful honour of being the most
careless printers in the fifteenth century.</p>
<p>Albrecht Pfister was printing at Bamberg as early
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[44]</a></span>as 1461, and his first dated book, Boner’s <cite>Edelstein</cite>,
was issued on 4th February of that year. He used
but one type, a discarded fount from Mainz which
had been used in printing the thirty-six line Bible
and the other books of that group. By many he is
credited with being the printer of the thirty-six line
Bible,—a theory which a short examination of the
workmanship of his signed books would go far to
upset. Pfister seems to have been more of a wood
engraver than a printer, relying rather on the attractive
nature of his illustrations than on the elegance of
his printing. We can attribute to him with certainty
nine books, with one exception all written in German,
and with two exceptions all illustrated with woodcuts.
Mr. Hessels is of opinion that certain of these books
ought to be placed, on account of their workmanship,
before the <cite>Boner</cite> of 1461; as, for instance, the <cite>Quarrel
of a Widower with Death</cite>, in which the lines are very
uneven. There are certain peculiarities noticeable in
Pfister’s method of work which occur also in the
<cite>Manung widder die Durke</cite>, a prognostication for
1455, preserved in the Royal Library, Munich, and in
the <cite>Cisianus zu dutsche</cite> at Cambridge, the most marked
being the filling up of blank spaces with an ornament
of stops. The curious rhyming form of these calendars,
and the dialect of German in which they are
written, resemble exactly the rhyming colophon put
by Pfister to the Boner’s <cite>Edelstein</cite>. In all three
cases the ends of the lines are not marked, but the
works are printed as prose.</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[45]</a></span></p>
<p>Paulus Paulirinus of Prague, in his description of
a ‘ciripagus’ wrote: ‘Et tempore mei Pambergæ
quidam sculpsit integram Bibliam super lamellas, et
in quatuor septimanis totam Bibliam super pargameno
subtili presignavit scriptura.’ Some writers
have suggested that these words refer to the thirty-six
line Bible; but a ‘Bible cut on thin plates’ can
only be a block-book, and probably an edition of the
<cite>Biblia Pauperum</cite>. Paul of Prague composed a large
part of his book before 1463, when no other printer
besides Pfister was at work at Bamberg, and these
words probably apply to either the Latin or German
edition of the <cite>Biblia Pauperum</cite> which Pfister issued.</p>
<p>We have no information as to when or where
Pfister began to print, and the extraordinary rarity of
his books prevents much connected work upon them.
There is no doubt that he came into possession of the
type of the thirty-six line Bible, and in this type a
number of books were printed. The earliest of these
books is probably the <cite>Manung Widder die Durke</cite>,
which, since it was a prognostication for 1455, was
presumably printed in 1454. This book, as far as it is
possible to judge, was manifestly printed after the
thirty-six line Bible, and by a different printer. In it
we first find the peculiar lozenge-shaped ornament of
stops which continues through the series of books in
this type. The calendar of 1457 in the Bibliothèque
Nationale, probably printed in 1456, is the next piece
in the series to which an approximate date can be
given. Of this calendar, originally printed on a
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[46]</a></span>single sheet, only the upper half remains, found in
1804 at Mainz, where it had been used as a cover for
some ecclesiastical papers. It bears the following inscription:
‘Prebendarum. Registrum capituli ecclesie
Sancti Gengolffi intra muros Moguntiæ receptorum et
distributorum anno LVII., per Johan: Kess, vicarium
ecclesie predicte.’ Thus, at the end of the year 1457
or beginning of 1458, it was treated at Mainz as
waste-paper. With this calendar may be classed the
<cite>Cisianus zu dutsche</cite> at Cambridge, a rhyming calendar
in German.</p>
<p>There are, then, the series of nine or ten books,
usually all given to Pfister, though only two bear his
name; and of these some are after and some can be
placed before 1461. The typographical peculiarities
of Pfister’s signed books are the same as those of
the early calendars, and point to his having also
produced them. This brings us at once into the obvious
difficulties, for we should have Pfister printing
as early as 1454, while Gutenberg was still in partnership
with Fust. The knowledge about Pfister’s press
is too meagre to allow any of these difficulties to be
cleared up, though something may yet result from a
more careful examination of the books themselves.
The only examples in England of books printed by
Pfister (with the exception of the <cite>Cisianus</cite>) are in the
Spencer Library. There are there four books and a
fragment of a fifth.</p>
<p>The conjecture put forward by M. Dziatako, that
Gutenberg may have printed the thirty-six line Bible
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[47]</a></span>in partnership with some other printer, as, for
example, Pfister, would certainly, if any proof in its
favour could be adduced, simplify matters very much.
We should then have all the books in a natural
sequence, from the Bible to the latest books of Pfister,
and we could account for the printing of the <cite>Manung</cite>
in 1454, while Gutenberg was still in partnership
with Fust and Schœffer for the production of the
forty-two line Bible. The workmanship of the thirty-six
line Bible is in some points different from the
later books, all of which were probably the work of
Pfister, who, according to this theory, must have been
at work at Mainz as early as 1454. The contract
between Gutenberg and Fust did not necessarily bind
the former to print only with Fust, so that he may
also have worked with Pfister, and taught him the
art.</p>
<p>Pfister’s last dated book, <cite>The Histories of Joseph,
Daniel, Judith, and Esther</cite>, was printed in 1462, not
long after the day of St. Walburga (May 1).</p>
<p>After this time we hear of no book printed at Bamberg
till 1481, when John Sensenschmidt printed the
<cite>Missale Ordinis S. Benedicti</cite>, commonly known as the
Bamberg Missal.</p>
<p>Cologne, from its situation on the Rhine, was in a
favourable position for receiving information and
materials from Mainz, and we find that by 1466,
Ulric Zel of Hanau, a clerk of the diocese of Mainz,
was settled there as a printer. His first dated book
was the Chrysostom <cite>Super psalmo quinquagesimo</cite>; but
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[48]</a></span>some other books were certainly issued before it.
The Cicero <cite>De Officiis</cite>, a quarto with thirty-four lines
to the page, is earlier, and is perhaps the first book
he issued. It has many signs of being a very early
production, and may possibly have been issued before
Schœffer’s edition of 1465.</p>
<p>M. Madden, in his <cite>Lettres d’un Bibliographe</cite>, has
argued that a very early school of typography existed
at Cologne, in the Monastery of Weidenbach.
Though his researches have thrown a great deal
of light on various points connected with early printing,
and are in some ways of real value, much that
he has theorised about Weidenbach requires confirmation.
We can hardly be expected to believe,
as he would try to persuade us, that Caxton, and Zel,
and Jenson, and many other printers whose types
belong to different families, could all learn printing
at this one place. It would be impossible for men
who had learnt to print in the same school to produce
such radically different kinds of type, and work in
such different methods. The early tentative essays
of Zel’s press can be clearly identified, and their order
more or less accurately determined, from their typographical
characteristics. His earliest books were
quartos; and of these the first few have four point
holes to the page. These point holes are small
holes about an inch from the top and bottom lines,
and nearly parallel with the sides of the type, made
by the four pins which went through the paper when
one side of the page was printed, and served as a
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[49]</a></span>guide to place the paper straight when the other side
was printed.<a name="FNanchor_13_13" id="FNanchor_13_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a></p>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_13_13" id="Footnote_13_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_13"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> The use of four points to obtain a correct register is generally a
sure sign of the infancy of a press. Blades says they are to be found
in all the books printed in Caxton’s Type 1.</p></div>
<p>Then, before he settled down to printing his quartos
with twenty-seven lines to the page, he experimented
with various numbers of lines. We can safely start
with the following books in the following order:—</p>
<table summary="Cicero">
<tr>
<td><em>A.</em> Cicero, <em>De officiis</em>,</td>
<td>34 lines to the page.</td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="ind2">Chrysostom, <em>Super psalmo quinquagesimo</em>, 1466,</td>
<td>33 lines to the page.</td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="ind2">Gerson, <em>Super materia celebrationis missæ</em>,</td>
<td>31 lines to the page.</td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="ind2">Gerson, <em>Alphabetum divini amoris</em>,</td>
<td>31 lines to the page.</td>
</tr>
</table>
<p>These form an early group by themselves, and
commence on the first leaf; the second group begins
with</p>
<div class="blockquot">
<p><em>B.</em> Augustinus, <cite>De vita christiana</cite> and <cite>De singularitate clericorum</cite>,
1467, 28 and 27 lines to the page.</p></div>
<p>Then follows a number of tracts by Gerson and
Chrysostom, all having four point holes, and all
probably printed before 1470. Zel continued to
print throughout the whole of the fifteenth century.</p>
<p>At a very early date there were a number of other
printers settled at Cologne, all using types which,
though easily distinguishable, are similar in appearance
and of the same family; and their books have
generally been ascribed to Zel. To many of them
it is impossible to put a printer’s name; and certain
of them have been divided into groups known by the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[50]</a></span>title of the commonest book in that group which has
no edition in another group. For instance, we have
a certain number of books printed by the printer
of the <cite>Historia Sancti Albani</cite>; another printer is
known as the printer of <cite>Dictys</cite> (perhaps Arnold ther
Hoernen); another as the printer of <cite>Augustinus de
Fide</cite> (perhaps Goiswin Gops), and so on. No doubt,
in time, when the Cologne press has been more carefully
studied, the identity of some of these printers
will be discovered; but at present there are a great
many difficulties waiting to be cleared away.</p>
<p>Arnold ther Hoernen, who began to print in or
before 1470, was the pioneer of several improvements.
The <cite>Sermo ad populum</cite>, printed in 1470, has a title-page,
and the leaves numbered in the centre of the
right-hand margin; very soon after he printed a book
with headlines. He printed ‘infra sedecim domos,’
and used a small neat device, of which there are two
varieties, always confused. John Koelhoff, a native
of Lubeck, printed at Cologne from 1472 (?) to 1493,
when he died. If the date of 1472 in his <cite>Expositio
Decalogi</cite> of Nider be correct, he was the first printer
who used ordinary printed signatures; but the date of
the book is questioned. The shapes of the capital
letters in Koelhoff’s types are very distinctive; and it
is curious to notice that a fount unmistakably copied
from them was used by a Venetian printer named
John de Colonia. Nicholas Gotz of Sletzstat, who
began printing about 1470, though we find no dated
book of his before 1474, and who finished in 1480,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[51]</a></span>used a device engraved upon copper in the ‘manière
criblée,’ or dotted style. It consists of a coat-of-arms
surmounted by a helmet and crest, with his motto,
‘Sola spes mea inte virginis gratia.’ In some books
we find the motto printed in a different form—‘Spes
mea sola in virginis gratia.’ In 1475 was issued the
<cite>Sermo de presentacione beatissime virginis Marie</cite>, the
only book known containing the name of Goiswinus
Gops de Euskyrchen. In 1476, Peter Bergman de
Olpe and Conrad Winters de Homborch began to
print, and were followed in 1477 by Guldenschaff, and
in 1479 by Henry Quentell, the last named being the
most important printer at Cologne during the latter
years of the fifteenth century.</p>
<p>Gunther Zainer was the first printer at Augsburg;
and in March 1468 issued his first dated book, the
<cite>Meditationes vite domini nostri Jesu Christi</cite>, by Bonaventure.
Some of his undated books show signs
from their workmanship of having been printed at a
still earlier date. At first he used a small Gothic type,
but in 1472 he published the <cite>Etymologiæ S. Isidori</cite>
in a beautiful Roman letter, the first, with a date,
used in Germany. His later books are printed in a
large, thick, black letter, and have in many cases
ornamental capitals and borders. He was connected
in some way with the Monastery of the Chartreuse at
Buxheim, and to their library he gave many of his
books; and we learn from their archives that he died
on the 13th April 1478. By 1472 we find two more
printers settled in Augsburg, John Baemler and John
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[52]</a></span>Schussler. The first of these, before becoming a
printer, had been a scribe and rubricator, and as such
had sometimes signed his name to books. This has
given rise to the idea that he printed them, and he is
often quoted as the printer of a Bible in 1466. He
worked from 1472 to 1495, printing a very large
number of books. Schussler printed only for three
years, from 1470 to 1473, issuing about eight books,
printed in a curious small type, half-Gothic, half-Roman,
and very like that used at Subiaco. About
1472-73, Melchior de Stanheim, head of the Monastery
of SS. Ulric and Afra, purchased some presses
and began to print with types, which seem to have
been borrowed from other Augsburg printers, such as
Zainer, Schussler, and Anthony Sorg. The latter
started on his own account in 1475, and issued a very
large number of books between that year and 1493.</p>
<p>The early Augsburg books are especially noted for
their woodcuts, which, though not perhaps of much
artistic merit, are very numerous and curious. Some
very beautifully printed books were also produced
about the end of the century by John Schœnsperger,
who is celebrated as the printer of the <cite>Theurdanck</cite>
of 1517.</p>
<p>In 1470, John Sensenschmidt and Henry Keppfer
of Mainz, whom we have before spoken of as a servant
of Gutenberg, began to print at Nuremberg. Their
first book was the <cite>Codex egregius comestorii viciorum</cite>,
and in the colophon the printer says: <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[53]</a></span>‘Nuremburge
anno, etc., LXXº patronarum formarumque concordia
et proporcione impressus.’ These words are exactly
copied from the colophon of the <cite>Catholicon</cite>, which is
considered to have been printed by Gutenberg.</p>
<p>In 1472, Frederick Creusner and Anthony Koburger,
the two most famous Nuremberg printers, both began
to print. They seem to have been closely connected
in business, and we sometimes find Creusner using
Koburger’s type; for instance, the <cite>Poggius</cite> of 1475
by Creusner, and the <cite>Boethius</cite> of 1473 by Koburger,
are in the same type. Most of the early Nuremberg
types are readily distinguished by the capital N, in
which the cross stroke slants the wrong way. Koburger
was perhaps the most important printer and
publisher of the fifteenth century. He is said to have
employed twenty-four presses at Nuremberg, besides
having books printed for him in other towns. About
1480 he issued a most interesting catalogue, of which
there is a copy in the British Museum, containing the
titles of twenty-two books, not all, however, printed
by himself. In 1495 he printed also an advertisement
of the <cite>Nuremberg Chronicles</cite>.<a name="FNanchor_14_14" id="FNanchor_14_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a></p>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_14_14" id="Footnote_14_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_14"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> These early book catalogues supply a very great deal of curious
information, and are very well worth careful study. An extremely good
article by Wilhelm Meyer, containing reprints of twenty-two, was issued
some years ago in the <cite>Centralblatt für Bibliothekswesen</cite>; and since
that time reprints of a few others have appeared in the same magazine.</p></div>
<p>Though Spire was not an important town in the
history of printing, a book was printed there as early
as 1471. This was the <cite>Postilla super Apocalypsin</cite>
[Hain, 13,310]. It is a quarto, printed in a rude
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[54]</a></span>Roman type, but with a Gothic V. Two other works
of Augustine and one of Huss (<cite>Gesta Christi</cite>) are
known, printed in a larger type, but without date,
place, or name of printer. It has usually been
assumed, on what grounds is not stated, that these
books were printed by Peter Drach; but as at present
no book is known in this type with his name, it is
perhaps wiser to assign them to an unknown printer.
Peter Drach’s first dated book was issued in 1477,
and the history of his press at this time is particularly
interesting. The type in which his <cite>Vocabularius
utriusque Juris</cite> of May 1477 is printed, is absolutely
the same as that used in December of the same year
for printing the <cite>Vocabularius ex quo</cite>, printed, according
to its colophon, by Nicholas Bechtermuntze at
Eltvil. On this subject it is best to quote Mr.
Hessels’ own words, for to him this discovery is due:<a name="FNanchor_15_15" id="FNanchor_15_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a>—</p>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_15_15" id="Footnote_15_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_15"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> <cite>Gutenberg; Was he the Inventor of Printing?</cite> By J. H. Hessels.
London, 1882. 8vo. P. 181.</p></div>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[55]</a></span></p>
<p>‘I may here observe that Type 3 [that of Bechtermuntze
in 1477] is exactly the same as that used by
Peter Drach at Spire. When I received this <cite>Vocabulary</cite>
[<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">ex quo</i> of 1477] from Munich, the only book I
had seen of Drach was the <cite>Leonardi de Utino Sermones</cite>,
published in 1479; and it occurred to me that
Bechtermuncze had probably ceased to print about
this time, and might have transferred his type to
Drach. But this appears not to have been the case,
as Drach published already, on the 18th May 1477,
the <cite>Vocabularius Juris utriusque</cite>, printed with the
very same type, and must therefore have been in
possession of his type simultaneously with Bechtermuncze.
The question therefore arises, Did Drach
perhaps print the 1477 <cite>Vocabulary</cite> for Nicolaus
Bechtermuncze?’</p>
<p>This question must, unfortunately, be left for the
present where Mr. Hessels has left it, but it offers a
most interesting point for further research.</p>
<p>From 1477, Peter Drach continued to print at any
rate to the end of the fifteenth century; but it is
perhaps possible that there were a father and son of
the same name, whose various books have not been
separated. The <cite>Omeliarum opus</cite> of 1482 [Hain, 8789]
is spoken of as ‘factore Petro Drach juniore in inclita
Spirensium urbe impressum.’ The only other
interesting printers at Spire were the brothers John
and Conrad Hijst, whose names are found in the
preface to an edition of the <cite>Philobiblon</cite> of Richard de
Bury, which they, printed about 1483. They used
an ornamental Gothic type, generally confused with
that belonging to Reyser of Eichstadt, and their
unsigned books are almost always described by
Hain and others as printed ‘typis Reyserianis.’</p>
<p>Only one printer is known to have been at Esslingen
in the fifteenth century. This was Conrad
Fyner, who began to print in 1472, and continued
in the town till 1480. Though the first dated book
is 1472, it is most probable that several of the undated
books should be placed earlier. Fyner’s first
small type is extremely like one used at Strasburg
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[56]</a></span>by Eggestein, if indeed it is not identical, and their
books are constantly confused. In 1473, Fyner
printed Gerson’s <cite>Collectorium super Magnificat</cite>, the
first book containing printed musical notes; and in
1475, <cite>P. Niger contra perfidos Judeos</cite>, which contains
the first specimen of Hebrew type. One book in
Fyner’s type [Hain, *9335] is said to be printed by
Johannes Hug de Goppingen. In 1481, Fyner moved
to Urach, where he printed one book, and after that
date he disappears.</p>
<p>At Lavingen only one book is known to have
been printed in the fifteenth century. It is the
<cite>Augustinus de consensu evangelistarum</cite> [Hain, *1981],
issued on April 12, 1473. Madden conjectures from
the appearance of the type and the capital letters
that the book was printed by John Zainer of Ulm.
Both type and capitals, however, are different, but
their resemblance is quite natural considering the
short distance between Ulm and Lavingen.</p>
<p>At an early period Ulm was very important as a
centre for wood engraving, and several block-books
are known to have been produced there. An edition
of the <cite>Ars Moriendi</cite> is signed Ludwig ze Ulm, whom
Dr. Hassler conjectures to have been Ludwig Hohenwang.
The earliest printer that we find mentioned in
a dated book is John Zainer of Reutlingen, no doubt
a relation of Gunther Zainer the printer at Augsburg.
He issued in 1473 a work by Boccaccio, <cite>De præclaris
mulieribus</cite>, illustrated with a number of woodcuts,
and having also woodcut initials and borders. He
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[57]</a></span>printed from this time to the end of the century,
many of his books being ornamented. Another
printer at Ulm to be noticed is Conrad Dinckmut,
who printed from 1482 to 1496. He was probably a
wood engraver, for he illustrated many of his books
with woodcuts, and also produced a xylographic
<cite>Donatus</cite>, of which there is an imperfect copy in the
Bodleian.</p>
<p>In 1473, printing was introduced into Merseburg
by Luke Brandis, who moved in 1475 to Lubeck.
In 1475, also, Conrad Elyas began to print at Breslau,
and by 1480 no fewer than twenty-three towns had
printing presses. Between 1480 and 1490 the art
was introduced into fifteen more towns, and between
1490 and 1501 into twelve. So that the total number
of plates in Germany where printing was practised in
the fifteenth century is fifty.</p>
<p>Basle was the first city of Switzerland into which
printing was introduced, but it is hard to determine
when this took place. The earliest printer was
Berthold Rodt, or Ruppel of Hanau, who is supposed
to be the same man as the Bertholdus of Hanau
who figures in the lawsuit of 1455 as a servant of
Gutenberg. It is not till 1473, in the colophon of
the <cite>Repertorium Vocabulorum</cite> of Conrad de Mure,
that we find either his name or a date; but many
books are known printed in the same type. One of
these, the <cite>Moralia in Job</cite> of St. Gregory, was printed
in or before 1468, for one copy contains a manuscript
note showing that it was bought in that year by
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[58]</a></span>Joseph de Vergers, an ecclesiastic of Mainz. About
1474, Berthold began to print a Bible, but finished
only the first volume, dying, it is supposed, about
that time. The second volume was printed by
Bernard Richel, and is dated 1475. The most
important printers of Basle were Wenssler, Amorbach,
and Froben. About 1469, Helyas de Louffen, a
canon of the Abbey of Beromunster, began to print,
and in 1470 issued the <cite>Mammotrectus</cite> of Marchesinus,
finished on the Vigil of St. Martin, the exact day and
year in which Schœffer finished his edition of the
same book. Bernard says that the two editions are
certainly different, and could not have been copied
one from the other, so that the similarity of date
must be looked upon as a curious coincidence. This
<cite>Mammotrectus</cite> is the first dated book issued in
Switzerland, and is printed in the most remarkable
Gothic type used anywhere in the fifteenth century.
Many of the capital letters if found by themselves
could not be read, and it is a type which once seen
can never be forgotten. At the foot of each column
in the book is a letter which looks like a signature,
but which is put there for the purpose of a number to
the column. Helyas de Louffen died in 1475, having
printed about eight books, some in Gothic and some
in Roman type.</p>
<p>Before the end of the fifteenth century printing
presses were at work in five other towns of Switzerland:
Geneva (1478), Promentour (1482), Lausanne
(1493), Trogen (1497), and Sursee (1500).</p>
</div>
<hr class="chap" />
<div class="chapter">
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[59]</a></span></p>
<h2><a name="CHAPTER_IV" id="CHAPTER_IV"></a>CHAPTER IV.</h2>
<p class="center">ITALY.</p>
<p><span class="smcap">Italian</span> historians have several times attempted
to bring forward Pamphilo Castaldi as the inventor
of printing. It is little use to recapitulate here the
various unsupported assertions on which this claim is
based,—a claim which, if it ever had, has now ceased
to have any sensible supporters.</p>
<p>We may safely assume, with our present knowledge,
that the art of printing was introduced into
Italy in 1465 by two Germans, Conrad Sweynheym
and Arnold Pannartz. On their arrival in Italy they
settled first in the Monastery of Saint Scholastica at
Subiaco, an establishment of Benedictines, of which
Cardinal Turrecremata was Abbot, where they would
be in congenial society, since, as Cardinal Quirini
says, many of the inmates were Germans.</p>
<p>The first book which they printed was a <cite>Donatus
pro puerulis</cite>, of which they said in their list, printed
in 1472, ‘unde imprimendi initium sumpsimus.’
Unfortunately, of this <cite>Donatus</cite> no copy is known,
though rumours of a copy in a private collection
in Italy have from time to time been circulated.
The earliest book from their press of which
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[60]</a></span>copies are in existence, is the Cicero <cite>De Oratore</cite>,
printed before 30th September 1465.<a name="FNanchor_16_16" id="FNanchor_16_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> It has been
always a moot point whether this Cicero <cite>De Oratore</cite>
or the Mainz <cite>Ciceronis Officia et Paradoxa</cite>, printed in
the same year, can justly claim to be the first printed
Latin classic, while the claims of the <cite>De Officiis</cite> of
Zel, which, though, undated, is very probably as early,
have been entirely ignored.</p>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_16_16" id="Footnote_16_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_16"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> This book has usually been dated later than the <cite>Lactantius</cite>, that
is, after 29th October 1465; but M. Fumagalli, in his <cite>Dei primi libri
a stampa in Italia</cite>, Lugano, 1875, 8vo, describes a copy containing a
manuscript note dated ‘Pridie Kal. Octobres, M.cccc.lxv.,’ so that the
<cite>Cicero</cite> must be considered the first known book printed in Italy. On
the other hand, it should be noticed that some authorities consider the
inscription to be a forgery.</p></div>
<p>The Subiaco <cite>De Oratore</cite> is a large quarto of 109
leaves, with thirty lines to the page. Like the first
German books, it is beautifully printed, and shows
few signs of being an early production. Sweynheym
and Pannartz must have learnt their business carefully,
for this their first book is printed by half sheets,
<i>i.e.</i> two pages at a time, though other printers were
still printing their quartos page by page.</p>
<p>On the 29th October 1465 these printers issued
their first dated book, the first edition of Lactantius
<cite>De divinis institutionibus</cite>. Of this book 275 copies
were printed. It is a small folio of 188 leaves, and
thirty-six lines to the page, printed in a type which,
though Roman, is very Gothic in appearance, and is
sometimes called semi-Gothic. The smaller letters
have a curious resemblance to those used by Zainer
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[61]</a></span>at Ulm and by Schussler at Augsburg in their
earliest books, though the capital letters are quite
different.</p>
<p>The fourth and last book printed by Sweynheym
and Pannartz at Subiaco was an edition of the <cite>De
civitate dei</cite> of Saint Augustine. This is a large
folio, of 270 leaves, with two columns, and forty-four
lines to the page. It was issued on the 12th June
1467; and though it contains no name of either
printer or place, can be easily identified by the
type. A copy in the Bibliothèque Nationale has an
extremely interesting manuscript note, which tells
us that Leonardus Dathus, ‘Episcopus Massanus,’
bought the book from the Germans themselves, living
at Rome, who were producing innumerable books
of that sort by means of printing, not writing, in
November 1467, This note is valuable in two ways;
it puts it beyond doubt who the printers of the book
were, and it also enables us to determine more
precisely the date when they left Subiaco. The
<cite>Augustine</cite> was finished in June, and by November the
printers were at Rome. As they issued a book in
Rome in 1467, and would take some time to settle in
their new establishment and prepare their new types,
we may take it as probable that they left the
Monastery of Subiaco as soon as possible after the
printing of the <cite>Augustine</cite>.</p>
<p>About June, then, Sweynheym and Pannartz left
the Monastery of Subiaco and transferred their printing
materials to Rome, finding a home in a house
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">[62]</a></span>belonging to the brothers Peter and Francis de
Maximis. The semi-Gothic fount of type which had
been used at Subiaco was discarded in favour of one
more Roman in character, though heavily cut and
not so graceful as the Venetian of the same period.
A curious appearance is given to it by the invariable
use of the long s. Their first venture was again a
work of Cicero, the <cite>Epistolæ ad familiares</cite>, a large
quarto of thirty-one lines to the page. It has the
following colophon:—</p>
<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poetry">
<div class="stanza">
<div class="verse"> ‘Hoc Conradus opus Suueynheym ordine miro<br /></div>
<div class="verse"> Arnoldusque simul pannarts una aede colendi<br /></div>
<div class="verse"> Gente theotonica: romæ expediere sodales.<br /></div>
<div class="indent4">In domo Petri de Maximo. <span class="smcap">M.CCCC.LXVII.</span>’</div>
</div></div></div>
<p>From this time forward, under the able supervision
of the Bishop of Aleria, Sweynheym and
Pannartz continued to print with the greatest industry,
but they did not meet with the support which
they merited. In 1472 they had become so badly off
that a letter was written to Pope Sixtus IV. pointing
out their distress, and asking for assistance. This
letter, printed on one sheet, is usually found in the
fifth volume of Nicholas de Lyra’s <cite>Commentary
on the Bible</cite>, printed in 1472. Its great bibliographical
interest lies in the fact that the printers
gave a list of what they had printed and the number
of copies they issued. In the list twenty-eight works
are mentioned, and the number of volumes amounted
altogether to 11,475. They usually issued 275 copies
of each work which they printed.</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[63]</a></span></p>
<p>This list also clearly shows the extraordinary
influence of the new learning so actively promoted
by Cosmo de Medici and encouraged by his grandson
Lorenzo. The majority of the books in this list
are classics, either in their original Latin or in Latin
translations from the Greek; and that the printers
were anxious to benefit scholars, is shown by the
assertion of the Bishop of Aleria in the prefatory
letter to the <cite>Ciceronis Epistolæ ad Atticum</cite> of 1470,
where it is said that they had produced their editions
of Cicero at the lowest possible price, “ad pauperum
commoditatem.”</p>
<p>To judge from the results, the appeal to the Pope
was of little effect, for in 1473 Conrad Sweynheym
gave up the business of printing, and confined his
attention to engraving on metal; while Pannartz continued
to print by himself up till the end of 1476,
issuing in those three years about twelve books. The
last book on which Pannartz was engaged was a
new edition of the <cite>Letters of St. Jerome</cite>, but he only
finished one volume. Three years later, George
Laver, who seems to have acquired the type, issued
the second volume. It is therefore quite probable, as
is generally asserted, that Pannartz died in 1476 or
early in 1477. Sweynheym, ever since he had given
up printing, had been engaged in engraving a series
of maps to illustrate Ptolemy’s <cite>Geography</cite>; but, after
working three years upon them, died before they
were finished. The edition of Ptolemy was finally
issued in 1478 by Arnold Buckinck, a German, who
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[64]</a></span>in his preface said that he was anxious ‘that the
emendations of Calderinus—who also died before the
book was printed—and the results of Sweynheym’s
most ingenious mechanical contrivances might not be
lost to the learned world.’</p>
<p>‘Magister vero Conradus Sweynheym, Germanus,
a quo formandorum Romæ librorum ars primum profecta
est, occasione hinc sumpta posteritati consulens
animum primum ad hanc doctrinam capescendam
applicuit. Subinde mathematicis adhibitis viris
quemadmodum tabulis eneis imprimerentur edocuit,
triennioque in hac cura consumpto diem obiit. In
cujus vigilarum laborumque partem non inferiori
ingenio ac studio Arnoldus Buckinck e Germania vir
apprime eruditus ad imperfectum opus succedens, ne
Domitii Conradique obitu eorum vigilæ emendationesque
sine testimonio perirent neve virorum
eruditorum censuram fugerent immensæ subtilitatis
machinimenta, examussim ad unum perfecit.’</p>
<p>The book contains twenty-seven maps, each map
being printed on two separate leaves facing each
other, and printed only on one side. The letters
which occur on the maps in the names of places are
evidently punched from single dies, and not cut on the
plate, as would have been expected. The letterpress
of the book is not printed in any type used by
Sweynheym or Pannartz, which shows that Buckinck
was the absolute printer of the book.</p>
<p>Ulric Hahn, who contests with Sweynheym and
Pannartz for the honour of having introduced printing
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">[65]</a></span>into Rome, issued as his first book, in 1467, the
<cite>Meditations</cite> of Cardinal Torquemada, better known
perhaps as Turrecremata. It is illustrated with
thirty-three woodcuts of inferior execution, and is
printed in a large Gothic type. This type the printer
discarded the following year for one of Roman letter;
but odd types from the Gothic fount frequently make
their appearance among the Roman, and serve as a
means of distinguishing Hahn’s books from others
in similar Roman type. As a case in point, we
may mention the early and probably first edition of
<cite>Catullus</cite>, wrongly ascribed to Andrea Belfortis of
Ferrara and other printers. This book is in Hahn’s
Roman type, and contains three capital letters from
his Gothic fount;—a more sure means of identification
than a fancied allusion to a printer’s name.<a name="FNanchor_17_17" id="FNanchor_17_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> For
a short time, from 1470 to 1472, Hahn’s books were
edited by Campanus, a scholar of such fame and
erudition, that the printer was able to rival Sweynheym
and Pannartz, with their editor the Bishop of Aleria;
but on Campanus taking his departure for Ratisbon,
the prestige of Hahn’s press declined. From the pen
of Campanus came perhaps the punning colophons
which play upon the name of Hahn, in Latin, Gallus,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">[66]</a></span>meaning in English a cock. Upon the departure of
Campanus, Hahn, took in partnership one Simon
Nicolai Chardella of Lucca, who seems to have
supplied the money as well as superintended the
publishing, and they continued to work together till
1474. From this date till 1478, Hahn continued to
work alone, ending in that year as he had begun,
with an edition of the <cite>Meditationes</cite> of Torquemada.
His former partner, Simon Nicolai, started a press
on his own account, having as an associate his
cousin.</p>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_17_17" id="Footnote_17_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_17"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> The edition of <cite>Catullus</cite>, mentioned above, is ascribed to Andrea
Belfortis, because the words ‘cui Francia nomen’ occur in the prefatory
verses; and the same words occur, referring to Belfortis, in a book
printed by him. But the types of the <cite>Catullus</cite> and those used by
Andrea Belfortis are certainly different, while both the types of the
<cite>Catullus</cite> are found in other books printed by Hahn. The <cite>Catullus</cite>
has also a Registrum Chartarum, which was almost invariably put to his
books by Hahn.</p></div>
<p>The latest writer <a name="FNanchor_18_18" id="FNanchor_18_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> on the early history of printing
in Venice has again revived the question as to the
correctness of the date of the <cite>Decor Puellarum</cite>.
Though he still clings to the possibility of the date
1461 being trustworthy, the weight of evidence, all
of which is carefully stated, is decisively in favour
of its being a misprint for 1471.</p>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_18_18" id="Footnote_18_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_18"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> <cite>The Venetian Printing Press.</cite> By Horatio F. Brown. London, 1891.
4to.</p></div>
<p>It would be useless to recapitulate here all the
arguments in favour of Jenson having printed in
1461, when it is now generally admitted that John
of Spire was the first printer at Venice, and that
his first book was the <cite>Epistolæ familiares</cite> of Cicero,
issued in 1469. Of this book only one hundred
copies were printed. On the 18th September 1469,
the Collegio of Venice granted to John of Spire
a monopoly of printing in that district for five years;
and this document distinctly indicates that he was
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">[67]</a></span>the first printer at Venice. He did not, however,
live to obtain the advantage of this privilege, ‘nullius
est vigoris quia obiit magister et auctor,’ says a
contemporary marginal note to the record, for he
died in 1470. Previous to his death he printed a
<cite>Pliny</cite>, the first volume of a <cite>Livy</cite>, two editions of
the <cite>Epistolæ ad familiares</cite>, and part of the Augustine
<cite>De civitate dei</cite>, which was finished by his brother
Windelin.</p>
<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poetry">
<div class="stanza">
<div class="indent10">‘Subita sed morte peremptus<br /></div>
<div class="verse"> Non potuit cœptum Venetis finire volumen.’</div>
</div></div></div>
<p>Windelin of Spire was a very prolific printer,
and continued to issue books without intermission
from the time of his brother’s death, in 1470, to his
own in 1478. But among the early Venetian printers
the most important was certainly Nicholas Jenson.
A Frenchman by birth, he passed his apprenticeship
in the Paris Mint, and became afterwards the head
of the Mint at Tours. In 1458, in consequence of
the stories of the invention of printing, he was sent
by Charles VII. to Mainz to learn the art, and
introduce it into France. Jenson returned in 1461,
when Louis XI. had just been crowned; but he does
not seem to have settled in France, and we first
hear of him again in 1470 as a printer at Venice.
From 1470 to 1480 he printed continuously, issuing,
according to Sardini, at least one hundred and fifty-five
editions, though this number must be considerably
under the mark. His will was drawn up on
the 7th September 1480, and he died in the same
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">[68]</a></span>month. The fame of Jenson rests on the extraordinary
beauty of his Roman type, of which he had
but one fount, and which, though frequently copied,
was never equalled. In 1474 he began to use Gothic
type, owing to its great saving of space; and in 1471,
in the <cite>Epistolæ familiares</cite>, he used Greek type in
the quotations, the first instance of its employment
in Venice. It is curious that, with its devotion to
the new learning, Venice should not have been the
first to issue a Greek book. Jenson had frequently
to use Greek type in his books, but he never printed
a complete work in that language. Milan led the
way, printing the <cite>Greek Grammar</cite> of Lascaris in 1476;
and it was not till 1485 that Venice issued its first
Greek book, the <cite>Erotemata</cite> of Chrysoloras.</p>
<p>In 1470, another German, Christopher Valdarfer of
Ratisbon, began to print. He left Venice in 1473,
and settled at Milan, and the books which he printed
at the former-place are very rare and few in number.
The best known is the <cite>Decameron</cite> of 1471, the first
edition of the book, familiar to all readers of Dibdin.</p>
<p>In 1471 was issued the <cite>De medicinis universalibus</cite>,
printed by Clemens Sacerdos (Clement of Padua),
the first Italian printer in Venice; and in the year
following, Philippus Petri,<a name="FNanchor_19_19" id="FNanchor_19_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> the first native Venetian
printer, began to print.</p>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_19_19" id="Footnote_19_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_19"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> This printer’s name seems to have led to a certain amount of
confusion. He was Filippo the son of Piero, in Latin, Philippus Petri;
but after his father’s death, about the end of 1477, he calls himself
Philippus quondam Petri, Filippo son of the late Piero.</p></div>
<p>Between 1470 and 1480 at least fifty printers were
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">[69]</a></span>at work in Venice, and among the most important
were John de Colonia, John Manthen de Gerretzem,
Erhard Ratdolt, Octavianus Scotus. Erhard Ratdolt
is especially of importance, for he was practically
the first to introduce wood engravings in his books.
In 1476, Ratdolt and his partners, Peter Loeslein and
Bernard Pictor, began their work together by issuing
a <cite>Calendar</cite> of Regiomontanus, with a very beautiful
title-page surrounded by a woodcut border. From
that time onwards, woodcuts were used in many
Venetian books; and at last, in 1499, there appeared
there that unsurpassed illustrated book the <cite>Hypnerotomachia</cite>
of Franciscus Columna.</p>
<p>The history of the later Venetian press during the
last ten years of the fifteenth century would require
at least a volume. So far as the history of typography
itself is concerned, there is nothing of interest
to be noticed; but in the general history of printing
Venice holds the highest place; for more printers
printed there than in any other city of Europe. Of
course, amongst this endless outpour of the press
many important books were issued, but there are few
which have any interest for the historian of printing.</p>
<p>There is, however, one printer who must always
make this period celebrated. Aldus Manutius was
born at Bassiano in 1450, and began to print at
Venice in 1494. His main idea when he commenced
to work was to print Greek books; and it was perhaps
for that reason that he settled in Venice, where
so many manuscripts were preserved, and where so
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">[70]</a></span>many Greeks resided. His first two books, both
issued in 1494, are the <cite>Galeomyomachia</cite> and the <cite>De
Herone et Leandro</cite> of Musæus. In 1496 he obtained
a copyright for twenty years in such Greek books as
he might print, and from this time forward a large
number were issued as fast as possible. So great
was the hurry, that the editors in some cases did not
scruple to hand over to the compositors the original
manuscripts themselves from which the edition was
taken, with their own emendations and corrections
scribbled upon them. But this custom was not confined
to the Aldine press, for Martin<a name="FNanchor_20_20" id="FNanchor_20_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a> tells us that
the Codex Ravennas of Aristophanes was actually
used by the compositors as the working copy from
which part of the Giunta edition of 1515 was set up.</p>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_20_20" id="Footnote_20_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_20"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> Martin, <cite>Les scholies du Manuscrit d’Aristophane à Ravenna</cite>.</p></div>
<p>In 1499, Aldus married the daughter of Andrea
de Torresani, himself a great printer, and in 1500
founded the Aldine Academy, the home of so many
editors, and the source of so many scholarly editions
of the sixteenth century. The end of the fifteenth
century saw, at any rate, two rivals in Greek printing
to Aldus: Gabriel da Brasichella, who with his
associates published in 1498 the <cite>Epistles of Phalaris</cite>
and <cite>Æsop’s Fables</cite>; and, in 1499, Zaccharia Caliergi
of Crete, who printed with others or alone up till
1509. Caliergi, it would appear, was hardly a rival
of Aldus; they were, at any rate, so far friendly
that Aldus sold Caliergi’s editions along with his
own.</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">[71]</a></span></p>
<p>In 1476 a press was set up at Foligno, in the
house of Emilianus de Orsinis, by John Numeister,
a native of Mainz, who is generally said to have been
an associate and pupil of Gutenberg. This story
seems to be founded upon an assertion put forward
by Fischer, that a copy of the <cite>Tractatus de celebratione
missarum</cite>, in the University Library at Mainz,
contains a rubric stating that the book was printed
by Gutenberg and Numeister in 1463. If this note
ever existed, which is very doubtful, it is clearly a
forgery, for the book in which it is said to occur was
not printed till about 1480.</p>
<p>The first book in which we find Numeister’s name
is the <cite>De bello Italico contra Gothos</cite>, by Aretinus,
printed in 1470; and about the same date he printed
an edition of the <cite>Epistolæ familiares</cite> of Cicero. In
1472 appeared the first edition of <cite>Dante</cite>; between
that year and 1479 we hear nothing of Numeister.
In 1479 an edition of the <cite>Meditationes</cite> of Turrecremata
appeared with his name, printed in a large
church type, not unlike, though not, as is often said,
the same as, the type of the forty-two line Bible,
and containing very fine engraved cuts. This book
is generally stated, for some unknown reason, to have
been printed at Mainz. After this date we find no
further mention of Numeister; but M. Claudin<a name="FNanchor_21_21" id="FNanchor_21_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> has
written a monograph to show that he was the printer
of the edition of the <cite>Meditationes</cite> of Turrecremata
issued at Albi in 1481, a book remarkable for its
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[72]</a></span>wonderful engravings on metal, and of the <cite>Missale
Lugdunense</cite>, printed at Lyons in 1487, which is stated
in the colophon to have been printed by ‘Magistrum
Jo. alemanum de magontia impressorem.’</p>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_21_21" id="Footnote_21_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_21"><span class="label">[21]</span></a> <cite>Origine de l’Imprimerie à Albi et en Languedoc.</cite></p></div>
<p>After 1470 the spread of printing in Italy was very
rapid. In 1471 we find it beginning at Bologna,
Ferrara, Florence, Milan, Naples, Pavia, and Treviso.</p>
<p>The first complete edition of <cite>Ovid</cite> was produced in
1471, and is the first book printed at Bologna, the
printer being Balthasar Azzoguidi, ‘primus in sua
civitate artis impressoriæ inventor,’ as he calls himself
in the preface to the book. Andrea Portilia
must also have been amongst the earliest printers at
Bologna, though his only dated book is 1473, for in
that year he returned to Parma. Among the many
printers who worked in the town, none are better
known, from the frequency with which their names
occur in colophons, than the various members of
the family ‘de Benedictis,’ who worked from 1488
onwards.</p>
<p>Andreas Belfortis, a Frenchman, was the first to
print at Ferrara, issuing in 1471 at least three books,
of which the earliest, published in July, is an edition
of <cite>Martial</cite> (which has catchwords to the quires in
the latter portion). This was followed by editions of
<cite>Poggio</cite> and <cite>Augustinus Dathus</cite>. Belfortis continued
to print till 1493. A certain Augustinus Carner, who
printed a few books between 1474 and 1476, printed
in 1475 the rare <cite>Teseide</cite> of Boccaccio, the first printed
poem in the Italian language. De Rossi, in his
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">[73]</a></span>tract, <cite>De typographia Ebræo-Ferrariensi</cite>, gives a long
description of some Hebrew books printed at Ferrara
in 1477, which must be the first printed in that language,
though some words are found in a book
printed at Esslingen in 1475.</p>
<p>The first printer at Milan was Anthony Zarotus,
and his earliest book, with both name and date, is
the <cite>Virgil</cite> of 1472. In the previous year, four books
had been issued without any printer’s name, but the
identity of the type with that of the <cite>Virgil</cite> shows
Zarotus to have printed these also. Mention has
often been made of a certain <cite>Terence</cite>, printed in 1470,
March 13. It is quoted by Hain (15,371), who had
not seen it, and by Panzer (ii. 11. 2), and a copy was
said to be in the library of the Earl of Pembroke,
the home of many mysterious books. It is often
quoted as the first book with signatures. It was
doubtless a copy of the edition of March 13, 1481,
in which some ingenious person had erased the last
two figures, xi, of the date. It is very probable that
there was at first some connection between Zarotus
and Philip de Lavagna; and it was perhaps at the
latter’s expense, and through his means, that Zarotus
first printed. Certainly, in the colophon of a book
printed in 1473, probably by Christopher Valdarfer,
are the words ‘per Philippum de Lavagnia, hujus
artis stampandi in hac urbe primum latorem atque
inventorem;’ but it is quite possible that the words
should not be taken in too narrow a sense, and
that Philip de Lavagna simply means to speak of
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">[74]</a></span>himself as the first person to introduce printing into
Milan, not as printer, but as patron.</p>
<p>The history of the first printers in this town is very
interesting, for they entered into various partnerships,
and the documents relating to these have been preserved
and published,<a name="FNanchor_22_22" id="FNanchor_22_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> throwing a good deal of light
on some of the customs and methods of the early
printers. In 1476 was printed at Milan the <cite>Grammar</cite>
of Constantine Lascaris, the first book printed
in Greek; and in 1481, a Greek version of the
<cite>Psalms</cite>, the first portion of the Bible printed in this
language.</p>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_22_22" id="Footnote_22_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_22"><span class="label">[22]</span></a>Saxius, <cite>Bibliothecá scriptorum Mediolanensium</cite>. Milan, 1745. Fol.</p></div>
<p>At Florence, Bernard Cennini, the celebrated goldsmith
and assistant of Ghiberti, printed, with the
assistance of two of his sons, an edition of the
Commentary of Servius on Virgil. It was begun
towards the end of 1471, and not finished till October
1472, but is the first book printed at Florence. This
is the only book known to have been printed by
Cennini; but it is not unlikely that in his capacity of
goldsmith he did work for other printers in cutting
type. The most interesting press at Florence in the
fifteenth century, was that founded in the Monastery
of St. James of Ripoli by Dominic de Pistoia, the
head of the establishment. Beginning with a <cite>Donatus</cite>,
of which every copy has disappeared, it was carried
on briskly up till the time of his death in 1484, issuing,
according to Hain, just over fifty works; according to
De Rossi, nearly one hundred. The account books
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">[75]</a></span>connected with this press have been preserved, and
from them we can learn the price of the various articles
used by the printers, such as paper, ink, type-metal.
Several kinds of paper are mentioned, and identified,
as a rule, by their watermarks. We have paper from
Fabriano with the mark of a crossbow, a different paper
from the same place marked with a cross, and two
sorts of paper from Pescia marked with spectacles and
a glove. There are several celebrated books printed
at Florence before 1500 which cannot be passed
over. In 1477 was issued the <cite>Monte Santo di Dio</cite>,
said to contain the first copperplate engraving; and in
1481, the celebrated <cite>Dante</cite>, with engravings by Baccio
Baldini after the designs of Botticelli. Most copies
of this book contain only a few of the plates, while
about eight copies are known with the full number.
Some celebrated Greek books also were issued at
Florence, notably in 1488 the first edition of <cite>Homer</cite>
printed by Demetrius Chalcondylas at the expense of
two brothers, Bernardus and Nerius Nerlii. There
is a copy of this book in the British Museum, which
was bought by Mr. Barnard, librarian to George
III., for seven shillings. One complete copy on
vellum is known, in the library of St. Mark’s at
Venice.</p>
<p>Towards the end of the fifteenth century, Francis
de Alopa printed five Greek books entirely in capital
letters, the <cite>Anthologia</cite> of 1494, <cite>Callimachus</cite>, <cite>Euripides</cite>
(four plays only), <cite>Apollonius Rhodius</cite>, 1496, <cite>Poetae
Gnomici</cite>, and <cite>Musæus</cite>. It is very probable that the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">[76]</a></span>‘editio princeps’ of <cite>Lucian</cite>, which was printed at
Florence, but is ascribed by Ebert to Caliergi at
Venice, was also printed at this press.</p>
<p>Under the patronage of Ferdinand I., King of
Naples, Sixtus Riessinger of Strasburg began to
print there in 1471, and continued till 1479. He
seems to have been in high favour with the king, who
offered him a bishopric, which was, however, refused.
In 1472, Arnaldus de Bruxella set up his press, using
(unlike most other printers) Roman type only. The
large M and small <em>y</em> are of a curious form and easily
recognisable, while the final <em>us</em> in words is always
represented by an abbreviation. Most of the books
printed by him are rare; of the <cite>Horace</cite> and <cite>Petrarch</cite>,
only single copies are known; and it was for the sake
of acquiring these two books, so Dibdin tells us, that
Lord Spencer bought the Cassano Library. Hain
mentions seventeen books printed by this Arnaldus
de Bruxella, and out of that number he had seen only
one. Van der Meersch gives twenty-three; but some
are doubtful.</p>
<p>Pavia is more celebrated for the number of books
it produced than for their interest, and it is only
mentioned here as one of the towns to which printing
is said to have been introduced in 1471.</p>
<p>The last town to be mentioned in this group is
Treviso, where, in 1471, that wandering printer
Gerardus de Lisa began to print. In his first year he
printed several books, but his industry gradually got
less. In 1477 we find him at Venice, in 1480 at
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">[77]</a></span>Cividad di Friuli (Civitas Austriæ), and in 1484 at
Udina.</p>
<p>1472 saw printing established in Cremona, Mantua,
Monreale, Padua, Parma, and Verona, and from this
time onwards it spread rapidly over the whole of
Italy, being introduced into seventy-one towns before
the end of the fifteenth century. For the study
of typography the Italian presses are not nearly so
interesting as those of other countries, but from a
literary point of view they are immeasurably superior.
The Renaissance movement had been at work in Italy
during the whole of the fifteenth century, and the
great impetus given by the fall of Constantinople was
acting most powerfully when the printing press was
introduced. Italy was then the sole guardian of the
ancient civilisation, and was prepared for a more rapid
method of reproducing its early treasures and spreading
the learning of its newer scholars.</p>
</div>
<hr class="chap" />
<div class="chapter">
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">[78]</a></span></p>
<h2><a name="CHAPTER_V" id="CHAPTER_V"></a>CHAPTER V.</h2>
<p class="center">FRANCE.</p>
<p><span class="smcap">A curious</span> prelude has been discovered within the
last few years to the history of the introduction of
printing into France. L’Abbé Requin, searching
through the archives of Avignon, brought to light a
series of entries relating to printing, ‘ars scribendi
artificialiter,’ as it is there called, dated as far back as
the year 1444.<a name="FNanchor_23_23" id="FNanchor_23_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a></p>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_23_23" id="Footnote_23_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_23"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> <cite>L’Imprimerie à Avignon en 1444.</cite> By L’Abbé Requin. Paris, 1890.
<cite>Origines de Imprimerie en France</cite> (Avignon, 1444). By L’Abbé Requin.
Paris, 1891. <cite>Les Origines de l’Imprimerie à Avignon.</cite> Par M. Duhamel.
1890.</p></div>
<p>The information obtained from the notarial books,
fairly complete in its way, is as follows:—A certain
silversmith, named Procopius Waldfoghel of Prague,
was settled at Avignon by the beginning of 1444, and
was working at printing, in conjunction with a student
of the university, Manaudus Vitalis, whom he had
supplied with printing materials.</p>
<p>In a notarial act of the 4th July of that year,
the following materials are mentioned:—<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">[79]</a></span>‘Duo abecedaria
calibis et duas formas ferreas, unum instrumentum
calibis vocatum vitis, quadraginta octo formas
stangni necnon diversas alias formas ad artem scribendi
pertinentes.’ Waldfoghel was evidently the
maker of the materials and the teacher of the art,
and he seems to have supplied his apprentices with
such tools as would enable them to print for themselves.</p>
<p>In 1444, besides Manaudus Vitalis, Waldfoghel
had as apprentices, Girardus Ferrose of Treves,
Georgius de la Jardina, Arnaldus de Cosselhac, and
a Jew named Davinus de Cadarossia.</p>
<p>From a document dated 10th March 1446, we learn
that Waldfoghel, having two years previously taught
the art of printing to the Jew, had promised to cut
for him a set of twenty-seven Hebrew letters and to
give him certain other materials. In return for this,
the Jew was to teach him to dye in a particular way
all kinds of textile material, and to keep secret all he
learnt on the art of printing.</p>
<p>In another document, of 5th April 1446, relating to
the partnership of Waldfoghel, Manaudus Vitalis, and
Amaldus de Cosselhac, and the selling of his share to
the remaining two by Vitalis, we have mention made
of ‘nonnulla instrumenta sive artificia causa artificialiter
scribendi, tam de ferro, de callibe, de cupro, de
lethono, de plumbo, de stagna et de fuste.’</p>
<p>There seems to be no doubt that these various
entries refer to printing with movable types; they
cannot refer to xylographic printing, nor to stencilling.
At the same time, there is no evidence to point
to any particular kind of printing; and the various
materials mentioned would rather make it appear
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">[80]</a></span>that the Avignon invention was some method of
stamping letters or words from cut type, than printing
from cast type in a press. Until some specimen
is found of this Avignon work, from which some
definite knowledge can be obtained, the question
must be left undecided, for it is useless to try to
extract from words capable of various renderings any
exact meaning. Our information at present is only
sufficient to enable us to say that some kind of printing
was being practised at Avignon as early as 1444.
It seems, too, impossible that, had this invention been
printing of the ordinary kind; nothing more should
have come of the experiment; and we know of no
printing in France before 1470.</p>
<p><cite>Les neuf Preux</cite>, the only block-book executed in
France, has been already noticed. It is considered to
have been printed at Paris about 1455.</p>
<p>The first printing press was naturally started at
Paris, the great centre of learning and culture, and it
seems strange that so important an invention should
not have been introduced earlier than 1470. Many
specimens of the art had been seen, for Fust in 1466
and Schœffer in 1468 had visited the capital to sell
their books. If we may believe the manuscript
preserved in the library of the Arsenal, the French
King, in October 1458, sent out Nicholas Jenson to
learn the art; but he, ‘on his return to France, finding
Charles VII. dead, set up his establishment
elsewhere.’ Probably a strong antagonism to the
new art would be shown by the immense number of
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">[81]</a></span>professional copyists and scribes who gained their
livelihood in connection with the university, though
the demand for manuscripts continued in France for
some time after the introduction of printing. Many
of the wealthy, moreover, refused to recognise the
innovation, and admitted no printed book into their
libraries, so that the scribes were not at once deprived
of employment. Many of these men who had been
employed in producing manuscripts, soon turned to
the new art as a means of employment, becoming
themselves printers, or assisting in the production of
books, as rubricators or illuminators.</p>
<p>In 1470, thanks to the exertions of Jean Heynlyn
and Guillaume Fichet, both men of high position in
the University of Paris, a printing press was set up
in the precincts of the Sorbonne by three Germans,
Martin Crantz, Ulrich Gering of Constance, and
Michael Friburger of Colmar. The first book they
issued was <cite>Gasparini Pergamensis Epistolarum Opus</cite>,
a quarto of 118 leaves, with a prefatory letter to
Heynlyn, which fixes the date of its production in
1470, and an interesting colophon—</p>
<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poetry">
<div class="stanza">
<div class="verse"> ‘Ut sol lumen, sic doctrinam fundis in orbem,<br /></div>
<div class="indent4">Musarum nutrix, regia Parisius.<br /></div>
<div class="verse"> Hinc prope divinam, tu, quam Germania novit,<br /></div>
<div class="indent4">Artem scribendi suscipe promerita.<br /></div>
<div class="verse"> Primos ecce libros quos hæc industria finxit<br /></div>
<div class="indent4">Francorum in terris, ædibus atque tuis.<br /></div>
<div class="verse"> Michael, Udalricus Martinusque magistri<br /></div>
<div class="indent4">Hos impresserunt ac facient alios.’</div>
</div></div></div>
<p>The classical taste of the patrons of the first press
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">[82]</a></span>is strongly shown by its productions, for within the
first three years a most important series of classical
books had been published. <cite>Florus</cite> and <cite>Sallust</cite> (both
first editions), <cite>Terence</cite>, Virgil’s <cite>Eclogues</cite> and <cite>Georgics</cite>,
<cite>Juvenal</cite> and <cite>Persius</cite>, Cicero’s <cite>Tusculan Disputations</cite>,
and <cite>Valerius Maximus</cite>, are amongst the books they
issued.</p>
<p>In 1470-71 these printers finished thirteen books,
while in the following year, before moving from the
Sorbonne, they printed no less than seventeen.
Some time towards the end of 1472 they left the
Sorbonne and migrated to the Rue St. Jacques,
where two other printers—Kaiser and Stoll—were
already settled in partnership at the sign of the
Green Ball (Intersignium viridis follis).</p>
<p>In 1472 was issued the <cite>Gasparini Orthographia</cite>.
The copy of this book in the library at Basle contains
a unique supplementary letter from Fichet to
Robert Gaguin, in which is the following interesting
statement about the invention of printing:—‘Report
says that there (in Germany), not far from
the city of Mainz (Ferunt enim illic, haud procul
a civitate Maguncia), there was a certain John, whose
surname was Gutenberg, who first of any thought
out the art of printing ... by which art books are
printed from metal letters.’<a name="FNanchor_24_24" id="FNanchor_24_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a></p>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_24_24" id="Footnote_24_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_24"><span class="label">[24]</span></a> Mr. Hessels, in his <cite>Haarlem the Birthplace of Printing, not
Mentz</cite>, attempts to weaken the value of this evidence, and translates
‘ferunt enim illic’ as ‘a rumour current in Germany,’—a striking
example of ingenious mistranslation. ‘Illic’ is, of course, to be taken
with what follows, and is further defined by ‘haud procul a civitate
Maguncia.’</p></div>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">[83]</a></span></p>
<p>Between the two printing offices in the Rue St.
Jacques a keen spirit of rivalry arose; and this was
carried to such an extent, that no sooner was a book
printed by one than another edition was issued by
the other—a sign that the demand for such books
must have been large. The earliest type used by
these first printers is an exquisite Roman, the
letters being more square than the best Roman type
of Venice, and far surpassing it in beauty. Round
brackets are used, and all the generally used stops
are found. The first type of Kaiser and Stoll is
also Roman, with neat and very distinctive capitals,
and the small <em>l</em> has a short stroke coming out on the
left side about half-way up, a peculiarity still retained
in all the Roman type belonging to the ‘Imprimerie
Nationale.’ The popular taste seems to have been
for Gothic type, and very few printers made use of
Roman before the year 1500.</p>
<div class="figcenter">
<a id="i_083" name="i_083"><img src="images/i_083.jpg" alt="PAGE OF FIRST PARIS BOOK." width="307" height="500" /></a>
<p class="caption">PAGE OF FIRST PARIS BOOK.</p>
</div>
<p>About 1478, Gering’s two partners, Crantz and
Friburger, left him; but he himself continued to print
on for many years. About this date, too, the character
of the books issued from the Paris presses
began entirely to change. In 1477, Pasquier Bonhomme
had issued the first French book printed in
that city, the <cite>Grandes Chroniques de France</cite>, and
from this time forward classical books were neglected,
and nothing printed but romances and chronicles,
service-books and grammars, and such books as were
in popular demand. During the twelve or fourteen
years after the first French book appeared, not one
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">[84]</a></span>classical book a year was issued; and it was not till
1495, the year of Charles VIII.’s return from Italy,
that the printing of classical books began to revive
and increase.</p>
<p>In 1485, Antoine Verard, the most important figure
in the early history of Parisian printing, begins his
career with an edition of the <cite>Decameron</cite>. He was,
however, more of a publisher than a printer, the
majority of the books which contain his name having
been printed for him by other printers. From his
establishment came numberless editions of chronicles
and romances, some copies of which were printed on
vellum and illuminated. A very fine series of such
books is now in the British Museum; these were
originally bought by Henry VII., and formed part of
the old Royal Library.</p>
<p>Among the more important printers who printed
before 1490 should be mentioned Guy Marchant,
Jean du Pré, Guillaume le Fèvre, Antoine Cayllaut,
Pierre Levet, Pierre le Rouge, and Jean Higman.
Levet is especially interesting, for the type which
came into Caxton’s hands about 1490, and was used
afterwards by Wynkyn de Worde in some of his
earlier books, was either obtained from him or from
the type-cutter who cut his type, for the two founts
seem to be identical. Guy Marchant is celebrated
as the printer of some curious editions of the <cite>Dance
of Death</cite>.</p>
<p>After 1490 the number of printers and stationers
increased rapidly. Panzer enumerates no fewer than
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">[85]</a></span>eighty-five printers, and nearly 800 books executed
during the fifteenth century; and there is no doubt
that his estimate is considerably under the mark.
The most important productions of the Parisian press
at that time were service-books, of which enormous
numbers were issued. The best known publisher
of such works was Simon Vostre, who, with the
assistance of the printer Philip Pigouchet, began
to issue <cite>Books of Hours</cite>, printed on vellum, with
exquisite borders and illustrations. These books
began to be issued about 1488, and commence with an
almanac for the years 1488 to 1508. In many cases
the printers did not take the trouble to make new
almanacs, but were content to copy the old; indeed,
we find the same almanac in use ten years later.
This has led to a great deal of confusion in the
bibliography of the subject, for it is a common
custom of librarians and cataloguers to ascribe the
printing of a book of this class to the date which
occurs first in the almanac, when there is no date
given in the colophon. The most celebrated publishers
of these books were Simon Vostre, Philippe
Pigouchet, Antoine Verard, Thielman Kerver, Gilles
Hardouyn, Guillaume Eustace, Guillaume Godard,
and François Regnault. Vostre and Verard do not
seem themselves to have printed, but were merely
publishers, far the most important printer being
Pigouchet. Of the nine or ten <cite>Books of Hours</cite> for
the use of Sarum, printed abroad during the
fifteenth century, Pigouchet probably printed half,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">[86]</a></span>and all but two were printed in Paris. In examining
early foreign-printed English service-books, it is
curious to notice that while nearly all the <cite>Horæ</cite>
were printed at Paris, the majority of Breviaries
were printed at Venice, and only two at Paris. No
<cite>Horæ</cite> is known to have been printed at Venice.</p>
<p>The end of the century saw the commencement of
the celebrated Ascensian press, the rival in some
ways of the Aldine. The founder, Jodocus Badius
Ascensius (Josse Bade of Asch), was a man of great
learning, and was for a time professor of humanity
at Lyons, and press-corrector to Trechsel, whose
daughter he married. Trechsel died in 1498, and in
1499, at the invitation of Robert Gaguin, Badius
came to Paris and established himself there as a
teacher of Greek and a printer. It was not, however,
till 1504 that the Ascensian press became important.</p>
<p>It is curious to notice that, in spite of the classical
tastes of the first promoters of printing in Paris, and
the enormous development of printing in that city
towards the end of the fifteenth century, no Greek
book was produced till 1507. Through the exertions
of François Tissard of Amboise, who had studied
Greek in Italy, and was anxious to introduce Greek
learning into France, Gilles Gourmont set up a press
provided with Greek types, and issued in 1507 a book
entitled βίβλοϛ ἡ γνωμαγυρικήο, a small grammatical
treatise, the first Greek book printed in France.
From the same press, in the year following, came the
first Hebrew book printed in France, a Hebrew gram<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">[87]</a></span>mar,
written by Tissard. Greek printing, however,
did not flourish; the supply of type was meagre and
the demand for books small,<a name="FNanchor_25_25" id="FNanchor_25_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a> and it was not till 1528,
in which year <cite>Sophocles</cite>, <cite>Aristophanes</cite>, <cite>Lucian</cite>, and
<cite>Demosthenes</cite> were issued, that any signs of a revival
were to be seen.</p>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_25_25" id="Footnote_25_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_25"><span class="label">[25]</span></a> Aleander in 1512, in the preface to his <cite>Lexicon Græco-Latinum</cite>,
complained that the stock of Greek type was so meagre, that sometimes
letters had to be left out here and there, and the work was often at a
standstill for days.</p></div>
<p>Lyons was the second city in France to receive the
art of printing, and it was introduced into that town
by Guillaume le Roy of Liège soon after 1470. The
first dated book, the <cite>Compendium</cite> of Innocent III.,
appeared in September 1473. From its colophon we
learn that it was printed at the expense of Bartholomieu Buyer,
a citizen of Lyons; and we know from
other colophons that the press was set up in Buyer’s
house. Bernard doubts whether Buyer was himself
a printer, though he is certainly mentioned as such
in several books, such as <cite>La légende dorée</cite> of 1476.
<cite>Le miroir de vie humaine</cite>, and <cite>La légende des saintz</cite>
of 1477, which are described in their colophons
as ‘imprimés par Bartholomieu Buyer.’ His name
is not found in any book after 1483, so that it is
usually supposed that he died about that date. Le
Roy continued to print alone for some years, but
had ceased before 1493, in which year we know that
he was still alive.</p>
<p>After Lyons comes Toulouse; and the first dated
book issued there was the <cite>Repetitio solemnis rubrice
de fide instrumentorum</cite>, 20th June 1476.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">[88]</a></span> It was not
till 1479 that a printer’s name appears in the colophon
to a work by Johannes Alphonsus de Benevento.
The printer, Jean Parix, was a native of Heidelberg.
He had founts both of Gothic and Roman type, the
Gothic being especially remarkable for the shapes of
the letters, which are very distinctive, and though
eccentric in form they are not at all unpleasing in
appearance. In 1488, Henry Mayer began to print,
issuing in that year a translation of the <cite>De consolatione
philosophiæ</cite> of Boethius, ‘en romance,’ and the
first French translation of the <cite>Imitatio Christi</cite>. This
Henry Mayer has often been quoted as the first
printer at Tolosa in Spain, owing to the name Tolosa
in the colophons being considered to stand for that
town, and not, as it really does, for Toulouse. M.
Claudin, however, has found in the town registers of
Toulouse a mention of Henry Mayer as a printer in
1488; and in the imprint of the <cite>Boethius</cite> which he
printed in the same year it is distinctly stated that
it was ‘impresso en Tolosa de Francia.’ At the end
of the <cite>Cronica de España</cite>, printed by Mayer in 1489,
is along peroration addressed to Queen Isabella as
his sovereign by Mayer, from which it is sometimes
argued that the book was printed in Spain. The
real fact is that the book is an exact reprint, peroration
and all, of the edition printed at Seville in 1482
by Dachaver, with the sole difference that Mayer has
substituted his name for that of the Spanish printer.</p>
<p>Angers [Feb. 5, 1476-77], Chablis [April 1, 1478],
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">[89]</a></span>Vienne [1478], and Poitiers [1479], are the four
remaining towns into which printing was introduced
before 1480. The first book issued at Angers, printed
by Johannes de Turre and Morelli, is an edition of
Cicero’s <cite>Rhetorica Nova</cite>, printed in a curious Roman
type, apparently copied from that used by Kaiser and
Stoll at Paris. The first printer at Chablis was Pierre
le Rouge; but some time after 1483 he removed to
Paris, and his place was taken by Guillaume le Rouge,
who moved about 1492 to Troyes, and finally also
settled in Paris. Johannes Solidi and Peter Schenck
are the two most important of the early printers at
Vienne. Solidi was the first; but Schenck, who began
in 1481, printed the most interesting books, and
always in French. Two of these are of great rarity,
<cite>L’Abuze en court</cite> and <cite>Le hystoire de Griseldis</cite>. The
first book printed at Poitiers, the <cite>Breviarium Historiale</cite>,
1479, has no printer’s name, nor indeed have
any of the earlier books. [Hain *13,811] gives a
book, <cite>Casus longi super sextum decretalium</cite>, printed
by John and Stephen de Gradibus in 1483. The
discovery of some fragments of <cite>Heures à l’usage de
l’eglise d’Angers</cite>, with the names of the printers, Jean
Bouyer et Pierre Bellescullée, printed partly in the
types of the first books, make it possible that these
two may have been the printers. The fragments
were found in the binding of a book by M. Delisle.</p>
<p>Caen was the first town in Normandy where
printing was practised, but only one book was printed
there in the fifteenth century. It is an edition of
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">[90]</a></span><cite>Horace</cite>, the first to appear in France, and of the very
greatest rarity, only three copies being known, one of
which, printed on vellum, is in the Spencer Library.
The printers were Jacobus Durandas and Egidius
Quijoue, and the book was issued 6th June 1480.
It is a quarto of forty leaves, with twenty lines to the
page, printed in a good, bold Gothic type. There
were several privileged booksellers attached to the
University of Caen, but it is improbable that any of
them printed, at any rate in the fifteenth century.
They obtained their books from either Paris or Rouen.</p>
<p>Within the next seven years ten towns set up
presses in the following order:—Albi (1481), Chartres
(1482), Metz (1482), Troyes (1483), Chambéry (1484),
Bréhant-Loudéac (1484), Rennes (1484), Tréguier
(1485), Salins (1485), Abbeville (1486).</p>
<p>At Albi, on 17th November 1481, the wonderful
edition of the <cite>Meditationes</cite> of Turrecremata, supposed
to have been printed by Numeister, was issued. This
was preceded by a book of <cite>Æneas Sylvius</cite>, without
date, but ascribed to the same printer, though printed
with a different type; and Hain [8723] quotes a third
book, also without date, <cite>Historia septem sapientum</cite>.
The arguments of M. Claudin, who has written a
book to prove that Numeister was the printer at Albi,
though ingenious, are very far from conclusive.</p>
<p>Two books were executed at Chartres in the
fifteenth century, a <cite>Missal</cite> in 1482 and a <cite>Breviary</cite>
in 1483, both for the use of that diocese. The printer
was Jean du Pré of Paris.</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">[91]</a></span></p>
<p>The first printers at Metz, Johannes Colini and
Gerhardus de Novacivitate, who printed in 1482 an
edition of the <cite>Imitatio Christi</cite>, used a very peculiar
type of Gothic with a number of Roman capitals
mixed with it, resembling that of Nicholas Götz at
Cologne, and which, leaving Cologne in 1480, appeared
at Treves in 1481. In 1499, Caspar Hochfeder came
to Metz from Nuremberg.</p>
<p>The earliest book with the name of Troyes in the
colophon is a <cite>Breviarium secundum usum ecclesiæ
Trecensis</cite>, of 25th September 1483. It was executed
by Pierre le Rouge, who probably came over from
Chablis for the purpose. In 1492, Guillaume le
Rouge, who had before this printed at Chablis, set
up the first permanent press in the town.</p>
<p>Bréhant-Loudéac was the first town in Brittany
where books were printed; and from 1484 to 1485
the two printers, Robin Foucquet and Jean Crès,
issued ten books, all in French, in a ragged Gothic
type. The first printers at Abbeville, Jean du Pré of
Paris and Pierre Gérard, to judge by their books,
were well-skilled workmen, for both the printing and
illustrations are very fine. Their first book was an
edition of the <cite>Somme Rurale</cite>, and it was followed by
a splendid edition, in two volumes, of <cite>La cité de Dieu</cite>
of Augustine, a large folio with wonderful woodcuts.
Their third work was <cite>Le Triomphe des neuf Preux</cite>;
and this is the last book known to have been printed
at Abbeville in the fifteenth century.</p>
<p>Though Rouen was without a printer till 1487, it
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">[92]</a></span>became within a very few years one of the most important
towns in the history of French printing. Its
fortunate position on the Seine, equally advantageous
for sending books to Paris or exporting them to
England, was doubtless the chief cause of its great
prosperity, and its influence over the book trade was
felt, not only over all France, but over England as
well. The first printer was Guillaume le Talleur, and
his first book, <cite>Les Chroniques de Normandie</cite>, was published
in May 1487. He printed several law books for
Richard Pynson about 1490, and was very probably
his teacher. The most important export from Rouen
was certainly service-books, and of these endless
numbers were issued for various uses. Martin Morin,
who began to print in 1490, was especially connected
with this kind of work, and some of the most beautiful
of the Salisbury Missals are from his press. The
printers were, however, not nearly so numerous as
the booksellers, though it is not always very easy to
distinguish between them. Morin, Le Talleur, Noel
de Harsy, Jean le Bourgeois, and Jacques le Forestier,
may safely be given as printers; others, like
Richard and Regnault, were probably only booksellers
or stationers. Besançon also had a printing
press in 1487, but who the first printer was is not
very certainly known. Several writers consider him to
have been Jean du Pré; but M. Thierry-Poux, judging
from the types, considers that Peter Metlinger,
who printed later at Dôle, is more likely to have been
the printer. In 1488 (26th March 1487), Jean Crès
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">[93]</a></span>printed the first book at Lantenac, an edition in
French of <cite>Mandeville’s Travels</cite>. Its colophon mentions
no name of place, but the type and the printer’s
name are identical with those of the <cite>Doctrinal des
nouvelles mariées</cite> of 1491, which has the name of the
place, Lantenac, in the colophon.</p>
<p>Between 1490 and the end of 1500 printing was
introduced into twenty towns. In 1490, to Embrun,
Grenoble, and Dôle; but the first and second of these
places only produced a single book each. In 1491,
to Orleans, Goupillières, Angoulême, Dijon, and
Narbonne.</p>
<p>M. Jarry<a name="FNanchor_26_26" id="FNanchor_26_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_26_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a> mentions a certain Jehan le Roy, who
was spoken of at Orleans in 1481 as a printer and
stationer, but nothing printed by him is known.
The first book known is a <cite>Manipulus Curatorum</cite> in
French, printed by Matthew Vivian. Our knowledge
of the existence of a press at Goupillières in the
fifteenth century is the result of a fortunate discovery
made by M. Delisle. He found, used as
boards for an old binding, thirty-six leaves of a
book of <cite>Hours ‘à l’usage du diocèse d’Evreux,’</cite> with a
colophon stating that it was printed at Goupillières
on the 8th May 1491, by Michel Andrieu, a priest.
At Narbonne also but one book was printed before
1500, a <cite>Breviarium ad usum ecclesiæ Narbonensis</cite>.</p>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_26_26" id="Footnote_26_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_26"><span class="label">[26]</span></a> <cite>Les débuts de l’Imprimerie à Orléans.</cite> Orléans, 1884.</p></div>
<p>In 1492, printing was introduced into Cluni; and
in 1493, to Nantes, Châlons, Tours, and Mâcon.
Châlons and Mâcon are each represented by one
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">[94]</a></span>book, which in each case is a <cite>Diurnale</cite> for the use of
its own church.</p>
<p>In 1495, Jean Berton began to print at Limoges,
issuing service-books for the use of the church. The
last six towns to be mentioned are Provins (1496),
Valence (1496), Avignon (1497), Périgueux (1498),
Perpignan (1500), and Valenciennes (1500).</p>
<p>Nothing seems to have resulted from the early
attempts at printing at Avignon, which have been
spoken of before, and the first dated book issued
there is an edition of part of <cite>Lucian</cite>, printed for
Nicholas Tepe, by Jean du Pré of Lyons, on the 15th
October 1497.</p>
<p>It will be noticed that printing was introduced into
many of the provincial towns of France merely to
serve a temporary purpose, and not for the object
of permanent work. In many cases the printer was
brought to the town, probably at the request and
expense of the ecclesiastical authorities, to print such
service-books as were required for the use of the
church. For this reason we find printers and types
moving from place to place, so that it is not always
easy to assign a book to a particular town, when the
type in which it is printed was used in several places.
The splendid series of facsimiles edited by M. Thierry-Poux,
and published by order of the Government,
gives great assistance to the study of French typography;
while from time to time small monographs
have appeared giving the history of printing in all the
more important towns of France.</p>
</div>
<hr class="chap" />
<div class="chapter">
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">[95]</a></span></p>
<h2><a name="CHAPTER_VI" id="CHAPTER_VI"></a>CHAPTER VI.</h2>
<p class="center">THE LOW COUNTRIES.</p>
<p><span class="smcap">On</span> no subject connected with printing has more
been written, and to less purpose, than on the Haarlem
invention of printing by Lourens Janszoon Coster.
During the fifteenth century much had been said
about the invention, accrediting it always to Germany;
and it was not till 1499 that a reference was made to
an earlier Dutch discovery in the following passage
of the <cite>Cologne Chronicle</cite>:<a name="FNanchor_27_27" id="FNanchor_27_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_27_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a>—</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">[96]</a></span></p><div class="blockquot">
<p>‘This highly valuable art was discovered first of all in Germany, at
Mentz on the Rhine. And it is a great honour to the German nation
that such ingenious men are found among them. And it took place
about the year of our Lord 1440; and from this time until the year
1450, the art and what is connected with it was being investigated.
And in the year of our Lord 1450 it was a golden year [jubilee], and
they began to print, and the first book they printed was the Bible in
Latin; it was printed in a large letter, resembling the letter with
which at present missals are printed. Although the art [as has been
said] was discovered at Mentz, in the manner as it is now generally
used, yet the first prefiguration was found in Holland [the Netherlands],
in the <cite>Donatuses</cite>, which were printed there before that time. And
from these <cite>Donatuses</cite> the beginning of the said art was taken, and it
was invented in a manner much more masterly and subtile than this,
and became more and more ingenious. One named Omnibonus wrote
in a preface to the book called <cite>Quinctilianus</cite>, and in some other books
too, that a Walloon from France, named Nicol. Jenson, discovered
first of all this masterly art; but that is untrue, for there are those still
alive who testify that books were printed at Venice before Nicol.
Jenson came there and began to cut and make letters. But the first
inventor of printing was a citizen of Mentz, born at Strasburg, and
named Junker Johan Gutenberg. From Mentz the art was introduced
first of all into Cologne, then into Strasburg, and afterwards into
Venice. The origin and progress of the art was told me verbally by
the honourable Master Ulrich Zell of Hanau, still printer at Cologne,
anno 1499, and by whom the said art came to Cologne.’</p></div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_27_27" id="Footnote_27_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_27"><span class="label">[27]</span></a><cite>The Haarlem Legend</cite>, by Dr. Van der Linde, translated by J. H.
Hessels. London, 1871, 8vo, p. 8. </p></div>
<p>This narrative, it will be seen, breaks down, if we
examine its accuracy strictly, in several places. To
get over this apparent difficulty, we are told that the
compiler of the Chronicle took the various parts of
his statement from various sources. The statement
that printing was invented at Mainz, from Hartmann
Schedel’s <cite>Nuremberg Chronicle</cite> of 1493; that from
1440 to 1450 it was being investigated, is an addition
of his own; that about 1450 people began to print,
and that the first book printed was the <cite>Bible</cite> in Latin,
was told him by Ulric Zel, and so on. But evidence
which on certain points is inaccurate, cannot be
implicitly trusted on other points; and since it is
impossible to trust absolutely the statement of the
Chronicle, we must seek information from the best
source, that is, the earliest productions of the press.</p>
<p>Coster himself was not heard of as a printer till
about a hundred years after he was supposed to
have printed, when Junius wrote in his <cite>Batavia</cite> the
wonderful legend of the letters cut in beech bark.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">[97]</a></span>That a person called Lourens Janszoon lived at
Haarlem from 1436 to 1483 seems to be an established
fact; but, at the same time, all the entries and
notices relating to him show that he was a chandler
or innkeeper. Von der Linde very justly, therefore,
considers he was not a printer; and this view is
certainly reasonable, for we can hardly suppose that
a man could have printed all the so-called Costeriana
and at the same time have attended to his business so
carefully, that all the entries which relate to him
speak of him only as an innkeeper, and no mention
of any kind is made of him as a printer, though he
was, so believers in him assert, the only printer in
Holland for thirty years.</p>
<p>Coming to the books themselves, what do we find?
The first printed date is 1473, in which year books
were issued at both Utrecht and Alost. M. Holtrop
mentions that the Hague copy of the <cite>Tractatus
Gulielmi de Saliceto de salute corporis et animæ</cite> and
<cite>Yliada</cite> was bought by a certain Abbat Conrad for
the library of his house; and as the Abbat in question
was Abbat only from 1471 to 1474, the book cannot
have been printed later than 1471-74; and this and
the rubricated 1472 in the Darmstadt copy of the
<cite>Saliceto</cite> are at present the only dates which we can
use for our purposes.</p>
<p>There are, however, a large number of fragments of
books known, printed in a rude type and with the
appearance of early printing, all of which are frequently
asserted to have been printed before 1473.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">[98]</a></span>These books, consisting for the most part of editions
of the <cite>Donatus</cite> or the <cite>Doctrinale</cite>, are known by the
name of Costeriana, as being the supposed productions
of Coster. Among them also are the four
editions of the <cite>Speculum</cite>, which we have examined
at length in Chapter I. Fragments of at least fifty
books or editions are known, which may be separated
by their types into eight groups. Concerning the
types Mr. Hessels says: ‘Type 2 is inseparably connected
with type 1; and as the former is so much
like type 3 that some consider these two types
identical, nothing would be gained by separating
them. Type 4 and 5 occur in one and the same
book; and as certain letters of type 5 are identical
with some of type 3, they may all be linked together.
Type 6 is identical with type 5 except the P, which
is larger and of a different form. Types 7 and 8 are
linked on to the types 1-6, on account of the great
family-likeness between them, they all having that
peculiar perpendicular stroke to the cross-bar of the <em>t</em>,
and a down stroke or curl attached to the <em>r</em>, which
is found in no other types of the Netherlands.’</p>
<div class="figcenter">
<a id="i_098" name="i_098"><img src="images/i_098.jpg" alt="PAGE OF A DOCTRINALE." width="278" height="500" /></a>
<p class="caption">PAGE OF A “DOCTRINALE.”<br />
(<em>One of the so-called “Costeriana.”</em>)</p>
</div>
<p>The close connection of all these types points to
the books having been produced in one place; but
where this one place was, cannot be determined.
The account written by Junius, in 1568, of the invention
of printing by Coster, mentions Haarlem as
the place where he printed, and they have therefore
been always ascribed to Haarlem by such writers as
believe in the Costerian invention. Mr. Bradshaw,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">[99]</a></span>who refused to assign books to particular places
without reason, said: ‘I am compelled to leave the
<cite>Speculum</cite> at Utrecht until I know anything positive
to the contrary; because it is at Utrecht that the cuts
first appear, cut up into pieces in a book printed by
Veldener at that place in 1481.’ This statement does
not mean that the Costeriana were necessarily printed
at Utrecht, but that the place where we find the
materials as soon as they can be connected with
any place, is Utrecht, and that therefore such little
evidence as exists is in favour of these books having
been printed there. One point which tells in favour
of Utrecht, is the fact that one of the Costeriana is a
<cite>Donatus</cite> in French, and Utrecht is one of the few
places in the Netherlands where such a book is likely
to have been produced.</p>
<p>There is no direct evidence in favour of Haarlem
or Utrecht; and indirect evidence is not particularly
in favour of Haarlem, unless it is considered that
some belief may be placed in Junius’ wonderful
narrative. It is certainly wiser to leave the matter
open, or, with Bradshaw, place the books provisionally
at Utrecht till we have a better reason for placing
them elsewhere.</p>
<p>The more important question as to the date when
these Costeriana were produced, seems still as far as
ever from any satisfactory solution. Mr. Hessels
takes them back to 1446 by the ingenious method of
putting eighteen months between each edition. This
method of working is based on no sound prin<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">[100]</a></span>ciple,
and leads to no result of any value. Another
argument of Mr. Hessels, and one that is hardly
worthy of so learned a writer, is that since the Costeriana
look older than the first Mainz books, therefore
they are older. The foolishness of this reasoning
is too apparent to need any explanation, for it
amounts to the assertion that the same phase of
development in different countries means the same
date. But if the earliest dated books of the Low
Countries are compared with the productions of
Germany, it needs a prejudiced eye to see in the
former any approach to the exquisite beauty and
regularity of the German type and printing.</p>
<p>There is one point which seems to me to argue
strongly against the early date ascribed to the Costeriana.
They were produced by ordinary typographic
processes, such as would be used for printing
any book, and there is little or no improvement
observable in the latest compared with the earliest.
Yet, during the thirty years to which these books are
ascribed, no work of any size or importance was produced
from this press. It can hardly be assumed
that during these years there was no demand for
books, when we consider that immediately after 1473
books of all kinds were produced in great number.
Nor can we reasonably suppose that the great demand
for the <cite>Donatus</cite> and the <cite>Doctrinale</cite> ceased about
1473. The printing of school-books did not require
to be ornamental, for they had to be produced as
cheaply as possible, so that this class of work naturally
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">[101]</a></span>soon fell into the hands of the poorer printers. We
see many examples of this in studying the history of
printing in other places, and find the finest and the
rudest work being produced side by side. Block-books
and xylographic <cite>Donatuses</cite> were printed in
Germany up to the last years of the fifteenth century,
as old in appearance as the productions of fifty years
earlier. We may connect certain of these Costeriana
with the years 1471-74, within which period printing
presses were started at Utrecht and Alost; but why
should all the rest be placed earlier? It is curious
that, while we have no dates forcing us to fix them
early, neither have we dates preventing us from fixing
them late.</p>
<p>Because certain of these books were written by
Pius II., who became Pope in 1458, Mr. Hessels seizes
on 1458 as one of the dates we may take as relating
to their printing, and groups the Costeriana round
that date. He might equally well have grouped
others round the fourth century, when Ælius Donatus
lived, or round 1207, when Alexander de Villa Dei
finished his <cite>Doctrinale</cite>. The only date as regards the
printing of a book that can be derived from the
authorship is a date before which the book cannot
have been printed. M. Dziatzko mentions one point
which he considers conclusive as giving a late date to
the Costeriana. In them is <em>wrongly</em> used a particular
form of the letter x, which is not found in Dutch
manuscripts, and which was used at the first Mainz
press for a special purpose.</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">[102]</a></span></p>
<p>Putting aside, then, the useless mass of conjecture
and sophistry that obscures the subject, the case
stands thus. The first printed date in the Low
Countries is 1473, and there are a group of undated
books which may perhaps be placed before or
round this date; beyond this we have no information
whatever.</p>
<p>Before leaving this subject, it is worth noticing that
there is a simple explanation for the fact that almost
all the Costeriana fragments are on vellum. They
have in most cases been found in the bindings of
books, and it was the almost invariable habit of
Netherlandish binders to line the boards of their
bindings with vellum. They used if possible clean
vellum, or printed or written only on one side, the
used side being pasted down and the clean side
exposed. In this way many indulgences have been
preserved.</p>
<p>In 1473, printing starts simultaneously at Utrecht
and Alost, and from that time onward its history is
clear. More attention has been paid to the history
of printing in the Netherlands than to that of any
other country, and the work of Holtrop, Campbell,
and Bradshaw offers a firm foundation to rest upon.</p>
<p>The first printers at Utrecht were Nicholas Ketelaer
and Gerard de Leempt, and their first book was the
<cite>Historia Scholastica</cite> of Petrus Comestor. Though
they printed a large number of books, only three are
dated, two in 1473 and one in 1474. About 1475 a
printer named William Hees printed some books at
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">[103]</a></span>Utrecht; and in 1478, Veldener moved to that town
from Louvain, where he had been printing up to that
time.</p>
<p>The first printer at Alost was Thierry Martens, an
accomplished linguist and scholar, who is supposed
by many bibliographers to have learned to print at
Venice. He says in the colophon to the <em>De vita beata
libellus</em> of Baptista Mantuanus—</p>
<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poetry">
<div class="stanza">
<div class="verse"> ‘Hoc opus impressi Martins Theodoricus Alosti,<br /></div>
<div class="verse"> Qui Venetum scita Flandrensibus affero cuncta.’</div>
</div></div></div>
<p>On this basis the story has arisen, and it is perhaps
hardly sufficient to justify the conclusions. The first
books, four in number, printed in 1473 and the beginning
of 1474, were printed in partnership with John
of Westphalia, a printer who in 1474 migrated to
Louvain. Thierry Martens continued by himself at
Alost for a while, but moved on, in 1493, to Antwerp,
and in 1498 to Louvain. According to Van der
Meersch, he left Louvain in 1502 to return to Antwerp,
but left this town again in 1512, and settled
definitely at Louvain till the end of his career in
1529.</p>
<p>Printing was introduced at Louvain in 1474, and it
is, after Antwerp, the most important town in that
respect in the Low Countries. The first printer was
John of Westphalia,<a name="FNanchor_28_28" id="FNanchor_28_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_28_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a> whom we have just mentioned
as a printer at Alost in partnership with Thierry
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">[104]</a></span>Martens. He seems to have been the owner of the
type used at Alost, for he continued to print with
it, and in June 1474 issued the <cite>Commentariolus de
pleuresi</cite> by Antonius Guainerius, the first book
known to have been issued at Louvain. John of
Westphalia continued to print up to the year 1496;
and Campbell<a name="FNanchor_29_29" id="FNanchor_29_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_29_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> enumerates over one hundred and
eighty books as having been printed by him in
these twenty-two years. In some of his books we
find a small woodcut portrait of himself, used first
in the <cite>Justinian</cite> of 1475; and a few of his books have
the red initial letters printed in by hand. John
Veldener, the second printer at Louvain, was matriculated
at the university there, in the faculty of medicine,
30th July 1473. His first book was probably the
<cite>Consolatio peccatorum</cite> of Jacobus de Theramo, which
contains a prefatory letter, addressed ‘Johanni
Veldener artis impressoriæ magistro,’ dated 7th Aug.
1474. Veldener continued to print at Louvain till
1478, and he is found in that year at Utrecht, where
he printed till 1481. After this he moved to Kuilenburg,
issuing books there in 1483 and 1484.</p>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_28_28" id="Footnote_28_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_28"><span class="label">[28]</span></a> John de Paderborn de Westphalia was in 1473 still a scribe, for in
that year he wrote a MS. of the <cite>Scala</cite> of Johannes Climacus at and for
the Augustinian House at Marpach.</p></div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_29_29" id="Footnote_29_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_29"><span class="label">[29]</span></a> <cite>Annales de la Typographie Néerlandaise au xv. Siècle. 1874. 8vo.</cite></p></div>
<p>Besides those that have been mentioned, seven
other printers worked at Louvain before the close of
the fifteenth century. These were—Conrad Braem
(1475), Conrad de Westphalia (1476), Hermann de
Nassou (1483), Rodolphe Loeffs (1483), Egidius
vander Heerstraten (1484), Ludovicus de Ravescot
(1487), and Thierry Martens (1498).</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">[105]</a></span></p>
<p>Bruges, one of the most prosperous and artistic of
the towns in the Netherlands, is intimately associated
with the history of English printing; for it was there
that our first printer, Caxton, began to print. It was
not, however, a productive town as regards printing,
for only two printers, or at most three, were at work
there in the fifteenth century. Of these the most
important was Colard Mansion. He was by profession
a writer and illuminator of manuscripts, and his
name is found year by year from 1454 to 1473 in the
book of the Guild of St. John. It was probably about
1475 that he began to print; but his first dated book
appeared in the following year. About the years
1475-77, Caxton was in partnership with Mansion,
whether generally or only for the production of
certain books, we do not know. But together they
printed three books, <cite>The Recuyell of the Histories of
Troye</cite>, <cite>The Game and playe of the Chesse</cite>, and <cite>Les
quatre derrennieres choses</cite>. After Caxton’s departure,
in 1477, Mansion continued to print by himself.
It is worth noticing that in 1477 he first made use
of a device. The first dated book issued by
Mansion, <cite>De la ruyne des nobles hommes et femmes</cite>,
by Boccaccio, has a curious history. It was issued
first without any woodcuts, and no spaces were left
for them. Then the first leaf containing the prologue
was cancelled, and reprinted so as to leave a space
for a cut of the author presenting his book. At a
later date, the first leaves of all the books, excepting
books i. and vi., were cancelled, and reissued with
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">[106]</a></span>spaces for engravings. Mansion printed altogether
about twenty-four books, the last being a moralised
version of Ovid’s <cite>Metamorphoses</cite>, issued in May 1484.
Almost immediately after this book was finished, the
printer fled from Bruges, and his rooms over the
porch of the Church of St. Donatus were let to a bookbinder
named Jean Gossin. This latter paid the rent
still owing by Mansion, and is supposed to have come
into possession of the stock of the <cite>Ovid</cite>, for several
copies of the book are known in which the leaves
113-218, 296-389 have been reprinted, presumably
by Gossin, and these examples do not contain
Mansion’s device.</p>
<p>The other printer, Jean Brito, is little more than a
name. Campbell gives four books as having been
printed by him, but only one contains his name.
This, however, is a book of exceptional interest, the
<cite>Instruction et doctrine de tous chrétiens et chrétiennes</cite>,
by Gerson; and but one copy is known, now in the
Bibliothèque Nationale. It has the following curious
colophon in verse:—</p>
<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poetry">
<div class="stanza">
<div class="verse"> ‘Aspice presentis scripture gracia que sit<br /></div>
<div class="verse"> Confer opus opere, spectetur codice codex.<br /></div>
<div class="verse"> Respice quam munde, quam terse quamque decore<br /></div>
<div class="verse"> Imprimit hec civis brugensis brito Johannes,<br /></div>
<div class="verse"> Inveniens artem nullo monstrante mirandam<br /></div>
<div class="verse"> Instrumenta quoque non minus laude stupenda.’</div>
</div></div></div>
<p>The last two lines, which, translated literally, say,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">[107]</a></span>‘Discovering, without being shown by any one, the
wonderful art, and also the tools, not less objects for
wonder and praise,’ would seem to imply that Brito
claimed to be a self-taught printer. That this may
have been the case is quite possible, and it is the only
reasonable interpretation to put upon the lines. They
suggest, however, still a further inference. The type
in which this book is printed seems to be identical
with that used afterwards by William de Machlinia
at Holborn, in London, and extraordinarily similar
to the type used by Veldener at Utrecht. If Brito
was a self-taught printer, who invented his own tools,
he must also have been a type-founder; and if so,
may very likely have supplied William de Machlinia
with his type.</p>
<p>After Bruges comes Brussels, where but one press
was established before 1500. This was set up by the
Brothers of the Common Life, who must have found
their old industry of copying manuscripts seriously
interfered with by the competition of the new art.
They therefore started a press at their house, called
‘Nazareth,’ and in 1476 issued their first dated book,
the <cite>Gnotosolitos sive speculum conscientiæ</cite>, by Arnoldus
de Gheilhoven, a large folio of 472 leaves. From 1476
to 1484<a name="FNanchor_30_30" id="FNanchor_30_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_30_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a> they worked industriously, producing about
thirty-five books, only one of which clearly states
who and what the printers were. This is the <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">Legenda Henrici Imperatoris et Kunigundis Imperatricis</i> of
1484, where we read in the colophon: ... <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">[108]</a></span><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">‘impresse
in famosa civitate bruxellensi per fratres communis
vite in nazareth’</span>.... There is no doubt that, as
types come to be studied and recognised, more books
will be found printed by this Brotherhood. Other
establishments of the same Order had practised, or
were shortly to practise, the art of printing. That at
Marienthal, important in the history of printing, had
been at work for some years; others at Rostock,
Nuremberg, and Gouda were to follow; while, as we
have seen, if we are to believe M. Madden, the
monastery at Weidenbach was the instructor of all
the more noted printers of Europe. The similarity
in appearance between the Brussels type and that of
Ther Hoernen at Cologne is very striking, and has
deceived even M. Van der Meersch, Ther Hoernen’s
bibliographer. The distinguishing mark of this type,
or the one most readily to be distinguished, is a very
voluminous capital S in the later books.</p>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_30_30" id="Footnote_30_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30_30"><span class="label">[30]</span></a> A book of 1487 is quoted by Lambinet, but the date has probably
been either misprinted or misread.</p></div>
<p>Gerard Leeu, the first printer at Gouda, is the
most important of all the Low Country printers of
the fifteenth century. His first book was issued in
1477, a Dutch edition of the <cite>Epistles and Gospels</cite>;
and five other books followed in the same year. His
first illustrated book, the <cite>Dialogus creaturarum moralisatus</cite>,
was issued in 1480. About the middle of the
year 1484 he removed to Antwerp, and printed there
till 1493. In that year, while the <cite>Chronicles of England</cite>
were being printed, a letter-cutter named Henric
van Symmen, one of Leeu’s workmen, struck work.
In a quarrel which followed, Leeu was struck on the
head, and died after three days’ illness. The work<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">[109]</a></span>man
who gave the blow was fined forty gulden, not
a very heavy punishment for manslaughter. At the
end of the <cite>Chronicles</cite> the workmen put the following
colophon: ‘Enprentyd ... by maister Gerard de
Leew, a man of grete wysedom in all maner of
kunnying: whych nowe is come from lyfe unto the
deth, which is grete harme for many a poure man.
On whos sowle god almyghty for hys hygh grace
have mercy. Amen.’</p>
<p>Leeu must have employed a good deal of labour,
for he printed a very large number of books; Campbell
gives about two hundred, and his numbers are
always being added to. But what makes Leeu
especially interesting to us is the fact of his printing
English books. Of these, he issued seven between
1486 and 1493—a Grammar, two Sarum Service-books,
and four other popular books which will be
noticed later.</p>
<p>Another interesting printer who was settled at
Gouda was Gotfried de Os, whom Bradshaw considers
to have been identical with Govaert van
Ghemen. He began to print at Gouda in 1486,
but about 1490 removed to Copenhagen, printing
at Leyden on his way. Before he went there he
parted with some of his printing materials, type,
initial letters, and woodcuts, which came into the
hands of W. de Worde, and were used in England.</p>
<p>Five other towns in the Netherlands possessed
printing presses before 1480—Deventer (1477), Delft
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">[110]</a></span>(1477), St. Maartensdyk (1478), Nÿmegen (1479), and
Zwolle (1479).</p>
<p>At Deventer there were only two printers, R.
Paffroed and J. de Breda; but between them they
printed at least five hundred books, about a quarter
of the whole number issued in the Netherlands in the
fifteenth century.</p>
<p>At St. Maartensdyk in Zeeland only one book was
printed, <cite>Der zyelen troeste</cite>, the work of a printer
named Peter Werrecoren, in November 1478. Of this
book only one copy is known, preserved in the library
of the abbey of Averbode. In the colophon the
printer apologises for the short-comings of his book,
saying that it is his first, and that he hopes by the
grace of God to improve. We have, however, no
record of his ever printing again. Nÿmegen had also
but one printer, Gerard Leempt, who issued four
books, Zwolle, where Peter van Os of Breda printed
from 1479 onwards, is an interesting place in the
history of printing, for there, in 1487, appeared portions
of the original blocks of the <cite>Biblia Pauperum</cite>
used to illustrate a Dutch edition of the <cite>Epistles and
Gospels</cite>, and in 1494 a block from the <cite>Canticum
Canticorum</cite>. Peregrinus Barmentlo, the only printer
at Hasselt, was at work from 1480 to 1490. He
seems to have had some connection with Peter van
Os, as was only natural from the situation of Hasselt
and its nearness to Zwolle; and we find the cuts of
one printer in the hands of the other.</p>
<p>Arend de Keysere commenced to print at Auden<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">[111]</a></span>arde
in 1480, his first book being the <cite>Sermons</cite> of
Hermannus de Petra. By April 1483 he had moved
from Audenarde and settled at Ghent, where he
remained till his death in 1489. His wife, Beatrice
van Orrior, continued to print for a short time, but
no copy is known of any of her productions. At a
later date she married again, her husband being a
certain Henry van den Dale, who is mentioned in
the St. Lucas-gilde book at Bruges as a printer in
that town in 1505-6.</p>
<p>In the fifteenth century more printers were settled
in Antwerp than in any other Netherlandish town.
The first to settle there was Matthew van der
Goes, and his first book is dated 29th April 1482.
In the same year he issued the <cite>Bœck van Tondalus
vysioen</cite>, which has the misprinted date 1472, and
has for that reason been sometimes quoted as the
first book printed in the Low Countries, or more
often as the first book printed with signatures.
We have already spoken of Gerard Leeu, who was
the next to settle at Antwerp; and shortly after
his appearance in 1484, Nicolas Kesler of Basle
opened a shop there for the sale of his books. There
are said to be three books with Kesler’s name, and
the name of Antwerp given as the town; and though
his press at Basle was at work without a break from
1486 onward, still in 1488 his name appears amongst
the list of members of the St. Lucas-gilde at Antwerp.
It is very probable, as Campbell suggests, that Kesler
was entered as a member to enable him to sell
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">[112]</a></span>his books in Antwerp. The most interesting among
the remaining printers of the town was Thierry
Martens, who began to print in 1493, and stayed till
1497. His various movements have been spoken of
before. Leyden, Ghent, Kuilenburg, and Haarlem
all started presses in 1483. The first printer of
Haarlem, Bellaert, seems to have obtained his
materials for the most part from Leeu, both type and
woodcuts; but the town cannot have been a flourishing
one from a printer’s point of view; for, though
another workman, Joh. Andreæ, printed a few books
in 1486, both presses disappear after that year.
At Bois-le-duc, Gerard Leempt, from Nÿmegen,
printed a few books between 1484 and 1490. In
1495 the Canons of St. Michael’s in den Hem, near
Shoenhoven, began to print books in order to obtain
means to rebuild their convent, which had been
destroyed by fire the year before. They printed one
or two editions of the <cite>Breviary</cite> of different uses, but
the rest of their books were all in the vernacular.
Schiedam was the last town in the Netherlands
where printing was practised before 1500, and there,
about 1498, an unknown printer issued a very remarkable
book.</p>
<p>There were altogether in the Netherlands twenty-two
towns whence books were issued before 1500,
and in this list it will be noticed that Haarlem stands
near the end. When printing had once been introduced
it spread rapidly, all but three towns starting
within the first ten years.</p>
</div>
<hr class="chap" />
<div class="chapter">
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">[113]</a></span></p>
<h2><a name="CHAPTER_VII" id="CHAPTER_VII"></a>CHAPTER VII.</h2>
<p class="center">SPAIN AND PORTUGAL—DENMARK AND SWEDEN.</p>
<p><span class="smcap">The</span> first book printed in Spain, according to
some authorities, is a small volume of poems by
Bernardo Fenollar and others, written in honour of
the Virgin on the occasion of a congress held at
Valentia in March 1474. It is said to have been
printed in that town in the same year; but it has
never been fully described, nor is it known where a
copy is preserved.</p>
<p>According to M. Salvá, the first two books printed
in Spain with a certain date are the <cite>Comprehensorium</cite>
(23rd February 1475), and the <cite>Sallust</cite> (13th July
1475), both printed at Valentia. As, however, the
year began on Easter Day, the second book is really
the earlier, and with it the authentic history of
printing in Spain begins. The book itself is a small
quarto, printed in Roman letter, without signatures
or catchwords, and but two copies seem to be
known, one in the Royal Library of Madrid, the
other in the Barberini Library at Rome. The printers
were Lambert Palmart, a German, and Alonzo
Fernandez of Cordova; but their names are found,
for the first time, in a <cite>Bible</cite> of 1478 known only from
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">[114]</a></span>four leaves, one of them fortunately containing the
colophon. It is very probable that Alonzo Fernandez,
whose name only occurs in this one colophon, was
not a printer, though it is not known in what
capacity he was associated with Palmart. He was
certainly known as a celebrated astronomer. Lambert
Palmart continued to print at Valentia up to the
year 1494, and by that time other printers had
settled in the town. Jacobus de Villa is mentioned
by Panzer in 1493 and 1495; and in this latter year
we find also Peter Hagembach, who later on, at
Toledo, printed the celebrated <cite>Mozarabic Missal</cite> and
<cite>Breviary</cite>.</p>
<p>In 1475 a certain Matthæus Flandrus printed an
edition of the <cite>Manipulus Curatorum</cite> at Saragossa.
He is supposed to have been a wandering printer,
and considered by some to be the Matthew Vendrell
who printed at Barcelona in 1482, and at Gerona in
1483. Between 1475 and 1485 no book is known
to have been printed at Saragossa; but in the latter
year a press was started by Paul Hurus, a native of
Constance, who printed till almost the end of the
fifteenth century; and was followed by three Germans,
George Cock, Leonard Butz, and Lupus Appentegger.</p>
<p>Seville was the third city of Spain where printing
was practised, and the first dated book issued there
was the <cite>Sacramental</cite> of Clemente Sanchez de Vercial,
printed by three partners, Anton Martinez, Bartholomé
Segura, and Alphonso del Puerto, in 1477. An
undated edition of the same work is ascribed by
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">[115]</a></span>Mendez and others to an earlier date, and a third
edition was issued in May 1478. Another book, the
<cite>Manuale seu Repertorium super Abbatem Panormitanum
per Alphonsum Diaz de Montalvo</cite>, was issued
by the same printers in the same year. Hain
mentions sixteen printers who worked in Seville
during the fifteenth century; and of these many were
Germans.</p>
<p>The first printers at Barcelona were Peter Brun
and Nicholas Spindeler, who issued, in 1478, two books
by Aquinas, commentaries on parts of Aristotle.
These are almost certainly the first two books printed
in that town, though a large number of supposititious
books, with dates from 1473 onwards, are quoted by
different writers. Amongst other printers who worked
at Barcelona may be mentioned John Rosembach of
Heidelberg, who paid visits to various towns, being
found at Tarragona in 1499, and at Perpignan in
1500. Another printer, Jaques de Gurniel, left
Barcelona about the end of the century and went to
Valladolid, where he printed during the first years
of the sixteenth century.</p>
<p>The first book printed at Lerida has a curious
history. It is a <cite>Breviary</cite>, according to the use of
the church at Lerida, printed by a German, Henry
Botel, in 1479, and the whole expense of its publication
was undertaken by a certain Antonio Palares,
the bell-ringer of the church. It is an extremely
rare book; but there is a copy of it in the Bodleian
Library, and another in the Carmelite convent at
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">[116]</a></span>Barcelona. Two other books were printed in this
town in the fifteenth century, but they bear no
printer’s name; they are both commentaries on parts
of Aristotle by Petrus de Castrovol, and were printed
in 1488 and 1489.</p>
<p>A book is quoted by Caballero as having been
printed at Segorbe in 1479, the <cite>Constitutiones synodales
Bartholomæi Marti</cite>; but its existence is a little
doubtful. Besides this one book, no other is known
to have been printed at Segorbe until well on in the
sixteenth century; and it is therefore quite probable
that the book, if it really exists, was printed at some
other town, and that the writer who saw it was
misled by the occurrence of the name in the
title.</p>
<p>Printing is said to have been introduced at Toledo
in 1480. The book which bears this date, <cite>Leyes
originales de los Reyes de España</cite>, has no name of
place, but has been assigned to Toledo by several
Spanish bibliographers who have examined a copy,
and who are clear that it is printed in the same
type as the <cite>Confutatorium errorum</cite> of Peter Ximenes
de Prexamo, which was printed there by John
Vasqui in July 1486. This latter book has been
considered by many to be the first, since, as it was
written by a canon of Toledo in 1478, it is argued
that had that city possessed a press it would have
been issued before 1486.</p>
<p>Salamanca, Zamora, Gerona, follow in 1481, 1482,
and 1483 respectively, though the existence of a
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">[117]</a></span>press at the last place is very doubtful. The one
book said to have been printed there, <cite>Memorial del
pecador remut</cite>, has the following words in the colophon:
‘impressa a despeses de Matheu Vendrell mercader
en la ciutat de Girona.’ This Matthew Vendrell
appears also at Barcelona in 1484; but he seems to
have been a stationer rather than a printer, and
the wording of the colophon mentioned above tends
to confirm that idea. Unfortunately, the very great
rarity of early Spanish books, at any rate in this
country, precludes the comparative study of the
types, and very little has yet been done to distinguish
them. If this were done, it would be easy to settle
the printers of such doubtful books. As there is
no other book known to have been printed at Gerona
till near the middle of the sixteenth century, it will
be safer, until a fuller account be forthcoming, to
ascribe this book, following M. Nèe de la Rochelle,
to a press at Barcelona.</p>
<p>In 1485 we have Burgos, where Frederick of Basle
(at one time an associate of Wenssler’s) printed;
Palma, where Nicolas Calafati printed; and probably
also Xeres, though the existence of the press in this
latter place is doubtful. The only known book
quoted by M. Caballero is the <cite>Constitutiones synodales
urbis vel ecclesiæ Xericanæ</cite>, per Barth: Marti, 1485.
This bibliographer, however, gives no information
about the book, or any indication of the size or type;
and as no other book is known to have been printed
at Xeres within the next fifty years, it is quite
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">[118]</a></span>probable that the book mentioned above, though
relating to the town, was not printed there.</p>
<p>At Murcia only two or three books were issued
in the fifteenth century, printed by a German named
Lope de Roca. The first is the <cite>Copilacion de las
Batallas campales</cite>, finished the 28th of May 1487.
Panzer, Maittaire, and others speak erroneously of
the printer as Juan de Roca. Lope de Roca, after
printing two or three books in Murcia, left there and
went to Valentia, where he printed in 1495 and
1497.</p>
<p>In 1489, printing was introduced into San Cucufat,
into Coria, where only one book was printed in
the fifteenth century, the <cite>Blason general de todas las
insignias del universo</cite>, printed by Bartholomeus de
Lila (Lille), a Fleming; and it is usually said into
Tolosa. The history of printing in the latter town
offers many difficulties. Bibliographers have confused
Toulouse in France with Tolosa in Biscay; and
the difficulty increases when we find that some Spanish
books were certainly printed at the former place. The
best authorities seem unfortunately to agree that the
<cite>Cronica de España</cite>, by Diego de Valera, is the earliest
book; printed by Henry Meyer or Mayer in 1489.
M. Nèe de la Rochelle speaks of this <cite>Chronicle</cite> as
printed in 1488, and also quotes a work by Guillaume
de Deguilleville, a translation into Spanish of the
<cite>Pelerinage de la vie humaine</cite>, printed by the same
printer as early as 1480. The date should be 1490,
but is given as 1480 in the <cite>Bibl. Hisp. vetus</cite> of
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">[119]</a></span>Antonio (ii. 311), and also by Hain (No. 7848).
This Henry Mayer, however, was certainly a printer
of Toulouse in France, and not of Tolosa, so that
all the remarks of the bibliographers are beside the
point. His name is found mentioned in 1488 in
registers at Toulouse; and he says in the colophon to
the <cite>Boethius</cite> of the same year, ‘impresso en Tolosa
de Francia.’ It is not at all improbable that all the
early books with ‘Tolosæ’ in the colophon were
printed in France, and that there was no fifteenth
century press at Tolosa.</p>
<p>The first book printed at Valladolid is the <cite>Tractado
breve de Confession</cite> of 1492; but it has no printer’s
name. In the following year another book was
printed, which gives the name of the printer as
Johan de Francour. The next two places, Cagliari
and Monterey, have each only one book printed
in the fifteenth century. The book printed at
Cagliari is a <cite>Speculum Ecclesiæ</cite>, and was printed
by Salvador de Bolonga (Bologna), at the request
of Nicholas Dagreda. The only known copy is
in the Municipal Library at Palma. The book
printed at Monterey was a <cite>Missal</cite>, printed by two
partners, Gundisalvus Rodericus de la Passera and
Johannes de Porres. Granada (1496), Tarragona
(1498), the Monastery of the Blessed Virgin of
Monserrat (1499), Madrid (1499), and perhaps Jaen
(1500), complete the list of places where printing was
practised in Spain before the end of the fifteenth
century.</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">[120]</a></span></p>
<p>Numerous writers have asserted that printing
began at Leiria in Estremadura as early as 1466.
Antonio Ribeiro dos Santos, who wrote a learned
dissertation on the subject, seems to place his chief
reliance on a statement made by Pedro Affonso de
Vasconcellos in 1588, that Leiria was the first town
to receive the art; and on a further assertion by
Soares de Silva, that he had seen a quarto volume
containing the poems of the Infante Dom Pedro, which
had at the end a note that it was printed nine years
after the invention of printing. The particular copy
here referred to was destroyed in 1755; other copies
of the book contain no imprint. Whatever may be
said about the probability of printing having been
introduced at an early date into Portugal, the fact
remains that the first authentic dated book appeared
at Lisbon in 1489. It is a <cite>Commentary on the
Pentateuch</cite>, by Moses ben Nachman, and was printed
by two Jews, Rabbi Samuel Zorba and Rabbi Eliezer.
It was through the Jews, shortly to be so ungratefully
treated, that printing was introduced into two out of
the three towns of Portugal in which it was practised
in the fifteenth century. They were, however, a
people apart, and the books which they printed were
for their own use, and in a tongue not understood by
others. It was not till 1495 that two other printers,
Nicolaus de Saxonia and Valentinus de Moravia,
started at Lisbon to issue books in other languages
than Hebrew. Another Jew, Abraham, son of Don
Samuel Dortas or de Orta, printed the earliest books
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">[121]</a></span>of Leiria, The first book, the <cite>Proverbs of Solomon</cite>,
with a commentary, was issued in 1492; and other
books appeared in 1494 and 1496. The third and
last town in Portugal where we find a printing press
in the fifteenth century was Braga. Here, in 1494,
a certain German named John Gherlinc, who seems
to have printed later at Barcelona, printed a
<cite>Breviary</cite> according to the use of the church of
Braga. No other book is known to have been
printed in this important town for the next forty
years.</p>
<p>In the British Museum is a <cite>Hebrew Pentateuch</cite>,
printed at ‘Taro’ in 1487. It is not known where
this place was; but it has been conjectured that the
name is a misprint for Faro, a town of Portugal
(though it might stand for Toro in Leon); and if
this is so, the date of the introduction of printing
into Portugal must be placed two years farther back.</p>
<p class="center">DENMARK AND SWEDEN.</p>
<p>The first book printed in Denmark, or indeed in
the whole of the Northern countries, was an edition
of <cite>Gulielmi Caorsini de obsidione et bello Rhodiano</cite>,
of which a single copy is now preserved in
the library at Upsala. It was printed in 1482 at
Odensee, by John Snell, with the colophon: ‘Per
venerabilem virum Johannem Snel artis impressorie
magistrum in Ottonia impressa sub anno domini
1482.’ After the printing of this one book, Snell
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">[122]</a></span>went to Stockholm. In 1486 one book was printed
at Schleswig, by Stephen Arndes, who had already
printed at Perusia, and who in 1487 appears at
Lubeck. The book was the <cite>Missale secundum
Ordinarium et ritum Ecclesiæ Sleswicensis</cite>, and no
other was issued at this town in the fifteenth
century. Next in order comes Copenhagen, to
which, about 1490, Govaert van Ghemen moved
from the Netherlands. The first dated book issued
was the <cite>Regulæ de figuratis constructionibus grammaticis</cite>
of 1493. According to M. Deschamps, this
was preceded by a <cite>Donatus</cite>, without date, but having
the name of the printer; and it is supposed
that Govaert van Ghemen began to print in March
1490. He seems to have printed up to the year
1510.</p>
<p>John Snell, who has already been noticed as a
printer at Odensee, came to Stockholm in 1483,
and in that year printed the <cite>Dialogus Creaturarum
Moralizatus</cite>, a small quarto of 156 leaves, with
twenty-three lines to the page. [Hain, 6128.] Of
this book four examples were known; one unfortunately
perished in the fire at Abö in 1827. Of the
others, two are at Upsala, and the third at Copenhagen.
No other book appears at Stockholm until
1495, when the <cite>Breviarium Strengenense</cite> was printed.
The printer’s name is given as Johannes Fabri. And
some writers would have this to be another form of
the name Snell; Snell, they say, being the same
‘practically’ as Smed, Smed being our Smith, and
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">[123]</a></span>Faber or Fabri the Latin. This alteration, however,
is not quite satisfactory.</p>
<p>In the same year as the <cite>Breviarium Strengenense</cite>
was issued, the first book in Swedish was printed by
the same printer. It is the <cite>Bok af Djäfvulsens
frästilse</cite>, by John Gerson. The printer, John Fabri,
died in the course of this year; for in the year
following we find issued the <cite>Breviarium secundum
ritum ecclesiæ Upsalensis</cite>, printed by the widow of
John Fabri. One other book must be noticed as
printed in the fifteenth century; it is the <cite>De
dignitate psalterii</cite>, by Alanus de Rupe, printed probably
at Stockholm, but with no printer’s name.
One book only is known to have been printed at
Wadsten in the fifteenth century; it is an edition
of the <cite>Breviarium ad usum cœnobii Wadstenensis de
ordine S. Brigittæ</cite>, printed in 1495, an octavo with
twelve lines to the page. Only one copy is known,
which passed after the Reformation, with the rest of
the books belonging to the monastery, into the library
of Upsala. The printing press of this monastery
came to an untimely end, for in the middle of
October 1495 the whole of the part of the building
where it stood was destroyed by fire. Of this
occurrence an account is preserved; and we learn
from it that not only did the monastery lose all
its printing materials, but that a tub full of the
<cite>Revelaciones Sanctæ Brigittæ</cite>, which had been printed
in 1492 at Lubeck, by Bartholomæus Ghotan, and
which the printer had sent up for sale, were also
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">[124]</a></span>destroyed. Stockholm and Wadsten are the only
places in Sweden where any books were produced
in the fifteenth century; and the total number of
books issued, according to Schröder’s <cite>Incunabula
artis typographicæ in Suecia</cite>, was six.</p>
</div>
<hr class="chap" />
<div class="chapter">
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">[125]</a></span></p>
<h2><a name="CHAPTER_VIII" id="CHAPTER_VIII"></a>CHAPTER VIII.</h2>
<p class="center">CAXTON—WYNKYN DE WORDE—JULIAN NOTARY.</p>
<p><span class="smcap">Th</span>e history of the Introduction of Printing into
England is comparatively clear and straightforward;
for we have neither the difficulties of conflicting
accounts, as in the case of Germany and the Low
Countries, nor troublesome manuscript references
which cannot be adequately explained, as in the case
of France. Previous to 1477, when Caxton introduced
the art in a perfect state, nothing had been
produced in England but a few single sheet prints,
such as the Images of Pity, of which there are copies
in the British Museum and the Bodleian, and the cut
of the Lion, the device of Bishop Gray (1454-1479),
in Ely Cathedral.</p>
<p>There was no block-printing (for the verses on the
seven virtues in the British Museum, and formerly
in the Weigel Collection, are comparatively late),
and with the one exception of the false date of 1468
in the first Oxford book, which we shall treat of
later, there is nothing to confuse us in forming an
absolutely clear idea of the introduction of the art
into England, and its subsequent growth.</p>
<p>William Caxton, our first printer, was born, as he
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">[126]</a></span>himself tells us, ‘in the Weald of Kent,’ but unfortunately
he has given us no clue to the date; probably
it was about 1420; and in 1438 he was
apprenticed to Robert Large, a mercer of the city
of London, who was Lord Mayor in 1439-40. His
business necessitated his residence abroad, and he
doubtless left England shortly after his apprenticeship,
for in 1469 he tells us that he had been ‘thirty
years for the most part in the countries of Brabant,
Flanders, Holland, and Zetland.’ In 1453 he visited
England, and was admitted to the Livery of the
Mercers’ Company. About 1468 he was acting as
governor to the ‘English Nation residing abroad,’ or
‘Merchant Adventurers’ at Bruges. After some six
or seven years in this position, he entered the service
of Margaret, Duchess of Burgundy, sister of Edward
IV. The greater leisure which this appointment
afforded him was employed in literary pursuits. In
March 1469 he commenced a translation of the
<cite>Recueil des Histoires de Troyes</cite>, by Raoul le Fèvre,
but it was not finished till 19th September 1471,
when Caxton was staying at Cologne.</p>
<p>This visit to Cologne marks an interesting period
in Caxton’s career, for it is most probable that it was
there he learnt to print. Wynkyn de Worde tells
us that the first book printed by Caxton was the
<cite>Bartholomæus de proprietatibus rerum</cite>, and that it was
printed at Cologne. It has been the general custom
of writers to condemn this story as impossible,
perhaps without sufficiently examining the facts.</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">[127]</a></span></p>
<p>W. de Worde says in his preface to the English
edition—</p>
<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poetry">
<div class="stanza">
<div class="verse"> ‘And also of your charyte call to remembraunce<br /></div>
<div class="verse"> The soule of William Caxton the first prynter of this boke<br /></div>
<div class="verse"> In laten tongue at Coleyn, hymself to avaunce<br /></div>
<div class="verse"> That every well disposed man may thereon loke.’</div>
</div></div></div>
<div class="figcenter">
<a id="i_127" name="i_127"><img src="images/i_127.jpg" alt="PAGE FROM SARUM BREVIARY." width="308" height="500" /></a>
<p class="caption">PAGE FROM SARUM BREVIARY.<br />
(<em>Printed at Cologne.</em>)</p>
</div>
<p>Now, there is a Latin edition, evidently printed
at Cologne about the time that Caxton was there,
in a type almost identical with that of N. Gotz or
the printer of the <cite>Augustinus de fide</cite>; and it was
in conjunction with a very similar type, in 1476,
that the ‘gros bâtarde’ type, which is so intimately
connected with Caxton, first appeared. Though
Caxton worked in partnership with Colard Mansion
about 1475-77, he had probably learnt something
of the art before; and, taking into consideration
his journey to Cologne, the statement of Wynkyn
de Worde, and the typographical connexion between
the <cite>Bartholomæus</cite> and Caxton’s books, we may
safely say that the story cannot be put aside as
without foundation. It is not, of course, suggested
that Caxton printed the book by himself, but only
that he assisted in its production. He was learning
the art of printing in the office where this book
was being prepared, and his practical knowledge was
acquired by assisting to print it.</p>
<p>Another Cologne book which may have been
printed for Caxton, or produced through his means,
is the first edition of the Breviary according to the
use of Sarum. Unfortunately we only know of its
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">[128]</a></span>existence through a few leaves in the libraries at
Oxford, Cambridge, Lincoln, and Paris, and have
therefore no means of knowing by whom it was
printed, or whether it had any colophon at all. It
is a quarto, printed in two columns, and with thirty-one
lines to the column. Such a book would hardly
have been printed without the help of an English
stationer,—and who more likely than Caxton?</p>
<p>In 1477 an eventful change took place in Caxton’s
career. ‘On June 21, 1476, was fought the bloody
battle of Morat between the Duke of Burgundy and
the Swiss, which resulted in the ruin of the Burgundian
power. In the following January, the Duke, while
engaged in a murderous battle at Nanci, was overpowered
and fell, covered with wounds, stubbornly
fighting to the last. Caxton’s mistress was now no
longer the ruling power at the court of Bruges. The
young daughter of the late Duke succeeded as the
reigning sovereign, and the Dowager Duchess of
Burgundy resigned her position at court, retiring into
comparative privacy on a handsome jointure. Caxton’s
services as secretary would now be no longer required
by the Duchess in her altered position.’<a name="FNanchor_31_31" id="FNanchor_31_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_31_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a></p>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_31_31" id="Footnote_31_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31_31"><span class="label">[31]</span></a> <cite>Who was Caxton?</cite> By R. Hill Blades. London, 1877.</p></div>
<p>Early, therefore, in 1477, Caxton returned to
England, and set up his press in the Almonry at
Westminster. On 18th November of the same year
he finished printing the <cite>Dictes or Sayengis of the
Philosophers</cite>, the first book printed in England.
Copies of this book vary, some being without the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">[129]</a></span>imprint. This was followed by an edition of the
<cite>Sarum Ordinale</cite>, known now only from fragments,
and the curious little ‘cedula’ relating to it, advertising
the ‘pyes of two or three commemorations.’</p>
<p>The productiveness of Caxton’s press in its earliest
years was most remarkable, for we know of at least
thirty books printed within the first three years. A
good many of these, however, were very small, the
little tracts of Chaucer and Lydgate containing but a
few leaves each. These were the ‘small storyes and
pamfletes’ with which, according to Robert Copland,
Caxton began his career as printer. On the other
hand, we have the <cite>History of Jason</cite> (150 leaves), <cite>The
Canterbury Tales</cite> (374 leaves), Chaucer’s <cite>Boethius</cite> (94
leaves), the <cite>Rhetorica Nova</cite> of Laur: Gulielmus de
Saona (124 leaves), the <cite>Cordyal</cite> (78 leaves), the
second edition of the <cite>Dictes or Sayengis</cite> (76 leaves),
and the <cite>Chronicles of England</cite> (182 leaves).</p>
<p>The starting of Lettou’s press in London, in 1480,
may probably account for some of the changes introduced
by Caxton in that year. His first indulgence,
printed this year in the large type, was at once thrown
into the shade by the editions of the same indulgence
issued by Lettou in his small neat letter, which was
much better adapted for such work. Lettou also in
this year used signatures, Caxton doing the same.
The competition caused Caxton to make his fount of
small type, and to introduce many other improvements.
It was about this time that he introduced
woodcuts into his books; and the first book in which
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">[130]</a></span>we find then is the <cite>Mirrour of the World</cite>. The cuts
in this volume may be divided into two sets, those
given for the first time by Caxton, and those copied
from his predecessors. The first are ordinary woodcuts,
the second what we should call diagrams. The
woodcuts are of the poorest design and coarsest execution.
Several are of a master with four or five
pupils, others of single figures engaged in scientific
pursuits. The diagrams are more or less carefully
copied from the MSS.: they are numbered in the
table of contents as being eight in part I., nine in
part II., and ten [X. being misprinted for IX.] in
part III. Of the eight belonging to part I., Nos.
2 and 3 are put to their wrong chapters, and consequently
No. 4 is omitted altogether. The diagrams
to part II. are wrongly drawn, and in some cases
misplaced. The nine diagrams to part III. are the
most correct. Some writers have contended that the
cuts in Caxton’s books are from metal and not from
wood-blocks; but some of them which are found in
use at a considerably later date show marks of worm
holes; a conclusive proof of the material being wood.</p>
<p>To the year 1480 we can ascribe seven books, almost
all in the new type, No. 4. These are the French and
English phrase-book, Lidgate’s <cite>Curia Sapientiæ</cite>, the
<cite>Chronicles of England</cite>, and the <cite>Description of Britain</cite>;
and three liturgical books, the <cite>De Visitatione B.M.V.</cite>,
the <cite>Psalterium</cite>, and a <cite>Horæ ad usum Sarum</cite>, the two
latter printed in type 3. Of the <cite>Horæ</cite>, but a few
leaves are known, which formed part of the won<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">[131]</a></span>derful
find of fragments in the binding of a copy of
the <cite>Boethius</cite> at St. Albans Grammar School. This
volume was found by Mr. Blades in 1858, and from the
covers were taken no less than fifty-six half sheets of
printed paper, proving the existence of three works
from Caxton’s press quite unknown before, the <cite>Horæ</cite>
above mentioned, the <cite>Ordinale</cite>, and an indulgence of
Pope Sixtus IV.</p>
<p>About 1481 appeared the first English edition of
<cite>Reynard the Fox</cite>; and in that year two other books,
both dated, <cite>Tully of Old Age</cite>, and the <cite>Siege of
Jerusalem</cite>.</p>
<p>These were followed by the <cite>Polycronicon</cite>, the
<cite>Chronicles of England</cite> (edit. 2), <cite>Burgh’s Cato</cite>, and
the second edition of the <cite>Game of the Chesse</cite>, which
is illustrated with woodcuts, the first edition having
none. There are altogether sixteen different woodcuts
used in the volume, and eight occur twice.</p>
<p>Between 1483 and the end of 1485, Caxton was at
his very busiest, issuing in that time about twenty-two
books; and amongst them are some of the most
important. There are the <cite>Pilgrimage of the Soul</cite>, the
<cite>Festial</cite> and <cite>Quattuor Sermones</cite>, the <cite>Sex Epistolæ</cite>, of
which the unique copy is now in the British Museum;
the <cite>Lyfe of Our Lady</cite>, the second edition of the
<cite>Canterbury Tales</cite> (the first with woodcuts), Chaucer’s
<cite>Troilus and Cresida</cite> and <cite>Hous of Fame</cite>, the <cite>Confessio
Amantis</cite>, the <cite>Knight of the Tower</cite>, and <cite>Æsop’s Fables</cite>.
This book, which appeared 26th March 1484, has
a full page frontispiece and no less than 185
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">[132]</a></span>woodcuts, the work of two, if not three, different
cutters. They are of the very poorest execution,
and not original in design, being more or less
carefully copied from a foreign edition. The
whole of the earlier part of 1485 must have been
expended upon the production of the <cite>Golden Legend</cite>,
the largest book which issued from Caxton’s press.
It contains 449 leaves, and is printed on a much
larger sheet than was generally used by Caxton
for folios, the full sheet measuring as much as
24 inches by 16 inches. It has, as illustrations, a
large cut for the frontispiece, representing heaven,
and two series of eighteen large and fifty-two
small cuts, the large series including one of the
device of the Earl of Arundel, to whom the book is
dedicated. Most copies of the <cite>Golden Legend</cite> now
in existence are made up partly of this and partly of
the second edition. As far as can be judged, the distinguishing
mark is the type of the headlines, which
in the first edition are in type 3, and in the second
edition in type 5. No copy is known made up
entirely of one edition.</p>
<p>For the latter part of 1485 we have three dated
books, the <cite>Morte d’Arthur</cite> (31st July), the only
perfect copy of which is now, unfortunately, in
America; the <cite>Life of Charles the Great</cite> (1st
December), the only existing copy of which is in the
British Museum; and <cite>The Knight Paris and the Fair
Vienne</cite> (19th December), of which again the only
known copy is in the British Museum.</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">[133]</a></span></p>
<p>In 1487, Caxton tried a new venture, and had
printed for him at Paris, by George Maynyal, an
edition of the <cite>Sarum Missal</cite>. Only one copy is
known, slightly imperfect, which is in private hands.
In this book, for the first time, Caxton used his
well-known device, probably for the purpose of
emphasising what might easily have been overlooked,—that
the book was printed at his expense. So
much has been written on Caxton’s device, and such
extraordinary theories made about its hidden meanings,
that it may be as well to point out that it
consists simply of his mark standing between his
initials, with a certain amount of unmeaning ornament.
It was probably cut in England, being
coarsely executed, while those used in France at
the same time are well cut and artistic. About
1487-88 we find two more books ornamented with
woodcuts, the <cite>Royal Book</cite> and the <cite>Speculum Vite
Christi</cite>. The <cite>Speculum</cite> contains a number of well-executed
cuts, the <cite>Royal Book</cite> only seven, six of
which had appeared in the <cite>Speculum</cite>.</p>
<p>About 1488 a second edition of the <cite>Golden Legend</cite>
was issued, almost exactly the same as the first, but
with the life of St. Erasmus added, so that this edition
does not end, like the first, with a blank leaf. At the
time of Caxton’s death, he seems to have had a large
stock of this book still on his hands, for he left
fifteen copies to the Church of St. Margaret, and a
large number of copies to his daughter Elizabeth, the
wife of Gerard Croppe, a tailor in Westminster. It
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">[134]</a></span>is hard to understand how, with this large stock still
for sale, Wynkyn de Worde could afford to print a
new edition in 1493 and another in 1498; for even at
the latter date copies of Caxton’s edition were, as we
happen to know, still to be obtained.</p>
<p>To about this time may be ascribed the curious
<cite>Image of Pity</cite> in the University Library, Cambridge.
It is not printed on a separate piece of paper, but is a
sort of proof struck off on the blank last page of a
book with which the indulgence has nothing to do.
The book is a copy of the <cite>Colloquium peccatoris et
Crucifixi J. C.</cite>, printed at Antwerp by Mathias van
der Goes about 1487, which must have been accidentally
lying near when the printer wanted something
to take an impression upon.<a name="FNanchor_32_32" id="FNanchor_32_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_32_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a></p>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_32_32" id="Footnote_32_32"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32_32"><span class="label">[32]</span></a> For a detailed account of this and other English <cite>Images of Pity</cite>,
see a paper by Henry Bradshaw, reprinted as No. 9 in his <cite>Collected
Papers</cite>, p. 135.</p></div>
<p>In 1489, Caxton printed two editions of an indulgence
of great typographical interest. This indulgence
was first noticed by Dr. Cotton, who mentions
it in his <cite>Typographical Gazetteer</cite> under Oxford, supposing
it to have been printed at that place. Bradshaw,
on seeing a photograph of it, at once conjectured
from the form and appearance of the type that it was
printed by Caxton, though Blades refused to accept
it as a product of his press without further proof, and
it was never admitted into any of his books on
Caxton. The same type was afterwards found by
Bradshaw used for sidenotes in the 1494 edition of
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">[135]</a></span>the <cite>Speculum Vite Christi</cite>, printed by W. de Worde,
and the type being in his possession at that date,
could have belonged in 1489 to no one but Caxton.</p>
<p>In a list of Caxton’s types this type would be
known as type 7.</p>
<p>In addition to these two indulgences, a number of
books may be assigned to this year. The <cite>Fayttes of
Arms</cite> is dated; but besides this there are the <cite>Statutes
of Henry VII.</cite>, the <cite>Governayle of Health</cite>, the <cite>Four
Sons of Aymon</cite>, <cite>Blanchardyn and Eglantyne</cite>, <cite>Directorium
Sacerdotum</cite>, second edition, the third edition
of the <cite>Dictes or Sayengis</cite>, the <cite>Doctrinal of Sapience</cite>,
and an <cite>Image of Pity</cite> printed on one leaf. The
second edition of <cite>Reynard the Fox</cite>, known only from
the copy preserved in the Pepysian Library, may also
be assigned to this year. With the exception of the
<cite>Eneydos</cite>, the remainder of Caxton’s books are of a
religious or liturgical character. Amongst them we
must class an edition probably of the <cite>Horæ ad usum
Sarum</cite> not mentioned by Blades; for though no copy
or even fragment is now known, it is certain that such
a book was printed. A set-off from a page of it was
discovered by Bradshaw on a waste sheet of the
<cite>Fifteen Oes</cite>. All that could be certainly distinguished
was that it was printed in type 5, that there were
twenty-two lines to a page, and that each page was
surrounded by a border.</p>
<p>The <cite>Fifteen Oes</cite> itself is a most interesting book.
It was printed originally, no doubt, as an extra part
for an edition of the <cite>Horæ ad usum Sarum</cite> now
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">[136]</a></span>entirely lost. It contains a beautifully executed
woodcut of the crucifixion,—one of a series of five
which occur complete in a <cite>Horæ</cite> printed by Wynkyn
de Worde in 1494, and it is also the only existing
book from this press which has borders to the
pages. Caxton printed altogether about one hundred
books, using in them altogether eight types. Blades
gives ninety-nine books printed by Caxton, two of
which were certainly printed by his associate in
Bruges after Caxton had left for England. On the
other hand, he does not mention the newly-discovered
Grammar, the two editions of the Indulgence
of 1489, a second edition of the <cite>Lyf of our Lady</cite>,
known from a fragment in the Bodleian, and one or
two other indulgences. One or two books which
Blades includes were printed undoubtedly by De
Worde, such as the <cite>Book of Courtesye</cite> (which, indeed,
contains his small device), <cite>The Chastysing of God’s
Children</cite>, and the <cite>Treatise of Love</cite>. The genuine
Caxtons catalogued by Blades number ninety-four.</p>
<p>As regards types, Blades gives six of Caxton’s,
and a seventh which he conjectures only to have
been used by Wynkyn de Worde, though in this he
was mistaken, for it occurs in books printed while
Caxton was alive. Again, the type of the 1489
Indulgence which he does not mention, was conclusively
proved by Bradshaw to be one of Caxton’s
types. This type should be considered as type 7,
and the former type, which does not appear until
1490-91, as type 8. The woodcut initials which occur
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">[137]</a></span>in the <cite>Chastysing of God’s Children</cite> were not used till
after Caxton’s death.</p>
<p>But while we venerate Caxton as our first printer,
we must not overlook the claims which he has upon
us as a translator and editor. Wonderful as his
diligence in press-work may appear, it is still more
wonderful to consider how much literary work he
found time to do in the intervals of his business. He
was the editor of all the books which he printed, and
he himself translated no less than twenty-two, including
that great undertaking the <cite>Golden Legend</cite>. Even
on his deathbed he was still at work, as we learn
from the colophon of the <cite>Vitas Patrum</cite>, printed by
Wynkyn de Worde in 1495: ‘Thus endyth the
moost vertuouse hystorye of the deuoute and right
renowned lyves of holy faders lyvynge in deserte,
worthy of remembraunce to all wel dysposed persones,
which hath ben translated oute of Frenche into
Englysshe by William Caxton of Westmynstre late
deed and fynysshed at the laste daye of hys lyff.’</p>
<p>On Caxton’s death, in 1491, his materials passed
into the hands of Wynkyn de Worde, his assistant,
who continued to print in the same house at Westminster.
Up to 1493 he continued to use Caxton’s
type, with the addition of some woodcut initials
obtained from Godfried van Os, from whom he also
obtained a complete set of type, which was not used
till 1496, and then only for printing one book.</p>
<p>W. de Worde, though he must have lived for
some time previously in England, only took out
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">[138]</a></span>letters of denization in 1496. The grant is dated
20th April to ‘Winando de Worde, de ducatu
Lothoringie oriundo, impressori librorum.’</p>
<p>The earliest books which he printed have no name,
and are all in Caxton’s type, Nos. 6 and 4*, but with
some additional types which distinguish his works
from Caxton’s.</p>
<p>From the time of Caxton’s death, in 1491, to the
time when his own name first appears in an imprint,
Wynkyn de Worde printed five books. They are the
<cite>Chastysing of God’s Children</cite>, the <cite>Treatise of Love</cite>,
and the <cite>Book of Courtesye</cite>, all printed in type 6; and
the <cite>Golden Legend</cite> and the <cite>Life of St. Catherine</cite>,
printed in a modification of type 4*, a type which is
used in no other books. The <cite>Chastysing</cite> is interesting
as having a title-page, the first in any book from this
office; while in the <cite>Book of Courtesye</cite> we find the device
of W. de Worde used for the first time.</p>
<p>In 1493 we find for the first time a book containing
De Worde’s name. This is the <cite>Liber Festivalis</cite>,
probably printed towards the end of the year, for the
<cite>Quattuor Sermones</cite>, generally issued with it, is dated
1494. The next book to appear was Walter Hylton’s
<cite>Scala Perfectionis</cite>; and in the same year was issued
a reprint of Bonaventura’s <cite>Speculum Vite Christi</cite>, a
book of very great interest, for the sidenotes are
printed with the type which Caxton used for his
Indulgence of 1489, and which was used for no other
book than this. To this year 1494 we may ascribe a
beautiful edition of the Sarum <cite>Horæ</cite>, adorned with
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">[139]</a></span>woodcuts and borders, nearly all of which were inherited
from Caxton. The type which De Worde
used for these books seems to have come into Caxton’s
hands from France, during the last year of his life,
and resembles closely certain founts which belonged
to the Paris printers P. Levet and Higman, if indeed
it is not the same. After 1494, De Worde discarded
it, using it only occasionally for headings or titles.
Blades wrongly says that the use of this type separates
the early W. de Worde books from the Caxton’s;
but Caxton certainly possessed and used it. The
distinctive mark of the early Wynkyn de Worde
books is the use of the initials obtained from G. van
Os. Bradshaw, speaking of these, says, ‘Indeed, the
woodcut initials are what specially serve at once to
distinguish W. de Worde’s earliest from Caxton’s
latest books.’</p>
<p>In 1495 we have three dated books, the <cite>Vitas
Patrum</cite>, which Caxton was engaged in translating up
to the day of his death; Higden’s <cite>Polycronicon</cite>, the
first English book containing musical notes, and
the <cite>Directorium Sacerdotum</cite>. Besides these, a fair
number of undated books may be ascribed to this
year or the year after. The most important is the
Bartholomæus, <cite>De Proprietatibus Rerum</cite>. Apart
from its ordinary interest, it is considered to be the
first book printed on paper made in England.</p>
<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poetry">
<div class="stanza">
<div class="verse"> ‘And John Tate the younger, joye mote he broke,<br /></div>
<div class="verse"> Whiche late hath in Englond doo made this paper thynne<br /></div>
<div class="verse"> That now in our englisshe this boke is prynted Inne.’</div>
</div></div></div>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">[140]</a></span></p>
<p>In 1496 appeared the curious reprint of the <cite>Book of
St. Albans</cite>. It seems never to have been noticed
that this book is entirely printed with the type
which was obtained from Godfried van Os about the
time of his removal to Copenhagen. Besides the
<cite>Book of St. Albans</cite>, it has an extra chapter on fishing
with an angle, the first treatise on the subject in
English. An edition of the <cite>Dives and Pauper</cite>, with a
handsome title-page, was issued this year, as well as
a number of smaller books of considerable interest, as
the <cite>Constitutions</cite> of Lyndewode, the <cite>Meditacions</cite> of
St. Bernard, and the <cite>Festial</cite> and <cite>Quattuor Sermones</cite>.
Among the dated books of 1497 are the <cite>Chronicles of
England</cite>, an edition copied from the one printed at
St. Albans; and it is from the colophon to this edition
that we learn that the printer at St. Albans was
‘sometyme scole mayster’ there.</p>
<p>In 1498 three large and important books were
printed; of these the first was an edition of the <cite>Golden
Legend</cite>, of which only one perfect copy is known, in
the Spencer Collection; the next, a second edition
of the <cite>Morte d’Arthur</cite>, the first illustrated with woodcuts.
The only known copy of this book, wanting
ten leaves, is also in the Spencer Library. The third
book was an edition of the <cite>Canterbury Tales</cite>. In
1499 a large number of books were printed, the most
curious being an edition of <cite>Mandeville’s Travels</cite>,
illustrated profusely with woodcuts of the wonders
seen by the traveller, who got as far as the walls of
Paradise, but did not look in. Of this book two
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">[141]</a></span>copies, both imperfect, are known. <cite>A Book of Good
Manners</cite> and a <cite>Psalterium</cite>, both known from single
copies, were also printed in this year. An <cite>Ortus
Vocabulorum</cite>, printed in 1500, is the last book which
was issued by De Worde at Westminster. Altogether,
from 1491 to the time he left Caxton’s old
house at Westminster, W. de Worde printed about a
hundred books, certainly not less; and he also had a
few books printed for him, and at his expense, by
other printers.</p>
<p>In a very large number of De Worde’s early books
he inserted the cut of the crucifixion, which is first
found in Caxton’s <cite>XV Oes</cite>. In 1499 the block split
at the time when they were printing an edition of
the <cite>Mirror of Consolation</cite>, sometime after the 10th
July, so that all the books which contain the cut in
its injured state must be later than 10th July 1499.</p>
<p>The year 1500 gives us an excellent date-mark for
W. de Worde’s books, for in that year he moved from
Westminster ‘in Caxton’s house,’ to London, in Fleet
Street, at the sign of the Sun. Upon moving he
seems to have destroyed or disposed of a good deal of
printing material. Some of his woodcuts passed to
Julian Notary, who was also at that time a printer in
Westminster. One of his marks and some of his
type disappear entirely at this time. The type which
he had used in the majority of the books printed in
the last few years of the fifteenth century we find in
use up to 1508 or 1509, when it disappears from
London to reappear at York; but his capitals and
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">[142]</a></span>marks had changed. From 1504 onward he used in
the majority of his books the well-known square
device in three divisions, having in the upper part the
sun and moon and a number of stars, In the centre
the W. and C. and Caxton’s mark; below this the
‘Sagittarius’ shooting an arrow at a dog. It has not
hitherto been noticed that of this device there are
three varieties, identical to a superficial view, yet
quite distinct and definitely marking certain periods.
The first variety in use from 1505 to 1518 has in the
upper part eleven stars to the left of the sun and
nine to the right, while the white circular inlets at
the ends of the W. are almost closed. The second
variety used from 1519 to the middle of 1528 has the
same number of stars, but the circular inlets at the
ends of the letters are more open. The last variety
has ten stars to the left of the sun and ten to the right.
It was used from 1528 to the time of De Worde’s
death. In the colophons of some of his early books
De Worde mentions that he had another shop in St.
Paul’s Churchyard, with the sign of Our Lady of
Pity.</p>
<p>Wynkyn de Worde was essentially a popular
printer, and he issued innumerable small tracts;
short romances in prose and verse, books of riddles,
books on carving and manners at table, almanacs,
sermons, grammars, and such like. Many of these
books were translations from the French, and were
made by Robert Copland, who was one of De
Werde’s apprentices. The later books of De Worde
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">[143]</a></span>are often puzzling. He seems to have employed
John Scot to print for him, and many books which
have only De Worde’s name are in Scot’s type. One
book is particularly curious. It is an edition of <cite>The
Mirror of Golde for the Sinful Soul</cite>, 29th March 1522.
Some copies have a colophon, ‘Imprinted at London
withoute Newgate, in Saint Pulker’s Parysche, by John
Scot.’ Other copies have the first sheet and the last
leaf reset, while the colophon runs, ‘Imprinted at
London in Fletestrete, at the sygne of the Sone, by
Wynkyn de Worde.’</p>
<p>De Worde died at the end of 1534. His will is
dated 5th June 1534, and it was proved 19th January
1535. His executors were John Bedill, who succeeded
him in business, and James Gaver, probably a bookbinder,
and one of the numerous family of that name
who exercised their craft in the Low Countries. In
the forty years that he printed, Wynkyn de Worde
produced over six hundred books, that is, more than
fifteen a year, a much higher average than any other
early English printer attained.</p>
<p>About the year 1496 three printers started in partnership
at the sign of St. Thomas the Apostle in
London. They were Julian Notary, Jean Barbier,
and a third whose name is not known, but whose
initials were I. H., and who may perhaps have been
Jean Huvin. The first book which they printed was
the <cite>Questiones Alberti de modis significandi</cite>, a quarto
of sixty leaves, printed in a clear, handsome black
letter. At the end of the book is a printer’s mark,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">[144]</a></span>with the initials of the printers, but there is no colophon
to tell us either their names or the date of
printing. In 1497 they issued an edition of the
<cite>Horæ ad usum Sarum</cite>, printed, as we learn from
the colophon, for Wynkyn de Worde. The same
printer’s mark is in this book, but again we have no
information about the names of the printers. In
1498 the firm had changed,—I. H. had left, and the
two remaining printers, Notary and Barbier, had
moved to Westminster, perhaps in order to be nearer
the printer for whom they worked. In this year
they printed an edition of the <cite>Sarum Missal</cite> for
Wynkyn de Worde, and after this Jean Barbier
returns to France, leaving Notary at Westminster by
himself. There he continued to print up to some
time before 1503, and in that year we find him living
‘without Temple Bar, in St. Clement’s Parish, at
the sign of the Three Kings.’ Before moving, he
had printed, besides the books mentioned above, a
<cite>Festial</cite> and <cite>Quattuor Sermones</cite> in 1499, a <cite>Horæ ad
usum Sarum</cite> in 1500, and the Chaucer’s <cite>Complaint
of Mars and Venus</cite>, without date. About this time
he obtained some woodcuts from Wynkyn de Worde,
and we find them used in the first book he printed
at his new address, the <cite>Golden Legend</cite> of 1503[4],
and in it also are to be found some very curious
metal cuts in the ‘manière criblée.’ An undated
<cite>Sarum Horæ</cite>, in which the calendar begins with
1503, should most probably be put before the <cite>Golden
Legend</cite>. From 1504 to 1510 Notary printed about
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">[145]</a></span>thirteen books, and in that latter year (as we learn
from the imprint of the <cite>Expositio Hymnorum</cite>) he
had, besides his shop without Temple Bar, another
in St. Paul’s Churchyard, of which the sign was also
the Three Kings.</p>
<div class="figcenter">
<a id="i_144" name="i_144"><img src="images/i_144.jpg" alt="PART OF A PAGE FROM GOLDEN LEGEND." width="321" height="500" /></a>
<p class="caption">PART OF A PAGE FROM GOLDEN LEGEND.<br />
(<em>Printed by Notary, 1503.</em>)</p>
</div>
<p>Between 1510 and 1515, Notary issued no dated
book, but in the latter year appeared the <cite>Chronicles
of England</cite>, and in the year following two <cite>Grammars</cite>
of Whittington. The old printing-office ‘Extra
Temple Bar’ seems to have been given up, for at
this time Notary was printing in Paul’s Churchyard,
at the sign of St. Mark. After 1518 there is another
interval of three years without a dated book; but
between 1518 and 1520 several were issued from the
sign of the Three Kings in Paul’s Churchyard, and
after that Notary printed no more. His movements
from place to place are difficult to understand. In
1497 he is in London at the sign of St. Thomas
Apostle, in 1498 at Westminster in King Street.
About 1502-3, he moves to a house outside Temple
Bar, the one probably that Pynson had just vacated.
In 1510, while still printing at the same place, he
had a shop in St. Paul’s Churchyard at the sign of
the Three Kings. In 1515 he is at the sign of St.
Mark in Paul’s Churchyard, in 1518 again at the
Three Kings. It seems probable that some of his
productions must have entirely disappeared, otherwise
it is hard to account for the number of blank
years.</p>
<p>The latest writer on Julian Notary conjectures that
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">[146]</a></span>the sign of St. Mark and the sign of the Three Kings
were attached to the same house; that Julian Notary,
on moving to Paul’s Churchyard, went to a house
with the sign of St. Mark, and after printing under
that sign for two years, altered it, for commercial
reasons, to his old emblem of the Three Kings.
This is ingenious, but impossible, for the writer has
ignored the fact that Notary had a shop in St. Paul’s
Churchyard at the Three Kings five years before we
hear of the one with the sign of St. Mark.</p>
</div>
<hr class="chap" />
<div class="chapter">
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">[147]</a></span></p>
<h2><a name="CHAPTER_IX" id="CHAPTER_IX"></a>CHAPTER IX.</h2>
<p class="center">OXFORD AND ST. ALBAN’S.</p>
<p><span class="smcap">As</span> early as 1664, when Richard Atkyns issued his
<cite>Original and Growth of Printing</cite>, the assertion was
put forward that printing in England was first
practised at Oxford. ‘A book came into my hands,’
says Atkyns, ‘printed at Oxon, Anno Dom. 1468,
which was three years before any of the recited
Authours would allow it to be in England.’</p>
<p>The book here referred to is the celebrated <cite>Exposicio
sancti Jeronimi in simbolum apostolorum</cite>,
written by Tyrannius Rufinus of Aquileia; and in
the colophon it is clearly stated that the book was
printed in 1468. ‘Impressa Oxonie et finita anno
domini.M. cccc. lxviij xvij. die decembris.’</p>
<p>Many writers have argued for and against the
authenticity of the date; and though some are still
found who believe in its correctness, it is generally
allowed to be a misprint for 1478. In the first place,
the book has printed signatures, which have not been
found in any book before 1472. Again, copies of this
book have been found bound up in the original binding
with books of 1478, In the library of All Souls
College, Oxford, is a copy bound up with one of the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">[148]</a></span>1479 books, and though the present binding is
modern, they were originally bound together; and we
find a set-off from the damp ink of the second volume
on the last leaf of the first. A copy in another
Oxford library, bound up with the 1479 books, has
been marked for or by the binder with consecutive
signatures all through the several tracts. Instances
of misprinted dates are far from rare. The <cite>Mataratius
de componendis versibus</cite>, printed at Venice by
Ratdolt, is dated 1468 instead of 1478, and was on
that account sometimes put forward as a proof of
early printing there. Spain, too, claimed printing for
the same year on account of a misprinted ‘1468’ in
a grammar printed at Barcelona. A <cite>Vocabularius
rerum</cite>, printed by John Keller at Augsburg, has the
same misprint of 1468. However, the surest test of
the date of a book is to place it alongside others from
the same press, and compare the workmanship. In
this case the book falls naturally into its place at the
head of the Oxford list in 1478, taking just the small
precedence of the two books of 1479, which the
slightly lesser excellence of its workmanship warrants.
A break of eleven years between two books which
are in every way so closely allied would be almost
impossible, and quite unsupported by other instances.
Accepting 1478 as the correct date, it is clear that
Oxford lost no time in employing the new art, for
Caxton had only commenced at Westminster the
year before.</p>
<p>The first three books, the <cite>Exposicio</cite> of 1478 before
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">[149]</a></span>mentioned, and the <cite>Ægidius de originali peccato</cite>, and
<cite>Textus ethicorum Aristotelis per Leonardum Aretinum
translatus</cite>, both of 1470, form a group of themselves.
They are printed in a type either brought from
Cologne or directly copied from Cologne work, and
strongly resembling that used by Gerard ten Raem
de Berka or Guldenschaff. None have a printer’s
name, but they are ascribed to Theodore Rood of
Cologne, the printer of the other early Oxford
books.</p>
<p>The earliest of these three, the <cite>Exposicio</cite>, is a small
quarto of forty-two leaves, with twenty-five lines to
the page, and the other two are generally similar in
type and form. There are, however, one or two
differences to be noted in it. The edges on the right-hand
margin are often uneven, the letters Q, H, g are
often wrongly used, the text begins on <span class="smcap">A</span>1 instead of
on the second leaf, and it was printed one page at a
time. These faults were all rectified in the two later
books, which leave little to be desired in the way of
execution.</p>
<p>The next dated book appeared in 1481, and it has
the advantage of a full colophon giving the name of
the printer. It is a Latin commentary on the <cite>De
Animâ</cite> of Aristotle, by Alexander de Hales; a folio
of 240 leaves, printed in type which had not been
used before,—a curious, narrow, upright Gothic, not
unlike in general appearance some of the founts used
at Zwoll, or by Ther Hoernen at Cologne. A copy of
this book was bought in the year that it was published
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">[150]</a></span>for the library of Magdalen College, Oxford, where it
still remains, for the sum of thirty-three shillings and
fourpence. In 1482 was issued a <cite>Commentary on the
Lamentations of Jeremiah</cite>, by John Lattebury, a folio
of 292 leaves. This is one of the least rare of the
early Oxford books, and three copies of it are known
printed upon vellum. The most interesting of these
is in the library of All Souls College, Oxford. It is
a beautiful copy in the original Oxford binding, and
the various quires are signed by the proof-readers.
Shortly after the issue of the <cite>Lattebury</cite>, the press
acquired an extremely beautiful woodcut border, and
the copies still remaining in stock of the <cite>Lattebury</cite>
and the <cite>Alexander de Hales</cite> were rendered more
attractive by having this border printed round the
first page of text, and at the beginning of some of
the divisions. In this second issue of the two books,
some sheets also appear to have been reprinted.</p>
<p>With these two books may be classed two others,
in both cases known only from fragments, an edition
of <cite>Cicero pro Milone</cite> and a Latin Grammar. The
<cite>Cicero pro Milone</cite> is a quarto, and would have contained
about thirty leaves. At present only eight
leaves are known; four in the Bodleian, and four in
Merton College Library. This was the first edition
of a classic printed in England. Of the Latin
Grammar only two leaves are known, which are in
the British Museum.</p>
<p>The third and last group contains eight books, of
which only one contains a printer’s name. This is
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">[151]</a></span>found in the colophon to the <cite>Phalaris</cite> of 1485, a
curious production in verse running as follows:—</p>
<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poetry">
<div class="stanza">
<div class="verse"> ‘Hoc Teodericus rood quem collonia misit<br /></div>
<div class="indent4">Sanguine germanus nobile pressit opus<br /></div>
<div class="verse"> Atque sibi socius thomas fuit anglicus hunte.<br /></div>
<div class="indent4">Dij dent ut venetos exuperare queant<br /></div>
<div class="verse"> Quam ienson venetos decuit vir gallicus artem<br /></div>
<div class="indent4">Ingenio didicit terra britanna suo<br /></div>
<div class="verse"> Celatos veneti nobis transmittere libros<br /></div>
<div class="indent4">Cedite nos alijs vendimus o veneti<br /></div>
<div class="verse"> Que fuerat vobis ars primum nota latini<br /></div>
<div class="indent4">Est eadem nobis ipsa reperta patres<br /></div>
<div class="verse"> Quamvis semotos toto canit orbe britannos<br /></div>
<div class="indent4">Virgilius, placet his lingua latina tamen.’</div>
</div></div></div>
<p>From this we learn that Rood had taken as his
partner one Thomas Hunt, an Englishman, who had
been established as a stationer in Oxford as early as
1473. He was probably associated with Rood in the
production of all the books in the last group, and his
influence may be perhaps traced in the new founts of
type used in them, which are much more English in
appearance than any which had been used at this
press before.</p>
<p>One of the earliest of the books of this last group
is the Latin Grammar by John Anwykyll, with the
<cite>Vulgaria Terencii</cite>. Of the first part, the Grammar,
which contained about 128 leaves, only one imperfect
copy, now in the Bodleian, is known. Of the other
part, the <cite>Vulgaria</cite>, at least four copies are known,
and an inscription on the copy belonging to the
Bodleian gives us a clue to the date. On its first
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">[152]</a></span>leaf is written the following inscription:—‘1483.
Frater Johannes Grene emit hunc librum Oxonie de
elemosinis amicorum suorum’—Brother John Grene
bought this book at Oxford with the gifts of his
friends. 1483 is, then, the latest date to which we can
ascribe the printing of the book; and this fits it into
its place, after the books of 1481 and 1482 printed in
the earlier type.</p>
<div class="figcenter">
<a id="i_152" name="i_152"><img src="images/i_152.jpg" alt="FIRST PAGE OF THE EXCITATIO." width="297" height="500" /></a>
<p class="caption">FIRST PAGE OF THE “EXCITATIO.”<br />
(<em>Printed at Oxford</em>, c. 1485.)</p>
</div>
<p>After the <cite>Anwykyll</cite> comes a book by Richard
Rolle of Hampole, <cite>Explanationes super lectiones beati
Job</cite>, a quarto of sixty-four leaves, of which all the three
known copies are in the University Library, Cambridge.
With this may be classed a unique book in
the British Museum, a sermon of Augustine, <cite>Excitatio
ad elemosinam faciendam</cite>, a quarto of eight leaves.
This book, bound with five other rare tracts, was lot
4912 in the Colbert sale, and brought the large price
of 1 livre, 10 sous, about half-a-crown in our money.
Another quarto, similar to the last two, follows, a
collection of treatises on logical subjects, usually
associated with the name of Roger Swyneshede, who
was most probably the author of one only out of the
nineteen different parts. It is a quarto of 164 leaves,
and the only perfect copy known is in the library of
New College, Oxford; another copy, slightly imperfect,
being in the library of Merton College.</p>
<p>Next in our conjectural arrangement comes the
Lyndewode, <cite>Super constitutiones provinciales</cite>, a large
folio of 366 leaves. This is the first edition of the
celebrated commentary of William Lyndewode, and
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">[153]</a></span>of the Provincial Constitutions of England. On the
verso of the first leaf is a woodcut, the first occurring
in an Oxford book.</p>
<p>Ascribed to the year 1485 are the <cite>Doctrinale</cite> of
Alexander Gallus and the Latin translation of the
<cite>Epistles of Phalaris</cite>, whose colophon has been already
noticed.</p>
<p>The <cite>Doctrinale</cite> of Alexander Gallus is known only
from two leaves in the library of St. John’s College,
Cambridge. These leaves are used as end papers in
the binding of a book; and a volume in the library of
Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, bound in identically
the same manner, has also as end papers two
leaves of an Oxford printed book. That these two
books must have been bound by the same man,
almost at the same time, is shown from the fact that
in both we find used vellum leaves from one and the
same manuscript along with the refuse Oxford leaves.</p>
<p>The Latin translation of the <cite>Epistles of Phalaris</cite>,
by Franciscus Aretinus, is in many ways the most
interesting of this last group of Oxford books, containing
as it does a very full colophon. It was
printed, so the colophon tells us, in the 297th
Olympiad, which those who write on the subject
say was the year 1485. It is a quarto of eighty-eight
leaves, and a very fine perfect copy is in the
library of Wadham College, Oxford; two other
copies are known, belonging to Corpus Christi
College, Oxford, and the Spencer Library.</p>
<p>The last book issued by the Oxford press was the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">[154]</a></span><cite>Liber Festialis</cite>, a book of sermons for the holy days,
by John Mirk. Several imperfect copies of this book
are known, the most complete being in the library of
Lambeth Palace. It is a folio of 174 leaves, and
contains a series of eleven large cuts and five small
ones. This series of large cuts (together with the
cut of an author at work on his book, which occurs
in the <cite>Lyndewode</cite>, and which is clearly one of the
set), were not cut for the <cite>Festial</cite>, but appear to
have been prepared for some edition of the <cite>Golden
Legend</cite>. It was to have been a large folio book, for
when we find the cuts used in the <cite>Festial</cite>, they have
been cut at one end to allow them to fit the smaller
sized sheet.</p>
<p>The <cite>Festial</cite> is dated 1486, but has no printer’s
name. After this we know of no other book produced
in Oxford during the fifteenth century, and we
have no information to account for the cessation of
the press. It is possible, however, that Rood left
Oxford and returned to Cologne. Panzer (vol. iv.
p. 274) mentions two books, <cite>Questiones Aristotelis de
generatione et corruptione</cite> and <cite>Tres libri de anima
Aristotelis</cite>, printed at Cologne by a printer named
Theodoricus in 1485 and 1486. In the library at
Munich is a copy of the first book, and a facsimile
of a page was published lately in Burger’s <cite>Monumenta
Germaniæ et Italiæ Typographica</cite>.</p>
<p>Now the type in which this book is printed bears
the very strongest resemblance in many respects to
that used by Rood at Oxford in 1481 and 1482, and
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">[155]</a></span>the similarity of the names makes it possible, if not
probable, that Rood was the printer. The <cite>Questiones
Aristotelis de generatione et corruptione</cite> was
finished at Cologne, ‘anno incarnationis dominice
1485 in vigilia S, Andreæ apostoli per Theodoricum
impressorem colonie infra sedecim domos.’<a name="FNanchor_33_33" id="FNanchor_33_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_33_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a></p>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_33_33" id="Footnote_33_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33_33"><span class="label">[33]</span></a> At this same address, where, in 1470, Ther Hoernen was living,
we afterwards find John Landen. It is not, however, quite clear that
‘infra sedecim domos’ was the denomination of a particular house.</p></div>
<p>The vigil of St. Andrew was the 29th of November,
so that Rood had not much time to move from
Oxford and start his new office between the date
of the publication of the <cite>Phalaris</cite>, 1485, and the
29th of November of the same year.</p>
<p>Ennen and Madden consider that this Theodoricus
was a certain Theodoric de Berse, whose name occurs
in a list of printers and stationers of Cologne in 1501.</p>
<p>It is impossible with our present knowledge to say
any more on the question; but if Rood did return
to Cologne, the <cite>Festial</cite> must have been printed by
Hunt alone. With it the fifteenth century printing
at Oxford suddenly ceased, after a fairly prosperous
career of eight years, during which at least
fifteen books were issued.</p>
<p>From 1486 onward we have no further record of
printing there till the year 1517. In the meanwhile
the stationers supplied such books as were required;
and to some of them we find incidental references,
both in accounts and in the colophons of books
printed for them.</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">[156]</a></span></p>
<p>In 1506, Pynson printed an edition of the <cite>Principia</cite>
of Peregrinus de Lugo, at the expense of Georgius
Castellanus, who was living at the sign of St. John
the Evangelist. Between 1512 and 1514, Henry
Jacobi, a London stationer, moved to Oxford, and
started business at the sign of the Trinity, the sign
which he had used when in London. He died at
Oxford in 1514. In 1517 the new press was started
by John Scolar, who lived ‘in viculo diui Joannis
baptiste.’ The first book he issued was a commentary
by Walter Burley on apart of Aristotle, and this was
followed in the next year by another book by the
same author, <cite>De materia et forma</cite>. In 1518 were also
issued the <cite>Questiones super libros ethicorum</cite>, by John
Dedicus [15 May], the <cite>Compendium questionum de
luce et lumine</cite> [5 June], and Robert Whitinton’s <cite>De
heteroclitis nominibus</cite> [27 June]. To the same year
may be assigned a <cite>Prognostication</cite> by Jasper Laet,
of which there is a copy in the Cambridge University
Library. In 1519 there is only one book, printed by
a new man, for Scolar has disappeared. It is the
<cite>Compotus manualis ad usum Oxoniensium</cite>, printed by
Charles Kyrfoth, who lived like Scolar ‘in vico diui
Joannis baptiste,’ and perhaps succeeded the latter in
business. From this time forward no books were
printed in Oxford till 1585, when the University
Press was started by Joseph Barnes, and commenced
its career by issuing the <cite>Speculum moralium quæstionum</cite>
of John Case.</p>
<p>One more early Oxford stationer must be mentioned
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">[157]</a></span>as connected with printing, and this is John Dorne or
Thorne, who was in business about 1520, and whose
most interesting Day-book was edited some years ago
by Mr. Falconer Madan for the Oxford Historical
Society. He was originally a stationer, and perhaps
printer, at Brunswick. A small educational work, the
<cite>Opusculum insolubilium secundum usum insignis scole
paruisi in alma universitate Oxonie</cite>, printed by
Treveris, was to be sold ‘apud I. T.’ These initials
stand probably for John Thorne, and we find the
book mentioned in his accounts.</p>
<p class="center">ST. ALBAN’S.</p>
<p>The schoolmaster printer of St. Alban’s has left us
no information as to his life, or even told us his
name, and we should know nothing whatever about
him had not W. de Worde referred to him as
‘sometime schoolmaster of St. Albans.’</p>
<p>The press was probably started in 1479; for though
the earliest dated book is dated 1480, an edition from
this press of <cite>Augustini Dacti elegancie</cite>, in quarto, is
evidently earlier, being printed throughout in one
type, the first of those used by this printer. Of this
book one copy only is known, in the University
Library, Cambridge.</p>
<p>In 1480 the schoolmaster printer issued the <cite>Rhetorica
Nova</cite> of Laurentius de Saona, a book which
Caxton was printing about the same time, and very
soon after it the <cite>Questiones Alberti de modo significandi</cite>.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">[158]</a></span>These were followed by three more works in Latin,
the <cite>Questiones super Physica Aristotelis</cite> of Joannes
Canonicus, the <cite>Exempla Sacræ Scripturæ</cite>, and Antonius
Andreæ <cite>super Logica Aristotelis</cite>. The remaining two
books from this press, in contrast to those that had
preceded them, are of a popular character. These
are the <cite>Chronicles of England</cite>, and the treatise on
hawking, hunting, and coat armour, commonly known
as the <cite>Book of St. Alban’s</cite>.</p>
<p>All the eight St. Alban’s books are of the greatest
rarity. More than half are known only from
single copies; of some, not a single perfect copy
remains.</p>
<p>The very scholastic nature of the majority of the
books from this press renders it more or less uninteresting;
but the two latest works, the <cite>Chronicles</cite> and
the <cite>Book of St. Alban’s</cite>, appeal more to popular taste.
Editions of the <cite>Chronicles</cite> were issued by every
English printer, and there is nothing in this particular
one to merit special remark. The <cite>Book of St. Alban’s</cite>,
on the other hand, is a book of very particular
interest. It consists of three parts; the first is
devoted to hawking, the second to hunting, and the
third to coat armours or heraldry. Naturally enough
it was a popular book—so popular that no perfect
copy now exists. It also possesses the distinction of
being the first English book which contains specimens
of printing in colour; for the coats-of-arms at
the end are for the most part printed in their correct
colour. Later in the century, in 1496, W. de Worde
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">[159]</a></span>issued another edition of this book, adding to it a
chapter on ‘Fishing with an angle.’</p>
<p>In these eight St. Alban’s books we find four
different types used. The first is a small, clear-cut,
distinctive type, but is only used for the text of
one book and the signatures of others. Type
<span class="smcap">No</span>. 2, which is used for the text of the two English
and one of the Latin books, is a larger ragged
type, with a strong superficial resemblance to
Caxton’s. Type No. 3, which is used in four Latin
books, is a smaller type, full of abbreviations and
contractions; while the last type is one which had
belonged to Caxton (his type 3), but which he
gave up using about 1484. This use of Caxton’s
type has led some people to imagine that there was
a close connection between the Westminster and
St. Alban’s press; and a writer in the <cite>Athenæum</cite>
went so far as to propound a theory that Caxton’s
unsigned books were really printed at St. Alban’s.</p>
</div>
<hr class="chap" />
<div class="chapter">
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">[160]</a></span></p>
<h2><a name="CHAPTER_X" id="CHAPTER_X"></a>CHAPTER X.</h2>
<p class="center">LONDON.</p>
<p><span class="smcap">John Lettou, William de Machlinia, Richard Pynson.</span></p>
<p><span class="smcap">In 1480</span>, printing was introduced into London by
John Lettou, perhaps a native of Lithuania, of which
Lettou is an old form. The first product of the press
was an edition of John Kendale’s Indulgence asking
for aid against the Turks, another edition having just
been issued by Caxton in his large No. 2* type. As
we have said, Lettou’s small neat type was very much
better suited for printing indulgences, and its appearance
very probably caused Caxton to make his small
type No. 4, which he used in future for such work.
Besides two other editions of the indulgence, Lettou
printed only one book in this year, the <cite>Quæstiones
Antonii Andreæ super duodecim libros metaphysice
Aristotelis</cite>. It is a small folio of 106 leaves, of very
great rarity, only one perfect copy being known, in
the library of Sion College, London. In 1481 another
folio book was printed, <cite>Thomas Wallensis super Psalterium</cite>,
and probably in the same year a work on
ecclesiastical procedure, known only from two leaves
which were found in the binding of one of the Parker
books in Corpus Christi College, Cambridge.</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">[161]</a></span></p>
<p>From the workmanship of these books we can
clearly see that Lettou was a practised printer,
though we know nothing as to where he learnt his
art. His type, which bears no resemblance to any
other used in England, is very similar to that of
Matthias Moravus, the Naples printer; so similar,
indeed, as to make it certain that there must have
been some connexion between the two printers, or
some common origin for their types. Lettou was
assisted by a certain William Wilcock, at whose
expense the two large books were printed.</p>
<p>About 1482, Lettou was joined by another printer,
William de Machlinia, a native no doubt of Malines
in Belgium. These two printers employed a new
fount of type of the same school as the other English
types, and one suitable for the printing of the law-books,
which were their sole productions. In partnership
they printed but five books, the <cite>Tenores Novelli</cite>,
the <cite>Abridgment of the Statutes</cite>, and the <cite>Year-Books</cite>
of the 33rd, 35th, and 36th years of Henry VII. The
first of these books is the only one which has a
colophon. It gives the names of the two printers,
and states that the book was printed in the city of
London, ‘juxta ecclesiam omnium sanctorum;’ a
rather vague address, since, according to Arnold’s
Chronicle, there were several London churches thus
dedicated.</p>
<p>After these books had been issued, about 1483-84,
John Lettou disappears, and Machlinia carried on
his business alone. By himself he printed at least
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">[162]</a></span>twenty-two books or editions. Out of all this
number only four contain his name, and not one a
date. He printed at two addresses, ‘By Flete-brigge,’
and in Holborn. If these two addresses refer to two
different places, and we have no reason for supposing
the contrary, there is no doubt that ‘By Flete-brigge’
is the earlier.</p>
<p>How late he continued to carry on business it is
not possible to find out, as none of his books are
dated. The Bull of Innocent VIII., relating to the
marriage of Henry VII., which he printed, cannot
have been issued till after 2nd March 1486; and
the occurrence of a title-page in one of his books
points to a still later date, for we know of no other
book having a title-page printed in England before
1491-92.</p>
<p>Machlinia’s use of signatures and initial directors
seems to have been entirely arbitrary, and it is impossible
to arrange the books in any certain order
from their typographical peculiarities.</p>
<p>In the ‘Flete-brigge’ type there are nine books.
Two works of Albertus Magnus, the <cite>Liber aggregationis</cite>
and the <cite>De secretis mulierum</cite>;<a name="FNanchor_34_34" id="FNanchor_34_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_34_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a> a <cite>Horæ ad usum
Sarum</cite>, known only from fragments rescued from old
bindings; the <cite>Revelation of St. Nicholas to a monk
of Evesham</cite>, of which the two known copies show
curious instances of wrong imposition. There are,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">[163]</a></span>besides, three law-books and a school-book, the
<cite>Vulgaria Terencii</cite>. Of the <cite>Horæ ad usum Sarum</cite>
twenty leaves are known, all printed on vellum. In
size it might be called a 16mo, and was made up in
gatherings of eight leaves, each gathering containing
two sheets of vellum. These gatherings were folded
in a peculiar way. As an ordinary rule, when we
find a quire of eight leaves formed of two sheets,
leaves 1, 2, 7, 8 were printed on one sheet, leaves 3, 4,
5, 6 on the other. But Machlinia adopted a different
plan, and printed leaves 1, 4, 5, 8 on the one sheet,
leaves 2, 3, 6, 7 on the other. It is impossible to say
whether there were any cuts in the volume; there are
none in the remaining fragments, but at the beginning
of certain portions a woodcut border was used,
which surrounded the whole page. This border was
afterwards used by Pynson. A curious thing to be
noticed about the type in which these books are
printed, is its very strong resemblance to some of the
founts of type used about the same period in Spain.</p>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_34_34" id="Footnote_34_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34_34"><span class="label">[34]</span></a>The copy of this book in the University Library, Cambridge, wanting
all signature <em>c</em>, but in fine condition, and uncut, has on the first
blank leaf some early writing which refers to the year 1485, showing
probably that the book was not printed after that date.</p></div>
<div class="figcenter">
<a id="i_163" name="i_163"><img src="images/i_163.jpg" alt="PAGE OF THE SARUM HORÆ." width="359" height="500" /></a>
<p class="caption">PAGE OF THE SARUM HORÆ.<br />
(<em>Printed by Machlinia.</em>)</p>
</div>
<p>In the Holborn type there are a larger number of
books, at least fourteen being known. Of these the
best known and most common is the <cite>Speculum
Christiani</cite>, supposed, from the occurrence of the name
in a manuscript copy, to have been compiled by
one Watton. It is interesting as containing specimens
of early poetry. Another book was popular
enough to run through three editions; this was the
<cite>Treatise on the Pestilence</cite>, written by Kamitus or
Canutus, bishop of Aarhuus. It is impossible to say
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">[164]</a></span>when it was printed, or whether some panic connected
with the plague caused a run upon it. One
of the editions must have been almost the last book
which Machlinia issued, for it contains the title-page
already referred to. The most important book in
this set in point of size is the <cite>Chronicles of England</cite>,
of which only one perfect copy is known. In the
copy in the British Museum occurs a curious thing.
The book is a folio, but two of the leaves are
printed as quarto. In this type are three law-books,
<cite>Year-Books</cite> for years 34 and 37 of Henry
VI., and the <cite>Statutes</cite> of Richard III. There are
also two school-books, the <cite>Vulgaria Terentii</cite> and
an interesting <cite>Donatus</cite> in folio, whose existence is
known only from duplicate copies of one leaf. The
remaining books are theological, and comprise two
separate <cite>Nova Festa</cite>, or services for new feasts; one
for the Visitation of the Virgin, the other for the
Transfiguration of our Lord. These services were
almost at once incorporated in the general volume of
the <cite>Breviary</cite>, so that in a separate form they are very
uncommon. The last book to be mentioned is the
<cite>Regulæ et ordinationes</cite> of Innocent VIII., which must
have been printed some time after 23rd September
1484, when that pope was elected. Of a later date
still is a <cite>Bull</cite> of the same pope relating to Henry
VII.’s title and marriage. It must have been printed
after 7th November 1485 (the date of Parliament), and
after 2nd March 1485-86 (the date of the <cite>Bull</cite>).</p>
<p>Another book should be mentioned here, which,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">[165]</a></span>though it cannot with certainty be ascribed to any
known English printer, resembles most of all the
work of Machlinia. It is an English translation by
Kay of the Latin description of the <cite>Siege of Rhodes</cite>,
written by Caorsin; a small folio of twenty-four
leaves. Many of the letters seem the same as
Machlinia’s, but with variations and modifications.</p>
<p>The number of founts of type used in this office
throughout its existence was eleven, and of these two
are very peculiar. One of the larger sets of type
seems to have been obtained from Caxton, but it was
hardly used at all. Another set of capital letters,
which must have been obtained from abroad, occur in
some of the latest books. They bear no resemblance
to anything used by any other printer, and look rather
as though they belonged to a fount of Roman type.</p>
<p>Though 1486 is the latest date which we can fix to
any of Machlinia’s productions, it is probable that he
continued to print up till about the year 1490.</p>
<p>Soon after the cessation of Machlinia’s press, his
business seems to have been taken on by Richard
Pynson, whose first dated book appeared in 1493.
Though it is impossible to prove conclusively that
Pynson succeeded Machlinia in business, many small
points seem to show that this was the case. We find
leaves of Machlinia’s books in bindings undoubtedly
produced by Pynson, and he was also in possession of
a border used by Machlinia in his edition of the
<cite>Sarum Horæ</cite>. It is often said that Pynson was an
apprentice of Caxton’s; but we have no evidence of
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">[166]</a></span>this beyond the words in the prologue to the <cite>Chaucer</cite>,
where Caxton is called ‘my worshipful master’—a
title applied sometimes to Caxton by printers living
fifty years after.<a name="FNanchor_35_35" id="FNanchor_35_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_35_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a></p>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_35_35" id="Footnote_35_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35_35"><span class="label">[35]</span></a> Blades, in his <cite>Life of Caxton</cite>, not only says that Pynson was
Caxton’s apprentice, but that he used his mark in some of his books.
This mistake has arisen from a doctored copy of Bonaventure’s <cite>Speculum
vite Christi</cite> in the British Museum, which has a leaf with Caxton’s
device inserted at the end.</p></div>
<p>In his patent of naturalisation of 30th July 1513,
Pynson is described as a native of Normandy; and
we know that he had business relations with Le
Talleur of Rouen, who printed some law-books for
him. These books, three in number, may be ascribed
to about 1490, or to some time after Machlinia had
ceased printing, and before Pynson had begun. It
was probably very soon after 1490 that Pynson set
up his printing establishment at the Temple Bar; for
though his first dated book, the <cite>Dives and Pauper</cite>,
is dated the 5th July 1493, there are one or two
other books that can with certainty be placed
before it.</p>
<p>A fragment of a grammar, consisting of the last
leaf only, among the Hearne fragments in the Bodleian,
is all that remains of one of his earliest books.
It is printed entirely in his first large coarse type,
which bears so much resemblance to some of
Machlinia’s; and was used as waste to line the boards
of a book before Passion Week, 1494.</p>
<p>The <cite>Chaucer</cite>, in which two types are used, one for
the prose and another for the verse, is also earlier
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">[167]</a></span>than the <cite>Dives and Pauper</cite>. It is illustrated with a
number of badly executed woodcuts, cut specially
for the book, of the various pilgrims in the <cite>Canterbury
Tales</cite>. Some of these cuts were altered while the
book was passing through the press, and serve again
for different characters. The Sergeaunt with a little
alteration reappears as the Doctor of Physick, and
the Squire is turned into the Manciple.</p>
<div class="figcenter">
<a id="i_167" name="i_167"><img src="images/i_167.jpg" alt="FROM THE FESTUM NOMINIS JESU." width="310" height="500" /></a>
<p class="caption">FROM THE ‘FESTUM NOMINIS JESU.’<br />
PYNSON, C. 1493.</p>
</div>
<p>In 1493 the <cite>Dives and Pauper</cite> appeared. It is
printed in a new type, copied evidently from a
French model, and strongly resembling some used
in Verard’s books. This type superseded the larger
type of the <cite>Chaucer</cite>, which we do not find in use
again. To 1493 a number of small books can be
assigned, all printed in the type of the <cite>Dives and
Pauper</cite>, and having twenty-five lines to the page.
Amongst them we may mention the <cite>Festum Nominis
Jesu</cite>; an edition of Lydgate’s <cite>Churl and Bird</cite>; a <cite>Life
of St. Margaret</cite>, which is known only from fragments,
and a legal work of which there is one leaf in Lambeth
Palace Library.</p>
<p>The method of using signatures, which Pynson
adopted in these early books, affords another small
piece of evidence to prove that he learnt to print at
Rouen, and not in England. In the quartos, the first
leaf of the quire is signed <span class="smcap">A</span> 1, the second has no
signature, while the third is signed <span class="smcap">A</span> 2. This way of
signing (by the sheet instead of by the leaf), not a
very ordinary one, was commonly in use at Rouen;
while Caxton and De Worde signed in the more
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">[168]</a></span>usual manner, with consecutive signatures to each
leaf for the first half of the quire.</p>
<p>For some unknown reason, Pynson was dissatisfied
with the <cite>Dives and Pauper</cite> type, for after 1493 it
never seems to have been used again. From this
time onwards, till about 1500, the majority of his
books were printed in the small type of the <cite>Chaucer</cite>,
or in some newer types of a more severe and less
French appearance. In his earliest books Pynson
used a device consisting of his initials cut in wood,
so as to print white upon a black background. It
resembles in many ways that of his old associate Le
Talleur, and may therefore have been cut in Rouen.
In 1496 we find him using two new devices, one a
large woodcut containing his mark, and a helmet
surmounted by a small bird,<a name="FNanchor_36_36" id="FNanchor_36_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_36_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a> which began to break
about 1497, and was soon disused. The other, which
is a metal cut, is in two pieces, a border of men and
flowers, and an interior piece with the mark on a
shield and supporters. The border of this device is a
most useful guide in determining the dates of the
books in which it occurs. In the lower part is a
ribbon pierced for the insertion of type. The two
ends of the piece below the ribbon were too thin to
be strong, so that the piece gets gradually bent in,
the ribbon becoming narrower and narrower. According
to the bend of this piece the exact year can be
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">[169]</a></span>ascertained, from 1499, when it began to get displaced,
to 1513, when it broke off altogether.</p>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_36_36" id="Footnote_36_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36_36"><span class="label">[36]</span></a> The bird above the helmet is a finch, no doubt a punning allusion
to Pynson’s name, Pynson being the Norman word for a finch. Very
probably the birds in the large coat of arms are finches also, though
Ames calls them eagles.</p></div>
<p>Among the books which appeared in 1494, the
<cite>Fall of Princis</cite>, translated by Lydgate from Boccaccio,
is the most remarkable. It is printed throughout in
the smaller type of the <cite>Chaucer</cite>, and at the head of
each part is a woodcut of particularly good execution.
The copy of this book in the British Museum, unfortunately
imperfect, was rescued from the counter
of a small shop where it was being used to make
little bags or ‘twists’ to hold pennyworths of sweets.
Each leaf has been divided into four pieces. A
<cite>Grammar of Sulpitius</cite> and a <cite>Book of Good Manners</cite>
were also printed with a date in this year. In 1495
no dated books were issued, but the <cite>Petronylla</cite> and
<cite>The Art and Craft to know well to Dye</cite> must have
been issued about this time. In 1496, Pynson printed
a small supplement to the first edition of the <cite>Hymns
and Sequences</cite> printed at Cologne by Quentell, and in
the following year he issued a complete edition of the
book, and an edition of the <cite>Horæ ad usum Sarum</cite>.
In the same year (1497) he printed six of Terence’s
plays, each signed separately so that they could be
issued apart. About this year were issued two
interesting folios, <cite>Reynard the Fox</cite>, and a <cite>Speculum
vite Christi</cite>, with illustrations. In 1500 was issued
the <cite>Book of Cookery</cite>, of which the only known copy is
in the library at Longleat, and the splendid <cite>Sarum
Missal</cite>, printed at the expense of Cardinal Morton,
and generally known as the Morton Missal. Of
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">[170]</a></span>updated books printed about this time we may notice
especially, editions of <cite>Guy of Warwick</cite>, <cite>Maundeville’s
Travels</cite>, <cite>Informatio Puerorum</cite>, a few small school-books,
and a number of year-books and other legal
works.</p>
<p>About 1502-3, Pynson changed his residence from
outside Temple Bar to the George in Fleet Street,
where he continued to the end of his life. His career
as a printer is curiously different from Wynkyn de
Worde’s. The latter was the popular printer, publishing
numbers of slight books of a kind likely to
appeal to the public. Pynson, on the other hand, was
in a more official position as King’s printer, and seems
to have been generally chosen as the publisher of
learned books. Wynkyn de Worde printed ten slight
books for every one of a more solid character; with
Pynson the average was about equal.</p>
<p>From 1510 onwards we find frequent entries relating
to Pynson in all the accounts of payments made
by Henry VIII., and these show that he was clearly
the royal printer, and in receipt of an annuity. In
September 1509, he issued the <cite>Sermo fratris Hieronymi
de Ferraria</cite>, which contains the first Roman type used
in England. In 1513 appeared the <cite>Sege and Dystruccyon
of Troye</cite>, of which there are several copies known,
printed upon vellum.</p>
<p>Pynson’s will is dated 18th November 1529, and was
proved on 18th February 1530. He was succeeded in
business by Robert Redman, who had been for a few
years previously his rather unscrupulous rival.</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">[171]</a></span></p>
<p>The last few years of the fifteenth century saw a
great change in the development of English printing.
Up to the time of Caxton’s death in 1491, there
seems to have been little foreign competition, but
immediately after this date the state of things
altered entirely. Both France and Italy produced
books for the English market, and sent over stationers
to dispose of them: Gerard Leeu at Antwerp printed
a number of English books, mostly of a popular
character, while Hertzog in Venice; and a number of
printers in Paris, printed service-books of Sarum use.</p>
<p>By 1493 two stationers were settled in England;
one, Frederick Egmondt, as an agent for Hertzog, the
other, Nicholas Lecompte, who sold books printed in
Paris. Though we only know of these two as
stationers through their names appearing in the
colophons of books with which they were connected,
there must have been many others of whom we have
no trace. After the Act of 1483, which so strongly
encouraged foreign importations, a very large number
of books for the English market were printed abroad.
This was at first occasioned by the small variety in
the number of types and the scarcity of ornamental
letters and woodcuts. In 1487, Caxton commissioned
George Maynyal, a Paris printer, to print an edition
of the <cite>Sarum Missal</cite>, and this is the first foreign
printed book for sale in England whose history we
know. About ten years previously, a <cite>Sarum Breviary</cite>
had been printed at Cologne, and in 1483 another
edition at Venice. The first edition of the <cite>Sarum</cite>
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172">[172]</a></span><cite>Missal</cite> was printed about 1486 by Wenssler at Basle.
In the fifteenth century, at least fifty books are
known to have been printed abroad for sale in
England. Most of these were service-books, but
there were a few of other classes. Gerard Leeu
reprinted three of Caxton’s books, <cite>The Chronicles</cite>,
<cite>The History of Jason</cite>, and the <cite>History of Paris and
the fair Vienne</cite>, and added a fourth popular book to
these, which had not previously appeared in English,
the <cite>Dialogues of Salomon and Marcolphus</cite>. In
addition to these, he printed editions of the <cite>Sarum
Directorium Sacerdotum</cite> and <cite>Horæ</cite>.</p>
<p>Another class of books produced abroad were
school-books, and the earliest of these for English use
is an edition of the grammatical tracts of <cite>Perottus</cite>,
printed at Louvain in 1486 by Egidius van der
Heerstraten. In the same year Leeu printed the
<cite>Vulgaria</cite>, and very shortly afterwards editions of the
Grammars by Anwykyll and the <cite>Garlandia</cite> were
issued from Deventer, Antwerp, Cologne, and Paris.</p>
<p>The greater portion, however, of this foreign importation
consisted of service-books, at least forty
editions being sent over from abroad before 1501.
From Venice were sent Breviaries and Missals,
printed for the most part by Johannes de Landoia
dictus Hertog. As we have said, the first edition of
the <cite>Sarum Breviary</cite> was printed at Cologne by an
unknown printer, and the first edition of the <cite>Sarum
Missal</cite> at Basle by Wenssler about 1486. From Paris
and Rouen came the greater number of <cite>Horæ</cite>, and
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173">[173]</a></span>such books as the <cite>Legenda</cite>, <cite>Manuale</cite>, and <cite>Liber
Festivalis</cite>.</p>
<p>It is impossible to enter here with any fulness into
the history of the earliest stationers and the books
printed abroad for sale in England. It is rather
foreign to our present subject, but would well repay
careful study.</p>
</div>
<hr class="chap" />
<div class="chapter">
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174">[174]</a></span></p>
<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XI" id="CHAPTER_XI"></a>CHAPTER XI.</h2>
<p class="center">THE SPREAD OF THE ART IN GREAT BRITAIN.</p>
<p><span class="smcap">The</span> introduction of printing into Scotland did not
take place till 1508, in which year a printer named
Andrew Myllar set up his press in the Southgait at
Edinburgh. At this time the countries of Scotland
and France were in close business communications,
and many Scotsmen sought employment on the
Continent. In 1496 a certain David Lauxius, a
native of Edinburgh, was in the employment of
Hopyl, the Paris printer, as a press corrector, an
employment often undertaken by men of learning.
Lauxius afterwards became a schoolmaster at Arras,
and is several times spoken of by Badius Ascensius
in the prefatory letters which he prefixed to his
grammars. Such books as were needed were sent
over to Scotland from France, and the probable cause
of the introduction of printing into the former country
was the desire of William Elphinstone, Bishop of
Aberdeen, to have his adaptation of the <cite>Sarum
Breviary</cite> for the use of Aberdeen produced under his
own personal supervision. Two men were readily
found to undertake the work; one, Walter Chepman,
a wealthy merchant, who supplied the necessary
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175">[175]</a></span>capital; the other, Andrew Myllar, a bookseller, who
had several times employed foreign presses to print
books for him, and had himself been abroad on
business expeditions.</p>
<p>The books which had been printed for Myllar
were, <cite>Multorum vocabulorum equivocorum interpretatio
magistri Johannis de Garlandia</cite>, in 1505, and <cite>Expositio
sequentiarum secundum usum Sarum</cite>, in 1506; both
being without a printer’s name, but most probably
from the press of P. Violette of Rouen.<a name="FNanchor_37_37" id="FNanchor_37_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_37_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a></p>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_37_37" id="Footnote_37_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37_37"><span class="label">[37]</span></a> Dr. Dickson, relying on the authority of M. Claudin, has ascribed
these books to the press of Lawrence Hostingue of Rouen. From the
facsimiles which he gives it is clear that the types are not identical.
The books should rather be ascribed to Pierre Violette, who used, as
far as can be seen, the same type; and who also used in his <cite>Expositio
Hymnorum et Sequentiarum ad usum Sarum</cite>, printed in 1507, the woodcut
of a man seated at a reading desk, which is found on the title-page of
Myllar’s <cite>Garlandia</cite>.</p></div>
<p>As was to be expected, Myllar obtained his type
from France, and probably from Rouen, but it bears
no resemblance to that used in the books printed for
him. Among the Rouen types it is most like that
used by Le Talleur, but the resemblance is not very
close. The capital letters seem identical with those
used by De Marnef, at Paris, in his <cite>Nef des folz</cite>, and
are also very like those of the Lyons printer, Claude
Daygne.</p>
<p>Supplied with these types, Myllar returned to
Edinburgh, and in the spring of 1508 issued a series
of nine poetical pamphlets, the only known copies
being now preserved in the Advocates’ Library, Edinburgh.
These were all issued within a few days of
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176">[176]</a></span>each other, and neither the type nor the woodcuts
show any indication of wear or blemishes which
might enable some order to be assigned to them.
These books, like Pynson’s early-quartos, are signed
by the sheet, an indication that the printer learnt his
art at Rouen.</p>
<p>In 1510 the <cite>Breviary</cite> was issued, and, were it not
for the colophon, would pass as the production of
a Norman press, It is in two volumes; the Pars
Hiemalis, containing 400 leaves, the Pars Estivalis,
378. Only four copies are known, all imperfect.
With the production of this book the Edinburgh
press stopped for some while.</p>
<p>There is no doubt much yet to be learnt about the
history of the first Scottish press, especially in its
relations to those of Normandy, and there seems no
reason why in time it should not become quite clear.
Not only are the original books in existence, but also
the acts relating to them. One other book must be
noticed as having been printed in Scotland before
1530. This is the <cite>De compassione Beate Virginis
Marie</cite>, a ‘novum festum’ issued for incorporation
into the <cite>Breviary</cite>, and printed at Edinburgh, by John
Story, about 1520. Of this little tract but one copy
remains, which is bound up in the copy of the
<cite>Aberdeen Breviary</cite> belonging to Lord Strathmore
at Glamis. It consists of a single sheet of eight
leaves, and, according to Dr. Dickson, is not printed
in the same type as the <cite>Breviary</cite>.</p>
<p>From this time onward till Davidson began to
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_177" id="Page_177">[177]</a></span>print, it seems as though Scotland had no practised
typographer. Hector Boece, John Vaus, and others,
were obliged to send their books to be printed at a
foreign press; Vaus indeed went over to Paris to
superintend the printing of his Grammar by Badius,
who was at that time the printer most favoured by
Scottish authors.</p>
<hr class="tb" />
<p>No book was actually printed at York till 1509,
but for many years before that date there had been
stationers in the city who imported foreign books for
sale. Frederick Frees, who was enrolled as a free-man
in 1497, is spoken of as a book printer, but no
specimen of his work exists. His brother Gerard,
who assumed the surname of Wanseford, imported in
1507 an edition of the <cite>Sarum Hymns and Sequences</cite>,
printed for him at Rouen by P. Violette. Of this
book only two copies are known. Shortly after
Gerard Wanseford’s death, an action was brought
against his executor, Ralph Pulleyn, by Frederick
Frees, the brother, about the stock of books which
had been left, and which consisted mostly of service-books,
bound and unbound, with some <em>alphabeta</em> and
others in Latin and English.</p>
<p>In 1509 a certain Hugo Goes printed an edition
of the <cite>Directorium Sacerdotum</cite>, the first dated book
printed at York. Two copies are known, one in the
Chapter Library at York, and the other in the library
of Sidney Sussex College, Cambridge. Davies<a name="FNanchor_38_38" id="FNanchor_38_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_38_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a>
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178">[178]</a></span>incorrectly states that both copies are imperfect, and
want the leaf upon which the colophon was printed;
but it is certainly in the Cambridge copy, for this
wants only the last leaf, which would either be blank
or with a printer’s mark. The book is for the most
part printed in the type which W. de Worde used at
Westminster just before 1500. Goes printed also
editions of the <cite>Donatus</cite> and <cite>Accidence</cite>, but no copies
are now known, though in 1667 copies were in
possession of a Mr. Hildyard, a York historian.
Bagford, among his notes on printing [Harl. MS.
5974, 95], mentions a <cite>Donatus cum Remigio</cite>, ‘impressus
Londiniis juxta Charing Cross per me
Hugonem Goes and Henery Watson’—with the
printer’s device H. G. This book also is unknown,
but may perhaps be the Grammar mentioned by
Ames as being among Lord Oxford’s books. If the
copy of the colophon is correct, it shows that Goes
was at some time printing in London. He is said to
have also printed at Beverley.</p>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_38_38" id="Footnote_38_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38_38"><span class="label">[38]</span></a> Davies’ <cite>Memoir of the York Press</cite>, 1868, 8vo, pp. 16-18.</p></div>
<p>In 1516, ‘Ursyn Milner, prynter,’ was admitted to
the freedom of the city. He was born in 1481, and by
1511 was living in York, when he gave evidence in
the suit between Ralph Pulleyn and Frederick Frees.
He printed only two books, a <cite>Festum visitationis Beate
Marie Virginis</cite>, and a <cite>Grammar</cite> of Whittington’s.</p>
<p>The <cite>Festum</cite> was issued doubtless between 1513 and
1515, for in 1513 the Convocation of York ordered
the feast of the Visitation of the Blessed Virgin Mary
to be kept as a ‘Festum principale.’ It is quoted
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179">[179]</a></span>by Ames, p. 468, and has the following colophon:
‘Feliciter finiunt (?) festum visitationis beate Marie
virginis secundum usum ebor. Noviter impressum
per Ursyn Milner commorantem in cimiterio Minsterii
Sancti Petri.’ It is in 8vo, and a copy formerly
belonged to Thomas Rawlinson.</p>
<p>The second book, the <cite>Grammar</cite>, is a quarto of
twenty-four leaves, made up in quires of eight and
four leaves alternately, a peculiar system of quiring
much affected by Wynkyn de Worde. Below the
title is a cut of a schoolmaster with three pupils,
which was used by Wynkyn de Worde in 1499, and
which he in turn had obtained from Govaert van
Ghemen about 1490. (The cut was first used in the
<cite>Opusculum Grammaticale</cite>, Gouda, 13th November
1486.) Below the colophon, which tells us that the
book was printed in ‘blake-strete’ on the 20th
December 1516, is the printer’s device, consisting of
a shield hanging on a tree supported by a bear and
an ass, the bear being an allusion to his name Ursyn.
On the shield are a sun and a windmill, the latter
referring to his surname Milner. Below this device
is an oblong cut containing his name in full on a
ribbon, his trade-mark being in the centre.</p>
<p>The connexion between the early York stationers
and Wynkyn de Worde is very striking, and has yet
to be explained. Gerard Wanseford in his will, dated
1510, leaves forty shillings to Wynkyn de Worde,
which he (the testator) owed him. The next stationer
and printer, Hugo Goes, was in possession of some
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180">[180]</a></span>of De Worde’s type; and Milner, the last of the early
York printers, used one of his cuts, and copies his
peculiar habit of quiring. Perhaps the type and cuts
were originally bought by Wanseford and obtained
successively by the others; at any rate, both the type
and cut were out of W. de Worde’s hands at an early
date.</p>
<p>The most important of the York stationers
remains still to be noticed, though he was unfortunately
only a stationer and not a printer. John
Gachet appears at York in 1517, and in the same
year is mentioned as a stationer at Hereford. He
was in business in the former town at least as late
as 1533, when the last book printed at his expense
was issued.</p>
<hr class="tb" />
<p>Printing was introduced into Cambridge in 1521,
when John Lair de Siberch, perhaps at the instigation
of Richard Croke, who from 1522 was professor of
Greek and public orator, set up his press at the sign
of the Arma Regia. In 1521 he printed six books,
and of these the <cite>Oratio Henrici Bulloci</cite> is the first.
The five other books follow in the following order:
<cite>Augustini Sermo</cite>, <cite>Luciani</cite> περἰ ὁιψἀὁων, <cite>Balduini
sermo de altaris sacramento</cite>, <cite>Erasmus de conscribendis
epistolis</cite>, and <cite>Galeni de Temperamentis</cite>. In the
next year Siberch printed only two books, <cite>Joannis
Roffensis episcopi contio</cite>, and <cite>Papyrii Gemini Eleatis
Hermathena</cite>. It is needless to describe these books
more fully here, for an extremely good and full
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181">[181]</a></span>bibliography of them was compiled by Bradshaw,
and published as an introduction to one of the Cambridge
facsimiles in 1886.<a name="FNanchor_39_39" id="FNanchor_39_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_39_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a></p>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_39_39" id="Footnote_39_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39_39"><span class="label">[39]</span></a> <cite>Doctissimi viri Henrici Bulloci Oratio</cite> ... reproduced in
facsimile ... with a bibliographical introduction by the late Henry
Bradshaw, M.A. Cambridge, 1886. 4to.</p></div>
<p>Since the publication of this bibliography, the
existence of another book from the first Cambridge
press has been discovered. In 1889, among some
other fragments forming the covers of a book in
Westminster Abbey Library, were found part of the
first sheet of the Cambridge <cite>Papyrius Geminus</cite>, and
two leaves of a grammar in the same type, in quarto,
with twenty-six lines to the page besides headlines.
These turned out to be part of the small grammar,
<cite>De octo orationis partium constructione</cite>, written for
use in Paul’s School. It was written by Lily and
amended by Erasmus, and finally issued anonymously.
After the printing of these nine books Siberch
is lost sight of; but that he was still alive in 1525
we know from a letter of Erasmus, who, writing
on Christmas Day to Dr. Robert Aldrich of King’s
College, sends greetings, among others, to ‘Gerardum,
Nicolaum et Joannem Siburgum bibliopolas.’
Amongst the fragments taken from the binding
spoken of above, was a letter to Siberch from the
well-known Antwerp and London bookseller, Peter
Kaetz, relating to the purchase of books, but it has
unfortunately no date, though certainly earlier than
1524.</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_182" id="Page_182">[182]</a></span></p>
<p>Two books were printed at Tavistock in the first
half of the sixteenth century; and as the monks
possessed a printing press of their own, it is quite
probable that other books were issued which have
now entirely perished. The first book is an English
metrical translation of the <cite>De Consolatione Philosophiæ</cite>
of Boethius made by Thomas Waltwnem. It
has the following colophon: ‘Emprented in the exempt
monastery of Tavestock in Denshyre. By me Dan
Thomas Rychard, monke of the sayd monastery. To
the instant desyre of the ryght worshypful esquyer
Mayster Robert Langdon, anno d. <span class="smcap">MDXXV.</span>’ Several
copies of this book are known.</p>
<p>Of the other book but one copy is known, now in
the library of Exeter College, Oxford. It is a small
quarto of twenty-six leaves, with thirty or thirty-one
lines to the page, The tithe runs, ‘Here foloyth the
confirmation of the Charter perteynynge to all the
tynners wythyn the countey of Devonshyre, wyth
there statutes also made at Crockeryntorre by the
hole assent and consent of al the sayd tynners yn the
yere of the reygne of our souerayne Lord Kynge
Henry ye VIII. the-secund yere.’ The book ends
on the reverse of signature d 3, ‘Here endyth the
statutes of the stannary. Imprented yn Tavystoke
ye xx day of August the yere of the reygne off our
soveryne Lord Kynge Henry ye VIII. the xxvi
yere.’</p>
<p>At Abingdon a book was printed in 1528 by John
Scolar, who had beer printing at Oxford about ten
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183">[183]</a></span>years previously. It is the <cite>Breviary</cite> for the use of
Abingdon, and the only known copy is in the library
of Emmanuel College, Cambridge. The colophon
runs: ‘Istud portiforium fuit impressum per Joannem
Scholarem in monasterio beate marie virginis Abendonensi.
Anno incarnationis dominice Millesimo
quingentesimo vicesimo octavo. Et Thome Rowlonde
abbatis septimo decimo.’</p>
<p>Two other towns must be mentioned, which, though
not possessing resident printers, had stationers who
published books printed for them. In 1505 the
Hereford <cite>Breviary</cite> was issued under the superintendence
of Inghelbert Haghe, and under the
patronage of the ‘Illustrissime viraginis,’ Margaret,
Countess of Richmond and Derby. It has the
following colophon: ‘Impressum est hoc breviarium
secundum eiusdem diocesis usum in clarissimo
rathomagensi emporio: impensis et cura Inghelberti
Haghe dicte comitis bibliopole ac dedititii. Anno
salutis christi Millesimo quingentesimo quinto. <span class="smcap">II.</span> non.
augusti.’ Of this book only three copies are known.
One, textually perfect, and containing both parts,
is in Worcester Cathedral Library. The Bodleian
has a Pars Estivalis, slightly imperfect, and another
copy is in private hands. We can trace this bookseller
to a later date, for his name occurs in a note written
on a fragment in the Bodleian, which formed at
one time the lining of a binding, <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_184" id="Page_184">[184]</a></span>‘Dedi bibliopole
herfordensi Ingleberto nuncupato pro isto et sex
reliquis libris biblie xliii<sup>s</sup> iiij<sup>d</sup> quos emi ludlowie
anno domini incarnationis millesimo quingentesimo
decimo circiter die nundinarum lichefeldensium.’</p>
<p>The other town is Exeter, where, about 1510, a
stationer named Martin Coeffin was living. Two
books were printed for him, both of which were
without date. One of these was the <cite>Vocabula magistri
Stanbrigi, primum jam edita, sua saltem editione</cite>,
printed, so Ames tells us, by Lawrence Hostingue
and Jamet Loys at Rouen. He adds further, that
the ‘piece’ had five leaves, which we may take to
be impossible; it must have had six leaves, of which
the last was blank, or had a printer’s device upon it.
The second book was a <cite>Catho cum commento</cite>, printed
at Rouen by Richard Goupil, ‘juxta conventum
sancti Augustini ad intersignum regulæ auræ commorantis.’
On the subject of this book Ames is no
more explicit; he tells us it was printed at the
expense of Martin Coeffin at Exeter, beyond that he
has nothing to say. The two pieces are quoted by
him in his <cite>General History of Printing</cite> between the
Years 1510 and 1517, and the date which he thus
assigns is probably fairly correct, for Frère quotes
Goupil under the year 1510, and Hostingue under
1505-10.</p>
</div>
<hr class="chap" />
<div class="chapter">
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185">[185]</a></span></p>
<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XII" id="CHAPTER_XII"></a>CHAPTER XII.</h2>
<p class="center">THE STUDY OF BOOKBINDING.</p>
<p><span class="smcap">Too</span> little attention has been paid, in this country
at any rate, to the fact that some knowledge about
early bookbinding is essential to the student of early
printing. At first the printer was also a stationer
and bookbinder, and the three occupations were
hardly clearly defined or definitely separated within
the first hundred years after the invention of printing.
Books always required some kind of binding, and the
early printer sold his books to the purchaser ready
bound, though copies seem always to have been
obtainable in sheets by such as wished them in that
state. The binder ornamented his books in certain
ways and with a limited number of stamps, and
there is no reason why a careful study should not
make his binding ornamentation as easily recognisable
as his woodcuts or his type. Of course the majority
of early bindings are unsigned, and therefore it is
not often possible to assign particular bindings to
particular men; but comparison may enable us to
attribute them to particular districts and even to
particular places, so that they may often afford
additional evidence towards placing books which
contain no information of their origin.</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_186" id="Page_186">[186]</a></span></p>
<p>A very little attention paid to a binding might
often result in most valuable information, and with
the destruction of the binding the information disappears.
Many years ago there came into the hands
of a certain Mr. Horn a very valuable volume consisting
of three block-books, the <cite>Biblia Pauperum</cite>,
the <cite>Ars Moriendi</cite>, and the <cite>Apocalypse</cite>, all bound
together, and in their original binding, which was
dated. Incredible as it may seem, the volume was
split up and the binding destroyed. Mr. Horn
asserted from memory that the date was 1428; of the
first three figures he was sure, and of the last he
was more or less certain. Naturally the date has
been questioned, and it has been surmised that the
2 must have been some other figure which Mr.
Horn deciphered incorrectly. The destruction of
the binding made it impossible that this question
could ever be set at rest, and a very important date
in the history of printing was lost absolutely.</p>
<p>In the last century no regard whatever seems to
have been paid to old bindings, the very fact of
their being old prejudiced librarians against them;
if they became damaged or worn they were not
repaired, but destroyed, and the book rebound. Nor
did they fare better in earlier times. Somewhere
in the first half of the seventeenth century all the
manuscripts in the Cambridge University Library
were uniformly rebound in rough calf, to the utter
destruction of every trace of their former history.</p>
<p>Casley, in his catalogue of the manuscripts in the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_187" id="Page_187">[187]</a></span>Royal Library, specially mentions a curious old
binding, with an inscription showing that it was made
at Oxford, in Catte Street, in 1467. Even the
special note in the catalogue did not save this
binding, which, if it had been preserved, would have
been one of the earliest, if not the earliest, dated
English example.</p>
<p>There is no need to multiply examples to show
how widespread the destruction of old bindings has
been as regards public libraries; indeed, their escaping
without observation was their only chance of escaping
without destruction, In private libraries much the
same thing has happened. The great collectors of
the period of Dibdin thought nothing worthy of
notice unless ‘encased’ in a russia or morocco
leather covering by Lewis or some bookbinder of
the time. Nor are collectors of the same opinion
now obsolete, for many of our better known binders
can show specimens of rare and interesting old
bindings which they have been ordered to strip
off and replace with something new. Ignorance is
the cause of much of what we lament. So many
collectors are ruled entirely by the advice of their
booksellers and binders, and these in their turn
are influenced purely by commercial instincts.
Collectors with knowledge or opinions of their own
are beginning to see that the one thing which
makes a book valuable (not simply in the way of
pounds, shillings, and pence) is that it shall be, as
far as possible, in its original condition. Our greatest
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_188" id="Page_188">[188]</a></span>books of the seventeenth century were issued in
simple calf bindings, with no attempt at ornamentation
but a plain line ruled down the cover about an inch
from the back. If a collector wants modern
ornamental bindings, let him put them on modern
books, there only are they not out of place.</p>
<p>About the German binders, who necessarily concern
us most at the time of the invention of printing,
we know very little; but, on the other hand, there is
a great deal to be learnt. Their bindings, both of
pigskin and calf, are impressed with a large number
of very beautiful and carefully executed dies, which
could with a little care be separated into groups.
Many of them, curiously enough, are very similar to
some used on London and Durham bindings of the
twelfth and thirteenth centuries. There are the same
palm-leaf dies and drop-shaped stamps containing
dragons.</p>
<p>It is in Germany that the earliest dated bindings
are found. A copy of the Eggesteyn forty-one line
<cite>Bible</cite>, in the Cambridge University Library, has the
date 1464 impressed on the metal bosses which protect
the corners; and as the book is without a colophon,
this date is of importance. A binder named
Jean Richenbach dated all his bindings, and added,
as a rule, the name of the person for whom they were
bound. The earliest date we have for him is 1467,
and they run from that year to 1475. Johannes
Fogel is another name often found on early German
bindings. A few printers’ names occur, such as
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_189" id="Page_189">[189]</a></span>Ambrose Keller, Veldener, Zainer, Amorbach.
About the time of Koburger, great changes were
introduced into the style of German binding, a harmonious
design being produced by means of large
tools, and the use of small dies given up. The
custom was also introduced of printing the title on
the side in gold. The panel stamp, so popular in
other countries, was not much used in Germany for
calf books; it is found, however, on innumerable
pigskin and parchment bindings of the latter half of
the sixteenth century. The earliest of the bindings
of this class have often the boards of wood; at a
later date they are almost invariably of paper or
millboard. On early French books the work is
finer, but as a rule less interesting; but the panel
stamps, especially the early ones, are very good. A
very large number are signed in full. One with the
name of Alexandre Alyat, a Paris stationer, is particularly
fine, as are also the series belonging to Jean
Norins. The Norman binders produced work very
like the English, no doubt because many of the
books printed there were intended especially for the
English market.</p>
<p>The bookbinding of the Low Countries was always
fine; but the great improvement which was first
introduced there was the use of the panel stamp,
invented about the middle of the fourteenth century.
It was not till after the introduction of printing, and
when books were issued of a small size, that this
invention became of real importance; but at the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190">[190]</a></span>end of the fifteenth and during the first twenty or
thirty years of the sixteenth centuries, innumerable
bindings of this class were produced. The majority
of Netherlandish panels are not pictorial, but are
ornamented with a double row of fabulous beasts
and birds in circles of foliage; round this runs a
legend, very often containing the binder’s name.
<em>Discere ne cesses cura sapientia crescit Martinus
Vulcanius</em> is on one binding; on another, <em>Ob laudem
christi hunc librum recte ligavi Johannes Bollcaert</em>.
Some binders give not only their name, but the
place also—<em>Johannes de Wowdix Antwerpie me fecit</em>.
Though there are few pictorial Flemish panels, some
of these are not without interest. A number were
produced by a binder whose initials are I. P., and
who was connected in some way with the Augustinian
Monastery of St. Gregory and St. Martin at
Louvain. One which contains a medallion head, a
small figure of Cleopatra, and a good deal of arabesque
ornament of foliage, is his best; while another
panel, large enough for a quarto book, with a border
of chain work, and his initials on a shield in the
centre, is his rarest, and is in its way very artistic.
At a still later date the binders in the Low Countries
produced some panels, which, though still pictorial,
show how rapidly the art was being debased. The
designs are ill drawn, and the inscription, originally
an important part, has come to be degraded
into a piece of ornamentation without meaning, cut
by the engraver purely with that object, ignoring the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_191" id="Page_191">[191]</a></span>individual letters or legibility of the inscription, and
anxious only that the finish which an inscription
gave to his models might be apparent to the eye
in his copies. A similar debasement is not uncommon
in late English examples.</p>
<p>Italian and Spanish binding, though interesting in
itself, affords little information as regards printers
or stationers. No bindings were signed, and the
designs are in all cases so similar as to afford little
clue to the place from which they originally
came.</p>
<p>The earliest English bindings are extremely interesting
and distinctive. Caxton, our first printer,
always bound his books in leather, never making use
of vellum or pigskin. Bindings of wrapping vellum,
which he is erroneously said to have made, were not
used in England till a very much later period. His
bindings, if ornamented at all, were ruled with
diagonal lines, and in the centre of each compartment
thus formed a die was impressed. A border
was often placed round the side, formed from
triangular stamps pointing alternately inwards and
outwards, these stamps containing the figure of a
dragon.</p>
<p>The number of bindings which can with certainty
be ascribed to Caxton is necessarily small. We
can, in the first place, only take those on books
printed by him, and which contain, besides this, distinct
evidence, from the end-papers or fragments
used in the binding, that they came from his work<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_192" id="Page_192">[192]</a></span>shop.
Under this class we can place the cover of
the <cite>Boethius</cite>, discovered in the Grammar School at
St. Alban’s, an edition of the <cite>Festial</cite> in the British
Museum, and a few others; and from the stamps
used on these we can identify others which have no
other indication. It must always be remembered
that these dies were almost indestructible, and
therefore were often in use long after their original
owner was dead. The Oxford bindings, though very
English in design, are stamped with dies Netherlandish
in origin. An ornament of three small
circles arranged in a triangle occurs very often on
these bindings, and is a very distinctive one. These
bindings when in their original condition are almost
always, like those of the Netherlands, lined with
vellum, and have vellum guards to the centre of the
quires. The only two copies known of one of
Caxton’s indulgences were found pasted face downwards,
used to line the binding of a Netherland
printed book. Another binder, about the end of the
fifteenth century, whose initials, G. W., and mark
occur on a shield-shaped die, used always printed
matter to line his bindings and make end-papers,
though they were not necessarily on vellum. All the
leaves now known of the Machlinia <cite>Horæ ad usum
Sarum</cite> whose provenance can be ascertained, came
from bindings by this man, scattered about in
different parts of the country. It is not known in
what part of the country he worked.</p>
<p>Trade bindings between 1500 and 1540 form an
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_193" id="Page_193">[193]</a></span>important series. All small books were stamped with
a panel on the sides, and these often have the initials
or mark of the binder. Pynson used a stamp with his
device upon it; many others used two panels, with the
arms of England on one side and the Tudor rose on
the other, both with supporters. On the majority of
these panels, below the rose, is the binder’s mark and
initials; on the other side, below the shield, his initials
alone. Not many of these binders’ or stationers’
names have been discovered, and there are few
materials to enable us to do so. Pynson and Julian
Notary’s bindings have the same devices as they used
in their books, and some of Jacobi’s have the mark
which occurs on the title-page to the <cite>Lyndewode</cite> of
1506 printed for him. Reynes’ various marks are
well known and of common occurrence.</p>
<div class="figcenter">
<a id="i_193" name="i_193"><img src="images/i_193.jpg" alt="PYNSON BINDING." width="363" height="500" /></a>
<p class="caption"><em>James Hyatt.</em><br />
PYNSON BINDING.</p>
</div>
<p>Without a distinguishing mark of some kind
beyond the initials, it is hopeless to try and ascribe
bindings to particular stationers, though a careful
examination of the style or evidences as to early
ownership may help us to determine with some
accuracy the country at least from which the binding
comes. Even a study of the forwarding of a
binding is of great help. The method of sewing
and putting on headbands is quite different in Italian
books from those of other countries. Again, all
small books were, as a rule, sewn on three bands
in England and Normandy; in other countries the
rule is for them to have four. The leather gives
sometimes a clue, <cite>e.g.</cite> in parts of France sheepskin
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_194" id="Page_194">[194]</a></span>was used in place of calf. Cambridge bindings can
often be recognised from a peculiar red colouring of
the leather. So little has been done as yet to classify
the different peculiarities of style or work in these
early bindings, that it can hardly be expected that
much should be known about them; at present the
study is still in its infancy, but there is no doubt that,
if persevered in, it will have valuable results. These
bindings were for the most part produced, certainly in
the sixteenth century, by men who were not printers,
and whose names we have consequently few chances
of discovering. All that can therefore be done is to
classify them according to style, and according to
such extraneous information as may be available. It
is useless with no other information to attempt to
assign initials.</p>
<p>But while the bindings and the designs afford
valuable information, the materials employed in
making the bindings are also of great importance.
The boards were often made of refuse printed leaves
pasted together, and were always lined, after the
binding was completed, with leaves of paper or vellum,
printed or manuscript. On this subject I cannot do
better than give the following quotation from one of
Henry Bradshaw’s Memoranda, No. 5, <cite>Notice of the
Bristol fragment of the Fifteen Oes</cite>:—</p>
<p>‘After all that has been said, it cannot be any
matter of wonder that the fragments used for lining
the boards of old books should have an interest for
those who make a study of the methods and habits of
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_195" id="Page_195">[195]</a></span>our early printers, with a view to the solution of some
of many difficulties still remaining unsettled in the
history of printing. I have for many years tried to
draw the attention of librarians and others to the
evidence which may be gleaned from a careful study
from these fragments, and if done systematically and
intelligently, it ceases to be mere antiquarian pottering
or aimless waste of time. I have elsewhere drawn
attention<a name="FNanchor_40_40" id="FNanchor_40_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_40_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a> to the distinction to be observed between
what may be called respectively <em>binder’s waste</em> and
<em>printer’s waste</em>. When speaking of fragments of
books as <em>binder’s waste</em>, I mean books which have
been in circulation, and have been thrown away as
useless. The value of such fragments is principally in
themselves. They may or may not be of interest.
But by <em>printer’s waste</em> I mean ... waste, proof, or
cancelled sheets in the printer’s office, which, in the
early days when printers were their own bookbinders,
would be used by the bookbinder for lining the
boards, or the centres of quires, of books bound in the
same office where they were printed. In this way
such fragments have a value beyond themselves, as
they enable us to infer almost with certainty that
such books are specimens of the binding executed in
the office of the printer who printed them; and thus,
once seeing the style adopted and the actual designs
used, we are able to recognise the same binder’s work,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_196" id="Page_196">[196]</a></span>even when there are none of these waste sheets to
lead us to the same conclusion.’</p>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_40_40" id="Footnote_40_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40_40"><span class="label">[40]</span></a> Lists of Founts of Type and Woodcut Devices used by printers in
Holland in the Fifteenth Century. Memorandum No. 3. No. 14 in the
<em>Collected Papers</em>.</p></div>
<p>The number of books known only from fragments
rescued from bindings is much larger than is generally
supposed. Of books printed in England before 1530
more than ten per cent. are only known in this way;
and now that more attention is being paid to the
subject, remains of unknown books are continually
being discovered.</p>
<p>Blades in his <cite>Life of Caxton</cite> [edit. 1861, vol. ii. p. 70]
gives a most interesting account of a find of this
sort in the library of the St. Alban’s Grammar School.
‘After examining a few interesting books, I pulled out
one which was lying flat upon the top of others. It
was in a most deplorable state, covered thickly with a
damp, sticky dust, and with a considerable portion of
the back rotted away by wet. The white decay fell in
lumps on the floor as the unappreciated volume was
opened. It proved to be Geoffrey Chaucer’s English
translation of <cite>Boecius de consolatione Philosophiæ</cite>,
printed by Caxton, in the original binding as issued
from Caxton’s workshop, and uncut!... On dissecting
the covers they were found to be composed
entirely of waste sheets from Caxton’s press,
two or three being printed on one side only. The
two covers yielded no less than fifty-six half-sheets of
printed paper, proving the existence of three works
from Caxton’s press quite unknown before.’</p>
<p>Off a stall in Booksellers Row the writer some few
years ago bought for a couple of shillings an imperfect
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_197" id="Page_197">[197]</a></span>foreign printed folio of about 1510 in an original
stamped binding, lined at each end with printed
leaves. From one end came the title-page and
another leaf of an unknown English <cite>Donatus</cite> printed
by Guillam Faques; from the other end, two leaves,
one having the mark and colophon of a hitherto
unknown book printed by Richard Faques, and
which is at present the earliest book known to
have been issued from his press. The finding
of these two fragments is further of interest as
showing a connection between the two printers called
Faques.</p>
<p>Nor do these early fragments always come out of
very old bindings. From a sixpenny box at Salisbury
the writer bought a large folio of divinity,
printed about 1700, in its original plain calf binding.
The end leaves were complete pages of the first book
printed in London, the <cite>Questiones Antonii Andreæ</cite>,
printed by Lettou in 1480.</p>
<p>The boards of a book in Westminster Abbey
Library, which must have been bound at Cambridge
in the second quarter of the sixteenth century, were
composed of leaves of the <cite>Pontanus de Roma</cite>, one of
the ‘Costeriana.’</p>
<p>Service-books were very largely used by the bookbinders,
for the many Acts passed for their mutilation
or destruction soon turned the majority of copies into
waste paper. Several copes of Henry VIII.’s <cite>Letters
to Martin Luther</cite> of 1526, which remain in their
original bindings, have their boards made of such
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_198" id="Page_198">[198]</a></span>material, a practical commentary on the King’s
opinions.</p>
<p>Manuscripts, many of the utmost importance, have
been cut up by the bookbinders; sometimes in early
days the librarian handed out what he considered a
useless manuscript to the bookbinder whom he employed.
Bradshaw notes that Edward VI.’s own
copy of the Stephen’s <cite>Greek Testament</cite> of 1550 contains
in the binding large fragments of an early
manuscript of Horace and Persius. Vellum was
often used in early books to line the centre of each
quire so as to prevent the paper being cut by the
thread used for the sewing. Many pieces of <cite>Donatuses</cite>
and <cite>Indulgences</cite> have been found in this manner cut
up into long strips about half an inch wide. The
copy of the Gotz <cite>Bible</cite> of 1480 in Jesus College,
Cambridge, bound in London by Lettou, has the
centres of the quires lined with strips of two editions
of an indulgence printed by him, and which are
otherwise unknown.</p>
<p>When the leaves used to line the boards of an
old book are valuable or important, they should
be carefully taken out, if this can be done without
injury to the binding or to the fragments. A note
should at once be put on the fragments stating from
what book they were taken, and a note should also
be put in the book stating what fragments were taken
from it. In soaking off leaves of vellum, warm water
must on no account be used, as it causes the vellum
to shrink up. Indeed, it is better to use cold water
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_199" id="Page_199">[199]</a></span>for everything; it necessitates a much greater expenditure
of time, but it is very much safer.</p>
<p>If the fragments are not of much importance, they
should not be taken from the binding, for the removal,
however carefully done, must tend to hurt the book.
It will be sufficient to make a note of their existence
for reference at any time. When important fragments
are extracted, it is best to bind them up
separately and place them on the shelves, and not
keep them loose in boxes or drawers, or pasted into
scrap-books. For many typographical purposes the
fragment is as useful as the complete book.</p>
<p>In conclusion, a word may be said on the methods
of treating and preserving old bindings. In the first
place, a binding should never be touched or repaired
unless it is absolutely necessary; and if it is of any
value, it should be kept in a plain case. These cases
should always be made so that the side opens, not, as
is more usual, open only at the end, for then every
time the book is taken out the sides are rubbed. If
they are made in the form of a book with overlapping
edges, they can be lettered on the back and stand on
the shelves with other books.</p>
<p>If it is necessary that the binding should be repaired,
nothing should be destroyed. If, for example,
a portion of the back has been lost, what remains
should be kept, and not an entirely new back put on.
In repairing calf bindings, morocco should be used,
as near the colour of the original as possible, and the
grain should be pressed out. The old end-papers
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_200" id="Page_200">[200]</a></span>should, of course, be retained, and nothing of any
kind destroyed which affords a link in the history of
the book. No attempt should be made to ornament
the repaired portion so as to resemble the rest of the
binding; it serves no useful purpose, and takes away
considerably from the good appearance and value of
what is left, for a binding which has been ‘doctored’
must always be looked upon with some mistrust.</p>
<p>An old calf book should never be varnished; it
does not really help to preserve it, and it gives it an
unsightly appearance, besides tending to fill up the
more delicate details in the ornamentation. Some
writers recommend that old bindings should be rubbed
with vaseline or other similar preparations. Nothing
is better than good furniture cream or paste. A few
drops should be lightly rubbed on the binding with
a piece of flannel; it should be left for a few minutes,
until nearly dry, and then rubbed with a soft dry cloth.
Not only does this soften the leather and prevent it
getting friable, but it puts an excellent surface and
polish upon it, quite unlike that produced by varnish.
When a binding is in good condition and the surface
not rubbed through, it is best to leave it alone; if
any dusting or rubbing has to be done, it should be
done with a silk handkerchief.</p>
</div>
<hr class="chap" />
<div class="chapter">
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_201" id="Page_201">[201]</a></span></p>
<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XIII" id="CHAPTER_XIII"></a>CHAPTER XIII.</h2>
<p class="center">THE COLLECTING AND DESCRIBING OF EARLY
PRINTED BOOKS.</p>
<p><span class="smcap">It</span> is exactly one hundred years since Panzer, “the
one true naturalist among general bibliographers,”
published the first volume of his <cite>Annales Typographici</cite>,
and in this period two distinct methods of bibliography
have grownup.</p>
<p>The more popular, generally associated with the
name of Dibdin, treats specimens of early printing
merely as curiosities, valuable only according to their
rarity or intrinsic worth, or for some individual
peculiarity found in them.</p>
<p>The other method, of which Panzer was the first
practical exponent, was called by Henry Bradshaw
the Natural History method. Each press must be
looked upon as a <em>genus</em>, and each book as a <em>species</em>,
and the more or less close connection of the different
members of the family must be traced by the
characters which they present to our observation.
Bradshaw’s own work is the best example of this
method, and a beginner can follow no better model
than the papers which he wrote on early printing.</p>
<p>In collecting or studying early printed books, one of
the most fatal and common mistakes is the under<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_202" id="Page_202">[202]</a></span>taking
of too much. The day is past when one man
will set himself to compile such works as Hain’s
<cite>Repertorium Bibliographicum</cite>, or that very much
greater book, Panzer’s <cite>Annales Typographici</cite>; both
wonderful achievements, but unfinished and imperfect.
No one who has not had practical experience can
imagine the amount of information which can be
obtained by taking a small subject and working at it
carefully; or conversely, the amount of careful study
and research that is requisite to work a small subject
properly.</p>
<p>Take as examples Blades’ <cite>Life of Caxton</cite> and
Edmond’s <cite>Aberdeen Printers</cite>, the two best monographs
we possess. They contain a very great deal
of most careful work, and sufficient material to enable
any one who desires to study those particular subjects
to do so thoroughly.</p>
<p>In collecting, in the same way, a beginner who
wishes his collection to be of real value should not
be too catholic in his tastes, but confine his attention
to one subject. A collection of fifty miscellaneous
fifteenth-century books has not, as a rule, more
interest than may be associated with the individual
books. But take a collection of fifty books printed
in one town, or by one printer. Each book is then
a part of a series, and obtains a value on that account
over and above its own individual rarity or interest.</p>
<p>The arrangement and cataloguing of early printed
books is a part of the subject which presents many
difficulties, In many great collections, these books,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_203" id="Page_203">[203]</a></span>for purposes of bibliographical study, are absolutely
lost. They are not bought, at any rate not once in
twenty cases, for their literary value, but simply and
solely as specimens of early printing or curiosities.
But, having been bought, they are treated as any other
book bought solely for its literary value, and in no
other way, <i>i.e.</i> they are catalogued under the author
or concealed in mazes of cross-reference. If such
books are to be bought at all, they should surely be
treated in some way which would enable them to
fulfil the object for which they were acquired.</p>
<p>In the University Library, Cambridge, the fifteenth-century
books are all placed together arranged under
countries according to size, with a press-mark indicating
the country, the size, and the consecutive
number. Thus any new acquisition can be added,
and placed at once without disarranging the order on
the shelves. Any further subdivision, as, for instance,
under towns, is impracticable on the shelves, but must
be done on paper.</p>
<p>The catalogue slips can then be arranged under
towns and printers, so that any one wishing to study
the productions of a particular town or printer can at
once obtain all the books of the particular class in the
library. If he knows his books by the author’s name,
they can be found from the general catalogue of the
library. In private collections, the number of books
is, as a rule, so small that they can be arranged in any
order without trouble.</p>
<p>In describing an early printed book, great care
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_204" id="Page_204">[204]</a></span>should always be taken not to confuse what is
common to all examples of the book with what is
specially the peculiarity of an individual copy. The
description should always be in two parts, the first
general and the second particular. The first part should
give the place, the date, the name of the printer, the
size, an exact collation; the second, an account of the
binding, a list of the earlier owners, the imperfections,
if any, and similar information.</p>
<p>As regards the place, there does not yet seem to be
any fixed rule as to the form in which it should be
written, whether in Latin or in English. Many of the
older bibliographies having been written in Latin,
and the colophons of the majority of early books
being in the same language, we have grown familiar
with the Latin forms of many names. But now that
more books are being written in English, it seems
more sensible to use the English forms. The pedantic
habit of writing the name in the vernacular, as Köln
for Cologne, Genève for Geneva, or Kjøbenhavn for
Copenhagen, should be avoided; it simply tends to
confuse, and serves no useful purpose. The great aim
of a bibliographical description should be to give the
fullest information in the most concise and clear form.
Since English books are presumably written for
English readers, it is best they should be written in
English, and the exhibition of superfluous learning in
the manner is almost always a sign of a want of
necessary learning in the matter.</p>
<p>The date should always be given in Arabic figures;
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_205" id="Page_205">[205]</a></span>and if there is any peculiarity in the form of the date
as it occurs in the book, it should be added between
brackets. The day of the month, when it is given in
the colophon, should always be put down in the
description, as it is often of great importance. In
countries where the new year began in March we are
apt to get confused with the dates, and forget, for
example, that the 20th of January 1490 is later than
the 20th of December 1490.</p>
<p>The beginning of the year varied in different
countries, and often in different towns. The four
most usual times for its commencement were:
Christmas Day (December 25), the day of the Circumcision
(January 1), the day of the Conception (March
25), and the day of the Resurrection (Easter Day).
The 25th of March was, on the whole, most common;
but in dating any book exactly, the rule for the
particular town where it was printed should be
ascertained.</p>
<p>An approximate date should always be supplied to
the description of an undated book; but this date
should not be a mere haphazard conjecture, but should
be determined by an examination of the characteristics
of the book, and comparison with dated books from
the same press, so that the date that is ascribed is
merely another expression for the characteristics
noticed in the book. It is only after careful study
that accurate dates can be ascribed to books of
a particular press, and monographs on particular
printers must be consulted when it is possible.</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_206" id="Page_206">[206]</a></span></p>
<p>On the question of sizes there seem to be many
opinions. There was originally no doubt on the subject,
and there is no reason for any doubt now.</p>
<p>There are two opposing elements at work, size and
form. Originally, when all paper was handmade, and
did not vary very much in measurement, books were
spoken of as folio, quarto, octavo, etc., according to
the folding of the sheet; and these terms apply to
the folding of the sheet. In the present century,
when paper is made by machinery, and made to any
size, the folding cannot be taken as a criterion, and
the various sizes are determined by measurement,
the old terms, applicable only to the size by folding,
being retained. What has evidently led to all this
confusion is the application of the same terms to two
different things.</p>
<p>In describing old books, the old form size should
be used, being the only one which does not vary.
Under the other notation, a cut-down copy of a book
in quarto becomes an octavo, and thus two editions
are made out of one.</p>
<p>The size of an old book is very simply recognised
by holding up a page to the light. Certain white
lines, called wire-marks, will be noticed, occurring, as a
rule, about an inch apart, and running at right angles
to the fine lines, These wire-lines are perpendicular
in a folio, octavo, 32mo, and horizontal in a quarto and
16mo. In a 12mo, as the name implies, the sheet is
folded in twelve; and in the earlier part at least of
the sixteenth century this was done in such a way
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_207" id="Page_207">[207]</a></span>that the wire-lines are perpendicular; the height of
the sheet forming two pages, as is the case in an
octavo, while the width is divided into six, instead of
four as in an octavo. The later habit has been to
fold the sheet differently, the height of the sheet
forming the width of four pages, and the width of the
sheet the height of three pages; consequently the
wire-lines are horizontal. Among early printed books
the 12mo is a very uncommon form; quartos are
most numerous, and after them folios.</p>
<p>It should always be remembered that the signature
has nothing whatever to do with the size. It is
merely a guide to the binder to show him how many
leaves go to the quire, and the order in which they
come. The binder found it convenient to have his
quires of from eight to twelve leaves each, and the
quires were thus made up whether the book was folio,
quarto, or octavo. Let us assume, for example, that
the quires were to consist of eight leaves each, then
each quire of the folio book contained four sheets, of
the quarto book two sheets, and of the octavo book
one sheet. A book on Book Collecting, lately published,
gives the following extraordinary remarks on finding
the size:—“The leaves must be counted between
signature and signature, and then if there are two
leaves the book is a folio, if four a 4to, if eight an 8vo,
if twelve a 12mo, etc.... I should advise the young
collector to count the leaves between signature and
signature, and to abide by the result, regardless of all
the learned arguments of specialists.” The absolute
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_208" id="Page_208">[208]</a></span>folly of these remarks on the sizes of books will be
apparent to any one who has seen an old book. The
earliest folios printed in Germany and Italy are in
quires of ten leaves, <i>i.e.</i> there are ten leaves between
signature and signature; in the majority of early
folios there are eight. Again, there is no folio book
in existence among early books (excepting the block-books,
which are in a class apart) with only two leaves
to the signature.</p>
<p>Wynkyn de Worde made up many of his quartos
in quires of eight and four leaves alternately; most
early 16mos were made up in quires of eight leaves,
and had therefore two signatures to each complete
sheet. In the same way many 24mos were made up
in quires of twelve leaves. All these books would be
wrongly described by counting the leaves between
the signatures; in fact, that method comes right by
accident only in the case of some octavos and a few
12mos and 16mos.<a name="FNanchor_41_41" id="FNanchor_41_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_41_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a></p>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_41_41" id="Footnote_41_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41_41"><span class="label">[41]</span></a> On the subject of the sizes of old books, the reader would do well
to consult the <cite>Athenæum</cite>, 1888, vol. ii, pp. 600, 636, 673, 706,
and 744, where some instructive and amusing letters will be found.
A further series of letters relating generally to the same subject
appeared in the same paper in the early part of 1889.</p></div>
<p>The collation of a book is the enumeration of the
number of leaves according to the way in which they
are arranged in quires, and this collation should be
given whether the quires are signed or not. If there
are signatures, there can be no difficulty in counting
the number of leaves which go to each quire; but
when there are no signatures, as is the case with most
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_209" id="Page_209">[209]</a></span>books before 1475, the collation is a more difficult
matter. The first thing to be looked at, if the book
has no MS. signatures, is the sewing, which shows us
the centre of the quire,<a name="FNanchor_42_42" id="FNanchor_42_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_42_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a> and we can then count from
sewing to sewing. This gives us only the halves of
two quires; we must then have recourse to the watermarks.
In a folio, if one leaf has a watermark, the
corresponding leaf which forms the other half of the
sheet has none. Again, in a quarto, corresponding
leaves have either no watermark, or each half a one.
Judging from the sewing and the watermarks, there is
rarely any difficulty in making out the collation, the
first and last quires being the most difficult to determine
with accuracy; the others present no difficulty.
It is thus always best to settle the arrangement of the
interior quires first, and work from them to the outer
ones, which are more likely to be mutilated.</p>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_42_42" id="Footnote_42_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42_42"><span class="label">[42]</span></a> It was the custom of many binders in the earlier part of the
present century, when they had to rebind an old book, to separate all
the leaves and then fix them together in convenient sections, entirely
ignoring the original “make up.” A very large number of books in the
British Museum were thus misbound, and even the celebrated Codex
Alexandrinus was treated in this way.</p></div>
<p>This method of collation by the watermarks is
very often useful for detecting made up copies. For
instance, in the copy of the thirty-six line Bible in the
British Museum, the first and last leaf of the first
quire have each a watermark, showing absolutely that
one of the two leaves (in this case the first) has been
inserted from another copy.</p>
<p>In many old books which have been rebound, the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_210" id="Page_210">[210]</a></span>outside pages of the quire are very much smoother
and more polished than the rest, and may thus be
distinguished by touch. This, though a pretty certain
test, may mislead, if the book has been misbound,
and should only be used in conjunction with the other
methods. A little practical work will soon enable the
beginner to find for himself various small points, all
of which, though hardly worthy of a lengthy description,
are useful in giving information, but are only
useful when they have been acquired by experience.</p>
<p>In giving an account of a fifteenth century book,
a reference should always be made to Hain’s <cite>Repertorium
Bibliographicum</cite>. If Hain gives a full
description, and such description is correct, it will be
sufficient for all purposes to quote the number in
Hain. Almost all the books fully described in that
work have an asterisk prefixed to their number, that
being the sign that Hain had himself collated the
book; and in quoting from him the asterisk should
never be omitted.</p>
<p>The title and colophon should always be given in
extenso, the end of each line in the original being
marked by an upright stroke (|). The abbreviations
should be exactly copied. Notice must always
be taken of blank leaves which are part of the book.
The number of lines to the page, the presence or
absence of signatures, all such technical minutiæ
must be noted down.</p>
<p>In fact, the object of a good bibliographical description
is to give as clearly and concisely as possible
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_211" id="Page_211">[211]</a></span>all the information which can be derived from an
examination of the book itself.</p>
<p>The individual history of a book is of the utmost
importance, and should never be ignored. On this
subject I cannot do better than quote some words of
Henry Bradshaw, applicable more to manuscripts
than to printed books, but which explain the writer’s
careful method, and practically exhaust all that has
to be said on the subject.</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_212" id="Page_212">[212]</a></span></p>
<p>“These notes, moreover, illustrate the method on
which I have worked for many years, the method
which alone brings me satisfaction, whether dealing
with printed books or manuscripts. It is briefly
this: to work out the history of the volume from
the present to the past; to peel off, as it were, every
accretion, piece by piece, entry by entry, making each
contribute its share of evidence of the book’s history
backwards from generation to generation; to take
note of every entry which shows either use, or ownership,
or even the various changes of library arrangement,
until we get back to the book itself as it left
the original scriptorium or the hands of the scribe;
noting how the book is made up, whether in 4-sheet,
5-sheet, or 6-sheet quires, or otherwise; how the
quires are numbered and marked for the binder; how
the corrector has done his work, leaving his certificate
on the quire, leaf or page, or not, as the case may be;
how the rubricator has performed his part; what kind
of handwriting the scribe uses; and, finally, to what
country or district all these pieces of evidence point....
The quiet building up of facts, the habit of
patiently watching a book, and listening while it tells
you its own story, must tend to produce a solid
groundwork of knowledge, which alone leads to that
sober confidence before which both negative assumption
and ungrounded speculation, however brilliant,
must ultimately fall.”</p>
</div>
<hr class="chap" />
<p class="space-above4"></p>
<div class="chapter">
<h3>INDEX OF PRINTERS AND PLACES.</h3>
<ul class="index">
<li class="ifrst"><span class="smcap">Abbeville</span>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Abingdon, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Alban’s, St., <a href="#Page_140">140</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Albi, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Aldus, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Alopa, F. de, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Alost, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Alyat, A., <a href="#Page_189">189</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Amorbach, J., <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Andreæ, J., <a href="#Page_112">112</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Andrieu, M., <a href="#Page_93">93</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Angers, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Angoulême, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Antwerp, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Appentegger, L., <a href="#Page_114">114</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Arndes, S., <a href="#Page_122">122</a>.</li>
<li class="indx"><a id="Ascensius" name="Ascensius"></a>Ascensius, J. B., <i>see</i> <a href="#Badius">Badius.</a></li>
<li class="indx">Audenarde, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Augsburg, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Avignon, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Azzoguidi, B., <a href="#Page_72">72</a>.</li>
<li class="ifrst"><a id="Badius" name="Badius"></a><span class="smcap">Badius, J.</span>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Bamberg, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Bamler, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Barbier, J., <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Barcelona, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Barmentlo, P., <a href="#Page_110">110</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Barnes, J., <a href="#Page_156">156</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Basle, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Bechtermuntze, H., <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>.</li>
<li><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_213" id="Page_213">[213]</a></span></li>
<li class="indx">Bechtermuntze, N., <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Bedill, J., <a href="#Page_143">143</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Belfortis, A., <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Bellaert, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Bellescullée, P., <a href="#Page_89">89</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Benedictis, de, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Bergman de Olpe, P., <a href="#Page_51">51</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Beromunster, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>.</li>
<li class="indx"><a id="Bertolf" name="Bertolf"></a>Bertolf von Hanau, <i>see</i> <a href="#Ruppel">B. Ruppel.</a></li>
<li class="indx">Berton, J., <a href="#Page_94">94</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Besançon, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Beverley, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Bois-le-duc, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Bollcaert, J., <a href="#Page_190">190</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Bologna, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">—— S. de, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Bonhomme, P., <a href="#Page_83">83</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Botel, H., <a href="#Page_115">115</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Bourgeois, J. le, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Bouyer, J., <a href="#Page_89">89</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Braem, C., <a href="#Page_104">104</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Braga, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Brandis, L., <a href="#Page_57">57</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Brasichella, G. de, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Breda, J. de, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Bréhant-Loudéac, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Breslau, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Brito, J., <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Bruges, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Brun, P., <a href="#Page_115">115</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Brunswick, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Brussels, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Bruxella, A. de, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Buckinck, A., <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Burgos, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Butz, L., <a href="#Page_114">114</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Buyer, B., <a href="#Page_87">87</a>.</li>
<li class="ifrst"><span class="smcap">Cadarossia, D. de</span>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Caen, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Cagliari, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Calafati, N., <a href="#Page_117">117</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Caliergi, Z., <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Cambridge, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Carner, A., <a href="#Page_72">72</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Castaldi, P., <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Caxton, W., <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>,</li>
<li><a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>,</li>
<li><a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Cayllaut, A., <a href="#Page_84">84</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Cennini, B., <a href="#Page_74">74</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Chablis, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Chalcondylas, D., <a href="#Page_75">75</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Châlons, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Chambéry, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Chardella, S. N., <a href="#Page_66">66</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Chartres, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Chepman, W., <a href="#Page_174">174</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Cividad di Friuli, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Clemens Sacerdos, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Cluni, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Cock, G., <a href="#Page_114">114</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Coeffin, M., <a href="#Page_184">184</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Colini, J., <a href="#Page_91">91</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Cologne, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Copenhagen, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Copland, R., <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Coria, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Cosselhac, A. de, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>.</li>
<li class="indx"><a id="Coster" name="Coster"></a>Coster, L. J., <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Crantz, M., <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>.</li>
<li><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_214" id="Page_214">[214]</a></span></li>
<li class="indx">Cremona, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Crès, J., <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Creusner, F., <a href="#Page_53">53</a>.</li>
<li class="ifrst"><span class="smcap">Dachaver</span>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Dale, H. van den, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Davidson, T., <a href="#Page_176">176</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Daygne, C., <a href="#Page_175">175</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Delft, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">De Marnef, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Deventer, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Dijon, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Dinckmut, C., <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Dôle, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Dorne, J., <a href="#Page_157">157</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Dortas, A., <a href="#Page_120">120</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Drach, P., <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Durandas, J., <a href="#Page_90">90</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Durham, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>.</li>
<li class="ifrst"><span class="smcap">Edinburgh</span>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Eggestein, H., <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Egmondt, F., <a href="#Page_171">171</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Eichstadt, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Eliezer, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Eltvil, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Elyas, C., <a href="#Page_57">57</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Embrun, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Erfurth, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Esslingen, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Eustace, G., <a href="#Page_85">85</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Exeter, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Eysenhut, J., <a href="#Page_11">11</a>.</li>
<li class="ifrst"><span class="smcap">Fabri, J.</span>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Faques, G., <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">—— R., <a href="#Page_197">197</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Faro, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Fernandez, A., <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Ferrara, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Ferrose, G., <a href="#Page_79">79</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Fèvre, G. le, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Flandrus, M., <a href="#Page_114">114</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Florence, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Fogel, J., <a href="#Page_188">188</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Foligno, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Forestier, J. le, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Foucquet, R., <a href="#Page_91">91</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Francour, J. de, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Frankfort, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Frederick of Basle, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Frees, F., <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">—— G., <a href="#Page_177">177</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Friburger, M., <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Friedberg, P. de, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Froben, J., <a href="#Page_58">58</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Fust, John, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Fyner, C., <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>.</li>
<li class="ifrst"><span class="smcap">Gachet, J.</span>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>.</li>
<li class="indx"><a id="Gallus" name="Gallus"></a>Gallus, U., <i>see</i> <a href="#Hahn">Hahn, U.</a></li>
<li class="indx">Gaver, J., <a href="#Page_143">143</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Geneva, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Gérard, P., <a href="#Page_91">91</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Gerardus de Lisa, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Gering, U., <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Gerona, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Ghemen, G. van, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Ghent, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Gherlinc, J., <a href="#Page_121">121</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Ghotan, B., <a href="#Page_123">123</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Giunta, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Godard, G., <a href="#Page_85">85</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Goes, H., <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">—— M. van der, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Gops, G., <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Gossin, J., <a href="#Page_106">106</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Gotz, N., <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Gouda, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Goupil, R., <a href="#Page_184">184</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Goupillières, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Gourmont, G., <a href="#Page_86">86</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Gradibus, J. and S., <a href="#Page_89">89</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Granada, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>.</li>
<li><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_215" id="Page_215">[215]</a></span></li>
<li class="indx">Grenoble, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Gruninger, J., <a href="#Page_43">43</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Guldenschaff, J., <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Gurniel, J. de, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Gutenberg, John, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>.</li>
<li class="ifrst">H., I., <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Haarlem, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Hagembach, P., <a href="#Page_114">114</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Haghe, L., <a href="#Page_183">183</a>.</li>
<li class="indx"><a id="Hahn" name="Hahn"></a>Hahn, U., <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Hardouyn, G., <a href="#Page_85">85</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Harsy, N. de, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Hasselt, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Heerstraten, E. van der, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Hees, W., <a href="#Page_102">102</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Helyas de Louffen, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Hereford, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Hermann de Stalhœn, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Hermonymus, G., <a href="#Page_20">20</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Hertzog, J., <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Higman, J., <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Hijst, J. and C., <a href="#Page_55">55</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Hochfeder, C., <a href="#Page_91">91</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Hohenwang, L., <a href="#Page_56">56</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Homery, C., <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Hopyl, W., <a href="#Page_174">174</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Hostingue, L., <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Hug de Goppingen, J., <a href="#Page_56">56</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Hunt, T., <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Hurus, P., <a href="#Page_114">114</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Husner, G., <a href="#Page_43">43</a>.</li>
<li class="ifrst"><span class="smcap">Jacobi, H.</span>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Jaen, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>.</li>
<li class="indx"><a id="Janszoon" name="Janszoon"></a>Janszoon, L., <i>see</i> <a href="#Coster">Coster, L. J.</a></li>
<li class="indx">Jardina, G. de la, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Jenson, N., <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">John de Colonia, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">John of Speyer, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>.</li>
<li class="ifrst"><span class="smcap">Kacheloffen, C.</span>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Kaetz, P., <a href="#Page_181">181</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Kaiser, P., <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Keffer, H., <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Keller, A., <a href="#Page_189">189</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">—— J., <a href="#Page_148">148</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Kerver, T., <a href="#Page_85">85</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Kesler, N., <a href="#Page_111">111</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Ketelaer, N., <a href="#Page_102">102</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Keysere, A. de, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Knoblochzer, J., <a href="#Page_43">43</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Koburger, A., <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Koelhoff, J., <a href="#Page_50">50</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Kuilenburg, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Kyrfoth, C., <a href="#Page_156">156</a>.</li>
<li class="ifrst"><span class="smcap">Landen, J.</span>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Lantenac, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Lausanne, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Lauxius, D., <a href="#Page_174">174</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Lavagna, P. de, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Laver, G., <a href="#Page_63">63</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Lavingen, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Lecompte, N., <a href="#Page_171">171</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Leempt, G. de, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Leeu, G., <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Leipzig, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Leiria, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Lerida, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Lettou, J., <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Levet, P., <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Leyden, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Lila, B. de, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Limoges, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Lisbon, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Loeffs, R., <a href="#Page_104">104</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Loeslein, P., <a href="#Page_69">69</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">London, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Louvain, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>.</li>
<li><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_216" id="Page_216">[216]</a></span></li>
<li class="indx">Loys, J., <a href="#Page_184">184</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Lubeck, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Ludwig zu Ulm, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Lyons, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>.</li>
<li class="ifrst"><span class="smcap">Machlinia, W. de,</span> <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Maçon, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Madrid, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Mainz, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>,</li>
<li><a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Mansion, C., <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Manthen, J., <a href="#Page_69">69</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Mantua, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Marchant, G., <a href="#Page_84">84</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Marienthal, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Martens, Th., <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Marti, B., <a href="#Page_117">117</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Martinez, A., <a href="#Page_114">114</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Mayer, H., <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Maynyal, G., <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Melchior de Stanheim, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Mentelin, J., <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Merseburg, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Metlinger, P., <a href="#Page_92">92</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Metz, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Milan, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Milner, U., <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Monreale, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Monserrat, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Monterey, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Moravia, V. de, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Moravus, M., <a href="#Page_161">161</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Morelli, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Morin, M., <a href="#Page_92">92</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Murcia, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Myllar, A., <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>.</li>
<li class="ifrst"><span class="smcap">Nantes</span>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Naples, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Narbonne, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Nassou, H. de, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Nijmegen, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Norins, J., <a href="#Page_189">189</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Notary, J., <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Novacivitate, G. de, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Numeister, J., <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Nuremberg, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>.</li>
<li class="ifrst"><span class="smcap">Odensee</span>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Orleans, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Orrier, B. van, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Os, G. de, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">—— P. van, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Oxford, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>.</li>
<li class="ifrst">P., I., <a href="#Page_190">190</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Padua, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Paffroed, R., <a href="#Page_110">110</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Palma, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Palmart, L., <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Pannartz, A., <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Paris, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Parix, J., <a href="#Page_88">88</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Parma, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Passera, G. R. de la, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Pavia, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Périgueux, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Perpignan, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Perusia, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Pfister, A., <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Philippus Petri, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Picheng, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Pictor, B., <a href="#Page_69">69</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Pigouchet, P., <a href="#Page_85">85</a>.</li>
<li><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_217" id="Page_217">[217]</a></span></li>
<li class="indx">Pistoia, D. de, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Poitiers, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Porres, J. de, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Portilia, A., <a href="#Page_72">72</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Pré, J. du, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Printer of Augustinus de Fide, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>.</li>
<li class="isub1">—— Dictys, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>.</li>
<li class="isub1">—— Historia S. Albani, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Promentour, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Provins, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Puerto, A. del, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Pynson, R., <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>.</li>
<li class="ifrst"><span class="smcap">Quentell, H.</span>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Quijoue, E., <a href="#Page_90">90</a>.</li>
<li class="ifrst"><span class="smcap">R Printer</span>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Raem de Berka, G. ten, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Ratdolt, E., <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Ravescot, L. de, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Redman, R., <a href="#Page_170">170</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Regnault, F., <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Rennes, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Reuchlin, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Reutlingen, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Reüwick, E., <a href="#Page_33">33</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Reynes, J., <a href="#Page_193">193</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Reyser, M., <a href="#Page_55">55</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Richard, J., <a href="#Page_92">92</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Richel, B., <a href="#Page_58">58</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Richenbach, J., <a href="#Page_188">188</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Riessinger, S., <a href="#Page_76">76</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Roca, L. de, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>.</li>
<li class="indx"><a id="Rodt" name="Rodt"></a>Rodt, B., <i>see</i> <a href="#Ruppel">Ruppel.</a></li>
<li class="indx">Rome, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Rood, T., <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Rosembach, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Rostock, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Rouen, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Rouge, G. le, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">—— P. le, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Roy, G. le, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">—— J. le, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>.</li>
<li class="indx"><a id="Ruppel" name="Ruppel"></a>Ruppel, B., <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Rusch d’Ingwiller, A., <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Rychard, T., <a href="#Page_182">182</a>.</li>
<li class="ifrst"><span class="smcap">St. Alban’s</span>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">St. Maartensdyk, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Salamanca, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Salins, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">San Cucufat, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Saragossa, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Saxonia, N, de, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Schenck, P., <a href="#Page_89">89</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Schiedam, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Schleswig, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Schœffer, Peter, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Schoensperger, J., <a href="#Page_52">52</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Schott, M., <a href="#Page_40">40</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Schussler, J., <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Scolar, J., <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Scot, J., <a href="#Page_143">143</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Scotus, O., <a href="#Page_69">69</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Segorbe, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Segura, B., <a href="#Page_114">114</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Sensenschmidt, J., <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Seville, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Shoenhoven, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Siberch, J. L. de, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Snell, J., <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Solidi, J., <a href="#Page_89">89</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Sorg, A., <a href="#Page_52">52</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Spindeler, N., <a href="#Page_145">145</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Spire, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Sporer, Hans, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Spyess, W., <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Stockholm, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Stoll, J., <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Story, J., <a href="#Page_176">176</a>.</li>
<li><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_218" id="Page_218">[218]</a></span></li>
<li class="indx">Strasburg, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Subiaco, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Sursee, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Sweynheym, C., <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>.</li>
<li class="ifrst"><span class="smcap">Talleur, G. le</span>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Taro, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Tarragona, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Tavistock, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Theodoricus, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Ther Hoernen, A., <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Thorne, J., <a href="#Page_157">157</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Toledo, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Tolosa, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Toro, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Torresani, A. de, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Toulouse, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Tours, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Trechsel, J., <a href="#Page_86">86</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Tréguier, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Treveris, P., <a href="#Page_157">157</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Treves, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Treviso, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Trogen, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Troyes, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Turre, J. de, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>.</li>
<li class="ifrst"><span class="smcap">Udina</span>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Ulm, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Ulric and Afra, Monastery of, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Urach, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Utrecht, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>.</li>
<li class="ifrst"><span class="smcap">Valdarfer, C.</span>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Valence, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Valenciennes, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Valentia, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Valladolid, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Vasqui, J., <a href="#Page_116">116</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Vavassore, G. A., <a href="#Page_17">17</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Veldener, J., <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Vendrell, M., <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Venice, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Verard, A., <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Verona, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Vienne, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Villa, J. de, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Violette, P., <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Vitalis, M., <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Vivian, M., <a href="#Page_93">93</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Vostre, S., <a href="#Page_85">85</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Vulcanius, M., <a href="#Page_190">190</a>.</li>
<li class="ifrst">W., G., <a href="#Page_192">192</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Wadsten, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Waldfoghel, P., <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Wanseford, G., <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Watson, H., <a href="#Page_178">178</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Weidenbach, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Wenssler, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Werrecoren, P., <a href="#Page_110">110</a>.</li>
<li><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_219" id="Page_219">[219]</a></span></li>
<li class="indx">Westminster, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Westphalia, C. de, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>.</li>
<li class="isub1">—— John of, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Windelin of Speyer, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Winters de Homborch, C., <a href="#Page_51">51</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Worde, W. de, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>,</li>
<li><a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>,</li>
<li><a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Woudix, J. de, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>.</li>
<li class="ifrst"><span class="smcap">Xeres</span>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>.</li>
<li class="ifrst"><span class="smcap">York</span>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>.</li>
<li class="ifrst"><span class="smcap">Zainer, G.</span>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>.</li>
<li class="isub1">—— J., <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Zamora, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Zarotus, A., <a href="#Page_73">73</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Zel, U., <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Zeninger, C., <a href="#Page_43">43</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Zorba, S., <a href="#Page_120">120</a>.</li>
<li class="indx">Zwolle, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>.</li>
</ul>
</div>
<p>Printed by T. & A. <span class="smcap">Constable</span>, Printers to Her Majesty,
at the Edinburgh University Press.</p>
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<div class="transnote">
<h2 id="end_note" class="nopagebreak" title="">Transcriber’s Notes</h2>
<p>The illustrated advertisement from the front of the book has
been placed at the end of the book.</p>
<p><a href="#Page_54" title="">Page 54</a>: in the footnote,
<b>ondon</b> has been changed to <b>London</b>.</p>
<p><a href="#Page_54" title="">Page 54</a>: <b>Bechtermuncze</b>
has been changed to <b>Bechtermuntze</b> which is the predominant usage
throughout the book.</p>
<p><a href="#Page_159" title="">Page 159</a>:<b>abbrevation</b> has been
changed to <b>abbreviation</b>.</p>
<p>Hyphenation has been standardised.</p>
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