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diff --git a/old/63233-8.txt b/old/63233-8.txt deleted file mode 100644 index f6994f9..0000000 --- a/old/63233-8.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,11126 +0,0 @@ -Project Gutenberg's China's Revolution 1911-1912, by Edwin J. Dingle - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: China's Revolution 1911-1912 - A Historical and Political Record of the Civil War - -Author: Edwin J. Dingle - -Release Date: September 19, 2020 [EBook #63233] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CHINA'S REVOLUTION 1911-1912 *** - - - - -Produced by Al Haines - - - - - - - - -[Illustration: Cover art] - - - - -CHINA'S REVOLUTION - - -[Frontispiece: GENERAL LI YUAN HUNG, THE LEADER OF THE REVOLUTION -Frontispiece.] - - - CHINA'S REVOLUTION - - 1911-1912 - - A HISTORICAL AND POLITICAL - RECORD OF THE CIVIL WAR - - - BY - - EDWIN J. DINGLE - - - - WITH 2 MAPS AND 36 ILLUSTRATIONS - - - - NEW YORK - McBRIDE, NAST & COMPANY - 1912 - - - - -(_All rights reserved._) - - - - - TO - THOSE WHO LAID DOWN THEIR LIVES AND - TO THE NEW CHINA PARTY - IN THE HOPE THAT THEIR STRUGGLES FOR FREEDOM - MAY HERALD THE DAWNING OF A DAY OF - RIGHT AND TRUTH FOR CHINA - THIS VOLUME IS INSCRIBED - - - - -{7} - -AUTHOR'S NOTE - -This volume is a popular history of the Revolution in China that -broke out at Wuchang, Hankow, and Hanyang in October of 1911. The -narrative contains a good deal of new information touching upon -revolutionism in China, and the events leading up to the present -climax. The magnitude of this Revolution cannot possibly be -understood yet; but this volume is written in the hope that it will -enable the student otherwise untutored to understand much that one -absorbs in Chinese life. - -When the Revolution broke out, I was residing in Hankow. Throughout -the war I remained in Hankow, leaving this centre for Shanghai during -the days when the Peace Conference was held in that city. I am a -personal friend of the leader of the Revolution, General Li Yuan -Hung, and, by virtue of having all the time been in possession of -much exclusive information from behind the political curtain, am -probably equipped to write of the main doings of the Revolution in -that area where its effects were most marked. On the very eve of the -Revolution, a book written by myself was published simultaneously in -England and America, which contains some strangely prophetic -utterances, and will give the reader who has not made Chinese -politics a study a general idea of the condition of the country when -the Revolution made the scales drop from the eyes of her teeming -millions.[1] - -{8} - -I wish gratefully to acknowledge the kind offices of Mr. Thos. F. -Millard, editor of the China Press, for allowing me free use of the -columns of that journal. Much of my information has been culled from -the C.P., although many of the articles were written by myself for -that newspaper, whilst the war was in progress; but I am largely -indebted to that paper also for many of my general later facts. - -Especially also do I wish to thank the Rev. Bernard Upward, of -Hankow, for the assistance he has rendered me whilst this volume was -being prepared. The chapter entitled "Some Revolution Factors" is -from Mr. Upward's pen, as is also that headed "Yuan Shih K'ai"; many -of the illustrations shown in the volume also are reproductions from -Mr. Upward's splendid collection. My warm thanks are also due to Mr. -Stanley V. Boxer, B.Sc., for the drawings from which the two maps -embodied in this volume were prepared, and for the explanatory note -accompanying the sketch map of the battlefields. - -It should, perhaps, in fairness to myself, be mentioned that, owing -to absence from England, I have not had an opportunity of reading the -proof-sheets before this volume was printed. - -EDWIN J. DINGLE. - - HANKOW, HUPEH, CHINA. - _April_ 1, 1912. - - -[1] "Across China on Foot: Life in the Interior and the Reform -Movement." Henry Holt & Co., New York. $3.50. J. W. Arrowsmith, -Ltd., Bristol, 16s. - - - - -{9} - -CONTENTS - - -CHAPTER - -I. THE REVOLUTION - -II. THE AFTERMATH - -III. GENERAL EXPECTATIONS - -IV. GENERAL LI YUAN HUNG'S AMBITIONS FOR THE NEW CHINA - -V. A PREMATURE OPENING - -VI. THE EARLY HOSTILITIES - -VII. THE BATTLE OF KILOMETRE TEN - -VIII. THE BURNING OF HANKOW - -IX. THE STRONGHOLD OF WUCHANG - -X. LI YUAN HUNG SEEKS PEACE - -XI. THE FALL OF HANYANG - -XII. THE REPUBLIC SEEKS RECOGNITION - -XIII. THE PEACE CONFERENCE--A MONARCHY OR A REPUBLIC? - -XIV. THE COMING OF SUN YAT-SEN - -{10} - -XV. YUAN SHIH K'AI'S RETIREMENT - -XVI. RECALLED TO SAVE THE MONARCHY - -XVII. THE SZECHUEN REVOLT - -XVIII. SOME REVOLUTION FACTORS - -XIX. THE ABDICATION EDICT - -XX. THE OUTLOOK FOR REFORM - - - - -{11} - -LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS - - -GENERAL LI YUAN HUNG .... Frontispiece - -WHERE CHINA'S REVOLUTION STARTED - -THE PROVINCIAL ASSEMBLY HALL, WUCHANG - -A CAPTURED BOMB-MAKER - -A QUEUELESS BRIGADE - -TYPICAL REVOLUTIONARIES - -THE RAW MATERIAL OF THE REVOLUTIONARY ARMY - -THE CENTRAL MART OF THE WORLD - -THE FLIGHT OF THE GUN-JUNKS - -THE EFFECT OF A NAVAL BOMBARDMENT - -PREPARED FOR EVENTUALITIES - -FOES MEETING AS FRIENDS - -TACHIMEN, WITH IMPERIALISTS IN OCCUPATION - -THE BURNING OF HANKOW - -THE SING SENG ROAD - -THE TOLL OF THE DEAD - -ESCAPED FROM WUCHANG - -TOMMY ATKINS ON GUARD - -{12} - -HOW THE IMPERIALISTS CROSSED THE HAN - -HUNAN SOLDIER - -HUPEH SOLDIER - -THE IMPREGNABLE HANYANG HILL - -THE THREE-EYED BRIDGE - -THE HANDY MAN ASHORE - -DISMANTLED IMPERIAL GUN ON PURPLE MOUNTAIN, NANKING - -THE UBIQUITOUS BOY - -DR. WU TING-FANG - -YIN CHANG - -TANG SHAO-YI - -FENG KUO-CHANG - -HWANG HSING - -DR. SUN YAT SEN - -YUAN SHI-K'AI - -A PRE-REVOLUTION GROUP - -THE CHILD-EMPEROR OF CHINA - -WHAT REMAINS OF HANKOW'S MAIN RIVER GATEWAY - - - -MAPS - -HANKOW NATIVE CITY, SHOWING BURNT AREA - -WUHAN CENTRE: SKETCH MAP OF THE BATTLEFIELDS - - - - -{13} - -CHINA'S REVOLUTION - -1911-1912 - - - -CHAPTER I - -THE REVOLUTION - -The story of the great Chinese Revolution of 1911-12 will probably -never be told fully or accurately. China is a continent in its vast -area. Its population is one-fourth of the whole human race. The -country is not opened up by roads or railways and travel generally is -arduous and slow; exaggeration among the people, as among all -Orientals, is second nature. And so it would be at once impossible -for any one man closely to follow up and widely and accurately to -write of the Revolution which broke out at Wuchang last year, tracing -it up to the present moment and getting a clean political and -international outlook whilst doing so. Although I have endeavoured -by careful study to get into focus with doings all over the Empire, I -confess that I have been unable to secure unimpeachable information -on any part of China other than that in which I was living (I speak -of the interior of China, for it was easy enough to be kept informed -in the main centres and the treaty ports whilst the telegraph lines -were intact). Had there been roads and railways and communication of -a kind to render it physically possible to move about, even then this -would {14} have been impossible; for soon after the Revolution broke -the anti-foreign spirit and the outlawry shown in many parts of the -country forbade any European going far from the treaty ports--and, of -course, practically all foreigners were ordered to the coast by their -consuls. Had a man a workable knowledge of the Chinese language in -character, it would have been foolish to form one's opinions from the -rumours that were printed everywhere in the Chinese Press. And so it -comes about that only upon those things which one saw and did is a -man justified to write. - -The reader, if he knows China, will need no further explanation, for -readily will he recognise my meaning. He will understand by -experience what a mass of inconsistency and incongruity China and her -people are. But to the Westerner who has never been into China nor -rubbed shoulders closely with this peculiar people it will perhaps be -necessary to add that life in China, in all its forms and phases, is -fraught with such a truly remarkable atmosphere of the unexpected -that to write on any Chinese man, woman, custom, habit, place, or -thing one is able only to generalise--unless he goes into the tedium -of particularising. To get into line it is necessary so to cut down -and to prune and generally to reinterpret that when one has told his -story there seems to be very little at all in it. But those who have -lived in China know the conditions. They will have absorbed this -incomprehensible spirit of the country, will understand what is -written--and what is more important still, will magnetically feel -what is left out which the writer on Chinese affairs would have said. -When in writing upon men and things Chinese you think you have pruned -down all apparent misinterpretation or misrepresentation, you find -there is still a little pruning left to be done; you prune again, and -in the end you find you often are, to the Western mind, -misinterpreting and misrepresenting facts merely because you have -left out that which, to you, with {15} your Chinese eyes, appeared -untrue. You see a thing in China and you think that you understand -it. You fix it in your mind and tell yourself that you have absorbed -it, whatever it may be, and that you now have the final thought and -word and correct meaning. But after a little time you find, by a -peculiar process of Chinese national twisting and shifting, no matter -what you see, hear, think, believe, your final thought and word and -correct meaning are changed completely. - -This, perhaps, describes the political atmosphere during the -Revolution. Into everything there came an exasperating suspense, a -terrible tangle of all national affairs, as there still must be for a -very long time to come. Therefore to the man who sets out to write a -detailed history of China's Revolution, and correctly to diagnose the -effect of one event upon another in a consecutive and truthful line, -there at once appears a formidable task. - -What the author has set out to do in this volume is to tell of what -he saw and understood, and then to put into print carefully -considered opinion on the general situation and a historical survey -of revolutions and main events in China that have led up to the -Revolution of last October. This Revolution, although outbreaking -prematurely, was all wonderfully planned. "The movement began to -take definite shape about fifteen or sixteen years ago," says Sun Yat -Sen, the greatest of Chinese revolutionists, though he had been -interested in the movement for a longer time than that. "Three years -ago we were ready to take over Wuchang, Canton, and Nanking, but we -were waiting to gain control of the Peking soldiers. We had been -working for some time through the students. Following the war with -Japan, the Peking Government began to organise its new army, sending -students abroad to be trained to take charge of the army. It was at -once seen that if the Manchus were able to organise and control a -modern army it would greatly strengthen their position, and the -Revolutionary {16} party set to work to counteract their efforts. -They worked through the students, so that when they returned to China -to take positions as officers in the army they came as -revolutionists. The outbreak could not have been postponed for more -than a few months, but it did occur before it was expected. We knew -that we had Wuchang, Nanking, and Canton, but there was a preliminary -outbreak at Canton, then another one last summer. Then when the -outbreak at Wuchang occurred it was no longer possible to postpone -action, for the Government would have begun to disarm the soldiers -who sympathised with us. At Canton they scattered our sympathisers -over the province, so that it was very difficult to concentrate them. -If our original plan had been carried out, there would have been very -little fighting. Canton, Nanking, and Wuchang would have quietly -gone over to us, and then all the troops could have marched on Peking -if necessary. We have always had half of the Peking troops with us." - -Thus declared Sun Yat Sen--and there is little doubt he was right. -The hitherto irremediable suppression of the individual qualities and -national aspirations of the people arrested the intellectual, the -moral, and the material development of China. The aid of revolution -was invoked to extirpate the primary cause, and China now proclaimed -the resultant overthrow of the despotic sway wielded by the Manchu -Dynasty and the establishment of a Republic. The substitution of a -Republic for a Monarchical form of government was not the fruit of a -transient passion; it was the natural outcome of a long-cherished -desire for broad-based freedom, making for permanent contentment and -uninterrupted advancement. It was the formal declaration of the will -of the Chinese nation. - -In a manifesto issued to all friendly nations from the Republic of -China, when Sun Yat Sen was appointed Provisional President, it was -declared that "we, the Chinese people, are peaceful and law-abiding. -We {17} have waged no war except in self-defence. We have borne our -grievances during two hundred and sixty-seven years of Manchu misrule -with patience and forbearance. We have by peaceful means endeavoured -to redress our wrongs, secure our liberty, and ensure our progress, -but we have failed. Oppressed beyond human endurance we deemed it -our inalienable right as well as our sacred duty to appeal to arms to -deliver ourselves and our posterity from the yoke to which we have so -long been subjected, and for the first time in our history inglorious -bondage has been transformed to an inspiring freedom splendid with a -lustrous light of opportunity. The policy of the Manchu Dynasty has -been one of unequivocal seclusion and unyielding tyranny. Beneath it -we have bitterly suffered, and we now submit to the free peoples of -the world the reasons justifying the Revolution and the inauguration -of our present government. Prior to the usurpation of the Throne by -the Manchus, the land was open to foreign intercourse, and religious -tolerance existed, as is evidenced by the writings of Marco Polo and -the inscription on the Nestorian Tablet of Sian-fu. Dominated by -ignorance and selfishness, the Manchus closed the land to the outer -world, and plunged the Chinese people into a state of benighted -mentality, calculated to operate inversely to their natural talents -and capabilities, thus committing a crime against humanity and the -civilised nations almost impossible of expiation." - -[Illustration: WHERE CHINA'S REVOLUTION STARTED. This picture of -Wuchang gives a good idea of the type of buildings seen in a Chinese -city. Six hundred Manchus perished in Wuchang during the early days -of the slaughter.] - -And there can be no doubt that, actuated by a perpetual desire for -the subjugation of the Chinese, by a vicious craving for -aggrandisement and wealth, the Manchus had governed China to the -lasting injury and detriment of the people, creating privileges and -monopolies and erecting about themselves barriers of exclusion in -national custom and personal conduct which were rigorously maintained -throughout the centuries. They had levied irregular and unwholesome -taxes upon the Chinese without their consent, {18} restricted foreign -trade to treaty ports, placed likin embargoes upon merchandise in -transit, and obstructed internal commerce. They had retarded the -creation of industrial enterprises, rendered impossible the -development of natural resources, and wilfully neglected to safeguard -vested interests. They had denied the people a regular system and -impartial administration of justice; inflicted unusual and cruel -punishments upon all persons charged with offences, whether innocent -or guilty; and frequently had encroached upon Chinese sacred rights -without due process of law. They had connived at official -corruption, sold offices to the highest bidder, and had subordinated -merit to influence. They repeatedly rejected the Chinese people's -most reasonable demand for better government, and reluctantly -conceded pseudo-reforms under most urgent pressure, making promises -without intention of fulfilling them. - -Thus the manifesto showed up the weak spots in the Manchu -governmental policy. And it continued: "To remedy these evils and -render possible the entrance of China to the family of nations, we -have fought and formed our Government; lest our good intentions -should be misunderstood, we now publicly and unreservedly declare the -following to be our promises:-- - - - "All treaties entered into by the Manchu Government before the - date of the Revolution will be continually effective up to the - time of their termination; but any and all entered into after the - commencement of the Revolution will be repudiated. - - "All foreign loans or indemnities incurred by the Manchu - Government before the Revolution will be acknowledged without any - alteration of terms; but all payments made to and loans incurred - by the Manchu Government after the commencement of the Revolution - will be repudiated. - - "All concessions granted to foreign nations or their nationals by - the Manchu Government before the Revolution will be respected, - but any and all granted after the commencement of the Revolution - will be repudiated. - - "All persons and property of any foreign nation within the - jurisdiction of the Republic of China will be respected and - protected. - - "It will be our constant aim and firm endeavour to build upon - {19} a stable and enduring foundation a national structure - compatible with the potentialities of our long neglected country. - - "We will strive to elevate our people, secure them in peace, and - legislate for their prosperity." - - -At this juncture it were idle to investigate how far these ideals -have been reached. There has as yet been no time for deep national -reforms to have been worked, and it is not the ambition of this -volume to go deeply into political actualities. But no one, -realising now that the Manchu rule in China has passed for ever, will -doubt that, with such excellent qualities of common sense and eminent -industry as the Chinese possess, we shall see a nation move that may -move the world with it. The day will assuredly come, perhaps it is -not so very far distant, when the Occidental observer will look -around to see the globe girdled with an indissoluble bond of Chinese -peoples, no longer too weak for aggression, but independent in all -departments of national life. They will be taken up as equals into -social relations of the white races. They are now struggling among -themselves, asking merely to be allowed to fight out their own civil -battles and order their own civil affairs. They will make mistakes, -but probably will profit by them. The day will come when Chinese -will no longer be elbowed and hustled by their haughtier Occidental -neighbours, but perhaps instead we shall find ourselves entered into -no easy international and commercial competition with people whom not -so long since we looked down upon as servile and considered fit only -to minister to our needs in manual ways. The problems that loom -across the threshold of the future of this newly emancipated race, -however, surpass in magnitude any that civilisation has hitherto had -to encounter. There are clear indications of progress, but they are -not yet clear enough. China has to be remade, and those engaged in -the project may blunder because of the varied and widely varying -patterns they have in stock to choose from. - -{20} - -Certain phases of development we are sure of. We are able to place -our fingers upon certain points in China's national propaganda and -say with certainty that such and such a line is bound to be followed, -such and such a thing bound to happen. But, generally speaking, -China is a land of unintelligibility; the best advice one can give is -to "wait and see." - - - - -{21} - -CHAPTER II - -THE AFTERMATH - -One of the almost certain features of the effect of the Revolution, -however, will be China's increased foreign trade--probably 100 per -cent., says Sun Yat Sen. - -The year 1913 should mark a stride in commercial progress in China -such as the world never before has seen. 1912 will probably be a -year of unrest and uncertainty. The formation of a permanent -Government and the election of a Cabinet, the dispatch of competent -officials to outlying places, and the putting down of outlawry in the -provinces will be a big programme for this year--if it is -accomplished. But 1913 and the following years will probably unfold -a remarkably rapid advance in exports and imports. China has held -back from all things foreign centuries enough, but during the past -two decades the seed has been sown for such a harvest of trade and -commercial prosperity as shall keep the factories of the West hard at -work to cope with the demands--that is, if the merchants of the West -are quick to seize their chances as they come. And in this volume -the author feels that it were well at this juncture, when an -opportunity is presented to English and American traders to come in -and take possession of the trade China is prepared to foster, to -speak of the commercial possibilities which the next decade will give. - -The reader will probably understand that, despite the enormous -foreign imports which for years have come into China, there is not a -tithe of the trade done yet {22} which will be done with the opening -up of the country, now almost bound to ensue. China's market is -stupendous. The possibilities are wider than the average home -manufacturer has any conception of. From the China Sea to the -British Burma border, from the southern port of Canton up through all -the partially opened Eastern provinces, through the whole of the -wonderful Yangtze Valley to the practically untouched west, and away -into newly touched areas where the inhabitants are all anxious to buy -foreign goods, there is presented an unparalleled opportunity for the -foreign manufacturer. Any one who has taken an intelligent interest -in China's trade with foreign countries must have been impressed with -the fact that she was not importing one-hundredth part of what she -could easily handle. And if he had studied closely any particular -district where some foreign import had been taken or foreign industry -had been started and watched the phenomenal commercial growth in that -particular district, he immediately would gather some idea of the -far-reaching possibilities for the expansion of foreign trade in -China. - -Even the recent changes in dress wrought by the Revolution have shown -the enormous demand there is for re-dressing the Chinese; with the -passing of the queue they decided against the little round Manchu -hat, an article made almost exclusively in China. Immediately there -came a cry for the foreign hat; at once a trade was created, into the -country there came all kinds and conditions and shapes of foreign -head-gear--felts, cloth caps, and all sorts; they sold in hundreds of -thousands and had to be supplied by some one. China, at all events, -could not make them; to her it was something quite new; they had to -come from outside. Japan was watching. She collared the trade, and -in two months she had practically re-hatted China. But this is -merely an instance; many more might be given to show the rapidity -with which commercial {23} changes come. In over seven thousand -miles of travel in China, mostly far away inland where the effect of -the treaty port is least felt, the writer some time ago made a study -of the commercial aspect of things and how far the modern spirit had -penetrated the interior, with a view specially to ascertain how the -British merchant stands in the business life of the nation. This -chapter, therefore, should have especial interest so far as it -embodies correct data, gleaned in two years and a half of travel in -many parts of the Chinese Empire where the traveller is still to the -Chinese a wonder of wonders. In China, even in far interior places, -one finds life, business, prosperity--a strange commingling of -Western ideas with Eastern. Four hundred millions of people have to -all intents and purposes become civilised. They are anxious to swing -into line and want the equipment. Their needs are making China the -greatest market in the world. They want everything--railways, -machinery, tools, guns, ships, and much else. That there is an -unprecedented large trade to be done must at once be granted. During -the last decade, without thinking for the moment of the Revolution, -China's foreign trade has doubled; in the next decade, if peace -prevails, it must be trebled, and although one cannot ignore the fact -that under ordinary conditions of progress China must ultimately -become a serious rival to Western countries as an industrial nation, -that day is not yet at hand. She must be a stupendous buyer before -she can hope to become a serious competitor. - -But the point need not, I think, be pursued farther. The country has -merely to regain its normal condition, and we shall see trade -increasing by leaps and bounds. I say merely to regain its normal -condition for this reason: whilst the prevailing uncertainty -continues no permanent increase of trade can be expected, but let -there be some stable form of government and we shall see China -recuperate and begin trade again in a wonderful manner. No people -have such recuperative power. {24} No people have such power of -adaptation. And in the era of trade development upon whose threshold -we are now standing we may confidently look to probably an uneclipsed -season of foreign commercial enterprise in all parts of China. In -the increased demand for woollen goods, for engineering equipment of -all kinds, especially mining gear, for railroad supplies, for the -thousands of household requirements of daily use, motor-boats and all -the varied paraphernalia required to place an antiquated nation upon -the footing of modern civilisation there will be a demand such as -will make even Japan's era of commercial progress pale into -insignificance. - -The trade will come. Let so much be granted. The next point is, Who -is to get it, and how is it to be got? - -I am not a manufacturer nor a trader, and cannot go deeply into the -detail of how business should be pushed. But I have seen a good deal -of China, have closely watched the methods adopted by various -internationals in various parts of the Empire, and it may be that my -remarks on the matter may have the effect of awakening British and -American traders to the realisation of the opportunity now before -them. Some time ago, when placing manuscript for a prospective work -on China, the publisher said: "What people want to know is how to -increase their trade--they don't want to know about the physical -characteristics of the country and the people so much as how to -increase their trade. Write a book on how trade can be improved, and -your book will sell." But it is probable that those who would most -readily buy and read such a book would be the Britisher's competitor. - -Now, so far as actual trading advantages are concerned, it may be -said of the British that they hold the highest advantage possible -over other nations; that advantage is in the fact that they hold the -confidence of the people. No foreigner, be he merchant, {25} -missionary, traveller, or official, is trusted in China as is the -Britisher. I speak with no intention of hurting the susceptibilities -of any one. In trade the Chinese believe in the British, they -believe in his goods; in the Revolution the soldiers would -congratulate you most heartily if they knew that you were an -Englishman, telling you that there is none better in the world. They -might be right or wrong, I am merely writing what they were saying, -and it is a fair ensample of the general opinion of the common -people. But despite this advantage, it is patent to the thoughtful -student of Chinese affairs that a great need exists among British -merchants as a whole to "wake up." I am a Britisher, am perhaps -naturally quick to notice where British merchants fail, where they -are outrun in the race for trade in this land of great promise. I -know there will be many who will at once ask me to turn to the -shipping in Shanghai, in Tientsin, in any of the ports, and notice -the predominance of British shipping. I shall be told that Great -Britain still controls the bulk of the trade of China, and that there -is no need for fear of the future. But there is another side to the -story. - -Go any day to the Bund at Hankow or Shanghai; watch the progress -being made also by Japan. Go into the godowns and watch the progress -of the little brown men from the land of the Rising Sun and watch -their methods; run your eye along the offices whose men work hardest -and longest--the Germans; keep yourself informed on the doings of the -day in exports and imports, and you will find that, even if he does -hold the volume of trade he has held for years, the Britisher by no -means advances with new trade as rapidly as his competitors. In the -past no nation has done so much towards the true development of China -as the British. The British have laid the foundation, have sown the -seed, and it is only their due that they should reap the harvest now -at hand. But in the period {26} during which the trade of China has -so phenomenally advanced the cry has gone up from all quarters that -the Britisher is not only losing his grip of the increase of China's -trade in her commercial dawn, but literally giving way to the German, -and that but a few years will be necessary to prove that Great -Britain occupies a position relatively nearer the bottom of the list -of nations who have a commercial finger in the pie. - -I am not the first writer who has had a wail to make over the loss of -British trade. But I do not, at the same time, see any reason why -the British merchant should not easily maintain an indefinite -supremacy of trade in China. It only needs a little more vim, a -keener outlook, a speedier business adaptation to needs, the -maintenance of commercial wakefulness where business has a tendency -to increase. Competitors of Great Britain hold no advantages; they -cannot in the long run put better goods upon the market--Japan, the -most serious rival, certainly is producing inferior goods in larger -bulk, and is everywhere overrunning the land with cheap and nasty -goods, but the British-made article will always hold its own side by -side with that of any other nation. And to the British merchant who -in China, as in most other trading commercial spheres, has almost -always absorbed the external trade, it does not matter much whether -people say he is or is not losing the trade--so long as he is not. -It has always been a case of Britain first and the rest nowhere. The -Britisher makes a good living, has an established connection, is the -life and soul of the social community, keeps up a fair average of -orders with home firms, and is content. But no right-thinking -Englishman, no matter how optimistically he may view the general -situation of Great Britain's trade in the Chinese Empire, can deny -that British trade does not expand proportionately with what is to be -done and what others are doing. This is not pessimistic. Optimism -is the keynote of the British merchant, and Great Britain's {27} -returns of exports and imports in the China trade are beyond that of -any other nation. But very powerful rivals--Germany and Japan, more -powerful than British merchants will admit to themselves--are in the -field and fighting in a way that we cannot afford to ignore. - -Take Germany first. German success is undeniable. It is patent to -all beholders. German merchants are at every port. In real interior -China, far away from the beaten tracks, I do not remember ever having -met a single British commercial traveller--Germans I have met often. -They go out into the byways, beating up the trade and creating new -trade, putting themselves to inconvenience and exertion to get -orders, and undergoing in many cases greatest physical strain in -travel to get business. Once I met a man not far from the border of -British Burma; he had come right across China and had been away from -his business house in Shanghai for several months, and was then going -down to Rangoon and around to Shanghai by sea because it was the -easier and quicker way back. This is perhaps an isolated case, but -one may judge from it that the German merchants, while doing all they -can as importers of the goods the people want to buy, spread their -representatives far away from the buying centres to show the people -what they can do. In Tientsin, during the past few years, the German -has become a serious rival. German trade now at that important -northern port is probably equal to British trade. In Eastern Siberia -German is the business language, as a matter of fact, but to the -German, unlike the nonchalant Britisher, it does not matter where he -is placed in China, the first thing he does is to get a working -knowledge of the language, a factor of far greater importance in -China than appears on the surface. The German succeeds, not by -political influence, not by tariffs nor underhand methods, but by -sheer business application, and is building up an extensive scheme, -founded on sound principles, to capture {28} the lion's share of the -growing trade which will go to Europe and to wrest from the Britisher -a large proportion of that which has always been his. The average -German reads about China--its history, of the physical -characteristics of the country, of the people in the interior and the -life they live, what they have and what they want. The Englishman -does not trouble. He rarely learns the language, is careless to find -out anything about the country unless it is to get an idea of sport, -and so on. - -The other dangerous rival is the Jap. If one were to go into detail -and write regarding the Japanese methods of business, it is probable -that much of it would subsequently be suppressed. The Japanese in -business in China is not the soul of honour. He has to be watched. -It is not possible here to speak at length on the unprincipled and -shady tactics employed in China--and particularly in the north and in -Manchuria--by Japanese traders. One and all seem to be alike, all -endowed with that secret and clannish spirit permeating all Eastern -nations, with a big dash of some peculiar virtue of unscrupulousness, -and they have brought themselves into a position of the most favoured -nation in the Chinese Empire. Japan has determined to get the trade -by any means. Once in a Chinese city in the interior, where doors -were closed to foreign trade, I saw the largest store on the street -was Japanese. Business is not done there, they say in self-defence, -but a show is maintained so that goods of the same kind may be -secured from Tokio! The Jap is in everything, he is everywhere--to -be first he cuts under, for he has little reputation to lose. Yet he -is as good in his own opinion as the best-bred European, and he lets -you know it. No man, however, unblinded by prejudice, can study the -progress of Japan in China, can look upon its amazing national -advance with either admiration or respect. I have met him in the -interior, in Yunnan and Szechuen, prospecting {29} quietly for -minerals, tapping goldfields and iron beds that are lying waste, -seeking out the best centres for the opening up of trade, finding out -what there is a demand for, and marking out the strategic centres -from whence his trade may be handled to the disadvantage of every -one. The Jap, as I have said, is everywhere, in everything--rarely, -however, to be trusted. - -But no matter how many the rivals, I should think that no two nations -have better prospects for the securing of China's new trade than -Great Britain and the United States. It needs alertness, however. - - - - -{30} - -CHAPTER III - -GENERAL EXPECTATIONS - -With the opening of China as a Republic the progress to be made in -education will undoubtedly be stupendous. Missionaries will probably -find an ever-increasing field. Missionaries and educationists will -have a freer hand and be everywhere more greatly respected. They -will play more than ever an increasing part in uplifting the people. -Lord William Gascoign-Cecil has pointed out that if the West is to be -saved she must illuminate China, and he says unless that vast country -has attained the same standard as ourselves we must undergo a process -of degradation. Our civilisation grew up, like our old towns, under -the shadow of the Church; you will see in any country in Christendom -the village clustering round the church, the town round the -cathedral. Of late years big factory chimneys have been covered with -the smoke of industry; still, they have left their mark as much on -our civilisation as on our landscapes. But now a country which knows -nothing of church or cathedral is entering into that civilisation, -and the church and the cathedral become things of archæological -interest and nothing more, unless, indeed, the Church will take the -opportunity and conquer the industrial China that threatens the West. - -"I do not mean," said Lord William Cecil, "only by sending out -missionaries, but also by teaching the future rulers of this great -industrial people the truth and value of a Christian civilisation. -The pessimist {31} says this is impossible, and thus sounds the knell -of our social legislation; but the Christian says the world is built -for progress, and the acquisition of China to our civilisation is our -opportunity for making the world a happier place. If we could at -this moment help the Chinese to value the high principles which -underlie our Western thought, China might be rendered happy by the -brilliant light of a Christian civilisation and the world saved from -a disaster of having labour sink from a Christian to a semi-Oriental -status." - -And although the fall of the Manchu dynasty will open the pathway -into real progress in this land, we must agree that there is an -infinite pathos in the Child-Emperor, ignorant, innocent, abdicating -the throne which his forefathers had won, a mere pawn in the game -between Chinese and Manchus. But pathetic as this incident is, we -must not let its pathos obscure in our minds its more important -aspects; it is not only the abdication of an Emperor we have to -consider, but it is also the destruction of the conventional and -artificial Chinese civilisation before the vigorous civilisation of -the West. Vast China, with its four hundred millions of industrious -population, with its infinite resources of coal, iron, and other -minerals, with its traditions of Confucianism, Taoism, and Lamaism, -has become part, and a very large part, too, of Western civilisation. - -We are indeed, during our generation, watching the making of history -wonderful in its possibilities. The following quotation from the -writer quoted may be intensely prophetic:-- - -"We are opening a new volume in the history of the world--a volume in -which strange and terrible things may be written; a volume which, on -the other hand, may contain a brighter story than any of us conceive -to be possible. How one longs to read that volume as it will be -written by the historian a hundred or two hundred years hence! Will -it run thus: 'From {32} this time the condition of the working class -of Europe began steadily to deteriorate, and though the short-sighted -statesmen of the twentieth century failed to appreciate it, this was -the inevitable result of adding to the working men of the world a -population remarkable for its industry and so inured to poverty that -its workers gladly submitted to conditions which the Western workmen -naturally and with justice refused'? Or will it run thus: 'The -decadent Christianity of the West, corrupted by luxury, divided by -sectional strife, received new life under the influence of the more -sincere Chinese Christianity, purified in the harsh school of -persecution and stimulated by the great political upheaval which -caused the deposition of the Manchu Emperor'?" - -We cannot take down the volume, we cannot read to the end; we must -wait as year after year the pages are turned over, but we shall do -well to appreciate the importance of this page of contemporary -history. - -China now will undergo before our very eyes a social and commercial -and educational transformation, and so speedily will events in the -main transpire that if one is to get the historical march of events -fixed in his mind it is necessary to read at once what has passed. -As soon as any national event passes now it falls speedily back into -history. We cannot keep pace with all that transpires. Changes pass -even us who live in China for the most part unnoticed. The face of -China whilst we look upon it takes on a new appearance. - -It is well that we should read of the doings leading up to this great -era of transition. - - - - -{33} - -CHAPTER IV - -LI YUAN HUNG'S AMBITIONS FOR THE NEW CHINA - - - "We will have no further Manchu rule. - - "China must be a Republic founded on lines laid down by the - United States of America. The United States of China must be - opened up with all speed, and for this purpose there must be a - combined effort made with Chinese and foreign capital and Chinese - and foreign labour. - - "Confucianism will probably become the national religion, but I - personally favour the doctrine of Christianity being proclaimed - far and wide in China, and of encouraging missionaries to come in - greater numbers to our country. - - "I am desirous that the form of government, after the Manchu rule - is abolished, shall not alter very greatly, so that there shall - be no disruption of trade and commerce and of diplomatic - connections of China in the Empire and in foreign countries." - - -This practically covers the main statement made to myself on Monday, -November 20, 1911, by General Li Yuan Hung, leader of the Revolution -of China. My privilege of interviewing the General was exclusive. I -was given a special pass, and was granted the privilege of going -where I liked in Wuchang, the city where the Revolution broke out, -and doing almost as I pleased, being the first to secure exclusive -conversation with his Excellency since the Revolution had begun. - -China's Revolution is one of the most thrilling epochs in the world's -history. Had there been no Li Yuan Hung, whose name to-day, is known -in civilisation everywhere, there would probably have been no -Revolution. History may prove Li Yuan Hung {34} to be the greatest -reformer China has given to the world. To his remarkably sound -administration and his clean example to the people he was leading are -due the changes that have so speedily ushered the New China to full -prominence on the political stage of the East and the West. To rise -from total obscurity in the life of a nation to the highest point of -political fame is rarely given to any man. To change the whole -tendencies of the national life of a people is rarely given to one -man. But no one man ever in history was able to mould anew the -social and political outlook of a quarter of the whole human race, as -did Li Yuan Hung when he led the Chinese Revolution. He proved -himself a man unique in the eyes of the world, the most effective -reformer of his generation of any country. - -On the day that I set out to have my talk with Li Yuan Hung, Wuchang, -the capital city, of Hupeh, which had revolted to a man, bore every -evidence of victory; and despite the minor reverses that the -Republican Army had for several days been suffering in their -encounters with the Imperial Army, sent down from Peking under -General Yin Chang to quell the rebellion, I found that in the city -there was infinitely greater hope among the people and infinitely -stronger confidence in their leader than in the early days of the -Revolution. One felt that he was touching the bedrock of humanity, -had come into grips with a people who with one set purpose were going -forward day by day to accomplish the true work of winning back China -for the Chinese. As one passed through the streets, around the -forts, in and out among the men who were with their lives prepared to -buy freedom for Manchu-ridden China, one realised that this part of -the Chinese nation, hitherto as silent as some great sleeping -monster, had suddenly found its voice, and had set out determinedly -to tell the world what it meant to do. Around one was waging civil -war that was to decide the enormous {35} stakes. There had been many -civil wars in the world before--Wars of the Roses and many others -which had had their historical significance--but as one seemed to -gaze out upon a great country like China and a people who go to make -up one-fourth of the human race, slowly was the fact borne in upon -one's mind that this civil war had a significance that perhaps -belonged to none other. It seemed like a war of belief against -unbelief. One felt that he had met men who were concerned only with -the real essence of justice and reform which were to regulate the -deep-reaching interests of four hundred millions of men--one must be -understood as talking about the leaders more particularly. And this -is the most real thing about this people's Revolution--the making of -order and right government. General Li Yuan Hung seemed to be a -great national carpenter, taking now the rough trees, shaping them -into purpose and real use. This was my first impression of the man, -for by his extreme calmness, his practical insight into things--it -was almost impossible to conceive a mere military man capable of such -patience in the midst of extreme mental and physical strain--he was -showing the world that he was a leader born. General Li was a man of -perhaps forty-eight, at first sight giving the impression that he had -developed as an altogether brave and quiet man. As I conversed with -him I could not help noticing again and again the decisive, practical -eye of this leader of the people, how he drove immediately towards -the practical, and had a genuine insight into what was fact and right -and truth. He had an eye to see and a heart to dare. His nature was -strong rather than intense, with his utterances full of sincerity and -of substance. - -[Illustration: THE PROVINCIAL ASSEMBLY HALL, WUCHANG. Where General -Li had his headquarters until after the fall of Hanyang.] - -I went direct to the Assembly Hall, where the guard received me and -where my foreign visiting-card was taken first to the Foreign Office, -while I was marched to a waiting-room. Around the building there was -a flutter of official life, for from that building the whole {36} -channel of China's history was being changed. Here there were no -tremulous, hesitating, half-hearted men; all was life. Each man, -from the usual underlings who hung about the doorways to the lowest -soldier on guard, from the lowest clerk on the General staff to the -General himself--all men went about their business with a fixity of -purpose that was new to China. There was no disorganisation. All -was quiet and smoothly running. The new Republican flag from many -towers waved triumphantly in the morning wind. On the drill-ground -outside one could hear the blowing of bugles and the clatter of arms -as the regiments were being drilled. Away down in the town, on one, -two, a dozen, twenty pieces of open ground recruits were being licked -into shape. Over on the hills could be heard the blast of cannon and -field-pieces from all directions. The slight whistle of a shell -dropping through the air told one that bombarding from both sides was -going on apace. But in the General's hall no evidence other than the -running hither and thither of dispatch-runners could be seen that war -was waging all around one. No one could listen to General Li Yuan -Hung without developing a great trust in the man. Sometimes his face -lit up with radiance bred only of devout determination, and he had -all along succeeded in infusing that spirit into all the people of -the city in which he had been so long an ordinary military officer. -My reader should not, however, understand me to mean, in my -description of the scene where the Revolution broke out, that a China -freed from all corruption and all the usual Chinese incongruities and -official twistings had suddenly come into being. Any one who has -followed my writings on China generally would, were this the case, -accuse me of the greatest inconsistency. But during those early days -of the Revolution we certainly saw a Chinese official life we had -never seen before. Li's court was at that time the cleanest and the -most hard-working and practical that had been {37} seen at any time -in China's history. That it was not perfect all those who looked on -were quite aware, but it was vastly ahead of the general run of -Chinese civic life. - -Soon there came to the waiting-room a smart young officer, wearing -foreign spectacles, in a uniform that had a peculiar mingling of -foreign military and civic dress. He saluted, then bade me follow -him. His business was to show me to the Foreign Office. Here I -decided to make an instant objection, being content with nothing less -than an interview with Li Yuan Hung. So that when, having arrived -inside a large room at the end of the veranda of the second story of -the rectangular building, a rather stout Chinese gentleman in -military undress accosted me, I explained that I had already made -arrangements for an interview with General Li, that I would be -obliged if the proper wheels of office could be set in motion to -allow me to see him, and that as soon as possible. Just at this -point the Chinese in military undress smiled, and quietly said, "Yes, -I am General Li." - -Addressing me in English, the General, with gentle Chinese suavity, -told me that his time was at my disposal; that with only an imperfect -hold upon my honourable language he would probably find some -difficulty in telling me accurately what was in his mind, but that -whatever question I put to him he would do his best to answer. Li -Yuan Hung was a handsome Chinese gentleman--about five feet three or -four, queueless, with close-cropped, bristly black hair, eyes -somewhat close set, which at times shone with extraordinary fire, and -a chin that immediately gave evidence of an infinite determination; -were it not for his military bearing, he might readily have been -taken for a prosperous Chinese merchant. He was keen, a leader of -men who did not hesitate a moment. So utterly unlike the ordinary -Chinese official, who leaves the vital points of an interview until -he rises to take his {38} leave, General Li, with eyes beaming, and -slightly raising his hand in his enthusiasm, exclaimed: "Yes, now we -have thirteen out of the eighteen provinces, and our Republican party -is formidable.[1] We have gathered under our new flag many more -provinces in a much shorter time than we had hoped for, an evidence -that China was waiting for the step to be taken to overthrow the -Manchus." - -"Why, General Li, did the Revolution break out? Can you tell me -briefly the specific reason you assign for the outbreak to have taken -place so suddenly?" - -He smiled slightly as he looked me straightforwardly in the eyes. -"Well, throughout our Empire there had been for years the feeling -that the Manchus would never give us Chinese any justice. They were -pressing us down, and although the Revolution took place sooner than -anticipated, all Chinese knew that it was coming sooner or later. I -personally had formulated no great scheme to take the lead. As a -matter of fact, although I knew all that was going on in the Hupeh -Model Army, I had no intention of taking the lead, nor of occupying -the position in which you find me to-day. The time planned for the -Revolution would probably have been later. China was waiting for the -man to rise up who would strike. None of the leaders of the -Revolution--of our new Republic--were anxious that there should be -great slaughter--the only wish was that the Manchu rule should be -abolished for ever. And since I have been the leader of the Republic -I have done my best that as little loss of life as possible might be -incurred." - -"Are you quite sure that the Revolution will be permanently -successful, that all China will become loyal to the Republican flag?" - -"Loyal!" exclaimed Li, with the joviality of a boy, {39} then his -face was closer knit again. "There is no doubt whatever. We have -thirteen provinces, with the armies of all those provinces; we have -the Chinese Navy, part at Hankow, part at Nanking,[2] sent there to -aid in the attack, and part at Shanghai. We control the Yangtsze." -But the General dismissed the question of loyalty to the Republic as -not being worthy of notice, adding that it was merely a matter of -time for China to be knit together with a great overpoweringly strong -patriotism which would have no equal in the Eastern or Western world. -Then he continued: "My personal desire would be to see every province -a free province, with its own Assembly, but controlled by one great -national governmental body. We shall take our pattern from the -United States of America, having a President to control our -provincial assemblies--just like America," he added curtly. - -"How often would you elect a President? In China, unopened as it is, -with no communication, do you not think it would be more difficult to -organise elections and matters of a national character than it is in -the States?" I asked. - -"Every four, five, six, or even ten years. Our President, if we got -the right man, might be in office for ten years for that matter. At -all events, this is my personal opinion, but this, with many other -matters, would come up for decision at the first assembly, and it is -my desire not unduly to influence that body." - -"Who do you think you would ask to become the President--Yuan Shih -K'ai perhaps?" I asked. - -"Ah, no," came the quick rejoinder. For some considerable time Li -Yuan Hung had been endeavouring to persuade Yuan Shih K'ai to come -over to the Revolutionary party and assume control of the formation -of {40} the Republic; but his efforts had met only with a stubborn -refusal by Yuan. "We must push out the Manchus. Yuan Shih K'ai will -not, I believe, become our President." - -His Excellency stopped talking at this point, and I waited in vain to -hear more about Yuan. After a moment I suggested: "But Yuan Shih -K'ai is one of your great friends, is he not?" - -"No, I do not call Yuan Shih K'ai a friend. He is known to me -personally, but I do not know much about him or of the ambition he -now has with China. You see, he will not listen to me." - -"True, but the foreign newspapers are saying that Yuan Shih K'ai, -because he is your personal friend, will become the first President." - -"Are they? I did not know. Well, perhaps Yuan Shih K'ai would rise -very high in the Republican party, but he has shown his determination -merely to sit on the fence waiting for the result." And General Li -held up his hands and rocked to and fro in his chair to make his -meaning clear. - -"Who are your political associates at this time?" - -His Excellency, at first not seeming to understand my meaning, said -that he had none, but afterwards told me that his _great_ friend was -Admiral Sah. The subsequent references which he made to the Admiral -were touching. "He is my _teacher_!" he affectionately exclaimed. -"He is now gone to Shanghai, but after the fighting is over he will -come to advise the Republic on naval matters. Admiral Sah is a good -man, his heart is very warm." In further conversation General Li -declared that they had now the strongest men in the country, and the -men who had not turned were hardly worth the having. He paid -eulogistic references to the statesmanship of Wu Ting Fang, several -of the Ministers of the old Government, whom he hoped to retain in -office, and to Sun Yat Sen especially. - -Continuing, the General said his idea was that China's {41} foreign -representatives should be retained, and that in no way was he -desirous of altering the representation anywhere, in China or out of -it, if officials were willing to serve--granted, of course, that -their retention in office gave satisfaction and they were returned by -public vote. "We wish to retain all who will work conscientiously -for China's welfare, so that there shall be no disruption of trade -and commerce or of China's diplomatic connections all over the world. -Roughly, the scheme that I should favour would be:-- - -"1. Expulsion of the Manchus outside the Great Wall to Mongolia -(excepting those who are willing to join the Republican party). - -"2. Establishment of a Republic on lines after the style of America, -with exclusive government for each State and one great National -Assembly. - -"With these points decided, we shall be able to call together all -popular reformers from all the provinces and form our Government. -But this will be the time that I shall resign." - -At this juncture of the conversation the General looked wistfully out -of the window, speaking almost to himself. By then, he said, he -should have accomplished his part for the winning of China back into -the hands of her own people, and he should throw the cloak of control -on to other shoulders. His quiet, unostentatious manner as he -proceeded humbly to compare his own powers with other men in China -showed a spirit of true greatness. Here was the hero of China, the -man above all men who had guided her public life into safe channels -and upon whom the eyes of the diplomatic, social, and political world -were riveted--and he was talking of giving way to better men. -Presently, as if coming out of a reverie, he turned towards me again, -smiling heartily, as I suggested that that would probably not be -allowed. But he was determined. - -"No, there can be no place for me; I am a military {42} man, but -China has many better administrators. We have plenty of men." And -then he added, as an afterthought, "Of course, if they want me, they -can always have me." And he smacked the table as if he had joked -unconsciously. - -And although I tried to impress upon his Excellency the fact that had -there been no General Li there would probably have been no such -success as was attending the Revolution, he would have none of it. -He preferred to wander on in confidential tones, telling me that his -personal wishes were not to be taken into account at all. What he -personally was anxious to do was to control the initial stages of -winning over the country; then his part was the planning of the -defences and the organisation of the military; after that whatever -the new Government wished him to do he would endeavour faithfully to -carry out, not for his own sake but for the sake of the country of -which he was proud and which he loved. - -He did not seem inclined to enter into conversation much about the -monarchical style of government which many declare more favourable to -China as a country which had always looked to one head, the Emperor, -as the Son of Heaven. Referring to England and comparing that -country with the United States, Li Yuan Hung said that the style of -the Monarchical Government of England was best for her people, but he -did not believe it to be the best for the Chinese; and now that China -was breaking away from all old systems and customs he thought the -Republican control better suited to China's needs. In the course of -conversation I attempted to raise several questions which would -probably go against the establishing of a Republic when the Senate -met, but General Li did not pursue the conversation, and seemed -disinclined to talk until I mentioned the religion of the country, -quoting the annual Sacrifice at the Temple of Heaven--how would that -be carried out? Then again his eyes shone. He came {43} closer to -me, raised his hand a little as if to convince me in what he was -going to say, and spoke slowly:-- - -"All sacrifices will probably be stopped, but the religion of the -people will be Confucianism." - -"But Confucianism is not a religion. Do you not think, General Li, -that Christianity will become more popular among the people as the -country is opened up more?" - -"Oh, yes, missionaries are our friends. Jesus is better than -Confucius, and I am strongly in favour of more missionaries coming to -China to teach Christianity and going to interior provinces. We -shall do all we can to assist missionaries, and the more missionaries -we get to come to China the greater will the Republican Government be -pleased." - -The General then went on in very simple language to say that he was -personally very pleased with all the labours of the missionaries, and -that China would not be to-day were it not for the missionaries, who -had gone into out-of-the-way places and opened up the country. - -"But as a matter of fact we feel that we want as many foreigners to -come to China as possible. The opening up of the country can only -properly be accomplished by the united efforts of Chinese and -foreigners, and in this new Republic we realise that it is only by -mingling more freely with the other nations of the world that China -will have her resources developed. Of our military and navy, our -defences, our schools and colleges I have no fear, but one of the -most important items in our Republican programme is that which will -enable us to develop our wealth." - -"Well, will you be in favour of granting concessions to foreign -syndicates for the development of mines and so on?" - -"I do not think so. It is impossible for me to say what will be -done, but my personal wish would be freely to combine foreign capital -with Chinese capital {44} and labour." But the General, at this -moment turning abruptly towards a staff officer who brought him a -dispatch from the battlefield, announced, "But we shall have foreign -advisers, and all such matters as this would be decided later." And -he added forcefully, "We must consolidate the whole of China--that is -the main thing." - -"You spoke of foreign loans just now. There will be need for foreign -loans now more than ever?" - -"Yes, we shall need more foreign money and more foreigners in the -employ of our Republican Government; but my party is convinced that -there will be no difficulty in getting all the assistance, financial -and otherwise, from the Powers. Already America has telegraphed her -good wishes, and the time will come when the two greatest republics -in the world will be on the most friendly footing--probably China -will drift more towards America and learn more from her than from any -other country." - -"As regards business, do you think that Hankow will benefit in trade -from the Revolution?" - -The General pondered for a moment, thoughtfully putting his thumb and -finger to his chin. He hesitated briefly, then declared straight out -that he thought Hankow would become, perhaps, the biggest city in -Asia. - -In concluding our conversation, Li Yuan Hung told me that he had been -to Japan for one year only, that he had five children (two boys and -three girls), that he was a native of Hwangpi in Hupeh, and that when -his children were old enough he would send them away for their -education. - -"Where to?" - -"To America," came the reply, and a happy smile with it. After -wishing me goodbye, General Li, still holding my hand, said:-- - -"One word more before you go." He placed his left hand on my -shoulder, bent his body slightly towards {45} me. "Please do not -forget to say that this Revolution took place because the Manchus -were so unfair to the Chinese--for no other reason." - -He then bade me farewell, and I departed. - -* * * * * - -This interview is given _in extenso_ because of its vital bearing -upon the general attitude of the Republican party at the present -moment. Events have transpired slightly to throw some of Li Yuan -Hung's ambitions to the ground, but the views he held may be taken as -the general aims of the party that is headed by Sun Yat Sen to-day. -As my manuscript goes forward to the publishers it is a matter of -impossibility accurately to predict what the outcome of China's -Revolution will be. It may be a Republic; it may be a Monarchy. Be -the form of government what it may, however, there will remain in the -eyes of every patriotic Chinese but one General Li, and his views on -the political situation and the needs of his great country, at the -time when her national pendulum tremulously ticked out issues of the -highest import, will have a permanent interest for all students of -affairs in China.[3] - - -{46} - -[1] This was only a month after the Revolution had broken out. The -reader will learn later on in this volume of the changes following -along in the ensuing months. - -[2] Nanking, the city now planned by the Republican party as the -capital, after a most stubborn resistance, fell to the Revolutionary -Army a fortnight afterwards. - -[3] Li Yuan Hung at the time of the Revolution was forty-eight years -old. His birthplace was a village in the north of Huangpi, not many -miles from the scenes that made him famous. "Li Yuan Hung" was his -official name; his friends were permitted to address him as "Li Sung -Ching." His father was a soldier before him--Colonel Li Tsao Hsiang. -In the year 1882, at the age of eighteen, Li the younger passed the -entrance examination of the Tientsin Naval College, and after a -course of six years he graduated. Soon after the war with Japan he -was engaged by Chang Chih Tung, then Viceroy of Nanking, to fortify -that city with modern guns, and was also made commander of an -important pass near Nanking. In the year 1894 he followed Chang Chih -Tung to Hupeh, and was commissioned to train the new army with the -aid of a German instructor for three years. He was then sent to -Japan to gain experience in defence work. After two years he -returned to Wuchang, and was appointed Major of a Cavalry Brigade. -In 1902 he was in command of the Kiangyin Navy and Army manoeuvres. -Next year he took command of the Infantry Fourth Advance Guard. Two -years later he became commander of the Second Division. As soon as -the new army was organised he was promoted to be Colonel of the 21st -Mixed Brigade, superintending the naval forces in the Yangtze Valley, -the Military Academy and four departments of the Hanyang Arsenal, and -the Army College. In the same year (1905) he was elected Provisional -Commander of the Changte manoeuvres. He led his Mixed Brigade in the -year 1911 to join the Autumn Manoeuvres at Taihu. On October 10, -1911, General Li joined the Revolution, as will be seen hereafter, -and was elected Military Governor of Hupeh. - - - - -{47} - -CHAPTER V - -A PREMATURE OPENING - -On October 10, 1911, an ordinary military officer in the Hupeh Army -of China stood unflinchingly facing a band of Revolutionists in -Wuchang. One was Liu King, a student not long back from Japan--a -mere slip of a boy. He was now practically in charge of the -Revolution of China, now prematurely, quite haphazardly, broken out, -and he sat looking suspiciously at the military man before him. The -military man was a colonel. Above his neck glistened half a dozen -narrow swords held by dark-clad men who awaited instructions to send -into eternity the man whom Fate intervened to make the most noted man -in the world-history of our day. - -That Colonel was Li Yuan Hung, whose fame within a month reached to -the uttermost ends of the earth. - -The Revolution, long planned and still maturing, had prematurely -broken out. Li Yuan Hung had been chosen as the leader, and now -stood offering his apologies to the men who pressed him into office. -He was not anxious, he was explaining, to take the honour--of course -he was not, for who knew that that small military revolt at Wuchang -was to move the whole of the eighteen provinces of China? Li thought -it was not worth while. His fate would be sealed at once, for the -Model Army of China merely cut the heads off of any in its ranks who -rebelled against military discipline. So he demurred that the honour -was too great for him--he would rather that another, more able and -{48} experienced, should be invited to the leadership. More heavily -those cold swords were pressed against his neck. Then it seemed as -if another minute would find his head rolling to the floor. But he -was given another chance. He was told in stern tones that he was the -leader of the Revolution, that he must agree or else he would be -decapitated immediately. But the Colonel still stolidly refused. -Before the order was finally given to strike with those glistening -swords the man was given one more chance. He agreed. The swords -were raised, and at that moment the curtain rose and showed China in -revolt to the world. Li Yuan Hung's behaviour after that fateful -night when he stood so near his grave showed the wisdom of the choice -of the man of all men who in this land of the passing Celestial did -more to free China from the fetters of the past than any other man -dead or living. - -[Illustration: A CAPTURED BOMB-MAKER. One of those responsible for -the premature outbreak of the Revolution.] - -It was not until long after the month of October, however, that men -were able accurately to ascertain how the Revolution broke. -Newspaper men with special passes, and on the scent for news, each -buttonholed their man, hoping to get the story of why the revolt -occurred so long before the appointed time. Every intelligent -onlooker saw that sooner or later a great upheaval would come to -China--some even got to know that it could not take a very great time -before the extensive plans were fully matured--and then the blow -would be struck, and China, tottering against forces far too strong -for her, would be shaken to her very vitals. But when the signal for -the military to rise was actually given, and when the whole of -Hupeh's Army did rise, almost as one man, the newspaper men and those -who thought they had been watching closely were lifted off their -feet. And then there started throughout the world a long string of -newspaper hazards as to who was responsible and how the thing had -been done. But the story did not leak through. The most careful -guesswork failed to get anywhere near the truth, {49} for the -correspondents of American and European newspapers had not been -behind the scenes, and knew little of what was passing in the early -days of October, They knew nothing of the little affair that had -happened in the Russian Concession of Hankow. Europeans in Hankow, -as a matter of fact, knew nothing about the affair until the -newspapers wrote up a short story of it, and on the morning it -appeared no one seemed to attach any great importance to what they -read. They did not realise that what the Revolutionary party of -China had been planning had prematurely fused, and that now there was -nothing to do but for the leaders of the movement to take the -plunge--hit or miss, as might be. The short newspaper report read as -follows, and was printed modestly alongside other general matter:-- - -"The detonation of a bomb on the Russian Concession yesterday -afternoon was responsible for the discovery of a revolutionary -element, the existence of which had hitherto not been suspected. At -4 p.m. the police in the neighbourhood of the Russian Municipal -Building were startled by a loud report which, it was apparent, -emanated from the native houses at the back of the German butchery. -A rush was made to the neighbourhood, and in the compound of No. 14 -two Chinese were discovered throwing kerosene around, apparently just -preparing to set fire to the establishment. These were put quickly -under restraint, and a survey of the premises revealed the fact that -all the elements of a nice little revolutionary club were present. -Bombs already made, acids for their making, revolutionary pamphlets, -and a list of names which bore a strong resemblance to the members' -roll, gave testimony to the use to which the houses and the compound -had been put. It is surmised that the bomb went off accidentally, -and the inmates, fearing a visit by the police, attempted to set -their place on fire. That their attempts were frustrated is due to -the promptitude of the police, {50} who, in addition to the two -arrests already mentioned, tried to arrest four men who approached -the place in a suspicious manner soon after the explosion; these, -however, made their escape. At the Russian police-station, where at -a late hour last evening[1] a representative of the _Hankow Dally -News_ was making inquiries, two Chinese, a man and a woman, were -being examined, they having attempted to gain ingress to a suspected -house. Like the two men arrested, they, were turned over to the Hsia -Kao Ting,[2] whose representative had been quickly called to the -spot. The Viceroy had already sent a deputy, a naval officer, from -Wuchang, and together with the local officials he was busy attempting -to unravel the mysteries connected with the revolutionary quarters. -Among the articles seized by the police were revolutionary flags, as -well as maps of Wuchang and plans apportioning various bodies of -revolutionists to their positions for attack on the Wuchang gates. -At a late hour last night everything in the neighbourhood of the -scene was quiet, and not a soul was in sight except the Russian -police, who are to be heartily congratulated on their discovery and -the efficient manner in which they handled the situation." - -Now, the man whose carelessness in making the bomb caused the -premature explosion in the Russian Concession and forced the -Revolutionary party to make their coup before they were ready was one -Sun Wu, an expert bomb-maker. He bears the marks of the explosion to -this day. Sun Wu was taken away immediately by his friends and -concealed until he was well enough to join his comrades. One of his -comrades was the aforementioned Liu King, who later became -Inspector-General of the Republican Government of Hupeh. Liu King's -wife was the woman who had undertaken to throw the bomb with which -the Revolution was to be started. The story is a most fascinating -{51} one, and nothing better can be done at the moment than to -reproduce the story as told to a newspaper man long after the great -war had seemed to be fairly well settled in favour of the -Republicans. Liu's personal appearance proclaims him an extremist, -said the report. He is a young man, about thirty, with unusual -eagerness in his eyes, wears foreign civilian clothes and gold-rimmed -spectacles, has a moustache but, of course, no queue. He comes from -a family of scholars among the gentry of Siangyang, in North Hupeh. -If he had not gone to Japan, he would probably have been a scholar of -the old Chinese type and an official, also of the old type, with a -boughten office. In fact, it was whispered that many thousands of -taels which he used in the Revolutionary cause were given him by -relatives in the expectation that he would buy a taotaiship -(magistracy). - -In Japan Liu went through both the law course and the military. It -is ten years since he first took up revolutionary work. But he did -not claim to have done anything very effective till he met Dr. Sun -Yat Sen. Here is the story just about as he told it in Chinese:--[3] - -"It was about six years ago that Sun Yat Sen came to Japan. I was -studying at the time in the Tungwen College. All the Chinese -students welcomed Sun with the utmost enthusiasm. He organised among -us a Society called the 'Tung Ming Hwei,' of which I was a member. -The aim of this Society was to move the people of China to realise -the shame of being ruled by aliens, and to stir them up to win their -freedom. We published a weekly magazine, the _People_, in which we -showed how corrupt, tyrannical, and impotent was the Manchu -Government, giving instances of the inhumanity and injustice with -which the Manchus had treated our people in the past. We urged -reasons why the Chinese people should take revenge on behalf {52} of -their ancestors, thus proving their filial piety. We urged that the -Chinese should strive to make themselves the equals of other peoples, -who looked down upon them simply because they were enslaved by the -Manchus. The _People_ became very influential, and nearly all its -readers in China and abroad realised that they were slaves, and -wanted to free themselves. But the paper did not live long. The -Manchu Government complained to the Japanese against its publication, -and Japan, wishing to strengthen her friendship with the Chinese -Government, suppressed it. We then organised another department, -called the _Kung Ching_ (meaning 'Advance together'). The duty of -this department was to send agents to the various provinces to -inspire the soldiers and scholars with revolutionary spirit and -patriotism, and others to Chinese settlements abroad to raise funds. -I was twice elected president of this department while I was studying -at the Tungping Military College. - -"The Revolutionary agents had friends among the military officers -throughout China, so that it was easy for them to get into touch with -the soldiers. Even if the officers refused to help, they were so -friendly with the agents that they would not betray them. So it was -very seldom that viceroys or governors were successful in arresting -Revolutionists. - -"After graduating from the military college and the law college I -returned to Hupeh in the sixth moon (July), 1910. I came to Wuchang -and found that all the Revolutionary agents had taken flight, owing -to the strict search made for them by Viceroy Jui Cheng. I was -greatly disappointed. A little later I became sick, and went to my -home in Siangyang. The illness was a long one; I was not able to -leave my bed till the third moon (May, 1911). I came here but found -I was too weak for work, so I returned home for two months. In the -fifth moon I came back here, bringing ten thousand taels given me by -my family. I took {53} a house beside the middle school in Wuchang. -We took care to keep everything very secret. We had various retreats -in Wuchang and Hankow, and our headquarters was in the camp of the -sappers and miners' corps. - -"Sun Wu had been working among the soldiers, and we knew that we -could rely on the sappers and miners and the artillerymen. For some -time the soldiers were timid, and, though they were eager to revolt -against the Manchus, they were unwilling to give a definite promise -to join the Revolution at a fixed time. We held secret meetings, and -at last we found that the only way to induce some of them was to -threaten that they would be blown up with bombs if they did not join. - -"We had planned to begin the Revolution in December--simultaneously -in eight provinces. We had drawn up lists showing the amount of the -funds in the provincial treasuries, so that we knew the amount we -should probably have to begin operations with. My wife, who is a -zealous Revolutionist and who recently went to Shanghai to organise a -corps of women soldiers, had undertaken to disguise herself as a poor -pedlar-woman in order that she might throw a bomb at the Viceroy. -That was to be the beginning of the Revolution. Sun Wu and myself -were experts in the manufacture of bombs. On the night of October -9th Sun was making a bomb when, by some carelessness, he allowed it -to explode. This betrayed our plot before we were ready. That was -at the Russian Concession in Hankow. Russian policemen came to our -place and seized our plant, together with proclamations we had -prepared, dispatches to the foreign consulates, private letters, a -list of the revolutionists, and a large number of badges. These -badges had a design like that now used on the Republican military -flag." - -[Illustration: A QUEUELESS BRIGADE. A great feature of the -Revolution was the discarding of the pigtail. Barbers were kept busy -for many days shearing the revolutionaries.] - -Most of the story of that night and the following day is already -known to the world. Sun Wu's face was badly wounded in the -explosion, and he was concealed {54} by friends, who saw to it that -he got proper treatment until he had recovered sufficiently to rejoin -his comrades. Liu King's family was then living in the native city -at Hankow. He had long been suspected, and when the news of the -explosion was received his wife and brother were arrested. He had -himself escaped from the house in the Russian Concession. Several -arrests followed during the night, and the following morning four men -were executed. Liu's brother was not among them, for the reason that -the Viceroy was having him tortured to induce him to reveal Liu's -hiding-place. Two of the leading agents of the Revolution, Liu -Yao-chen and Run Chung-yung, were among those arrested on the 10th. -Liu King had tried to start the Revolution at midnight on the 9th, -but had failed. - -"I saw we should all be ruined if we did not begin at once," said -Liu, "but the soldiers had no badge, so they did not revolt. The -next morning (October 10th) I wrote to them that if the Viceroy found -the list of their names contained among our papers he would certainly -disarm and execute them all. They replied that they were not afraid, -and it was only because they had no badges that they had failed to -begin the Revolution. I then gave instructions that any white band -round the arm should be used as a badge, and that the Revolution -should begin at ten o'clock that night--the time fixed by the Viceroy -for the execution of my brother. - -"The sappers and miners did not wait for the appointed time but began -their work at half-past seven. They sent men at once to watch all -the gates. The artillerymen, camped outside the city, heard the -firing and realised what had happened. They entered the city and -occupied the Choawangtai (where the magazine was), the Hwanghwalo -(the promontory overlooking the river), and the Serpent Hill. They -intended to shell the Viceroy's yamen, but soldiers went to the yamen -and found that the Viceroy had escaped through {55} a hole dug in a -back wall. As all the gates were held by Revolutionists, he must -have got over the wall by a rope. - -"The sappers and miners went to the camps of the other corps and told -the men they must join the mutiny or fight. Practically all joined, -with the exception of part of the Commissariat Corps and about 250 -soldiers, who fled with Chang Piao.[4] - -"I had come to Wuchang from Hankow, and we called a meeting at the -magazine. The Revolutionary agents decided not to elect one of their -own number as commander." - -Then followed in the interview a short description of the manner in -which Li Yuan Hung had been raised to the position of Leader of the -Revolution of China. - -* * * * * - -The following leader, printed in the London _Times_ as soon as the -Revolution broke, shows how great a surprise was given to the world. -It also shows how utterly unprepared China herself seemed in the eyes -of the world to be for the change that so suddenly shook the -fundamentals of her Government:--' - -"A rising, which is manifestly very serious," said the _Times_ -editorial, "has taken place at Wuchang, the great city in the -province of Hupeh which seemed destined to become the centre of the -Chinese railway system and of the internal trade of the Empire. How -serious it may prove to be and how serious the movement from which it -springs are matters on which Europeans have but few materials for -judgment. We have not sufficient information to show whether the -present insurrection is connected with the disturbances in Szechwan -which looked threatening enough a month ago. If they are their -significance, it need hardly be {56} said, would be materially -increased, but even if they are both altogether local they are -symptomatic of the general instability of the actual situation. Two -years hence a full Parliament of the Empire is to be convoked, and a -Ministry responsible to it is to be appointed--so at least the -Imperial Edict of last November has promised. The results of so -tremendous an innovation cannot be looked forward to without -misgivings. Is China, the oldest, and to all outward seeming one of -the most effete, of Oriental monarchies, fit for so vast a change? -The reception of the Edict of last year does not argue well for the -future. The National Assembly, which had unanimously demanded this -very reform, denounced it as too tardy the moment it was granted. -Yet surely three years was not too long a time for China to prepare -herself for constitutional government. There is much that is -admirable in the Young China party. They realise the absolute -necessity of reform, and many of them desire it out of genuine -patriotism. But hitherto they have shown no sense of prospective, no -powers of leadership, and no gift of construction. Last year one of -their number, himself a subordinate official, who would certainly -lose by a change, blurted out to a European in a moment of confidence -that in his opinion nothing could save the country but a bloody -revolution, making a clean sweep of everything. That was in the city -of Wuchang. Is the present insurrection an attempt to save China in -this way, and if it is, what popular force is behind it, or will -gather behind it, unless it is immediately quelled? A good deal for -us and for all European Powers with interests in the Far East depends -on the answer." - - -[1] October 10, 1911. - -[2] A small magistrate. - -[3] See _Central China Post_, January 15, 1912. - -[4] Chang Piao was the General in command of the Hupeh Army, who took -the field in the first engagement of the war, and who was interviewed -by the author, as printed on page 61. - - - - -{57} - -CHAPTER VI - -THE EARLY HOSTILITIES - -Thus did China's Revolution start. Event followed event during the -first days with such startling rapidity that it became a matter of -difficulty to keep trace consecutively of events. On October 13th -the Hanyang Arsenal, the largest in the Empire, passed into the hands -of the Revolutionists. A large body of soldiers indistinguishable -from loyal troops arrived in several units from Wuchang. They -entered the Hanyang city quietly and, donning the Revolutionary -badge, proceeded with their work. The powder factory was seized at 1 -a.m. and the arsenal fell soon after, only a few shots being fired. -In the arsenal were found no fewer than 140 three-inch guns, about -500,000 rounds of ammunition, and powder sufficient for the -manufacture of 2,000,000 rounds. This amount, together with -32,000,000 rounds of rifle ammunition and 5,000 rounds of field-gun -ammunition, which were known to be stored near Wuchang, gave the -rebels enough to carry on with for some time. Hankow native city -soon afterwards fell, and with its fall the Revolutionists found -themselves in possession of three of the finest strategical points in -the whole of China. - -Meantime nothing had been heard of the foreigners in Wuchang, and as -the gates were closed and huge conflagrations were seen during the -next couple of days it was thought that the affair might develop into -an anti-foreign rising. Crowds gathered on the Bund and gazed -anxiously through field-glasses over the river for {58} signs of the -foreigners, but it was not until October 12th that a steam-launch, -conveying Captain Knepper, of the U.S.A. _Helena_, some foreigners -and American blue-jackets, and flying the American flag, left in the -early morning for Wuchang. In the afternoon the naval officers were -cheered as they steamed alongside the Bund at Hankow, with -practically all the foreigners and about 150 Christian girls from the -various schools. - -For the next few days there was the greatest activity on both -sides--among the Revolutionists and the Loyalists. With wildest -enthusiasm the Revolutionists prosecuted their aims in Wuchang, in -Hanyang, and in Hankow. The Government banks were ransacked of all -silver and burned to the ground, all Government offices were looted, -Revolutionary troops were stationed in the three cities, and for some -days there was no doubt about the sovereignty of the rebels in this -neighbourhood. The two armies touched for the first time on October -19th, but even this was a one-sided affair, because General Chang -Piao, the head of the Hupeh army, had but a handful of men, and stood -from the first no chance whatever against the overwhelming numbers of -the enemy. Foreigners were able only to see in this a local revolt, -but it very soon became apparent that the Revolution had taken hold -of China and that the rebelling forces of Hupeh were soon to gather -many other provinces under their banner. Such unity was never seen -in China before as the first days of the revolt brought to light. - -Then the war began. - -After this first slight engagement there was a rare ado with the -Revolutionary army and supporters as the victorious regiments marched -into the city, and this victory over Chang Piao and his men, apart -from having the effect of completely routing the enemy, added a -tremendous stimulus to the fighting line of the Republicans, and they -were then itching for another scrap. {59} The Loyalists had come -down from Peking. They were expected to turn over to the -Revolutionists. But they did not--they intended to fight, and to -fight hard. In the first engagement, however, after having had taken -from them their bullion with which the troops were to be paid, their -rice and supplies by which the men were to be fed, the ammunition by -which the throne was to be kept secure, and much else in the way of -impedimenta of warfare, they retired crestfallen and moved some -considerable distance down the river. - -[Illustration: TYPICAL REVOLUTIONARIES. Changed by love of country -and passion for freedom from downtrodden coolies to enthusiastic -soldiers.] - -Before dawn on the morning of October 20th I took my launch down -towards Kilometre Ten, the Revolutionary base, where the Loyalists -were said to have crept up during the night. It looked as if they -had regained courage, and were to put up another fight. I found a -party of Revolutionary recruits and regulars, all having a good time, -whilst lessons were being given to the raw material in the art of -using the rifle. The target was a couple of pigs, and into the hides -of these two innocent porkers the recruits were endeavouring to -discharge their bullets. Passing them, I followed on through a road -which at one time had been the main entrance to the station, all -being now in anything but perfect order, into the station, where some -fifteen hundred troops were assembled on the platform and in the -adjoining ground--the scene of the recent battle. - -To my companion (representing the _New York Herald)_ and myself the -Revolutionists were most courteous. Whilst we preferred to stand, -they bade us to be seated, a couple leading us to a point on the -platform where was seated the Commander-in-Chief of the Field Forces, -a portly fellow, full and hearty, typically Chinese, delighted to see -us. Down below were the field-guns and the dark-clad troops, -battered railway trucks, officers' horses grazing by the line, men -rushing hither and thither, all enthusiastic upon getting {60} -something done and wasting no time. But here was the -Commander-in-Chief--the Buller of the campaign--calm, quiet, -courteous, extending to me with the simplicity of a boy the usual -Chinese felicities. He was seated in his official war-chair, had -upon him all the paraphernalia of war, and waited as he talked with -me for his scouts to return before he could make up his mind what the -day's programme was to be. - -Allow us to take his photograph?--certainly he would, and stood up -and put on a straight face purposely for the occasion, waving back a -scout who hurriedly came in whilst I snapped a picture. Then he -attended to the scouting parties, taking careful notes of all that -they told him. I wished to exchange cards--delighted, he would do it -in a moment, and wrote his full name on the back. He laughed over -the simplest incident, was exceedingly solicitous on my behalf, -assured me that they would win; when he spoke of battle his face -hardened, his keen eyes sparkled, full of fire. His aide-de-camp, -quite a youngster, dressed in a foreign tweed suit--queueless, of -course--and bearing no traces whatever that he was an army official, -gave us all the news he could. He waved his hands to the captured -railroad trucks, containing the captured supplies, and asked us -blandly if we could solve the problem of living without food--because -he couldn't, and he didn't suppose that the Loyalists could. "And -they won't," he vociferated. But that was in the early days of the -war. During those days it was interesting to any fair-minded -foreigner to watch the intensity of feeling displayed by the -Revolutionary Army as opposed to the downhearted attitude of the -small Imperial force which took the field. - -On the same morning that I interviewed the Revolutionary Commander of -the Field Forces I was successful in discovering that General Chang -Piao was on board a launch down-river. I immediately made off by -launch {61} to see him. As I sat soon afterwards by the side of this -Chang Piao, the man in all Hupeh who had been entrusted with the -authority of the Model Army, and looked at a medium-sized Chinese who -gave no evidence of being a common soldier by anything in his dress, -and as I looked at his unshaven head and bloodshot eyes, I could not -find it in my heart to extend to him anything but genuine pity. He -recently had been a strong man, high in office, and dazzled with -braid and buttons and all official paraphernalia which to-day is -thought so much of in military China; now he was a crestfallen man, -knowing that he had lost, cut off from all supplies, with a helpless -army on his hands, and himself knowing that fifty thousand Chinese -dollars were being offered for his head. With some little difficulty -I had jumped on board, asked for Chang Daren, and was shown into the -cabin aft, where I found some dozen or so officers eating their -morning rice. Towards me came a man dressed in an ordinary teacher's -garb; he extended his nervous hand, and with ceremony bade me enter. -His name he told me was Chang--this, then, was the man, General Chang -Piao, erstwhile Commander-in-Chief of the Hupeh Model Army. - -A well-built fellow, some five feet six or seven, with hard, -determined mouth, and a chin of iron, was Chang Piao; his jet-black -eyes looked suspiciously out at us. By the side of the General as he -sat, one leg up under him in real Chinese fashion, stood a guard of -soldiers with loaded pieces; in front of us as we talked were seated -the dishevelled officers and staff of the General, some on upturned -boxes, some on the settee (which had been the General's -resting-place), some on the floor, all busy with their rice-bowls and -chopsticks. - -At first Chang looked at me in apparent unconcern. Then-- - -"Where do you come from? What do you want? {62} What nationality -are you?" These questions came from him as quickly as he could put -them. - -"I shall not do any fighting at all to-day," he said. "My scouts are -all around the country-side, and my troops, some three thousand of -them--and all good men, far better than the rebels--are lying in -ambush away at Niekow. I shall wait for the arrival of Yin Chang,[1] -who is coming with twenty thousand troops, and Admiral Sah, who is -waiting for more ammunition." - -Chang Piao made no reference to his adversary, General Li Yuan Hung, -and did not seem inclined to encourage talk about the opposing side. -Later, however, in the midst of the small talk, he referred very -sympathetically to the Revolutionists, and was confident that they -would rue the day when they broke out into rebellion. He continued: -"It will not be long before we shall be able to win. There will, at -any rate, not be any serious fighting for four days, but when Sah has -his big guns' ammunition sent to him, and we have ours and our twenty -thousand drilled troops, the position will change speedily." - -Imperial troops now began to pour down from the north. Their -headquarters were made at a place called Niekow, a small village, -situated at the end of a big S bend in the railway leading out from -Kilometre Ten, and about six miles away. Their first attack was made -on the morning of October 25th, the Revolutionists taking up their -position at the Government Paper Mill, situated below the Kilometre -Ten Station, and near the Seven Mile Creek. People would point away -in a northerly direction and tell you that over there were the -Loyalists--twelve thousand, fifteen thousand, seventeen thousand, -twenty thousand of them, mobilised for action. But no one actually -knew; every one merely guessed. True it was that on the previous day -several hair-brained {63} adventurers went so far forward as to tempt -the Loyalist outposts into shooting at them, and then set the -Concessions talking about their internationality and how the -Loyalists were bent on shooting every foreigner they could catch. - -[Illustration: THE RAW MATERIAL OF THE REVOLUTIONARY ARMY. "Enlisted -on Tuesday, drilled on Wednesday, shot on Thursday," was often the -record of a revolutionary recruit.] - -It was some days previous that my launchman had refused point blank -to convey me near the scene of action. Therefore was it that at dawn -I was astir by the riverside at Hankow hailing a sampan, the men who -were willing to go down-river demanding, in hoarse voices, exorbitant -charges to get me near the fight if there was to be one. Having -sufficiently argued the point and boarded a boat, however, we soon -came to the firing-line, to the Revolutionary base, having been -questioned by the sentries along the riverside as to who we were and -what our business was. We rowed down to the Government Paper Mill, -up a tributary to the main river, and landed. But no one was to be -seen as we walked haphazardly onwards for some minutes, our only -obstacle being a poor, one-eyed wretch trying to sell us some of the -Loyalist ammunition and empty shells, at ridiculous prices as curios -go. - -Suddenly, however, there was an enormous explosion, which nearly -broke our eardrums, and we knew that operations were commencing. -Coming to an open space, we discovered small parties of infantry -under cover of undulations in the ground, and slightly to the north, -raised from the ground, were the field-guns. I was now between the -river and the railway, and, with the other men around me, who told me -to "duck," as they expected a rapid return of the enemy's shells, -waited for the Loyalists' return. Then, after some minutes, a little -dancing flame, a little column of blue smoke, a dull, heavy boom, and -a continued whistle in the air, told us that the enemy had started. -With my glasses I watched anxiously for the shells, which fell short. -With terrific force they dropped into swampy ground some five hundred -yards in front of us, sending {64} up the water most picturesquely. -There was a laugh from the Revolutionists around me as I reported the -news to them, and they lay still in their positions, waiting, they -hardly knew for what. - -Going up to the field-guns, several of which had been brought down by -a train now unloading, I found that there were ten four-inchers, most -of which had the range beautifully. There were also Rexers, Maxims, -and smaller fry. - -Of the Loyalists, even with the aid of good field-glasses, nothing -could be seen. Their camp at Niekow--some considerable distance to -the north--was plainly visible, and the shooting was directed across -the top of that S bend in the line; and thus it continued for another -half an hour, the Loyalist guns failing to find their range and -falling short. Ear-pads there were none; other ordinary equipment -war correspondents carry I had none, so lay down as the guns shot and -wrote my copy. Suddenly there was a sharp, deadly firing of Rexers, -more deadly than the Maxim, and after that no sound. The rebels fell -to jubilant congratulation, declaring that they had silenced the -enemy, and that they could move forward and chase them. But they had -misreckoned. Of officers among the Revolutionary men there were -many. But of order I saw nothing. Each man did as he pleased and -went where he pleased and when. Each gave orders and -counter-suggestions to one another, and none was prepared for -following up the engagement in its several possible turns. - -And now their misreckoning was to be forced home. Dancing high above -the earth, truly denoting danger to come, was the blue flame of the -enemy. The releasing boom was heard, the whizz-z-z of the shell -became noisier as it sailed through the air towards us; each -instinctively bent his head and waited for the shell to burst. Then -came the bursting directly above us in mid-air, telling that one gun -at {65} least--certainly the biggest in the field--had got the range. -In and around the firing-line of the Revolutionists there was a -"Hiyah!" Some of the men rose immediately, slung their rifles over -their backs, looked round anxiously for their comrades, and made to -run; others still stayed on. But the enemy, now sure of the range, -lost no time. In deadly succession shell after shell was put into -the men who were fighting for the establishment of the model -Republic. At the time, however, the Republic seemed far away. - -Several shells as I stooped behind some brickwork broke directly in -front of us, tearing up the red earth of the line. Simultaneously -others broke above our heads, and the shrapnel descended in a deadly -shower. So far as I could see, no one yet had been wounded, -certainly no one killed. But at this moment I decided to go, -simultaneously, it appeared, with many scores of the Revolutionist -infantry. For in a couple of minutes, as I sprinted along the river -bank, making for some decent cover, I found myself perilously running -in the middle of a most disordered rabble of several hundred men, -each doing as he liked. Some held their rifles high in the air, some -pointed them onward at their fellows, others dragged them after -them--and none was there to give them orders. Meantime, as we ran, -shells were dropping around us. We could hear sharp "pings" on the -corrugated roofs of the buildings we were passing, and all were glad -when out of range. - -In the village at the foot of the V-shaped ground we met many more of -the Revolutionists, some gunners, some infantry, who had fled. - -All decided that they had been routed; some asked whether the guns -had been deserted, and were told that they had; and one, in an -eminently Chinese way, made a small purchase of ten cash worth of -nuts from an old woman by the roadside, arguing in the heat of battle -as to whether he should give her ten or eight cash, and filling his -knapsack, whilst his more {66} excited comrades discussed the plan of -subsequent events. - -Thus had the rebels been reversed, completely beaten at the game they -themselves had started. The reverse, however, or rather the loss of -their position, taught them a valuable lesson. - -[Illustration: THE CENTRAL MART OF THE WORLD. Thus do the Chinese -describe Hankow. In the foreground is a small section of the Hanyang -Steel and Iron Works. Across the River Han the city of Hankow is -seen.] - - -[1] General Yin Chang, President of the Board of War--a man who was -trained in Germany. He has a German wife. - - - - -{67} - -CHAPTER VII - -THE BATTLE OF KILOMETRE TEN - -After these first hostilities men and things began to move with -lightning rapidity. By October 27th the Loyalists, strongly -reinforced by Imperial troops from the north, held the situation -fairly well, fighting with remarkable persistence. What passed -during that day and those immediately ensuing should prove a lesson -to the Western world. Warfare opened at dawn, and the Imperialists, -fighting against a strongly entrenched army of Revolutionists -numerically superior but not so well commanded, won a complete -victory. The Revolutionists fought bravely, and their losses were -heavy. - -As will be seen in detail later in this volume, the Revolutionists -were expecting the Imperial troops to join them as soon as the real -cause of the fighting became known to them, for it was a vital part -of the Imperial policy to keep the northern troops in ignorance of -the nature of the revolt. The Revolutionists openly declared -themselves disappointed. But as a matter of fact, even if the -Imperialists had been willing to join, there was no opportunity -presented to them. The arrangement of their troops was such that the -Honan and Shantung soldiers were in front with the Manchus directly -behind them. This was a cleverly designed manoeuvre on the part of -the Manchu officers that worked for the success of the Loyalists. -The Honan men could neither lay down their arms nor turn back--even -if they so wished. An attempt to join the {68} enemy would have -brought upon them the fire of the Manchus, and the steady advance of -the latter prevented any reverse movement. - -Foreign military observers who witnessed the battle of Kilometre Ten -unite in saying that the Imperialists made their attack and continued -it in the face of stubborn resistance and in the most scientific -manner, advancing steadily under the cover of their artillery. From -a position some quarter of a mile south of the Kilometre Ten station, -the Revolutionary base, I watched for some three hours hardest -musketry and artillery fire. The deadly warfare raged across a wide -stretch of country lying to the north-east of the Revolutionary -headquarters, over swampy ricefields and half-cultivated ground. Big -four-inchers opened fire just before seven on a cold, grey morning, -and both armies, having moved slightly to the front, were within easy -rifle fire of each other. The Revolutionary Army had spread itself -in the shape of a right angle, with the bigger guns at either point, -and strong lines of enthusiastic infantry entrenched on the north -side of the railway line and well fortified behind stone embankments -and undergrowth along the river abreast of Kilometre Ten and for some -distance below on towards the oil-tanks of the Asiatic Petroleum -Company, Ltd. - -The Imperialists, returning the Revolutionary gun-fire with marked -precision, found their range with the fourth shrapnel, the -Revolutionists taking much longer, and having nothing more than the -ordinary 1¾ and 3 inch explosives--their great need was shrapnel. - -Far across the field was one bank of ever-increasing smoke, and of -necessity shooting was vague. But both armies, with an earnestness -and energy that one was not accustomed to see in Chinese, kept up -smart riflery for two hours, with hardly a moment's lull, showing -that the Chinese Model Army, if boasting little else, can boast of -men who face battle without flinching. {69} For two hours, at the -very edge of the field, I watched operations through my glasses, and -then saw Admiral Sah's fleet coming up-river slowly--it had been -creeping up for some time. At first it was thought that the -Revolutionary guns known to be at Kinshan, a point on the other side -of the river almost opposite Yanglo, would open fire upon the fleet, -but this did not happen, and not during the whole of the day was -there any firing from that side of the river. Shells from both camps -were being sent out at a terrific rate. Those from the Imperial Army -were seen to be bursting with deadly effect in the Revolutionary -ranks, and the poor fellows who were willing to seal the Republic -with their blood were seen to fall in hundreds. - -[Illustration: THE FLIGHT OF THE GUN-JUNKS. These old-style -revolutionary gunboats scudded away at the Battle of Kilometre Ten -when Admiral Sah opened fire.] - -For some half-hour it was impossible in the din and the smoke from -the firing, added to the fact that both armies were magnificently -entrenched, to tell which side was doing the more deadly work, but -for more than two hours the rattle of musketry, of Rexer machine -guns, of Maxims, and three and four inch guns told one that the -death-roll must be tremendous. Such incessant rattle was not known -even in the Russo-Japanese War. Suddenly the fleet moved upwards. -No one seemed to take notice of the move or to attach great -importance to it. A small village below the Japanese Bund was as -peaceful as if battle was removed a thousand miles from it, and the -villagers, preparing their morning rice, paid but little heed to the -gradually nearing musketry. To myself there came a fear that from my -temporary resting-place I should soon have to shift. Down behind the -stones at the Kilometre Ten station I could then see the -Revolutionary troops beginning to rise and prepare for a withdrawal. -Simultaneously, from the railway away to the north, three companies -of regular troops, well in command and meaning business, came down, -orderly enough, marched out into the open field, knelt, and prepared -for fire. But what at? Eyes had been taken from the {70} gun-boats, -which were now within such distance that their operations could -easily be seen with the naked eye. They were evidently preparing to -sweep the decks of the cruisers with rifle-shot if they came within -firing distance. Field-guns appeared to be all forward with the main -fighting line, and this batch of infantry was all that was available. - -The Revolutionary army was drawn up over a very wide area, stretching -from the river bank above Kilometre Ten to a point far over away from -the other side of the railway, the whole forming a right angle with -three main fortified points, and in between were companies of -infantry entrenched. The shells from the Loyalists, put in from -several guns over the whole of the enemy's right angle, were tearing -the ranks to pieces. This could be seen through the glasses. But -gradually the fighting came nearer. The men who were fighting for -the establishment of their Republic were being slowly driven back. -First one company would move a little back, kneel again, and -whole-heartedly recommence musketry fire. But the moment came, not -much after 9.30 a.m., when it became apparent that the ships were -going to add their quota--and all too deadly a quota as it -transpired--to rout the Revolutionists. First came a terrific boom, -which rent the air, even though all the firing round about ceased not -for a moment. There seemed then in the air to be for a single moment -a silence boding terrible evil. There was another bang; the shell -burst right in the railway--just in the station which had been the -pride of the Revolutionary forces as their formidable base--a flame -was seen to go up from one of the buildings in the front, and the -Admiral saw that he had got his range. - -[Illustration: THE EFFECT OF A NAVAL BOMBARDMENT. This populous -village was burned to the ground in the first engagement of Admiral -Sah's fleet with revolutionary army.] - -For an army well trained in the arts of war, old veterans of modern -warfare, it would be a brave thing, perhaps foolhardy, to endeavour -to stand before an army equal to itself and a naval force whose -strength was unknown. Much more would it be to expect it of {71} an -army, a great percentage made up of raw recruits, who had hardly -handled a rifle before this Revolution broke out. At the time of -which I am writing this was the position of the Revolutionary Army. -From the land forces they could expect as much as they could tackle -with the forces they had then at their base. It had been a good -fight, and they had held their ground well, feeling the need of -trained troops. In addition to that, many of the trained troops were -shot down by their own men--recruits who had been placed in the rear -lines and had shot down the regulars at the front--a most regrettable -feature for the Revolutionists during the whole campaign. - -Now that warships began to pelt shells into the Revolutionary camp -with alarming precision, it seemed hopeless for them. The great -majority, however, with marked coolness stuck to their guns. - -Over the land came the whistle of Admiral Sah's shells--their effect -was terrific. Soon it was seen that the Revolutionists would have to -evacuate. To stay in their present situation would have meant only -utter disaster, and they saw it was a hopeless task. Many of them -came slowly from the ranks, all muddy and disordered, tired and -forlorn, and made their way back through the sympathetic villages and -along the railway line towards Hankow native city. Then they came -away pellmell, and the Imperialists pelted them with shells as they -fled. Peking men crept up through the trenches with capital skill, -being officered splendidly, and showing by all that they did--gunners -and infantry--that they were a modern army, and to be reckoned with. -They then came away to the Racecourse; were temporarily beaten back -by a ragtail and bobtail crowd of Revolutionists, more ardent than -skilful, who had taken up a fresh stand. Firing was recommenced, and -the Imperialists, despite the fact that Maxims were turned on them -with terrific force, came up through the trenches. Their bravery was -one of the wonderful {72} features of the day, and will be handed -down in history. Hopelessly were they mown down, brutally were they -knocked out by Maxim fire, but they stuck to it and came along in a -style British regiments would not look down upon. - -"Brothers!" they would exclaim in their ignorance, "we are fighting a -pack of robbers and hooligans. We must fight to save our country -from unworthy men." - -Towards two o'clock, after scouting parties had been working from -both sides, they again came to close quarters by the side of the -Japanese Concession, and it was feared that the Foreign Concessions -would be rushed on the first day's fight. These settlements, however -were guarded splendidly--American, Austrian, British, French, German, -and Japanese naval contingents being stationed all over the place, -with the roads all barricaded, and every measure taken to preserve -peace and order. - -The number of dead in this battle, as in most of the others, was not -known. - -Following on the Imperial success earlier in the day, Admiral Sah -then sent official intimation to British Rear-Admiral Winsloe, who -was nominally in charge of the foreign defences, that he would -commence to bombard Wuchang on the morrow at three p.m. A consular -circular was sent round to that effect, strongly advising that all -women and children should leave. It further said that the foreign -gunboats might drop down river, but that full guards would be landed -and kept in the Concessions for defence. The volunteers also would -remain on duty. - -[Illustration: PREPARED FOR EVENTUALITIES. The Americans on guard at -the Foreign Concession while heavy fighting was going on close by. -It was feared by the foreign community that either side, when beaten, -might make for cover in the Concession.] - -It was during these days that Admiral Sah played a remarkable game of -bluff. The promised bombardment did not come off, and it was -afterwards learned that it had never been intended. On board the -cruisers there was a shortage of ammunition, among the crew the -greatest dissatisfaction was openly expressed; the Admiral was not -quite sure that if he bombarded {73} Wuchang he would cause a -surrender; he also entertained the feeling that this was a squabble -of the land forces, and told the Imperial leaders he thought they -should be strong enough to end the affair themselves--and so the days -passed by without any serious interference in Wuchang of General Li -Yuan Hung's policy of sitting tight. The added moral effect of his -holding Wuchang to the Revolution was tremendous: each day brought -news of either provincial capitals or "_fu_" cities throwing in their -lot with the Revolution, and Li, far-seeing and tremendously capable, -held back the attack the Wuchang garrison was anxious to commence, -and concentrated his army on the Hankow side. - -Here fighting was being carried on with a pluck which astounded all -beholders. The Imperial Army was for the first time since the -Chinese Model Army had been organised plunged into real warfare. The -Revolutionists--a teeming multitude, it is true--were for the most -part raw recruits, men who had never stood before gun-fire, whom one -could reasonably have expected to be "gun-shy." But their bravery, -because they believed their fight was one for emancipation, from what -very few of the raw recruit element knew probably, would have made -many an Occidental regiment blush with envy. - -Truly were those first days of the war a season of intense excitement -and surprise. - -By November 1st the Imperialists, already in possession of Kilometre -Ten and the whole line from Peking, by persevering and undaunted -behaviour, excellent discipline, and military common sense, had won -their way to the Tachimen, the railway station behind the French -Concession. That morning I was in the camp at the station. -Foreigners had been looked upon with suspicion, and as I entered the -station some of the officers looked askance at me. No other army -would have allowed me to pass the barrier without having seen a pass. -But pass I had none. As I sat chatting {74} to a crowd of well-knit -northern fellows, who seemed perfectly at ease and to have all they -wished for--except cigarettes, for which they were constantly making -inquiries--it was difficult to believe that one was in the very -centre of the topical world. The eyes of every one were turned -towards this great struggle between Chinese and Chinese. Every -newspaper in London and New York was concentrating upon the war. -China's Revolution was on the far political horizon, for what -affected China just then affected the world. And as those Imperial -fellows at their military base congratulated each other that at least -they had the chance of being actually in war, they had but little -idea of the importance attaching to the conflict. Shells that -dropped around me, however, were bringing messages of a China that -was to be. - -Not a hundred yards from where I sat were four field-guns--deadly -four-inchers, the modern Krupp--sending shells into Hanyang as fast -as the gunners were able to work. The booming shook the whole city, -sending frightened children to their mothers, themselves at their -wits' ends with fear. Revolutionary batteries at Hanyang, not yet -silenced or showing any signs of giving up the fight, dropped its -shells sometimes nearer, sometimes farther, never into the battery -here on the railroad. - -As an interested spectator, I sat on a few sleepers and watched where -the shells dropped from both sets of guns. It was a casual pastime, -and no one seemed to mind my being there. The gunners would, with -highest glee, explain how the four-inchers were worked, would point -away towards Hanyang Hill and tell you they were trying to pot the -temple overlooking the Yangtze, and when a shell from the enemy -dropped anywhere near there was a shout of enthusiastic mirth. They -would look at one astutely, smile, inquire into one's family -associations in characteristic Chinese style, and {75} were highly -delighted if relevantly one could carry on conversation with them in -Chinese. The average military observer would probably have declared -the Imperial Army to be a peculiar military force. Into the daily -routine the extravagant Chinese etiquette was worked in conjunction -with a discipline quite strange to Chinese, and on the face of things -it would not seem, viewed from camp life, that China's army was in -any way a modern army. But that this Model Army of China is as much -of a myth as some would have us believe, I, now in it all, could not -for a moment endorse. The foreigner has always looked upon the -Chinese as a man who would not fight him with the weapons of war; his -main attack would be the weapons of commerce, of boycott, or of -trust. But the Chinese Army to-day is certainly no myth. It is -strong enough to preserve peace with other countries, if not to enter -into any external strife with the idea of winning. - -That the Revolutionists had the numbers I would have been the first -to admit, but the trained fighter is the man who wins in battle. Not -one-fifth of their troops were trained soldiers; they have been seen -to come out into the fighting line, wearing the uniform of the -military it is true, to put the butts of their pieces upon their hips -and let fly, until they saw their own men falling dead in front of -them, shot from behind. But with the Northern Army it needed only a -stroll round their camp to convince the most casual of observers that -the Revolutionary's enemy was an army, doing things as an army -should. The army defending the Throne was the product of twelve -years of strenuous work by a great genius. The Northern Army was -founded upon principles set down by Yuan Shih K'ai, the genius of -things military in China, and that genius, using his brains but -seeing nothing of the fight, was just then directing the operations -as they proceeded. - -Whether the Imperialists were getting to know more about that for -which they were fighting, whether a {76} great many in the rank and -file were anxious to throw up the sponge and go back to their homes, -whether a certain section of them were anxious to change coats and go -over to the other ranks and shoot down those by whose side they had -been trained did not affect the general position. The Imperialists -were the cogs of the machine, and for their life they could not stop -fighting. They might have been half-hearted, as many said they were, -but their organisation was almost perfect. - -[Illustration: FOES MEETING AS FRIENDS. A regiment of soldiers -casting in their lot with the Revolutionists against whom they had -lately fought.] - -As I sat on the railway sleepers a crowd of soldiers soon gathered. -Some held their rice-bowls up to me, and with their chopsticks as -they ate asked me to _chi-fan_, and when I took a hard piece of bread -from one of the infantry and began to munch at it to show that there -was not the slightest ill-feeling they all screamed with laughter, -and each swore that I was a good all-round sort of fellow. And then -we fell to talking. "Ah!" indignantly yelled the officer, when I -asked him why Chinese were fighting Chinese, "these men are -rebels--_ding kuai, ding kuai tih ren!_[1] They are making it nasty -for the foreign Concessions, and our Government are going to put it -down. They are not real soldiers. They are only robbers and wicked -men; they can't fight. We [and the man stroked himself down] are the -fighters." And then he invited me to go a little way with him, until -we came in sight of the guns then sending out the shells. "We have -guns here that would blow those fellows into that great river, and if -they don't give up soon that's what we are going to do. We are not -going to leave a house standing; it is Yuan Shih K'ai's orders, and -in a few days it will all be over, and we shall all go back to Peking -and have a holiday. Yuan Shih K'ai," he softly said, "is down at -Kilometre Ten,[2] and {77} he will not come up farther. He is a -wonderful fellow. He has his fingers on the situation, and is merely -waiting his time. The Revolutionists think that he is afraid because -our men are not fighting to-day, but you wait; presently you will see -all the people in this city killed. We are killing anybody we can -see, and shall kill many, many more yet." - -"But don't you think that that's a funny sort of _tao li_ for Chinese -to kill Chinese?" Then the man turned his head away and did a -half-hearted smile. "Ah! that's altogether another question. That -was the old style. We are a new army, and we are told to fight for a -New China. We don't want our country to fall into the control of all -those wicked men." - -"Yes, I can see that right enough. But these poor fellows that your -crack shooting is knocking over are good fellows, and are all -fighting for the good of their country too----" - -But he interrupted me. He would have none of it. He thought that I -was myself a Revolutionist, and ceased talking. "That's what they -tell you," he finally remarked. "If they get into power, it will be -totally different." - -Again I approached him as he walked from me. "I'm afraid that you -have not got the truth of the story. These men think that they are -in the right. They are not the robbers you think them, surely. -Probably you have been misinformed, and----" - -"We're not misinformed. Our officers are all good men, and our men -are the best that could be sent. We are the best in the army, and -that is the reason we were sent...." - -* * * * * - -It soon became evident that a threat of the {78} Imperialists would -be carried out. Their first threat was that they would get Hankow -the first day, Hanyang the second, Wuchang the third. Hankow would -soon be taken. Everybody knew that. Whether Yuan Shih K'ai would -allow his army to burn it to the ground, as was stated was his -intention, was, however, another matter. None believed that such -savagery would be allowed; but that was the threat, and, after all, -fires are common in wartime. - -[Illustration: TACHIMEN, WITH IMPERIALISTS IN OCCUPATION. This was -the Imperialist headquarters till the withdrawal of the Northern Army -from the Wuhan centre.] - -The Rev. A. J. McFarlane, Headmaster of the Griffith John College, -who remained some distance from Hankow during most of the heavy -fighting, gave me the following account of a somewhat dangerous ride -he had along the road at the back of the city. It will serve to show -the conditions around the country during the time the fusillading was -hardest:-- - -"On Sunday, October 29th, the Imperial troops had fought their way -all along the railway line from the Sing Seng Road to the River Han -at Ch'iaokow, and from the College we heard the bark of the Maxims -for the first time on Sunday evening, and that night there were fires -in nine places around the railway line. But by Monday evening a -counter-attack of Hunan troops seemed to have carried the tide of -battle back again to the Tachimen Station; and local rumours said -that the Imperialists were all cut to pieces, or had surrendered. -Certainly it was evident from the firing that they had fallen back a -long way, and as we had had no news from Hankow for four days, and -were in need of silver for salaries, and for the scholars' food, I -decided on Tuesday to try and get through to the Concessions. (We -had continued a few classes regularly till Saturday, but on Sunday -the last two Chinese masters left.) - -"The three-mile ride to the beginning of the native city was marked -by the signs of recent fighting, and I had to make a detour where -some Imperialists were said to be concealed in a hut, and sniping was -going {79} on. I got to the Ma-loo, on the old city wall, and found -the whole place deserted; even the mud huts of the beggars were empty -and half-burnt; and in place of the usual crowd of foot-passengers, -bearers, and rickshaws there was not a human being, not even a stray -dog in sight. Hankow native city seemed like a city of the dead--it -was not burned till the next day, Wednesday--and there must have been -still thousands hidden away in the houses. After about a mile of the -road, where signs of the stern resistance--shell holes in houses and -strewn cartridge-cases--were on every side, I came to five or six -Hunan soldiers, lying in the shelter of the parapet by the roadside, -waiting for snipe-shots at Imperial soldiers, who were in possession -of the railway bank, running parallel to the Ma-loo, about half a -mile away. They waved me forward in a friendly way, evidently not -wishing to reveal their presence to the enemy. So I continued the -lonely ride, and passed the mangled body of a black-coat, covered -with flies, and a heap of unused shells, telling their tale of defeat -and hasty retreat. The silent air was heavy with the smell of death, -and the odour of burned flesh and wood was everywhere. Suddenly a -flash and the bang of a rifle from the railway bank, and as I did not -know whether it was meant for me I dismounted and walked forward a -little to show myself as a foreigner, but as nothing more followed I -cycled on again, and soon passed another ten black-coats, lying by -the roadside, waiting for pot-shots at the railway bank, and a few -more in the shelter of a house, firing through the ruined windows. -There were one or two more dead Revolutionists, and a half-burned -pony or cow among some ruined huts, and farther on a dead woman by -the roadside, evidently of the beggar class, lying half-naked in a -pool of blood. As I neared the Water Tower there were two or three -small stalls open, and a few people about; and I caught the first -glimpse of a squad of {80} grey-coats, moving, some way off, among -the huts. The Marines, at the end of the Ma-loo, helped my bicycle -over the barrier of sacks and bricks there, and the report of a -cannon firing close by just at that moment emphasised the heavenly -sense of safety and relief as one trod once more on Concession soil, -where all was peace and quiet. - -"At 3 p.m. as the conditions seemed much the same, and I had done my -business and secured the needed dollars, I rode back again the same -way without any adventures, save for a jumpy, tightening feeling -round the heart as a few sniping shots passed backwards and forwards -again, till I got beyond the city to the comparative safety of the -deserted countryside, and to a hearty welcome from the School." - - -[1] "Very bad men" in the literal Chinese. - -[2] It was about this time that Yuan Shih K'ai, in compliance with a -strong invitation from the Throne, took office. He was appointed -Viceroy of the Hu-kwang, and was instructed to quell the rebellion. -The report was that he was now at Kilometre Ten, but he was really at -Siaokan. Perhaps readers would care to read the chapter dealing with -Yuan at this juncture. - - - - -{81} - -CHAPTER VIII - -THE BURNING OF HANKOW - -Have you ever seen a fire--a big fire? Have you ever stood watching -a wide prairie fire and seen the flames dance and leap upwards, -downwards, wriggle in and out, and menacingly approach you? If you -have, you will in some measure be able to follow me. Can you imagine -in that great dancing prairie fire that you have seen thousands of -housetops, minarets, temple spires, roofs of all heights, sizes, and -shapes--can you? Can you imagine those wild flames, fanned strongly -to one side, and see that mighty belt of flame galloping furiously -onward, then drawing back, then galloping on again and gaining -ground, then settling finally down as if it had its luckless enemy in -its most deadly grasp, slowly to torture it and cruelly to draw from -it its last gasp of life? Can you see that sea-like, billowy mass of -curling smoke, too thick to be driven by the strong north wind, but -just thick enough slowly to move and to give way now and again to -that enormous force of white-hot, crackling fire that sends up its -deep red flame in anger to the heavens? And can you see beyond you -through that dense smoke more roofs and spires and curving Chinese -architecture, seeming to dodge up and down, in and out, like a full -disordered regiment of cavalry in awful flight; on and on they seem -to go, yet to get no farther? Terrific is their endeavour, but -futile. They gallop never faster, in and out, up and down, and at -last, {82} giving up all hope, are compelled hopelessly to settle -down in the smoke and are lost to sight for ever. - -[Illustration: THE BURNING OF HANKOW. A wave of flame a mile and a -half wide swept through the city and rendered half a million people -homeless.] - -But those roofs are not cavalry; they are not men. The men and -terrified women, and the tiny helpless children, the old fathers and -the mothers, the invalids, the incapacitated, the blind, the halt, -and the maimed had left the city a couple of days before, and now -were around the countryside, rich and poor alike being turned out of -house and home. Those who doubted, however, or were indifferent were -mixed up in the flaming street, helpless, hopeless, waiting for their -inevitable doom in that great fire, the great fire of Hankow, the -devoted central market of the Chinese world, now lost in doom in the -Chinese war. - -No one will ever tell precisely what happened during the firing of -the city. Europeans gathered on their housetops in the Concessions -to watch and to feel their hearts torn with pity. One gazed -abstractedly into a boiling cauldron, and expected that behind the -lurid flame thousands were pitifully exchanging their sad farewells -ere they settled down to die. There seemed to be no escape for the -poor people other than in the grave; all effort seemed to be void of -hope. As one watched he seemed to feel that underneath those roofs -the saddest scenes possible to enact in history were being recorded -with sad, sad tears. He seemed to feel that they were huddled round, -those men and women, those little children, those invalids, those -blind, those poor people who were about to die like rats in their -holes. And there crept into one's soul an infinite pathos. - -[Illustration: THE SING SENG ROAD. The smartest thoroughfare of -Hankow, after the fire. For over a week fierce fighting was -maintained here.] - -But I ask again, Can _you_ imagine all this? And imagining, think -you that you could describe? I watch, and watch. The flames seem to -draw me into their fiery bosom as the phosphorus does in the sea. I -can see it all, spreading away madly to the right, to the left, then -again meeting in the centre. It tears cruelly along does this great -belt of jagged flame, and soon will {83} meet its fellow. They seem -to be racing, each section of that horrid fire appearing to be vieing -with that other section in killing and burning, in slow death, many -peaceable people who were unable to flee. On it goes again, and -upwards, downwards, in, out, back, forth; sometimes it comes to a -greater mass, which yields less readily, and there it sits, like some -great bird of prey, until its conquest is at hand, and then goes -forward again with a furious glee. I have asked you whether, -imagining this, you could describe it. Here am I, seated on a lofty -rooftop, and see it. It is here, in all its horrible reality, -happening before my eyes as I write, making the history of our time, -and it is my business to describe it; that is why I am here. And yet -my pen falls helplessly. It baffles description. The phraseology -will not come. The words stick, the pen remains unmoved; I cannot -describe it. By far the worst thing I have ever known is this savage -razing of a great city to become a city of the dead and a place of -weeping. - -[Illustration: Map of Hankow Native City Showing Burnt Area.] - -But one thinks as one sees, far away in one corner of that deep, -dense, disordered flaming mass, one small, straight line of smoke -going up to the heavens, that that is the fitting sacrifice to the -hand of Destiny henceforth to guide this downtrodden people into -happier channels. That, however, will come with the years; now the -fire is with us. In our own way, we who watched the war had talked -about the burning of the city. After all, it is nothing much to burn -a city of five hundred thousand souls to the ground. In China one -walled city is hardly to be reckoned; and what, pray you, is it for -five hundred thousand human beings among four hundred and thirty -millions to be without home or shelter? When China burns, when she -kills, when she does anything that people who call themselves -civilised shrink from dreaming of, she shows the world that she is -the past mistress in all things that we call savage. It is, to us, -an act of cruellest {84} savagery. To us it is a sin against God and -man wilfully to burn a city to the ground, wantonly to destroy -hundreds of thousands of pounds' worth of accumulated wealth; to us -it is all a crime unthinkable. To China it is a good thing that by -such acts of so-called savagery, of realest barbarism, of grossest, -inhuman tactics the people, the common people, the hewers of national -wood and the drawers of national water, are taught to know that they -must keep their place, that the hand of the Government is strong, -that the place in which Heaven has placed them must honourably be -filled, and that towards Revolution they should have no leanings. To -China the sweeping into eternity of thousands of fellow-mortals is -for the benefit of those who remain, and the destruction of property -in their national hysteria matters not a moment of passing thought. -So to those of us who know China, and who cannot believe that all -that we see and hear is true of the bewildering reform that is -alleged to have caught the country and its people into its arms, it -was not a great surprise to see the Imperialists carrying out their -threat to burn the city to ashes. And it is fortunate that scores of -thousands of people, who knew the national spirit and who expected -the horrors of former rebellions to be repeated, packed up what -little belongings they could and cleared out of gunshot by either -land or water. - -Throughout the long day the fire burned away, making a sight as -wonderful as it was ghastly. From the fateful city the frightened -people who had remained behind came in droves; or, at any rate, they -made the attempt, only to be shot down by the soldiers who were -waiting for them. If no satisfactory explanation was forthcoming -from those terrified people, they were unmercifully bayoneted or shot -dead. The streets were guarded by Imperialists, who seemed bent on -having blood, and who, with frightful glee, carried out their mission -with impunity. It is, perhaps, {85} needless to say more. It was a -sight that Nero might have enjoyed, but to any one with any humanity -left him, even to those people one occasionally meets in China who -have no sympathies for the Chinese, and think that they should not be -helped religiously or socially, but should be left to go on their -ill-appointed way, the sight must have caused the greatest pain. -People would come to the exits of the city hoping to find refuge on -the Foreign Concessions; they had dropped on the way the little gear -they could at the outset carry, and now they were hopeful, at all -events, of saving their lives, and sought to come through the gates. -But no, even this was denied them. Back they had to go, probably to -their doom. The British bluejackets stationed at these exits told me -that their hearts bled for the pitiful people, but their instructions -were that none should come out. One of the greatest menaces -confronting the British authorities was the looting which threatened -the burning city. One road only separated the city from the British -Concession, and when the people began to flee the looters were in an -Eldorado. The scoundrels would come out with furs, silks, silver -ware, and every sort and condition of valuable, deposit it in the -Concessions, and go back for more, until it became necessary to -prevent Chinese from coming on the Concessions. After a time, -however, this rule was modified, and volunteers who could speak the -language were stationed there to inquire the mission of those who -were fleeing; but hundreds must have run from gate to gate, like rats -in their holes, knowing that each moment the fire was encroaching -ominously. At night the sight was watched by hundreds. Truly -heartbreaking was it to look on one of the finest cities on the -Yangtze being razed to the ground. When the darkness came on the -wide expanse of red flame lit up the country for miles around. At -the London Mission Hospital, adjoining the Concessions, there was a -scare for fear that {86} the place would catch, for the wind veered -slightly. All the patients were routed from their beds and carried -to other places of refuge. Europeans and natives formed one large -mutual band in carrying away the valuables. The sights we saw we -shall never forget. The pitiable condition of the people, the -indignation of the multitudes, who swore vengeance against the -Government, and much more that one cannot hurriedly think of or -relate, will live long in our memories. - -At the time of the fire's outbreak it was thought that thousands must -have perished in that modern Sodom and Gomorra. The Imperialists -were mad for the lusts of war. A day or two previous Yuan Shih K'ai -had offered a large reward for the recapture of Hankow, and the men -were hot for the spoils. Their dead, truckloads piled up -irreverently, were all deposited in the flames, and over the -Concessions on the second day of the fire came the rank smell of -smouldering human flesh. During those days Europeans witnessed a -hell from their rooftops. At the back of the British Concession, at -the back of the French, and at the back of the German were batteries; -the Imperialists were winning their way over towards the Han River, -their goal, and from their batteries an incessant shelling was -vigorously kept up. - -No one would forget those days. But lest they should, as it seemed, -the big guns from Tachimen kept hard at it, planking shells into the -city of Hanyang and anywhere else where soldiers were likely to lay -ambushed. The guns boomed away for an hour, and then there came -again dead silence, disturbed only by those who were still rescuing -the wounded and the helpless. But the calm lasted not for long. -Soon from the corner of the city nearest the Foreign Concessions -there came fresh wreaths of black smoke, showing that the deadly work -had recommenced. Soon the flames leaped up again, the wind blew them -farther inwards to the houses still standing, shells inconsequently -{87} fell near by; there was the same pathos and the same panic--the -city was on fire again. And so it continued for three days, and one -could see all over again what he might imagine in that prairie fire. - -[Illustration: THE TOLL OF THE DEAD. After the heavy fighting round -Tachimen, nearly all the work of collecting the dead for burial fell -to the lot of foreigners.] - -The wrath of Hades seemed to be upon the people. All around the -countryside they were scared--and well they might have been, for in -their fury the Imperialists burned everything as they went along. In -the midst of the huge conflagration, a general invitation was sent -out to foreigners to go into the city by way of the Maloo--the big -road skirting the city--to bring out eighty blind boys and the -wounded from the Wesleyan Mission Hospital. First impressions were -that the hospital and school and all that the Mission possessed had -been gutted. "We have £10,000 in the Mission," I overheard one of -the missionaries say, "but that's not so important as my blind boys." -Meantime permission by the Red Cross authorities had been secured for -the rescue party to go into the city. Each man as he volunteered -knew he went at great personal risk. Fighting was still heavy, but -every moment made a difference--and who knew but that those blind -boys were being burnt alive? By dark they had, however, been -rescued--only those who went knew at what cost. - -On November 3rd a significant lull took place. - -These lulls are dangerous forerunners of evil in China. - -The Imperialists had captured Hankow, and were known to be ready to -forge ahead towards Hanyang, the great stronghold of the -Revolutionists--a city almost impregnable in itself, with a high hill -sheltering the town behind, and reached only after fording a rapid -river some hundred yards wide at the narrowest. To the north-west a -range of hills literally bristled with Revolutionary big guns; the -Hanyang Hill itself was practically one shell-proof cover, and noses -of guns of all sizes pointed in every direction. At Wuchang all {88} -the hills were fortified, and along the river-front big guns were -lined for many miles above and below the town. But in the actual -fighting, as has been said, there came a lull. That it was a -dangerous lull and that it came before the storm was firmly believed. -No one better than the Chinese can wait--they are all past-masters in -the art of dilly-dallying--and it was believed that a few days would -see either the end of the war and the establishment of a new rule -under Yuan's dictatorship or the re-establishment of Imperial rule -with some modifications, or there would come about a state of affairs -infinitely worse than anything yet seen. - -With the Revolutionists repeatedly beaten back, although at -considerable loss to the Imperialists, with two-thirds of Hankow city -nothing but a heap of black, charred ruins, with thousands and tens -of thousands of people wandering with no home and no food, with women -maltreated and ravished, with looting and massacring proceeding at a -devilish pace, the casual onlooker would have concluded that the -Revolutionists had had enough. They had seen that the Imperial hand -in dealing with them was inclined to come down with extreme force, -and if need be, to crush and totally annihilate them--if it could. -But, strangely, the Revolutionists, despite their sad plight, with -most of their best men killed or wounded, and a haphazard army only -at the command of the new leader, were still more enthusiastic. - -Probably the most remarkable feature of the whole Revolution in the -immediate centre of the three cities around which the active -operations were concentrated was the behaviour of the Revolutionary -troops. This to the Westerner who has never been to China may not be -deemed as important. But the student of Chinese affairs and the -readers of Chinese history will be aware that in past revolts in this -country the soldiery, such as it had been, had not startled the world -with their clean conduct at any period. The reverse had been {89} -the case. Previous rebellions had been made famous for the amount of -looting, stealing, ravishing, and general lawlessness that had -prevailed. But in the Revolution which was led by General Li there -was none of this. Throughout, the magnificent manner in which the -troops, both trained and untrained, had behaved was a credit to every -one concerned in the revolt. - -The following edict, one of several published during the first days, -will go to show the spirit of the leaders:-- - - - "Li, commander-in-chief of the Chinese People's Army, by - authority of the military Government, a special proclamation: - - "By the command of the army administration, I desire you the - people of my country to know that wherever our patriotic troops - come you need have no occasion for the least suspicion or - anxiety. I come to save you and with no idea of acquiring merit - or personal profit, but to pull you out of fire and water, and to - cure you of your cankering maladies. Hitherto you have been - bitterly oppressed and drowned in a sea of misery through being - under the government of an alien race who treat you as bastards - and not as children. You must know that the present day Manchu - slaves do not belong to the family of Han, and we, being animated - by heaven-high patriotism, will not spare them their - well-deserved retribution. On this account I could not but raise - our patriotic flag in order to give you deliverance by causing - all the people to unite their strength and drive them out, - together with the traitorous Chinese robbers whom I will not - permit to continue long. These robbers have hitherto eaten our - flesh and now we will sleep in their skins. Whoever is animated - by patriotic sentiments let him quickly come and join our ranks, - and together gain the glory of delivering the country. The day - of the revival of the Han people is arrived with the - establishment of the Chinese republic with which you my brethren - will have no cause to be ashamed. Scholars, farmers, artisans, - and merchants, let all unite their efforts with ours to drive out - the Manchu barbarians. Wherever our army goes it will be under - perfect control and troops and people will be treated alike - without the least partiality to either. I desire you my beloved - uterine brothers every one to respectfully listen to my - exhortation. - - "Dated the 18th day of the first year of Hwang Ti, being the - 4609th year of China." - - -The other side of the question was eloquently put {90} in an Imperial -edict, published about the same time, and which reads:-- - - - "For over a month the various provinces have been greatly - disturbed. The causes for this have not been all alike, and it - is necessary to discriminate in again proclaiming Our intentions - to the Empire. Those who are in favour of reforming the - Government by revolutionary methods have been making impossible - demands upon the Throne, yet We recognise that they have been - called forth by a patriotic love for their country and are - sincere; and also that the country is thrown into confusion and - distress because We have failed to make progress in Governmental - reform. We have repeatedly proclaimed that a reformed and - Constitutional Government shall be established, and We have - granted an amnesty to all who formally have been guilty of - political crimes, also allowing Revolutionists to form themselves - into a political party to be used in the service of the State. - But with regard to those Revolutionists, who ferment race hatred, - who desire to create a feeling of enmity between the Manchus and - the Chinese, they are not working for the reformation of the - Government, but are simply dealing out ruin all round in order to - gratify their private hate, and for this there is no - justification. We are labouring for the prosperity of the - kingdom and the happiness of the people, and We cannot make the - Government a constitutional one till the Empire is at peace. If - these men are allowed to excite the people with their mischievous - speeches and pernicious ideas the disturbances will increase, the - people will be scattered and miserably perish. When the four - classes of the people lose their occupation, the whole country is - thrown into confusion. There will be no end to the calamities. - We would, therefore, earnestly and sincerely impress upon you - scholars, gentry, army and people, the necessity of understanding - the principle of reforming the Government and repressing - disturbances. The Throne loves and respects the people, and - wishes them to seek after improvement, but as for those who act - in opposition to this and keep on creating disturbances, they are - the enemies of the public and a danger to all. Although they are - but a minority, My people ought to put them down with a strong - hand, yet if they will repent their former crimes, they should be - pardoned and their past offences not brought up against them. - But bad characters, who seize the opportunity to burn, kill, rape - and plunder, cannot be allowed to escape by any law of reason. - They must be rooted out and hunted down with all speed till they - are utterly exterminated in order that the good and peaceful - people may be protected. Therefore, let the Tartar Generals, - commanders-in-chief, viceroys, governors and all who are in - military authority respect my will and, discriminating between - {91} the political parties put down the irreconcilables. The - Army and the people will understand this intention, and let all - above and below with one mind labour for improvement. Then will - the country be fortunate and the people enjoy felicity without - limit. - - "Let this Edict, together with the Edict of the 14th [Nov. 4th] - be printed on yellow paper and posted, so that all may be - informed. Respect this." - - - - -{92} - -CHAPTER IX - -THE STRONGHOLD OF WUCHANG - -It was to Wuchang that the country was now looking. The -Revolutionists knew it. Urged on by cleverly fashioned -proclamations, they fought as men have rarely fought. The -Imperialists knew it, and they, too, slept neither day nor night. -The Revolution was spreading. Unable to ascertain what was to -follow, foreigners from interior provinces came down to the coast and -the treaty ports for safety. Foreign warships came up one after -another, Japanese predominating in number, and at one time totalled -no less than fifteen, under nominal command of Rear-Admiral -Kawashima. Foreigners everywhere were doing volunteer duty. -Barricades had been built up, and all tiptoed in expectancy. -Fighting was desultory, with more Revolutionary losses than Imperial, -for several days. Eleven days after the great battle of Kilometre -Ten, more than the savage burning of the city, very little effective -work had been done. Firstly, they had not done what they led the -people to believe they would do. Promise after promise by Admiral -Sah to bombard had been broken, the army had marched on Tachimen and -captured it, Hankow had been shelled and the place left a mass of -charred ruins with five hundred thousand helpless people cruelly -turned adrift to seek shelter where they might--and there the -accomplishment was _in extenso_. Although they had tried, the -Imperialists had failed to capture Hanyang. Wuchang still stood {93} -as the stronghold of the Revolutionary party, with ever-brightening -prospects of power. - -Those who had closely followed events here had been surprised greatly -by the manner in which the Loyalist Army had worked out this -campaign. Instead of smashing the Revolutionary Army in a few days, -which at the outset, after the first battle, seemed an easy thing for -them, they had dilly-dallied to such an extent that now they had a -greater task before them than they ever had--partly because of the -fact that trained rebel reinforcements had arrived from Hunan, and -partly because the _esprit de corps_ among the Revolutionists, which, -after their reverse, it would not have taken a great deal to have -knocked entirely out of them, had again wonderfully revived. - -Yuan Shih K'ai, cutest of all Chinese in China, probably foresaw -this, and it may have been a part of his wisdom to stay his hand and -wait. He was waiting, but he hardly knew for what. He had hoped -probably that the first serious reverse would have knocked spirit out -of the men to such an extent that the Revolutionary Army would soon -have become disorganised, that the leaders would in true Chinese -fashion have been quarrelling among themselves, and that soon, -without money and supplies, the Revolutionary Army would have come -again to its senses. Meantime, people were saying that General Li, -the Revolutionary leader, was a fool, that he should have marched out -his men and fought a good fight. They could not see that Chinese had -met Chinese, and that both were playing their own game. Yuan was -looked upon as being the great man who could make no false moves; Li -was merely a trained soldier, and what could he know? He may not -have known much, but he knew enough. He knew, at any rate, how to -play his own game, and each night at sundown he congratulated himself -upon having held the capital city yet another day--for Wuchang was -still the stronghold, {94} and it was from Wuchang, as has been said, -that other places were taking the cue. - -At last Yuan saw this. He also saw that city after city, almost -province after province, was falling into the Revolutionary line, and -he conceived a plan to stop the whole sad business. He began then to -parley. He wrote to General Li in most conciliatory terms.[1] {95} -He promised a new Government on constitutional lines; he promised -that the Manchu princedoms should be abolished; he promised free -pardon to all offenders against law and order--he expressed himself -ready to make any concession. But in his heart he realised that -virtually he was in no position to dictate. He had to play the -second fiddle, although trying to play thereon the notes of the first. - -[Illustration: ESCAPED FROM WUCHANG. Foreigners taking to the boats -to cross to Hankow after being shut up in Wuchang for many awful -days.] - -Li read his communique, smiled, joked about it with his second, -tossed it to the floor, and declared that he would not concede a -fraction. He did not concede. He replied that he would not then -talk peace. Expressing his kindly felicitations, he urged upon Yuan -Shih K'ai the necessity and wisdom of talking terms when the -Revolutionary forces were marching upon Peking--and not before. He -urged Yuan Shih K'ai to join the Revolutionary party, pointing out -that this would immediately end the strife. Li Yuan Hung added that -Yuan's previous history was such that no camp would fit him better, -and, if he would come over, he would be made provisional President of -the United States of China. - -One must not expect, however, simply because Li would not talk peace -that he was strong enough to enforce peace. He was not. As soon as -Li's letter went {96} back to Yuan there was activity in the Imperial -camp, soldiers were to be seen moving away towards Hanyang, batteries -were shifted, trenching went on apace, a pontoon bridge was started -by the Imperialists across the Han and knocked to pieces by the -Hanyang Revolutionary guns, and it seemed as if a battle was -immediately imminent. And then it commenced again. One cannot -describe the conditions. The war was brought to our very doors. -Fellows had bullets whizzing in their bedrooms, shells dropped all -over the Foreign Concessions. It was never safe to be out on the -Bund or in the roads of the settlement. Revolutionists were dying in -thousands. All hospitals were full. The country was in utter -devastation. - -Up to an early hour on November 10th fighting still raged more or -less fiercely. It was generally stated that the Revolutionists gave -the enemy a thoroughly bad time, and had taken up an advanced -position. The bombardment of Wuchang was hourly expected. -Immediately behind the British Concession, not more than a hundred -yards from the road dividing British from Chinese territory, three -big guns of the Imperialists had their noses cocked most -threateningly towards the capital city, and every one settled down to -wait. A peculiar turn of events now was the organisation of night -attacks. Invariably one's dinner hour was ushered in by the booming -of cannon from either side of the river. But during these days the -Imperialists again began indubitably to show their superiority as a -fighting force. The great drawback of the Republican Army was that -it was largely made up of nondescripts, as ignorant of warfare as is -possible to imagine, whilst in the Northern Army there were none but -highly trained men in whom were instilled strongly the absorbing -lessons of the army. They knew nothing else. They did nothing else. -They were fighting machines, and they fought on the same principle as -machines in good order work. In making this {97} statement I am -perfectly aware that there are certain great weaknesses in the -Chinese military organisation that have yet to be removed. But with -the Northern Army, that army which was founded by Yuan Shih K'ai -himself--and he was looked upon as the greatest military reformer of -the time--it had the minimum of these defects. The fact that the -army of each province is for all practical purposes a separate body -tells against efficiency. And it follows that the army that Yuan -created, and which was now mainly engaged in fighting the -Revolutionary enemy, was not so much a branch of the Chinese Army, -but Yuan's Army, moulded as he wanted it. His soldiers, first of -all, had been taught loyalty. What other soldiers in the world would -have stood the test of loyalty as did those northern soldiers during -the early days of November, when the only news they received was the -report that a number of cities had gone over to the cause they -themselves were fighting with their lives to quell? - -They were primarily loyal--to what, as events later transpired, is -quite another question. But they were, at any rate, loyal to Yuan. -The photo of Yuan Shih K'ai was in every barrack-room, his name upon -every lip. Again and again as I moved about among the men was I -impressed with the hero-worship of man towards leader. Now, in -comparing these armies, one should compare the two Viceroys under -whom they served, for, with the independent provincial armies, the -Viceroy brought his army up to that standard which he considered -best. That is why the separateness about the branches of China's -Model Army has worked against efficiency. Any one who knew would be -ready to agree that, side by side and compared as armies, the -Imperialist Army would knock spots off the Revolutionary Army under -equal conditions, whilst the latter would not hit a target once in a -hundred rounds. But the conditions were not quite equal. Into the -argument, however, had to be brought another aspect. That aspect -{98} was of all the most serious, and tended towards the termination -of the war as much as any other factor. The Imperialists knew now -that, no matter how many battles they would be able to win here, no -matter how great their slaughter of the Revolutionists would be, the -cause of the Revolution was destined to win. This slowly began to -force itself upon them, and desertions were commonly reported. - -Whilst people were talking about the promised bombardment the most -arrant nonsense went the rounds as to the number and the size of the -guns the Imperialists had at their disposal from the north. There -were twelve-inch howitzers, forty six-inchers, thousands of smaller -fry, such as three and four inch guns, and much more of the same -kind. Whether just then they had any of their 7.5 Schneider-Canet -guns here no one was in a position to know, but I believe they had -not. In the Northern Army, however, there were some forty or more of -these enormous guns--weapons so heavy that a team of twelve of the -heaviest American horses would be insufficient to drag one of them. -It is interesting to notice, as an authority recently tells us, in -the Chinese Army there are at least six variety of Krupps, including -1905, 1904, 1888, and 1872 models, with a few 7.5 Japanese guns, -Armstrongs, and Maxims. But when we come to the smaller arms we find -confusion worse confounded. There are 1888-model Mausers, 1872-model -Mausers, Mannlichers, and a few Lee-Metfords, and these again have to -be subdivided. And it was seen throughout this war how the -ammunition for presumably the same gun, captured by the enemy and -used as the same weapon, had been absolutely useless in action; it -wouldn't fit. - -The nights were made hideous for foreign residents by the whizzing of -overhead shells and the buzzing of bullets constantly about them. -Several Chinese were shot dead in the streets of the British -Concession, and others more or less seriously wounded, and the wonder -{99} was not that any one was killed but that so many escaped with -their lives in the midst of such danger. It was the common belief -among the Chinese that the bullets had eyes. "See," they would yell, -"'tis a heavenly inspiration that the shells do not touch us ... they -have eyes ... they will not strike us!" And among Revolutionary -admirers this was a common belief of the common people. They had -never seen modern warfare before. - -The Imperialists were now forging ahead towards the Han. Their task -seemed an altogether impossible one. It took them three weeks to do -it, and it needed only a stroll out each morning to see the -truckloads of dead being taken along the railway line northward to -realise at what cost their slow progress was being made. General -Huang Hsuin[2] was now directing military operations against them. -Each day junkloads of men were coming down from Hunan to join the -Revolutionists--trained troops from the Hunan Army--and from them -great things were expected. Everywhere one went he heard the boom of -cannon, the whizz of shell, the ping of rifle shot. There was no -escape. Foreigners were not allowed out of the Concessions, found it -unsafe to go outside their houses, suffered shocks so great that all -were on tenterhooks of excitement. Never before in any country were -foreigners living as neutral parties to a war so near. But there is -so much of general interest in the Revolution that much space cannot -be devoted in this volume to battlefield descriptions. China was -making history. Wars have often been described in history, but a -Revolution such as this war was heralding had never been known. It -was moving, and moving at one stroke, a quarter of the whole human -family. - -The battlefield was spread from Kilometre Ten to Hanyang on the left -bank of the river, from the Kinshan Forts to Wuchang on the right -side. One could hardly {100} believe it possible that in a fortnight -such utter devastation could be wrought. Villages near by, with -their inhabitants either routed or perished in the ruins, were burned -to the ground; fields of crops were all trampled down, rice-beds were -dug out for trenches, and now all was destruction for miles around in -the country. Little black patches told the sad story of where a band -of happy thriving villagers, once living at peace, was now deserted -and devastated. - -When in the early days of the war I used to wander down there and -watch the operations I hardly thought it possible that an army -professedly of forty thousand men could be removed from such an -apparently formidable position. The railway was at hand, and the -whole of Kilometre Ten was so strategically situated that it seemed -an impossibility for the Imperialists, far away in the middle of flat -country, to remove their enemy from such a strong position. But they -did. How and why the Revolutionists left has already been told, and -the commander who ordered the retreat paid the price with his life, -being decapitated by his own men. - -Meantime Admiral Sah all this time had been sitting on the fence. It -was known that Li Yuan Hung, as a younger man, had been a pupil of -the Admiral, and each entertained considerable affection towards the -other. Sah had declined to reply to Li Yuan Hung's invitation to -take over control and leadership of the Revolution. He preferred to -sit and wait. When he received a long communication from the -scholars of Hankow, Hanyang, and Wuchang he is reported to have -become disconcerted, and it is to this appeal, which is given in a -footnote,[3] that his conversion to the Revolutionary cause may be -traced. - -{101} - -As the Admiral, on November 12th, steamed away his ships were -observed to pull down the Dragon Flag and run up a white one. It was -taken to mean that the Admiral and his fleet had gone over to the -Revolutionists. - - -[1] The following is a translation of Yuan Shih K'ai's communication -to General Li:-- - -"YOUR EXCELLENCY,--I have already written you twice, but, having -received no answer, I am not aware whether the letters reached you or -not. In accordance with the Imperial instructions I have now to -state that an Edict has been issued offering, first, full pardon for -all past offences; second, that constitutional government will be -established; third, that an amnesty will be granted to political -offenders; fourth, that members of the Imperial Club will not be -employed in high office. - -"The above points being granted, in my opinion the government of our -country can be renovated and prosperity be brought back to China. I -hasten to communicate this to you and desire that a method may be -devised by which the present difficulties may be peacefully settled. -The sooner the war is stopped, the sooner will the people and the -country enjoy peace. Otherwise, if fighting goes on, whoever is -victorious or whoever is defeated, not only will the people perish -but the resources of the country will be wasted, until, should the -matter be unduly prolonged, affairs will get into such a state that -the country itself will be ruined. Further, on both sides the -soldiers are Chinese and those who suffer are all Chinese. Whether -the one side or the other succeeds, it is the Chinese that must foot -the bill. - -"Personally I have been a long time dissatisfied with the Government -and therefore went into retirement, never intending to accept office -again. In leaving my retirement now my only object was to be -instrumental in composing the present differences. Further, the -Government is now repentant as it never was before. I admit that but -for your valorous actions, the present proposals would never have -been made. The merit of them belongs to you, and in my humble -opinion nothing could be better than to take advantage of this -opportunity and, by concluding a peace, secure the realisation of the -Throne's proposals. We can at least see how the Throne will act, -and, if it is honest, then we will unitedly use our utmost efforts to -promote the reforms. If it is not honest, we can still in -consultation devise other plans, and, as far as I can see there can -be no failure to secure the full fruition of our hopes. This is my -view, and I would ask you to send me an answer in agreement with this -so that I may be able to report the matter to the Throne and carry -out the necessary arrangements. - -"As regards your associates, who are all men of great ability, not -only will no fault be found with them, but I can guarantee they will -be appointed to high positions to assist in carrying out the reforms. -The Throne trusts me as one whose word can be relied on, and you -also, I hope, believe that I would on no account go back on it with -respect with you and your associates. I understand that the Throne -is issuing another Edict which will reach you within a few days. I, -because of the many important affairs which I cannot venture to -neglect, would urge you to send me an early answer by the hand of the -bearer of this letter. - -"This is my respectful prayer. Wishing you peace and prosperity." - -[2] General Huang Hsuin was a famous military leader in China at this -time. - -[3] The following is a translation of an appeal to Admiral Sah by the -students of Hanyang, Wuchang, and Hankow:-- - -"SIR,--To such a person as Admiral Sah with world-wide fame and noble -principles, we humbly submit this letter to him asking him to read it -and consider it with patience and wisdom. China is now in a critical -position. The people have shown great enthusiasm and determination -for the overthrow of the Manchu yoke and to gain back their -independence. But the Manchus are sure to oppose the cause of the -people, so war is inevitable. But is there no way to avert it? Is -there no way to save the lives and property of millions of people? -Yes, there is, and that way is to be decided by you alone. To speak -plainly, the salvation of the people depends upon whether you will -join General Li to help in the present operations of the Republican -Army. Suppose you do not join the Republicans, they are determined -not to submit, but to continue the fight until they have gained their -liberty or met their fate. The word Revolution can never be effaced -from the minds of Chinese, and there could be no hope for peace. -What a horrible thing it will be if you would refuse to join and -remain indifferent. On the other hand, if you join them after the -perusal of this letter, things can be settled easily and quietly. -There will be no civil war along the Yangtze Valley. All that our -brethren will have to do is to march northward to Peking and take -over the control of our Empire from the Manchus. Our Kingdom will be -managed by our own people. What a noble heroic and patriotic work -you so great a man have to do for the independence of our country. -On the brink of joining the Republicans perhaps you will be doubting -the behaviour of the soldier. We can assure you that it is noble and -righteous. How they have been well treating their brethren and -friendly in protecting foreigners is a thing which has never appeared -in our history during the time of civil war. All our brethren here -have shown their intense enthusiasm in offering assistance to the -Republican Army and sharing their sympathy with the cause. Foreign -settlements have approved their action, recognised their right and -yield to their reasonable demands. This bears an evident witness -that they are not rebels of any kind, but the Army of the sacred -salvation of four hundred millions of their brethren in China. -Again, Sir, perhaps you will hesitate to join the Republicans when -you think it ungrateful to turn disloyal to the Manchus, and it might -be that you will think you have derived much benefit from the -Manchus, but, Sir, the benefit which seems to be derived from them is -in reality obtained indirectly from the Han people, who are the -source of all wealth, prosperity and official honour. Moreover, your -duty, Sir, is to profit the many, not the few, to save the people, -not to destroy them, to help your own race and not the alien, and to -stand by the righteous and not by the wicked. The Manchurian yoke -has been the barrier against the growth and development of the Han -people. It is the Manchus who would not send many students abroad at -an earlier date in order to acquire Western civilisation and -education. It is the Manchus who will not put the returned students -into proper position. It was the Manchu that roused the Boxer -Revolt, which has weakened the Empire and made it poor. And it is -the Manchus who are misappropriating the loans raised from Foreign -Powers. They have squandered the funds from the imposition of taxes -for their private sensual pleasures, such as the construction of -parks and the building of beautiful residences. They have encouraged -squeezes, practised villainies, sold offices and brevet ranks, and -demoralised the Customs. They have decided cases unjustly, and what -not? - -"Therefore, Admiral, we appeal to your general sympathy and wisdom -and plead for the safety and welfare of four hundred million souls -for the free growth and development of the Chinese, who, if allowed -to be free, are bound to make a wonderful contribution that will go -to enrich the civilisation of the whole world. If you would disarm -your gunboats and cruisers and steam up to Hankow, all the people in -these three cities will be enraptured to welcome you with wild -enthusiasm and intense honour." - - - - -{102} - -[Transcriber's note: In the source book, this page contained the -final portion of what is now this chapter's footnote 3.] - - - - -{103} - -CHAPTER X - -LI YUAN HUNG SEEKS PEACE - -"Don't hesitate--act!" wrote Li Yuan Hung to Yuan Shih K'ai, in a -most stirring appeal to Yuan to join the Revolutionary party. Yuan -had been, as ever, as hard as adamant. He now claimed to have an -army twenty-four thousand strong at his disposal. Li claimed to have -at least forty thousand of all sorts, trained and untrained. Li was -in a conciliatory mood. Yuan was suffering from a peculiar "sense -of" omnipotence that had attacked him ever since his return to -office. "Since the slaughter of the reformers," wrote Li Yuan Hung -to his adversary, "the Government has continually promised to -establish constitutional rule and to bring forward the date for the -calling of the first Parliament, but its promises have come to -naught. The assassination of Erh Ming and Fuchi, the attempt to -destroy the vice-regal yamen at Canton with a bomb, and the mutiny at -Nanking were all bloody protests against the Manchu monarchy, but all -failed to induce the Throne to do more than issue edicts full of -promises. Everything remains as it was. The Manchu Government has -tried various tricks to gain a hold on the people's hearts. But it -has no real intention of altering the system of government. Turn -your eyes towards those who are presidents of the various boards and -viceroys and governors of provinces, and you will see that all the -principal posts are occupied by Manchus. What an insignificant part -the Chinese have played in politics! The national {104} treasury, -and the national army are the foundations of the Empire, and both are -in the grasp of ignorant, childish Manchus. Surely you cannot bear -with composure to see the property and lives of four hundred millions -of Chinese wasted by a mere handful of Manchus." - -The letter continued: "Are you not the most famous and most able man -among the Chinese? Have you forgotten that, after you had been -relieved of your command of the northern troops and your political -influence had been weakened, you narrowly escaped being murdered as -well as cashiered? All this is evidence of the Manchu's jealousy of -the Chinese. Since Hupeh was made independent, many other provinces -have joined the cause with heart and soul. The Manchu Government has -fallen into a swoon and can no longer stand by its own strength. So -it is trying the scheme by which it quelled the Taiping -rebellion--using Chinese to kill Chinese. If you are willing to be -reinstated on such a commission, then you have superhuman patience. - -"In your dispatch you state emphatically that the Government must be -constitutional. In reply I wish to explain that in this age, whether -a government be monarchical or republican, it must ultimately be -founded on constitutionalism, and there is little difference between -a republic and a constitutional monarchy. The form of the new -government will be settled in the conference of delegates from the -various provinces. Whatever form it takes, it will not violate -constitutionalism. It is generally agreed among the people that the -Manchus must not be allowed to have any voice in this conference. If -we had agreed to your terms, had you any means of compelling the -Manchu Government to fulfil its promises? - -"For you to live in retirement for your own enjoyment as you have -done is of no benefit to China. The success of the present movement -has come by the {105} strength not of man but of God. What man could -convert Szechuan, Kiangsi, Anhui, Kiangsu, Kwangtung, Kwangsi, -Yunnan, Kweichow, Shansi, and Shensi to republicanism? Besides all -the gunboats and torpedo destroyers have turned revolutionary. There -is no Manchu force to hinder us from marching on Peking with the -exception of your little army. The renaissance of the Chinese and -the maintenance of China's sovereignty depend on you. If you are -really in sympathy with the Chinese, you should take your opportunity -to turn Republican with your troops and attack Peking. If you are -hankering after the dignities and honours that the Manchu Government -may confer, then you should pray that the revolutionary army may -hasten its march to the Yellow River. For, when the Manchus see that -they cannot withstand the revolutionary advance, they will give you -all the higher honours to induce you to fight for them. If we should -yield now, it is to be feared that the honours bestowed on you would -vanish in a few days. Remember the proverb, 'When the rabbits are -caught the hounds are cooked.' Your merit would be so great that you -would not avoid jealousy, and your power would make you liable to -constant suspicion. It would be impossible for you to retire again -to Changtehfu. I would remind you that the Empress Dowager is still -living and that she will never forgive the slaughter of the -reformers. Consider if there is any affection between yourself and -the Manchus. All of us, working together can complete the -emancipation of the Chinese, and none of us are willing to continue -under the rule of the Manchus. - -"As to your suggestion that foreign Powers may seize this opportunity -of bringing about the partition of China we have read many articles -from foreign papers, and we feel sure that none of them will do us -any harm during our civil war. We have learned from a wireless -telegram to a certain gentleman that {106} Peking is in great -agitation and that the young Emperor has fled. Should this be true, -the ruling race has already lost its dignity and has no right to -present our territory to any foreign Power. - -"It is reported that the Manchu Government has recalled you. If that -is so, I offer two suggestions for your consideration. First: It may -be that the Government suspects your loyalty and intends by recalling -you to deprive you of your military authority; in that case, you may -disobey the summons by virtue of the military rule that a general -need not obey an imperial edict when he is on service abroad. -Second: If Peking is actually in a critical condition--I must tell -you a story. During the Boxer rising, when the international force -entered Peking, they summoned Li Hung-chang. That was an opportunity -for Li to become Emperor. But he was stubborn and lost the chance. -You may learn from his experience. Mencius said that a man with -complete education will protect the people. I am but a military man -and do not know much. I have learned largely from Mencius, so that I -have no desire except to protect the people. It is believed that -your experience and ability are much higher than mine. Yet I am -sorry for you that you have to consider things so very long before -you can make up your mind. Remember that we should not hesitate or -delay in doing what is benevolent or righteous. We should do the -right thing at once. - -"All the brethren of this land are waiting for you. Do not face me -any longer with a mask." - -* * * * * - -This was Li Yuan Hung's last appeal to Yuan. All along Li had been -anxious to avoid further bloodshed, but it soon became evident that -the fight was to be to the bitter end. So after that short-lived -lull, foreigners, with their trade quite paralysed, settled down -again for war. About the Concessions, in the clubs, {107} in the -houses, in the godowns, wherever foreigners congregated there was a -feeling of deadening suspense hanging over all. That something -terrible was about to happen every one agreed, but what no one cared -to guess. In the native city, what of it was left, the abject -desolation which the charred ruins and half-burned-up streets and -shops presented to one, where a cold and hungry lot of people were -endeavouring all too vainly to revivify trade, sunk into one's very -being. One was glad, if he thus unwisely ventured far from the -Concessions, to get back again and to walk along the Bund and look -out over the unruffled river and hope for better times to come. -There was no shipping, no life, no trade. The Concessions were in -practically a state of siege, and all were waiting--for what, again, -we knew not. All that one had to trouble about was the time that the -mails closed and the time the boats were going down-river. - -The Imperialists now commenced to draw a cordon around the city of -Hankow. They were busy trenching, were busy building up their -batteries on the plains from the end of the Sing Sien Road to the -banks of the Han, the way to cross which they could not easily -determine. No one was allowed out of the city or into the city -unless he had his pass and could give reasonable cause for wanting to -go either way. Every man, woman, or child without a pass was cruelly -turned back, often with a thrust of the bayonet as a warning not to -attempt it again. Foreigners who ventured out of the Concessions -were deliberately shot at. - -On November 13th the heaviest bombardment that had yet taken place -started suddenly in the late afternoon, but for some time it was a -puzzle whether it was meant to be a bombardment of the British -Concession or of Hankow native city and Wuchang opposite. Shells -were dropping quite as often in British as in Chinese territory. The -night was drenching and dreary. Rain {108} poured down and -overflowed the flat battlefield behind the Concessions and the native -city, and the luck of the Imperialists seemed out. Their spirits in -the circumstances were damped by the weather, and the fight they were -putting up against the high-spirited Hunanese, now augmenting the -Revolutionary forces to the tune of fifteen thousand men, was but -weak and half-hearted. The shells could be heard in the peculiar -atmospheric deadness, which the forsaken appearance of the river -seemed to accentuate, sailing through the air above our heads, the -excited natives would yell and swear that they could see them and -that they were coming directly to the spot where we were watching in -the rain, and then would scamper off. Far away in the Concessions -people were wondering why the Revolutionists had started shelling the -British. Now the trouble seemed to have come indeed, and many wished -they had left the port when they had the chance. Holes were being -knocked through heavy walls, shells dropped in the roadway, in -people's gardens, in people's bedrooms. A Russian naval officer, in -a sick-bed in the Roman Catholic Hospital, wishing that he were well -to watch the bombardment, lay probing for the reason the -Revolutionists had taken this dislike to the British, and wondering -what would happen after the British gunboats had smashed up the -place. He could find no satisfactory reason. But suddenly this -naval officer heard a crash; like a bolt of lightning a shell had -entered the window; he felt the plaster of the walls striking him on -the body as he lay there stupefied, watching the ceiling then falling -in. It was the thirteenth shell that had come into the hospital -compound since the war started, and over it waved peacefully the Red -Cross flag. - -In the London Mission Hospital, not far away, a shell came through an -open window, hitting nothing but landing in the yard. The Mitsui -Bussan Kaisha {109} shipping manager was looking up at his building -and wondering what damage one shell had done as it struck and -shattered some masonry and woodwork, but he found it wise to move, -for another shell suddenly landed not twelve yards from him, tore an -ugly hole in the roadway, and then feebly burst against the walls. -On the British gunboats lying in the river they had got used to -seeing shells fall short in the river, but one of the fellows on -H.M.S. _Woodcock_, in giving impressive vent to his low opinion of -the Revolutionary shelling, explained to me that he didn't mind the -shells so much, but just at the moment when one broke he was sitting -on the deck reading a book which had been loaned to him; the -splashing of the water had spoiled the book, for a shell dropped not -three feet from the bow! Fellows would come running in telling how -they had seen shells bursting all along the streets in the British -Concession, and as evidence thereof would draw huge pieces from their -pockets, "all hot" as they would declare. So this continued hotly -for a couple of hours. The Imperialists at the back, with their -three big guns on Coffin Hill (a mound at the back of the British -Concession), did their best to quiet the enemy, but their efforts at -getting rid of the shells were about one in six. That the -Revolutionists were in great form was manifest at once by the work -they were doing, but their shells did far more damage to foreign -property than to their enemy's ranks; but although the time had -surely come when the British authorities should have made a -determined effort to stop this sort of thing nothing was enforced. - -Thus the battle continued for four days. The heaviest artillery work -went on from all directions, but the heavy rains interfered with -infantry work. The cannonading was desperate. At night, in the -dense darkness, the scene was intensely fascinating. One, two, -three, four guns would send out their tiny flames from one spot all -in a heap; this would be followed {110} by a heavier gun, with its -brighter flash momentarily lighting up the whole vicinity, the -peculiar whistle of the threatening bomb would come nearer and -nearer, and all the time one's fascination was hampered by this -menace. Not often is it that foreigners in a strange land have war -brought to their very rooftops to watch. But such was the case now, -and from flat roofs foreigners in small parties breathlessly watched -the proceedings. Over the country, among the plains and the lagoons, -one could hear rifle-firing, and knew that somewhere in the dark -Chinese were doing their best to lay low Chinese, but where no one -could say. In the face of awful riflery the Revolutionists succeeded -in crossing the Han, recaptured Chiaokow, which had been a stronghold -of the enemy for some days, and were bringing a battery of field-guns -near to the Chinese Racecourse, where their enemy had been strongly -entrenched awaiting the assault, and working meantime towards the -Han. After having captured Chiaokow, the Revolutionists fortified a -well-covered spot with three three-inchers, and began pounding away -whilst the Sing Seng Road Imperialist battery did some excellent -shelling of the Racecourse (Chinese), which they had lost to the -enemy. Heavy reinforcements then were sent outflanking widely, -whilst the Revolutionists endeavoured to cross over and cut them off. -Those days were devilish days. Such heavy infantry, at a range of a -hundred yards or so, each opposing line fighting with its very -lifeblood to force back the enemy, could never have happened anywhere -but in China. The ring of the Maxim was a constant sound, and the -stream of bleeding wounded constantly in the Foreign Concessions told -only too sadly of the heavy losses incurred to both armies. And -after all the net result of each day's fighting seemed to be of no -advantage to either force. - -The most thrilling incident of the war took place on November 19th. -Because we have been repeatedly {111} told that the Chinese are -cowards, we Westerners have come to look on them as a half-hearted -sort of fighters. Some decades ago people used to think the same of -the Japanese, but, equally as they showed us through their war with -Russia that their courage merely lay dormant, so the Chinese -constantly showed us throughout this war of the Revolution that their -courage was as great and as unflinching as one could imagine in any -people. - -Those who had been watching closely had seen some wonderful examples -of heroism, not only by the soldiery but private citizens had shown -splendid heroism in many ways and devotedness to a cause they thought -worthy of fighting for. - -Many of the Imperialists were said to be fighting merely because some -of their favourite officers were commanding them, and in the killing -of a general on the field I personally saw no less than four men shot -dead on the spot as they went forward two by two to bring him in -under cover. All through this war many cases of exceptional bravery -came under my notice, giving one cause to credit the Chinese with -greater patriotism than is wont to be given them, and altering -altogether the general impression that the Chinese as a people are -cowards. This crowning piece of bravery, to which nothing else in -the campaign can in any way compare, took place on November 19th, and -will long be remembered by the thick line of Europeans and Chinese -who had flocked to the Bund to watch the Chinese naval movement. For -some days there had been talk that the Chinese Fleet had turned over -their lot with the Revolutionists, and when in the morning its smoke -was seen on the skyline and every one strained his eyes to see where -they would go and what they would do, each having his own particular -theory as to the probabilities of the day, it was an anxious time, -for so much seemed to hang on the movements of the navy. During the -whole of the {112} morning the two cruisers and one torpedo-boat lay -at anchor, neither interfering or being interfered with. Their smoke -funnels in the haze certainly showed that they were there; but as to -what the programme was no one knew, and towards midday one began to -doubt what they would do, and whether actually they had come to fight -for the Revolutionists or against them. - -Upon the navy in the first great engagement at Kilometre Ten lay the -honours of the day, for no man could stand against its guns, and all -knew that the side to be pounded were in for an extremely heavy -bombardment, which would probably easily spell the total failure of -the enemy. Therefore, when the big two-funnelled _Hai Yung_ raised -anchor about two o'clock and began majestically to steam full speed -up-river, it was not curious to find every one tiptoeing in -expectancy. What was she going to do? Was she drawing up nearer to -bombard Wuchang or was she coming peacefully away to be fired upon by -the strong Loyalist battery on the Kilometre Ten line? Slowly she -came at first, then steamed full away. Through my glasses I could -see her flag--the Revolutionary flag--yet when she came within the -battery's firing-line no guns were opened upon her. The Imperial -gunners could be seen watching her movements through their glasses, -as on she steamed close in to the Wuchang side. Gradually she came -proudly abreast of the Kinshan forts, then farther up, and farther, -until at last she was abreast of the Japanese Bund line, and out of -danger. Certainly it seemed strange that the Imperialists did not -attempt to shell her; but they didn't, and away she went up past -Wuchang, dipping to the foreign gunboats, and above the Concessions -turned to rest. Meantime the other cruiser had cleared off -down-river, and all that remained was the solitary torpedo-boat. It -was now her turn, and she, thinking that the larger boat had found no -opposition, evidently expected to sail up {113} clear too. But she -had misreckoned, for as soon as she began to steam the Royalists -opened furiously upon her. - -Shell after shell from the three-inch guns were poured around her, -shells dropping about her as peas would drop if one threw a handful -in the air, and she seemed doomed. But in the thick of the -batteries, within excellent range, with no cover and no hope of -getting clear, she had nothing to do but to keep ahead; and this she -did as hard as her panting engines would take her. As hard as coal -would steam her she steamed, and for the quarter of an hour during -which she was under fire nothing nobler could be imagined than the -behaviour of her crew as they brought her up. In front of her, -behind her, falling short of her, shooting far over her came the -shells at the rate of one in three seconds; they whistled around her, -some hit her minor deckwork and glanced into the water; one was seen -to hit her square on the bows, another hit her aft and damaged her -steam gear; but, fleeing from what seemed her death-trap, she steamed -desperately on. On the Bund the Chinese watched in bewilderment. -Such a thing they had never seen before. Some of them were looking -on a Chinese torpedo-boat in action for the first time, and a grunt -of keenest satisfaction went up as she came abreast of foreign -territory and the Imperial guns ceased fire. All the time, however, -the Kinshan forts, at equally rapid a rate as the Kilometre Ten -battery, kept up the return bombardment upon the Imperial base, and -there must have been some heavy damage--what it was impossible to -tell. - -But now the torpedo is up opposite the Concessions, and, slowing -down, seems to take breath before she puts in alongside the shore and -drops anchor for a time. The crew tend their wounded comrades, the -hilarious men shout and yell and tell each other how it was done, and -urge each other on with patriotic sentiment. - -{114} - -It was a magnificent piece of work--quite remarkable in its way, for -at the point where she was hugging the Wuchang shore there is an -exceptionally strong current running, so that her difficulties were -thus considerably increased. Foreign naval men who watched the -cannonading declared that they had never witnessed anything quite so -courageous, and as one gazed on it the fact that China is a peculiar -country and the people a peculiar people was slowly borne in upon one -as he realised that all this bravery was being put forward by men who -a month ago had fought against the cause to which they were now so -faithfully espoused. What the mission of the armoured cruiser, still -lying farther up the river, might have been I do not know, but she -was now seen to move and make for down-river again, and one fancied -that one could see anger writ large upon her iron sides. Quickly I -doubled to take up a position on the top of a huge heap of coal, -below the Concessions, from which I had a commanding view of the -river and the whole of Kilometre Ten Station. Down came the cruiser -close inshore on the Hankow side, and it seemed curious that she -should have come so close. Down she came in a businesslike fashion, -seeming to gird herself for the onslaught. Every one held his -breath. Foreign men-of-warsmen admired all that she was doing, and -the gunners on board were itching to open fire. As soon as she -dropped down beyond the Concessions they did open, and then, as -quickly as one could count, she fired her six big guns--four six-inch -bore. The first two shells dropped bang inside the station at -Kilometre Ten, the next three fell in among the battery on the -foreshore, the next few--they came so quick that I lost count--set -some buildings burning. The Imperial batteries, with indomitable -bravado, returned as briskly as they could. The Kinshan forts sent -over strong cross-fires. On farther went the _Hai Yung_, seeming -like a big brother to tell the Imperialists that her little brother -had been hit and now her turn had {115} come to do the hitting. And -this she certainly did. Whether she hit the things she aimed at I do -not know, but I know that she literally rained in shells among the -enemy's batteries. - -In the deepening half-light the flashes brilliantly lit up the deck, -and as the bursting shells dropped they lit up the yellow of the -water with a peculiar grotesqueness. Over the head of the cruiser -came shells from Kinshan, and with the _Hai Yung_ shelling as fast as -she could discharge her guns, with the Imperial three-inchers working -as hard as the men could work them, and the Revolutionary battery -over across sending shells from four guns, and each party fired with -that spirit which in war makes men work with superhuman activity, it -may well be imagined that the triple bombardment was something that -had never been seen in the Yangtze Valley before. Chinese were -jumping with excitement the whole way along the Bund, and the Sabbath -peace was broken by a scene which will long remain vividly in the -memories of those fortunate enough to be on the spot at the time. As -for myself, my position on the coalheap was as good as it was -possible to get. I was anxious to get down to Kilometre Ten to see -what damage had been done, but I was informed that on no -consideration whatever would any foreigner be allowed outside the -barrier. Another engagement was expected that night, the guard told -me, and so I came away. Meantime the _Hai Yung_ had dropped -down-river out of the range of the Imperialist guns, where she still -pounded away with shells that fell in the vicinity of the station. -The reason that she had been allowed to come up-river unmolested was -because the Imperialists had not recognised her flag, mistaking her -for a foreign man-of-war. When the darkness came on and the -flashlights from the warships lit up the Concessions and the -surrounding neighbourhood, it was slowly borne in upon one that the -Chinese War of the Revolution was by no means {116} overpast. -Fighting in the land lines continued all night. - -* * * * * - -During these days Li Yuan Hung remained at Wuchang; here drilling was -going on feverishly. There was organising and preparing for the -great effort which was to strike at the central stronghold of the -Imperialists. But in Li's heart there was the hope still that Yuan -would show a more reasonable front. I was in close touch with Li -about this time. Every one who saw him daily, looked upon a man, -definite to a degree in aim and purpose, free from -self-aggrandisement and selfishness in any form. His aim first and -last was to uplift his country, to win the throne for the Han people, -and to work with all his might for the downfall of Manchu rule, for -by that alone, he believed, could China forge ahead as such a mighty -nation deserved and as her brightest sons desired that she should. -And now, although others declared that in the new Republican party -there would be dissension and strife when the Government were brought -down to a concrete basis, General Li Yuan Hung declared that he had -sufficient faith in the cause to believe that all his political -associates, far from desiring personal benefit, would readily concede -the highest positions to the men best fitted to fill them. That was -the keynote of Li Yuan Hung's popularity; he believed in the cause, -and he had faith in his supporters. When at the start he refused to -take the lead, and, essentially Chinese, tried all sorts of schemes -to test the safety of his position, he nobly declared what his policy -whilst in office would be. He declared that he would set out to -work, at all costs and no matter what the personal consequences, for -a course that would be straight and true for China and the Chinese. - -He declared his ambition would first be concentrated in the -overthrowing of the Manchus; what subsequently {117} would be his -course was to be decided mainly by the trend of resulting -circumstances. At the gathering of the officers of the Revolutionary -party, who were anxious to make him their leader, I do not think -there was a single man present, even Liu King, who, looking into the -future as far as he then could see, thought that in less than a month -this Japanese-trained officer of the Hupeh Army, with nothing about -him to strike one that he was a born leader of men, would have come -to the very forefront of the platform of the political world. Liu -King certainly did not believe Li Yuan Hung had so much in him. - -It was believed--was there one foreigner in the three cities here who -thought otherwise at the very start of the outbreak?--that the -Revolution would break out, that the Imperial Army would come down in -great force and massacre every manjack in the Revolutionary Army, and -that that would be the end of it all. At the start there were so -many thousands, not only in this centre but throughout the Empire, -who were merely neutral, who were sitting on the fence, prepared to -dive down either side at the moment it paid them to take the dive. -But the men of the Revolutionary Army were confident. The units of -the army knew that they had Li at the head, they knew that Li had -always had the name of being the best man in the Hupeh Model Army, -although he was not in supreme command, and they were content to -fight under him. There was in all circles, however, except the -military circle, a good deal of scepticism. Every one was on the -look-out for sensations. No one knew what would happen, and no one -cared to guess. But behind it all stood Li, looking on and seeing -all. He had sworn allegiance to his party, and he expected his party -to stand by him. He was the man who believed in the scheme he was -prepared to pull through, and he believed in the men who were pulling -with him. Yuan Shih K'ai doubted him, his ability, his political -party, and thought them a set of upstarts. {118} Therefore was it -that he would not listen to their talk, and took their pleading with -him to join their party as a sign of weakness. But Yuan, though he -had made few political mistakes himself, never committed a bigger -blunder than this. For the time he was prepared to hold aloof, and -to fight on still, rather than take the cue of his adversary in -battle and give up fighting for a lost cause. - -The situation as it concerned foreigners in the Concessions was now -most acute. Everybody was abusing the Consuls. Around the -Concessions, mad with rage and neither side entertaining any -bewildering affection for foreigners, were sixty thousand troops. -The French community, tired of talking, so it seemed, took the bull -by the horns and wired to the French Government over the head of -their Consul, and that the same spirit actuated the greater part of -the international population here will be judged from what comes -hereafter. The French residents telegraphed from Hankow to Paris as -follows:-- - - - "French colony and others under the jurisdiction of the French - consulate request me to ask you to communicate the following to - the Minister of Foreign Affairs: We consider that we are now in a - critical situation. In consequence of the departure of cruisers, - the international landing force is reduced to five hundred - marines. We are surrounded by sixty thousand belligerents. All - is to be feared from the Imperialist troops if abandoned to - themselves, or undisciplined Revolutionary troops. We are at the - mercy of every anti-foreign movement. Insist on immediate - dispatch of troops from Tientsin or Tonking." - - -A week previous a message was sent from Hankow by a high British -authority--to be fair to the British Acting Consul-General, he did -not know that the message was sent away--telling the world that with -us all was well, and the next week the French people here wired to -their Government, ignoring the representative here of the French -nation, asking that troops be sent forthwith. Throughout the war up -to the present time {119} the Concessions had been sufficiently -manned with troops to prevent an onslaught by either army. When the -first big battle started there seemed to be excellent defence as the -situation then was, but, whilst the scene of action was moving -constantly down at the back of the Concessions towards the native -city and danger each day becoming greater, no one believed it -possible that the Consular Body were taking no steps to ensure -efficient protection of foreign subjects and their interests here. -When the Loyalist big guns were at the back of the Concession -(British as they continued up to the taking of Hanyang) not until the -local Press drew forceful attention to the fact that the British -Acting Consul-General owed it to the British community to get the -guns removed, and thus save the returning fire of the enemy being -drawn into the Concession, was there any action taken. Again and -again was indignation shown at the "face" the British were losing -with the Chinese over the matter; but it seemed not to disturb -consular authorities. Protest was made--once only, I believe--and -the promise then was given that the guns should be shifted. But the -promise was broken, and for weeks one heard the constant boom of the -biggest gun the Imperialists had with them pounding away not three -hundred yards from the British Concession border, in precisely the -same position as the Loyalist officers promised King George's -representative it should be shifted from. And in addition to that, -on November 17th they again took up their old position with a battery -at Tachimen, from which position they were also asked to remove, thus -having wilfully ignored all British requests. - -A study of the map of the field will show immediately that the -position of the Concessions was, to say the least, eminently -dangerous. The main battery behind the Concessions had guns pointing -towards Wuchang, naturally drawing the Wuchang fire, shells from -which dropped more often {120} in the Concession than out of it when -the aim was taken for Coffin Hill battery; it also had guns pointing -to Hanyang, drawing that return fire, which had the gravest -probability of falling over the Concession border. I should think -that a mild estimate of shells dropped in the Concessions during that -week would be one hundred. But there was another danger: in their -flanking movement the Revolutionists were endeavouring to shell the -Coffin Hill battery, meaning at once that their shells were fired, -not by the sides of the Concessions but bang into them. There was -another danger still: the Imperialists, if they were driven back, -would undoubtedly make for the Concessions, and flee through them. -"It's not human nature," as the British Acting-Consul said a day or -two before to a British subject, "to expect the Revolutionists not to -chase them." - -It may easily be left to the reader to answer for himself whether a -complement of five hundred troops--the maximum of a defence force -that could be mustered from the gunboats that moment in the -port--could hold the port against this grave possibility. It was -surely not too much for international subjects to ask of their -Consuls that troops be sent for and that a fair defence scheme be -inaugurated forthwith for the protection of their lives and their -property. Again, however, I should like to say that I am not writing -in any carping spirit. I am among those who, far from anathematising -or criticising, and remembering that it is the easiest thing in the -world to ridicule, realise that at such times of crisis in China each -Consul should be supported by every loyal subject. But it certainly -seemed to me that the consular body--not one individual only, but the -whole body--by its continued inaction rendered foreigners in Hankow a -bad account of what they were there for. One could easily write up -what the soldiery might have done if they once had run riot in the -Concession, and such an eventuality {121} to those who know their -China is not without the range of what easily could have transpired; -but it would be sensational and probably useless. - -Now, when the French residents of Hankow telegraphed to Paris -demanding that troops be sent forthwith from Tientsin or Tonking -hands went up in horror that French consular control had so far got -into disrepair as to bring about such a step. But when the British -residents almost immediately followed suit it became patent that the -situation was serious. Foreigners from the Japanese Concession -(farthest removed from the native city of Hankow) to the British -Concession (divided from the city by a thirty-foot road) were just -then in greater direct danger than they had been since the campaign -started. Five weeks had now elapsed since the war started, and on -November 18th I think I am right in saying that not one-half of the -protecting force was in the port, at the zenith of the danger, that -was available a week after the Revolution broke out. That five -hundred men available from all gunboats in port, with the Japanese -largely preponderating, were enough to protect a settlement of -approximately rectangular shape, four miles by one, was absurd on the -very face of things. Four thousand men from all nations represented -would not have been too many at that time. When hostilities were -being carried on immediately outside the Concessions, when every day -a man was shot fatally or wounded seriously in the streets of the -British Concession, when shells dropped with startling rapidity into -private houses and broke up the property of British residents, when -the gravest danger was incurred by walking along the waterfront which -extends the whole length of the Concession, when all shipping had to -withdraw from the usual landing hulks, and when the official protests -to remove the batteries from dangerous proximity back of the -Concessions and so cause shelling over the foreign settlement to -cease was persistently refused, surely, {122} again, it was not too -much to expect that the authorities were making due arrangements for -troops to be sent to Hankow to prevent what every one undertook to -believe would be inevitable--namely, the rushing through the -Concessions of the enemy and the chasing of them by the victorious -faction. The whole thing culminated on November 18th, when a meeting -of British subjects was held. The following dispatch was the result -of a long discussion on the general situation and what was best to be -done:-- - - - "HERBERT GOFFE, Esq., H.B.M. Acting Consul-General, Hankow. - - "SIR,--We the undersigned British residents beg respectfully that - you will forward the following protest to His Majesty's Minister - with a request that it be forwarded to the proper authorities: - - 1. "The _London and China Express_ of October 20 says, It is - officially stated that the policy of Great Britain in the present - situation in China will be limited to taking every means - considered necessary for the protection of the lives and the - property of her nationals.' - - "Whilst adequate protection had apparently been afforded to - British subjects in Tientsin and Shanghai, in our opinion the - reverse was the case in Hankow. This is proved by the fact that - at the time when the British Vice-Admiral himself was in chief - command of all forces at Hankow, his own sailors, and the local - Volunteers and Police were insufficient properly to guard the - British Concession, and the kind assistance of the Germans, - Japanese, French, and Austrians was accepted. Since then the - situation had become infinitely more dangerous, and it was found - that protection was reduced absolutely to a minimum and the force - of British gunboats was just what foreigners were accustomed to - see in port in normal times. This argues that the situation was - wrongly gauged by those in authority, and if information which - was at their disposal had been obtained or listened to, this - should not have occurred. - - 2. "We protest against the action taken by the authorities in - forwarding a wireless message to Shanghai on or about the 17th - November stating that "there had been no fighting here for some - days," and "that business was being resumed," as reported in the - _North China Daily News_ of the 9th November and the _Shanghai - Mercury_ of 8th November respectively. Our reasons for so doing - are that both statements are untrue, and that by sending such a - message they have caused endless ill-feeling to the British Flag - and disgust at an action which causes women and children to - return here when it is undoubtedly {123} unsafe for them to do - so. So far from there being no fighting, fighting of a desultory - nature and sniping have continued ever since the main action, on - the 27th-28th October, and numerous bullets and shells continue - daily to fall into the Concession. Although foreigners have so - far escaped, numbers of Chinese in the Concession have been - killed or wounded, and property damaged. As regards business - being resumed, it has been at a standstill since the Revolution - started. - - 3. "With the ordinary telegraphic communication completely cut - off, we protest against the Admiralty regulations which do not - allow the forwarding of important non-service messages by - wireless for British subjects in circumstances of this - description. On several occasions messages refused by - Vice-Admiral Winsloe have been courteously received and - dispatched by wireless by the German Admiral. We consider that - these protests are only right and just, as we cannot for a minute - believe that His Majesty's Government know the true state of - affairs, and that in the present crisis British prestige and - British interests have been sadly neglected. Finally, although - this is hardly within the province of the British residents of - Hankow, we would like to point out that at the present moment - Ichang and Changsha are equally ill-protected. The urgent - necessity for the dispatch of troops to this port is emphasised - by the fact that heaviest fighting is now taking place and shells - are bursting over our heads. The situation is most critical, and - it is sincerely to be hoped that not only the British - authorities, but the American, the German, the French, and - Russian Consular bodies will see to it that as many gunboats as - can reasonably be spared from the China squadrons be brought here - at once. The Japanese, the only other nation having a - Concession, may be relied upon to leave nothing undone." - - -[Illustration: TOMMY ATKINS ON GUARD. A detachment of the Yorkshire -Light Infantry protecting the Foreign Settlement at Hankow.] - -The following telegram was authorised to be sent to the British -Minister at Peking and the Foreign Office:--- - - - "Mass meeting British residents Hankow considers battalion - urgently necessary protection British Concession--Pearce, - Chairman." - - -A similar telegram was authorised to be sent to the China Association -in London, asking the Association to urge the Government to send the -help asked for. There were ninety-five British residents present at -the meeting. - -* * * * * - -Comment upon the foregoing would only be odious {124} just now. By -reproducing the correspondence, however, the reader will be able to -ascertain the feelings of the British community when such persistent -official indolence continued. Had the armies got out of hand, there -might have been a much sadder story to tell. - -[Illustration: THE SKETCH MAP OF THE BATTLEFIELDS.] - - - It is necessary, in presenting the accompanying sketch map of the - battlefields, to give some concise information descriptive of the - sketch. The following written by my friend Mr. Stanley V. Boxer, - B.Sc., will therefore be found of especial interest:-- - - "The first battle of any importance occurred on October the 18th. - On that occasion the gunboats decided the issue. The - Revolutionists were entrenched behind the Foreign Racecourse, and - in the afternoon made an attack toward Kilometre Ten. In - advancing, they were exposed to a cross fire from the cruisers. - They fell back again on the Racecourse. Next day, however, the - gunboats retired, and the Revolutionists, taking advantage of - their absence, gained a victory, capturing some truckloads of - ammunition, &c. The loyalist army retired to Nie K'ou, to wait - arrival of reinforcements from the north. - - "A week now elapsed without further fighting. But the battle - which resulted in the fall of Hankow commenced on October the - 27th. The Revolutionists somewhat tamely allowed the bridges - between Kilometre Ten and Nie K'ou to be captured. They - retreated on their base, Kilometre Ten. A few well-directed - shots from the gunboats, which had come up to participate in the - fight, caused a second retreat. The Imperials advanced steadily - along the back of the Concessions reaching Ta Chi Men Station. - The Revolutionists retook this position but were again driven - back. They fell back on Sin Shen Road, and fought bravely for - three days, during which the road changed hands several times. - On October 30th, also, there was a good deal of fighting between - the Malu, at the back of Hankow, and the railway embankment. On - Tuesday, October 31st, the Revolutionists gained a slight - advantage, driving the Imperialists back along the railway line. - Next day, Wednesday, November 1st, commenced the burning of - Hankow. The Imperials had brought up their 3-in. guns to the Ta - Chi Men crossing, about a quarter of a mile nearer Hankow than - the station and placed them on the railway. From this position - they shelled the city, about two thirds of which was destroyed - this day and the day following. Though the city was in ashes - however, frequent fighting took place in its ruined streets, - greatly endangering the safety of foreigners on the Concessions. - This desultory fighting went on till the fall of Hanyang. - Nothing of much importance, however, occurred till November 17th. - - "Much of the sharpest fighting occurred round the Waterworks. - The gunners on the Heh Shan were kept very busy. The works - themselves changed hands several times. On November 17th, the - Revolutionists made a determined attempt to drive back the enemy. - In the early morning they were across the Han in force, and - advanced inwards from the Viceroy's embankment in one large - crescent, stretching from near Ch'aeo K'ou to three miles on the - other side of the Griffith John College. They even advanced as - far as the Chinese Racecourse, but later in the day were forced - to retreat. - - "It should have been stated that the Imperials had moved out - their guns to positions along the extension of the Sin Shen Road, - while they had placed three very heavy guns on 'Coffin Hill.' - From these guns, Tortoise Hill, Mei Tzu Shan, and Heh Shan, were - in easy range, and constant bombardment ensued. - - "But fresh hope was brought to the Revolutionists by the turning - over of the fleet to the Republican side. On Sunday, November - 19th, occurred that memorable engagement, when the torpedo boat - ran the gauntlet, and the cruiser punished the Imperial batteries - along the foreshore between the Japanese Concession and the - Yangtse Engineering Works. In consequence, these batteries were - very much strengthened, as shown in the map. - - "At this time the capture of Nanking was momently expected, and - the Imperials, realising that, if Hanyang was to be captured, it - must be immediately, did all in their power to take the place. A - party of three thousand set off from Siao Kan for Ch'ait'ien, - intending to approach Hanyang from behind. What became of this - detachment is uncertain, but it would appear that they were - defeated. Their project was never realized. - - "But the Imperials determined on another course. They managed to - cross the Han at T'u Lu K'ou. Five large shrapnel guns were - brought up to the Viceroy's embankment, two about a quarter of a - mile from the Griffith John College. A heavy fire was directed - toward the four hills on the other side of the Han, which formed - the key to Hanyang. A battery, placed on the waist of the hills - opposite the College replied. As the College was in direct line - of fire, considerable damage was done. The Imperials, owing to a - very swift creek, were unable to proceed down the side of the - Han. They had therefore to cross the creek at San-Yen Ch'iao - (Three-eyed Bridge), and take the four hills. Judging from the - number of patients brought into Hanyang during the days of this - fighting (November 21st-26th), and from the number of graves seen - on a subsequent visit, very heavy fighting must have been carried - on here. The hills were well adapted for defence, being covered - with quarries, but ammunition on the Republican side was poor. - The hills were eventually taken, though one at least was retaken. - The whole time, the Revolutionists were assailed from two sides, - from the Griffith John College battery, and from the Imperials on - the north-west. - - "It would appear that on Sunday, November 26th, began the - evacuation. On Saturday, the Mei Tzu Shan battery had been - silenced. On Sunday evening the Imperials effected a crossing - between the Heh Shan and Tortoise Hill. Retreat followed from - the San-yen Ch'iao hills, and so Heh Shan was forced to silence. - Hanyang was captured on Monday, November 27th, the last place to - be evacuated being the Tortoise Hill. - - "After the fall of Hanyang, the Imperials retained their strong - river batteries, but moved up their 'Coffin Hill' guns to a - position on the railway a quarter of a mile on the other side of - Sin Shen Road. They threw two bridges across the Han, one about - half a mile below the Waterworks, one at the Wu Shen Miao. They - also fortified the base of Hanyang Hill, planting their guns, as - in the case of the Griffith John College battery and 'Coffin - Hill,' under cover of foreign buildings. This time it was the - American Baptist Mission Hospital that was exposed. - - "Evacuation commenced, however, without any more serious - fighting. The guns on the railway were removed. Incidentally - two shrapnel guns and a quantity of ammunition were taken to the - old position near the Griffith John College on New Year's Day, - where they remained three days; but this was probably merely to - prevent a possible crossing of the Revolutionists into forbidden - territory. This ended the fighting in the vicinity of Hankow." - - - - -{125} - -CHAPTER XI - -THE FALL OF HANYANG - -Three days before the naval escapade described in the last chapter -started the great struggle made by the "Imps" for the recapture of -Hanyang. Yuan Shih K'ai, impatient at the dauntless manner in which -the enemy were standing their ground--and even gaining upon the -Imperial Army--made an offer of 3,000,000 taels (some £375,000) for -the recapture of Hanyang. The Revolutionary Army was now fighting as -never before. - -The important news that Shantung had gone over to the Revolutionists -was received on the 16th in a laconic message, stating briefly that -the entire province was now flying the white flag. This news was all -the more important inasmuch as about ten days before the Government -granted all the demands of the Shantung people, with the exception of -the evacuation of Peking by the Manchus. This, it was thought, would -be a sufficient sop to Cerberus, but it seemed not so, and the -Shantungites had apparently decided to go the whole hog in the same -manner as their local compatriots. - -The real bombardment of Hanyang commenced at night on that date, and -the sight was one never to be forgotten by those who had pluck enough -to go to the high buildings and watch the guns opening. From a score -of batteries on the Wuchang side of the river, from the big forts on -the main hills inside Wuchang, from perhaps thirty guns raised on -Hanyang Hill and {126} four hills away to the right there came -constant tiny flashes. The distant boom for hours in the dense -darkness gave one an eerie feeling. The furious whizz of the shells -as they swept over the foreign houses intensified one's peculiar -fascination. Bullets sailing through the air bred in one a spirit of -cool bravado. Around the countryside for miles one could count a -score of fires--the whole population seemed to be burned out of house -and home. At midnight there came a significant lull. Waiting and -watching, watching and waiting on the tops of their houses, foreign -civilians looked on to the passing tragedy, and were held spellbound -in the dark. Those tiny flashes of blue seemed to be the sparks of a -new life, but the morning brought the news that the Revolutionists -had had the worst of it. When the Northern Army first arrived at -Niekow it was part of their programme to dispatch a force through the -lakes to the Han River at Hankow, from which place they could reach -Hanyang in half a day. The boats were collected for the expedition, -but for some reason or other it was called off. The project appears -to have been taken up again, and this time carried through, with the -result that the Imperialists, by November 20th, were in possession of -Tsaitien, a busy market town on the Hanyang side of the Han twenty -miles up. A foreign traveller, who was there at the time of the -occupation, wrote up the following particulars about the situation -then:-- - -"After we had passed Hsinkow on the way down by boat we noticed -parties of grey-coated soldiers on the left bank marching down. -There might be twenty in a party and sometimes a hundred. In -conversation with them we learned that they were Chilhi or Shantung -men, and belonged to Yuan Shih K'ai's army. Their General was named -Wu, a very friendly man who said that he had a force of three -thousand, and that they were bound for Hanyang. Our boat outstripped -them, and on reaching Tsaitien we found it still under {127} -Revolutionary control, but with no soldiers there beyond the crews of -some twenty fighting junks at anchor. There had been a thousand men -in the place, but they had marched up the river before our arrival, -said to be bound for Anluh. We reached there on Saturday evening, -and at daybreak the following morning the gunjunks got up anchor and -made for up-river. The Imperialists did not put in an appearance -till Sunday afternoon about two o'clock, when some forty native boats -came in crowded with soldiers. They had also on board half a dozen -mules and probably guns, but these were not visible. They had large -supplies of ammunition. By the time they landed all trace of the -Revolutionists had disappeared. No one interfered with them, and -they interfered with no one. There might have been close on a -thousand men in that lot. All afternoon and evening there was heavy -firing up-river. The people said it was the Revolutionists attacking -the rear of the party up at Hsinkow, and that they had driven it -back, but the puzzle was how the advance contrived to reach Tsaitien -without either side apparently having seen the other. We left -Tsaitien about ten o'clock on Monday, at which time the Imperialists -were all in their tents engaged on their breakfast. There was no -sign that they intended making any further move that day. It is -impossible to reach Hankow by the Han route, as both parties fired on -every boat seen. We therefore crossed the Machia Lake, and came out -beyond Hanyang. Here a large force of several thousand -Revolutionists was setting out by land for Tsaitien, and had the -weather been favourable, they would have reached there last night. -As it is, they will have to wait for fine weather, and then some -further interesting news may be forthcoming from that quarter." - -[Illustration: HOW THE IMPERIALISTS CROSSED THE HAN. One of the -three bridges built on boats across the river while the -revolutionaries were quarrelling among themselves.] - -Thus at last had the Imperialists crossed the Han. And with their -crossing commenced one of the most determined battles in history, -lasting five long days and {128} four frightful nights of heaviest -fighting. Day after day the close riflery work and Maxim fire was -terrific. The Revolutionists for some time had the best of it. The -slaughter among the Imperialists was fearful. The gunnery was heavy -and deadly on both sides, but with Maxims the Revolutionists mowed -down the enemy in hundreds each day. The death-roll no one was able -to calculate. Each night the Imperial dead was taken away by train. -The Imperial wounded were left on the field in the cold to die of -their frightful wounds and hunger. The pressure did not allow of Red -Cross work being done. To the left of the advancing Imperialists -already referred to was the rapidly rushing Han, to the right a lake, -in front a creek and high hill, defended by strong forces of -Revolutionists. The hill in itself was a natural fort, but in the -undulations of the ground and in the long grass the mountain guns and -Maxims were as thick as blackberries. Every Imperial was fighting -for his life, for he knew, once across the Han, that it was a fight -to kill or be killed. Such scenes were probably never eclipsed in -any war. The fusillading and incessant cannonading was harder than -in any war of recent times. The Imperialists had given up the -endeavour and were downcast at the meagre prospects of their success. -To take Hanyang appeared altogether impossible. Their idea was to -again make a wide flanking movement towards Siaokan, run a light -railroad up to Siangyang, in North Hupeh, and so draw the -Revolutionists away from the hills to open country. Certain it -seemed to them that Hanyang would always remain a Revolutionary base. -But as one sets out to write an accurate account of the situation in -those last days in November, he is confronted by innumerable -obstacles that render it almost futile. On the 26th every man in the -Concessions, except the very few more closely associated with the -happenings on the field, was under the impression that the -Revolutionary Army was forging ahead, that it {129} had by far the -better position in the field, and that the taking of Hanyang was a -task that the Imperialists were not by any means strong enough to -accomplish. As I have said, the Imperialist officers thought so, -too, but when on Saturday (the 25th) I learned that the Hunan men -were becoming a little disaffected, I foresaw to some extent what -turn events would take if it were proved impossible for General Li -Yuan Hung and Commander Huang Hsuin successfully to handle this new -and somewhat treacherous move on the part of the Hunan Army. Now the -greatest blow that had yet fallen, and which could fall short of a -complete smash-up, fell to the Republican cause here on November 27th. - -Hanyang was captured--how will later be explained. - -[Illustration: HUNAN SOLDIER. One of the men who turned traitor, -causing the disastrous fall of Hanyang. - -HUPEH SOLDIER. From time immemorial at feud with the Hunanese, but -brought into co-operation in the early part of the Revolution.] - -One found it the more difficult to write an accurate account of the -situation which would remain true because from now onward it seemed -to change its aspect hour by hour. Everything seemed to have taken a -change for the worst. Chinese met in the streets and told each other -the bad news with long faces. The sight of the dead being brought in -from the field and prepared for burial, under the gaze of all and -sundry, brought a peculiar depression into the very atmosphere. -Foreign and Chinese communities waited hour by hour for what was -coming. Rumours were wild on the lips of every one. No one could be -believed, and what one actually saw could scarcely be taken as truth. -The general situation was extremely grave to the Republican military -cause, and the Imperialists were never stronger in numbers, and in -the advantage that they held over their enemy in their positions in -the field. In possession now of Hanyang Hill, it was expected that -they would bring their big guns into position and blow Wuchang to -pieces in three hours. There was nothing to stop them. They were -the military masters of the situation. All the Chinese could do now -was to sit tight, interfere as little {130} as possible, endeavour to -keep their heads on their shoulders by keeping out of the way of the -executioner's knife, and wait to see what would happen. - -Then slowly came the story of the fall of Hanyang.[1] - -{131} - -Sensational incidents during the day that Hanyang fell, with -picturesque incidents and all the gore that the newspaper-reading -public calls for were provided under the eyes of every one. -Junkloads of helpless, bullet-driven men were drifting down the river -in a ghastly succession. Have you ever seen a boat drifting on a -rapid river? Have you ever watched a Chinese junk, ungainly and ugly -perhaps, just going helplessly with the tide? And have you ever seen -a cargo of human freight not knowing what to do to reach the shore or -any place of safety? That morning the men had been riddled by -bullets as they attempted to make away in the boats. They had had -machine-gun fire rained into them, and, scampering like a lot of -frightened birds in their cage, had crept all over to the covered end -in their frenzy, hoping that the wood cover would save them. Tighter -and tighter they pressed against each other. They trampled on each -other, threw their rifles out into the river, their cartridge-cases, -their general impedimenta, and then settled down {132} to die as the -boat slowly drifted down-stream. And there, when they were found, -these thirty, forty, fifty men were sitting huddled grimly together, -their glassy eyes staring upwards into the unknown. Mercilessly, -with hideous brutality, they had been slaughtered as they sat, and -now were in the sitting posture, dead, wedged in tightly one against -the other. Some had fallen outward to the side of the boat, and -their bodies now were hanging limply, swaying to and fro with the -dull motion of the junk. Some, shot through the head, through the -heart, through the limbs, had sunk exhausted to the bottom of the -boat, where the water was fast rushing in through the splintered -bulwarks, and lay, face down, in the water, drowned as they lay. -Another boatload, equally helpless and void of all hope but the -river, had their wounded at the bottom, some of the less seriously -wounded putting their hands through the holes into the water and -endeavouring vainly to get a motion on the boat. When these junks, -after terrific labour, were brought into the side {133} of the -British Bund, the sight will never be forgotten--men, bleeding from -the throat, from the side, limping as they dragged a shattered leg -behind them up the steps, to fall exhausted at the top and carried -away to the hospitals. 'Twas a bloody conflict that ended the fall -of Hanyang. - -[Illustration: THE IMPREGNABLE HANYANG HILL, Shown in the background. -It is the main strategic point on the Yangtse. At one time it -bristled with revolutionary field-guns.] - -For the first time since the beginning of the revolutionary movement -in China the Imperialist cause had scored an undeniable success, -always excepting the savage burning of Hankow. The success of the -Imperialists was rightly ascribed to their superior equipment and -discipline, and that their loyalty to Peking, as well as their -efficiency, had stood the supreme test of battle was in itself an -event of first-rate importance. The strong feeling which has grown -up almost all over China against the Manchu had still to be reckoned -with. At this time it was an amusing diversion to read the opinions -being printed in the home Press. After referring to the feeling -among the proletariat against the Manchus, a writer in an editorial -in the London _Times_ said that "again a middle {134} term may -conceivably be found in the suggestion that, as an alternative to the -withdrawal of the Court from Peking, the present Regent should resign -his office into the hands of a Chinese Regent or Council of Regency. -The singular ceremony which took place a few days ago in Peking, when -the Regent, in the name of the infant Emperor, made atonement before -the 'heavenly spirits' of the Imperial ancestors for the -responsibility which he has to bear in the present troubles, may be -taken as something more than a mere formal acknowledgment of the -gravity of the crisis. In the solemn oath of allegiance to the new -constitutional regime taken by the Regent, there is, in so many -words, an admission that the Dynasty is in danger; and so grave an -admission is, we imagine, at least as unprecedented as the -circumstances which have provoked it. If it truly represents the -chastened spirit of the rulers of China, it can hardly fail to make a -deep impression upon the masses of the Chinese people, whose -traditional reverence for the Throne as a sacred {135} institution -dates back to time immemorial, and has survived numberless -revolutions in the past which, however disastrous to the occupants -for the time being of the Throne, never permanently affected its -inherent prestige." - -But in a period of such national travail as China was passing -through, it would have been unwise just then to build too much upon -the claims of mere common sense, even where people in many ways so -eminently sensible as the Chinese were concerned. Immense forces, of -which we could not yet pretend to estimate the energy, had been set -in motion for better or for worse; and, when once elemental forces -have been set in motion, they cannot easily be arrested. In pleading -for the maintenance of the Dynasty, Yuan Shih K'ai himself did not -conceal his belief that its overthrow would be followed by a series -of internal convulsions extending possibly over several decades. -Time may prove Yuan to be right. But though we may hope that the -world may be spared such a calamity, {136} it was now impossible to -look forward to the future without apprehension. The old order of -things had departed, never to return. But it would have been then, -and still is, idle to expect that a new and stable order of things -can be immediately evolved by any magic wand out of the existing -chaos. However rotten the old fabric may have been, it cannot be -destroyed and a new fabric built up in a day. Japan went through -some fifteen years of internal strife and turmoil before modern Japan -emerged from the ruins of the old feudal Japan. And Japan not only -had the good fortune to possess an influential class inspired by -great patriotic ideals, ready to lead her in the path of national -regeneration, but she had also, in the restoration of the Imperial -authority, an ancient national tradition round which modern ideas of -reform could crystallise. Whether China possessed a class equally -competent to steer her through the breakers had yet to be seen--and -has still; but it was only too clear, unfortunately, that the present -Dynasty could never be a rallying point for patriotic enthusiasm such -as the reigning Dynasty proved to be in Japan. The future alone -could show whether any effective substitute could be found for it. - -[Illustration: THE THREE-EYED BRIDGE, Seven miles north of Hanyang, -where some of the hottest fighting took place. The Revolutionists -held the bridge and the adjoining hills till the fall of Hanyang made -the position untenable.] - -The fall of Hanyang gave to the Imperial cause an impetus it was hard -to estimate. But it had cost the Chinese as a people a lot during -its fall. - -* * * * * - -During the first two days of December the author formed one of a -party of Europeans whose duty it was to superintend the operations of -a search party of the Red Cross Society around the neighbourhood of -Chiakow and the four hills across the Han River, all of which formed -the scene of one of the great battles. This was the belt of country -which for days was held by the Revolutionary Army, encamped and -fortified in {137} the many hillocks and surrounding lake country, -which by its very impassable nature was practically a fort. It was -here that the Revolutionists must have fought with more dauntless -courage than the Russo-Japanese War ever gave record of to the world. -It was here that for days, at closest range, they were driven back by -the Imperial shrapnel and rifle fire from the other side of the Han; -here that they repeated daring onslaughts upon the enemy when it -seemed that the end was near with the speedy cutting-up of the -Imperialists; here that the Peking men again and again endeavoured to -force an entry and were cut down hopelessly and retreated with but a -scanty percentage of their own attacking regiments; here that the -hills bristled with batteries that whistled shells simultaneously by -the dozen into the enemy as they lay encamped in the open country -behind the waterworks. Altogether those four hills, still looking up -reverently to their Maker, seemed silently to tell forth stories of -heroism that would make the memories of men who were cruelly tortured -immortal among their own people. But it was here also that the Hupeh -men and the Hunan men had their squabble; and in this was their -downfall, as it could have been in nothing else, for the place was -impregnable. - -And as during those two days I rode my pony in and out those -hillocks, through those swamps, around those lakes, and as I stood by -the graves of men who gave their own cause away, I could not help -wondering what might have been had the Revolutionary Army remained -one in spirit. What would have happened is this: the Imperialists -would never have crossed the Han. But by December 1st they were in -full possession. Every man and thing seemed numbered, all was -wonderfully organised; from far away up the Han on both sides down -past the point where the Han bifurcates into the Yangtsze and down -past Kinshan forts the Imperialists were in possession. - -{138} - -As it was the rebels had lost, the Imperialists had won: but as one -went around the countryside and talked with the country people, -peaceable souls who had only their small cabbage-patch to bring forth -their wherewithal to live, the tales of savagery and cruelty and -devilish treatment which the Imperialists said they found it -necessary to bring into their "military measures" did not make one -wonder that, although compelled at the point of the bayonet to -submit, the whole of the rural population swore vengeance upon the -army that had worked havoc among them. Such behaviour as the -Imperial soldiers, in their devilry, persisted in was worse even than -one would expect from the worst of Chinese. We all know that the -Chinese are cruel, that they have no sympathies in the usual Western -sense; we know that they delight in the torture of all things that -have life. But such grossly inhuman conduct as was countenanced by -the Imperial military authorities in this centre almost compelled one -to exclaim that to the depths of Chinese barbarity one cannot probe. -What one saw made one instinctively draw back, yet one did not see a -tithe of what there was. - -Of the searching for the dead I shall have but little to say. There -were few dead to be found. We buried 207. As soon as the military -stationed in command of the captured hill heard that the Red Cross -Society was sending parties to search for the dead and to bury the -corpses, they set about with their own burial parties to remove those -who had been shot in that dreadful battle. The villages that had -been razed to the ground, and incidentally rid of all the menfolk -with a rifle shot or a few bayonet thrusts, had been made to bury -their own dead; most of it was done by the girls before they were -taken off to be made worse than slaves to the fiendish men who took -them. But the tale had better be told in sequence. - -If one is able to keep his mind free from the gruesome {139} and the -cruel, the fiendish tricks practised everywhere along the Han by the -Imperial soldiers, he cannot but admire the smartness of the military -training and the extremely creditable manner in which this Imperial -Army had been handled. When it is remembered that from the four high -hills overlooking the Han River the Revolutionists were able -continuously to blow to smithereens anything that was attempted in -the way of bridge-building, the making of the bridge by which the -main body of the enemy passed over the river is little short of a -marvel. At this point the Han, with no inconsiderable current, is no -less than three hundred and fifty yards wide. The bridge by which -the Imperialists crossed was composed of some one hundred and fifty -boats of all sorts and sizes, each in its turn tied to an extremely -stout hawser; over this the whole of the attacking force with their -complete equipment was brought. Then from this point to another -point some twenty li away, at the base of the hills, villages were -indiscriminately scattered, some with twenty families, some with half -a dozen. All had suffered the same fate and were now but places of -ashes. - -To the left was found a Revolutionary soldier, dead, half-eaten, -dressed still in his black uniform. About the body, which was -huddled in a decomposing heap on the ground, were noticed several -bayonet wounds; it had been brought from a bed, upon which the -wounded man had probably been done to death. Under the bed was found -a lamp, on and around the bed were found huge chunks of charcoal and -charred firewood; nothing else in the room was burned. Is it -possible to think that those devils of men, first getting their prey -like the beasts they are, then maiming him, then putting him on a -bed, then getting the fire by which they intended burning him to -death, had fired the lot and literally roasted their victim alive, -and sat down to watch the last agonies? Such was my theory, and the -{140} circumstantial evidence, with the guarded explanation of the -temple caretaker--who was spared because he could wait upon these -vicious greycoats--made for none other. And there the body lay; dogs -had come in and eaten off a leg, a part of the neck, a part of the -body; the main bone of the leg had been wrenched off, and a dog near -by still growled with another for possession. Soon the burial was -made, the wistful onlookers, lucky that they had escaped, remarking -blandly that we were performing _hao si_. Further gruesome details -of a most gruesome duty it were reasonable not to expect given; -sufficient has been written to show where the great battle took place -and what its effects had been. Over the hills one came across one, -two, a dozen peaked caps, a dozen uniforms. Near by were nightsoil -pits and ponds of stagnant water; into these the unlucky victims had -been thrown. Pools of blood there were everywhere, cartridge-cases -and cartridges there were by the thousand, seven big guns with the -breach-blocks gone, boxes of unopened field-gun cases, piles of 2¼ -gun shells alongside the heavy pieces, pieces of bone, bloody -bandages, and much else all too eloquent of the carnage and the -battle. One man volunteered to show us where the corpse of a -villager lay; he said the body had been hit fair by a big shell and -now there was little left to show for what had been a soldier doing -his duty for a cause of reform; when we came to the place a pool of -blood and a few bones were all that the canine scavengers had left. - -[Illustration: THE HANDY MAN ASHORE. Residents in the British -Concession owe much to the bluejackets. They are seen here carting -bricks in rickshaws, with which to build barricades.] - -Farther on an old woman sat upon a heap of rubbish, which had been -her home for forty years. She was ill-clad, cold, had had no food -for four days, and thought that she, too, would die. Her husband, -poor old man, had been killed by stray shots before the Imperialists -made their rush; her sons, four of them--peaceable men, she said, who -offered no resistance--were killed cruelly at sight; their wives had -been carried off. "But I am not alone," she added; "others in the -{141} village suffered the same fate. Our young boys had their -queues taken off to make them into rebels so that the soldiers would -have an excuse to shoot them. And our 'little babies'"--the poor old -lady was now wiping her eye--"our girls of fourteen and fifteen were -carried off across the river. I wonder whether I shall see them -again." I wondered, too, as I watched the old woman weeping. And -the farther I went the more was I impressed with the cruelty of this -war towards the civilian rather than to the military part of the -community. The devastation was terrific. - -Have you ever noticed how soon a Chinese can spoil or totally destroy -things in general? Whether it be the mechanic in the factory, the -cook in the kitchen, the boy about the house, the gardener, the -boatman, the tinker, tailor, or sailor, it is undeniable that the -Chinese is a pastmaster in the art of spoiling and damaging and -putting things destructively to their wrong uses. One sees it, not -in one district and among one class of the Chinese; it is universal -in the country and the people. To go through China one is struck -more than anything else by the manner in which everything is brought -to a general condition of decay and uselessness. And so in war the -Chinese have been showing us how destructive is their nature, how -vile they are in pillaging and looting and destroying. For miles -around the city of Hankow long stretches of burned and pillaged -districts stand as painfullest evidences of the ravages of this -horrible civil war. These northern victors could not have behaved -worse had they specifically endeavoured, and this is much to say. -All the cruelties, all the infamy in its several forms, all the -wanton destruction, the stealing, the ravishing of pure women, the -killing of little children, the kidnapping of young girls, the gross -oppression practised by them all will go down to history as the -conduct unworthy of any civilised nation. I am aware that in writing -this I may call down {142} considerable criticism, but I fail to see -why such things should be kept back from public knowledge. China is -making claims, as she long has been, that she is coming line to line -with the civilisation of the West. She has claimed that she has got -out of the rut of the past, and that now the world may confidently -look for that which in history has made the nations of the world -great--liberty, justice, and other so far unknown virtues in her -present military campaign against those who truly, so far as we can -tell, are urging for real reform. - -Another instance before I close this chapter. Whilst I was riding -round the country I collected a couple of shells from the field, and -asked an old man to put them in his house for me until I should later -return for them. He agreed and away I went. Some time after I -returned to find four soldiers yelling at this old man and some of -his neighbours who had foregathered to save him from the common doom. -The soldiers had accused him of harbouring the empty shells for some -rebels they were sure he was sheltering, and already their fingers -were itching on the triggers of their rifles. "A foreign gentleman -asked me to keep them for him; I am telling you the truth!" shouted -the terrified old fellow. "You lie! you old blackguard, you'll have -to die for this. Come out of your house!" Vainly were his -neighbours endeavouring to mediate on his behalf, and were threatened -with the same treatment if they did not desist at once. But at the -moment I rode up. I took the shell-cases quietly, thanked the old -man, asked what the trouble was, and was about to explain when one of -the soldiers, with an eye filled with evil, wished me peace and told -me that they were merely having fun with the old man, and that I -could go on my way resting assured that no harm would be done. I -went, but I do not know the fate of the old man. - -* * * * * - -{143} - -The reader should understand that probably of all strategic points in -the Chinese Empire there is none more naturally formidable than -Hanyang. It was the pivot of the whole situation. With Hanyang -gone, Wuchang was practically gone also--if the enemy had any guns at -all. At dawn on November 27th the war correspondents brought the -news that the Hunan men had refused to fight at Hanyang, and that the -city was about to be taken. Bombarding and heavy fusillading had -been going on all the day on the Sunday and throughout the night, but -by midnight the Imperialists were known to be masters of the -situation, and it was only a matter of time for them to march upon -the fortified city of Hanyang. That city, as will have been -gathered, every one looked upon as impregnable. There was treachery. -The Hunan men were said to have shot their officers, to have left the -hill, to have boarded junks that were drifting hopelessly down-stream -in an attempt to retreat to Wuchang, only to find that after they had -been shelled in the junks they drifted down-stream in the face of -Maxim fire, placed to greet them at the bend of the river. What -happened to them has already been described, but can better be -imagined.[2] - -{144} - -As I was dressing on November 27th my bedroom door was slowly opened. -A smart young Chinese, a man from Yale University and one of the -smartest men of his year, crept in and cautiously closed the door -behind him. - -"Man," he said, "it's all up. We are going to lose Hanyang." - -And then he began to tell me the story of the treachery. 'Twas a sad -story, true; but it gave the city away. Coming over to me, with -sincerity shining in his eyes, he exclaimed: "Come, you're a -journalist; can't you help us? Can't you stop this dreadful carnage? -The city has fallen completely. The Imperialists are in control of -the hill and the city, with the arsenal, the powder factory, and much -else." - -{145} - -In a nutshell it may be said that the Revolutionary military cause in -this immediate centre was with the fall of Hanyang irretrievably -lost. It will be futile in this volume to go into the way the men -behaved; they fled, many of them cowards, others struck down still -sticking manfully to their duty, others barbarously bayoneted as they -endeavoured to hold their guns on the hill and in the valley on the -river bank; but that they were shamefully routed was borne out by the -fearful misbehaviour of the Imperialists. On they came like a pack -of maddened animals for the onslaught. They had no mercy. Every one -within {146} reach fell at the point of the bayonet or was shot -ruthlessly despite all humane methods brought to bear in surrender in -war. The boating community, quietly adopting a neutral attitude, -were served in the same heartless manner. Women, children, old men, -babies--all were shot, and their corpses floated down-river in their -drifting boats. Some of the sights were too terrible to behold. Old -men and women were all subjected to the same cruel fate. - -But leaving for the moment the fighting, we come to the Bund, in the -afternoon, to watch the Red Cross Association conducting its errands -of mercy. Out on the Bund--some shot through the head, through the -limbs, through the body, all showing up in ghastly significance the -horror of this war--we see ten, twenty, thirty, forty of the dead -laid out for burial. Foreigners and Chinese all lend a hand to tie -the bodies in matting, others heave them into the carts, the -pavements are littered with the discarded coats and implements of war -which the dead still held as evidence of this civil butchery; on a -little way farther one finds a group of wounded on the grass plots -waiting for the stretcher-bearers to return to take them to the -hospitals. One was a mother with a little baby, the baby dying, the -mother mortally wounded; others were civilians who had shown no -fight; others were trained soldiers; others were recruits who had run -at the sound of the machine-guns, shot in the back. Then there is -the rumble of the wheels as cartload after cartload of the covered -dead are conveyed out of sight, and the police set to work to pick up -the blood-stained uniforms, the money-pouches, the little -knick-knacks of the Chinese soldier's paraphernalia. All is so sad, -so significant. - -Meantime over across the way the shells were falling into the capital -of Wuchang. The air was rent again and again by the sharp booming of -the Imperial big guns on Coffin Hill. Men came and went, looked down -at the {147} pools of human blood that were swelling the rivers of -blood through which China has yet to pass before this Revolution -ends. The river was deserted. If a sampan ventured out into the -stream rifles were set to work, and a hasty retreat was made. The -people were downcast. - -And this young Chinese, sent specially from General Li, who called -upon me before I was dressed, had come asking whether I could not -send a message from Li Yuan Hung to the world. "We don't want to -fight any more!" he excitedly exclaimed. "General Li is genuinely -anxious that peace should be declared, that slaughter on this -wholesale scale should be stopped forthwith. Although this reverse -has overcome the Revolutionary Army, our cause on the field is not by -any means lost. Even if we have lost Hanyang, it does not follow -that our fighting strength is gone, and if it becomes necessary -General Li will alter the base of fighting operations, a scheme which -the Imperialists had under consideration before their victory -yesterday. None were more surprised than the Imperialists themselves -when they were able to march up Hanyang Hill without having to fire a -shot. But the fact that they are in possession of Hanyang does not -necessarily mean that the military conquest is entirely won, for if -needs be we shall be able continually to augment our army from other -provinces until such time as in the very nature of things the -Imperial Army will have been weeded out, man for man, or two to one, -or three, or four if necessary." - -I was sorry I was unable to help him. - -I learned subsequently that, just an hour or so before Hanyang -actually changed hands, Yuan Shih K'ai wired from Peking to the -British Acting Consul-General here, asking him to inform General Li -that he was anxious to hear what terms he proposed that peace might -be established. This was just at the moment that Hanyang was passing. - -{148} - -What was to be the outcome of this Hunan dissension any one who knew -the Hunanese would not be inclined to say offhand, but the fact that -there has always been some little contempt mutually between the -Hupehese and the Hunanese probably magnified the dissension in the -military that occurred. One of the first arts of warfare is to cut -off the pursuers. Now, when the Hunan men were in the city of -Hanyang the Friday previous there was a little teashop squabble -between a couple of dozen men, the Hupeh men being accused of -flinching the hard graft of the front line. To this squabble is -traced directly the capture of Hanyang by the enemy. - -"We are always sent to the front," said the Hunanese; "we are getting -less pay, doing more work, suffering heavier losses in our ranks." - -Then one word brought forth another, the party offered to have a -fight on the spot, some picked up their rifles and discharged a few -shots, and one or two men were wounded. After that the Hupeh men -were placed on the front line. - -On the Saturday during a sharp engagement, in which the -Revolutionists got the worst of it, a retreat at the double was made; -the Revolutionary gunners opened with their three-inchers and -endeavoured to cut off the pursuers, but instead dropped their shells -among the first lines of their own men as they retreated. Upon this -the Hunan men swore vengeance as they saw their comrades falling -thickly around them. When they got under cover they refused to fight -any more. They almost at once commenced to go back to Wuchang, where -they declared they were going to talk terms with General Li, and so -they lost one of the most impregnable positions in the whole of -China--a veritable Chinese Gibraltar. And when the Imperialists were -able to march upon Hanyang they never had such a delightful surprise -in their lives. In conversation with an Imperial officer, who was -leading the first regiment {149} to get into the city, I was told -that they had almost given up all idea of ever capturing Hanyang. -Had the Revolutionary men been kept under better control while off -duty this never would have happened. The Imperialists stood a far -greater risk of having dissension creeping in among their men, but -they took great care that no such loophole should be offered to them. -In Wuchang the people, essentially Chinese, talked so wildly about -this Revolutionary reverse that it was found necessary to remove the -heads of several, and war talk became absolutely taboo on the streets. - -The Imperialists then directed their attention to Wuchang. Every -hour the Revolutionists expected a bombardment. "We shall put up a -bit of a fight, but it will be quite useless to expect to hold the -city," a prominent Revolutionary officer in the Foreign Office told -me; "then our main army will go away at the back of the city and trek -down to Kiukiang, concentrating at Nanking." But the Imperialists -somehow hung fire. They did not seem anxious to take Wuchang. Li -Yuan Hung is reported to have declared that he believed the -Revolution was lost; he told his second that the Imperialists were -sure to come and capture the city, behead him, and kill all those who -had no queues. That the Imperialists were doing their best to find -out all they could of affairs on the opposite side of the river was -evident. They collared one of the Revolutionary spies, and he was -promised pardon if he would tell his captors something about the -inside movements of Wuchang. - -He set about to tell his story.--how that the whole of the officials, -from General Li downwards, were in a blue funk; how that there were -some ten thousand troops now in Wuchang; how that the intention was -to blaze away with all the bluff in the world on the foreshore whilst -the army was clearing out by the back gates of the city; how that if -the Imperialists cared to march upon Wuchang they could capture it -{150} forthwith. He then waited for the pardon that did not come. - -[Illustration: DISMANTLED IMPERIAL GUN ON PURPLE MOUNTAIN, HANKING. -The author is seen standing in the foreground of the picture.] - -"Have you any more to say?" asked the officer to whom he told the -story. - -"No, I've told you all I know." - -"Well," retorted the officer, "if this man has nothing more to tell -us"--and he turned to a man who commanded the execution -proceedings--"take him outside and have his head off." In a couple -of minutes the big knife fell, and the head of the best spy in the -Revolutionary official camp rolled to the ground. - - -[1] The following story as told me by a Red Cross worker who was in -charge of the Emergency Hospital, of what he saw before the -Imperialists took the Hanyang Hill, will be of interest:-- - -"At 7.30 a.m. our launch made a trip to our Emergency Hospital in -Hanyang. As the launch was needed for work in Wuchang until ten, I -sent her away as soon as we had landed. At once we began to notice -that there was a change of some kind about the place. There were -very few soldiers about, and movement that was being made was in the -direction of Wuchang. I noticed too, that the ground along the -riverside was pretty liberally sprinkled with unused rifle -cartridges, many in their clips. These seemed to betoken a somewhat -hurried embarkation at least, but I thought that it might have been -caused by a hurried dispatch of troops in the night. On arrival at -the hospital, one of the Army Red Cross men said, "You'd better go -back. It is dangerous to be here." However, there were one or two -cases awaiting our arrival, so we at once set to work to attend to -them. A little later we noticed that the servants who had been so -freely helping us had all disappeared, and presently I met one of -them on the street carrying his bundles of goods off to the -riverside. One of our number had some business inside the city -walls, so we decided to go on with the work for the time being and -await his report as to the state of things. After about an hour I -had occasion to take a wounded man to the landing-place, some two -hundred yards distant to await the arrival of the launch, and then -found that there was some cause for uneasiness. All who could secure -a sampan or other boat were hurriedly gathering their bits of goods -together and making off up-stream against the current, all hands in -the boat helping to row. It was the panic of the populace that -feared the arrival of the enemy. I also overheard a quiet -conversation between two Chinese coolies and gathered from their -remarks that the Hunan raw recruits had been unable or unwilling to -face the northern guns and had gone off by the regiment. Just then a -dismantled gunjunk drifted down from somewhere up-stream. There was -only one man on board, and his unseeing eyes were turned up to the -full glare of the sun. He had evidently been the helmsman, and had -died at his post. There were bullet marks on the woodwork, and a cap -or two lay in the bottom of the boat, and I guessed what had become -of the rest of the boatload. Promptly at ten o'clock I saw the -launch steaming back to us, and almost at the same moment there was a -movement on the part of some troops who had arrived on the Bund and -wished quick transport to Wuchang. Some of them came down as the -boat drew up, but I was informed that this launch was for wounded men -only, of which there was quite a number now being brought in from the -West Gate first-aid place. Whilst getting these on board, the -Revolutionary Army Field Hospital Corps, with their stretchers rolled -up and empty and their kit entire, marched up and began to make a -move on our launch, saying that they also were Red Cross workers, but -after a little difficulty I got them safely by to a boat farther up -the river. They were told of the difficulty we were experiencing in -getting coolies to carry their wounded down from the West Gate and -other places, but they declined to stay any longer in a place that -was "dangerous." Some field-pieces had been brought in by the -retiring troops, and one gunner, unable to get off his gun, brought -in the breech block. There was no "scuttle," but a systematic -retreat of all sections of the army. On my way back to the hospital -(the Baptist Church building) I met a regiment of troops marching up -to the Bund. These had come from the top of Hanyang Hill immediately -to the north of us, and as an officer had already been to tell us -that the army was in retreat we decided to pack up everything--drugs, -instruments, bandages, and all--and leave not even a splint behind. -All the wounded were taken undressed, or with very rough dressing, to -the launch as soon as we could secure bearers. Whilst making another -trip to the launch with some gear, stray bullets pinged by my ear and -plopped into the water. At the same time I heard a noise of firing -at the west side of the city far more distinctly than on the previous -day, and shrapnel began bursting in the city behind us. It was time -we were off. Just as we were casting off some bearers were seen -making their way towards us with another casualty, so we came -alongside and took him in and then steamed away. When off Wuchang we -were stopped by a zealous blackcoat, who presented the wrong end of -his rifle to us and said that he would fire if we proceeded. We hove -to and cast anchor, and waited for this man's officer, who came up, -gave him a scolding, and made him stand to attention in front of the -field-piece his comrades had got ready to fire. We hauled up the -anchor and got under weigh once more, but only to be hailed again by -the next guard of soldiers at the battery some fifty yards farther -down-stream. Once again we hove to. This time it was to take on a -wounded man, who, they said, was a spy. I guessed that this was part -of their joke, as we knew perfectly well that a suspicion of being a -spy would have been more than enough to have sealed that man's fate. -Just as we had got under weigh for the third time in our short run to -Hankow, the Imperialists fired a volley at us from somewhere in the -neighbourhood of the China merchant's godown. Most of the bullets -fell short, some struck the water by the side of the boat just below -where a group of Red Cross workers were standing. We then realised -that the greycoats had worked their way back to the side of the river -again. A few moments more, and the waterway between Wuchang and -Hankow had become a veritable hell. Scores of boats were on the -river, some being full of fleeing soldiers and others crammed with -civilians, trying to get away from the greycoats; but orders had been -given in Wuchang that all deserting Revolutionaries were to be shot, -and so all craft on the river came in for a terrible cross fire from -rifle, machine gun, shrapnel, and shell. We ran alongside and got -off our thirty wounded, and a little later, when some of the boats -that had weathered the storm of shot and shell began to drift down, I -suggested that we should take the launch out into midstream and pick -up the boats as they came down-river on the chance of finding some -still alive. In this way we rescued three soldiers unwounded, six -civilians and soldiers wounded, mostly of serious character, and then -towed two boatloads of dead across to the Wuchang side and sent off -the three unhurt soldiers with them. One of the wounded we had -picked up died almost immediately. Our attention was next attracted -to a big boat crammed with men, women, and children which was trying -to reach the Wuchang side of the river. Destitute of oars, the -panic-stricken folk were using the loose floor boards in frantic -attempts to escape. On our approach they set up terrible cries for -mercy. By the time we got alongside we were close in to the Wuchang -shore, not far from a huge timber-raft. The scene was truly piteous. -Women were on their knees imploring us to spare them. One man was so -beside himself with terror that he jumped into the air and threw -himself on to the deck, evidently under the impression that he was -plunging into the water. In vain we tried to tell them that we had -come to save and to heal the wounded who were lying about the boat. -Then a new difficulty arose. Just as we seemed to succeed in calming -the fears of the terrified creatures a company of Revolutionary -soldiers raced down the banks and along the huge raft with their -rifles at "the ready." One or two dropped down behind the logs, -covering us with their guns, whilst others ordered us to leave the -boat alone or they would fire. I stood at the bow of the boat -holding up both hands as a signal, but they would not recognise the -large Red Cross flag floating above me or listen to my arguments. -So, after having looked down the other end of the rifle for quite a -time, we gave up the attempt and left the boatload to its fate. What -that was we soon saw. Their goods were seized by the soldiery and -they were led up the banks under arrest. The soldiers were evidently -carrying out their orders to allow no one to retreat from Hanyang. A -subsequent visit of the Red Cross launch to the creek near by the -raft resulted in the bringing over of many wounded found there. -Some, however, had already been taken into Wuchang for treatment in -the overcrowded hospitals there. On this journey we learned -something of the awful fate that had befallen the innocent in their -attempt to reach a place of safety. One was the sole survivor of the -family who had started out on their journey a few hours before. One -little lassie of some twelve summers as I was carrying her to the -shore told me that all her people had been killed with the exception -of herself and her father, and he was also wounded severely. A woman -was found who had been shot through the hand as she had tried to -shelter her baby girl--the poor little mite had been shot through the -head. I carried the child up to the shore, and sent the woman and -her dying babe to the Margaret Hospital." - -[2] Startling stories of the cruelty of the Imperial soldiers who -visited the Hanyang battlefields after the retreat of the rebels were -told by every one who went over the battlefields. One writer said:-- - -"I went with a party of Red Cross men all over the battlefields after -the capture of Hanyang by the Imperialists. We went on bicycles, -riding over the Han by the pontoon bridge, going out at eight o'clock -in the morning and not returning until after six. During that time -we covered a great deal of territory, and saw evidences of almost -incredible cruelty on the part of the Imperial soldiers. We came up -with a party of four or five of them wearing Red Cross badges, but -carrying arms instead of first-aid kits. They told us that they were -Red Cross men and thoroughly understood their duties, which were to -bring in any wounded Imperial soldiers and to kill all the wounded -rebel soldiers. There was plenty of evidence that they had been -carrying out that programme, and they were very indignant when we -interfered and prevented their killing a wounded rebel. We met -several parties of this kind. - -"All over the battlefield there were wounded rebel soldiers and -non-combatants, who had lain for four or five days without food or -water or any kind of attention. We were passing through one village -when a woman called out to us that there was a wounded man there. We -got off our bicycles and looked for the man, finding him under a -bunch of straw in the road, where he had lain for several days -without food or water, while hundreds of coolies passed by. We found -that he had a compound fracture, and called for some of the villagers -to help us carry him inside. None of them would help, and we had to -carry him into a hut ourselves. The villagers gave him tea and water -only when we insisted on it. We asked them why it was they would -allow a wounded man to remain inside their village for such a long -time without giving him any attention, and finally got at the reason. -When the fighting started four wounded rebels and one wounded -Imperialist came into the village, and a woman took them into her -house and gave them food and a place to sleep. The following day a -band of Imperial soldiers came to the village in search of their -wounded men and were told of this. They went to the house, removed -the wounded Imperial, then put all of the members of the family in -the house, with the wounded rebels, walled up the doors, and set fire -to the place. After telling us this story, the villagers took us to -the house and we saw the bodies half burned amidst the ruins. As the -villagers were afraid to help us in any way or to allow us to place -the wounded rebels in their houses, we carried two to an abandoned -hut in the middle of a field, dressed their wounds, and buried them -down in straw as best we could. We had no guard to leave over them, -nor did we have any stretcher-bearers with us, so we planned to come -back and get them the following day. In order to protect them as -much as possible, we pinned on each one a card stating that these -people had been taken charge of by the foreign Red Cross, and asked -all to protect them. When we went back the following morning, we -found one of the men dead, his face mutilated by bullets fired at -close range. The other one had not been harmed, though almost dead -with fright. He said that only half an hour before we came a party -of Imperial soldiers visited them. The wounded men showed them the -card we had left and pleaded with them for mercy. The Imperials spat -on them, and then walked just outside the door and fired. It seems -that all of the guns were aimed at one man, which was the reason the -other escaped, for the Imperials left immediately after the firing. -There were many non-combatants wounded--we treated eight in one small -village. One of them was a woman who had been shot through her small -foot. Another had been shot through the leg; one old man, -seventy-six years old, crawled an English mile with a broken leg to -get assistance from us. All of the wounded people we treated had -been wounded for four or five days and had remained all of that time -without any kind of attention, because of the fear of the people that -the Imperialists would wreak vengeance on any one that aided the -wounded. The line of retreat was covered with ammunition, arms, -haversacks, and clothing. I believe that there must have been a full -trainload of ammunition alone. - -"The missionaries in Hankow are doing noble work caring for the -wounded. The seats of the churches have been turned into beds, and -the missionaries risk their lives daily in caring for the wounded and -rescuing them from the battlefields." - - - - -{151} - -CHAPTER XII - -THE REPUBLIC SEEKS RECOGNITION - -Although Hanyang had fallen, the Revolution was by no means lost; -this the intelligent reader will easily be able to see. During the -past six weeks the Reformers had been so hard at work that a Republic -had practically been recognised by the Powers, America being -especially friendly. The following address by Dr. Wu Ting Fang had -been sent out to the world, and had caused a profound impression:-- - - - "THE REPUBLIC OF CHINA ASKS RECOGNITION. - - "The Chinese nation born anew in the travail of revolution - extends friendly greetings and felicitations to the world. - - "As the Republic of China it now asks that recognition by the - civilised Powers which will enable it, with the assistance of - their kindly offices, to erect upon the foundations of honest - government and friendly trade and intercourse with all peoples, a - peaceful and happy future. - - "The Chinese people are not untried in self-government. For - countless ages they ruled themselves; they developed observance - of the law to a degree not known among other races; they - developed arts and industries and agriculture and knew a peace - and contentment surpassingly sweet. - - "Down upon them swept the savage hordes of an alien and warlike - race. The Chinese people were conquered and enslaved. For 270 - years this bondage existed. Then the Chinese people arose and - struck a blow for freedom. Out of the chaos and dust of a - falling throne emerges a free and enlightened people--a great - natural democracy of 400,000,000 human beings. - - "They have chosen to set up a Republic and their choice we - believe is a wise one. There is no class of nobility among the - Chinese and they have no recognised royal family to set up in - place of the departing {152} Manchu Royal House. This is a great - democracy. The officials spring from the people and to the - people they return. There are no princes, lords, dukes among the - Chinese. With the Manchu throne removed there is left a - made-to-order Republic. Already we have provincial assemblies - and our National Assembly. Already we have a Republic with a - full set of competent officials. - - "Within a very few days our constitutional convention will meet: - arrangements for it were made long ago. At this convention there - will be fully authorised delegates from every province in China. - A constitution of the most enlightened character will be adopted - and new officers of the provisional government elected. - Following this will come, under the provisions of the - constitution, the provincial and national elections. - - "It is imperative that our government be recognised at this time - in order that business may not be subjected to prolonged - stagnation. There is peace everywhere save at Hankow, but - business cannot proceed until the new Republic shall be welcomed - among the nations of the world. - - "We ask recognition in order that we may enter upon our new life - and our new relationships with the great Powers. - - "We ask recognition of the republic because the republic is a - fact. - - "Fourteen of the eighteen provinces have declared their - independence of the Manchu Government and promulgated their - allegiance to the Republic. The remaining provinces will, it is - expected, soon take the same course. - - "The Manchu dynasty finds its power fallen away and its glitter - of yesterday become but a puppet show. Before going it has - stripped itself of authority by consenting to the terms of the - proposed constitution which already have been made public. - - "The most glorious page in Chinese history has been written with - a bloodless pen. - - "(Signed) WU TING FANG - "(Director of Foreign Affairs.)" - - -And towards this end the Revolutionists were working. During the war -each day had brought news of some province or part of a province -having gone over. Li Yuan Hung and his associates were never morally -stronger than when Hanyang fell. The military defeat mattered but -little, for the Chinese are a democratic people, and each day brought -more moral support. - -{153} - -The dynasty was still left standing, but in all other respects the -desires of the Revolutionists had been sanctioned by the Sovereign. -The Throne itself had been stripped of its power and prestige, and -had been forced to act at the dictation of the National Assembly. -The surrender on paper appeared to be complete, though it must be -steadily kept in mind that in China, less perhaps than in any other -land, are promises and concessions always held to be irrevocable. -Yuan Shih K'ai had been invested with an authority which was -practically supreme. He was at once Prime Minister and -Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy employed against the Yangtsze -Revolutionists. In the best interests of the Chinese people it was -to be hoped that they had been inspired by an unfeigned desire on -both sides to reach an accommodation without further bloodshed; but -in no country are delusive negotiations more habitually employed than -in China as a means of gaining time, and it was at least conceivable -that in the present crisis each leader would believe that time was on -his side. In a few days it was expected that Yuan Shi K'ai's party -would show what degree of influence it could exert over the insurgent -provinces. The number of these provinces continued to grow, and, in -at least some instances, the movement in them seemed to be deeply -tinged with a particularism which tended strongly towards separatism. - -The Empire was, indeed, as a writer in the _Times_ put it, "bubbling -like a cauldron," but a good many of the bubbles may subside, under -judicious handling, with surprising rapidity. What seemed certain, -however, so far as anything is certain in China, was that the old -Monarchy had fallen never to rise again, and that it would drag down -much in China in its fall. It had long survived its day. Its -servants, like the servants of Solomon in the Koran, had propped up a -corpse and summoned {154} kings and princes to do it homage. They -bowed down before it, says the story, so long as it stood upright. -But at last the worms gnawed away the staff on which it rested, it -lay prone in the dust, and the world fell into confusion. - -With the fall of Hanyang, millions of people, Chinese and foreigners, -were speaking or thinking chiefly of one question those days, What -would be the fate of the rebellion? Bound up in this question were -many others, its corollaries. Would the rebellion be now speedily -crushed, or succumb only after a prolonged civil war which would sap -the already decimated resources of the country, partly suspend and -disorganise business, and cause enormous destruction to life and -property? Or would the Revolutionary forces quickly defeat the -Government armies, acquire following and resources by success, and -replace the existing Government at Peking with another and, if so, -what kind of Government? - -One may understand, and to some extent sympathise with, the motives -and ideals of the Revolutionists without approving their course. It -was generally agreed that the Government of China wanted reforming, -but there was wide divergence of opinion as to method. Two general -hypotheses for reform seemed practicable: to impose constitutionalism -upon the present monarchical system and Dynasty, or to wipe them out -and begin anew. - -It would profit nothing to change the Government of China unless the -change meant improvement. If the present Dynasty would be -overthrown, what would replace it? Another Dynasty, or a Republic? -A new Dynasty would, under existing circumstances, take for its head -some popular leader since none of the Chinese Royal House was fitted -for the place. This might improve conditions in China, and it might -not. A successful republic, with conditions as they were, was -practically impossible; and it is questionable if {155} a republican -form of government is suited to the Chinese nation and people. None -of the elements of genuine republicanism existed in the Empire. The -course of events, as caused by the Revolutionary party, was being -closely observed. They had set out to fight for their freedom, and -now, with the fall of Hanyang, the military cause seemed lost. All -nations were interested in the fate of China. Already one Power, the -United States, was devising ways and means to safeguard against -abrupt and inharmonious international action, in case any action -became necessary. The _Times_ expressed the view that the Revolution -would fail. Present indications were that the opinion was well -founded. But even if it failed, that revolt was to leave a deep -psychological impression on the reigning Dynasty, the Chinese, and -the world. - -But what was happening elsewhere? - -On December 2nd the following message was flashed over the wires: -"Nanking city has fallen. Foreigners safe. Revolutionists entering -city." For many days a most determined battle had been going on at -Nanking. The Revolutionists, fired with a zeal intensified because -of the fall of Hanyang, were endeavouring to get into the city--a -feat which seemed for long impossible. The capture of the city of -Nanking was the counterpoise to Hanyang's loss. Every one knows much -more about Nanking. This city was the old capital of China, and of -more political importance probably than Hanyang--it would be made the -capital--and so the Revolutionists thought they still had the better -part of the bargain. There is no space to dwell upon all the -terrible blood-shed, of the Manchu decapitations, and much of the -savagery which rendered the days leading up to the capture of Nanking -hideous to one's memory. But it has so vital a bearing on the -situation that some reference to the city's capture is necessary. - -"The long-expected happened this morning at 7 a.m.," said an American -writer on December 2nd, {156} "and the city is gone over. The first -intimation that the end was near was Friday morning early. The -previous night there had been very heavy fighting at Hsiakuan, -Taiping Gate, and the South Gate, especially about the fort just -outside the gate (Yu Hua Tai). General Chang, commanding the -Imperialists, asked the co-operation of the foreigners in the city, -the terms upon which he agreed to the surrender of the city being as -follows:-- - -"1. No killing of the people in the city, or of the Manchus. - -"2. No killing of his soldiers or officers. - -"3. Safe conduct for himself out of the city on his way north via -Pukow, together with his own men. - -"These were rather staggering for our faith to propose to a -victorious army which had its enemy demoralised, and most of the -officers were only too willing to admit it. Furthermore, neither -Chang Hsuin nor any one else knew who was in command of the rebels, -nor where he might be found. However, arrangements were immediately -made for our going out of the South Gate, and within half an hour we -were off, Mr. Tseo, U.S. Vice-Consul Gilbert, and myself, together -with four of the bodyguard of General Chang. We went through the -South Gate just at twelve noon. The comparatively few loyal troops -stationed on the South Gate, Tung Tsi Gate, Hung Wu Gate, and the -Chao Yang Gate in turn sent word on ahead down the wall not to fire -on us as we skirted the wall trying to find the rebel forces. We -carried the American flag and also a white flag. A few of the -thatched-roof houses along the way were burned, but few other signs -of war could be seen. As we neared the Chao Yang Gate the shells -being fired from the lower peak of Purple Mt., apparently into the -Imperial or Manchu city, whistled through the air, but far enough -away to be only interesting. It was not till we got within {157} -sight of the Ming tombs that we could see the rebels, most of whom -were on the top of the mountain, but we made for a small group on the -lower foothills, and about two o'clock came up to them. - -"A quiet, self-contained person seemed to be in charge of the group, -and upon asking him where the general in command was, he replied that -he was that person, so we were extremely fortunate, and stated our -errand at once. The first two propositions were agreed to very -readily, but of course the third was impossible. We then got his -terms of surrender, which were:-- - -1. Chang Hsuin must surrender, but could live in any place in the -city he chose, where his life would be fully protected until the -final settlement of China's present difficulties. - -2. All of his troops must lay down their arms in a certain -drill-ground in the city, and come out of Taiping Gate empty-handed, -and be permitted to depart one by one. - -3. Government funds in the hands of the military authorities, -amounting to about $800,000, must be turned over to the new Power. - -4. The above terms must be complied with by eight o'clock on December -2nd--that is, the next morning. - -"After a pleasant farewell we returned to General Chang's yamen, -arriving about five p.m. The General positively refused to consider -the terms, declaring that he would have to fight till death, and -could not be persuaded to alter his mind. We told him that, such -being the case, we felt no longer safe under his protection, and -would ask for safe conduct out of the city, which was readily -granted, and plans were made for those not absolutely needed for the -Red Cross work to leave the city early the next morning. However, -about ten o'clock, General Chang's secretary again came over, saying -that the General with a number of {158} his men had fled the city by -the I Feng Gate and were to cross the river at Pukow and try to make -their way northward. In about an hour we were able to confirm this -rumour as fact, and so Dr. Macklin, who was personally well -acquainted with the highest officer, who had not gone out with his -General, and whose sentiments he knew, found out that he and his -soldiers--about a thousand--were willing to run up the white flag at -daylight, so we decided not to leave the city. About five o'clock -Dr. Macklin with his officer went to the Taiping Gate, where they -were soon joined also by the American Vice-Consul. The firing was -quite heavy by this time, it having begun before daylight, but as -soon as the white flag together with the American flag was seen the -General sent a messenger down to see what it meant, and when he knew -it was the peace representative of the day before and that the -soldiers were willing to surrender, he was willing that the loyal -officer with the Vice-Consul, Dr. Macklin, and Mr. Garrett come -outside and arrange the details. This they did at once, and General -Ling, the rebel leader, and General Chao, the one highest in command -of the loyal troops in the city, stepped aside and made arrangements -that were mutually satisfactory, the character of which was not fully -divulged. General Chao then made his men stack arms, and they -marched out empty-handed, and the laying down of arms of the -remaining loyal troops had proceeded satisfactorily all day, judging -by all appearances. It was not long before white flags were flying -on Lion Hill forts, the Drum Tower, and many other places. The -troops began to pour into the city and were detailed off to their -respective stations according to previously arranged plans -apparently, and the city began to rejoice after its long days of -waiting and uncertainty. Occasional shots have been heard throughout -the day, but probably nearly all of them are for the moral effect -upon those inclined to take advantage of a possible confusion -to-night to loot." - -{159} - -Any one entering Nanking the day after would never have known from -the look of things that anything had happened. Most of the -Revolutionary soldiers had entered the city. An extra large force of -police were patrolling the streets; the people were going about their -business as usual and perfect order prevailed. The Revolutionists, -unmoved from Wuchang, had gained Nanking and lost Hanyang: the -Imperialists had lost Nanking and had gained Hanyang. This was the -position when peace was thought of. On the last day of November I -was personally asked, as one representing the _China Press_ of -Shanghai, to publish the following statement to the world as -embodying General Li Yuan Hung's wishes:-- - - - "I desire an armistice in order to communicate with the other - republican centres, that I may ascertain their views whether the - conflict will be carried on or whether the Republicans will meet - in conference with the constitutional monarchists to arrange a - compromise. - - "I myself have all along desired to put an end to the internecine - warfare, the bloodshed and suffering, the destruction of - property, and the dangers of foreign intervention. - - "To this end I now declare my willingness to make any concession - which will insure an end to the slaughter. My plan is to have - the Republicans and the Government proclaim an armistice so that - the issues can be discussed by proper representatives of both - parties. - - "If, however, the united Republicans of the nation desire the war - to continue, I am willing to remain in the field and continue to - the bitter end." - - -* * * * * - -The issues were now, so it seemed, a Monarchical Government or a -Republican Government--the Manchus, every one believed, had been -eradicated for ever. And at this juncture it will give the reader a -better idea of the political situation in Peking if I reproduce an -official statement published a few days previous by Yuan Shih K'ai. -It reads as follows:-- - - - "China has, through centuries, been in a sense loosely governed. - We have had what might be termed a crude or patriarchal form of - {160} monarchy, the slackness of the governing body resulting in - the people developing little respect for government and very - little understanding of the responsibilities of a people toward a - government. The present agitation for a Republic has carried to - the people as a mass only the idea that popular government means - no taxes and no government. I can see in it, under existing - conditions, no promise of stability, at least not for several - tens of years. Among the progressives of the Empire there are - now two schools of thought, one favouring a Republic and the - other a constitutional monarchy. I doubt whether the people of - China are at the present time ripe for a Republic or whether - under present conditions a Republic is adapted to the Chinese - people. The situation in China is complicated by a number of - different factors perhaps not understood abroad. - - "In the first place there still exists among the masses a strong - sectional and provincial feeling. While this has undoubtedly - died out among those educated on modern lines, still this is only - a comparatively small element of the country's vast population. - In considering the form of government to give stability it is - necessary to consider the vast majority of the people rather than - the small minority. - - "It is already manifest that the interests of the different - sections of the country are very diverse. We find the advocates - of Republicanism splitting among themselves. The educational, - army, local gentry, and commercial parties have all divergent - views. Small groups are being formed and struggling for - ascendancy. If that is permitted to develop on a large scale, - there will be a split-up and this evidently will bring foreign - interference and partition. Although the Manchu government has - done nothing that has drawn to it the hearts of the people, yet - with the power of the people restricted as provided by the - nineteen articles forming the constitutional bill of rights, the - real governing power would be in the hands of the people. - - "The adoption of the limited monarchy would bring conditions back - to the normal, would bring stability, much more rapidly than that - end could be attained through any experimental form of government - unsuited to the genius of the people or to conditions as they are - found in China. - - "My love for China and the Chinese people is certainly as great - as that of any of those who are advocating the radical step of - establishing a Republic. My sincerity in the cause of reform has - been demonstrated. I have undertaken what is really a stupendous - task, not through any desire for power, nor love of fame but - solely in the hope of being able to restore order out of chaos - and to do some good for China. - - "I am still hopeful of reaching some compromise that will satisfy - all elements of the people sincerely desirous of preserving the - integrity of the country and restoring peace and stable - government throughout the {161} land. I believe the Chinese to - be a reasonable people and that there is no desire on the part of - any considerable element to see the country disrupted and - destroyed. What I am working for is a compromise with the - advanced or Republican party with a view to ending the suffering - and removing the troubles and complications with which this - country is beset and threatened. - - "With regard to the character and magnitude of the 'independence' - movements. I do not regard the situation to have been carried - beyond the possibility of compromise. Governmental authority - has, it is true, been overthrown in the capitals of most of the - provinces and a few men in each have framed something similar to - a declaration of independence, but this does not seem to me to - imply absolute secession of these provinces. In most of these - capitals, the control is in the hands of conservative citizens - who are holding the situation on something like a neutral basis. - Their object is primarily to keep down anarchy. They desire to - preserve order, to protect life and the property of the people. - While the more radical elements are insisting upon a republic the - better elements seem to me to be neutral. I have favoured a - project to gather together from the different provinces the men - who enjoy the confidence of the people in order that there may be - a thorough discussion of the great question of what the form of - China's government shall be. - - "I believe that question should be discussed sanely and soberly. - It is too big a question to be discussed in heat and passion. - - "My only reason in favouring the retention of the present Emperor - is that I believe in a constitutional monarchy. If we are to - have that form of government, there is nobody else whom the - people would agree upon for his place. - - "Of course the reforms wiping out the distinctions between - Chinese and Manchus must be made effective in any event. - - "The great question, the overshadowing question, is the - preservation of China. To accomplish this end all patriots - should be willing to sacrifice secondary considerations of policy - and of course all considerations of self. My sole aim in this - crisis is to save China from Dissolution and the many evils that - would follow. If we are to save China there must be a stable - Government and at once. Every day's delay is dangerous. I hope - the same progressive thought of the country will see this, and - will co-operate with me to secure the all-important end. - - "The task I have undertaken is as thankless as it is stupendous. - I am being subjected to misrepresentation, criticism, attack from - all sides. This is to be expected. I must stand it. - - "But I do not intend to let it swerve me from my endeavour to do - what I conceive to be my highest duty, which is to labour solely - for the end of preserving China from disruption and from - dissolution." - - -{162} - -But about this time it was fortunate that the start of peace came, as -a surprise to us all. Before Hanyang fell Yuan Shih K'ai had been -endeavouring--so it was reported from Peking--to get peace talk -started. He was afraid of what was coming. - -December 4th should be the day upon which the historian of the -Revolution will fix as the most important moment in the whole of this -war. For at 8 a.m. a truce for three days commenced, and high -authority on both sides stated that both Imperialists and -Revolutionists hoped strongly that the lull of fighting would be -productive of definite terms of peace. Sunday, Monday, Tuesday, -Wednesday, till eight o'clock in the morning--after then, what? And -seeing that in China no thinking person is foolish enough to think -himself a prophet, even of the most truly expected, it seems that to -give a general idea of the situation at the front at this time would -be perhaps the best that one can do. During these days I had several -conversations with high officers in both camps, and was perhaps -better informed on the possibilities than most folk, but from the -first I made up my mind that a great surprise awaited me if the peace -talk were successful. I was frequently in the camps of both parties. -As for the Revolutionary party, there was hardly any camp left, if -buildings made it. For a large fire at the Provincial Assembly Hall -had pretty well ruined that magnificent edifice, and General Li Yuan -Hung and his bewildered associates shifted their offices to a smaller -and more sheltered spot in Wuchang. But it was very little use going -to them for information, for they themselves were wondering what the -victors intended to do. They themselves had made full arrangements -for clearing out, had very little hope that Wuchang would be saved, -believed that Yuan's army would now sweep them up, and so had but -scant belief in the sincerity of Yuan Shih K'ai in calling for peace. - -[Illustration: THE UBIQUITOUS BOY. The last to leave the Sing Seng -Road when the Imperialists took possession was a boy, who coolly -blazed off all his ammunition. The first to return was the small -boy--in search of fun or treasure.] - -One morning I called at the office, just below the {163} Tachimen -Railway Station, to interview the secretary of Yuan--a Mr. Wong Kai -Wen--who had full administrative control here. To be in the presence -of Mr. Wong is to be with a man who makes you feel his deep -thoroughness. His essential alertness holds you. His deep, -penetrating eyes look at the thing and take in the vital parts at a -glance. He is acute, not to be deceived; frankness, touched with a -little Chinese sleekness, looks you straight in the eyes when he -speaks to you, and altogether the man Yuan chose to wait behind and -direct affairs at this end magnificently fills the bill. About him -there were no signs of the military. He knows practically nothing -about the way to lead an army into battle, but not a single thing of -official note passed him. He looked just like a respectable member -of the teacher community. His long dark-blue wadded gown and his -ordinary round hat, Chinese shoes and socks, his small queue, his -slender moustache, which he thoughtfully pulled at when he talked to -me--all these and many other characteristics told me that he was -typically Chinese. There was nothing foreign about him in -appearance. The things he used were Chinese exclusively. In short, -he was a polished Chinese gentleman. But when he addressed me he -spoke magnificent English--knows English etiquette as we know it -ourselves. These were the rough impressions I got of the man when I -found him in a little back room of a private house near to the -Imperial base just after Hanyang had been captured. - -About him there were many hangers-on. With the military camp not a -hundred feet away there was intense excitement, which every one in -front of the foreigner was vainly attempting to subdue. Men came in -with messages, and were quietly turned aside. Wong rose several -times from his chair as he spoke with me, and hurriedly went to -listen to some spies who had a story to tell him. 'Twas all hurry, -all was organised capitally and worked smoothly, for there were many -{164} men on hand. Along the lines carriages of ammunition were -going out towards Hanyang. From Hanyang captured carriages were -coming, all tied low down with tarpaulins so that nobody could see. -Meantime, there was a rumour in the camp that Yuan had been -assassinated, and that the parties were talking peace. And here was -Mr. Wong, Yuan's secretary, reading his dispatches and carrying out -his wishes. - -Most ardent preparations for further fighting counterbalanced the -peace suggestions. Was there to be any more fighting? Ah, who knew? -It was not wise to talk of such things. All this was exceptionally -difficult business that Chinese should fight Chinese. But who could -bring forward any way out of it. No; from Mr. Wong Kai Wen there was -no news to be got, but he let drop little things that led one -immediately to believe that Yuan's party were not in for talking -peace. They had taken Hanyang, they would soon, so it appeared, have -Wuchang, and that would make the Revolutionary cause lost altogether. - -This was the impression which the Imperial camp gave to me. Then I -went over to the Revolutionary camp, finding that both factions had -many palpable differences. To go into General Li Yuan Hung's offices -was to enter a semi-Occidentalised yamen. The staff were dressed in -European clothes, they had no queues, their hats were mostly American -felts, they talked English more or less, many of them had been -trained in American universities. They treated you in an Occidental -manner, told you their plans frankly, and one could feel that they -were to be believed. They knew and they confessed that the military -cause here was gone, but when I questioned them as to the ultimate -issue of the Revolution they proudly pointed to certain epochs of -history in my own country and asked me whether I thought it possible -that the country could ever be again what it had been. The -anti-foreignism of the north and the massacring of the foreigners at -{165} Sianfu in Shensi they deplored sincerely, and felt that it was -in the banditti and the hooliganism in the Empire that they had a -problem difficult of satisfactory solution. - -I felt the sincerity of those men. Their enthusiasm got into me, I -felt that they were a band of young reformers whose only fault lay, -not in their ability, not in their determination, not in their belief -in how things should be done, but in their little lack of stability -and lack of unity. They believed that China must now change, and -that the change would not be the kind of change that the Manchu -Government would have brought in, but a real reform that would raise -the masses of the people and bring China out into the foreground of -the world. And as I spoke to those men I felt it, too. But there -was one failing, that slight lack of stability. They needed leaders. -Not for one moment wishing to minimise the extraordinary powers of -calm foresight and sound administrative ability of General Li Yuan -Hung, which had kept the whole party together during its most trying -times of defeat, the Revolutionary party needed leaders who had been -in the business before. They were all apprentices in the art of -administrative and national rebuilding, and they needed a few -master-men to guide them in their political journeyings. If they -failed, however, it was not because they did not wish to do the right -thing, not because they did not know how to do it; but because of the -lack of downright practical experience; they were not able to give to -current events their current bearing upon their one mutual aim. - -Here they were, a strong man at the head of them, and all looking -confidently towards him, like a lot of schoolboys with a teacher to -whom they looked for everything. Immediately after Hanyang fell, the -Wuchang party were scared for fear the city would be bombarded and -they lose their heads. Within forty-eight hours, however, they had -regained their courage. {166} On November 30th, when I went over the -river, as my boat pulled into mid-stream, the boatman told me blandly -that he should expect at least treble rates, as he ran a great risk -in coming at all--the Imperialists were sniping at every boat, he -told me, and he felt it was only wise and fair to let me know. Just -as he spoke I heard a bullet whizz past me. In a couple of minutes -the big gun from Wuchang sent a shell away over my head, which drew -fire from a field-piece in the unskilled hands of a very poor gunner -on the Hankow side, the shell of which dropped noiselessly into the -water a few yards in front of my little boat. Once on the other -side, however, there was no further fear from firing. Rumours had -been flying round to the effect that Wuchang was being evacuated, -and, although on the river-banks people were building their boats and -mending their nets as usual, it did not take the mind of a Spencer to -take in the remarkable change that had so soon come over the city -since the fall of Hanyang. A week previous I had been to Wuchang and -was impressed everywhere with the doing and driving of every one in -the streets and in the shops, with briskness of trade, and the -cocksureness of the people. With their queues discarded they were -then doing a roaring trade in small cloth and silk caps, made after a -foreign pattern, which they wore proudly in defiance to the little -round Manchu hat. These caps were met with at every turn, hung on -nails in the wall above the street-vendors' stall; they were fetching -as much as seventy cents apiece. To-day they could be had for -twenty. Men who had made their purchases now laid aside the foreign -article and fell back to the round hat with the little red knob on -the summit. In the streets half the shops were closed, the other -half doing a little trade and meanwhile preparing to take away most -of the valuable stocks. Huge loads were standing outside the doors -ready to be taken away as soon as the busy coolie gangs had time to -attend to them; old men and {167} women, carrying all their -belongings in small baskets, were tiao-ing as hard as they could go; -through the gates, now no longer guarded by a cocksure squad of -military, but thrown wide open, came the constant hurrying stream of -urban residents, who now were removing to the country. In China at -such times as this one is held almost awestruck with the manner in -which people clear out. Homes which perhaps had been held together -for many generations were being evacuated in a couple of hours--the -old father and the old mother took the children, the sons shouldered -the heavy family furniture, the wives hobbled along behind with the -babies, and altogether they silently went out of the city in a -mournful procession. They hardly knew where they were going, but in -the city trouble was brewing, and they were taking no risks of being -shelled or burned out of their little hovels as had been done to -thousands of their race over the river at Hankow. - -As I went into the city I must have passed five thousand -people--mostly in little processions of sixes and sevens, wending -their way through the gates out of range of the fire of guns. I -could not help but look upon them in pity, for disappointment was -writ large upon their faces. They were some of the great percentage -of the Chinese proletariat who delight to go with the crowd, like to -shout with the majority. A fortnight earlier the Wuchang Republican -party was on the top, was commanding all that came before it, and -therefore did the thousands of the non-thinking portion of the -community of the capital city delight in being loyal supporters. But -now the tide for the time seemed to have turned, they were being -bandied about from pillar to post daily, calamity after calamity -seemed woefully to overtake them, and they almost wished, as they -followed each slowly behind the other in common evacuation, that they -had hesitated before plumping for the Revolutionaries. Tea-shops -were almost deserted, rice-shops did no business, one felt that {168} -the military activity was greatly bluff. Wuchang had suddenly become -a forlorn city, and the inhabitants disappointed people. Outside the -Assembly Hall the revolutionary flags flapped in the wind, and there -was little evidence that the conditions of affairs inside had altered -very much, but as I walked up the steps, showed my card, and asked to -see the General the staff officers looked askance at me, asked each -other whether I was of German nationality, and told me that for some -considerable time it would be quite impossible to see General Li. As -I moved about the offices, however, I confess to some admiration at -the way in which, under all their adverse circumstances and the -consequent disappointment which the re-taking of Hanyang must have -been to them all, the officers were going about their work with a -quiet dignity and assurance that they were working on a thing that -was not soon to pass away. One of the young fellows, a man of some -four-and-twenty, who one could easily see had been educated in the -States, told me that they, were all as confident as could be that -their present position was as strong as ever it was. - -"The taking of Hanyang," he told me, "is decidedly unfortunate, but -we are making a new nation, a new country--we are not fighting -military battles any more. There is now no further need for the -killing of men. We are more concerned with the laying down of a new -Government, and are desirous of having peace. Yuan Shih K'ai"--and -here he paid a fitting tribute to Yuan's power, although he was not -bewilderingly eulogistic of his political squareness--"does not want -to fight, so he says. If he is true, why does he not withdraw his -army at once and let there be peace? What we shall do now is to -retire down towards Shanghai, where we shall probably hold our first -delegates' meeting for the establishment of the Provisional -Government, and by so doing we shall show to the world that we are by -no means anxious to win our cause by killing our {169} own -countrymen. If he wishes to fight, all the world will know now that -it is not merely because we are the Revolutionary party, but because -he will still be the aggressor. Our policy of evacuating this city -is because we feel it wise to do so, so that fighting may cease, and -it is indirectly an appeal to the world on behalf of humanity--for it -takes two to make a fight." - -But this was very far-fetched, for the Revolutionists were equally -keen to show that they had no intention of throwing up the sponge. -Nanking's success subsequently had the effect of firing them with the -fighting spirit again, and the fact that the Nanking troops were -expected to arrive at Wuchang--although this turned out subsequently -to be false--gave a new fillip of enthusiasm to the people. "They -are not the new men, the recruits, they are the real trained -soldiers," cried the man-in-the-street, "as good as the best that go -to make up the Northern Army." The news spread rapidly from mouth to -mouth, and the already excited soldiers showed increased anxiety -because it was feared in their ranks that the rival leaders would so -far be successful in their talk about peace that no further fighting -would take place. - -But no one could get any definite news of how much nearer we were to -peace. Meantime at Hanyang and on the Yangtsze above and below that -town strongest fortifications were being made. That Hanyang was the -stronghold only a visit was needed to convince one; this, however, -was difficult, for only the very privileged were afforded passes to -go across the river. Things were buzzing at Hanyang; the Imperialist -troops were itching for another battle, the whole place was fitted up -in a most complete manner for further warfare, the Tortoise Hill was -rendered absolutely impregnable, the camps were connected with both -telephone and telegraph, and the Imperial army was going about its -business as a body who understood thoroughly the business it was -following. - -{170} - -Whatever they may have thought they could do, however, military -experts declared that the Revolutionists had no position at all as -long as the Imperial guns at Hanyang were able to pour shrapnel into -them. With the railway cut off, the supplies of the Imperial forces -would of course be cut off too, and in that way the Revolutionists -would perhaps have been able to besiege them at Hanyang; but it would -have been infinitely tedious. The cruisers, even if they had had -ammunition, would under existing circumstances have been of little -use. The four-point-seven guns at Hanyang would, with such decided -advantage in being able to bang at them from a point where their own -guns could not even been seen, have been able to silence them in a -very short time. The damage that the Revolutionary guns would have -caused to Hanyang would have been infinitesimal, and altogether the -Imperial army would have held the trump card all the way along. On -the face of things, it appeared little short of sheer madness for the -Revolutionists to think of fighting so long as Hanyang were made the -main Imperial base. But the Revolutionists themselves did not think -so lightly of their chances. They were determined, and among the -rank and file the war fever blinded the sight to all possibilities of -defeat. - -Sufficient has been said, perhaps, to show that further fighting -would only take place to gratify the lust for blood of some of the -grossly misguided leaders of the rival armies. Among the Republican -leaders--General Li Yuan Hung and his party, as distinct from the -military officers--the desire that war should forthwith cease was, I -believe, absolutely sincere. General Li Yuan Hung had shown the -world that what he said he meant: one could not point to a single -public utterance from him and find that he had not done all that lay -in his power consistently towards working out his promises. Li Yuan -Hung was a man of political solidarity--not brilliant, but solid, -sound, having an opinion {171} and fearing no one in stating clearly -and openly that opinion. Not in one thing, but in dozens throughout -this dreadful season of disturbance he had shown that if he failed in -carrying out what he said he meant to carry out, it had not been -because of any inconsistency of his own so much as of treachery among -his army and instability among members of his party. He had -announced frankly all along what he wanted, and what he would be -prepared to pay for realising sooner or later. - -He now stated that he wanted peace--peace at all costs; to -re-establish peace and to ensure that the fearful bloodshed should -stop, he was prepared to make concessions. The general conduct of Li -Yuan Hung, unmarred as it had been by any unharmonious note with -other members of his party and marked throughout by a stability of -purpose which had surprised the whole world, had been such that his -promises could be relied upon. He had shown sufficient of himself to -warrant respect from all, friends and enemies alike, for he had acted -cleanly. And now he wanted peace. - -Meantime many of the most influential foreigners in Hankow were doing -all they could to assist in the bringing in of peace. Merchants, -missionaries, officials, and others were all anxious to assist with -their influence for peace, and if war, with all its carnage and -bloodshed and savagery, were again to come to menace this central -part of China, it would come only as a direct desire from the -Imperial army and with far greater horrors than had yet been seen. - -If further war were to come? So much had been seen during the past -eight slow-moving weeks to show what devastation and utter social -wretchedness could be wrought when men elect to settle their -differences by force of arms. The killing of men, the burning of -property--these are brutal features, but not the worst by any means. -By the side of the horrors that come along in the wake of these -ghastly battles, these are barely worth consideration. The slain -are, after all, {172} out of the misery they have helped to make. It -is those who remain behind--those widows with the hungry, half-clad -or naked children, homeless, foodless, friendless, with no roof above -them at night but the cold, steely sky--these are the ones who -suffer. The whole countryside, with its homeless and foodless -people, its ruined, burnt-out hamlets and family homesteads, its -ruined rice-crops, its cruel waste so wantonly forced upon it by the -Imperialists, cried aloud in its weary desolation for peace. If the -war were stopped, one thought that the bloody struggles of the past -few weeks would become powerful agents of civilisation, reshaping and -remoulding the Old China into a new land and a new people. But -further war in that sad, sad country would tend only to make the -passions of the armies wax fiercer and the hatreds more bitter. - -Peace negotiations meantime hung in the balance. A fifteen-day -armistice was agreed to, and by that time it was hoped that the Peace -Conference would bring matters finally to a peaceful end. - -* * * * * - -His Excellency Tang Shao-yi is a magnificent fellow. He is calm, an -infinitely human man, kindly disposed, easily approached, had borne a -character that was clean. When he was appointed as plenipotentiary -to the Peace Conference for Yuan Shih K'ai, the Revolutionists were -pleased because Tang Shao-yi was known to be a man of extremely -liberal views, sound, and not unsympathetic towards real reform. He -had spent some considerable time abroad, and, coming with full power -from Yuan Shih K'ai, was hailed with a good deal of pomp when he came -to Hankow. In the British Municipal Building Tang Shao-yi had a -suite of rooms, and rested in Hankow for a couple of days before -going down to Shanghai, where, with mutual consent, the Peace -Conference was to be held. - -It must be made known that, as soon as Hanyang {173} fell, Dr. Wu -Ting Fang, than whom is no better-known Chinese diplomat in the -world, assumed a very prominent position in the ambitious Republican -party. Dr. Wu Ting Fang was generally recognised to be the best man -suited to carry on peace negotiations from the Revolutionary party, -and he, with several secretaries and advisers, met Tang Shao-yi and -his advisers in Shanghai on December 18, 1911. This conference was -looked upon throughout the civilised world as an epoch-making event: -it was to be a red-letter day in future histories. "Peace, peace," -ran the legend. Not only was one-quarter of the human race, and all -that country and honour and liberty mean to them, immediately -involved, but if one had the true prophetic eye he was able to look -out upon a change whose effects would spread to the uttermost parts -of the civilised globe. The effects of this Peace Conference then -about to shape the future of this wonderful land were looked upon as -immeasurable, illimitable. Dr. Wu Ting Fang, General Li Yuan Hung, -able leaders of a movement shaking Chinese life to its vitals, on the -one hand; Tang Shao-yi, Yuan Shih K'ai, representatives of the oldest -faction of the whole human race, on the other hand--upon these men -rested a world-wide responsibility it has seldom fallen to the lot of -men to have had placed upon them. - -"Peace, peace; at all costs let us have peace." So, sincerely as it -seemed, cried both parties. That both sides were in earnest there is -every reason to believe. Those who knew General Li Yuan Hung, the -youngest hero of the world, were able more and more to testify with -increasing knowledge of the man that he wished nothing more than that -China should be freed from the Manchu yoke. All else he would forego -to establish peace that should bring prosperity, a peace that should -be permanent and knit the whole Empire together as nothing else -could. Those who knew Dr. Wu Ting Fang realised that, as an able -leader of {174} modern thought and that party whose aim is progress, -he was sincere in all that he did to bring about a China enlightened -and able to stand in line with nations of the East and West. Tang -Shao-yi was a man whose innate sincerity and true humility in high -places had won the confidence of all who knew him. He was, as always -he had been, veritably a political prince of peace. He loved his -country. - -And finally Yuan Shih K'ai. All knew him or of him. Some praised -him, but it was a penalty of his greatness that some anathematised -him. China to him also was as dear as his fame or his life. There -were two pictures: a dawn of peace and tranquillity, a China freed -from all racial bitterness, a China plunging manfully out and in her -plunge being assisted by all the Powers of the world; the other -picture shows a China going down to the deeps of internal despair, -renewed hostilities, further bloodshed. And all those who knew what -the war had been, those who had seen those twelve thousand mothers' -sons hacked and hewn and blown into eternity by infuriated members of -their own great race entertained merely one common hope. - -I went down to Shanghai and remained in that city whilst the Peace -Conference was in progress. To go from the scene of action in -Central China to Shanghai was to pass at one stroke from the din of -war to the tranquillity of peace and undisturbed civilisation. Hard -indeed was it for any one who had been through the crisis in Hankow -actually to realise the peace of China's great metropolis--the -contrast was so enormous as to force it upon one's imagination that -the war was over, that peace assuredly had come. One missed the -cannonading, the utter devastation and universal suffering, the -burnt-out hamlets and the homeless thousands all over the countryside. - -Tang Shao-yi, when he called upon Li Yuan Hung, was reported to have -been very surprised at the meagre following that still stood by the -Revolutionary leader--of {175} course, several delegates had already -left for Shanghai, and he predicted that it would be only a matter of -time when we should see the Republicans forced in the very nature of -things to take the monarchical course. That General Li Yuan Hung and -his supporters had been willing to sink their personal ambitions on -behalf of the general welfare of the country had again and again been -declared by their leader in the press and by other means. But Tang -Shao-yi seemed, when I interviewed him in Hankow just before he -sailed for Shanghai, to believe that this was mere Chinese bluff; he -declared that they had no other course, and that they did this -because they foresaw that their popularity soon would be greatly -diminished when the gilt from the official gingerbread had rubbed off. - -In the Hankow neighbourhood there were thousands who had no food to -eat, no clothes, who had no idea of how they were going to keep body -and soul intact during the coming winter, and some of the older -conservative school were beginning to question whether it was, after -all, worth the candle, and whether it would have been better to have -gone in the same old way, bad as that had been. The result of the -war in which they took so lively an interest was coming upon them as -a horrible nightmare, and I am of the opinion that, although they -were as much passively in favour of reform as they had been, -four-fifths of the people were horribly tired of waiting for the good -times which then seemed farther off than ever. All this was -depressing to Tang, coming among it for the first time. But Tang -Shao-yi was most generous in his references to General Li Yuan Hung. -He thought that the zeal, the disinterestedness, and the abilities -with which Li Yuan Hung had carried out so successfully the general -principles of the Revolution, the persecution he had suffered and the -ignominy that his army had brought to him, and the firmness and -independence that he had shown under all circumstances should have -had a strong claim {176} upon the sympathies of all people. But the -great preponderance of the common people, those who had been hit -hardest in the burning of their homes and the loss of all they -possessed, were inevitably downcast and wished that it would all pass -away and bring anything else so long as peace came with it. -Therefore, all looked eagerly to the peace delegates. It was a -season most trying to the Revolutionary party, for they were all -waiting to see what the outcome of the negotiations would be; and -this lull allowed of a little respite for talk. One department at -Wuchang was suspected of taking away the power from another, one man -from another; some thought that it would be better for General Li to -go away and talk peace, whilst others declared that he could not get -away because the party would not let him. - -Tang Shao Yi, however, would not talk much about the general -situation. He told me that he knew very little, that I should know -much more than he of what had happened, and would be able to make a -fairly good bid as to what would happen in the immediate future, and -in spite of the fact that he was Yuan Shih K'ai's chief peace -delegate he could not tell what was in Yuan's mind. "And you see," -he continued softly, "both sides are now so earnestly seeking for -peace that it seems to me that there should not be much trouble about -a complete settlement. We realise that they [referring to the -Wuchang party] are so strong that we shall have to concede a good -deal. There surely cannot be any more war, and if every one means -what he says and is prepared to do his best for the best common -interests, I think we shall soon complete the Peace Conference." - -Tang Shao Yi then looked into the fire. For some time neither of us -spoke. He held his rheumatic-stricken arm under his fur gown, then -looked up and switched off from political theorising to small talk. - -The Revolutionary delegates, when this Peace Conference {177} was -arranged, were in a frame of mind determined not to give way. A -criterion of their attitude and aims for the Conference may be drawn -from the following interview I was privileged to secure as I -travelled down-river to Shanghai on board the same steamer with three -of General Li Yuan Hung's delegates. The chief man was one Hu Ying, -whose main statement was as follows:-- - - - "Our attitude towards Yuan Shih K'ai is summed up in a single - sentence. If he obstinately upholds the Manchu Dynasty against - the wishes of the people, then he is doomed for ever. He may - succeed in overriding the wishes of the people for awhile, but no - single man, however able, will be able to stand in the way of the - people. - - "We do not wish this to be a fight with arms. We know that it - would take a good deal of time for us to be able to stand man for - man with the Imperial Army, but we know that we have half the - world at our back." - - -Now, Mr. Hu Ying, this same man, some years ago narrowly escaped -losing his head for being mixed up in an alleged Revolutionary -escapade that cost his more enthusiastic confederate his head. He -was the President of the Foreign Office of the Hupeh Government when -I interviewed him. He was a man who to a very large extent had been -the prime mover in the Republican dream of the future. For many -years a strong Revolutionist, he had, however, been called upon to -study the arts of Revolutionism in prison. For when the Revolution -broke out he was still behind the prison bars in Wuchang, and under -normal conditions would have passed the remainder of a miserable life -dreaming of the great reforms he now hoped to help forward. He was a -man who incontestably had the confidence of Li Yuan Hung. Mr. Hu was -only one of a number of delegates sent down to join with Dr. Wu Ting -Fang in upholding the Republican side of the argument against Tang -Shao Yi and his assistants. They all represented General Li Yuan -Hung and thoroughly understood his ideas. Mr. Hu and another of the -{178} delegates--a Mr. C. T. Wang, who was a graduate of an American -University and in China held the responsible position of the National -Secretaryship of the Y.M.C.A. in China--were chosen to assist Dr. Wu -by representatives of the various Revolutionary provinces represented -at Wuchang. Hu Ying was a short, rather stout Chinese, who told me -frankly that he felt fearfully out of it because he could not speak -my foreign words, and a man who would never be taken seriously at -first sight as one capable of shaping the foreign policy of the -Chinese Empire. As a matter of fact, he was nervous with -foreigners--it may be, of course, that his long term in prison had -made him so--and looked up rather timidly over the steel rims of his -glasses as he spoke. He laughed with buoyant candour over his own -jokes, and was somewhat of a caricature in his foreign felt hat that -was the only sign about him that he had ambitions for Occidentalising -his country. - -This hat was worn far back over his head in much the same way as he -had been used to wearing the little round one; his glasses were -tilted forward considerably on his little squat nose, his uneven -teeth did not tend to enhance his personal beauty, and as one looked -down upon him the only item in his general appearance that came in -for admiration were his exquisitely furred silk gowns. 'Twas cold, -so he wore three of them, the top one a brilliant flowered blue. He -was also a little short-sighted, had a slight stoop, endeavoured -vainly to grow a moustache, had a queueless head of outrageously -unkempt hair, and did not look a statesman. But he was one. In -those jet-black eyes one could often see the fire of unquenchable -enthusiasm as he spoke of the possibilities of his own country. He -was, perhaps, what one would be justified in calling a typical -Revolutionist. There was a cut about them all that was non-Chinese, -and yet at heart, in word, and thought, they themselves were -essentially Chinese. Perhaps this {179} was not so striking at -Shanghai and other places on the coast, but one could tell in the -Wuchang centre at a glance those who were rampant Revolutionists; the -foreign cap worn on the rough, queueless head, the foreign boot, the -alleged foreign coat sometimes and other desiderata of clothing, -neither foreign nor Chinese, which had become sadly out of -joint--these were the undeniable characteristics. - -"Of course, you have been a Revolutionary for some years, have you -not?" I asked Hu Ying. - -Well, yes, he had. Some years ago--and he looked half-ashamedly at -me, as if he were not quite sure whether it were now a fit subject -for review--a very dear friend of his had been beheaded, and he had -expected to be, for being rather outspoken and acting daringly along -the direct line of their thought in regard to the way in which their -country should progress. His references to prison life were not -enthusiastic, although for sheer helplessness he laughed heartily now -and again during the conversation as he recalled certain epochs of -his years in gaol. He thought it most unjust, of course, and now -that he was out and had been entrusted with the responsible duties of -partly moulding the foreign policy of a New China, he saw plainly -that his duty lay in working as hard as he could--and this, he -informed me, he fully intended doing. The man who had lost his head -would have been a good man, too, just at this juncture, but the poor -fellow, a master in the Boone University in his time, had now paid -the price with his head. - -"And I think that every man in China who believes in his country and -his own race can be nothing else than a Revolutionist--we are -reformers rather, and no matter whether we belong to the Republican -party, the Monarchical party, or any other party, if we love our -country as we should, we must all be Revolutionists." - -His ensuing references to the Manchurian Dynasty, not bubbling over -with praise, could have no purpose {180} were they printed here, save -to show how great was the hatred of the Wuchang party towards the old -rulers of China. During the conversation he referred to his -companion, Mr. Sun Fa Shu, a portly, aristocratic gentleman dressed -immaculately in latest foreign fashion--a long green tweed overcoat, -a slouch cloth hat, gloves, walking-stick, and all the rest of it. - -Mr. Sun all along had been the right-hand man of General Li Yuan -Hung. Nothing happened in the Revolutionary court without Mr. Sun's -knowledge. He it was who framed all the Revolutionary edicts that -had awakened the world, and was looked upon as the scholar of the -camp. To his finger-tips he was an aristocrat. He spoke low and -slowly, thoughtfully always, gave little gestures now and again to -add to his meaning and to make it clear in Chinese, and showed great -approbation when we caught the drift of his argument. Both these men -in their conversation were charitable to every member of the -Government, eulogistic of some, and would not have me for a moment -believe that they wished to say anything wrong about any one. They -were, they said, merely telling me truthfully what they thought. I -referred to the length of time negotiations would take, and suggested -that people would tire of waiting for the good times supposed to be -coming. Did they think that the great bulk of the common people of -China actually understood what the issues were? - -Mr. Sun, with his gold-rimmed spectacles shining in the sunlight, -looked from my feet straight into my eyes. He spoke with low -emphasis. "There is, perhaps, no other nation in the world," he -began, "that loves peace and is so good-natured and patient as the -Chinese. Yet when they are provoked they strike back with vigour. -The Manchu arrogance and corruption are things which very few nations -could bear. That we have borne them for over two hundred years shows -our patience, but"--and he raised his delicate finger with {181} a -slight shake to show his feeling on the point--"to everything there -is a limit. The blow has now been struck, and the hundreds and -thousands of patriots in China will never lay down their arms until -the Manchu Dynasty is wiped out of existence and the Chinese once -more manage their own affairs and in their own way." Here he -stopped, turned slightly in the indignation which his own thoughts -gave him, and remained looking at his companion, who said nothing. - -"But if the Manchu Dynasty has done some harm, surely you must admit -that it has taught the people, no matter in what way, how to preserve -peace and to love it?" I asked perseveringly. - -"Much of the backwardness of the Chinese nation, as a nation," -retorted Sun Fa Shu, "has been due largely to the misrule of the -Manchu Dynasty. Everybody knows it. Everybody admits it. Its first -principle has been how to keep the people of China as ignorant and as -poor as possible. For knowledge and wealth, when acquired by the -Chinese, cannot but impair the supremacy of the Manchus, which has -been maintained, like highway robbery, by sheer force. A China -emancipated, therefore, means a China prosperous and enlightened. -Except one or two nations whose principles are not above those of the -Manchus, and who delight in land-grabbing and carnage of warfare, we -feel sure that the world desires China to be a progressive and -enlightened country." - -"But do you think the Revolutionary party, as it is, strong enough to -establish conditions which shall permanently make for peace and real -progress?" - -At this point Mr. Hu Ying spoke. He said that he was convinced that -they could, and if at first they could not institute ideal -conditions, they would if they were given time. "The Anglo-Saxons," -he continued, "have taught the world the great lesson of government -by representation--the Revolutionary movement aims at what they have -shown us. We aim at the overthrow {182} of a decadent Court, and the -establishment of a Government which shall respond to the will of the -people. In the endeavour to bring about such a representative -government, Young China, we know full well, has much to learn. But -it has been conceded by all people that there is no school so -efficient as the----" - -Hu Ying was waiting for a word when the third delegate, a graduate -from one of the American universities and an ardent enthusiast in the -New Government, gave the translation as "the school of experience, -the school of 'hard knocks,'" and thereby caused a smile. - -"And," went on Hu, "let us have a chance to learn, and in a decade or -two the world shall see the possibilities and genius of our people -for representative government." - -"What do you consider the main point upon which the two parties will -have difficulty in seeing eye to eye about at the Peace Conference?" -I asked of the three. - -Simultaneously they spoke, and then the two gave way to Sun Fa Hsu. -With fitting dignity he replied that the one solitary point which the -Revolutionists would never waive was their demand for the abolition -of the Manchu Dynasty. And so these three representatives of the -Revolutionary party of Wuchang were of one determined mind upon this -vital question; their party would waive anything else, perhaps, but -not that. They were immovable. I suggested that perhaps if peace -terms could not be arranged they might be forced to give way even on -this point also. But they said they would not; "No, if there must be -Manchu rule again, then we must again go to war, much as we do not -wish to. And there are thousands who will die before they again -submit. - -"When that point is settled," said Sun Fa Hsu with some vigour, "then -all other points can easily be adjusted. Upon that alone everything -hinges. We are fighting for the freedom of our people from the -Manchu yoke." - -{183} - -"Do you in Wuchang still hold out so strongly for the Republican form -of government as you did? I know that General Li Yuan Hung is -anxious for a Republic, but do you think there are many who would -rather see a Republic than anything else?" - -"Whether we should have a Constitutional Monarchy or a Republic we -are prepared to leave with the people. What they want we want, and -we are prepared to leave the matter for a decision by the vote of the -people. For our part, we advocate a Republican form of government, -as the Chinese are democratic in their nature and their habits. Even -under an absolute monarch careful observers of the Chinese political -tendency have remarked that the Chinese Government is a democracy -superseded by a monarchy. In other words, the Imperial rule has not -been a natural outgrowth of the political habits of the Chinese -people, but has been allowed to exist simply because no better -substitute has been found. We think we have now found the -substitute. It is in a president who is responsible to the people, -and yet who, at times when emergency demands, could wield powers -greater even than those exercised by a king or an emperor." - -"Do you think that Yuan Shih K'ai will be the first President?" - -Mr. Sun did not speak for some time. He waited for me to ask the -question a second time, and even then did not seem inclined to commit -himself. At length he replied:-- - -"I do not know. Our attitude to Yuan Shih K'ai may be summed up in a -single sentence. If he obstinately upholds the Manchu Dynasty -against the wishes of the people, then he is doomed for ever. He may -succeed in overriding the wishes of the people for a while, but no -single man, however able, will be allowed to stand in the way of the -people. On the other hand, the opportunity now presents itself for -Yuan Shih K'ai to earn the everlasting gratitude of the nation {184} -in yielding to their wishes in putting an end to the Manchu Dynasty -once and for all. If he does this, Yuan Shih K'ai will show himself -a wise man. We know that it would take some time for us to stand man -for man with the Imperial Army, but we have half a world at our back." - -[Illustration: DR. WU TING-FANG. Minister of Law in the new -Republic.] - -The above sentiments may be taken as a fair example of the views held -by the Revolutionary leaders on the point of meeting at the Peace -Conference. These men, hitherto unknown to the world--always -excepting men of the stamp of Wu Ting Fang and Tang Shao-yi--were now -making history on a gigantic scale, reformers who had just sprung -into being as it seemed, but whose whole past bore testimony to the -manner in which they had been working for China's great era of reform -and progress. - -* * * * * - -In the following chapter will be found a _résumé_ of the Peace -Conference, unsatisfactory as it was in most respects. - - - - -{185} - -CHAPTER XIII - -THE PEACE CONFERENCE--A MONARCHY OR A REPUBLIC? - -The Peace Conference met at Shanghai on December 18th. - -Dr. Wu Ting Fang, who was the Chief Commissioner on the Revolutionist -side, is well known. He was educated in Hongkong, and afterwards -qualified for the Bar in England. He practised in Hongkong for a -little time, and also acted as Police Magistrate. Later on he joined -the Chinese Government service under the late Marquis Li Hung-chang. -He became Minister to the United States, Spain, and Peru in 1896, and -was appointed Vice-President of the Board of Commerce and then of the -Waiwupu in Peking. In 1906 he became Vice-President of the Board of -Punishments, and was engaged in revising the Chinese code of laws. -He retired in that year, and in 1907 went to the United States a -second time to represent China as Envoy. He is a firm believer in -rational diet. He originated and was made President of the Rational -Diet Society and anti-Tobacco Movement in Shanghai, which became very -popular. - -Of the Revolutionary delegates, Wen Tsung-yao also hailed from -Hongkong, and was educated in the Government Central School in that -colony over twenty years ago. After that he was engaged in the -Peiyang University in Tientsin. From 1905 to 1908 he went to Canton -as Secretary to ex-Viceroy Tsen Chuan-hsuan, and in June, 1908, he -was appointed to Lhassa as {186} Assistant-Amban, and was removed -from office after the ex-Dalai Lama was deposed by Edict. Wang -Chung-hui is a Cantonese student who graduated from college in -America. He also studied in Europe, and is versed in law. Wang -Chao-ming is celebrated for his attempt to assassinate the ex-Prince -Regent, for which offence he was sentenced to life imprisonment. He -was released when the recent pardon was granted to all reformers and -political offenders. Wang Cheng-ting, who is a returned student from -the United States, and Hu Ying are delegates appointed by General Li -Yuan Hung. - - #Tang Wu - Shao-yi Ting-Fang* - +------------------------------+ - #Er Kuan | o o | Wen - Chan. | o o | Tseng Yao.* - | | - #Hsu | | Wang - Ting Lin. | o o | Chou Wei.* - | | - #Chao | | Wang - Chun Ni. | o o | Chow Ning* - | | - #Feng | | New - Ih Tung. | o o | Yung Kee.* - | o | - +------------------------------+ - Wang Chen Ting.* - -* Republicans. #Imperialists. - - -Up to the time my manuscript went forward to the publishers I was -unable to get any special information regarding the Imperial -delegates. Of Tang Shao-yi, however, much is known. He had played -many an important part on the political platform of his country, and -was, undoubtedly, a man calculated safely to direct the affairs of -the Imperial side into safe channels. At the time he was appointed -to represent Yuan Shih K'ai he occupied an important position, and, -because he had {187} had a career most successful as a diplomat, was -chosen as the man of all the men the Imperial body were able to -secure as most likely to commit no political errors. Tang Shao-yi is -one of the ablest statesmen in China to-day. - -The table at the Conference was arranged as on opposite page. - -For more than four hours these two Cantonese--Wu and Tang--with their -colleagues, held secret conference in the Town Hall of Shanghai, with -the object of deciding on terms of peace which were expected to -involve a decision as to the future form of government in China. At -the end of the session the following statement, initialed by both -commissioners, was handed out as a memorandum of the happenings of -the day:-- - - - "1. Exchange of credentials. - - "2. Commissioner Tang agrees to wire Yuan Shih K'ai conveying the - demand of the Republicans that the order to stop fighting and - capturing of places by the Manchu Army should be carried out - effectively in Hupei, Shansi, Shensi, Shantung, Anhui, Kiangsu, - and Fengtien, and that no further conference should be held until - a satisfactory reply from Yuan Shih K'ai has been received. - - "3. Commissioner Wu agrees to wire to General Li Yuan Hung of - Hupei and the Republican Generals of Shansi and Shensi ordering - them to discontinue fighting and further attacks upon the Manchu - troops." - - -At the opening of the Conference Mr. Tang made a short address. He -told of his appointment to come to Shanghai for the Conference, and -expressed the hope that it would be successful. He then presented -his credentials to Dr. Wu. The latter examined them, and then -expressed a similar hope that the Conference would result in great -good for China. His credentials were then given to Mr. Tang, and the -Conference was begun. Although these assistants were admitted to the -meeting they had no voice in its affairs, the two commissioners alone -carrying on the discussion. No one of Dr. Wu's assistants was -allowed to address Mr. Tang directly, nor were any of Mr. Tang's -assistants allowed to {188} address Dr. Wu. Instead they could offer -suggestions to their leaders, either by written note or by whispers. -Tang Shao-yi expressed his personal readiness to accept Dr. Wu's -demands for a Republic, but deferred a definite answer until he had -communicated with Yuan Shih K'ai. With the exception of an agreement -that the armistice should be extended for a week, ending December -31st, this was the result of the Conference, as told in the official -statement given out at the end. The statement, headed "Authentic -Account of To-day's Peace Conference," was as follows:-- - - - "1. It is mutually agreed that the armistice should be extended - for a period of seven days, i.e., from December 24, 8 a.m., to - December 31, 8 a.m. - - "2. Dr. Wu Ting Fang advocated the necessity of establishing a - Republican form of government for China. He believed that China - is fully prepared to welcome a new Republic. He said, in - substance, as follows: - - "The people of China will accept no other form of government than - a Republic founded upon the will of the people. Since we can - appoint delegates to represent us both in the various provincial - assemblies and in the National Assembly at Peking, why are we not - qualified to elect a President as the Chief Executive of the - nation? - - "The Manchus have shown their utter impossibility to govern the - people for 267 years. They must go out. A government may be - well likened to a trading company: if the manager through - incapacity or dishonesty causes the failure of the concern, he - has no business to continue in office. A new manager must be - elected by the shareholders. The Republican Party does not - intend to drive the Manchus out, nor to ill-treat them. On the - contrary, they want to place them on perfect equality with the - Chinese, enjoying together the blessings of liberty, equality, - and fraternity." - - -The official statement of the day's proceedings, as handed out to the -Chinese newspapers, was practically the same as that given to the -foreign papers, except that it contained the following additional -statement as being made by his Excellency Tang Shao-yi:-- - - - "Personally, I am in favour of a Republic, which is the only - solution of the present crisis. But we must not in the - Conference overlook the integrity of Manchuria, Mongolia, Tibet, - and other dependencies." - - -{189} - -To which Dr. Wu replied:-- - - - "The Republic does not denote the integrity and union of the - eighteen provinces only." - - -Tang Shao-yi replied to this:-- - - -"I will have to telegraph to Yuan Shih K'ai as regards the Republican -question." - - -This Conference between the plenipotentiaries of the Peking -Government and the Revolutionary groups was looked upon as a meeting -of tremendous importance to the nation of China. Indeed, it was not -too much to say that the fate of the Empire was to turn on the issue. -The whole world would observe the proceedings and criticise the -outcome with intense interest. Tang Shao-yi and Wuting-Fang, chief -plenipotentiaries of the opposing parties, were to either earn the -applause of civilisation or be condemned for having failed to rise to -the opportunity of setting China firmly in the path of progress, -which was to be presented by this extraordinary collocation of -circumstances. - -First may be considered what the situation probably would be if -hostilities were resumed. At present the Yangtze River approximated -a dividing line between territories controlled by the Government and -Revolutionaries. Some localities north of the river had been in -revolt, but a majority of these had returned to Imperial allegiance, -being apparently satisfied with the concessions granted, and others -showed a disposition to do the same. It seemed reasonable to assume -that if the nation were to have civil war the country would divide -north against the south, with the Yangtze River as a general line of -demarcation. - -The Peking Government had the advantage of being recognised by -foreign nations, a condition which would continue while it remained -in possession of the capital and any considerable region surrounding -it. It had almost all of the modern drilled army, and a great {190} -majority of the trained officers. It had better military equipment. -The Government still controlled the Imperial railways of North China, -the Peking-Hankow Railway, and the Tientsin-Pukou Railway over the -greater part. Thus it would be able to concentrate troops at any -given point along or north of the Yangtze more easily than the -Revolutionists. Moreover, the Imperial troops were accustomed to and -equipped to endure a cold climate, and winter had the northern part -of the country in its grip. What forces the Revolutionaries could -put in the field north of the Yangtze River was not definitely known. -Except a few thousand trained troops, any army assembled for the -purpose of advancing upon Peking or resisting an advance of the -Imperial Army would be composed of raw recruits officered in the main -by inexperienced men. Such an army would be ill provided to -undertake a winter campaign in the north. Without further analysis -the mooted march of a Revolutionary Army to Peking could be dismissed -as visionary, unless it was assumed that the Imperial Army was -disloyal and would desert the Government. There was now no very -tangible basis for such an expectation. Yuan Shih K'ai, the creator -of the new army which had always been loyal to him, still held the -respect of the soldiers. It was one thing for the new army and its -leaders to be dissatisfied with the old order of things at Peking: it -was quite another to assume that it was dissatisfied with the form of -government proposed by Yuan Shih K'ai, its former and present -commander. The army knew Yuan, and what to expect from him. It did -not know the Revolutionary leaders, except one here and there, and it -did not know what treatment it would receive from a Revolutionary -Government after what had happened. If it were assumed that the -Northern Army would remain loyal to Yuan Shih K'ai, an early -occupation of Peking by the Revolutionists was practically -impossible. This was a task which would require a campaign of a year -{191} or perhaps more--if it could ever be accomplished. The -Imperialists might not have been able to penetrate south of the -Yangtze, but they would have had no great difficulty in holding the -territory under their control. And in the event of schisms and -disintegration of the Republicans, the Government should have been -able in time to recover its dominion in all the provinces. This was -a phase which the Revolutionists had to consider. Hitherto the -processes of disintegration and discontent had worked almost -altogether in their favour. - -Prolongation of hostilities, therefore, would seem to presage a -temporary, perhaps a permanent, division of the Empire into two -parts, and the subjection of the country and the people to the -horrors and disasters which inevitably attend such internecine -struggles. The calamities which would befall under these -circumstances were obvious. Six months of such conditions would -probably create a counter-revolution in the southern provinces. -Conditions in the north would have been somewhat similar, but -probably not so bad, as the Government had a firmer grip on affairs -and would be able to keep outlawry within bounds. In this discussion -it is assumed, of course, that Chinese would be left to fight it out -among themselves, without foreign intervention. Foreign -intervention, which it would be difficult to avoid if hostilities -were to be prolonged indefinitely, would bring its own problems and -dangers. Such aspects were presented by the alternative of war. - -These were some of the chief considerations which were to weigh upon -the plenipotentiaries. There seemed only one point of serious -divergence--whether the new Government would follow the Monarchical -or the Republican form. If the former were elected, it probably -would mean that the present Dynasty would be retained, although -perhaps reigning under a different name, for neither Revolutionists -nor Monarchists had another emperor to propose. If a Republic were -to be decided {192} upon, the Government which would be instituted -would differ only in title from a Constitutional Monarchy; therefore, -the argument was more about mere terms than about realities. -Objections to the retention of the monarchy were based upon two -principal theories. One was that with the Manchu Dynasty on the -throne the liberty of the Chinese would not be secure--that the -Dynasty must be overthrown and the capital removed from Peking in -order to shake off for ever the atmosphere and associations of the -old regime. Another objection was that, under the monarchical form, -Yuan Shih K'ai would be virtual dictator, and then he would use his -power to place himself on the throne. In certain quarters Yuan was -certainly credited with having this ambition--as one Chinese put it, -he wanted to be China's Napoleon, not her George Washington. But it -seemed that if Yuan had this ambition, a Republic such as would of -necessity exist in China would be exactly what he would want. -Napoleon began his rise to power as a Republican. If Yuan desired to -make himself emperor, he could adopt no more favourable course than -to accept the presidency of a Republic now, biding his time, as -Napoleon did, until the inevitable reaction set in, and the -transition back to an Empire would be comparatively easy. On the -other hand, continuation of the Dynasty and Imperial forms -constituted a check on such ambition, if it existed, for it provided -a focus for loyalty of the people without in any practical way -hampering administration of the Government on constitutional lines. -Should Yuan Shih K'ai concede the point at issue and assent to a -Republic, what then? A Republic would have the same difficulties as -a Constitutional Monarchy, difficulties which well might baffle the -ablest statesmanship. If peace should be established, there still -would remain all the great problems which make China an invalid among -nations, accentuated by famine, and the strain of the Revolution. -Could a Republic solve these offhand? Or would {193} a republic have -a better prospect? If there were any difference in favour of either -of the two forms of government a Constitutional Monarchy would have -less difficulty. A Republic would be handicapped in its attempts to -restore order, and put the administration of the Government back on a -normal basis by expectations of the people which it could not fulfil. -To do this it would be compelled to have money. It would be -compelled, almost immediately, to make a foreign loan, a policy which -Revolutionists had been denouncing in the Peking Government. It -would be compelled to continue many forms, conditions, and processes -which Revolutionists had criticised in the Manchu Government, and had -led the people to expect would be abolished immediately. It would -have to resume collection of taxes in localities where the -Revolutionary Press had led the people to believe they would be -reduced or abrogated altogether. It would, until a new code be -devised and put into operation, have to administer the existing laws. -In short, a Republican Government would be absolutely compelled to do -many of the things which its leaders had been criticising the Manchu -Government for permitting. It would have to reckon with a large -number of upstart leaders and their henchmen brought forth by the -Revolution, and who one and all looked forward to securing good -positions in the new Government. What the immediate future of China -would be under a Republic none could at the time of the Conference -foresee. - -And although the issue of the Revolution remains still in doubt, one -was at the start of the Conference in a better position to realise -the nature and strength of its motive forces. Clearly this -Revolutionary movement in China was not inspired solely or even -mainly by the desire to press through a reform, too long delayed, of -the corrupt Chinese Government. Nor was the general cry that the -Manchus must be eliminated due solely or even mainly to a -well-grounded disbelief in {194} the will or the power of the Tartar -Dynasty to break with its tradition of misrule. The movement, which -had spread like wildfire throughout the length of China, from the -province of Chihli in the extreme north to that of Kwangtung in the -extreme south, was clearly a national uprising of the Chinese against -what was regarded as a degrading foreign domination. It had borrowed -the political cries of the Liberal West; it had clothed itself, in -those centres where it was victoriously established, with the forms -of republican government; but its dynamic force was derived, at least -among the ignorant masses, for whom constitutional government was a -meaningless phrase, from the traditional feelings of a people which -had for three hundred years past been restive under the Tartar yoke. -Nothing could show this more clearly than what had everywhere been -the first act of emancipation--the cutting of the queue, for the -shaven head and queue were imposed in the seventeenth century upon -the Chinese as a symbol of subjection by the conquering Manchus. -Everywhere people had, from the start of the Revolution, been taking -off their queues, and, although an Imperial edict had made it -optional for the people to discard or retain them, the Imperialists -had killed hundreds of peaceable folk merely because they were found -without their queues. The rebellion thus took its place in a series -of national uprisings against the Tartar rulers, and it was, as will -be seen in the later portion of this volume, not without significance -that it gained its most conspicuous initial successes precisely in -those maritime provinces in which the appearance of the dispossessed -Chinese Ming Dynasty held out longest against the Manchu usurpers. -If the movement had taken on fresh forms, said a writer in a London -journal, this was due to the exigencies of changed conditions. The -Kwangsi rebels in 1850 set up as Emperor, with the name of Tien-te -("heavenly virtue") a youth said to be the representative of the -{195} last Ming Dynasty. The movement languished until the -redoubtable Hung Siu-tsuan swept the Pretender aside, courted foreign -favours by declaring himself a Christian, and, after capturing -Wuchang and Nanking, proclaimed himself the first Emperor of the -Taiping Dynasty as Tien Wang ("heavenly king"). His hideous -atrocities, continued the writer quoted, and a too fantastic -description of the physical attributes of the deity--the outcome of a -"vision" intended to impress the missionaries--alienated all foreign -sympathy, and on the eve of his complete success his power was -shattered by the Government troops, organised and led by "Chinese -Gordon." The secret of his power lay in the absence of the -legitimate "Son of Heaven" of the old Dynasty, in his claim to a new -commission from Heaven itself. - -[Illustration: YIN CHANG. Minister of War of the Manchu Government -at the beginning of the Revolution, and Commander-in-Chief of the -Imperial Troops in Hupeh Province. - -TANG SHAO-YI. Peace Commissioner for the Manchu Government and -Premier of the Provisional Military Government of the United Republic -of China. - -FENG KUO-CHANG. Commander-in-chief of the First Expedition of the -Imperial Troops for the Relief of Hupeh.] - -Now, General Li Yuan Hung and those associated closely with him made -no such claim. The younger Revolutionists were, for the most part, -trained in the schools of the West, and their appeal for Western -sympathy took a new form. At the time it was impossible to foresee -how, in the long run, the idea of a democratic Republic would appeal -to a people steeped in the political philosophies of Confucius, with -its conception of parental rights and filial duties as the -fundamental basis of government. - -So far, indeed, the claim that from Chihli to Kwang-tung, and from -Shantung to Szechuen, the provinces had approved the Republic seems -to have been justified. It would seem, then, that, no scion of the -old Imperial house being available, the Chinese would have been able -to reconcile themselves to the creation of a United States of China, -under an elected President, in which case it was at the time -interesting to speculate whether a too patent breach with the past -might be avoided by retaining a ceremonial "Son of Heaven," who, like -the King Archon at Athens or the Rex Sacrificulus of Rome, would -continue to offer the traditional sacrifices to the Fountain of -Authority. - -{196} - -It was to decide this and much more that the Peace Conference of last -December was convened, but nothing but disappointment followed. - -The plenipotentiaries, themselves actually agreeable to the main -issue at stake, were overruled by Yuan Shih K'ai. Day after day -wires were passing frequently between Yuan and Tang, and all looked -anxiously towards Shanghai for the final word of the war. The -Republic seemed already to have been born, and the five-coloured flag -in Shanghai's streets heralded its dawn. But Yuan was obstinate, -obdurate as a mule. In the end, after endless discussions on the -situation, he repudiated Tang Shao-yi's power, declared that Tang -could not finally negotiate upon any question, although his -credentials showed that in him full power had been invested, and in -the end the Conference merely "fizzled out." - -The next scene presents Dr. Sun Yat Sen on the Republican platform. -The civilised world then looked to him to solve this political -conundrum--and he was voting plump for the Republic. He had now -arrived in Shanghai, and his presence totally altered the -situation.[1] - - -[1] The following article, from the pen of Charles Spurgeon Medhurst, -setting forth the claims of a Republic and a Monarchy, and printed in -the _China Press_ of Shanghai, on December 13, 1911, will be of -interest to the reader at this juncture:-- - -"Representative government with a scion of the Dynasty, not -necessarily the infant Emperor, as its head, or representative -government without any link with the past, is the problem on which -hangs the issue of peace or war in China, and yet, so far as the -freedom of the country is concerned, the difference between these two -ideals is as the distinction between the good old English russet -grown in the West of England, and a bellflower cultivated on the -western slopes of the Pacific. Both are good eating apples. The -preference for one before the other is a matter of taste. One may, -indeed, almost say that the Imperialists are Republicans, and that -the Republicans are Imperialists, for the Republican insists as -strongly as his brother Imperialist that there must be a strong -central authority, and the Imperialist {197} clasps hands with his -Republican comrade in his anxiety that the control of national -affairs shall be in the hands of the people. To borrow an expressive -simile recently used by Dr. Wu in reference to something else, the -bottle is different but the brand is the same. Each side is pledged -to give the nation freedom from all authority, excepting such as the -nation itself imposes upon itself. Between Imperialist and -Republican the difference is, in reality, one of form and not of -substance. A general recognition of this fact will clear the -atmosphere, and make it easier to perceive the imperative needs of -the moment. There is the more urgent demand that this should be -brought about because in their enthusiasm over the prospects of the -new dawning day many of our Chinese friends have mistakenly persuaded -themselves that Democracy is the greatest gift the Occident has for -the Orient. But the last mail brought us a message from Dr. Inge, -the Dean of St. Paul's in London, that Democracy is perhaps one of -the silliest of modern fetishes. It is incumbent, therefore, on -those of us in China who agree with the Dean to speak out plainly at -this critical juncture, lest our Chinese hosts blindly step on to a -devious and a dangerous path. The duty becomes still plainer when we -recall a recent speech by Dr. Sun Yat Sen, in which he hinted that -universal suffrage for men and women would be the note to which the -tune of the new Republic would be keyed. - -"For any good result to come from a universal suffrage there must -have been many previous years of universal education, but even with -this advantage Democracy becomes for the most part little more than a -dream, a good catchword but impossible politics. Constitutional -government has nowhere as yet been perfected. The best we have is an -adaptation of realities still unrealised. Like everything else at -this stage of our progress, it is a compromise. Its methods give no -sign of finality; in all countries it is what must take place in -China, an adaptation to existing circumstances. None know better -than the Chinese that co-operative compromise with the ideas of -others is the foundation of all order. What else are the mutations -of the Yin and the Yang? If these do not harmonise disorder ensues. -In the same way there can be no peace in China until Republicans and -Imperialists work together. That autocracy has been abused is no -reason why Republicans should seek to replace it by a system which -many residents of democratic countries, as witness the observations -of the London dean, are beginning to regard as false in its premise. -Because a revolution has shown it to be the will of the country that -there should be a change in the administration of Chinese affairs -there is no reason why Imperialists should not unite with Republicans -in friendly conference, and see if between them it be not possible to -evolve an administration better than any now existing, and thus -magnify their proud position of being the oldest nation in the world. -Both sides are Chinese. Why not meet and set younger civilisations -an example in civics? - -"If democracy be a dream, self-government is an illusion. There -never has been and never will be any society, or any body, which is -self-governed. We are not even free to wear the clothes our -inclination suggests. Madame Fashion cuts the cloth and purchases -the material. Government (to quote a French expression) is always an -'affair of two.' Like love-making, it is a matter of one yielding to -the other. In the same way self-respect is not self-respect but the -approbation of my lower to my Higher, the God within me. -Self-control is not self-control, but the obedience of my passional -nature to the Divine enshrined within. Self-government is not -self-government, but the government of one part by another part, of -the unfit by the fit, of the masses by the classes, of the uneducated -by the educated. Anything else would be incompetence, injustice, not -liberty. There cannot be equality and fraternity in government. -There is much truth in Lao Tzu's paradox, 'When the people are -difficult to control it is because they possess too much worldly -wisdom.' Democracy is an idol many of its worshippers are ceasing to -respect, and facts should be known before a temple to its honour is -erected in China. What is wanted is an Autocracy in its proper -place, not an autocracy of birth, of money, or of clamour, but an -autocracy of character, of self-sacrifice, and ability. This is -China's hour, a challenge to her strong men to devise something -characteristic of herself, and not merely to imitate Western -Constitutions. - -"If this is to be successfully accomplished, preconceived ideas must -be kept fluid when the peacemakers meet in the coming Conference. -Republicans must remember that to imagine a Democracy without an -oppression is idle. Imperialists must consider that to interfere -with the rights of another is wrong. Republicans must not forget -that every democratic government rules by majorities, and that when -the wishes of the minority are overridden an Autocracy in its wrong -place has been substituted for Democracy. Imperialists must not lose -sight of the truth that the yoke laid on the defeated party is no -easier to bear because the coercion comes from an opposing political -body and not from one or two accredited officials, and that coercion -of any sort invites rebellion. Let both sides consider that wisdom -does not always dwell with majorities. History supplies many -instances where the minority of one was right and all the rest wrong. -Being right, he might perhaps efface himself and yield to the general -wish, but he cannot properly be coerced. If Democracy be right, then -coercion is necessarily wrong, whether the pressure be exercised by -individuals or majorities. - -"The proper basis for an orderly arrangement of men's common -interests is that all concerned shall discuss in a friendly way with a - -{199} Vacant page? - -view to agreement. If this prove impossible, then as a general rule -(subject to the elastic dictates of common sense) the question -should, if possible, be shelved as being unripe for decision. If -government by party, such as exists under all Constitutional -Governments be right, if it be right for one party because stronger -to compel the other party because weaker to submit to its ruling, -then might becomes right. In that case Imperialists and Republicans -should continue their fight until one has crushed the other; in that -case the Powers whose interests are jeopardised by the continuance of -the conflict should step in and apply their might also, that right -may be enthroned. If, however, Force be always evil, if the -universal practice of Constitutional Governments in regard to -minorities be wrong, it follows that whichever side refuses to -compromise in the present struggle is also wrong, because by such -refusal reliance is placed on the strength of the arm, instead of on -the might of TRUTH. - -"In any event it is ironical inconsistency to employ the harsh -arbitrament of war to decide such a question as the supremacy of the -will of the people until, at least, a vote has been taken and the -consent of those who have lived within the area of the fight has been -obtained to the unavoidable destruction of their property. As there -is no conscription in China the position of the soldier need not be -taken into account. At present the few have spoken for the many, the -leaders on both sides have imposed their will on their followers, and -the masses are afraid to speak. I cannot guess what the verdict on -the Revolution would be were every one heard from individually, nor -does it affect the point at issue. The simple fact remains that -grave wrongs have been inflicted on thousands who have had no chance -to assent or to protest, and that for the rest of their lives they -will be worse off than they would have been under the most tyrannical -government. If it be argued that this 'evil' was unavoidable, that -the Revolution was a cruel necessity, the answer is that it should be -concluded as speedily as possible and recompense given to those who -have suffered. Every unrequited wrong committed in its name, or on -its account, will be a weak spot in the new Government's armour. - -"If these paragraphs are felt to be mere counsels of perfection, they -at least emphasise the terrible hurt that will be inflicted on -Righteousness should the fighting be resumed. Conciliation, -submission, compromise are the foundations of Truth and of Liberty, -the binding forces of society everywhere. It is not strength but -weakness which refuses to swerve from an assumed position. The -bravest men are not afraid of inconsistency. As Michael Wood says: -'Humility is the strength of God: the power of everything worth -having. It does not grovel: it is strong. It is seeing true: it is -having your values right. It is knowing what matters and what is -rubbish to be flung away.' Or as Jacob Boehme put it: 'He to whom -Eternity is as Time and Time as Eternity is free from all strife.' -In a word, Democracy can only succeed where all the people are -aristocrats, and now is the time for the leaders on both sides to -prove their aristocracy and their fitness to rule, by gracefully -yielding each to the other. China has always set the world an -example in this particular. She will surely not fail on the eve of -what will doubtless be the most glorious chapter of her memorable -history." - -{198} - -[Transcriber's note: this page was entirely taken up by part of -footnote 1, which is now on page 196 in its entirety.] - -{200} - -[Illustration: HWANG HSING. Generalissimo of the Nanking Provisional -Military Government and Chief of the General Staff of the Republic of -China. - -DR. SUN YAT-SEN. First Provisional President of the Republic of -China] - - - - -{201} - -CHAPTER XIV - -THE COMING OF SUN YAT-SEN - -Sun Yat-sen for many years has been known the world over as the most -effective Revolutionary China has ever produced. For many years he -had been the leader of a revolutionary movement among Chinese abroad, -and his life was practically devoted to travelling to foreign -countries, keeping his exiled countrymen versed upon the latest -political phases of China. - -At the time of the Peace Conference the situation had become so -strained, there were so many parties all genuinely anxious to assume -control--out of the best motives probably--that it seemed necessary -for one strong man to come in safely to direct the Revolutionary -cause. That strong man was Dr. Sun Yat-sen. It was known on the day -the Conference met that Sun Yat-sen was in Singapore. For many days -the people had been looking for him, and disappointment was freely -expressed in Shanghai more particularly (where he was best known) -because of his non-appearance. It seemed that he was now, at the -moment when he could do his country the most good, determined to stay -away. After the Conference had broken up, however, Sun arrived, and -immediately the people took him to their hearts, recognising in him -the one man who now would be strong enough to establish a stable -Government. - -{202} - -Sun cannot be called a typical Chinese; he is a typical and extremely -able Chinese of the new school. He has lived most of his life -abroad, and from his earliest years, when in Canton he attended the -London Mission with his Christian parents, has been constantly in -close touch with men and things foreign. As has been said, -practically all his life, but particularly since 1895, Sun has been -looked upon as the most active Revolutionary among the Chinese. His -escapes at the hand of the Chinese Government had been many. For -years he had been banished, and his head was ever sought after. His -deliverances had been marvellous. Newspapermen the world over have -constantly interviewed Sun in his wanderings, and it is felt that so -much is known of President Sun that nothing of a general nature need -be added here. It will be more interesting to pass on to see what -Dr. Sun has to say, in a remarkably well written story, of the reason -why his country is in revolt.[1] - -"The conspiracy in which I took part as a leader at Canton in -October, 1895," wrote Dr. Sun Yat-sen, "was one of a series which -must ultimately triumph in the establishment of a Constitution in our -Empire. The whole of the people in China, excepting the Imperial -agents, who profit in purse and power by the outrages they are able -to perpetrate, are with us. The good, well-governed people of -America will not fail to understand that Chinese numbering many -millions in their own land and thousands in exile, could not -entertain such feelings about their Empire without good cause. Over -each province there is what the English would call a Governor. There -are no laws, as you know laws. The Governor of each province makes -his own laws. The will of each officer is the law. The people have -no voice. There is no appeal against the law created for his own -purposes by the officer or the Governor, no matter how unjust, no -matter how cruelly carried {203} out. These Governors universally -persecute the people and grow wealthy by squeezing them all into -poverty. Taxes, as taxation is understood by Americans, are unknown. -We pay only a land tax, but the Governors and officers take money -from the masses by innumerable systems of extortion. Every time a -Governor or magistrate or chief officer takes charge of a district, -the first thing he does is to find out who are the rich, who are -favourably disposed toward him and who against him. He selects first -one of those whom he has reason to believe dislikes him, forces one -of those on his side to make a criminal charge against the selected -man, and has him arrested on the charge, which is invariably false. -The Governor enriches himself by each case, as the only thing in the -nature of a law he knows is that of the Dynasty, empowering him to -take as his own as much as he likes, usually the whole of the -property of every man whom he arrests and punishes. The arrested man -has no appeal. He has no advocates. He has no hearing. Only his -accusers are heard. Then he is barbarously tortured to confess the -guilt he knows not. - -"The terrible injustice of this procedure is to be seen in that a -magistrate or chief officer never visits that punishment upon any one -who has Imperial influence. Yet any man who has influence with the -magistrate or is in any way a creature of his, can arrest, by his own -will, any person against whom he has a grievance, choose any crime he -likes to name for the purpose, drag the person before the magistrate, -accuse him, and ask that he be punished. Again, the accused person -has no appeal, no defence. He is merely faced with the accusation, -and if he denies it, is put under torture for three days. If at the -end of three days the accused refuses to confess himself guilty, -punishment is meted to him in severity according to the influence of -the accuser, and the necessity the magistrate feels of appeasing him. -The punishment {204} for every offence charged, from petty larceny -upward, is almost invariably beheading. Beheading saves prison -expense, and effectually silences the accused. So much aloof do the -Mandarins keep from the people that many are usually ignorant of this -terrible work of the officers of the Dynasty, and when told of it, -refuse to believe. Some Mandarins refuse to believe, out of fear of -incurring the displeasure of officers. The unhappy masses know the -truth too well. The intelligent, the most enlightened, know of it. -Exiles in all other parts of the world know of it. Bitter hatred of -the Dynasty and of the Imperial officers prevails in every province -of the Empire. There is a great democracy in the Empire, waiting and -praying for the moment when their organisation can be made efficient -and the Dynasty removed and replaced by a constitutional government. - -"Our conspiracy to seize Canton failed, yet we are filled with hope. -Our greatest hope is to make the Bible and education, as we have come -to know them by residence in America and Europe, the means of -conveying to our unhappy fellow-countrymen what blessings may lie in -the way of just laws, what relief from their sufferings may be found -through civilisation. We intend to try every means in our power to -seize the country and create a government without bloodshed. I think -we shall, but if I am doomed to disappointment in this, then there is -no engine in warfare we can invoke to our aid that we will hesitate -to use. Our four hundred millions must, and shall, be released from -the cruel tyranny of barbaric misrule and be brought to enjoy the -blessings of control by a merciful, just government, by the arts of -civilisation. - -"The conspiracy at Canton, though it failed, was but a momentary -repulse and has in no way damped our ardour. A brief history of the -conspiracy and my own adventures connected with it may convey some -ideas of the difficulties which still lie before us, yet {205} which -we know we shall in due time surmount. We have a head, a chief, and -a body of leaders, all earnest, intelligent, courageous men. They -were elected according to constitutional principles by a body of us, -who met, necessarily, in secret. We have a branch of our Society in -every province. Our meetings of the leaders were held at various -houses, the rendezvous being constantly changed. We had between -thirty and forty centres in the districts of the town, with members -ready to ride at a given moment to the number of at least one -thousand in each centre to take control of the public affairs of the -district. Communications with each of these districts were made by -the employment of messengers. Our communications were by word of -mouth. Our intention was to attack no individual person. - -"There is no Government, no organisation, no legal system, no form of -official control except the influential citizens, who, under the -favour of the magistrate or Governor of the province, usurp the use -of the Imperial commissioners and soldiers to carry out their -barbarous tyranny. We had no ruling body, officials, or officers as -such institutions are understood by Europeans, to seize. We had -elected bodies of our followers who had been taught a system of -constitutional rule, for each district, all ready to take office at a -given signal and put the system into practice. The soldiers were -ready to join us. For the soldiers are as great sufferers from -tyranny as the poor masses. - -"Now, herein lay our chief difficulty. To effect revolution in China -would be easy but for one thing--the great difficulty in controlling -the citizens. The people, never having known laws, never having been -used to any proper discipline, are utterly demoralised. Life and -property would be in danger from the masses the moment they became -excited. From the soldiers, who are of the most degraded class, we -expected trouble. They would certainly engage in looting the {206} -moment they had discovered a change in the order of things. - -"The only problem we had to solve in order to completely succeed was -how to control the people, to make order a certainty, simultaneously -with the establishment of a form of government, and how to check the -excitement and outrages of the inhabitants while they were being -taught to realise the fact that the long-endured tyranny was -overcome. For months we worked hard completing our plans to this -end, and things had reached that condition that each of the thirty -odd leaders had an armed bodyguard of one hundred men. This gave us -three thousand armed men on the spot. Another three thousand were to -join us from another province on a given date. With this body of -men, armed, not to attack any officials, but to control the masses of -people and make them obey our constitutional laws, we should have in -a few hours reached the dynasty of impotence. - -"Unhappily, we had to contend with the possibilities of disloyalty -among our own followers. So great is the fear of the -torture-chamber. Into so many tributaries does the main stream of -corruption flow. However, all was prepared. A date was fixed--one -day in October, 1895. We leaders met to receive a telegram from our -agent in Hongkong, who was to inform us that all was right the moment -he knew the three thousand men had set out to our assistance. At the -same time, he was to dispatch a chartered steamer up the Canton -River, laden with arms for the three thousand men who were to control -the people and keep order, and bringing seven hundred coolies to do -the fetching and carrying, the labourer's work needful to carry out -the scheme of establishing our Government. We met at the rendezvous -at Canton, runners and every one at hand. The message arrived to say -that all was right. We dispatched our runners to let every one be -prepared at every centre, burned our papers, {207} and proceeded to -disband ourselves into units, each to carry out his own allotted -portion of revolution. The moment before we disbanded a second -message arrived saying, 'Something has happened, the three thousand -men cannot come.' Our runners were out, and could not be overtaken -and recalled. We had to trust to the discretion of the centres to -await the men. The only thing we could do, for the time being, to -divert suspicion, was to wire our Hongkong agent to keep back the -coolies. He misunderstood. The coolies arrived. No one received -them. They wandered about, not knowing what they were in Canton for. - -"So the conspiracy was thwarted. The runners had accused the people, -and set tongues wagging. The Viceroy had been told, 'Something is -going to happen.' He would not believe his informant, and all might -have become quiet, but the arrival of the coolies confirmed the -information. The Government did not start. The unhappy coolies were -hunted by the Imperial Commissioner and his staff, and many of them -beheaded. We leaders dispersed; many fled into the interior. The -Commissioner and Imperial Guard sought the leaders. They seized and -beheaded sixteen persons, only seven of whom had anything to do with -the movement. The remainder were occupants of houses where it was -supposed some of us had met. The leaders all got away. I went on -board my own steam-launch and sailed down to Hongkong, where I stayed -a week. The Imperial officers were seeking me, and I passed them -several times in the street without their recognising me. At the end -of the week, during which I had made arrangements for my family, my -wife and children and my mother, to follow me, I stepped on board a -steamer under the eyes of my stupid pursuers without their noticing -me. When I arrived in London, I was captured for the first time, -after having been pursued around the world for one year. But the -fault was not that of the English people. Indeed, the noble-hearted -{208} way in which the English people came to my assistance, and -rescued me from the death for which I was assuredly destined, make us -shed tears of gratitude. - -"In saving my life the English people have earned the love of every -one of our millions of cruelly ill-used people, and strengthened our -hope of one day soon enjoying the blessing of a just government, such -as that which has made your mighty nation so great and so good." - -English friends on this occasion had warned him to steer a wide -course away from the Chinese Legation, for there he would technically -be on Chinese soil and could be arrested, but these friends either -neglected to tell Dr. Sun where the Legation was or he forgot the -directions they gave him. At any rate, one day as he was walking -through a certain street two Chinese accosted him. They asked him to -go with them to their lodging, where they could discuss the -Revolution at home. When he demurred they seized him and pushed him -through the door of a nearby house. It was the Chinese Legation. - -A white man, who was Sir Halliday Macartney, English Secretary of the -Legation, told Sun that he was under arrest and that he would be -secretly taken out of London and back to Canton. The prisoner was -locked in a room on the top floor of the Legation until arrangements -could be made for the official kidnapping. Dr. Sun tried throwing -messages out of the window weighted with coins, but one of them was -picked up by one of the Legation servants and shown to the Minister, -and the windows were nailed up. - -In his desperation Sun managed to bribe an English servant to carry a -message, telling of his plight, to a Dr. Cantlie, one of his friends. -Dr. Cantlie laid the matter before the Government, which took -immediate action. The building was hedged about by detectives and -policemen so closely that the prisoner could not be smuggled out to a -steamer. Finally, seeing the {209} futility of longer holding him, -the Chinese Minister turned Sun loose. - -The nervy little doctor went right back to the Far East and began to -hatch another Revolution against his enemies. - -This time it was from Japan that he operated. But because he was not -thoroughly wise in the matter of some Japanese business policies he -was swindled out of all the funds he had raised to buy arms by one -Nakimura. - -He left Japan and went to live in Singapore. He slipped into China -again and started another uprising. This, too, was ill-timed, and -many patriots lost their heads under the executioner's heavy blade. - -Dr. Sun managed to slip across the lower border into Annam disguised -as a blind beggar. No sooner was he across the border than he began -again, wandering from one Chinese colony to another in Annam, in -Tongkin, down in the Straits Settlements, over in the -Philippines--always preaching revolution. - -In 1898 K'ang Yu-wei, one of the reformers whom Sun had been allied -with, travelled too fast in his efforts to win the ear of the puppet -Emperor, was betrayed by Yuan Shih K'ai, so it was said, and had to -flee to save his head. Then the Empress-Dowager laid a heavy hand -upon all reformers within reach. Once more Sun escaped. After the -Boxer uprising, which was not at all of Sun's doing and was entirely -out of sympathy with his schemes, the Empress-Dowager seemed to be -bitten by the general sentiment for reform and she promised much for -China that raised the hopes of the new element. But like most Manchu -promises, they were not to be depended on. - - - -DRILLED IN THE UNITED STATES. - -Back Sun went to America, and he added a new detail to his -propaganda. He found a young graduate {210} of Leland Stanford -University, Homer Lee, who was military mad and incidentally an -enthusiast on the subject of freedom for China. Lee was made General -of the Reform Cadets, who were Chinese youths of San Francisco, -fitted out with uniforms and guns and taught to do the hay foot, -straw foot in hired halls night after night. - -The idea spread to other cities in the United States and to Manila. -The Reform Cadets became a wide-spread organisation. American -drillmasters were hired to coach them; they had target practice and -they gave exhibition drills. - -Out in San Francisco the agents of the Chinese Government once tried -to prevail upon the city and State authorities to break up the -organisation because it was technically an armed band of aliens on -American soil. The effort failed. - -Such was the man who may become yet the greatest man among the -Chinese in his own country as he has been out of it. In due course -Dr. Sun Yat-sen was proclaimed President, with a provisional -Government at Nanking. - -Sun Yat-sen, revolutionist in the most conservative land under -heaven, fugitive for fifteen years from the keenest and most -relentless trailers of men, hidden spirit of strange secret societies -whose ramifications have made mole tracks through every land where -Chinamen are--this man is now President of the Republic of China by -decree of the Provisional Military Assembly at Nanking. - -Out of the underground passages of plot and intrigue the nature of -which no Occidental could hope to understand, and through which this -wiry little man has been wriggling and back tracking for more than a -dozen years, a new national figure suddenly jumps to command the -attention of the world. During years past the world has occasionally -caught glimpses of the round black head and narrow, ascetic features -of this Dr. Sun, {211} now in Singapore, now in London, now in San -Francisco. - -There had been little paragraphs in the world's news about an -agitator, a Radical, who seemed to be tilting with straws at the -impregnable citadel of the Manchu clan in Peking. The Revolution -began in China and even then, when the name of Sun Yat-sen was -coupled with it people outside of China cracked jokes about a faker, -a charlatan, who was trying to capitalise the upheaval at home for -his own benefit. - -Then over night things happened in China. The next morning the world -learned at its breakfast-table that out of the welter and uproar of -revolution in old China a leader had arisen to gird an ancient land -under new harness of government. And it also became manifest that -the Revolution, which had started by concerted movements in the heart -of China and spread with the rapidity of a powder-train, and the -little man who had been dodging and twisting through the world for so -many years were closely related--extraordinarily so. - -Sun Yat-sen started many revolutions. Each was stronger than the -last; each achieved a little more. The final one, striven for and -plotted through channels not yet known, has succeeded. Sun Yat-sen -was the man of the hour in China. - -An odd circumstance that brings an added thrill of romance into the -story of his life is that though President of united China he still -bears upon his head a price totalling about 700,000 taels. The -rewards for his head offered by provincial governments and the -central authorities in Peking during the last fifteen years have not -been recalled, even though payment upon delivery might be doubtful. - -Yet the fact that his head was worth hundreds of "shoes" of silver -during all the latter years of his activity has been one of the -lightest burdens that Dr. Sun has carried about on his narrow -shoulders. He {212} took long chances, apparently he suffered many -close calls from death, but he persisted. - -I believe that when he was a young man he was studying medicine under -the care of an English physician in Hongkong. Thence he went to -England and after study in a preparatory school he was graduated from -a medical college and returned to China. He practised the new -medicine, against which there was a violent prejudice on the part of -the Chinese in Macao, in Canton and Hongkong. - -Dr. Sun is forty-three now, he was scarcely more than twenty-five -when he began to move for the spreading of a revolutionary spirit in -the hearts of his countrymen. Just where he began and with what -material nobody but the closest of his associates knows. - -It seems that his first idea was for reform through peaceful means, -if it were possible for the Chinese people to penetrate the jealous -conservatism of the Manchu masters. To this end the little doctor -began to organise clubs of advanced thinkers among the young Chinese -of the south. - -For some time during the early part of 1912 things seemed to go -fairly smoothly, and President Sun seemed to have been successful in -winning the confidence of Yuan Shih K'ai, when, like a bombshell, the -press of the world (especially the London _Times_) deprecated one of -the messages Sun sent to Yuan. This strengthened the Imperial cause. -Abdication of the Court, which had definitely been fixed, did not -take place. Several of the Manchu princes refused to clear out, for -many days the complex situation at Peking, Shanghai, Nanking, and -Wuchang rendered it impossible for one to see what would eventuate. - -The Court, however, did abdicate, and left the ground clear. There -was a continuous rumpus in Peking during the following three months, -and in March of 1912 the capital was in a big uproar--the soldiers -broke loose, there was much pillaging and looting, {213} Yuan Shih -K'ai seemed entirely to have lost the situation and the whole country -seemed to be lost. Yuan Shih K'ai meantime had been proclaimed -President, Dr. Sun gracefully withdrawing in his favour. A big -discussion took place over the site for the capital, and just as Yuan -was about to come down to Nanking to settle matters the outbreak at -Peking quashed the whole affair. But this was only one of the -political troubles. Some adjusted themselves: others did not. There -was a lack of money. Soldiers, going unpaid, took the law into their -own hands, and looted on a great scale. The banditti rose up in -formidable strength. Officialdom was abused. Decapitations were -rife. Up to the end of March the interior of China was devoid of all -law and order. In the coast places and big towns where order was -fairly easy to maintain, officials were busy making laws and drawing -up reforms. But whilst reforms were being thus aimed at in some -places, in others there was absolute chaos. The old order had been -taken away, and there was nothing better to put up in its place. - -But it is hopeless to give a correct comprehensive estimate of what -was being done. All we knew was that China was changing--in some -places for the worse, in others for the better, but changing -irrevocably, and it was only in the final balancing could one see how -things were to "pan out." - -On March 10, 1912, Yuan Shih K'ai took the Oath, which read as -follows:-- - -"Since the Republic has been established, many works have now to be -performed. I shall endeavour faithfully to develop the Republic, to -sweep away the disadvantages attached to absolute monarchy, to -observe the laws of the Constitution, to increase the welfare of the -country, to cement together a strong nation which shall embrace all -five races. When the National Assembly elects a permanent President, -I shall retire. This I swear before the Chinese Republic." - -{214} - -The following is a detailed statement, as translated from the -Chinese, of the conditions of the Provisional Republican -Constitution:-- - - -THE PROVINCIAL REPUBLICAN CONSTITUTION. - -_Chapter 1. General._ - -Article 1.--The Republic of China is established by the people of -China. - -Article 2.--The sovereignty of the Republic of China is vested in the -whole body of the people. - -Article 3.--The territory of the Republic of China consists of the -twenty-two provinces, Inner and Outer Mongolia, Tibet, and Kokonor. - -Article 4.--The Republic of China will exercise its governing rights -through the National Assembly, Provisional President, Ministers of -State and Courts of Justice. - - - -_Chapter II. People._ - -Article 5.--The People of the Republic of China will be treated -equally without any distinction of race, class, or religion. - -Article 6.--The People will enjoy the following liberties:-- - -1. No citizen can be arrested, detained, tried, or punished unless in -accordance with the law. - -2. The residence of any person can only be entered or searched in -accordance with the law. - -3. People have the liberty of owning property and of trade. - -4. People have the liberty of discussion, authorship, publication, -meeting, and forming societies. - -5. People have the liberty of secrecy of letters. - -6. People have liberty of movement. - -7. People have liberty of religion. - -Article 7.--People have the right of petition to the Assembly. - -Article 8.--People have the right of petition to the administrative -offices. - -{215} - -Article 9.--People have the right of trial at legal courts. - -Article 10.--People have the right to appeal to the Court of -Administrative Litigation against any act of officials who have -illegally infringed their rights. - -Article 11.--People have the right of being examined to become -officials. - -Article 12.--People have the right of election and being elected to -representative assemblies. - -Article 13.--People have the duty of paying taxes in accordance with -law. - -Article 14.--People have the duty of serving in the army in -accordance with law. - -Article 15.--The rights of the people enumerated in this chapter may, -in the public interest, or for the maintenance of order and peace or -upon other urgent necessity, be curtailed by due process of law. - - - -_Chapter III. National Assembly._ - -(Tsangyiyuan.) - -Article 16.--The legislative functions of the Republic of China are -exercised by the National Assembly or Tsangyiyuan. - -Article 17.--The National Assembly is formed of the members of -Tsangyiyuan elected by various districts as provided in Article 18. - -Article 18.--Five members in each province, Inner Mongolia, Outer -Mongolia, and Tibet and one member from Kokonor will be elected. The -measures for the election will be decided by each district. At the -time of the meeting of the National Assembly each member has one vote. - -Article 19.--The official rights of the National Assembly are as -under:-- - -1. To decide all laws. - -2. To decide Budgets and settle accounts of the Provisional -Government. - -{216} - -3. To decide the measures of taxation, monetary system, and uniform -weights and measures. - -4. To decide the amount of public loan and agreements involving any -obligation on the State treasury. - -5. To ratify affairs mentioned in Articles 34, 35, and 40. - -6. To reply to any affairs referred for decision by the Provisional -Government. - -7. To accept petitions of the people. - -8. To express views and present them to the Government regarding laws -and other matters. - -9. To question Ministers of State and demand their presence at the -Assembly to give reply. - -10. To demand the Provisional Government to inquire into cases of the -taking of bribes or other illegal acts of officials of the Government. - -11. The National Assembly may impeach the Provisional President if -recognised as having acted as a traitor, by vote of three-fourths of -the members present at a quorum of four-fifths of the whole number of -members. - -12. The National Assembly may impeach any of the Ministers of State -if recognised as having failed to carry out their official duties or -having acted illegally, on the decision of two-thirds of the members -present at a quorum of three-fourths of the whole number of members. - -Article 20.--The National Assembly may hold its meetings of its own -motion and may decide the date of the opening and the closing of the -same. - -Article 21.--The meetings of the National Assembly will be open to -the public, but in case of the demand of any Minister of State or in -case of the majority's decision a meeting may be held in camera. - -Article 22.--The matters decided by the National Assembly shall be -promulgated and carried out by the Provisional President. - -{217} - -Article 23.--When the Provisional President uses his veto against the -decision of the National Assembly his reasons should be declared -within ten days and the matter should be placed before the National -Assembly for further discussion. If two-thirds of the members -attending re-affirm the former decision that decision shall be -carried out as stipulated in Article 22. - -Article 24.--The speaker of the National Assembly will be elected by -open ballot of the members, and if the ballot be one-half of the -total votes he is declared elected. - -Article 25.--The members of the National Assembly have no -responsibility to outsiders for the speeches and decisions made in -the Assembly. - -Article 26.--Except for flagrant offences or during internal -disturbance or foreign invasion the members of the Assembly cannot be -arrested during the session without the consent of the Assembly. - -Article 27.--The standing orders of the National Assembly shall be -decided by the National Assembly itself. - -Article 28.--The National Assembly shall be dissolved when the -National Convention comes into existence, which will succeed to all -the rights of the National Assembly. - - - -_Chapter IV.--Provisional President and Vice-President._ - -Article 29.--Provisional President and Vice-President will be elected -by the National Assembly by vote of two-thirds of the members present -at a quorum of three-fourths of the whole number. - -Article 30.--Provisional President represents Provisional Government -and controls political affairs and promulgates laws. - -Article 31.--Provisional President executes laws and issues orders -authorised by law and has such orders promulgated. - -{218} - -Article 32.--Provisional President controls and commands the Navy and -Army of the whole country. - -Article 33.--Provisional President decides official organisations and -discipline but such should be approved by the National Assembly. - -Article 34.--Provisional President is empowered to make appointments -and dismissals of civil and military officials. However, the -Ministers of State, ambassadors and ministers accredited to foreign -Powers, should be approved by the National Assembly. - -Article 35.--Provisional President declares war, negotiates peace and -concludes treaties with the approval of the National Assembly. - -Article 36.--Provisional President declares martial law in accordance -with law. - -Article 37.--Provisional President represents the whole country to -receive ambassadors and ministers of foreign countries. - -Article 38.--Provisional President presents bills for laws to the -National Assembly. - -Article 39.--Provisional President confers decorations and other -honorary bestowals. - -Article 40.--Provisional President declares general amnesty, special -amnesty, commutation, and rehabilitation; general amnesty needs the -approval of the National Assembly. - -Article 41.--In case Provisional President be impeached by the -National Assembly the judges of the highest court of justice will -elect nine judges to organise a special tribunal to try and decide -the case. - -Article 42.--Provisional Vice-President will act for Provisional -President in case Provisional President dies or is unable to attend -to his duties. - - - -_Chapter V. Ministers of State._ - -Article 43.--Prime Minister and Ministers of Departments are called -Ministers of State. - -{219} - -Article 44.--Ministers of State assist Provisional President and -share responsibility. - -Article 45.--Ministers of State countersign bills proposed, laws -proposed, laws promulgated, and orders issued by Provisional -President. - -Article 46.--Ministers of State and their deputies attend and speak -in the National Assembly. - -Article 47.--When any Minister of State is impeached by the National -Assembly, the Provisional President should dismiss him, but the case -may be retried by the National Assembly at the request of the -Provisional President. - - - -_Chapter VI. Courts of Justice._ - -Article 48.--Courts of Justice consist of judges to be appointed by -Provisional President and Minister of Justice. The organisation of -Courts of Justice and qualification of judges will be decided by law. - -Article 49.--The Courts of Justice will try and decide cases of civil -litigation and criminal litigation in accordance with law. However, -administrative litigation and other special litigation will be -stipulated by special laws. - -Article 50.--The trials and judgments of the Courts of Justice will -be open to the public, but cases which are considered to be against -peace and order may be held _in camera_. - -Article 51.--Judges will never be interfered with by any higher -officials in their offices either during a trial or in delivering -judgment, as judges are independent. - -Article 52.--Whilst a Judge holds office his salary cannot be -reduced, and his functions cannot be delegated to another. Unless in -accordance with law, he cannot be punished or dismissed or retired. -The regulations for the removal of Judges will be stipulated by -special law. - - - -{220} - -_Chapter VII. Annex._ - -Article 53.--Within ten months of the date of this law being in -force, the Provisional President should convene a National -Convention. The organisation and the measures for election of such -National Convention will be decided by the National Assembly. - -Article 54.--The Constitution of the Republic of China will be -decided by the said National Convention, and before the said -Constitution comes into force this law will have the same force as -the Constitution. - -Article 55.--This law will be either added to or revised by -three-fourths of the members of the National Assembly present at a -quorum of two-thirds of the whole number, or by three-fourths of the -members present at a quorum of four-fifths of the whole number, when -the same is proposed by the Provisional President. - -Article 56.--This law shall come into force when it is promulgated, -and the rules of provisional government now in force will be -cancelled when this law comes into force. - - -Recognition of the Powers came slowly. The Republican fanatics cried -out in great volume and the alleged subsidised press still pursued -the for and against of the national argument. However, in due -course, with Yuan as President, the Government went ahead in -endeavours to get money. The reader will probably know the actual -eventualities as they touched the West internationally. There were -still two parties, however, one with Sun at the head, the other with -Yuan. Yuan Shih K'ai was a man cast in a distinctly different mould -from Sun. Before we go on to read his general biographical sketch, -as embodied in the next chapter, it is interesting to note how people -were interesting themselves in him. The following, from a private -letter {221} published in New York, is culled from an American -daily:-- - -"In 1884, when I went to China, Yuan was just succeeding the Manchu -General in charge of the Chinese troops sent to Seoul after the -troubles of 1882. He drove the Japanese out of Korea following the -emeute of 1884, and on October 3, 1885, after visiting his patron, Li -Hung-chang, he returned to Seoul as full Chinese representative, -taking to himself the title of 'Resident' in the sense in which that -title is used by the British in India, implying Chinese suzerainty. - -"Yuan was without much education even for a Chinaman. He knew no -English at all. Korea is as far as he ever ventured abroad, but the -ten years there were a very valuable school for him. - -"He was in my time just a big, brutal, sensual, rollicking Chinaman. -Having vast powers, he frequently cut off the heads of Chinese -gamblers and others, and I was an unwilling witness of some of these -street side pastimes of his. He would imprison Korean gentlemen who -objected to parting with their ancestral estates in order that they -might be used to enlarge Yuan's palatial legation. He would not let -a physician save the life of one of his soldiers in the emeute by -amputating his arm, saying, "Of what good would a one-armed soldier -be?" Yet he kept as a pensioner another soldier whose life was saved -but who was useless as a trooper. He was extremely quick, quite -fearless, very rash, yet given to consultation with Tang and others, -and therefore inclined to be reasonable. He was altogether -unscrupulous, but absolutely faithful and devoted to his patron and -largely so to his friends. He would sacrifice an enemy or one who -stood in his way, but would at the same time sacrifice himself -readily for his patron. - -"Nobody understands the meaning of the term 'arrogance' who didn't -know Yuan in those years 1884-94. He was arrogance personified. He -would not {222} meet or associate with the Ministers of other Powers -unless he was allowed to occupy a sort of throne and 'receive' them -as though they were vassal envoys. At a Korean State dinner he -always occupied the foot (one end) of the table, which then became -the head." - - -[1] The _China Press_, Shanghai, December 8, 1911. - - - - -{223} - -CHAPTER XV - -YUAN SHIH K'AI'S RETIREMENT - -Perhaps the one personage in China most impressed by the utter -inability of four hundred million Chinese to stand up against the -forty million Japanese was the Chinese Resident in Seoul. Formerly -in charge of the Chinese troops in Korea, he had been promoted to be -China's representative at the Court of what was so soon to pass away. -That impact of the new and the old, that utter collapse of the feeble -resistance offered by the proud Imperial troops to the disciplined -modern army of Japan, convinced the Resident that China was tottering -to her fall unless she, like Japan, could absorb the knowledge and -civilisation of the West. This lesson was--to use a Chinese -phrase--"engraved upon his heart." That Resident was Yuan Shih K'ai. - -[Illustration: YUAN SHI-K'AI. Prime Minister of the Manchu -Government and subsequently First President of the Provisional -Military Government of the United Republic of China.] - -From that time onwards he set his hand to the plough of reform. And -so straight a furrow did he plough, with never a swerve from his -purpose, that he was everywhere spoken of as Yuan the Reformer. -Discredited by the Japanese, neglected by the Chinese Government, -vegetating for a time in that out-of-the-way port of Wenchow, it was -not until 1898 that Yuan began to come to his own. As the result of -a personal interview with the Emperor Kwang Hsu, he received his -first military command under the Reform movement, being made -expectant Vice-President of a Board with control of an army corps. -In his new, environment Yuan had the opportunity of his life; he -{224} proved his real greatness by rising to the occasion. Beginning -with the control of a few modern-trained soldiers, he so entered into -the development of the idea in his brain that China's Model Army was -the result, and their proved superiority over the Wuchang Modern Army -at the engagements near Hankow was the proof that henceforth the -properly trained, armed, and disciplined Chinese soldier is a force -to be reckoned with. At this stage of his career Yuan united honesty -of purpose with singleness of aim. He took the attitude of the old -"sea dogs" of the British Navy--he was straight and true with his -men, and worked with them. Honest himself, he saw to it that his -officers were men of integrity. Foreigners applauded him, and when -in 1900 he became Governor of Shantung, all the civilised world -recognised that the man who would succeed Li Hung-chang had arrived. -At this juncture Yuan Shih K'ai reached the parting of the ways, and -showed to the world that even a great-minded and strong, purposeful -Chinese statesman, with an intense desire for Reform in the country, -is a Chinese still. Yuan had aided and abetted the young Emperor in -his pursuit of Reform, but the time came when the military reformer -had to choose whom he would serve--the Reform party and the Emperor -Kwang-Hsu or the Conservative party and their leader the -Empress-Dowager. - -To carry out the Reform purpose it was necessary that the Emperor -should have control of the new Northern Army, then under the command -of Jung Lu, Governor-General of Chihli, and in order to obtain this -control Jung Lu had to be put out of the way. At a secret interview -with the Emperor on the 5th of the 8th moon, 1898, Yuan, after -hearing all details of the Emperor's plan, which included the -beheading of Jung Lu and the capture of the Empress-Dowager by means -of the army, promised implicit obedience. (He had already assured -the Emperor of his loyalty if placed {225} in command of the troops. -"Your servant," he said, "will endeavour to recompense the Imperial -favour even though his merit be as a drop of water in the ocean or a -grain of sand in the desert; he will faithfully perform the service -of a dog or a horse while there remains breath in his body.")[1] - -And with his vows hot upon his lips--went straight away and betrayed -his sovereign. He was a Chinese, and seemed to choose the side that -would best serve his own ends. The result is a matter of history. -But it must ever be remembered that Yuan Shih K'ai struck the fatal -blow which paralysed the Reform movement and prepared for the great -humiliation of China in 1900. - -Amongst the Chinese Yuan has come to be regarded as a man of doubtful -advantage to his side. They remember that his arbitrary conduct of -affairs when Resident of Korea had much to do with the bringing in of -that disastrous conflict with Japan, they speak of his action in -betraying the cause of Reform, and point to the fact that all his -great schemes have, sooner or later, brought disaster with them and -plunged his country into disgrace. Yuan might or might not have been -guilty of these things. It is difficult for an onlooker to -understand the game of Court intrigue as played by the Chinese -diplomats. He sees not the things that count, or if he sees them -reckons them as but sidelights, and sees them out of their true -proportions. Nevertheless when calamity overtook the Empire Yuan's -was the strong hand that held it, that kept the country from going -altogether. From the time of the return to power of the -Empress-Dowager and her corrupt eunuch-controlled Court, Yuan's star -was in the ascendant. Specially named in the Imperial Edict which -announced to all China the settlement of the Boxer troubles, promoted -to the Viceregal blue-ribbon--that of Viceroy of Chihli and Guardian -of the {226} Imperial Capital--granted the Order of the Yellow Jacket -and sundry other distinctions--Yuan Shih K'ai became the first man of -the Empire. - -For the part he had played in stemming the Boxer tide and in saving -the lives of many foreigners, Yuan commanded the respect and -admiration of the Legations in Peking, and through them, of the -civilised world. - -Then came the fall. A writer in the _National Review_ puts the -matter briefly but succinctly: "In 1908 H.E. Yuan celebrated his -fiftieth birthday. He held a reception and was the recipient of many -gifts, including some from the Empress-Dowager and the Emperor. The -great officials of Peking vied with each other in the costliness and -rare choice of the presents they made, but there was a notable -abstention from these courtesies. Prince Chun had asked for a few -days' leave of absence, and being therefore officially non-existent, -he was saved the necessity of making a present. The incidents which -led to the dismissal of H.E. Yuan deserve close note. Very shortly -after the birthday celebration a special meeting of the Grand Council -was held at which the question to be discussed was the appointment of -a successor to H.I.M. Kwang Hsu. The Empress-Dowager presided, and, -after announcing that the time had come to nominate an heir to the -Throne, she stated that she had already made a choice in her own -mind, but desired the advice of her councillors. Prince Ching and -Yuan Shih K'ai then suggested the name of Prince Pu Lun, or, failing -him, Prince Kung. The Empress-Dowager, however, announced that she -had long ago in her own mind intended to make the eldest son of -Prince Chun, whom she had married to the daughter of Jung Lu, the -heir to the Throne, in recognition of Jung Lu's lifelong devotion to -her person. She heard the Council's views on this proposal, and as -there was general agreement, she made this her final choice. Though -this agreement was general, it was not unanimous; H.E. Yuan held to -his {227} view of the superior claims of Prince Pu Lun, and, if -precedent is anything to go by, he was right in these views. -However, his views were overruled, with the result that H.I.M. Hsuan -Tung now rules China. - -"Shortly afterwards came the death of H.I.M. Kwang Hsu, whose -valedictory Edict stated that for the misery of the past ten years -Yuan Shih K'ai is responsible, and one other.... 'When the time -comes I desire that Yuan be summarily beheaded.' This pious wish was -not fulfilled, but scarcely had the present Regent assumed power than -he propitiated the shade of his brother by a summary dismissal of his -ablest statesman." - -Yuan retired to his birthplace, in Honan, and all efforts of foreign -would-be friends to have him recalled were in vain. Yuan's time of -evening twilight seemed to have come. - - -[1] "China under the Empress-Dowager," p. 203. - - - - -{228} - -CHAPTER XVI - -RECALLED TO SAVE THE MONARCHY - - - "Yuan Shih K'ai is appointed Viceroy of the Hu Kuang provinces - and to direct the suppressive and pacification operations there. - Tsen Chun-hsuan is appointed Viceroy of Szechuen and to direct - suppressive and pacification measures, in that province. They - are both commanded to hasten to their posts and need not repair - to Peking for audiences." - - -This bald statement in an Imperial Edict issued on October 14, -1911--three days after the Revolution had broken out in Wuchang--told -to the world that the Court in Peking was _in extremis_, yet ever -acute. There was one man who could deal with the situation, one man -to whom the Northern Army would be leal in a conflict with the Army -of the South; that one man was the neglected Yuan Shih K'ai. At -first Yuan refused the proffered honour, but afterwards General Yin -Chang, who commanded the troops, interviewed him, and on the 18th -Yuan formally accepted the appointment and proceeded south. It was a -time fraught with great issues: Yuan the Reformer in close contact -with Li the Revolutionary. In the battle of brains (as well as of -bullets) who would prove to be the stronger man? This section of -Yuan's life has already been referred to in an earlier chapter of the -volume. - -On November 10th Yuan Shih K'ai was recalled to Peking, and five days -later accepted the position of Prime Minister, which carried with it -the difficult task of trying to pacify the nation and institute a -Reform Government which would be satisfactory to a majority {229} of -both factions. Writing under that date, a writer in Peking said:-- - -"According to information received from an exceptionally high -authority, Yuan has adopted a definite plan of procedure. - -"First he will endeavour to ascertain the sentiment of the country in -regard to the crucial question whether the Manchu Dynasty will -continue to reign or will be deposed in favour of another form of -government. To this end he will immediately summon a large number of -prominent and representative men from all parts of the country, in -addition to those to be selected in accordance with the edicts issued -yesterday, to form a national conference. This conference of -provincials will determine whether the people really desire a -Republic or a Constitutional Monarchy. - -"Personally, Yuan Shih K'ai is well satisfied to have a -Constitutional Monarchy, with strict limitations on the powers and -requisites of the Throne, and will use his influence to this end. -However, he will abide by the decision of the people, reached in -accordance with this orderly plan. - -"Yuan has been working strenuously ever since his arrival, shaping -his forces and organising his supporters. There is no doubt that he -feels absolutely secure of the support of the entire Northern Army -and its commanders. He is also negotiating with General Li Yuan -Hung, with whom two special emissaries are now consulting. - -"Last night Yuan reached a thorough understanding with the National -Assembly. This probably was one reason for his acceptance, because -he did not wish to risk antagonism in that quarter. Now he has the -full and absolute support of the Assembly without danger of -interference, if promises are kept. Whatever the final result of his -efforts may be, it seems certain that an extended period of parleying -is at hand. It can be positively stated that the Government has -decided to {230} abandon all aggressive measures from Peking during -the course of the negotiations. However, the Imperial troops -naturally will fight if the Revolutionists attack them." - -From this time onwards the policy of Yuan Shih K'ai was an enigma -even to those who watched it the most closely. His most ardent -admirers were puzzled. During the brief months that had elapsed -since he re-entered the arena his Excellency had gained many titles. -As he seemed to shape his policy, so he was called Yuan the Dictator, -Yuan the Cunctator, Yuan the King-maker--the Chinese Earl of Warwick. -It is conceivable that all along he was true to his ideal, played the -one game, sought only the best interests of the people and country as -a whole. At any rate, it was admitted the world over that the one -man of strong character and general qualities of leadership in Peking -was Yuan Shih K'ai. - -Yuan's first move in Peking was an astute one, but it failed. His -Cabinet that was to reconcile all parties practically resigned before -it was ever constituted. Even the National Assembly found itself -powerless to do other than pass resolutions. The Premier's first -great triumph over the Manchus was in bringing about the resignation -of the Prince Regent, who had so summarily dismissed Yuan a few years -before. The story of the "resignation" is well told in the China -Press of December 8th:-- - -"The unheralded edict from the Empress-Dowager, accepting the -'resignation' of the Prince Regent, constitutes one of the most -dramatic of all happenings in this great political upheaval, and -shows the tremendous extent to which the Reform element has gone in -its programme for the relegation of the Manchus. Aside from its -actual, concrete importance there is in the event an added degree of -interest on account of the relations between Yuan Shih K'ai, who -brought the Regent's retirement about, and the Prince Regent. If -{231} there is anything of the spirit of revenge in the make-up of -the Premier he must be gloating now, for he has completely vanquished -the man who, three short years ago, was responsible for his dismissal -from office and his retirement to humiliation. - -"No one knows--at least, no one will tell--just how this great event -was brought about. It seems, however, that Yuan Shih K'ai had been -working for it for several weeks. He was strongly supported by -Prince Ching, and these two told both the Regent himself and the -Empress-Dowager that the Regent's retirement was necessary to a -settlement of the present disturbed state of the Empire. The Prince -Regent was reluctant but finally yielded to the demand, and -henceforth he will be entirely out of public life. Yuan Shih K'ai -and his followers and helpers hoped that the step would be of vast -benefit to the Government, and would make a settlement with the -rebels possible. They say they think this will be the case. Others, -however, especially some foreigners, feel that this step, like so -many others, has perhaps come too late, and that rebellious elements -to the southward will consider it as an indication of weakness on the -part of the Government, and that they will thus become encouraged to -continue the fight. The Chinese say that this will not be the case. -Chinese psychology, it appears, enters into the matter to a -considerable extent, and the apparently reasonable view of the -foreigner as to the logical result of the step and its effect upon -rebel minds is not, according to the Chinese argument, justified. - -"The edict retiring the Prince Regent makes Yuan Shih K'ai more -powerful than ever, and if the situation is to be saved, he must be -the man to do it. It is not as clear as it might be, and there is -much speculation here amongst foreigners as to where it leaves the -Empress-Dowager. A consensus of opinion appears to be that the -Empress-Dowager remains only a figurehead. The edict at one point -says that {232} hereafter 'the whole responsibility' of appointing -officials and carrying on the Government will rest upon the Prime -Minister and the Ministers of State. Thus Yuan Shih K'ai is made -supreme, for he is Prime Minister and Cabinet in one, as the Cabinet -is composed of men of his own selection. The Empress-Dowager will -have nothing to do with the executive or legislative branches of the -new form of Government. She is apparently limited by these words, -which follow those quoted above: 'When edicts are to be issued the -Prime Minister will ask for the Imperial Seal to be used, and -ceremonial audiences will be held by Us and the Emperor together.' -This, it would seem, leaves the Empress-Dowager and the Emperor as -the symbol of the sovereignty of China, but with none of the -functions of law-making or administration. It will be the -Empress-Dowager who sits on the throne to receive credentials from -the foreign ministers when they come to the capital, and she will -typify the head of the State to the world at large; but more than -this she will not be." - -Yuan Shih K'ai's next problem was to so arrange matters that the -Manchu Court should see fit to "abdicate," and at the same time -temporise with the Republican party by means of the famous but -fatuous Peace Conference. Here the master-hand revealed itself. For -a time Yuan seemed trusted yet doubted alike by both sides. He -succeeded in bringing actual hostilities to an end--and this may have -been his objective. - -Under date of January 21, 1912, a Peking correspondent wrote:-- - -"From time to time since the beginning of the present upheaval in -China the situation has seemed extremely complicated and beyond all -understanding, and to-day it appears more so than ever. Not only is -the controversy between the Revolutionists and the Government here -still under way and very {233} bitter, but there is trouble and -turmoil within the Manchu camp, due to a decided difference of -opinion amongst the Princes over the important question of -abdication. It is known that last Friday, January 19th, had been set -as the day for the issuance of the abdication edict. The Throne was -fully prepared to clear out; Yuan Shih K'ai had obtained the full -approval of the Empress-Dowager and of leading Princes to this move, -and the immediate retirement of the Court to Jehol seemed certain. -Complications, however, set in, and to-day it is not at all certain -that abdication will come at once. There is fight-talk in the air, -and no one knows what will happen. Yuan Shih K'ai remains secluded -in his office, on leave of absence, surrounded by more soldiers than -ever before, and evidently in fear of further attempts at -assassination. There are Manchus of royal blood, and others of red -blood, who declare against abdication and desire to fight it out. -Many of these call Yuan Shih K'ai a traitor, and, if circumstantial -rumours are to be believed, even in part, Yuan Shih K'ai is in as -much danger from a certain Manchu element as from revolutionary bombs. - -"It is a tremendous situation to-day, hard to understand and -impossible actually to know, for those who do know what has -transpired will not tell, while those who pretend to know spread -varying and sensational reports. There is something behind it all, -something that, as far as I can ascertain, no foreigner knows. Yuan -Shih K'ai is playing a deep game, in the opinion of all, and some say -that he intends that the finale of his incomprehensible regime as -Premier shall be the elevation to the presidency of Yuan Shih K'ai. -The Premier, beyond all doubt, has lost much ground recently with the -foreigners who have thought so highly of him, and he is freely -accused of playing a game. Perhaps this is unjust to him, but, if -so, he has himself to blame, for beyond doubt he has not made the -most of his opportunities." - -{234} - -Yuan's striking personality, his military genius, his character, the -magnetic attraction he has for the foreigners around him, must have -had much to do in shaping the end of recent events. But how much so, -and the whole truth concerning the part he has played in this -Revolution yet remains to be told in a volume that will reveal the -inwardness of the motives and ambitions and achievements of H.E. Yuan -Shih K'ai, perhaps the greatest man in the Chinese Empire of to-day. -How to read the riddle of his recent diplomatic moves is beyond the -powers of the Occidental. When Admiral Sah fired his few effectual -rounds at Kilometre Ten, and retired down-river instead of -annihilating the routed Republicans, was he acting under Yuan Shih -K'ai's express orders? When later on Hankow was taken and Admiral -Sah decided to bombard Wuchang and thus bring the campaign to a -close, who prevented him carrying out his effectual proposals? Was -it Yuan? And then, on November 27th, when Hanyang fell and Wuchang -seemed at the mercy of the Imperialists, who was it that stayed the -forward move and gave General Li Yuan Hung an opportunity to -reconstruct his plan of campaign? Was Yuan even then drawing his net -more closely round his Manchu enemies. And did he, too, cause the -evacuation of the Wuhan centre, leaving it to the Revolutionists to -reoccupy the hardly-won positions without the firing of a shot or the -loss of a single life? The future still holds the solution of these -riddles. There are those, however, who see in all these moves the -hand of a statesman, eager and able to hold together his country and -at the same time revenge himself on his enemies in the corrupt Manchu -Court. - - - - -{235} - -CHAPTER XVII - -THE SZECHUEN REVOLT - -It was long before the outbreak of the Revolution that Szechuen was -in the throes of a revolt that threatened early to spread to most -dangerous limits from every aspect. The cause of the trouble was the -building of railroads. Szechuen demanded exclusion from the scheme -for the nationalisation of the railways. The literati and the -students took the matter in hand, declared determinedly that the -province should build its own railways, and in a very short time the -province was in an uproar. We have but little space to deal with the -history of the disturbances, but seeing that when it was at its worst -there existed a serious anti-foreign spirit, it will be well to give -a brief review on the affair. - -For several years one had become accustomed to the startling -pronouncements from Peking as to what the Government of China -intended to do with regard to the establishment of railroads -throughout the length and breadth of the land, and what the -consequent opening up of the country would be. During the past few -years of China's alleged awakening we had, however, waited in vain -for the much-debated new lines. In each Provincial Assembly one of -the foremost among the matters of agenda had always been the railway -which came no nearer, and the public had grown accustomed to the talk -and instinctively had arrived at the position {236} where they do not -expect any concrete result in the shape of railroad actualities. - -The announcement made during the spring of 1911 would seem to have -indicated, however, that that time was past with the coming into -public office of his Excellency Tuan Fang as Director-General of -Railways. Whilst he held public office Tuan Fang was a man who, -next, perhaps, to Yuan Shih K'ai, was looked upon as the prince of -officials, was famous for the tact and ability with which he -approached all matters having anything to do with the foreigner, was -highly respected by the people, was astute, far-seeing, progressive -in the truest sense, and generally respected as a public pillar in -the coming of the New China. But one day, when the funeral of the -late Empress was taking place, he was unfortunate enough, as will be -seen in a footnote printed below, to commit one of the greatest -breaches against Imperial etiquette. The wrath of the Throne was -brought down upon him. Tuan Fang was dismissed peremptorily, put his -papers in his pocket, and cleared out of the service in apparent -disgrace. That, however, was in the old days. China, since then, -had been quickly undergoing a process of mighty change, and Tuan had -changed with the times. He was now taken into office by the -Government, and among other things that came directly under his -control was the management of the railways proposed to become and -those already under construction. So that it was now reasonably -expected that some progress would be made--not so speedy as the -programme would indicate, perhaps--but certain was it that no man at -the time in the whole of the Government arena was more capable of -handling that particularly needed adjunct of national progress as the -modern railroad admittedly is in China. In China the railway -question is one of the most vital importance. By virtue of size -alone China, it was seen, must seek the aid of every railway-building -nation in the world if she was to complete {237} her proposed -schemes. The problems of railways here in China only touch the -difficulties of construction and initial expense. The stage where -the relation of the railways to society and commerce becomes more and -more complicated has not yet arrived. China is innocently free for -the most part from such vexatious questions as the competition of -rates and fares, the combination of railway systems, the pooling of -traffic, and State or private ownership. The conditions prevailing -in China are rather the result of historical evolution, and cannot -possibly be regarded as the outcome of any policy. If a railway has -rails, then in China it can very well be called a railway--and China -has shown us that she has been satisfied, and the Chinese Government -has always been the victim of circumstances, guided wholly by the -golden age in the past rather than an intelligent outlook for the -golden age of the future. The railways that China possesses had -always been, and still are, the most flagrant examples of how -railways should not be run. They had been a disgrace to a nation -that has put forward a claim to be making endeavours to get out of -the grip of antediluvianism. They have lost money, have been allowed -to get into the sorriest state of disrepair that can be imagined, and -altogether have been white elephants. But the spirit of railway -construction during the last few years took hold of the Government. -In the enlightened provinces of north and east China the people -talked railways, they thought railways, they dreamed railways, and -with the advent of Tuan Fang as the Director-General of Railways they -seemed set upon building railways. The need of opening up this -wonderful Empire is an oft-repeated tale, not needing to be -reiterated. In every province in the west of the Empire there is -known to be a wealth in the earth that will in time allow China to -vie with the United States in natural resources. For her own -intercommunication and exchange of products China's first need is the -railway. If her exports are {238} to increase in a proportionate -measure with her opportunity of natural development, China must have -a network of railroads to enable her speedily to transport her -products to the coast. The need is there, and aided by the Great -Four Nation Loan, China (so it seemed at the commencement of 1911) -would be able to move with enormous strides. She now had the money, -and she had now chosen the man. It was only to be hoped that his -Excellency Tuan Fang, in entering upon his important mission to the -New China, would not find his hands tied by that unmoving element of -the Old China which still rigidly maintained an attitude of -short-sighted independence. - -Early in the scheme which made for the nationalisation of the -railroads it was seen that Szechuen would not pull with the other -provinces--Hunan was another. It was one of the unaccountable -phenomena of the times in several of the central provinces of China -that the gentry and the _literati_ were impressed in a manner the -reverse of satisfactory over the loaning of money by the Powers to -China. Several places had been on the verge of a revolt as a result -of the Government's decision, and in some places there was a marked -dislike to the Imperial methods of opening up the country. The first -thing that impresses the observer of social conditions in China -to-day is the magnitude of the industrial forces that are everywhere -at work--the man who does not work finds little to eat. In -seven-eighths of this enormous Empire the bulk of the country's work -is performed by the energies of human beings and beasts of burden. -China--that is, the common people of the country--has not learned the -lesson of harnessing to the chariot of industrial progress one of the -great natural forces, and they are taught from the cradle to believe -that when once a labour-saving machine is introduced, that exact -number of people whose combined work is accomplished by the machine -will commence to starve. The ordinary Chinese looks out of {239} his -almond-shaped eyes, but does not see wherein lies the wealth of the -land. That the United States of America increased its mechanical -horse-power from two million in 1870 to roughly twelve million in -1900, and has enjoyed greater wealth with its increase--and that his -own country could do the same, mattered not to the ordinary Chinese. -He argues in a very elementary manner. He has so many mouths to -feed; there is so much work to be done; when all the work that there -is to be done is done by hand labour, even then there are thousands -of mouths that cannot be filled, and if labour-saving machinery is -introduced, what will become of the millions who will be thrown out -of employment? So argues the ordinary Chinese, and for fear of -making matters worse than they are, he votes plump against the -introduction of foreign machinery. This was the spirit of the -proletariat towards the opening of the country by railway lines. But -the change was bound to come, and although the people of Szechuen -showed plainly that they intended tooth and nail to fight against -this that they little understood, the Government seemed to show most -strongly that it intended to push the building of the lines. The -question was, of course, of thrilling interest to China as a nation, -and of vital importance to the whole of the East and the West. In -former times the people themselves had had the opportunity to build -their own railways, the same as private companies did in Europe and -America. They stolidly refused, they believed such an innovation of -the devil to be directly against the welfare of the country. For -ages the Chinese Government thought the same, but when the -partly-awakened China reached out to grasp its last chance of -swinging commercially into line with other great nations of the -world, there was to be no hesitancy. China must have railways. She -could not build them herself--she had no money. Europe and America -could build them; Europe and America had the money, and {240} were -doing what any other right-thinking nation would characterise as a -gracious act (although not quite free from the loaves and fishes -element), and it was the duty of the Chinese Government to rule with -an iron hand against any hysterical hooligans whose Imperial -short-sightedness rendered them a dangerous element in the country. - -There was for several months during the initial trouble no -anti-foreign movement. A Society boasting the name of the One Aim -Society--the one aim being to get the railway loan rescinded--was -formed, many scholars of repute being the leaders, who prided -themselves upon conducting their campaign in quite a civilised -fashion, and not in the old way of destroying public buildings and so -forth. Where agitation existed against the missionaries and -foreigners the leaders stepped in, agitated for and subsequently -succeeded in getting many of the commoner ringleaders beheaded. For -many hundreds of square miles the countryside was pamphleted to the -effect that "not a blade of grass belonging to a foreigner must be -touched," the writer going on to declare that "if we do this, we -shall only injure our own cause and give the foreign nations a -pretext to step in and divide up our country.... This has nothing to -do with the missionaries of any nation. If foreign nations have -money to lend, and China wishes to borrow, they have a perfect right -to lend upon the very best terms that they can get. We, therefore, -cannot blame the foreigners, but only our own Government." - -Whilst, however, this was the authoritative attitude of the promoters -of the agitation, there were many of the "roughs" of the -country--that party which has been eternally agitating against both -Government and foreigners--who hoped to take advantage of the trouble -to promote its own aims. Towards this end some curious proceedings -were reported to have transpired. The press became irrepressible, -the cartoons against {241} foreigners were vile--such things as -Chinese soldiers being tied to branches of trees and shot by foreign -soldiers, with letterpress telling the people that this was the -treatment meted out by the British to the Chinese soldiers at Pienma; -Russian soldiers driving Jews into the sea at the point of the -bayonet; the picture of an Englishman separating husband and wife -with a flaring explanation that this was how the British treated the -people of India, and so on _ad libitum_. This spirit came gradually. -At the start of the rebellion the people probably thought that to -shield the foreigner would save their reputation in their barbarous -conduct throughout the province, but when they came to see plainly -enough that the Imperial hand was stronger than they had deemed it to -be, they turned their attention to what might have proved a very -dangerous spirit of anti-foreignism--but the foreigners cleared out -of the province luckily before any massacring was generally spoken -of. At the time I am writing it is not known whether the property of -foreigners was allowed to remain untouched or not. - -After the outbreak at Wuchang things in Szechuen took a decided turn -for the worst. Outlawry became rife everywhere. Slaughter on a -gigantic scale was carried on; Chengtu, the capital, was besieged for -several weeks; foreigners were ordered out of the province and only -with great difficulty in many cases were able to get away; Chao Erh -Fang (the Viceroy) was killed; from end to end of the province -nothing but anarchy and lawlessness prevailed. When the trouble was -at its height Tuan Fang was ordered to Szechuen to quell the -rebellion. He went, but, good man that he was, never came back. -When the killing of the Manchus was in progress, he was killed by his -own men, and his head brought down to Wuchang. - -At the time of writing the province of Szechuen is in such a -condition of unrest and complete disorganisation that it is quite -impossible to tell what will occur within {242} a year--that is, -whether there is likely then to be any prospect of real peace. It is -certain that for many months yet the missionaries will not be able to -return to their stations, and it will probably take many years, even -with the marvellous recuperative powers the Chinese possess, before -the province regains its normal conditions. For Szechuen is -different from many provinces in China. The difficulties are -different. The people--the tribal element, particularly--is a thorn -in the flesh of Chinese officialdom, and at the present juncture in -this volume to ponder upon this element in the national life will be -probably of interest. Indeed, to read aright the signs of the times -in China were never harder than to-day. - -The Revolution, with the hope of a Republic, or some wonderfully -altered system of government, has changed the whole front that China -has been making to the world, and no matter how one may view the turn -of current events and the probable effect of all this change upon the -national life and character of the Chinese, he is wise who tempers -his enthusiastic study of the Revolution and the Reform movement with -a just estimate of the possibilities of the menaces that face Dr. Sun -Yat Sen and his Republican party or Yuan Shin K'ai and his -Monarchical party, in pursuing their respective policies. Some of -the menaces come from without. Most, however, come from within, and -at the present time, to those who know their China best, it is -abundantly clear that the New China's greatest hope is in fleeing -from herself. - -This Revolution has seemed to bring into being a China that shall be -utterly different from any other China that has gone before. It is -in very truth a New China, and no one who, with a mildly -understanding heart, watches China to-day can fail to see in all -parts of the Empire that are known to civilisation much which forms a -good augury in the Revolution, the genuineness of a common impulse, -an impulse linked {243} with a dogged persistence of effort to get -out of the shallows of the past into the depths of the future--a -glimpse beyond the garden and cloister of Chinese antiquity into the -wonderful golden age, if the Revolutionary party is blessed. - -But this Young China party will be bound to pass through a great home -and foreign political crisis, the eccentricities of whose national -programme may, if the Republican party be guided skilfully, change -the Old China into a powerful participator in the affairs of the -world. It must now be granted by all the world that the Reform -spirit in China is peculiarly the most real thing in China, and China -herself--by virtue of the Revolution--the most striking feature of -the world's politics to-day. But what is the sum of it all? There -are many aspects. Enjoying all the advantages which have come -naturally to her, China, we must remember, is as old as all history. -One sees the legend of age repeated again and again in the hard -enduring things of time, and equally as much in the great conflict -that had China in its grip for many months. Every symbol of the -common life, every action of the common people, everything in the -land points with powerful significance to fundamental enduring -things. China, during the past few years, has been furnishing us -with most things that she has dabbled in--the Revolution itself is -one of the most striking products, with evidence that she will rise -to the position that such a race should. We are able vividly to -trace, amid the seeming unalterable commonalities of life, the story -of a great overpowering reform. In many areas this reform reaches -from the minutest details of the ordinary life to the topmost rung of -the political and social ladder; in other parts, through which I have -travelled during the last two years, the general trend of the -people's lives will not allow one to believe for a single moment that -China's chance, even through revolution, will ever come. - -But, generally speaking, one has to admit that at {244} one appalling -stroke this mediæval people have come to mingle in the stream of -world politics, behind which they have been lagging for centuries. -In the whirl of her present revolutionary excitement, in the rush of -the commercial torrent which will sweep through the land, the force -of which probably will eclipse even Japan's early activities in the -world's trade, we see a light on the surface of the national life of -this strange people heralding the dawn of a greater day. Even we who -live in China are lost in wonderment; those at a distance find it -impossible to form a just estimate of its value. And so vast is the -Empire, and so numerous the people, so great still the incongruities -and absurdities in everyday life in most parts, that we who spend our -lives side by side with the Chinese find difficulty in condensing -concrete opinion on any given subject. The one thing that is keeping -China back is the Dragon. We foreigners fail efficiently to -understand China because we do not understand the Dragon. In China -the Dragon has presided for centuries. Wrapped intertwiningly into -the private and the national life of the Chinese, this Dragon has -reigned supreme over a make-believe, a show of things, and innate -insincerity and hollowness unparalleled anywhere among civilised -peoples. The Chinese has, because of the Dragon, cramped himself -into strange shapes all down through history, and the world has not -known what to do with him, so foreign has been his aspect. But now -the Revolution tells us that China and hundreds of millions of her -people have changed irretrievably--so much must be taken for granted. -The change would probably be quicker and better were it not for the -Dragon, whose fangs, deeply indented into the national life, render -it one great counterpoise to the young Revolutionary party. Another -counterpoise to that reform which the New China party would institute -at once is the lamentable fact that in a very large proportion of the -Empire's area, in isolated parts far removed from {245} spheres more -easily affected by the Reform movement, there exists not a single -evidence that China is not still in the torpor of the ages. Here we -find a disorganised condition of society, and see how many forces -work blindly in a wasteful and degenerate manner. I do not say that -nothing had changed before the Revolution, for certain phases of -reform one could not get away from in even the remotest corners of -China. But if we discount the military and opium and a certain kind -of popular education, we found little indeed commensurate with the -hue and cry of the reform supposed to have been taking place to -induce those who do not know that the whole Empire was in a desperate -state of eagerness to forge ahead to believe that the Young China had -annihilated the Old China. - -And in the times through which we have just passed, it is pardonable -for foreigners, except those who have made the real study of China a -serious matter, to believe that China is getting more and more to -love the foreigner. I believe that she is--but the love comes -slowly, slowly indeed. - -My personal opinion is that to-day, not perhaps less than in 1900, -there are many places in China where the unveneered feeling of the -Chinese towards the foreigner has not changed. But with that, at -present, I can have nothing to do, and I trust that this Revolution -will not unfold to us further stories--such as had to be told in -Sianfu in Shensi last winter--that will make sad reading. China has -gained, and is still fast gaining, strength in naval and military -strategy, knowledge in education, in art, in science, in commerce, in -all that she has set her heart upon from outside. But by the policy -of conservatism, that "China for the Chinese" policy, a great -majority of her _literati_ are weakening her from the inside--and to -such an extent that she may yet have to eat humble bread. For as the -disturbances in Szechuen have so forcefully proved to the world, -China has not by any means succeeded in {246} putting her own house -in order, and the Revolution has given us another overwhelming truth. - -If the reader will turn to a map of China, he will find that perhaps -one-third, certainly one-fourth, of the areas of the provinces of -Western China, and much territory farther north, are marked -"unsurveyed," occupied for the most part by unconquered and -independent and semi-independent tribes of people. And herein lies -the danger zone of what I would characterise as the greatest of -China's hidden menaces. Sun Yat Sen's greatest enemy, Yuan Shih -K'ai's greatest enemy--or "the greatest enemies" of any particular -faction of the Government which will become paramount--the -peculiarities of which are not known to a dozen men, it is a menace -which China herself knows little of. I am fully aware that my -contention will open up entirely new ground. The question of the -possibility of the Chinese Government having been given such trouble -as she underwent in Szechuen by the aboriginals of interior provinces -has never been broached, so far as my memory serves me, in any of the -literature dealing with China's reform during the last decade. I am -aware that I shall spring upon the ordinary student of China's -affairs a problem he may wriggle out of by stigmatising as -unimportant, for the world's manner of dealing with China is with -those things seen on the political surface only. Indeed, this is the -greatest error in literature upon China. But I am not speaking -without first-hand knowledge. After having travelled some seven -thousand miles in China, in parts often where no other foreigner has -ever entered, and having lived for several months out in the wilds -where none other than the missionary could have contact--so that none -but the missionary would be able to write about it, which is very -rarely done--it may be granted that an opinion in some definite form -is at least justifiable. My purpose was to make the subject a -special study. In most of the country where these {247} tribes -people, ordinary foreign travellers are not allowed to enter. -Officials at the _fus_ or the _hsiens_ where escorts are supplied, -refuse to allow you to start if you are foolish enough to let them -know that you intend starting. But it is only by actually travelling -in these areas that an accurate impression of existing conditions can -be gathered. Because a man has travelled from end to end of China by -the main road does not justify him in giving an opinion on the -subject; quite easy it is to travel along the main roads anywhere, -but here one sees comparatively little of the tribal element. Some -may speak of the patriotism which has grown in China of late years, -and ask if it is possible for any such menace to continue while this -spirit of patriotism thrives. I admit that a peculiar patriotism has -certainly sprung up among the people of China, but in the places I -have in mind, in the wind-swept savage country of China Far West, -patriotism is not known. Those who have been watching the trouble in -Szechuen, started long before the Revolution broke out, have been -able to see what sort of patriotism has existed. It is merely a -common spirit of hooliganism among the common multitudes, and a -spirit of alarming omnipotence among the scholars--little less, -little more. This exists among the Chinese in these regions, but I -speak here more particularly of the tribal races, among whom this -hatred towards the Government is infinitely more bitter. These -aboriginal races, or most of them, were, almost without exception, at -one time in the occupation of vast kingdoms, and their first idea is -that the Chinese Government has been built up by a succession of -excessively wicked and unscrupulous men, great commandment breakers, -a peculiarly dangerous type of mankind to which it is unfortunate to -belong. They know nothing about revolutions or reforms. They have -it in strong for the Chinese, and are boiling over with a spirit of -revenge. It is with these people that China will have to deal during -the {248} next decade. If China were to be engaged in an altercation -with any other Power, this tribal danger would be formidable; if all -becomes peaceful, when the Revolution shall have passed onward, the -task of putting all men and things in China underfoot of the -Government will not be accomplished without effort. - -As things stand at present, there looms before China a problem that -will not find solution in being continually shelved. In conquering -the tribes in her own country, China faces a danger more momentous -than she knows of and greater than the Western world ever dreamed of. - -It would be too long a story here to detail the tribes and the -peculiarities of each family--suffice it to say that every tribe in -western China (and their number may be judged from the fact that no -less than twenty are found in Yunnan alone), hate the Chinese and the -Manchus. In the event of any disturbances arising from the Tibetan -border, the Burma border, the Tonking border, the Mongolian border, -this involved problem of her tribespeople and how to deal with them -would so upset China's calculations that she might lose territory in -China Far West, and history might have to record another rebellion as -terrible, perhaps, as the Mohammedan rebellion in Yunnan of 1855 and -onwards. Yunnan might then go to France, Tibet to Britain, Mongolia -to Russia. This would be the zenith of complications, but it is of -this that China has always been afraid, and she will always have -cause for fear so long as this question is ignored. At the present -moment, when most of the outlying dependencies are declaring their -independence, these fears have a greater significance. The -non-ability of the officials to grip the situation in these outlying -corners of the Chinese Empire, and to have that local knowledge of -affairs which will come only with local experience, is where China -would feel the pinch in a stand-up combat with unconquered races -within her own dominions. This feeling of strife has been growing -for years, long before {249} China had an adventurous policy in -Tibet, but however expert China may have been in duping Europe as to -her intentions in Tibet, and maintaining tranquillity in that -country, it is certain that Peking did not, or would not, recognise -the presence of the evil in China Far West, to say nothing of Tibet -for the moment, of many thousands of her nominally governed races -being in a state of lawlessness and social savagery. Complications -in Tibet are liable, as they have been for many years, to arise at -any time, equally as they are in Kansu, Sinking, Szechuen, or -Yunnan--we have seen them, of course, in Szechuen. For serious -complications in any of these provinces China has always been -ill-prepared. It has been extremely doubtful whether her troops -would remain loyal, even after she had got them at the seat of action -after a tortuous march over incomprehensibly difficult country. -There are no railways in Western China to speak of--there are -absolutely none in the areas we have under survey in this -article--and the only West China railway from Tonking into the heart -of the Yunnan province would offer no advantages. - -The main trunk lines of China, such as they are, run through country -removed by many days of arduous walking over land from the districts -likely to be first affected. Suppose, for a moment, that China had -decided to repel the British at Pienma, or that a civil war were to -break out in Yunnan (and neither of these is so unlikely when one -knows the aggressive Yunnanese spirit), the probability is that, were -military assistance necessary, the armies of Szechuen or Hunan would -be mobilised. But to the provincial capital of Yunnan no less then -thirty-three days would be required from Chengtu (Szechuen's -capital), and to reach Yunnan-fu from Changshu (Hunan's capital) at -least fifty days. The entire distance in either case would have to -be negotiated on foot and by native boat, and over country ranging -from sea level to say 12,000 feet above, and if complications with -any other Power had arisen in {250} China Far West, with Szechuen in -her fearful ferment one may guess at the sequel. - -Generally speaking, the problem of China Far West with the tribes is -akin to that now holding the attention of the world between China and -Tibet. We all know how, if the Nepaulese had thrown in their lot -with the Dalai Lama there would have been an abrupt interruption to -China's Imperialistic policy there. With China's awakening in Tibet -and the dispatch of troops to reside there to maintain Chinese -supremacy, we have seen how Great Britain rightly sends her troops a -little farther on the Indian frontier, showing that she intends to -maintain her own _status quo_. China has Britain to watch there. -And we seem to see in China's activity in Tibet a menace to the peace -of the neighbouring States between Tibet and India. As Britain -watches China from the Indian side, France, as we have said, watches -China on the Yunnan southern border. It should be remembered that -the dream of the French in the days of their irresistible impulse for -colonial expansion in the Far West was to annex Yunnan to Indo-China, -and, however many her mistakes, her faith has survived her -disappointment. Abandoning her dream of territory, she is now going -hard and fast for the trade, and has many thousands of troops to -guard her interests on the Tonking border now that she has her own -railway. All through Yunnan a strong feeling exists among the -Chinese against the French--the French are not liked, and have been -the bone of contention for many years. Taking these facts into -consideration, one is inclined to doubt whether China is really the -Power to introduce that government into Tibet which will keep the -country free from internal strife. So far, it must be admitted, she -has done well, but so many dangers will face her after the Revolution -that it seems a most difficult political task. Trouble seems -inevitable if the reforming hand is laid too heavily upon the -Tibetans. - -{251} - -Added to this is the tribal danger. It may not be generally known -that many of the tribes of this great ethnological garden, stretching -from Burma right away to the north of the Chinese Empire and south as -far as Tonking and Kwangtung, are of Tibeto-Burman origin. The -Hsi-fan group, the Nou-su group (this is my own theory, for several -other theories are known, and the Nou-su group is placed broadly -under the Lolo, itself a term of opprobrium), and many other tribes -of these great families. It is safe to say, broadly, that all these -tribes are allied racially or religiously. It is well known that in -all stages of their civilisation not one tribe has a good word to say -for the Chinese, and in the western provinces these tribes peoples -predominate probably seven in ten. One cannot pose as a political -prophet. China's Revolution has shown the world that prophecy in -political possibilities in China is charged with an extraordinary -element of chance, and one may certainly declare that it is not in -the power of any one to say that these non-Chinese peoples could not -be won over to the British. My personal opinion is that it could be -easily done. - -And one is able to imagine that in the revolution of politics in -Eastern Asia which this great Revolution will inevitably bring about, -and it were found necessary for China's regular army to proceed _en -bloc_ to the east of the Empire, the tribes of the west would be able -to create a situation, by civil war and open rebellion against the -Government, of so serious a nature that years would intervene before -China could completely conquer the people and gain their moral -support. - -This New China Government--Republican or Monarchical, or both, as may -be--has to find out for herself her own weak points. No thoughtful -man who has been through these wild regions can doubt that the tribal -danger is one of China's greatest weaknesses, greater as one -understands it more, confronting the new {252} Government with a -problem greater than the Manchu Government was prepared to recognise. - -[Illustration: A PRE-REVOLUTION GROUP. Tuan Fang, the "friend of the -foreigner," is seated. He was decapitated by his own men in -Szechuen. General Chang Piao, Commander in Chief of the Hupeh Army, -is standing on his right, in military uniform. After being routed by -the Revolutionaries, he fled the country.] - -In a review of the Szechuen Revolt, the author feels that he has -wandered considerably in his chronicle. But the information -contained in what has just been written has a most vital bearing upon -the maintenance of peace in Western China.[1] - - - -[1] In 1898 Tuan Fang was a Secretary of the Board of Works; his -rapid promotion after that date was chiefly due to the patronage of -his friend Jung Lu. For a Manchu, he is remarkably progressive and -liberal in his views. - -In 1900 he was Acting-Governor of Shensi. As the Boxer movement -spread and increased in violence, and as the fears of Jung Lu led him -to take an increasingly decided line of action against them, Tuan -Fang, acting upon his advice, followed suit. In spite of the fact -that at the time of the _coup d'état_ he had adroitly saved himself -from clear identification with the Reformers and had penned a -classical composition in praise of filial piety, which was commonly -regarded as a veiled reproof to the Emperor for not yielding implicit -obedience to the Old Buddha, he had never enjoyed any special marks -of favour at the latter's hands, nor been received into that -confidential friendliness with which she frequently honoured her -favourites. - -In his private life, as in his administration, Tuan Fang has always -recognised the changing conditions of his country and endeavoured to -adapt himself to the needs of the time; he was one of the first among -the Manchus to send his sons abroad for their education. His -sympathies were at first unmistakably with K'ang Yu-wei and his -fellow-Reformers, but he withdrew from them because of the -anti-dynastic nature of their movement, of which he naturally -disapproved. - -As Acting-Governor of Shensi, in July, 1900, he clearly realised the -serious nature of the situation and the dangers that must arise from -the success of the Boxer movement, and he therefore issued two -proclamations to the province, in which he earnestly warned the -people to abstain from acts of violence. These documents were -undoubtedly the means of saving the lives of many missionaries and -other foreigners isolated in the interior. In the first a curious -passage occurs, wherein after denouncing the Boxers, he said:-- - -"The creed of the Boxers is no new thing: in the reign of Chia-Ch'ing -followers of the same cult were beheaded in droves. But the -present-day Boxer has taken the field ostensibly for the defence of -his country against the foreigner, so that we need not refer to the -past. While accepting their good intentions, I would merely ask, Is -it reasonable for us to credit these men with supernatural powers of -{253} invulnerability? Are we to believe that all the corpses which -now strew the country between Peking and the sea are those of -spurious Boxers and that the survivors alone represent the true -faith?" - -After prophesying for them the same fate which overtook the -Mohammedan rebels and those of the Taiping insurrection, he delivered -himself of advice to the people which, while calculated to prevent -the slaughter of foreigners, would preserve his reputation for -patriotism. It is well, now that Tuan Fang has fallen upon evil -days, to remember the good work he did in a very difficult position. -His proclamation ran as follows:-- - -"I have never for a moment doubted that you men of Shensi are brave -and patriotic and that, should occasion offer, you would fight nobly -for your country. I know that if you join these Boxers it would be -from patriotic motives. I would have you observe, however, that our -enemies are the foreign troops who have invaded the metropolitan -province, and not the foreign missionaries who reside in the -interior. If the Throne orders you to take up arms in the defence of -your country, then I, as Governor of this province, will surely share -in that glory. But if, on your own account you set forth to slay a -handful of harmless and defenceless missionaries, you will -undoubtedly be actuated by the desire for plunder, there will be -nothing noble in your deed and your neighbours will despise you as -surely as the law will punish you. - -"At this very moment our troops are pouring in upon the capital from -every province in the Empire. Heaven's avenging sword is pointed -against the invader. This being so, it is absurd to suppose that -there can be any need for such services as you people could render at -such a time. Your obvious and simple duty is to remain quietly in -your homes pursuing your usual avocations. It is the business of the -official to protect the people, and you may rely upon me to do so. -As to that Edict of Their Majesties, which last year ordered the -organisation of trained bands, the idea was merely to encourage -self-defence for local purposes, on the principle laid down by -Mencius, watch and ward being kept by each district." - -A little later the Governor referred to that decree of the -Empress-Dowager (her first attempt at hedging), which began by -quoting the "Spring and Autumn Classic," in reference to the sacred -nature of foreign envoys, and used it as a text for emphasising the -fact that the members of the several missionary societies in Shensi -had always been on the best of terms with the people. He referred to -the further fact that many refugees from the famine-stricken -districts of Shansi and numbers of disbanded soldiers had crossed the -borders of the province, and fearing lest these lawless folk should -organise an attack upon the foreigners, he once more urged his people -to permit no violation of the sacred laws of hospitality. The -province had already commenced to {254} feel the effects of the long -drought which had caused such suffering in Shansi, and the -superstitious lower classes were disposed to attribute this calamity -to the wrath of Heaven, brought upon them by reason of their failure -to join the Boxers. Tuan Fang proceeded to disabuse their minds of -this idea. - -"If the rain has not fallen upon your barren fields," he said, "if -the demon of drought threatens to harass you, be sure that it is -because you have gone astray, led by false rumours and have committed -deeds of violence. Repent now and return to your peaceful ways, and -the rains will assuredly fall. Behold the ruin which has come upon -the provinces of Chihli and Shantung; it is to save you from their -fate that I now warn you. Are we not all alike, subjects of the -great Manchu Dynasty, and shall we not acquit ourselves like men in -the service of the State? If there were any chance of this province -being invaded by the enemy, you would naturally sacrifice your lives -and property to repel them as a matter of simple patriotism. But if -in a sudden excess of madness, you set forth to butcher a few -helpless foreigners you will in no wise benefit the Empire, but will -be merely raising fresh difficulties for the Throne. For the time -being, your own conscience will accuse you of ignoble deeds, and -later you will surely pay the penalty with your lives and the ruin of -your families. Surely, you men of Shensi, enlightened and -high-principled, will not fall so low as this. There are, I know, -among you some evil men who, professing patriotic enmity to -foreigners and Christians wax fat on foreign plunder. But the few -missionary chapels in this province offer but meagre booty and it is -safe to predict that those who begin by sacking them will certainly -proceed next to loot the houses of your wealthier citizens, from the -burning of foreigners' homes the conflagration will spread to your -own, and many innocent persons will share the fate of the slaughtered -Christians. The plunderers will escape with their booty, and the -foolish onlookers will pay the penalty of these crimes. Is it not a -well-known fact that every anti-Christian outbreak invariably brings -misery to the stupid innocent people of the district concerned? Is -not this a lamentable thing? As for me, I care neither for praise -nor blame; my only object for preaching peace in Shensi is to save -you, my people, from dire ruin and destruction." - -Tuan fang was a member of the Mission to Foreign Countries in 1905, -and has received decorations and honours at the hands of several -European sovereigns. In private life he is distinguished by his -complete absence of formality, a genial, hospitable man, given to -good living, delighting in new mechanical inventions, and fond of his -joke. It was he who, as Viceroy of Nanking, organised the -International Exhibition. As Viceroy of Chihli, he was in charge of -the arrangements for the funeral of the Empress-Dowager, and a week -after that impressive ceremony, for alleged want of respect and -decorum, it {255} was charged against him that he had permitted -subordinate officials to take photographs of the cortège, and that he -had even dared to use certain trees in the Sacred Enclosure of the -Mausolea as telegraph poles, for which offences he was summarily -cashiered; since then he has lived in retirement. The charges were -possibly true, but it is matter of common knowledge that the real -reason of his disgrace was a matter of palace politics rather than -funeral etiquette, for he was a protégé of the Regent, and his -removal was a triumph for the Yehonala clan at a time when its -prestige called for a demonstration of some sort against the growing -power and influence of the Emperor Kwang-Hsu's brothers. - - - - -{256} - -CHAPTER XVIII - -SOME REVOLUTION FACTORS - -Revolution is endemic in this land of great movements. The -particular spirit that sways the feelings of the sensuous populace -manifests itself now in the sporadic riotings that seem to occur -everywhere and everywhen, and from no conceivable cause; again in the -more widespread upheaval to which we give the name of "rebellion"--an -abortive revolution; but ever and anon, gathering momentum from -varying petty upheavals, the torrent of passions aroused bursts all -restraining bounds and the country is swept from end to end by the -onrushing flood. All erstwhile authority is at an end; fire and -sword are the only "powers that be"; the land drinks deeply of the -life-blood of its sons and daughters; and then, when the torrent of -fury has spent its strength, Nature reclothes herself in a new garb, -new homesteads and teeming villages spring into existence, and a new -authority takes to itself power and grows on to greatness. Decades -and centuries roll by; and this Dynasty also, like the effete -Government it displaced, totters through a long period of hoary -childishness to its terrible fall. - -Even the casual observer realises that the last scene of a last act -is being played out before our eyes. Full soon the curtain will fall -and the Ta Ts'ing Dynasty exist in history only. Its "cup of -iniquity" seems long to have been full. - -Five hundred years ago there was a somewhat {257} analogous -situation. The Emperor of the time, Hwei-ti by name, was but a -stripling, and utterly incapable of guiding the ship of state through -the stormy seas of Court intrigue. His uncle, Prince Yen, the Yuan -Shih K'ai of his age, had for years been drilling his soldiery, -accumulating war stores, and in every way preparing to seize the -reins of power. In 1400 A.D. the time seemed ripe; and in August of -that year Yen led forty thousand picked men into Shangtung. No less -than three hundred thousand loyalists were sent to oppose him; but -the better trained and more skilfully led rebels, though numerically -so inferior, utterly routed the badly-placed horde led by General -Ping-Wen. This was but the beginning of a four-years relentless war, -waged mostly in the northern and eastern provinces--Shangtung, -Chihli, Anhwei and Kiangsu--leading to the flight of Hwei-ti to -Szechuen (where he became a Buddhist priest) and the proclamation of -Prince Yen as Emperor under the title of Ch'eng Tsu. - -This Revolution in no way affected the Dynasty, which, in spite of -internal uprisings and external depredations by Mongols and Japanese, -ran for another 250 years in unbroken succession. Nevertheless -during the whole of this period the history of China is one long -chapter of domestic trouble, corruption and decadence alike of ruler -and ruled, whilst over all Court life the deadly upas-tree of -eunuchdom cast its blasting shadow. There were always rebellions, -always the argument of the naked sword in the settlement of -differences--and always the emerging from one cloud of trouble to -enter but another, and that of a deeper darkness. Then came the end. - -A rebellion that shook the Empire to its centre and brought about the -end of the Ming Dynasty broke out in Shensi, and quickly spread -through the neighbouring provinces, until not only Shensi, but -Shansi, Honan, and Hupeh were involved. Like the Revolution that -{258} threatens to be the end of the present Dynasty, and has already -foreshadowed the great and momentous changes to be, this rebellion -was conceived and carried out by a "General Li"--Li Tsi-cheng by -name. For some few years the Government was able to keep the upper -hand--indeed, in 1634 it seemed as if the generalissimo of the rebel -forces was hopelessly involved in a mountainous cul-de-sac, and that -his extermination was but a question of time. Not knowing the -strength of the rebel army, the commander of the Imperial forces -granted terms of capitulation. Li brought away his forces to the -number of thirty-six thousand with only the loss of their arms, much -to the chagrin of the Imperial leader. - -There was the great mistake of the Imperialists. Almost immediately -the Manchus, having been joined by the Mongol forces, harassed the -northern borders of the Empire. The Ming Dynasty had lost the -confidence of the nation; officialdom was at its weakest through long -years of corruption and misrule; General Li seized his opportunity, -other leaders joined themselves and their forces to the rebel army, -and China for ten years became one great battlefield.[1] To give but -a solitary instance of the carnage that ensued: Li had unsuccessfully -invested Kaifeng-fu earlier in the year, but having captured Nanyang, -he led his victorious troops before the former city at the close of -1641, only to be repulsed, losing an eye, pierced by an arrow, in the -attempt. In the following year Li again laid siege to the seemingly -impregnable place; and, finally, enraged by the nine-months -resistance of plucky Kaifeng, turned the waters of the Yellow River -into the doomed city. The loss of life was fearful--some million -souls, it is said, perishing in the muddy torrent that swept across -the plain, twenty feet high. Li himself was compelled to beat a -hasty retreat, losing ten thousand men in his flight. Compared with -such awful {259} carnage and loss of life, the casualties in the war -of the present Revolution seem but trifling. - -In the early part of 1644 Li was so far successful that he proclaimed -himself Emperor, called his Dynasty "Tai Shun," appointed various -Boards to control the affairs of the country, granted patents of -nobility and other rewards to all who had faithfully served him, and -generally believed that the Empire, with the throne of it, was his. -The rebel chieftain marched through rivers of blood to Peking, -captured the city, and found that the Emperor (Chwang Lieh-ti) had -hanged himself in his own girdle. The revolution seemed complete, -and the prize of life within his grasp. - -One enemy remained unconquered, but this enemy was one Wu San-kwei, -the commandant of the fortress of Ning Yuen. His force was not a -large one, and his supplies limited. To crush him utterly seemed but -the work of a few days to the one who had swept on to Peking in one -victorious career. Li Tsi-cheng himself led the army--strong in -itself, doubly strong in its sense of reliance born of victory. Love -is strong; love ruthlessly deprived of its object breeds a hatred -that is stronger tenfold in its thirst for vengeance. Wu San-kwei's -beautiful mistress, whom he passionately adored, had been ravished by -one of the rebels. Weak himself, he called in a mighty power to aid -him in wreaking his revenge. About 270 miles away was the Manchu -host, eagerly awaiting the opportunity to strike the blow they had so -long been preparing. Wu must have foreseen the consequences. It was -a deliberate betrayal of his country to her bitterest foes. Hate had -its way, and called in its only effective instrument. - -In the battle that followed the Chinese army was completely surprised -and routed, Li being one of the first to flee. His power was broken, -his army gone, and the last of the Chinese Emperors had reigned his -reign. The Manchu had come. - -Li's conquest of the Empire was completed with the {260} taking of -Peking; in Peking the subjugation of China by the Manchus was begun. -For thirty-seven years the work of conquest and pacification was -carried on. Then the Empire had rest for a season. - -We quote the following from an interesting article that appeared in -the Central China Post of December 2, 1911: "From this date there was -no serious internal disturbances in China for a hundred and seventy -years. During the greater portion of the time the administration was -at once strong, able, and enlightened, for two of the first four -Manchu Emperors were great and commanding personalities, while the -length of time they severally occupied the throne did much to -consolidate the position of the Dynasty. The second Manchu -sovereign, the great Kanghi, proclaimed Emperor at the age of eight, -in 1661, occupied the throne for the long term of sixty-one years, -and his long rule was extremely brilliant and vigorous. Kanghi's -immediate successor, Yung Ching, was far from being a weak man; but -as his brief reign of thirteen years was characterised by no novel -departure and no startling events, he is much less prominent than -either his father or the son that succeeded him. The fourth Manchu -sovereign would have had even a longer reign than his grandfather had -if he had not adopted the unusual course of abdicating the throne, -after occupying it sixty years. In this connection, it may be -remarked that cases of abdication are about as rare in Chinese as in -European history, while in Japan during the last millennium it has -been quite exceptional for a sovereign to die in actual occupation of -the throne. The second Manchu Emperor, Kanghi (1661-1722), was one -of the greatest and most successful rulers that ever exercised sway -in China. But his grandson, the fourth Manchu Emperor, Keen-lung -(1735-96), was even greater and even more successful still. -Keen-lung was twenty-five years of age when he ascended the throne in -1735; thus when he abdicated {261} in 1796 he was a patriarch of -fourscore years and six. Yet even till that date he had retained the -active habits which had characterised his youth. Much of his -official work was carried on at an early hour of the morning; and -Europeans who had audience with him shortly before his abdication -were greatly surprised to find the patriarch so keen and eager for -business at these early conferences. Keen-lung did not omit to -train, or at least to try to train, a successor. He abdicated in -1796, as has just been written; but for three years after that date -he kept a keen watch upon his son and successor, Kia-king, exerting -all his efforts to inculcate in him the right principles of sound -government. But the results were nothing much to boast of after all. -Half a century after the death of Keen-lung, the account of the state -of China, given by writers notoriously friendly to the Manchus, is -lurid indeed. The corruption of the public service, we are told, had -gradually alienated the sympathies of the people. Conscience and -probity had for a time been banished from it. The example of a few -men of honoured capacity served but to bring into more prominent -relief the faults of the administrative class as a whole. Justice -was nowhere to be found; the verdict was sold to the highest bidder. -It became far from uncommon for rich criminals sentenced to death to -get substitutes procured for them. Offices were sold to men who had -never passed an examination, and who were wholly illiterate, the sole -value of the office lying in its being a tool for extortion. -Extortion and malversation ran to extraordinary lengths. In -Kia-king's early years, when the minister Hokwan was condemned and -executed for peculation, it was found that the fortune he had amassed -amounted to eighty million taels--more than twenty-six million pounds -sterling. The officials waxed rich on ill-gotten wealth, and a few -accumulated enormous fortunes. But the administration went on -sinking lower and lower in the estimation of the people, {262} while, -of course, its efficiency was getting steadily crippled. Now, the -peculiar Civil Service of China is at once the strength and weakness -of the Empire. It needs to be made to toe the line very strictly by -a stern and upright and ever alert Imperial master. Keen-lung -himself knew its weak spots, and more than once thought of finding -drastic remedies for them. But when questioned on the matter, one of -the ablest and most honest of his ministers maintained that there was -no remedy. 'It is impossible; the Emperor himself cannot do it--the -evil is too widespread. He will, no doubt, send to the scene of -disturbance and complaint mandarins clothed with all his authority; -but they will only commit greater exactions, and the inferior -magistrates, in order to be left undisturbed, will offer them -presents. The Emperor will then be told that all is well, while -everything is really wrong, and the poor people are being oppressed.' - -"Therefore, Keen-lung had to depend almost entirely upon others as -his 'ears and eyes.' It is all very well to speak of him doing and -seeing everything for himself, but in an Empire such as his the thing -was really entirely out of the question. However, his untiring and -unceasing energy did much to make his subordinates honest and -attentive to their duties, in spite of themselves. But his -successor, Kia-king (1796-1821), was neither a strong man nor a great -worker, and under him the debacle began. Under the weak but -well-meaning Taou-kwang (1821-50) it gathered headway apace, with the -result that within half a century of the great Keen-lung's demise the -Manchu Dynasty had to face a national revolt that put its existence -into direst jeopardy." - -Steep was the descent and quick was the pace. As had been the Ming -Dynasty five centuries ago, so had become their so promising -succeeding race. "Whom the gods would destroy, they first make mad." -There had been that irritating intercourse with the outside {263} -world, and the war--disastrous to China--consequent upon the proud -Empire's attempt to treat all foreign peoples as vassals of the Son -of Heaven. But it was hoped that with the signing of the Treaty of -Nanking wiser councils would prevail, and that the Chinese had -learned to respect the foreigners, or at least the thunder of their -guns. But "such was the gross ignorance of the educated and leading -men of China in regard to foreign nations, it was believed that they -were utterly beneath the contempt of China." The war had taught them -no lesson. China's officials were as arrogant as ever. The civil -administration was equally incapable of dealing with and directing -the affairs of State. - -In fact, there was a parallel between the Empire at the time under -review and the conditions that obtained when the storm of Revolution -burst on Wuchang last tenth of October, as will have been seen in -former parts of this volume. - -Everywhere there had existed secret societies, or numbers of men -banded together by oath to destroy the "Manchu usurpers," and ever -and again some malcontent or another would set up the banner of -insurrection, and to him would flock all the discontents and bandits -of the neighbourhood. This is the opportunity of the secret society -men. The cry of "China for the Chinese" is raised, patriotic -feelings are appealed to, and save for the fact that the secret is -always betrayed at headquarters long before the would-be -revolutionaries are ready, any year of the past century might have -seen a repetition of the scenes which are briefly referred to here. -Ten years after the Treaty of Nanking news came that one Hung -Siu-Chuen, amongst the mountain fastnesses of the south, with a small -band of men known as the Society of Worshippers of God, had placed -himself at the head of the discontented people--driven to rebellion -by official persecution--and was defeating the Imperial troops -everywhere. He claimed the Throne, called himself the {264} -Tien-wang ("celestial or heavenly king"), and styled his new Dynasty -the Taiping ("Great Peace"). To usher in the Golden Age was the work -to which he dedicated himself. Threefold was his desire for freedom. -The people groaned under the tyranny of an alien power, and so -desired civil liberty; they were cursed by the superstition and -idolatry to which they had given themselves, and so desired religious -liberty; they saw the craving of opium blighting the lives of their -best, and so were fighting for moral liberty for the nation. All -Manchus were ruthlessly put to the sword, all temples and idols were -utterly destroyed, and all traffic in or smoking of opium was sternly -prohibited. In the early stages of the movement the moral forces of -Christianity, the religious opinions that seemed to hold sway in the -minds of the Taipings, and the high aims of the leaders of the -movement made missionaries and Christians at home think that China -was to arise from the ashes of her destroyed paganism, clothed in the -fair garments of Christianity. Reports to the Dragon Throne informed -the Emperor that the rebels were in full flight. As a matter of -fact, they were carrying everything before them. They swept -triumphantly through the provinces of Kwangsi and Hunan, then on to -the busy mart of Hankow in Hupeh; there, freighting a thousand junks -with their spoils, they swept on down the Yangtze to the ancient -capital of the Ming Dynasty--Nanking. This city fell after a brief -siege, and with its fall the initial work in preparing the way for a -new kingdom was come. _If_--and in the "if" is perhaps the reason of -the collapse of the movement--if the new-made king had known how to -construct after he had done the work of destruction, there would have -been a lasting revolution instead of an almost forgotten rebellion. -One authority, who was in China at the time, says that the very -success of the movement seems to have not only affected for the worse -the principles of its leaders and the morals of the {265} Taipings, -but also to have attracted a great many of the baser sort to it. Dr. -Martin, in his "A Cycle of Cathay," says: "He, the Tien-wang, -sanctioned robbery and violence, and himself set the example of -polygamy, an example eagerly followed by his subordinates, who had no -scruple in filling their harems with the wives and daughters of their -enemies." The opinion of the outside Powers concerning the -insurgents was not improved by the atrocities of a horde of -secret-society men, who belonged to the Triad Society, and were -sometimes called Redheads. These were regarded as being part of the -Taiping Army, though having really no connection with it or with the -aims of its leaders. Their awful cruelty and bloodshed in capturing -Shanghai not only induced the French to expel them, but alienated the -sympathies of the foreign Powers from the Taipings themselves. One -other fact should be mentioned. The foreign merchants were also -prejudiced against the rebels. This is easily understandable. Trade -was at a standstill throughout one-third of the Empire, and that the -part most easily accessible; and at the same time the stringent laws -against the use of opium caused the sympathies of some to be against -the movement. First, an American, General Ward, organised a force of -foreigners and natives and showed the Chinese Government what a -trained soldiery could do. Then, General Gordon was lent to the -Imperialists by the British Government. One by one the cities were -retaken, until at last, with the fall of Nanking, after a protracted -siege and the suicide of the Tien-wang, the rebellion came to an end. - -At this juncture of the present Revolution, when so many are -clamouring for foreign intervention, and when individual foreigners -are taking it upon themselves to address the leaders of the parties -in the interests of an early peace, it is well to pause and give due -weight to the arguments of the other side. From the very beginning -of this struggle the foreign Powers have {266} been firmly but -respectfully asked to keep their hands off. This is a domestic -matter. The Chinese wish to be allowed to fight the thing out. A -premature patching up of so great an upheaval would be far more -disastrous than a peace deferred. The movement is a people's -movement. The nation knows its own mind on the matter, and is intent -on seeing its will carried into effect. That will may be guided into -right and safe channels; but to thwart it by interference from -without would be like attempting to dam up the Yangtze--an operation -fraught with dire disaster to all concerned. - -The suppression of a revolution _ab extra_ always reverses the wheels -of progress, and in this instance who can tell by how many centuries -it has postponed the adoption of Christianity by the Chinese? ... -Looking back at this distance of time, with all the light of -subsequent history upon the events, we are still inclined to ask -whether a different policy might not have been better for China. Had -foreign Powers promptly recognised the Taiping chief on the outbreak -of the second war, might it not have shortened a chapter of horrors -that dragged on for fifteen more years, ending in the Nien-fei and -Mohammedan rebellions and causing the loss of fifty millions of human -lives.... More than once, when the insurgents were on the verge of -success, the prejudice of short-sighted diplomats decided against -them, and an opportunity was lost such as does not occur once in a -thousand years."[2] Other witnesses of these times and events speak -in a similar strain. On the other hand, it has to be remembered that -there was no little failure on the part of the Taiping Wang to -realise the need for reconstruction of a new kingdom, and seeming -lack of ability to use the fruits of his victories. The suppression -of the Taipings took fourteen years (1850-64). The outside world has -forgotten, if it ever knew, the extent and horrors {267} of that -terrible time. Not so the Chinese people. Small wonder is it that -when Li Yuan Hung's army began their terrible slaughter of the -Manchus in Wuchang, young and old, rich and poor, taking only such -clothes as they wore or such goods as they could carry, quietly and -in a sort of unorganised order started, eight hundred thousand of -them, on their flight from doomed Hankow. For there were many who -still remembered the coming of the dreaded Taipings, and still -shuddered at the thought of that "tomb of the seventy thousand" -outside Wuchang city, and still remembered the similar flight of -fifty years ago. They knew, too, of the Taiping rebellion, that nine -provinces had been desolated by it. Towns and cities had been left -mere heaps of ruins (like unto Hankow at this present time), and in -them wild beasts had their dens, while some twenty millions of people -had been sacrificed in that terrible struggle of a nation at war with -itself. - -Almost concurrently with the Taiping movement came the great -Mohammedan rebellion, under the leadership of Yakub Beg. About this -time there was more than one attempt on the part of Islam to avenge -the insults of the arrogant Chinese, a by no means insignificant -rising, occurring in Yunnan, where the Panthays, taking advantage of -the Taiping troubles, captured the western half of Yunnan, and made -Talifu their capital, under Sultan Sulieman. But by far the greatest -rising, both in duration and effect, was that of the north-west, -which originated in eastern Turkestan, swept over the Tien-Shan -Mountains, into Ili, on through Kansu, and into the province of -Shensi. - -If ever a time seemed favourable to the Revolutionary cause, surely -this was the time. The Taiping rebellion was not yet quelled, China -was embroiled with England, and the rebel chief was able without -serious opposition to hold on his triumphant way. Yakub Beg was so -brilliantly successful in his "holy war" that he was styled the -"Champion Father" by the {268} Mohammedan world. At last had arisen -the man who would, under Allah's blessing, purge away the stain of -insult from the "Faithfuls'" escutcheon. It did really seem as if a -permanent kingdom had been founded in this north-western section of -the Flowery Land, and that a new leader was to be the first of a long -line of Mohammedan kings. Then one of those unanticipated changes -occurred--that is, unanticipated by the casual observer of things -Chinese. In little more than a decade from the first raising of the -standard of rebellion, Yakub Beg died, a broken and a beaten man, -away in far distant Korla. For the army which had been trained in -the hard school of experience of fighting the Taipings was, under the -excellent leadership of General Tso, practically invincible when the -undisciplined fanatic hordes hurled themselves against it. City -after city was retaken, until in 1878 the rebellion was at an end, -and the times that had been were only a horrible nightmare in the -memories of those who had endured, suffered, and fortunately escaped -with lives. - -The last of these great political movements, which must be briefly -referred to here was generally known as the Boxer uprising. This, -like the Taiping rebellion, had as its origin that spirit of enmity -that has ever been manifested between the north and the south. Never -was this struggle so manifestly obvious as during this great movement -that is still taking place in China. The very names of "Northern -Army" and "Southern Army," used by the Hankow populace in everyday -parlance when speaking of the opposing forces under Yuan Shih K'ai -and Li Yuan Hung respectively, vouches for evidence of the truth of -the statement. In that valuable contribution towards the history of -the inwardness of the Boxer movement, "China Under the -Empress-Dowager,"[3] this eternal quarrel between the north and the -south is well worked out. We need do {269} no other than refer the -reader to it in passing. In fact, the cause of the Reform movement -of 1898 was that the versatile scholars of the south had captivated -the mind of the young Emperor, and had led him to issue his -celebrated Reform Edict. On the other hand, jealous of their -southern opponents, the wily men of the north used their influence -with Jung-Lu and the Empress-Dowager to bring about the _coup d'état_ -that practically dethroned the Emperor and was the first of a series -of retrogressive steps culminating in the enlisting of the Patriotic -Harmony Train-bands (Boxers), to Rid China of the Accursed _Presence_ -of the Foreigners. - -Since the time of the Taipings a new element of contention had crept -into State politics--the foreigner. Whether as missionary or -merchant, as financier or diplomat, the "foreigner" was now a force -to be reckoned with, and after this brief review we shall note how -all these factors paved the way for perhaps the greatest movement of -all, the Revolution of 1911-12. Away in the Kwan district of -Shantung there existed a secret society rejoicing in the euphemistic -title of Plum Blossom Fists. The late Tuan Fang, when issuing his -famous proclamation that all missionaries should be protected in his -province, compared these Boxers to the White Lily Society[4] which -had done so much to {270} bring about the downfall of the Yuan -Dynasty in the fourteenth century. - -But in these Plum Blossom Fists there was something more than the -usual spirit animating the secret-society men. There was the newly -awakened "patriotism"--a word and an idea just taking hold of the -student throughout the country. The utter defeat of China in her -short, sharp conflict with the Japanese, that hitherto despised -"nation of dwarfs," caused a thrill of indignation throughout the -Empire. "What are you going to do now?" I asked a young student, -just through his college course. The answer came pat. "I am going -to Japan to study military tactics, and so help _save my country_," a -reply pregnant with meaning. But the Plum Blossom Fists had much to -learn before they could come under the spell of that young student's -idea. _They_ were the ones to save China. Themselves invulnerable, -their mission from Heaven itself, their cause righteous, there could -be only victory for them and salvation for their country! - -The spirit that animated these fanatical devotees with their blind -belief in incantations and charms[5] was also at work in the more -enlightened Kwang-hsu. China was being dismembered. Germany had -practically occupied Shantung. Russia possessed Liaotung. Japan -held Formosa by right of treaty. And the Powers were coolly -discussing "spheres of influence." They understood the temper of the -Chinese as little as the Chinese had understood that of the -foreigners. The young Emperor and his advisers realised something of -the power of knowledge. And as a result of that Reform Edict the -eyes of Young China were turned from the {271} contemplation of a -dead past to the quickening study of all that was best and living in -the colleges of the world. The _coup d'état_ of September 22, 1898, -for a time put back the hands of the clock of progress, and the -Empress-Dowager entered upon her reactionary career. The Boxers, -every one of them, had for their objective the expulsion of the -Tartar Dynasty, and the putting of a Chinese emperor on the throne. -Adroitly the clever Empress laid hold of their "patriotic" desires -and turned the machinations of the secret societies against the -Government into a conspiracy for the utter extermination of the -foreigner in China. Wiser counsels had for a time prevailed, and at -the commencement of Boxerism the Imperial troops in Shantung had kept -the "patriots" in order, overcoming by force of arms a party led by -an abbot. Although several of these fanatics were shot, and others -executed by the military commander, thus proving their -"vulnerability," the Government was not disposed to do other than to -accept such seemingly powerful allies. "They may be useless as a -fighting force, but their claims to magic will dishearten the enemy, -whilst their enthusiasm will inspire the soldiers of the regular -army." Such was the subtle reasoning of the astute Empress. The die -was cast, and she threw in her lot with those who had but a few short -months previously been thirsting for her own blood. - -Such heroes as Jung-Lu, Yuan-Ch'ang, and Hsu-Ching-Cheng tried in -vain to turn the infatuated ruler from her fatal policy. The two -latter saved the lives of many a foreigner--that of the writer -amongst them--by substituting the ideograph meaning "Protect" for the -one meaning "Slay" in the Imperial Edict telegraphed all over the -Empire, but suffered the extreme penalty themselves when the Empress -found out what they had done. "Their limbs should be torn asunder," -she screamed, "by chariots driven in opposite directions. Let them -be summarily decapitated." - -{272} - -So the Boxers were let loose upon Chinese Christians and foreign -missionaries alike. Killing, looting, burning went on apace; but -perhaps the most tragic scene of the horrible time was that enacted -at Taiyuenfu, in the yamen of Yu Hsien, the Nero of Shansi, who -himself helped to do to death fifty-five missionaries--men, women, -and children--on July 9, 1900. - -In North China and Manchuria, to say nothing of isolated instances -south of the Yangtze, over two hundred missionaries, Protestant and -Roman Catholic, were massacred, while several thousands of Chinese -Christians followed their foreign pastors to the death. - -The events that led to the collapse of the movement need but a -passing mention. They are matters of history but recently in the -minds of all. The Taku forts capitulated to the little foreign -gunboats, the army of the allies captured Tientsin, and a composite -force, fifteen thousand strong, marched on Peking. In less than a -fortnight the work was successfully accomplished; and on the 14th of -August the foreigners, with their Legations, which had been besieged -by a savage horde of Boxers and Imperial troops since the 20th of -June, were relieved. Peking was taken by assault, and China's -Imperial Court fled by the "Victory" Gate in three common mulecarts -for Sianfu, in far-away Shansi. The movement ended in a failure as -lamentable as its inception had been a mistake. It was conceived in -no spirit of mere thirst for blood. People and Court believed that -the foreign Powers were "swallowing up" China, and in a moment of mad -frenzy believed that the only way of escape for themselves and -salvation for their country lay along the line of utter extermination -of the foreigner and all that belonged to him. - -This rapid survey--touching upon the salient features of each of -these great heart-throbs of the nation--shows us the main -contributory factors of the People's Revolution of 1911-12. - -[Illustration: THE CHILD-EMPEROR OF CHINA. Last of the Manchu -Dynasty, that was overthrown by the Revolution.] - -{273} - -The events leading up to the Taiping Rebellion have shown that the -nation was ripe for a change. The fruit, rotten at the core, was -dropping from the tree; as was the Ming Dynasty at its fall, so had -become the Tsing Dynasty that supplanted it. The successful -revolution under General Li Ts'i-chang was brought to naught by the -coming in of an exterior power that snatched the fruits of victory -for itself, and, by putting down the Revolution, put down the Dynasty -also, and seized the whole country. The rebellion under Tien Wang -was put down in the same way, but this time the "foreign Power" -invoked was not imbued with a lust for conquest. Yet it brought the -Chinese politics a new force to be reckoned with--the foreigner, with -his law of extra-territoriality. The awakening of China began with -the utter defeat of the Imperial forces by the troops of Japan, and a -craving to know the reason of it all obsessed the nation's mind. -"Let us go to school with the foreigner; let us study his books" -became the nation's watchword. Then there began to dawn in China the -thought that far too much national wealth and power and prestige had -been handed over to foreign control. There was alarm, suspicion, -bitter animosity--and the Boxer movement. With the putting down of -this movement and the generous treatment--in spite of all criticism -to the contrary--meted out to China by the foreign Powers, came the -consciousness of her real needs. From this time China put her youth -to school with the "foreigner." Students went abroad by thousands, -Japan taking by far the greater number. Already there was the -conviction that the Government was corrupt, inefficient, and -incurable. The spirit of patriotism had not only been awakened in -the heart of the nation, but possessed the soul of each of her -students, and even the country yokels were full of the idea of it. -From contact with the outside world and from a comparative study of -empires, one with another and each with China, came {274} the third -necessary factor of China--the awakened and trained mind. - -It is common opinion that the schools and colleges run by foreigners -in China have contributed in no small measure to this Revolutionary -movement. It is pointed out that missionary propaganda have also -played their part in creating in the Chinese mind a desire to do away -with make-believe and insincerity. The charge is a true one. All -these new forces coming into the life of the young student must have -created an intense dissatisfaction with things as they were. The -late Empress-Dowager seems to have been by no means unmindful of this -tendency of missionary and educational effort. To this may be -attributed, partly at least, her attempt to exterminate missionaries -and all they stood for. - -It must be the aim and intention of the great body of educationists -throughout the Empire to come to the help of Young China in the time -of its greatest need. So much depends on the constructive ability of -the student body during the next few years that well-wishers of China -will welcome every honest attempt to help the student life to attain -its ideals; and not only so--to follow out in their after-life the -policy dictated to them by the manifold call of duty of their -enlightened conscience. For this reason, too, China will assuredly -welcome the efforts of the Occident to lead her into the ways of -higher education, such as may be obtained in the new Hongkong -University and the University that is to be in the Wu-han centre. - -"The students of to-day are the masters of to-morrow." Nowhere is -this more true than in China, and statesmen-missionaries have always -advocated education as the surest means of reaching the heart of the -nation; for the other classes look to the student class for guidance, -and if one can win the heart of the student, the ear of the people is -gained also. The influence of the student in China has always been -great, {275} but it is likely to be still greater in the future. -Which brings us another problem. The students rule the people--who -rules the students? For except in the case of the few who study -abroad, a standard beyond that of an English Sixth Form is seldom -attained, while opportunities for carrying on education at that -critical time when for the first time the student has begun to love -his studies are very few. China needs her great force of students, -but she needs men of initiative, men who can lead, men whose higher -education has given them a broader outlook. - -It is to supply this need that the United Universities Scheme has -been organised. Space prevents anything but the merest outline of -the scheme. It is proposed, however, to plant in the Wuhan centre, -that heart of China, a University, that will combine the highest -education, both Western and Chinese, with those forces and influences -that make for the upbuilding of strong Christian character. The -Universities of Britain and America will supply the University staff, -while various missionary societies will plant hostels on the -University grounds, and in these hostels the students must reside. -As a result, while they are getting an education equal to that of a -Western University, they will, at the same time, be brought in -contact with men of Christian character, while that part of their -being which Chinese students are all too apt to forget will be -strengthened. It must be clear that, on the ground of expense alone, -for one missionary body to attempt to do this would be impossible. -But the University Scheme, without isolating the student from the -influence of the mission school, will enable him to complete his -education. Here he will have an opportunity of preparing for his -lifework, for there will be courses both in philosophical and -technical subjects. Indeed, the University, will aim at giving the -student as thorough an education as he would receive were he to study -abroad, combined, as has been said, with an ennobling Christian -influence. - -{276} - -China cannot depend for ever on the foreigner. Indeed, Young China -often shows that she would rather rule herself. For a few years our -influence will be felt. And how can we better make our influence -felt than by raising up men who, when we are no longer wanted, will -be able to carry on that influence that we are striving to exert? It -is a question that is worth while facing. - -The lesson had been learned to some effect. From the outset of this -People's Revolution, the stern measures of General Li Yuan Hung to -safeguard person and property of natives and foreigners alike, and -the fair and impartial spirit shown by the Revolutionists in carrying -these measures out, have astonished the world and won golden opinions -for General Li himself. The celebrated Edict, the first issued by -the Republican leader, was as follows:-- - - - "I am to dispel the Manchu Government and to revive the rights of - the Han people. Let all keep orderly and not disobey military - discipline. The rewards of merit and the punishment of crime are - as follows:-- - - "Those who conceal any Government officials are to be beheaded. - - "Those who inflict injuries on foreigners are to be beheaded. - - "Those who deal unfairly with the merchants are to be beheaded. - - "Those who interrupt commerce are to be beheaded. - - "Those who give way to slaughter, burning, adultery are to be - beheaded. - - "Those who attempt to close the markets are to be beheaded. - - "Those who supply the troops with foodstuffs will be rewarded. - - "Those who supply ammunition are to be rewarded. - - "Those who can afford protection to the Foreign Concessions are - to be highly rewarded. - - "Those who guard the churches are to be highly rewarded. - - "Those who can lead on the people to submission are to be highly - rewarded. - - "Those who can encourage the country people to join will be - rewarded. - - "Those who give information as to the movements of the enemy are - to be rewarded. - - "Those who maintain the prosperity of commerce are to be rewarded. - - "The Eighth Moon of the 4,609th year of the Huang Dynasty." - - -{277} - -Those who the most closely scrutinised the consequent conduct of the -Revolutionary troops will be able to testify to the impartial way in -which the terms of the Edict were carried out. Neither extenuating -circumstances nor official rank saved a transgressor. Li Yuan Hung -meant what he said, and right throughout the Revolutionary movement -his word was his bond. From one example learn all. When Hanyang -went over to the Revolutionists they installed a "_fu_" magistrate in -Hanyang, one Li Ping, who had been charged by the late Government -with being in league with Kang Yu Wei, the famous reformer, and had -been sentenced to ten years' imprisonment. While in prison he met a -criminal named Cheo, and these two soon struck up a friendship. On -being released by the Revolutionists Li was placed in office, and -arranged for Cheo to be his secretary. Cheo was in a position to -receive the incoming money for the Revolutionary Cause. Thirty -thousand taels in one amount was subscribed, of which Cheo handed in -only twenty thousand, keeping the balance for himself. This leaked -out subsequently. Cheo was immediately decapitated, and his head was -hung outside the west gate of the city. Cheo had only been two and a -half days out of prison. - - - -[1] See "Imperial History of China." - -[2] Dr. W. A. P. Martin's "Cycle of Cathay." - -[3] "China Under the Empress-Dowager," by J. O. P. Bland and E. -Backhouse. London: William Heinemann, 1911. - -[4] "The ostensible purpose for which numbers enrolled themselves was -the worship of the idols, and more especially of the Goddess of -Mercy. The real object, however, was a political one. The agitated -state of the country seemed to Hai-Shan (a conspicuous member of the -White Lily sect) a sufficient reason why the standard of rebellion -should be raised. At a great meeting of the initiated he declared -that the goddess was about to come to the earth in human form to -deliver them from their oppressors, and that now was the time to -declare themselves against the Mongols. This proposition was -received with the utmost enthusiasm. A white horse and a black cow -were sacrificed to Heaven in order to secure its intervention on -their behalf, and having adopted a red scarf to be worn round their -heads as their distinctive mark, they broke out in rebellion against -the Government" (MacGowan's "Imperial History of China"). - -[5] Each Boxer carried about his mascot or talisman, a piece of -yellow paper on which was printed in red ink a figure of Buddha -without feet but with four halos. On this paper were ideographs -which were to be repeated at intervals as a charm. It is said that -the late Empress-Dowager repeated this incantation seventy times a -day, and at each repetition the chief eunuch shouted, "There goes -another foreign devil!" - - - - -{278} - -CHAPTER XIX - -THE ABDICATION EDICT - -HANKOW, HUPEH, CHINA, February 13, 1912. - -Half an hour ago I was handed a facsimile of the greatest Edict that -has ever been issued in the Chinese Empire. It will become known as -the Abdication Edict. - - - The following is a full text of the Edict which has become known - as the Abdication Edict. As intimated in recent dispatches - concerning the terms agreed upon, it became apparent that there - was to be no complete abdication. The Emperor was simply to - relinquish all political power, a new provisional Government was - to take charge, which in turn was to be succeeded by a regular - Government to be named by a National Convention. The Edict - reads:-- - - "Since the uprising in Wuchang the Throne has complied with the - people's request and promulgated nineteen articles of - constitution, vesting in the Ministers of State all - administrative powers in which the subjects may take part, and - that members of the Imperial family should not interfere in - political affairs. Subsequently an edict was issued calling a - national convention to decide publicly on the government system, - thus to show Our intention not to regard the Throne in a selfish - spirit. The gentry and the people in the different provinces, - however, opine that the situation is pressing, and that if the - holding of a national convention is delayed, it is feared that - disasters of war may be prolonged and the situation will not be - saved. In addition, foreign troubles are threatening and new - dangers appear daily, and in the present circumstances the - nineteen articles of constitution are not entirely suited to - conditions. - - "The authority of the Premier especially is insufficient to rule - the whole country from within, or to superintend foreign - relations from without, and in order to adapt the government to - exigencies, in which it is necessary to expect slight changes, - the name of Premier {279} is hereby abrogated, and a President is - created. All political power shall be vested in control of the - President, who is to be elected by the people. But with the - exception of resignation of all political powers, the majesty of - the Emperor shall not be much different from what is set forth in - the nineteen articles formerly adopted. We have enquired this - course of the Princes, nobles, officials and gentry in the - provinces who are agreed in their views. And it is becoming to - comply with their request and let it be carried out according. - - "But rumours are widespread, and during our resignation from the - political government, unless a united organ exists to control - affairs it is feared that good order may not be maintained. We - hereby specially command Yuan Shih K'ai to act in conjunction - with the officials and gentry of the north and the south and - temporarily to form a provisional and united government to - destroy the seeds of trouble. Once the national convention has - met and formally elected the President, the provisional - government will be dissolved, so as to comply with public opinion - and display full justice. All our soldiers and people should - know that in taking this step Our object is solely for the - benefit of the State, the blessing of the people and to restore - good order. All affairs will remain as of old, and they should - not listen to rumours and create confusion and disturbances. It - will thus be fortunate for the country as well as the general - position." - - - Having agreed to abdication in favour of a Republic, the - Empress-Dowager issued a secret edict commanding Yuan Shih K'ai - to prepare for the formation of a provisional Government and the - drawing up of a preliminary scheme to carry it into effect. - During January Yuan Shih K'ai had several conferences, with the - result that the following scheme was organized:-- - - ARTICLE 1 deals with the necessity of a provisional and united - government after the Emperor's resignation from government to - assume all powers in preserving the status quo and to control - foreign affairs, and it will be dissolved after the national - convention has elected a President. - - 2. After resignation from power the Emperor shall remain in the - Palace so as to preserve peace in the north. - - 3. The President's residence shall be built in Peking, or the - newly completed Regent's Palace may be converted into a - presidential house. - - 4. Owing to the depletion of the treasuries of the present and - also the Nanking government since the revolution, while means - should be devised for the southern provinces, provisions shall be - made towards meeting administrative expenses in the northern - provinces after the provisional government has been formed. - - {280} - - 5. The northern and southern provinces should remove prejudices - and assist the central united government and remit reasonable - amounts of money to it to uphold the situation. Contributions - from provinces which have suffered greatly may be deferred. - - 6. All official administrative officers in Peking shall remain in - office, but owing to need of funds for the provisional government - all salaries will be suspended for six months. - - 7. During a few months the pay of the northern and southern - troops will be provided and the officers will remain in office. - - 8. When the provisional united government shall have been - recognised by the foreign Powers, foreign relations shall be - directly in charge of that government. - - 9. When the government system has been determined all foreign - loans and indemnities shall be paid when due and the provinces - should continue to send their usual contributions. - - 10. The Edict by which the Emperor surrenders the government - shall be printed and copies promulgated throughout the country. - An Edict will also be issued to the soldiery so as to acquaint - them and prevent mutiny. - - -And before I commence this concluding chapter, there will be need to -explain that the date of writing is placed at its head because of the -rapidity with which changes are coming to the land and the people. -In a footnote will be seen the Edict referred to. It stands alone -among all edicts that have ever been issued in China. Of all -political documents this may be taken as that which will shake the -very centre of the world if it is carried into practical effect. So -important is it that it were futile for one placed as the author is -in the centre of this Empire to endeavour to analyse just what it may -mean. What this Imperial Republic of China--for this is what now has -come--will develop into only the future can show. Not within the -power of any living man is it possible to-day to foretell. As one -writes his pen tremulously travels lest telling what appears to-day -as unshakable fact will even before this volume is published turn -out, in this land of political elasticity, to be nothing but -absurdity. But discarding altogether the cloak of the prophet, and -drawing his everyday deductions from everyday experience throughout -{281} out China's Revolution, one may now with confidence declare -unhesitatingly that this country will make international headway as -never before. - -The Republic of China is now among the Powers of the world. - -The Republicans of China, new-born into a life full of highest -promise to mankind, now have free way. In them, if they are wise and -good, as wise and good as we believe them anxious to be, we shall -soon see on the horizon of the East a nation whose power will be -ultimately predominant on the earth, upon whose integrity will -undeniably depend the peace of the world. And whilst, if the -Republicans rise to the best within them, if they are given foreign -support such as their unparalleled political conduct deserves, if -they are successful in keeping from their own ranks a dangerous -spirit of office-seeking and petty jealousy--in short, if they reach -to the zenith of the power that is expected of them by the West, they -will make their country, huge as it is, in perhaps less time than the -changing era took in Japan, the greatest Empire in the Far East. As -I write the Powers, lynx-eyed as ever, are observing China. During -the last four months China has been watched as no other nation was -ever watched, and she has rushed through her great national drama -with appalling speed. She is breathless. Nervously, with a -wonderful confidence coming from her newly won emancipation, China is -looking questioningly to the West. She knows that all the Powers are -closely scrutinising her every movement through political eyeglasses. -Having taken the plunge, she knows that they all expect her to break -finally from the furrows of the ages--she is almost out of her -national depths, and looks half-trustingly only to the Powers, lest -she should get out of her depths. She knows that although not all -show to her an unmingled friendly attitude--for some would prey upon -her speedily, if left alone--it is her duty to herself to watch her -political horizon far away. {282} The protest by the Chinese over -the Dynasty that has ruled over them for two and a half centuries has -been made in every part of China. It is not confined to one or more -populous cities or provinces as at first was thought it would be, but -this protest against Manchu ascendancy has received approval wherever -the Chinese reside. Never in the history of any revolution have the -people been more united in sentiment, or has established authority -more quickly admitted the justice of that sentiment than the one -which has now convulsed China from centre to circumference. Charles -I. defended his crown on the battlefield, and yielded only to the -genius of Cromwell. Louis XVI. thought to conciliate his political -foes by concessions of so humiliating a nature as to forfeit national -respect. Both of these kings lost their heads on a scaffold, the one -by his hypocrisy, the other by his weakness. Thus far the -Revolutionists throughout the country have manifested no barbaric -desire for blood. There have been some disgusting acts of brutality -in connection with the execution of their enemies. Often have they -cut out the hearts and livers of their enemy and, devouring these -human organs, and often drinking the human blood, have thought they -have added to their bravery. But this sort of thing has been only on -a very comparatively small scale. Generally speaking, their -behaviour has been good. In the highest degree were they to be -commended for their respect for personal safety and property, and the -proclamations of their leaders--General Li, Wu Ting Fang, Sun -Yat-sen, and others like-minded--had been worthy of the great end -they professed to have in view. The United States declared war -against Spain because of cruelties to the inhabitants of Cuba, but -the burning of Hankow and reported butcheries at Nanking and other -places belittle in their inhuman crimes any practised by Spanish -soldiers on Cubans. But these things were the forerunners of the -Republic {283} of China, and now that Republic has been won. The -leaders are now more confident than ever of the good days coming. - -Lest one should be led to condemn the confidence shown by her leaders -and the makers of the Republic, however, we must remember that into -the most populous nation of the world reform had come in four months -which came to other countries who fought for their liberty only after -years of fearful war. We are inclined, perhaps, we who expect more -from the Chinese than perhaps we ourselves are capable of, to -ridicule the efforts of this Republican Party, and to believe that -all going on around us is a mere political make-believe. We are -inclined, perhaps, almost totally to discount the ability of the -members of the Republican party, men who, for the most part, have -risen from the mediocrity of the nation. And I confess myself to -have been during these months of active war among the number who -pessimistically looked out upon a changing China. But, now that the -critical days of the Revolution are passed, even the most cautious -European in China--I mean cautious in regard to snatching at -political straws which float down the stream of Chinese national -life--even he must, if he be unbiased, acknowledge that history can -show us no parallel to what is daily going on around us. - -I am perfectly aware that many of the ambitions of the Republican -party as it now is are at present unrealisable. I know that many of -the old-time practices and corruptions against which their leaders so -vehemently proclaimed will in the very nature of things be found -necessary to continue. I cannot, however, discount the extreme -sincerity of the main leaders, men who with no other motive than that -of benefiting their fellow-nationals, are prepared to work hard and -unostentatiously for the permanent good of their country. These are -the real reformers. Many of them for years have been China's real -reformers, but their {284} light has been under the national bushel. -About them little has been known, and as often as not they have been -despised as a dangerous faction in the country. In the press they -have been cried down. The Manchu Government have been hunting them -to do them to death--the leaders, at all events. There have been -thousands of smaller men, however, sent abroad to light the fuse; but -all of them have had their lights under the national bushel. It has -come, in the main, in the march of education, and this morning, -looking back over the years, it is a wonderful thing to be able to -have in this document the product of the toiling of years of China's -enlightened educated sons. - -Since the Reform Edict of 1898 more articles have appeared in both -the English and Chinese Press in China upon the subject of education -than upon any other. To laud and to praise education has been the -fashion--innumerable sticks of incense have been lit and set up to -education in China. Education, however, was the means of winning the -Revolution, and now the educated men are to have full sway. To them, -as never before, the country is looking for right guidance: China has -always looked to her scholars for guidance, but this is a new kind of -scholar, with a new kind of learning. - -And education, as has been pointed out by a writer on Chinese -affairs, is a kind of tree which bears two manners of fruit--good and -evil. It is a kind of petrol which may drive the individual or the -State at a spanking pace along the path of progress, or it may -explode with disastrous results to the car and all on board. The -general discontent which prevails in so many of the leading nations -may be traced directly to the wider spread of education. The -industrial classes in the present day are better paid, better fed, -better clad, better housed, and work shorter hours than ever before, -but through education their aspirations for still more favourable -conditions have been tenfold increased, and {285} their efforts to -obtain them are becoming always more and more determined. - -"We asked a leading Revolutionist the other day," said the writer -quoted, "where the new men who are being sent to all the inland -cities as magistrates came from. We supposed they were mostly men of -the old magistrate class who were being reappointed, but he said -'no.' The bulk of them were young men who had received a modern -education and who on examination proved themselves most fit. But for -them, he said, there would have been no Revolution. Some had been -educated at the expense of the Central Government, some by the -provinces, and many at their own expense, but all with a view to -obtaining official employment afterwards. This they failed to get, -as the offices were only open to those who could afford to purchase -them, so they determined to take them, and they have done it. It was -not that they desired the spoils of office, but, like Napoleon, they -felt that the tools should go to the workmen, and that they could -serve their country better than the Manchus and Money Bags whom they -wished to supersede." - -Education has thus proved in China to be another name for revolution, -and revolution means reform. The chance of the reformers has now -come: we must wait for their reforms. Now is not the time to tell -each other whether we shall see all that we may expect to see--that -time will come in due course. But we know that whilst they have had -their lights under this national bushel, the real reformers have -succeeded in bringing the word "reform" to every one's lips in China. -The assertion is made in a broad sense. During the past decade and a -half every one has been adjuring some one else to reform, and each -seemed to be pointing out the true way. This was the result of the -working of the reformers, who were there toiling away under greatest -odds and at some risk to their own lives, but who now have full power -in the land. But {286} what is the genius of any reform, and what -are the elements which ensure its success? The celebrated German -philosopher, winner of the Nobel prize, Professor Eucken, writes: -"The kernel of reform usually consists in the establishment of an -essential, original and natural foundation, entailing the elimination -of a network of artificialities, superfluities, and complications." -This is true when we glance at the reformers of olden times who in -turn harked back to a simpler state when elemental principles stood -out more distinctly. Confucius and Mencius, as all Chinese students -are aware, referred constantly to the three great kings when the -rulers desired only the good of the people. The American people, -when rebelling against the oppression of Great Britain, sought to -restore the status of citizenship as it was supposed to be in the -Mother Country. They fought for old-time Saxon freedom. Then came -their reforms. - -And so with the Chinese now. First, they must get the essential, -original, and natural foundations--of liberty and justice. To plant -in China ideas and manners and customs and things, however, which for -centuries have held good in the West will not make in China for the -best the people are capable of. They will be alien. To give to the -Chinese an education only along lines laid down in the West as the -best for men in the West would not guarantee the best being drawn out -of the Chinese. There must be a commingling of the best the West has -to offer with that which has been proved best for China unquestioned -through the centuries of her wonderful history. It may or may not be -a mistake of modern educationists to pound away only with Western -subjects in educating the Chinese, not only not giving any heed to -the preservation of the good in Chinese education, but openly -dissuading its continuance. This I consider to be one of the weak -points in the Republican propaganda--the excessive out-reaching for -Western education at the {287} expense of all that really matters in -the Chinese national life. The Republican outlook is everywhere -filled with all things foreign. Every Revolutionist had shown that -he must have a foreign outlook--and that, perhaps, in time to come -may develop to be an outlook totally unsuited to China's teeming -millions. - -So far as the leaders have gone, however, they have made no great -mistakes. The reformers, at all events, are now given the chance to -show what they can do. If they are earnest in the declaration in -favour of a Republic, the United States would seem the proper model, -_mutatis mutandis_, to be copied. As the Emperor has been proved -powerless to hold in subjection the provinces of the Empire, there is -a similarity between them and the American colonies when the latter -separated from the British Government to establish one of their own. - -But whatever their pattern, it will be no easy matter practically to -work out immediate reforms in this country--that they will be able to -keep to any one plan, however, seems hardly possible. - - - - -{288} - -CHAPTER XX - -THE OUTLOOK FOR REFORM - -And in the political whirl at present it is impossible to foretell -what will be the aim of the Republican party. - -As it stands now, however, their aim is not merely to overthrow the -despised Manchu Dynasty and to restore China's former glory. It may -be said, in a word, that the republican ideal of China is the right -of world citizenship for the nation. Dr. Wu Ting Fang, in his -masterly address to foreigners, said: "We are fighting to be men in -the world; we are fighting to pass off an oppressive, officious, and -tyrannous rule that has beggared and disgraced China, obstructed and -defied the foreign nations, and set back the hands of the clock of -the world." - -It will have been seen in this volume--and, indeed, no student of -Chinese affairs will need to be told--that the nature and extent of -the preparations which the progressive Chinese have been carrying on -during the last twenty years are simply astounding. They assuredly -are. China, equally as she has been immovable for so many centuries, -has shown us that now it is not a question of getting her to move so -much as keeping her from moving too quickly. - -But, on the other hand, I have been in some parts of interior China -where not a single sign of reform in the common life is noticeable. -Behind in the village, however, there has invariably been found one -or two of {289} the scholarly men who have taken into their being a -certain spirit of reform despite the fact that they could not work -out the Utopian era which had been promulgated in the revolutionary -literature they had been reading and with which the country has for -many years been flooded. The time now has come when these floodgates -may be opened. In a considerable amount of travel in various parts -of China I have often been struck with these Revolutionaries, who -appeared, under the then prevailing conditions of government, -misguided fanatics. It was because of the restraint placed upon them -by the Manchu officials that they were slow in openly pursuing their -revolutionary tactics and working out the reforms which their party -were constantly agitating. In another work on China, published just -six days before the Revolution broke out,[1] the author in a -concluding note wrote the following: "I had come to see how far the -modern spirit had penetrated into the recesses of the Chinese -Empire.... One must begin again, no matter how dimly, to perceive -something of the causes which are at work. By the incoming of the -European to inland China a transformation is being wrought, not the -natural growth of a gradual evolution, itself the result of -propulsion from within, but produced, on the contrary, by artificial -means, in bitter conflict with inherent instincts, inherited -traditions, innate tendencies, characteristics, and genius, racial -and individual. In the eyes of the Chinese of the old school these -changes in the habits of life infinitely old are improving nothing -and ruining much--all is empty, vapid, useless to God and to man. -The tawdry shell, the valueless husk of ancient Chinese life is here -still, remains untouched in many places; but the soul within is -steadily and surely, if slowly, undergoing a process of final -atrophy. But yet the proper opening up of the country by internal -reform and not {290} by external pressure has as yet hardly commenced -in immense areas of the Empire far removed from the Imperial city of -Peking.... I cannot but admit that whilst in most parts of my -journey there are distinct traces of reform--I speak, of course, of -the outlying parts of China--and some very striking traces, too, and -a real longing on the part of far-seeing officials to escape from a -humiliating international position, it is distinctly apparent that in -everything which concerns Europe and the Western world the people and -the officials as a whole are of one mind in the methods of -procrastination which are so dear to the heart of the Celestial, and -that peculiar opposition to Europeanism which has marked the real -East since the beginning of modern history." - -To a large extent were I to go to the places where I formed the above -opinion I should probably be inclined to write to-day the same -opinion--perhaps with one point of difference: that point of -difference would be worked out by the noticeable presence of the -to-day ubiquitous Revolutionary. He was there before, working -silently; to-day he is working openly and without fear of -decapitation. And if, standing afar off, we are able to look out -across China, if we are able to see a beaconlight of revolutionism -(which means reform) and are able to estimate rightly the enormous -difference in national opinion which they in their teaching are -constantly bringing about, and if we are able also to look into the -future and imagine a China concentrated towards one final end of -resultant progress, assuredly we shall find a nation great in power -as she is now in numbers. - -But shall we? The reader for himself must answer the question. -Would that I could without hesitancy declare that we shall. I hope -that we shall; but never, to attain this end, did a nation require -more careful steering. - -One cannot conclude this volume, however, without {291} expressing -the hope that the Chinese will not prove themselves their greatest -enemy. Admiring their many admirable traits of national character, -willing to sacrifice much to uplift them in the truest sense, there -is many a man in China to-day who cannot but see that in the -overbearing attitude of the younger generation is there a great -danger to the common weal. China needs strong men: her strong men, -many of them young, enthusiastic, inexperienced in great things they -now have in hand, need to remain strong, they need to recognise Truth -first and last. The responsibility of remoulding the national -character of a quarter of the human race remains with them. They can -only do this by adhering to Truth and to right principles. If they -do, they will go from height to height in national reform and -progress of the greatest good. Without it, they will fall and be -lost. China's end will then be nearer.[2] - - - -[1] "Across China on Foot: Life in the Interior and Reform Movement." -J. W. Arrowsmith, Ltd. 16s. net. - -[2] The following is a newspaper interview with Mrs. T. C. White, the -Princess Der Ling:-- - -"'What are the causes of the downfall of the Manchu Dynasty?' - -"'That is a long story. This thing was expected long ago. Of course -a lot of people in Peking didn't know anything about it, but we -did--our family. My father did, at least, since the China-Japanese -war. He said: "Within ten or fifteen years there is going to be a -revolution in China, and that will be the end of the Manchus. In -case they reform the country right away, it may be all right. But -otherwise they will be finished by that time." At that time they -didn't want it. We tried our best to reform the Court in lots of -things. The Empress-Dowager--at that time she ruled--hated reform. -She was very conservative. She wouldn't have reform as long as she -lived, but, of course, we hoped that in case of her death the Emperor -Kwang Hsu would reign. He would have been for reform; but we knew he -probably wouldn't live through; he would die before her. That Court -is so mysterious in every way--it takes too long to tell. - -"'China has been an old, conservative country for so many years. -They kept up the old style and of course the old generations like it -because it is to their advantage. Just now the young people who have -been abroad and educated want the Western civilisation and freedom. -If they did not see anything better they would not know. But they -begin to see how nice it is in America and how hard life is in their -{292} country, and I do not blame them for causing the Revolution. I -would myself. I hate the old customs. But our family was one of the -first progressive families. In fact, I should say probably there are -very few like us among the Manchu families. - -"'My father wanted reform. I remember hearing him talk about it ever -since I was four or five years old. The first thing he wanted us to -study was English. We were living at Shasi on the Yangtze River, and -afterwards at Hankow, and he sent us to the missionary school. All -his friends protested against it and said he was progressive, and -wanted to sell his country to the foreign people, that was why he -wanted his children to have a foreign education. The people called -him at that time "a rebel." He was very progressive. It didn't -bother him a bit. He wanted us to study and we did. - -"'The Government was not fair. It was all for itself. It didn't -have good ministers. The heads of different Boards in Peking were -corrupt. First the Empress-Dowager, when she was alive--just as she -did--everybody did. They squeezed. Every position was bought in -China, every official position--all the Viceroys and Taotais. It was -like this. If you are the Prime Minister I come to you with so much -money and want this job. You say "All right." You take the money -from me and another person gives a little more and you accept my -money just the same, and his too. They left the good men without -jobs, and put in the crooked people. That is the reason of the -Revolution. They wanted to be treated fairly. Everybody has an -opportunity or should have, but so long as the Manchu rules, the -Regent rules--in fact, no one can get a chance except those who pay -their money.' - -"'Why are the Manchu princes and high officials so inefficient?' - -"'The Manchus do not want to study. They are so grand, they lose -their heads--they think they are, any way. The old Manchus were not -like that--that is, the Manchus got bad about eighty years ago. -Before that they were all capable men and fair in their judgment. -They do not want to know anything at all now; they are so conceited, -and you cannot talk to them.' - -"'What is the chief source of their inefficiency--does it lie in -their characters, training, or habits?' - -"'Training, of course. Everybody praises them, you see. All they -want is pleasure. The young princes in the Royal family think only -of pleasure. The Regent did not want to study when he was a boy, nor -his brothers. His father used to be very furious, but, of course, -his mother took his part, and instead of sending him to school she -sent him to play. Another thing, of course, the Regent himself is -weak-minded. He has not any character at all. I say this from -personal experience. I have talked many times with him.' - -"'How are they brought up in the palace and what is the influence of -this upon their views about government?' - -[Illustration: WHAT REMAINS OF HANKOW'S MAIN RIVER GATEWAY. The -scene of the Revolutionists' last stand in Hankow. The ruins above -are part of the Temple of the Dragon King.] - -{293} - -"'That is the great mistake in China, the way the Emperor is brought -up. The late Emperor Kwang Hsu deserved a lot of credit. He was -brought up in the Forbidden City so exclusively that he could not see -anybody who had any education at all, and played all day long with -the eunuchs. The eunuchs are of the commonest people in China. In -that way the Emperor could not have any chance to talk to people with -experience so he could make a good governor. But Emperor Kwang Hsu -was brought up that way and still had the idea of reform and I think -he deserved a lot of credit. The Manchu law is very strict that -children have to be polite to their parents' servants, so the little -Emperor must be polite to the eunuchs; otherwise they could report to -the Empress-Dowager. That is a very bad custom. If this little -Emperor is brought up that way, he will not amount to anything. The -present Empress-Dowager is a very nice woman. She, of course, has -some Chinese education. That would have been all right some years -ago, but we want something new now, something different. There is no -use to stick to the old books written thousands of years ago. We -want new civilisation now. Of course they had the idea at that time -to shut the door and shut out all foreigners so they could not bother -us. They cannot do that now; we must have something new.' - -"'Will you be kind enough to trace and describe the influence of the -Empress-Dowager at the Court, and tell why this personage cuts such -an important figure.' - -"'That is according to the Manchu law. If the Emperor is young and -she rules for him, she has all the power. He is only the figurehead. -Even if she retires, like the old Empress-Dowager did, the Emperor -has to go to her and consult with her regarding the affairs. The -outside world thought the Edicts were from the Emperor, but really -they were from her. In case of something important he had to go to -the Summer Palace and ask her questions. The late Empress-Dowager -wanted power. She is the only famous Empress-Dowager in the history -of the Manchu Dynasty. The present one does not care. She knows she -cannot run those things and she does not care.' - -"'What kind of a woman is the present Empress Dowager?' - -"'She is a mild, quiet, unobtrusive person, rather indifferent. She -knows very well that she cannot compare with her aunt, the late -Empress-Dowager.' - -"'What part is she likely to play if the infant Emperor remains upon -the throne under a Constitutional Government and Chinese Regency? - -"'Talking from a personal point of view, she would rather retire and -be quiet. Some things happened while I was at the palace and we -would ask her opinion. She would say: "I don't want to say anything -because I do not think it is right." She would say: "I am not -capable of telling you and cannot say anything at all." She does not -want to run the Government at all. This I am sure of. The only -thing she {294} wants is peace. She certainly has suffered all her -life. Although she was her niece, the old Empress treated her in a -very mean way.' - -"'Has she any real power?' - -"'No. But she doesn't want any. We were talking one day about -different things. During one of the Audiences the Old -Empress-Dowager told her to take the foreign ladies to the -refreshments. After this audience was over I asked her how she would -like to act in the Empress-Dowager's place after the -Empress-Dowager's death. And she said to me: "It depends on -circumstances. If I am the Empress of China, I would, but not as the -Empress-Dowager." That is, if her husband was Emperor and she -Empress. "If I had a son I would have to depend on him. I have no -son, and if that was the case, I would have to adopt one and it would -be the same thing as the Empress-Dowager and Kwang Hsu.' - -"'Will you please describe the personality and character of the -ex-Regent and his brothers.' - -"'Ex-Regent Tsai Feng; he is a very stupid man--a weak-minded -man--very conservative. No one can talk reform to him. Some one did -try it once just for fun and he said: "Our ancestors did not do that -and I do not see why we should." Of course he favours the -Conservative party. His two brothers are not like that. They have -both been abroad, in Europe and America too. But of course they are -not so overloaded with brains either. They are the three I mentioned -a while ago as being so poor. All they want, these two brothers, is -pleasure. There is one thing I want to say; when I was abroad a -young Prince, Tsai Chen--came over to King Edward's coronation. -Passing through Paris he came to see us. I was very much surprised. -At that time there were very few progressive people. Four months -after, I returned to Peking and found him just the other way and the -same case with the two brothers of the ex-Regent. When they were -abroad they got their heads full of reform for China, and of making -China like Europe and America, and as soon as they got back to China -they were satisfied with the way the people live. I was much -surprised. I asked him once what was the matter. He said: "We have -to live in this country and be that way and must be satisfied with -it."' - -"'Who is, then, the real power among the Manchu nobility?' - -"'That depends now. Just now no one has power. It was supposed to -be the ex-Regent because he was the head.' - -"'Are the Manchus capable of regeneration?' - -"'I doubt it. They don't want it. In fact, both my mother and -myself did all that we really dared to bring the Empress-Dowager -around to our viewpoint on the question of reform. The fact of our -being able to speak more languages than our own naturally made the -people in and out of the Court both jealous and suspicious of us. -They were sure that we were trying to influence the old -Empress-Dowager to {295} adopt some of the foreign ideas that we had -accumulated during our stay abroad, and one particularly good (?) -friend of ours, Prince Na Yung, told everybody that my mother was a -woman Kang Yu-wei. - -"'One thing: they must bring up Manchu babies a different way and -send them abroad. Then probably there would be some hope. This -younger generation, like the ex-Regent, have common blood in them. -The mother of the Prince Regent and the two brothers was a concubine -of Prince Chung, the ex-Regent's father. And this woman was a -slave-girl. She had no education. Prince Chung died and left the -boys very young and they, of course, had no opportunity. They have -their mother's blood and they are just like their mother. That -generation all descends from concubines. - -"My idea is, as long as the Chinese will have concubines they will -not progress. It is common blood. My idea is that the first reform -should be the abolishment of the concubine business. Let us say some -officials have daughters. They do not wish their daughters to be -concubines; they must be proper wives, so the concubines must be -slaves or bad women. Now how can they bear fine sons? Their blood -is common. One thing, however: the Imperial concubines are selected -from the Manchu officials' daughters--the daughters from the first -and second rank, not lower than that. They consider themselves just -like slaves. It is an awful life. The late Empress-Dowager was a -concubine. She was selected when she was seventeen years old. She -had a son and gained power that way. Her son was Emperor Tung Chih, -who died when he was nineteen. I know the girlhood of the old -Empress, and some day I will write it. She suffered terribly after -she went to the Court.' - -"'What are the first things to be done in China to institute real -reform?' - -"'Starting with the family, the very first reform which should be -instituted is to do away with the secondary wives. The next -important if not the most important, is an entire regeneration of the -official system. It is a well-known fact that the Government loses -three-fourths of the revenue it is entitled to through the official -system of squeeze, and by diverting the squeeze which now goes into -the pockets of officials to that of the Government's pocket will -immediately place the Government in the position of having sufficient -funds to carry through other reforms they have in mind. The next is -the putting of China's finances on either a silver or gold basis, -whichever may be thought best for the country, and having an -universal coinage system, thereby doing away with the enormous losses -to the business people of China by way of continual internal -exchange.' - -"'Do you think the baby Emperor can be raised to be a capable -sovereign for the nation?' - -"'That depends upon the way that they bring him up. If they bring -{296} him up as they did the old Emperor in the palace and no one to -see him, the eunuchs to keep him company, he will be the same as any -other Emperor--he will not know anything.' - -"'What sort of education and surroundings should he have?' - -"'Well, you have to start from childhood to train his mind. They are -so narrow-minded, those people at the Court. These eunuchs, to gain -favour from the Empress-Dowager, praised the late Emperor, no matter -what he did, and spoiled him. Raise this one as an ordinary little -boy--a simple education to start with. He has the idea that he will -be the Emperor, and praised by these people, he will get conceited, -The present Emperor is now five years old; his Chinese age is six. I -am very much afraid for this little boy. I will tell you why--his -mother is so common. His mother's father was all right; he was a big -Manchu official; but his mother's mother was a slave-girl bought from -Yangchow, and that gives bad blood to his mother, the ex-Regent's -wife. Of course, we talk "blood" a good deal, but if he is brought -up among these people--the family do not know anything--he cannot -gain very much. They are all so ignorant.' - -"'What part will the Manchus of all kinds play in China under a -Constitutional or Republican Government?' - -"'Maybe many people will not agree with me, but I know. The -Republican party is so strong; the Manchus will go somewhere and just -keep quiet. They haven't the nerve to fight; they will go. Who -wants to protest against this thing? It is supposed to be the -ex-Regent and his two brothers. They make so much noise but do not -dare to do anything. There is no strong character in the family. -They are all great cowards. That is why I doubt about the little -Emperor.' - -"'What kind of Government do you think is better for the present?" - -"'My idea is certainly not a Republic. I prefer a sort of Limited -Monarchy--a Constitutional Monarchy--for the present. The only -objection I would have to a Republic is that there are so many -parties--so many provinces. They are all together now, but after -they get what they want they will split and fight against each other. -That is the character of the Chinese. By and by after the people, -the younger generation, are all educated, the time will be ripe for a -Republic.' - -"'Will you kindly give me the genealogy of the baby Emperor, showing -what part of Chinese blood he has.' - -"'He is the son of the ex-Regent. The ex-Regent is half Chinese, -because his mother was not a Manchu. The little Emperor's mother is -about three-fourths Chinese; the little Emperor's mother's mother was -full Chinese; her father was half Chinese. So that would make her -three-quarters. So the little Emperor has more Chinese blood in him -than Manchu blood. The blood has been mixed terribly the last forty -years or so, because they all bought concubines. {297} The -ex-Regent's brother was the Emperor Kwang Hsu. He was the only son -of the proper wife of Prince Chung, the late Empress Dowager's -sister.' - -"'Has Yuan Shih K'ai any reason to love the Manchus?' - -"'No. I do not say he loves the Manchus. He is a very smart man and -he sees the situation. He knows what is best for the country. I -cannot say he loves the Manchus, although he was the late -Empress-Dowager's favourite. She always trusted him. She could see -that he was a capable man. The late Emperor wanted reform, but did -not know how to go at it. Yuan Shih K'ai knows how to go about it; -he is one of the progressive men.' - -"'If the Monarchy is retained, what reforms should be made in the -social life of the Court?' - -"'They are not trying for such a purpose. The Empress-Dowager should -take lessons. She is a fairly well-informed woman. She has read -some of the foreign histories translated into the Chinese. She is -willing to learn and to bring up the Emperor. My idea is to bring -him up like a foreigner. You see, in China they do not teach the -Emperor to love his people and his country. They do not do that. My -idea is to teach him to love his people and his country, and make him -know that he is responsible for this great nation and that he must do -justice to everybody. Of course, that is a hard thing, but it is as -should be. Teach him his duty to his people. Then it depends much -upon the sort of wife he marries. I begin to think there is not a -suitable girl to marry him. He has to marry a Manchu, and the Manchu -girls have no education. Any Manchu girl would be out of place as -Empress. My idea is that no matter how they change they must keep -their little old-fashioned law. They cannot remove that at once. I -know Manchus who lived in America for years and they even after that -thought that the customs in their own country were best. How can -they think that? I am a Manchu, and see things in a different light, -and have since I was ten or twelve years old. I made up my mind then -that I would not be under anybody. My father always said to me, "You -are just as good as anybody." - -"'The Court is so different from any other Court. The people are not -used to those things, it will take time. First of all they must have -proper Court ladies. Those princesses do not know anything. All -they want is power--they do not know how to use it. What can they do -with power? Any Court ladies with education will not want to stay -with these ignorant women. They would have to fight all the time. -My life was not at all sweet whilst I was there. The Government is -just the same as a Chinese family. There is so much nonsense going -on. Now these poor girls, they are brought up in the old way, and of -course they are satisfied because they know no better, and when they -marry they go over to their husband's family and get treated badly by -{298} their mother-in-law. You see, the Chinese teaching is so -different; it always teaches a woman to be patient. And of course, -in the case of a Chinese whom the parents send abroad, when she comes -back she is a changed girl, and her mother does not like it. She -will not listen to her mother's nonsense. Some silly little things -they do in the family; they made the Chinese conservative party -against the progressive. My friends are like that--the poor girls -just suffer. I wish they had not had foreign education.'" - - - - -{299} - -INDEX - - -Abdication Edict, the (278-87), text, 278-80 - -Admiralty, inconvenient regulations of, 123 - -Anti-foreign feeling, 14; reversal of, 43; see Boxer - -Artillery, in action, 64-5, 68-9, 71-2, 74, 98 - -Awakening of China, 273-4 - - - -Boxer rising, 209; due to enmity of North and South, 268; directed -against Manchus, yet exploited by the Dowager-Empress, 271-2; -collapse of, 272-3 - -British authorities, weakness of, 119; letter to Consul, 122-3 - -British Concession, under fire, 108 - -British trade in China, 25-8 - - - -Cantlie, Dr., and the rescue of Sun Yat-sen from the Chinese -Legation, 208-09 - -Canton, outbreak at, 16; conspiracy of 1895, 202-07 - -Cartoons, anti-foreign, 241 - -Cecil, Lord William, 30-2 - -_Central China Post_ on Manchu Dynasty, 260-2 - -Chang Piao, General, 55, 58; interview with, 61-2; surrenders -Nanking, 156-7 - -Cheng-tu, siege of, 241 - -Cheo, execution of, 277 - -China, extent of, 13 - -"China Under the Empress-Dowager," by Bland and Backhouse, 268 - -_China Press_, the, 159; on Republic or Monarchy, 196-200, 230 - -Chinese, future of the, 19, 291 - -Christianity in China, 30-1; future of, 43 - -Chwang-Lieh-ti, Emperor, hangs himself (1644), 259 - -Civil Service, the Chinese, 262 - -Clothing trade, the, 22 - -Concessions, position of the, 118 - -Concubinism, dangers of, 295 - -Confucianism, 43 - -Constitutional Monarchy, reasons in favour of, 143, 296 - -Constitutional Provisional Republic, the, 214-20 - -Corruption of Manchu Government, 18 - -_Coup d'état_ of 1898, 271 - -Courage of Chinese troops, 111 - -Court, Chinese, the, 297 - -Courts of Justice, Republican, 219 - -Cruelty of Imperialist troops, 140-2 - - - -Der Ling, Princess, on causes of Reform, 291-8 - -Dragon, the, 244 - - - -Edict, the famous Revolutionary, of General Li, 276; its provisions -carried out, 277 - -Education, the new, 284-5 - -Emperor, of China, 31; the child, 295-6 - -Empress-Dowager, the, 226-32; diverts the Boxers from their original -aim, 271, 274, 291-7 - -Eucken, Professor, on Reform, 286 - -Extortion by torture, 203-04; under the Manchus, 261 - - - -Fleet, Imperial, at Hanyang, 69, 71 - -Foreign Concessions, at Hanyang, 72, 119-21 - -Foreign intervention not desired, 265-6 - -Foreign Loans, 44; feeling against, 238 - -French, at Hankow, ask for troops, 118, 121; wish to annex Yunnan, 259 - - - -German trade in China, 25-8 - -Gordon, General ("Chinese"), in the Taiping Rebellion, 195, 265 - - - -_Hai Yung_, 112; Chinese cruiser, in action, 114-15 - -Hankow, 44; premature outbreak in the Russian Concession, 49-50; 53; -the Revolution commences in, 54, 58; the burning of, 81-7; looting -of, 85; ruin of, 267 - -Hanyang, the arsenal taken, 57-58, 87; threatened with a second -bombardment, 96-8; second battle of, 107-08; final bombardment of, -125-32; fall of, through treachery, 144; 154 - -Hanyang Hill, captured, 147 - -Hat trade, captured by Japanese enterprise, 22 - -_Helena_, U.S.A. launch, 58 - -Hokwan, peculates twenty-six million sterling, 261 - -Hsi-fan tribes, 251 - -Hsuan Tung, H.I.M., 227 - -Hsu-Ching-cheng, executed for saving Europeans, 271 - -Hu Ying, Revolutionary delegate to the Peace Conference, 177-84 - -Hunan, troops from, fate of deserters, 143; refuse to fight, 148 - -Hung Siu-tsuan, 263 - -Hupeh, army of, 47-8, 58, 117 - -Hwei-ti, Emperor, revolution in days of, 257 - - - -Imperial Edict, the, 90-1, 153 - -Imperialists, at Hanyang, 34, 62, 64; victorious, 67; 71; courage of, -71-2; 73; massacre of refugees from Hankow, 85-6; brutal behaviour -of, 88; surround Hankow, 107; attack Hanyang, 128; cruelty of, -138-41; 145-6 - - - -Japan, war with, 15; her trade with China, 24-5, 28; revolution in, -130; victory over China, 273 - -Jung Lu, to be beheaded, 224; 269, 271 - - - -Kaifeng, drowned out by Li-Tsi-cheng in 1642, 258 - -Keen-lung, great Manchu Emperor, 260-2 - -Kilometre Ten, Battle of, 68-72 - -Knepper, Captain, 58 - -_Kung Ching_, the, 52 - -Kwang Lu, Emperor, in his Valedictory, hopes Yuan will be beheaded, -227; 293-4 - - - -Lee, Homer, General of Reform Cadets, 210 - -Li Tsi-cheng, ends the Ming Dynasty, 258; turns the Yellow River into -the city of Kaifeng (1642), 258; proclaims himself Emperor, 259; his -fall, 259, 273 - -Li Yuan Hung, statement by, 33-5; interview with, 37-45; details of -life, 45-6; loth to lead the Revolutionists, 47; 55; his policy of -"sit tight," 73; his Edict, 89, 93-5; appeals to Yuan, 103; 107, -116-17; anxious to stop slaughter, 147; 149, 152; asks for an -armistice, 159; 164-5 - -Ling, General, takes Nanking, 158; desires peace, 170; 195; his -famous Edict, 276, 282 - -Liu King, 47; his story, 51-4 - -Liu King, Mrs., to throw a bomb, 53 - -Liu Yao-chen, 54 - -Loans, foreign, _literati_ object to, 238 - -Lolo tribes, the, 251 - -_London and China Express_, 122 - -London Mission Hospital, 85, 109 - - - -Macartney, Sir Halliday, and Sun Yat-sen's capture, 208 - -McFarlane, Rev. H. J., 78, 80 - -Machinery, belief that it takes away work and starves people, 238-9 - -Manchu Dynasty, shaken, 134; 153; objection to, 188; 192; on trial, -229; character of, 260; China under the, 261; universality of protest -against, 282; causes of downfall, 291 - -Manchus, 15; policy of, 17; corruption and tyranny of, 17-18, 103-4; -originally called in to revenge a rape, 259; character of, 294-5 - -Manifesto of the Revolution, 16-19 - -Marco Polo, 17 - -Medhurst, C. S., on claims of Republic and Monarchy, 196-200 - -Ming Dynasty, the last effort of, 194-5 - -Missionaries, massacres of, 272 - -Model army, the, 47, _see_ Imperialists - -Mohammedan Rebellion, the, 267; apparently successful, 268; -suppressed, 268 - -Monopolies, Manchu, 17 - - - -Nanking, fall of, 39; news of fall, 155; account of, 156; Provisional -Republic proclaimed at, 210; fall of, in Taiping Rebellion, 264; -taken by Gordon, 245 - -Nanking, Treaty of, 263 - -National assembly, 215, 229-30 - -National Convention, 220 - -Nationalisation of Railways, cause of, Sze-Chuan rebellion, 235 - -Navy, the, 39 - -Nestorian tablet, 17 - -Nou-su tribes, 251 - -Northern army, the, 75, 97 - - - -"One Aim Society," the, 240 - -Outlawry, 14 - - - -Panthays, capture Yunnan, 267 - -"Patriotic Harmony Bands," _see_ Boxers - -Patriotism, in China, 111, 270 - -Peace Conference, the, 185; disappointment follows, 196; "fizzles -out," 196 - -Pekin, Government, the, 15; strong position of, 189-91; disorders in -1912, 212-13; taken by Allies (1900), 272 - -_People, The_, 51-2 - -"Plum Blossom Fists," 269-70 - -Powers, European, ignorance of Chinese temper, 270 - -President of China, the, 39 - -Privileges, Manchu, 17 - -Provisional Military Association, the, 210 - -Provisional Republican Constitution, the, 214-20 - - - -Queue, cutting of the, 194 - - - -Railways, nationalisation of, 235-7; condition of Chinese, 237 - -Recognition of the Republic, 220 - -Redheads, in the Taiping rebellion, 265 - -Reform, Yuan paralyses, 224-5; 286-7; outlook for, 288-98; inland, -289-90 - -Reform Cadets, 210 - -Reform Edict, of 1898, 284 - -Regent, the, 134; resigns, 230-1 - -Republic, the, proclaimed, 16; recognition of the, 151; proclamation -by Dr. Wu Ting Fang, 151-2; difficulties in way of, 193; general -support of, 195; established as a world Power, 281; ideal of the, 288 - -Revolution of 1400, 257 - -Revolution of 1911-12,13; planned years ago, 15; causes of, 38; -outbreak of, 47-8; plans of, 53; movement abroad, 201; sincerity of -movement, 283 - -Revolutionary troops, at Hanyang, reversed, 65; courage of, 73; -excellent behaviour of, 89; confidence of, 117; good behaviour at -taking of Nanking, 159; general good behaviour of, 282 - -Run-chung-yung, 54 - - - -Sah, Admiral, 40, 62; at Hanyang, 71; his bluff, 72-3; appealed to by -students of Hanyang and Hankow, he is converted to Revolution, 100-1 - -Shanghai, Peace Conference of, 174-5, (185-200) - -Shantung, goes over to the Revolutionists, 125 - -Sian-fu, Nestorian tablet of, 17; massacre of foreigners in, 165 - -Son of Heaven, ceremonial, 195 - -Students, influence of, 16 - -Suffrage, universal, proposed by Sun Yat-sen, 197 - -Sun Yat-sen, 15, 16, 40, 45, 51; arrives in Shanghai, 196; the coming -of, (201-22); character and adventures, 202; the Canton conspiracy, -202; captured in London, 207-8; swindled in Japan, 209; escapes to -Annam and returns to America, 210; proclaimed President at Nanking, -210; the price on his head, 211; studies medicine, 212; retires in -favour of Yuan, 213; his oath, 213; 282 - -Sun Wu, causes premature outbreak of revolution, 50, 53 - -Sze-Chuan, revolt of, against nationalisation of railways, 235; -slaughter in, 241; present disorder in, 241-2; tribal element in, -242, 245-6, 252 - - - -Ta Ts'ing Dynasty, 256 - -Taiping Rebellion, 195, 263-5, 267, 269, 273 - -Tang-Shao-yi, Yuan's delegate at the Peace Conference, 172-6, 186-7; -favours a Republic, 188; his powers repudiated by Yuan, 196 - -Tartars, reaction against the, 193-4 - -Tibet, Chinese policy in, 248-9 - -_Times_, editorial, 55-6; prophesies failure of Revolution, 155 - -Torpedo-boats at Wuchang, 113-14 - -Trade, restrictions of, 18; increase to be expected, 21-9 - -Tribes in Sze-Chuan, 245-6; their hatred of Chinese, 248, 251; -China's great weakness, 251 - -Tuan-Fang, Director-General of Railways, 236; his disgrace, 236; -reinstated, 236; killed by his men, 241; sketch of, 252-4; disgrace -of, 255; protects missions, 269 - - - -United States of America, action of, 155 - -United States of China, probable, 195 - -United Universities scheme, 275 - - - -Viceroy of Hankow, the, 54-5 - - - -Wang-change-hui, 186 - -Wang-Chao-naing, 186 - -Wang-Cheng-ting, 186 - -Ward, General, in the Taiping Rebellion, 265 - -Wen Tsang-yao, 185 - -White, Miss T. C. (Princess der Ling), 261 - -White Lily Society, 269 - -Winsloe, Rear-Admiral, 72, 123 - -Women soldiers, 53 - -Wong, Mr., 163 - -_Woodcock_, H.M.S., 109 - -Wounded at Hanyung, 131-3 - -Wu, General, 126 - -Wu San-Kwei, calls in the Manchus to avenge his mistress, 259 - -Wu Ting Fang, Dr., 40, 152, 173, 185, 187 - -Wuchang, outbreak at, 16, 33-4, 47, 72-3; stronghold of -Revolutionists, 92; fighting round, 98-100, 124; evacuation of, -167-9; modern army of, 224 - - - -Yakub Beg, leader of the Mohammedan Revolt, 267 - -Yangtze River, 189 - -Yen, Prince (Emperor Ch'eng-Tsu), his rebellion in A.D. 1400, 257 - -Yin Chang, General, 62 - -Young China Party, 242-3, 245 - -Yu Hsien, massacres missionaries, 272 - -Yuan-Ch'ang, executed for saving Europeans, 271 - -Yuan-Shih-Kai, 39-40, 75-7, 93; his letter to General Li, 94-5; -promises a Constitutional Government and abolition of the Manchu -princedoms, 95; his army, 97; Li's appeal to him, 103-06; 117-18, -125; his plea for a monarchy, 135; official statement, 159-61; -negotiations at the Peace Conference, 113-15; 190, 196; proclaimed -President, but loses hold in Pekin, 213; character-sketch of, 221-2; -"Yuan the Reformer," 223; forms the Model Army, 224; betrays the -Emperor, 225; the first man in China, 226; his fall, 227; recalled to -Pekin as Prime Minister, 228; to form a Reform Government, 229; in -favour of limited monarchy, 229, 233; an enigma, 234 - -Yunnan, Mohammedan rebellion in, 248, 267 - - - -UNWIN BROTHERS, LIMITED, THE GRESHAM PRESS, WOKING AND LONDON. - - - - - - - - - - - -End of Project Gutenberg's China's Revolution 1911-1912, by Edwin J. 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