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<div>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 63232 ***</div>


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  <div class="titlepage">
    <h1><span class="medium">THE</span><br />
      <span class="gespertt">EPIDEMICS</span><br />
      <span class="small">OF</span><br />
      <span class="gespertt">THE MIDDLE AGES</span>.</h1>

    <div class="small">FROM THE GERMAN OF</div>

    <div class="xlarge gespertt1 mt2">J. F. C. HECKER, M.D.</div>

    <div class="small mt2">PROFESSOR AT FREDERICK WILLIAM’S UNIVERSITY AT BERLIN,<br />
      AND MEMBER OF VARIOUS LEARNED SOCIETIES IN<br />
      ALBANY, BERLIN, BONN, COPENHAGEN, DIJON, DRESDEN, ERLANGEN, HANAU,
      HEIDELBERG, LEIPZIG, LONDON, LYONS, MARSEILLES, METZ, NAPLES,
      NEW YORK, OFFENBURG, PHILADELPHIA, STOCKHOLM,
      TOULOUSE, WARSAW AND ZURICH.</div>

    <div class="small mt10">TRANSLATED BY</div>

    <div class="xlarge mt2">B. G. BABINGTON, M.D. F.R.S.,</div>

    <div class="small mt2">ETC.</div>

    <div class="large gespertt mt10">LONDON</div>

    <div class="small mt2">MDCCCXLIV</div>
  </div>

  <hr class="page" />
  <div class="center mt10 mb10 lh1"><span class="small">LONDON:</span><br />
    <span class="gespertt1">GEORGE WOODFALL AND SON,</span><br />
    <span class="small">ANGEL COURT, SKINNER STREET</span>
  </div>

  <hr class="page" />
  <div class="chapter" id="General_Preface">
    <span class="pagenum" id="Page_v">v</span>
    <h3 class="nobreak mt10">GENERAL PREFACE.</h3>
  </div>
  <hr class="short" />

  <p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">The</span> Council of the <span class="smcap">Sydenham Society</span> having deemed Hecker’s
    three treatises on different Epidemics occurring in the Middle Ages
    worthy of being collected into a volume, and laid before its members
    in an English dress, I have felt much pleasure in presenting them with
    the copyright of the Black Death; in negociating for them, the purchase
    of that of the Dancing Mania, whereof I could resign only my share of
    a joint interest; and, in preparing for the press these productions,
    together with a translation, now for the first time made public, of the
    Sweating Sickness. This last work, from its greater length, and from
    the immediate relation of its chief subject to our own country, may be
    considered the most interesting and important of the series.</p>

  <p>Professor Hecker is generally acknowledged to be the most learned
    medical historian, and one of the most able medical writers in Germany.
    His numerous works suffice to show not only with what zeal he has
    laboured, but also how highly his labours have been appreciated by his
    countrymen; and when I state that, with one trifling exception, they
    have all been translated into other languages, I furnish a fair proof
    of the estimation in which they are held in foreign countries; and,
    so far at least as regards the originals, a full justification of the
    Council of the Sydenham Society in their choice on the present occasion.</p>

  <p>The “Schwarze Tod,” or “Black Death,” was published in 1832; and I
    was prompted to undertake its translation, from a<span class="pagenum" id="Page_vi">vi</span> belief that it
    would prove interesting at a moment when another fearful epidemic, the
    Cholera, with which it admitted of comparison in several particulars,
    was fresh in the memory of men. The “Tanzwuth,” or “Dancing Mania,”
    came out shortly afterwards; and, as it appeared to me that, though
    relating to a less terrific visitation, it possessed an equal share of
    interest, and, holding a kind of middle place between a physical and a
    moral pestilence, furnished subject of contemplation for the general
    as well as the professional reader, I determined on adding it also to
    our common stock of medical literature. When the “Englische Schweiss,”
    or “Sweating Sickness,” which contained much collateral matter little
    known in England, and which completed the history of the principal
    epidemics of the middle ages, appeared in 1834, I proceeded to finish
    my task; but failing in the accomplishment of certain arrangements
    connected with its publication, I laid aside my translation for the
    time under a hope, which has at length been fulfilled, that at some
    future more auspicious moment, it might yet see the light.</p>

  <p>It must not be supposed that the author, in thus taking up the history
    of three of the most important epidemics of the middle ages, although
    he has illustrated them by less detailed notices of several others,
    considers that he has exhausted his subject; on the contrary, it is his
    belief, that, in order to come at the secret springs of these general
    morbific influences, a most minute as well as a most extended survey
    of them, such as can be made only by the united efforts of many, is
    required. He would seem to aim at collecting together such a number of
    facts from the medical history of all countries and of all ages, as may
    at length enable us to deal with epidemics in the same way as Louis has
    dealt with individual diseases; and thus by a numerical arrangement of
    data, together with a just consideration of their relative value, to
    arrive at the discovery of general laws. The present work, therefore,
    is but one stone of an edifice, for the construction of which he
    invites medical men in all parts of the world to furnish materials<a id="FNanchor_1a" href="#Footnote_1a" class="fnanchor">[1]</a>.</p>

  <p>Whether the information which could be collected even by <span class="pagenum" id="Page_vii">vii</span>the most
    diligent and extensive research would prove sufficiently copious and
    accurate to enable us to pursue this method with complete success,
    may be a matter of doubt; but it is at least probable, that many
    valuable facts, now buried in oblivion, would thus be brought to
    light; and the incidental results, as often occurs in the pursuit of
    science, might prove as serviceable as those which were the direct
    object of discovery. Of what immense importance, for instance, in the
    fourteenth century, would a general knowledge have been of the simple
    but universal circumstance, that in all severe epidemics, from the
    time of Thucydides<a id="FNanchor_2a" href="#Footnote_2a" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> to the present day, a false suspicion has been
    entertained by the vulgar, that the springs or provisions have been
    poisoned, or the air infected by some supposed enemies to the common
    weal. How many thousands of innocent lives would thus have been spared,
    which were barbarously sacrificed under this absurd notion?</p>

  <p>Whether Hecker’s call for aid in his undertaking has, in any instance,
    been answered by the physicians of Germany, I know not; but he will
    be as much pleased to learn, as I am to inform him, that it was
    the perusal of the “Black Death” which suggested to Dr. Simpson of
    Edinburgh the idea of collecting materials for a history of the
    Leprosy, as it existed in Great Britain during the middle ages; and
    that this author’s very learned and interesting antiquarian researches
    on that subject, as published in the Edinburgh Medical and Surgical
    Journal, have been the valuable, and, I trust, will not prove the
    solitary result.</p>

  <p>As the three treatises, now comprised for the first time under the
    title of “The Epidemics of the Middle Ages,” came out at different
    periods, I have thought it best to prefix to each the original preface
    of the author; and to the two which have already been published in
    English, that of the translator also; while Hecker’s Address to the
    Physicians of Germany, although written before the publication of the
    “Englische Schweiss,” forms an appropriate substitute for an author’s
    general preface to the whole volume.</p>

  <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_viii">viii</span></p>

  <p>At the end of the “Black Death,” I had originally given, as No. III.
    of the Appendix, some copious extracts from Caius’ “Boke or Counseill
    against the Disease commonly called the Sweate or Sweatyng Sicknesse;”
    but this little treatise is so characteristic of the times in which
    it was written, so curious, so short, and so very scarce<a id="FNanchor_3a" href="#Footnote_3a" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>, that I
    have thought it worth while, with the permission of the council of our
    Society, to reprint it entire, and to add it in its more appropriate
    place, as an Appendix to the Sweating Sickness.</p>

  <hr class="page" />
  <div class="chapter mb5" id="Heckers_Address">
    <span class="pagenum" id="Page_ix">ix</span>
    <h3 class="nobreak lh1 mt10"><span class="gespertt1">ADDRESS</span><br />
      <span class="small">TO THE</span><br />
      PHYSICIANS OF GERMANY.</h3>
  </div>
  <div class="smcap center large"><b>By J. F. C. HECKER.</b></div>
  <hr class="short" />

  <p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">It</span> has long been my earnest desire to address my honoured colleagues,
    especially those with whom I feel myself connected by congeniality
    of sentiment, in order to impress on them a subject in which science
    is deeply interested, and which, according to the direct evidence
    of Nature herself, is one of the most exalted and important that
    can be submitted to the researches of the learned. I allude to the
    investigation of Epidemic Diseases, on a scale commensurate with the
    extent of our exertions in other departments, and worthy of the age
    in which we live. It is, with justice, required of medical men, since
    their sole business is with life, that they should regard it in a
    right point of view. They are expected to have a perception of life,
    as it exists individually and collectively: in the former, to bear in
    mind the general system of creation; in the latter, to demonstrate the
    connexion and signification of the individual phenomena,—to discern
    the one by the aid of the other, and thus to penetrate, with becoming
    reverence, into the sanctuary of cosmical and microcosmical science.
    This expectation is not extravagant, and the truth of the principles
    which the medical explorer of nature deduces from it, is so obvious,
    that it seems scarcely possible that any doubts should be entertained
    on the subject.</p>

  <p>Yet we may ask, Has medical science as it exists in our days, with all
    the splendour which surrounds it, with all the perfection of which it
    boasts, satisfied this demand? This question we are obliged to answer
    in the negative.</p>

  <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_x">x</span></p>

  <p>Let us consider only the doctrine of diseases, which has been
    cultivated since the commencement of scientific study. It has grown
    up amid the illumination of knowledge and the gloom of ignorance; it
    has been nurtured by the storms of centuries; its monuments of ancient
    and modern times cannot be numbered, and it speaks clearly to the
    initiated, in the languages of all civilized nations. Yet, hitherto, it
    has given an account only of individual diseases, so far as the human
    mind can discern their nature. In this it has succeeded admirably, and
    its success becomes every year greater and more extensive.</p>

  <p>But if we extend our inquiries to the diseases of nations, and of the
    whole human race, science is mute; as if it were not her province
    to take cognizance of them, and shows us only an immeasurable and
    unexplored country, which many suppose to be merely a barren desert,
    because no one to whose voice they are wont to listen, gives any
    information respecting it. Small is the number of those who have
    traversed it; often have they arrested their steps, filled with
    admiration at striking phenomena; have beheld inexhaustible mines
    waiting only for the hand of the labourer, and, from contemplating the
    development of collective organic life, which science nowhere else
    displays to them on so magnificent a scale, have experienced all the
    sacred joy of the naturalist to whom a higher source of knowledge has
    been opened. Yet could they not make themselves heard in the noisy
    tumult of the markets, and still less answer the innumerable questions
    directed to them by many, as from one mouth, not indeed to inquire
    after the truth, but to obtain a confirmation of an anciently received
    opinion, which originated in the fifth century before our era.</p>

  <p>Hence it is, that the doctrine of epidemics, surrounded by the other
    flourishing branches of medicine, remains alone unfruitful—we might
    almost say stunted in its growth. For, to the weighty opinions
    of Hippocrates, to the doctrines of Fracastoro which contain
    the experience of the much-tried Middle Ages, and lastly to the
    observations of Sydenham, only trifling and isolated facts have been
    added. Beyond these facts there exist, even up to the present times,
    only assumptions, which might, long since, have been reduced to their
    original nothingness, had that serious spirit of inquiry prevailed
    which comprehends space and penetrates ages.</p>

  <p>No epidemic ever prevailed during which the need of more<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xi">xi</span> accurate
    information was not felt, and during which the wish of the learned was
    not loudly expressed, to become acquainted with the secret springs
    of such stupendous engines of destruction. Was the disease of a new
    character?—the spirit of inquiry was roused among physicians; nor were
    the most eminent of them ever deficient either in courage or in zeal
    for investigation. When the glandular plague first made its appearance
    as an universal epidemic, whilst the more pusillanimous, haunted by
    visionary fears, shut themselves up in their closets, some physicians
    at Constantinople, astonished at the phenomenon, opened the boils of
    the deceased. The like has occurred both in ancient and modern times,
    not without favourable results for science; nay, more matured views
    excited an eager desire to become acquainted with similar or still
    greater visitations among the ancients; but as later ages have always
    been fond of referring to Grecian antiquity, the learned of those
    times, from a partial and meagre predilection, were contented with the
    descriptions of Thucydides, even where nature had revealed, in infinite
    diversity, the workings of her powers.</p>

  <p>These researches, if indeed they deserved that name, were never
    scientific or comprehensive. They never seized but upon a part, and
    no sooner had the mortality ceased, than the scarcely awakened zeal
    relapsed into its former indifference to the interesting phenomena
    of nature, in the same way as abstemiousness, which had ever been
    practised during epidemics, only as a constrained virtue, gave
    place, as soon as the danger was over, to unbridled indulgence. This
    inconstancy might almost bring to our mind the pious Byzantines who, on
    the shock of an earthquake, in 529, which appeared as the prognostic
    of the great epidemic, prostrated themselves before their altars by
    thousands, and sought to excel each other in Christian self-denial
    and benevolence; but no sooner did they feel the ground firm beneath
    their feet, than they again abandoned themselves, without remorse, to
    all the vices of the metropolis. May I be pardoned for this comparison
    of scientific zeal with other human excitements? Alas! even this is
    a virtue which few practise for its own sake, and which, with the
    multitude, stands quite as much in need as any other, of the incentives
    of fear and reward.</p>

  <p>But we are constrained to acknowledge that among our medical
    predecessors, these incentives were scarcely ever sufficiently<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xii">xii</span>
    powerful to induce them to leave us circumstantial and scientific
    accounts of contemporary epidemics, which, nevertheless, have, even
    in historical times, afflicted, in almost numberless visitations,
    the whole human race. Still less did it occur to them to take a
    more exalted stand, whence they could comprehend at one view, these
    stupendous phenomena of organic collective life, wherein the whole
    spirit of humanity powerfully and wonderfully moves, and thus regard
    them as one whole, in which higher laws of nature, uniting together the
    utmost diversity of individual parts, might be anticipated or perceived.</p>

  <p>Here a wide, and almost unfathomable chasm occurs in the science of
    medicine, which, in this age of mature judgment and multifarious
    learning, cannot, as formerly, be overlooked. History alone can fill
    it up; she alone can give to the doctrine of diseases that importance
    without which its application is limited to occurrences of the moment;
    whereas the development of the phenomena of life, during extensive
    periods, is no less a problem of research for the philosopher, who
    makes the boundless science of nature his study, than the revolutions
    of the planet on which we move. In this region of inquiry the very
    stones have a language, and the inscriptions are yet legible which,
    before the creation of man, were engraved by organic life, in wondrous
    forms on eternal tablets. Exalted ideas of the monuments of primæval
    antiquity are here excited, and the forms of the antemundane ways and
    creations of nature are conjured up from the inmost bosom of the earth,
    in order to throw their bright beaming light upon the surface of the
    present.</p>

  <p>Medicine extends not so far. The remains of animals make us indeed
    acquainted, even now, with diseases to which the brute creation was
    subject long ere the waters overflowed, and the mountains sunk; but
    the investigation which is our more immediate object, scarcely reaches
    to the beginning of human culture. Records of remote and of proximate
    eras, lie before us in rich abundance. They speak of the deviations
    and destructions of human life, of exterminated and newly-formed
    nations; they lay before us stupendous facts, which we are called
    upon to recognise and expound in order to solve this exalted problem.
    If physicians cannot boast of having unrolled these records with the
    avidity of true explorers of Nature, they may find some excuse in the
    nature of the inquiry—for the characters are dead, and the spirits of
    which they are the magic<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xiii">xiii</span> symbols, manifest themselves only to him
    who knows how to adjure them. Epidemics leave no corporeal traces;
    whence their history is perhaps more intellectual than the science
    of the Geologist, who, on his side, possesses the advantage of
    treating on subjects which strike the senses, and are therefore more
    attractive,—such as the impressions of plants no longer extant, and the
    skeletons of lost races of animals. This, however, does not entirely
    exculpate us from the charge of neglecting our science, in a quarter
    where the most important facts are to be unveiled. It is high time to
    make up for what has been left unaccomplished, if we would not remain
    idle and mean-spirited in the rear of other naturalists.</p>

  <p>I was animated by these and similar reflections, and excited too by
    passing events, when I undertook to write the history of the “Black
    Death.” With some anxiety, I sent this book into the world, for it
    was scarcely to be expected that it would be everywhere received with
    indulgence, since it belonged to an hitherto unknown department of
    historical research, the utility of which might not be obvious in our
    practical times. Yet I soon received encouragement, not only from
    learned friends, but also from other men of distinguished merit, on
    whose judgment I placed great reliance; and thus I was led to hope that
    it was not in vain, and without some advantage to science, that I had
    unveiled the dismal picture of a long departed age.</p>

  <p>This work I have followed up by a treatise on a nervous disorder,
    which, for the first time, appeared in the same century, as an
    epidemic, with symptoms that can be accounted for only by the spirit of
    the Middle Ages—symptoms which, in the manner of the diffusion of the
    disease among thousands of people, and of its propagation for more than
    two centuries, exercised a demoniacal influence over the human race,
    yet in close, though uncongenial alliance, with kindlier feelings.
    I have prepared materials for various other subjects, so far as the
    resources at my disposal extend, and I may hope, if circumstances prove
    favourable, to complete by degrees, the history of a more extensive
    series of Epidemics on the same plan as the “Black Death,” and the
    “Dancing Mania.”</p>

  <p>Amid the accumulated materials which past ages afford, the powers and
    the life of one individual, even with the aid of previous study, are
    insufficient to complete a comprehensive history of Epidemics. The
    zealous activity of many must be exerted <span class="pagenum" id="Page_xiv">xiv</span>if we would speedily possess
    a work which is so much wanted in order that we may not encounter
    new epidemics with culpable ignorance of analogous phenomena. How
    often has it appeared on the breaking out of epidemics, as if the
    experience of so many centuries had been accumulated in vain. Men gazed
    at the phenomena with astonishment, and even before they had a just
    perception of their nature, pronounced their opinions, which, as they
    were divided into strongly opposed parties, they defended with all the
    ardour of zealots, wholly unconscious of the majesty of all-governing
    nature. In the descriptive branches of natural history, a person would
    infallibly expose himself to the severest censure, who should attempt
    to describe some hitherto unknown natural production, whether animal or
    vegetable, if he were ignorant of the allied genera and species, and
    perhaps neither a botanist nor zoologist; yet an analogous ignorance of
    epidemics, in those who nevertheless discussed their nature, but too
    frequently occurred, and men were insensible to the justest reproof.
    Thus it has ever been, and for this reason we cannot apply to ourselves
    in this department, the significant words of Bacon, that we are the
    ancients, and our forefathers the moderns, for we are equally remote,
    with them, from a scientific and comprehensive knowledge of epidemics.
    This might, and ought to be otherwise, in an age which, in other
    respects, may, with justice, boast of a rich diversity of knowledge,
    and of a rapid progress in the natural sciences.</p>

  <p>If in the form of an address to the physicians of Germany, I express
    the wish to see such a melancholy state of things remedied, the
    nature of the subject requires that, with the exception of the still
    prevailing Cholera, remarkable universal epidemics should be selected
    for investigation. They form the grand epochs, according to which
    those epidemics which are less extensive, but not, on that account,
    less worthy of observation, naturally range themselves. Far be it from
    me to recommend any fixed series, or even the plan and method to be
    pursued in treating the subject. It would, perhaps, be, on the whole,
    most advantageous, if my honoured Colleagues, who attend to this
    request, were to commence with those epidemics for which they possess
    complete materials, and that entirely according to their own plan,
    without adopting any model for imitation, for in this manner simple
    historical truth will be best elicited. Should it,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xv">xv</span> however, be found
    impracticable to furnish historical descriptions of entire epidemics,
    a task often attended with difficulties, interesting fragments of all
    kinds, for which there are rich treasures in MSS. and scarce works in
    various places, would be no less welcome and useful towards the great
    object of preparing a collective history of epidemics.</p>

  <p>Up to the present moment, it might almost seem that the most
    essential preliminaries are wanting for the accomplishment of such
    an undertaking. The study of medical history is everywhere at a low
    ebb;—in France and England scarcely a trace remains, to the most
    serious detriment of the whole domain of medicine; in Germany too,
    there are but few who suspect what inexhaustible stores of instructive
    truth are lying dormant within their power; they may, perhaps,
    class them among theoretical doctrines, and commend the laborious
    investigation of them without being willing to recognise their spirit.
    None of the Universities of Germany, whose business it ought to be
    to provide, in this respect, for the prosperity of the inheritance
    committed to their charge, can boast a Professor’s chair for the
    History of Medicine; nay, in many, it is so entirely unknown, that it
    is not even regarded as an object of secondary importance, so that it
    is to be apprehended that the fame of German erudition, may, at least
    in medicine, gradually vanish, and our medical knowledge become, as
    practical indeed, but at the same time as assuming, as mechanical,
    and as defective, as that of France and England. Even those noble
    institutions, the Academies, in which the spirit of the eighteenth
    century still lingers, and whose more peculiar province it is to
    explore the rich pages of science, have not entered upon the history
    of Epidemics, and by their silence have encouraged the unfounded and
    injurious supposition, that this field is desolate and unfruitful.</p>

  <p>All these obstacles are indeed great, but to determined and persevering
    exertion they are not insuperable; and, though we cannot conceal them
    from ourselves, we should not allow them to daunt our spirit. There is,
    in Germany, a sufficiency of intellectual power to overcome them; let
    this power be combined, and exert itself in active co-operation. Sooner
    or later a new road must be opened for Medical Science. Should the time
    not yet have arrived, I have at least endeavoured to discharge my duty,
    by attempting to point out its future direction.</p>

  <hr class="page" />
  <div class="chapter" id="CONTENTS">
    <span class="pagenum" id="Page_xvii">xvii</span>
    <h3 class="nobreak mt10">CONTENTS.</h3>
  </div>
  <hr class="short" />

  <table summary="Table of contents">
    <tbody>
      <tr>
        <td>&nbsp;</td>
        <td class="tdr xsmall"><div>PAGE</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td><span class="smcap"><a href="#General_Preface">General Preface</a></span></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>v</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td><span class="smcap"><a href="#Heckers_Address">Hecker’s Address</a></span></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>ix</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td colspan="2" class="tdc mlarge"><div><b>THE BLACK DEATH.</b></div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td><span class="smcap"><a href="#BOOK1_Translators_Preface">Translator’s Preface</a></span></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>xxiii</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td><span class="smcap"><a href="#BOOK1_Preface">Preface</a></span></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>xxvii</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td colspan="2" class="tdc large"><div>CHAPTER I.</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td><a href="#BOOK1_I_1">General Observations</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>1</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td colspan="2" class="tdc large"><div>CHAPTER II.</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td><a href="#BOOK1_II_1">The Disease</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>2</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td colspan="2" class="tdc large"><div>CHAPTER III.</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td><a href="#BOOK1_III_1">Causes—Spread</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>11</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td colspan="2" class="tdc"><div>CHAPTER IV.</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td><a href="#BOOK1_IV_1">Mortality</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>21</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td colspan="2" class="tdc large"><div>CHAPTER V.</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td><a href="#BOOK1_V_1">Moral Effects</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>32</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td colspan="2" class="tdc large"><div>CHAPTER VI.</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td><a href="#BOOK1_VI_1">Physicians</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>50</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td><span class="smcap">Appendix</span>:—</td>
        <td>&nbsp;</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;<a href="#BOOK1_App_I">I. The Ancient Song of the Flagellants</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>68</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; <a href="#BOOK1_App_II">II. Examination of the Jews accused of poisoning the Wells</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>74</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td colspan="2">&nbsp;</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td colspan="2" class="tdc mlarge"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_xviii">xviii</span><div><b>THE DANCING MANIA.</b></div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td><span class="smcap"><a href="#BOOK2_Translators_Preface">Translator’s Preface</a></span></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>81</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td><span class="smcap"><a href="#BOOK2_Preface">Preface</a></span></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>85</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td colspan="2" class="tdc large pb5"><div>CHAPTER I.<br />
          <span class="small">DANCING MANIA IN GERMANY AND THE NETHERLANDS.</span></div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td><a href="#BOOK2_I_1">Sect. 1.—St. John’s Dance</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>87</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;<a href="#BOOK2_I_2">2.—St. Vitus’s Dance</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>91</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;<a href="#BOOK2_I_3">3.—Causes</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>94</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;<a href="#BOOK2_I_4">4.—More ancient Dancing Plagues</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>97</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;<a href="#BOOK2_I_5">5.—Physicians</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>100</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;<a href="#BOOK2_I_6">6.—Decline and Termination of the Dancing Plague</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>103</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td colspan="2" class="tdc large pb5"><div>CHAPTER II.<br />
          <span class="small">DANCING MANIA IN ITALY.</span></div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td><a href="#BOOK2_II_1">Sect. 1.—Tarantism</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>107</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;<a href="#BOOK2_II_2">2.—Most Ancient Traces.—Causes</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>110</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;<a href="#BOOK2_II_3">3.—Increase</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>116</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;<a href="#BOOK2_II_4">4.—Idiosyncracies.—Music</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>119</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;<a href="#BOOK2_II_5">5.—Hysteria</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>126</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;<a href="#BOOK2_II_6">6.—Decrease</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>129</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td colspan="2" class="tdc large pb5"><div>CHAPTER III.<br />
          <span class="small">DANCING MANIA IN ABYSSINIA.</span></div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td><a href="#BOOK2_III_1">Sect. 1.—Tigretier</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>133</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td colspan="2" class="tdc large"><div>CHAPTER IV.</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td><a href="#BOOK2_IV_1">Sympathy</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>139</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td><span class="smcap">Appendix</span>:—</td>
        <td>&nbsp;</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;<a href="#BOOK2_App_I">I. Extract from “Vita Gregorii XI.,” &amp;c.</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>153</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; <a href="#BOOK2_App_II">II. From “Chronicon Magnum,” &amp;.c</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>154</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;<a href="#BOOK2_App_III">III. From “die Limburger Chronik,” &amp;c.</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>155</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;<a href="#BOOK2_App_IV">IV. From “die Chronica van Coellen,” &amp;c.</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>156</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; <a href="#BOOK2_App_V">V. From “an Account of Convulsive Diseases in Scotland,” &amp;c.</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>157</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; <a href="#BOOK2_App_VI">VI. Music for the Dance of the Tarantati, &amp;c.</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>167</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td colspan="2">&nbsp;</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td colspan="2" class="tdc mlarge"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_xix">xix</span><div><b>THE SWEATING SICKNESS.</b></div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td><a href="#BOOK3_Preface"><span class="smcap">Preface</span></a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>177</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td colspan="2" class="tdc large pb5"><div>CHAPTER I.<br />
          <span class="small">FIRST VISITATION. 1485.</span></div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td><a href="#BOOK3_I_1">Sect. 1.—Eruption</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>181</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;<a href="#BOOK3_I_2">2.—The Physicians</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>185</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;<a href="#BOOK3_I_3">3.—Causes</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>187</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;<a href="#BOOK3_I_4">4.—Other Epidemics</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>188</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;<a href="#BOOK3_I_5">5.—Richmond’s Army</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>190</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;<a href="#BOOK3_I_6">6.—Nature of the Sweating Sickness.—Preliminary Investigation</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>191</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td colspan="2" class="tdc large pb5"><div>CHAPTER II.<br />
          <span class="small">SECOND VISITATION. 1506.</span></div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td><a href="#BOOK3_II_1">Sect. 1.—Mercenary Troops</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>193</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;<a href="#BOOK3_II_2">2.—New Circumstances</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>196</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;<a href="#BOOK3_II_3">3.—Sweating Sickness</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>197</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;<a href="#BOOK3_II_4">4.—Accompanying Phenomena</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>198</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;<a href="#BOOK3_II_5">5.—Petechial Fever in Italy. 1505</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>199</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;<a href="#BOOK3_II_6">6.—Other Diseases</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>203</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;<a href="#BOOK3_II_7">7.—Blood Spots</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>205</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td colspan="2" class="tdc large pb5"><div>CHAPTER III.<br />
          <span class="small">THIRD VISITATION. 1517.</span></div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td><a href="#BOOK3_III_1">Sect. 1.—Poverty</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>208</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;<a href="#BOOK3_III_2">2.—Sweating Sickness</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>209</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;<a href="#BOOK3_III_3">3.—Causes</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>211</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;<a href="#BOOK3_III_4">4.—Habits of the English</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>212</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;<a href="#BOOK3_III_5">5.—Contagion</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>215</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;<a href="#BOOK3_III_6">6.—Influenzas</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>218</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;<a href="#BOOK3_III_7">7.—Epidemics of 1517</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>223</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td colspan="2" class="tdc large pb5"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_xx">xx</span><div>CHAPTER IV.<br />
          <span class="small">FOURTH VISITATION. 1528, 1529.</span></div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td><a href="#BOOK3_IV_1">Sect. 1.—Destruction of the French Army before Naples, 1528</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>228</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;<a href="#BOOK3_IV_2">2.—Trousse-Galant in France, 1528, and the following years</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>235</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;<a href="#BOOK3_IV_3">3.—Sweating Sickness in England, 1528</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>238</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;<a href="#BOOK3_IV_4">4.—Natural Occurrences.—Prognostics</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>240</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;<a href="#BOOK3_IV_5">5.—Sweating Sickness in Germany, 1529</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>246</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;<a href="#BOOK3_IV_6">6.——————————the Netherlands</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>254</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;<a href="#BOOK3_IV_7">7.——————————Denmark, Sweden, and Norway</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>255</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;<a href="#BOOK3_IV_8">8.—Terror</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>257</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;<a href="#BOOK3_IV_9">9.—Moral Consequences</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>261</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;<a href="#BOOK3_IV_10">10.—The Physicians</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>264</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;<a href="#BOOK3_IV_11">11.—Pamphlets</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>270</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;<a href="#BOOK3_IV_12">12.—Form of the Disease</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>278</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td colspan="2" class="tdc large pb5"><div>CHAPTER V.<br />
          <span class="small">FIFTH VISITATION. 1551.</span></div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td><a href="#BOOK3_V_1">Sect. 1.—Eruption</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>290</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;<a href="#BOOK3_V_2">2.—Extension and Duration</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>291</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;<a href="#BOOK3_V_3">3.—Causes.—Natural Phenomena</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>295</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;<a href="#BOOK3_V_4">4.—Diseases</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>297</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;<a href="#BOOK3_V_5">5.—John Kaye</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>301</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td colspan="2" class="tdc large pb5"><div>CHAPTER VI.<br />
          <span class="small">SWEATING SICKNESSES.</span></div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td><a href="#BOOK3_VI_1">Sect. 1.—The Cardiac Disease of the Ancients. (Morbus Cardiacus.)</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>306</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;<a href="#BOOK3_VI_2">2.—The Picardy Sweat. (Suette des Picards—Suette Miliaire.)</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>315</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;<a href="#BOOK3_VI_3">3.—The Roettingen Sweating Sickness</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>324</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td><a href="#BOOK3_Survey">Chronological Survey</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>330</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td><a href="#BOOK3_Catalogue">Catalogue of Works referred to</a></td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>339</div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td colspan="2">&nbsp;</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td class="tdl"><a href="#BOOK3_Appendix"><span class="smcap">Appendix.</span></a>—A Boke, or Counseill against the Disease commonly
          called the Sweate, or Sweatyng Sicknesse. By Jhon Caius</td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>353</div></td>
      </tr>
    </tbody>
  </table>

  <hr class="page" />
  <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_xxi">xxi</span></p>

  <div class="chapter">
    <h2>THE BLACK DEATH.</h2>
  </div>

  <hr class="page" />
  <div class="chapter" id="BOOK1_Translators_Preface">
    <span class="pagenum" id="Page_xxiii">xxiii</span>
    <h3 class="nobreak mt10">TRANSLATOR’S PREFACE.</h3>
  </div>
  <hr class="short" />

  <p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">In</span> reading Dr. Hecker’s account of the Black Death which destroyed so
    large a portion of the human race in the fourteenth century, I was
    struck, not only with the peculiarity of the Author’s views, but also
    with the interesting nature of the facts which he has collected. Some
    of these have never before been made generally known, while others
    have passed out of mind, being effaced from our memories by subsequent
    events of a similar kind, which, though really of less magnitude and
    importance, have, in the perspective of time, appeared greater, because
    they have occurred nearer to our own days.</p>

  <p>Dreadful as was the pestilence here described, and in few countries
    more so than in England, our modern historians only slightly allude to
    its visitation:—Hume deems a single paragraph sufficient to devote to
    its notice, and Henry and Rapin are equally brief.</p>

  <p>It may not then be unacceptable to the medical, or even to the general
    reader, to receive an authentic and somewhat detailed account of one of
    the greatest natural calamities that ever afflicted the human race.</p>

  <p>My chief motive, however, for translating this small work, and at
    this particular period, has been a desire that, in the study of the
    causes which have produced and propagated general pestilences, and of
    the moral effects by which they have been followed, the most enlarged
    views should be taken. The contagionist and the anti-contagionist may
    each find ample support for his belief in particular cases; but in
    the construction of a theory sufficiently comprehensive to explain
    throughout, the origin and dissemination of universal disease, we
    shall not only perceive the insufficiency of either doctrine, taken
    singly, but after admitting the combined influence of both, shall even
    then<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xxiv">xxiv</span> find our views too narrow, and be compelled, in our endeavours
    to explain the facts, to acknowledge the existence of unknown powers,
    wholly unconnected either with communication by contact or atmospheric
    contamination.</p>

  <p>I by no means wish it to be understood, that I have adopted the
    author’s views respecting astral and telluric influences, the former of
    which, at least, I had supposed to have been, with alchemy and magic,
    long since consigned to oblivion; much less am I prepared to accede
    to his notion, or rather an ancient notion derived from the East and
    revived by him, of an organic life in the system of the universe. We
    are constantly furnished with proofs, that that which affects life is
    not itself alive; and whether we look to the earth for exhalations,
    to the air for electrical phenomena, to the heavenly bodies for an
    influence over our planet, or to all these causes combined, for the
    formation of some unknown principle noxious to animal existence, still,
    if we found our reasoning on ascertained facts, we can perceive nothing
    throughout this vast field for physical research which is not evidently
    governed by the laws of inert matter—nothing which resembles the
    regular succession of birth, growth, decay, death, and regeneration,
    observable in organized beings. To assume, therefore, causes of whose
    existence we have no proof, in order to account for effects which,
    after all, they do not explain, is making no real advance in knowledge,
    and can scarcely be considered otherwise than an indirect method of
    confessing our ignorance.</p>

  <p>Still, however, I regard the author’s opinions, illustrated as they are
    by a series of interesting facts diligently collected from authentic
    sources, as, at least, worthy of examination before we reject them, and
    valuable, as furnishing extensive data on which to build new theories.</p>

  <p>I have another, perhaps I may be allowed to say a better, motive for
    laying before my countrymen this narrative of the sufferings of past
    ages,—that by comparing them with those of our own time, we may be made
    the more sensible how lightly the chastening hand of Providence has
    fallen on the present generation, and how much reason, therefore, we
    have to feel grateful for the mercy shown us.</p>

  <p>The publication has, with this view, been purposely somewhat delayed,
    in order that it might appear at a moment when it is to be presumed
    that men’s thoughts will be especially<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xxv">xxv</span> directed to the approaching
    hour of public thanksgiving, and when a knowledge of that which they
    have escaped, as well as of that which they have suffered, may tend to
    heighten their devotional feelings on that solemn occasion.</p>

  <p>When we learn that, in the fourteenth century, one quarter, at least,
    of the population of the old world was swept away in the short space of
    four years, and that some countries, England among the rest, lost more
    than double that proportion of their inhabitants in the course of a few
    months, we may well congratulate ourselves that our visitation has not
    been like theirs, and shall not justly merit ridicule, if we offer our
    humble thanks to the “Creator and Preserver of all mankind” for our
    deliverance.</p>

  <p>Nor would it disgrace our feelings, if, in expiation of the abuse
    and obloquy not long since so lavishly bestowed by the public on the
    medical profession, we should entertain some slight sense of gratitude
    towards those members of the community, who were engaged, at the risk
    of their lives and the sacrifice of their personal interests, in
    endeavouring to arrest the progress of the evil, and to mitigate the
    sufferings of their fellow men.</p>

  <p>I have added, at the close of the Appendix, some extracts from a scarce
    little work in black letter, called “A Boke or Counseill against the
    Disease commonly called the Sweate or Sweatyng Sicknesse,” published
    by Caius in 1552. This was written three years before his Latin
    treatise on the same subject, and is so quaint, and, at the same time,
    so illustrative of the opinions of his day, and even of those of the
    fourteenth century, on the causes of universal diseases, that the
    passages which I have quoted will not fail to afford some amusement as
    well as instruction. If I have been tempted to reprint more of this
    curious production than was necessary to my primary object, it has been
    from a belief that it would be generally acceptable to the reader to
    gather some particulars regarding the mode of living in the sixteenth
    century, and to observe the author’s animadversions on the degeneracy
    and credulity of the age in which he lived. His advice on the choice of
    a medical attendant cannot be too strongly recommended, at least <em>by a
    physician</em>; and his warning against quackery, particularly the quackery
    of <em>painters</em>, who “scorne (<em>quære</em> score?) you behind your backs with
    their medicines, so filthy that I am ashamed to name them,” seems quite
    prophetic.</p>

  <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_xxvi">xxvi</span></p>

  <p>In conclusion, I beg to acknowledge the obligation which I owe to my
    friend Mr. H. E. Lloyd, whose intimate acquaintance with the German
    language and literature will, I hope, be received as a sufficient
    pledge that no very important errors remain in a translation which he
    has kindly revised.</p>

  <p class="small">London, 1833.</p>

  <hr class="page" />
  <div class="chapter" id="BOOK1_Preface">
    <span class="pagenum" id="Page_xxvii">xxvii</span>
    <h3 class="nobreak gespertt mt10">PREFACE.</h3>
  </div>
  <hr class="short" />

  <p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">We</span> here find an important page of the history of the world laid open
    to our view. It treats of a convulsion of the human race, unequalled
    in violence and extent. It speaks of incredible disasters, of despair
    and unbridled demoniacal passions. It shews us the abyss of general
    licentiousness, in consequence of an universal pestilence, which
    extended from China to Iceland and Greenland.</p>

  <p>The inducement to unveil this image of an age, long since gone by, is
    evident. A new pestilence has attained almost an equal extent, and
    though less formidable, has partly produced, partly indicated, similar
    phenomena. Its causes and its diffusion over Asia and Europe, call on
    us to take a comprehensive view of it, because it leads to an insight
    into the organism of the world, in which the sum of organic life is
    subject to the great powers of Nature. Now, human knowledge is not yet
    sufficiently advanced, to discover the connexion between the processes
    which occur above, and those which occur below, the surface of the
    earth, or even fully to explore those laws of nature, an acquaintance
    with which would be required; far less to apply them to great
    phenomena, in which one spring sets a thousand others in motion.</p>

  <p>On this side, therefore, such a point of view is not to be found, if
    we would not lose ourselves in the wilderness of conjectures, of which
    the world is already too full: but it may be found in the ample and
    productive field of historical research.</p>

  <p>History—that mirror of human life in all its bearings, offers, even for
    general pestilences, an inexhaustible, though scarcely explored, mine
    of facts; here too it asserts its dignity, as the philosophy of reality
    delighting in truth.</p>

  <p>It is conformable to its spirit to conceive general pestilences as
    events affecting the whole world—to explain their phenomena by the
    comparison of what is similar. Thus the facts speak for themselves,
    because they appear to have proceeded from those<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xxviii">xxviii</span> higher laws which
    govern the progression of the existence of mankind. A cosmical
    origin and convulsive excitement, productive of the most important
    consequences among the nations subject to them, are the most striking
    features to which history points in all general pestilences. These,
    however, assume very different forms, as well in their attacks on
    the general organism, as in their diffusion; and in this respect a
    development from form to form, in the course of centuries, is manifest,
    so that the history of the world is divided into grand periods in which
    positively defined pestilences prevailed. As far as our chronicles
    extend, more or less certain information can be obtained respecting
    them.</p>

  <p>But this part of medical history, which has such a manifold and
    powerful influence over the history of the world, is yet in its
    infancy. For the honour of that science which should everywhere guide
    the actions of mankind, we are induced to express a wish, that it may
    find room to flourish amidst the rank vegetation with which the field
    of German medical science is unhappily encumbered.</p>

  <hr class="page" />
  <div class="chapter center xxlarge">
    <span class="pagenum" id="Page_1">1</span>
    <div class="mt10">THE BLACK DEATH.</div>
  </div>
  <hr class="short" />

  <h3 class="nobreak">CHAPTER I.</h3>

  <h4 id="BOOK1_I_1">GENERAL OBSERVATIONS.</h4>

  <p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">That</span> Omnipotence which has called the world with all its living
    creatures into one animated being, especially reveals himself in
    the desolation of great pestilences. The powers of creation come
    into violent collision; the sultry dryness of the atmosphere; the
    subterraneous thunders; the mist of overflowing waters, are the
    harbingers of destruction. Nature is not satisfied with the ordinary
    alternations of life and death, and the destroying angel waves over man
    and beast his flaming sword.</p>

  <p>These revolutions are performed in vast cycles, which the spirit of
    man, limited, as it is, to a narrow circle of perception, is unable
    to explore. They are, however, greater terrestrial events than any of
    those which proceed from the discord, the distress, or the passions of
    nations. By annihilations they awaken new life; and when the tumult
    above and below the earth is past, nature is renovated, and the
    mind awakens from torpor and depression to the consciousness of an
    intellectual existence.</p>

  <p>Were it in any degree within the power of human research to draw up,
    in a vivid and connected form, an historical sketch of such mighty
    events, after the manner of the historians of wars and battles, and the
    migrations of nations, we might then arrive at clear views with respect
    to the mental development of the human race, and the ways of Providence
    would be more plainly discernible. It would then be demonstrable, that
    the mind of nations is deeply affected by the destructive conflict of
    the powers of nature, and that great disasters lead to striking changes
    in general civilization. For all that exists in man,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_2">2</span> whether good or
    evil, is rendered conspicuous by the presence of great danger. His
    inmost feelings are roused—the thought of self-preservation masters
    his spirit—self-denial is put to severe proof, and wherever darkness
    and barbarism prevail, there the affrighted mortal flies to the idols
    of his superstition, and all laws, human and divine, are criminally
    violated.</p>

  <p>In conformity with a general law of nature, such a state of excitement
    brings about a change, beneficial or detrimental, according to
    circumstances, so that nations either attain a higher degree of moral
    worth, or sink deeper in ignorance and vice. All this, however, takes
    place upon a much grander scale than through the ordinary vicissitudes
    of war and peace, or the rise and fall of empires, because the powers
    of nature themselves produce plagues, and subjugate the human will,
    which, in the contentions of nations, alone predominates.</p>

  <hr class="short" />
  <div class="chapter">
    <h3 class="nobreak">CHAPTER II.</h3>
  </div>

  <h4 id="BOOK1_II_1">THE DISEASE.</h4>

  <p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">The</span> most memorable example of what has been advanced, is afforded
    by a great pestilence of the fourteenth century, which desolated
    Asia, Europe, and Africa, and of which the people yet preserve the
    remembrance in gloomy traditions. It was an oriental plague, marked by
    inflammatory boils and tumours of the glands, such as break out in no
    other febrile disease. On account of these inflammatory boils, and from
    the black spots, indicatory of a putrid decomposition, which appeared
    upon the skin, it was called in Germany and in the northern kingdoms
    of Europe, <em>the Black Death</em>, and in Italy, <span lang="it">la Mortalega Grande</span>, <em>the
    Great Mortality</em><a id="FNanchor_4a" href="#Footnote_4a" class="fnanchor">[4]</a>.</p>

  <p>Few testimonies are presented to us respecting its symptoms and its
    course, yet these are sufficient to throw light upon the <span class="pagenum" id="Page_3">3</span>form of the
    malady, and they are worthy of credence, from their coincidence with
    the signs of the same disease in modern times.</p>

  <p>The imperial writer, Kantakusenos<a id="FNanchor_5a" href="#Footnote_5a" class="fnanchor">[5]</a>, whose own son, Andronikus, died
    of this plague in Constantinople, notices great imposthumes<a id="FNanchor_6a" href="#Footnote_6a" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> of
    the thighs and arms of those affected, which, when opened, afforded
    relief by the discharge of an offensive matter. Buboes, which are the
    infallible signs of the oriental plague, are thus plainly indicated,
    for he makes separate mention of smaller boils on the arms and in the
    face, as also in other parts of the body, and clearly distinguishes
    these from the blisters<a id="FNanchor_7a" href="#Footnote_7a" class="fnanchor">[7]</a>, which are no less produced by plague in all
    its forms. In many cases, black spots<a id="FNanchor_8a" href="#Footnote_8a" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> broke out all over the body,
    either single, or united and confluent.</p>

  <p>These symptoms were not all found in every case. In many, one alone was
    sufficient to cause death, while some patients recovered, contrary to
    expectation, though afflicted with all. Symptoms of cephalic affection
    were frequent; many patients became stupified and fell into a deep
    sleep, losing also their speech from palsy of the tongue; others
    remained sleepless and without rest. The fauces and tongue were black,
    and as if suffused with blood; no beverage would assuage their burning
    thirst, so that their sufferings continued without alleviation until
    terminated by death, which many in their despair accelerated with their
    own hands. Contagion was evident, for attendants caught the disease of
    their relations and friends, and many houses in the capital were bereft
    even of their last inhabitant. Thus far the ordinary circumstances only
    of the oriental plague occurred. Still deeper sufferings, however,
    were connected with this pestilence, such as have not been felt at
    other times; the organs of respiration were seized with a putrid
    inflammation; a violent pain in the chest attacked the patient; blood
    was expectorated, and the breath diffused a pestiferous odour.</p>

  <p>In the West, the following were the predominating symptoms on the
    eruption of this disease<a id="FNanchor_9a" href="#Footnote_9a" class="fnanchor">[9]</a>. An ardent fever, accompanied <span class="pagenum" id="Page_4">4</span>by an
    evacuation of blood, proved fatal in the first three days. It appears
    that buboes and inflammatory boils did not at first come out at all,
    but that the disease, in the form of carbuncular (<i lang="de">anthraxartigen</i>)
    affection of the lungs, effected the destruction of life before the
    other symptoms were developed.</p>

  <p>Thus did the plague rage in Avignon for six or eight weeks, and the
    pestilential breath of the sick, who expectorated blood, caused a
    terrible contagion far and near; for even the vicinity of those who
    had fallen ill of plague was certain death<a id="FNanchor_10a" href="#Footnote_10a" class="fnanchor">[10]</a>; so that parents
    abandoned their infected children, and all the ties of kindred were
    dissolved. After this period, buboes in the axilla and in the groin,
    and inflammatory boils all over the body, made their appearance; but it
    was not until seven months afterwards that some patients recovered with
    matured buboes, as in the ordinary milder form of plague.</p>

  <p>Such is the report of the courageous Guy de Chauliac, who vindicated
    the honour of medicine, by bidding defiance to danger; boldly and
    constantly assisting the affected, and disdaining the excuse of
    his colleagues, who held the Arabian notion, that medical aid was
    unavailing, and that the contagion justified flight. He saw the plague
    twice in Avignon, first in the year 1348, from January to August, and
    then twelve years later, in the autumn, when it returned from Germany,
    and for nine months spread general distress and terror. The first time
    it raged chiefly among the poor, but in the year 1360, more among the
    higher classes. It now also destroyed a great many children, whom it
    had formerly spared, and but few women.</p>

  <p>The like was seen in Egypt<a id="FNanchor_11a" href="#Footnote_11a" class="fnanchor">[11]</a>. Here also inflammation of the lungs was
    predominant, and destroyed quickly and infallibly, with burning heat
    and expectoration of blood. Here too the breath of the sick spread a
    deadly contagion, and human aid was as vain as it was destructive to
    those who approached the infected.</p>

  <p>Boccacio, who was an eye-witness of its incredible fatality in
    <span class="pagenum" id="Page_5">5</span>Florence, the seat of the revival of science, gives a more lively
    description of the attack of the disease than his non-medical
    contemporaries<a id="FNanchor_12a" href="#Footnote_12a" class="fnanchor">[12]</a>.</p>

  <p>It commenced here, not as in the East, with bleeding at the nose, a
    sure sign of inevitable death; but there took place at the beginning,
    both in men and women, tumours in the groin and in the axilla, varying
    in circumference up to the size of an apple or an egg, and called
    by the people, pest-boils (gavoccioli). Then there appeared similar
    tumours indiscriminately over all parts of the body, and black or blue
    spots came out on the arms or thighs, or on other parts, either single
    and large, or small and thickly studded. These spots proved equally
    fatal with the pest-boils, which had been from the first regarded as
    a sure sign of death<a id="FNanchor_13a" href="#Footnote_13a" class="fnanchor">[13]</a>. No power of medicine brought relief—almost
    all died within the first three days, some sooner, some later, after
    the appearance of these signs, and for the most part entirely without
    fever<a id="FNanchor_14a" href="#Footnote_14a" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> or other symptoms. The plague spread itself with the greater
    fury, as it communicated from the sick to the healthy, like fire among
    dry and oily fuel, and even contact with the clothes and other articles
    which had been used by the infected, seemed to induce the disease. As
    it advanced, not only men, but animals fell sick and shortly expired,
    if they had touched things belonging to the diseased or dead. Thus
    Boccacio himself saw two hogs on the rags of a person who had died of
    plague, after staggering about for a short time, fall down dead, as
    if they had taken poison. In other places multitudes of dogs, cats,
    fowls and other animals, fell victims to the contagion<a id="FNanchor_15a" href="#Footnote_15a" class="fnanchor">[15]</a>; and it is
    to be presumed that other epizootes among animals likewise took place,
    although the ignorant writers of the fourteenth century are silent on
    this point.</p>

  <p>In Germany there was a repetition in every respect of the same
    phenomena. The infallible signs of the oriental bubo-plague with its
    inevitable contagion were found there as everywhere else; but the
    mortality was not nearly so great as in the <span class="pagenum" id="Page_6">6</span>other parts of Europe<a id="FNanchor_16a" href="#Footnote_16a" class="fnanchor">[16]</a>.
    The accounts do not all make mention of the spitting of blood, the
    diagnostic symptom of this fatal pestilence; we are not, however,
    thence to conclude that there was any considerable mitigation or
    modification of the disease, for we must not only take into account
    the defectiveness of the chronicles, but that isolated testimonies are
    often contradicted by many others. Thus, the chronicles of Strasburg,
    which only take notice of boils and glandular swellings in the axillæ
    and groins<a id="FNanchor_17a" href="#Footnote_17a" class="fnanchor">[17]</a>, are opposed by another account, according to which the
    mortal spitting of blood was met with in Germany<a id="FNanchor_18a" href="#Footnote_18a" class="fnanchor">[18]</a>; but this again is
    rendered suspicious, as the narrator postpones the death of those who
    were thus affected, to the sixth, and (even the) eighth day, whereas,
    no other author sanctions so long a course of the disease; and even in
    Strasburg, where a mitigation of the plague may, with most probability,
    be assumed, since in the year 1349, only 16,000 people were carried
    off, the generality expired by the third or fourth day<a id="FNanchor_19a" href="#Footnote_19a" class="fnanchor">[19]</a>. In
    Austria, and especially in Vienna, the plague was fully as malignant
    as anywhere, so that the patients who had red spots and black boils,
    as well as those afflicted with tumid glands, died about the third
    day<a id="FNanchor_20a" href="#Footnote_20a" class="fnanchor">[20]</a>; and lastly, very frequent sudden deaths occurred on the coasts
    of the North Sea and in Westphalia, without any further development of
    the malady<a id="FNanchor_21a" href="#Footnote_21a" class="fnanchor">[21]</a>.</p>

  <p>To France, this plague came in a northern direction from Avignon, and
    was there more destructive than in Germany, so that in many places not
    more than two in twenty of the inhabitants survived. Many were struck,
    as if by lightning, and died on the spot, and this more frequently
    among the young and strong than the old; patients with enlarged glands
    in the axillæ <span class="pagenum" id="Page_7">7</span>and groins scarcely survived two or three days: and no
    sooner did these fatal signs appear, than they bid adieu to the world,
    and sought consolation only in the absolution which Pope Clement VI.
    promised them in the hour of death<a id="FNanchor_22a" href="#Footnote_22a" class="fnanchor">[22]</a>.</p>

  <p>In England the malady appeared, as at Avignon, with spitting of blood,
    and with the same fatality, so that the sick who were afflicted either
    with this symptom or with vomiting of blood, died in some cases
    immediately, in others within twelve hours, or at the latest, in two
    days<a id="FNanchor_23a" href="#Footnote_23a" class="fnanchor">[23]</a>. The inflammatory boils and buboes in the groins and axillæ
    were recognised at once as prognosticating a fatal issue, and those
    were past all hope of recovery in whom they arose in numbers all over
    the body. It was not till towards the close of the plague that they
    ventured to open, by incision, these hard and dry boils, when matter
    flowed from them in small quantity, and thus, by compelling nature to
    a critical suppuration, many patients were saved. Every spot which the
    sick had touched, their breath, their clothes, spread the contagion;
    and, as in all other places, the attendants and friends who were either
    blind to their danger or heroically despised it, fell a sacrifice
    to their sympathy. Even the eyes of the patient were considered as
    sources of contagion<a id="FNanchor_24a" href="#Footnote_24a" class="fnanchor">[24]</a>, which had the power of acting at a distance,
    whether on account of their unwonted lustre or the distortion which
    they always suffer in plague, or whether in conformity with an ancient
    notion, according to which the sight was considered as the bearer of a
    demoniacal enchantment. Flight from infected cities seldom availed the
    fearful, for the germ of the disease adhered to them, and they fell
    sick, remote from assistance, in the solitude of their country houses.</p>

  <p>Thus did the plague spread over England with unexampled rapidity,
    after it had first broken out in the county of Dorset, whence it
    advanced through the counties of Devon and Somerset, to Bristol, and
    thence reached Gloucester, Oxford and London. Probably few places
    escaped, perhaps not any; for the annals of contemporaries report that
    throughout the land only a tenth part of the inhabitants remained
    alive<a id="FNanchor_25a" href="#Footnote_25a" class="fnanchor">[25]</a>.</p>

  <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_8">8</span></p>

  <p>From England the contagion was carried by a ship to Bergen, the capital
    of Norway, where the plague then broke out in its most frightful form,
    with vomiting of blood; and throughout the whole country, spared not
    more than a third of the inhabitants. The sailors found no refuge in
    their ships; and vessels were often seen driving about on the ocean and
    drifting on shore, whose crews had perished to the last man<a id="FNanchor_26a" href="#Footnote_26a" class="fnanchor">[26]</a>.</p>

  <p>In Poland the infected were attacked with spitting of blood, and died
    in a few days in such vast numbers, that, as it has been affirmed,
    scarcely a fourth of the inhabitants were left<a id="FNanchor_27a" href="#Footnote_27a" class="fnanchor">[27]</a>.</p>

  <p>Finally, in Russia the plague appeared two years later than in Southern
    Europe; yet here again, with the same symptoms as elsewhere. Russian
    contemporaries have recorded that it began with rigor, heat, and
    darting pain in the shoulders and back; that it was accompanied by
    spitting of blood, and terminated fatally in two, or at most, three
    days. It is not till the year 1360, that we find buboes mentioned as
    occurring in the neck, in the axillæ and in the groins, which are
    stated to have broken out when the spitting of blood had continued some
    time. According to the experience of Western Europe, however, it cannot
    be assumed that these symptoms did not appear at an earlier period<a id="FNanchor_28a" href="#Footnote_28a" class="fnanchor">[28]</a>.</p>

  <p>Thus much, from authentic sources, on the nature of the Black Death.
    The descriptions which have been communicated contain, with a few
    unimportant exceptions, all the symptoms of the oriental plague which
    have been observed in more modern times. No doubt can obtain on this
    point. The facts are placed clearly before our eyes. We must, however,
    bear in mind that this violent disease does not always appear in the
    same form, and that while the essence of the poison which it produces,
    and which is separated so abundantly from <span class="pagenum" id="Page_9">9</span>the body of the patient,
    remains unchanged, it is proteiform in its varieties, from the almost
    imperceptible vesicle, unaccompanied by fever, which exists for some
    time before it extends its poison inwardly, and then excites fever and
    buboes, to the fatal form in which carbuncular inflammations fall upon
    the most important viscera.</p>

  <p>Such was the form which the plague assumed in the 14th century, for
    the accompanying chest affection which appeared in all the countries
    whereof we have received any account, cannot, on a comparison with
    similar and familiar symptoms, be considered as any other than the
    inflammation of the lungs of modern medicine<a id="FNanchor_29a" href="#Footnote_29a" class="fnanchor">[29]</a>, a disease which at
    present only appears sporadically, and, owing to a putrid decomposition
    of the fluids, is probably combined with hemorrhages from the vessels
    of the lungs. Now, as every carbuncle, whether it be cutaneous or
    internal, generates in abundance the matter of contagion which has
    given rise to it, so, therefore, must the breath of the affected
    have been poisonous in this plague, and on this account its power
    of contagion wonderfully increased; wherefore the opinion appears
    incontrovertible, that owing to the accumulated numbers of the
    diseased, not only individual chambers and houses, but whole cities
    were infected, which, moreover, in the middle ages, were, with few
    exceptions, narrowly built, kept in a filthy state, and surrounded with
    stagnant ditches<a id="FNanchor_30a" href="#Footnote_30a" class="fnanchor">[30]</a>. Flight was, in consequence, of no avail to the
    timid; for even though they had sedulously avoided all communication
    with the diseased and the suspected, yet their clothes were saturated
    with the pestiferous atmosphere, and every inspiration imparted to
    them the seeds of the destructive malady, which, in the greater number
    of cases, germinated with but too much fertility. Add to which, the
    usual propagation of the plague through clothes, beds, and a thousand
    other things to which the pestilential poison adheres,—a propagation,
    which, from want of caution, must have been infinitely multiplied;
    and since articles of this kind, removed from the access of air, not
    only retain the matter of contagion for an indefinite period, but also
    increase its activity and engender it like a living being, frightful
    ill consequences <span class="pagenum" id="Page_10">10</span>followed for many years after the first fury of the
    pestilence was past.</p>

  <p>The affection of the stomach, often mentioned in vague terms, and
    occasionally as a vomiting of blood, was doubtless only a subordinate
    symptom, even if it be admitted that actual hematemesis did occur. For
    the difficulty of distinguishing a flow of blood from the stomach, from
    a pulmonic expectoration of that fluid, is, to non-medical men, even in
    common cases, not inconsiderable. How much greater then must it have
    been in so terrible a disease, where assistants could not venture to
    approach the sick without exposing themselves to certain death? Only
    two medical descriptions of the malady have reached us, the one by the
    brave <cite>Guy de Chauliac</cite>, the other by <cite>Raymond Chalin de Vinario</cite>, a
    very experienced scholar, who was well versed in the learning of his
    time. The former takes notice only of fatal coughing of blood; the
    latter, besides this, notices epistaxis, hematuria and fluxes of blood
    from the bowels, as symptoms of such decided and speedy mortality, that
    those patients in whom they were observed, usually died on the same or
    the following day<a id="FNanchor_31a" href="#Footnote_31a" class="fnanchor">[31]</a>.</p>

  <p>That a vomiting of blood may not, here and there, have taken
    place, perhaps have been even prevalent in many places, is, from a
    consideration of the nature of the disease, by no means to be denied;
    for every putrid decomposition of the fluids begets a tendency to
    hemorrhages of all kinds. Here, however, it is a question of historical
    certainty, which, after these doubts, is by no means established. Had
    not so speedy a death followed the expectoration of blood, we should
    certainly have received more detailed intelligence respecting other
    hemorrhages; but the malady had no time to extend its effects further
    over the extremities of the vessels. After its first fury, however,
    was spent, the pestilence passed into the usual febrile form of the
    oriental plague. Internal carbuncular inflammations no <span class="pagenum" id="Page_11">11</span>longer took
    place, and hemorrhages became phenomena, no more essential in this
    than they are in any other febrile disorders. Chalin, who observed
    not only the <em>great mortality</em> of 1348, and the plague of 1360, but
    also that of 1373 and 1382, speaks moreover of <em>affections of the
    throat</em>, and describes the <em>black spots</em> of plague patients more
    satisfactorily than any of his contemporaries. The former appeared but
    in few cases, and consisted in carbuncular inflammation of the gullet,
    with a difficulty of swallowing, even to suffocation, to which, in
    some instances, was added inflammation of the ceruminous glands of
    the ears, with tumours, producing great deformity. Such patients, as
    well as others, were affected with expectoration of blood; but they
    did not usually die before the sixth, and sometimes, even so late as
    the fourteenth day<a id="FNanchor_32a" href="#Footnote_32a" class="fnanchor">[32]</a>. The same occurrence, it is well known, is not
    uncommon in other pestilences; as also blisters on the surface of the
    body, in different places, in the vicinity of which, tumid glands and
    inflammatory boils, surrounded by discoloured and black streaks, arose,
    and thus indicated the reception of the poison. These streaked spots
    were called, by an apt comparison, <em>the girdle</em>, and this appearance
    was justly considered extremely dangerous<a id="FNanchor_33a" href="#Footnote_33a" class="fnanchor">[33]</a>.</p>

  <hr class="short" />
  <div class="chapter">
    <h3 class="nobreak">CHAPTER III.</h3>
  </div>

  <h4 id="BOOK1_III_1">CAUSES.—SPREAD.</h4>

  <p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">An</span> inquiry into the causes of the Black Death, will not be without
    important results in the study of the plagues which have <span class="pagenum" id="Page_12">12</span>visited
    the world, although it cannot advance beyond generalization without
    entering upon a field hitherto uncultivated, and, to this hour,
    entirely unknown. Mighty revolutions in the organism of the earth, of
    which we have credible information, had preceded it. From China to the
    Atlantic, the foundations of the earth were shaken,—throughout Asia and
    Europe the atmosphere was in commotion, and endangered, by its baneful
    influence, both vegetable and animal life.</p>

  <p>The series of these great events began in the year 1333, fifteen years
    before the plague broke out in Europe: they first appeared in China.
    Here a parching drought, accompanied by famine, commenced in the tract
    of country watered by the rivers Kiang and Hoai. This was followed
    by such violent torrents of rain, in and about Kingsai, at that time
    the capital of the empire, that, according to tradition, more than
    400,000 people perished in the floods. Finally the mountain Tsincheou
    fell in, and vast clefts were formed in the earth. In the succeeding
    year (1334), passing over fabulous traditions, the neighbourhood of
    Canton was visited by inundations; whilst in Tche, after an unexampled
    drought, a plague arose, which is said to have carried off about
    5,000,000 of people. A few months afterwards an earthquake followed,
    at and near Kingsai; and subsequent to the falling in of the mountains
    of Ki-ming-chan, a lake was formed of more than a hundred leagues in
    circumference, where, again, thousands found their grave. In Hou-kouang
    and Ho-nan, a drought prevailed for five months; and innumerable swarms
    of locusts destroyed the vegetation; while famine and pestilence, as
    usual, followed in their train. Connected accounts of the condition
    of Europe before this great catastrophe, are not to be expected from
    the writers of the fourteenth century. It is remarkable, however,
    that simultaneously with a drought and renewed floods in China, in
    1336, many uncommon atmospheric phenomena, and in the winter, frequent
    thunder storms, were observed in the north of France; and so early
    as the eventful year of 1333, an eruption of Etna took place<a id="FNanchor_34a" href="#Footnote_34a" class="fnanchor">[34]</a>.
    According to the Chinese annals, about 4,000,000 of people perished by
    famine in the neighbourhood of Kiang in 1337: and deluges, swarms of
    locusts, and an earthquake which <span class="pagenum" id="Page_13">13</span>lasted six days, caused incredible
    devastation. In the same year, the first swarms of locusts appeared in
    Franconia, which were succeeded in the following year by myriads of
    these insects. In 1338, Kingsai was visited by an earthquake of ten
    days’ duration; at the same time France suffered from a failure in the
    harvest; and thenceforth, till the year 1342, there was in China, a
    constant succession of inundations, earthquakes, and famines. In the
    same year great floods occurred in the vicinity of the Rhine and in
    France, which could not be attributed to rain alone; for, everywhere,
    even on the tops of mountains, springs were seen to burst forth, and
    dry tracts were laid under water in an inexplicable manner. In the
    following year, the mountain Hong-tchang, in China, fell in, and caused
    a destructive deluge; and in Pien-tcheou and Leang-tcheou, after three
    months’ rain, there followed unheard-of inundations, which destroyed
    seven cities. In Egypt and Syria, violent earthquakes took place; and
    in China they became, from this time, more and more frequent; for
    they recurred, in 1344, in Ven-tcheou, where the sea overflowed in
    consequence; in 1345, in Ki-tcheou, and in both the following years
    in Canton, with subterraneous thunder. Meanwhile, floods and famine
    devastated various districts, until 1347, when the fury of the elements
    subsided in China<a id="FNanchor_35a" href="#Footnote_35a" class="fnanchor">[35]</a>.</p>

  <p>The signs of terrestrial commotions commenced in Europe in the year
    1348, after the intervening districts of country in Asia had probably
    been visited in the same manner.</p>

  <p>On the island of Cyprus, the plague from the East had already broken
    out; when an earthquake shook the foundations of the island, and was
    accompanied by so frightful a hurricane, that the inhabitants who had
    slain their Mahometan slaves, in order that they might not themselves
    be subjugated by them, fled in dismay, in all directions. The sea
    overflowed—the ships were dashed to pieces on the rocks, and few
    outlived the terrific event, whereby this fertile and blooming island
    was converted into a desert. Before the earthquake, a pestiferous wind
    spread so poisonous an odour, that many, being overpowered by it, fell
    down suddenly and expired in dreadful agonies<a id="FNanchor_36a" href="#Footnote_36a" class="fnanchor">[36]</a>.</p>

  <p>This phenomenon is one of the rarest that has ever been observed, <span class="pagenum" id="Page_14">14</span>for
    nothing is more constant than the composition of the air; and in no
    respect has nature been more careful in the preservation of organic
    life. Never have naturalists discovered in the atmosphere foreign
    elements, which, evident to the senses, and borne by the winds, spread
    from land to land, carrying disease over whole portions of the earth,
    as is recounted to have taken place in the year 1348. It is, therefore,
    the more to be regretted, that in this extraordinary period, which,
    owing to the low condition of science, was very deficient in accurate
    observers, so little that can be depended on respecting those uncommon
    occurrences in the air, should have been recorded. Yet, German accounts
    say expressly, that a thick, stinking mist advanced from the East, and
    spread itself over Italy<a id="FNanchor_37a" href="#Footnote_37a" class="fnanchor">[37]</a>; and there could be no deception in so
    palpable a phenomenon<a id="FNanchor_38a" href="#Footnote_38a" class="fnanchor">[38]</a>. The credibility of unadorned traditions,
    however little they may satisfy physical research, can scarcely be
    called in question when we consider the connexion of events; for just
    at this time earthquakes were more general than they had been within
    the range of history. In thousands of places chasms were formed, from
    whence arose noxious vapours; and as at that time natural occurrences
    were transformed into miracles, it was reported, that a fiery meteor,
    which descended on the earth far in the East, had destroyed every
    thing within a circumference of more than a hundred leagues, infecting
    the air far and wide<a id="FNanchor_39a" href="#Footnote_39a" class="fnanchor">[39]</a>. The consequences of innumerable floods
    contributed to the same effect; vast river districts had been converted
    into swamps; foul vapours arose everywhere, increased by the odour of
    putrified locusts, which had never perhaps <span class="pagenum" id="Page_15">15</span>darkened the sun in thicker
    swarms<a id="FNanchor_40a" href="#Footnote_40a" class="fnanchor">[40]</a>, and of countless corpses, which, even in the well regulated
    countries of Europe, they knew not how to remove quickly enough out of
    the sight of the living. It is probable, therefore, that the atmosphere
    contained foreign, and sensibly perceptible, admixtures to a great
    extent, which, at least in the lower regions, could not be decomposed,
    or rendered ineffective by separation.</p>

  <p>Now, if we go back to the symptoms of the disease, the ardent
    inflammation of the lungs points out, that the organs of respiration
    yielded to the attack of an atmospheric poison—a poison, which, if we
    admit the independent origin of the Black Plague at any one place on
    the globe, which, under such extraordinary circumstances, it would
    be difficult to doubt, attacked the course of the circulation in as
    hostile a manner as that which produces inflammation of the spleen, and
    other animal contagions that cause swelling and inflammation of the
    lymphatic glands.</p>

  <p>Pursuing the course of these grand revolutions further, we find notice
    of an unexampled earthquake, which, on the 25th of January, 1348, shook
    Greece, Italy, and the neighbouring countries. Naples, Rome, Pisa,
    Bologna, Padua, Venice and many other cities suffered considerably:
    whole villages were swallowed up. Castles, houses and churches were
    overthrown, and hundreds of people were buried beneath their ruins<a id="FNanchor_41a" href="#Footnote_41a" class="fnanchor">[41]</a>.
    In Carinthia, thirty villages, together with all the churches, were
    demolished; more than a thousand corpses were drawn out of the rubbish;
    the city of Villach was so completely destroyed, that very few of
    its inhabitants were saved; and when the earth ceased to tremble, it
    was found that mountains had been moved from their positions, and
    that many hamlets were left in ruins<a id="FNanchor_42a" href="#Footnote_42a" class="fnanchor">[42]</a>. It is recorded that, during
    this earthquake, the wine in the casks became turbid, a statement
    which may be considered as furnishing a proof, that changes causing a
    decomposition of the atmosphere had taken place; but if we had no other
    information from which the excitement of conflicting powers of <span class="pagenum" id="Page_16">16</span>nature
    during these commotions might be inferred, yet scientific observations
    in modern times have shewn, that the relation of the atmosphere to the
    earth is changed by volcanic influences. Why then, may we not, from
    this fact, draw retrospective inferences respecting those extraordinary
    phenomena?</p>

  <p>Independently of this, however, we know that during this earthquake,
    the duration of which is stated by some to have been a week, and by
    others a fortnight, people experienced an unusual stupor and headache,
    and that many fainted away<a id="FNanchor_43a" href="#Footnote_43a" class="fnanchor">[43]</a>.</p>

  <p>These destructive earthquakes extended as far as the neighbourhood
    of Basle<a id="FNanchor_44a" href="#Footnote_44a" class="fnanchor">[44]</a>, and recurred until the year 1360, throughout Germany,
    France, Silesia, Poland, England and Denmark, and much further
    north<a id="FNanchor_45a" href="#Footnote_45a" class="fnanchor">[45]</a>.</p>

  <p>Great and extraordinary meteors appeared in many places, and were
    regarded with superstitious horror. A pillar of fire, which on the 20th
    of December, 1348, remained for an hour at sunrise over the pope’s
    palace in Avignon<a id="FNanchor_46a" href="#Footnote_46a" class="fnanchor">[46]</a>; a fireball, which in August of the same year
    was seen at sunset over Paris, and was distinguished from similar
    phenomena, by its longer duration<a id="FNanchor_47a" href="#Footnote_47a" class="fnanchor">[47]</a>, not to mention other instances
    mixed up with wonderful prophecies and omens, are recorded in the
    chronicles of that age.</p>

  <p>The order of the seasons seemed to be inverted,—rains, floods and
    failures in crops were so general, that few places were exempt from
    them; and though an historian of this century assures us, that there
    was an abundance in the granaries and storehouses<a id="FNanchor_48a" href="#Footnote_48a" class="fnanchor">[48]</a>, all his
    contemporaries, with one voice, contradict him. The consequences of
    failure in the crops were soon felt, especially in Italy and the
    surrounding countries, where, in this year, a rain which continued for
    four months, had destroyed the seed. In the larger cities, they were
    compelled, <span class="pagenum" id="Page_17">17</span>in the spring of 1347, to have recourse to a distribution
    of bread among the poor, particularly at Florence, where they erected
    large bake-houses, from which, in April, ninety-four thousand loaves of
    bread, each of twelve ounces in weight, were daily dispensed<a id="FNanchor_49a" href="#Footnote_49a" class="fnanchor">[49]</a>. It is
    plain, however, that humanity could only partially mitigate the general
    distress, not altogether obviate it.</p>

  <p>Diseases, the invariable consequence of famine, broke out in the
    country, as well as in cities; children died of hunger in their
    mothers’ arms,—want, misery and despair, were general throughout
    Christendom<a id="FNanchor_50a" href="#Footnote_50a" class="fnanchor">[50]</a>.</p>

  <p>Such are the events which took place before the eruption of the
    Black Plague in Europe. Contemporaries have explained them after
    their own manner, and have thus, like their posterity, under similar
    circumstances, given a proof, that mortals possess neither senses nor
    intellectual powers sufficiently acute to comprehend the phenomena
    produced by the earth’s organism, much less scientifically to
    understand their effects. Superstition, selfishness in a thousand
    forms, the presumption of the schools, laid hold of unconnected facts.
    They vainly thought to comprehend the whole in the individual, and
    perceived not the universal spirit which, in intimate union with the
    mighty powers of nature, animates the movements of all existence,
    and permits not any phenomenon to originate from isolated causes. To
    attempt, five centuries after that age of desolation, to point out the
    causes of a cosmical commotion, which has never recurred to an equal
    extent,—to indicate scientifically the influences which called forth so
    terrific a poison in the bodies of men and animals, exceeds the limits
    of human understanding. If we are even now unable, with all the varied
    resources of an extended knowledge of nature, to define that condition
    of the atmosphere by which pestilences are generated, still less can we
    pretend to reason retrospectively from the nineteenth to the fourteenth
    century; but if we take a general view of the occurrences, that century
    will give us copious information, and, as applicable to all succeeding
    times, of high importance.</p>

  <p>In the progress of connected natural phenomena, from East <span class="pagenum" id="Page_18">18</span>to West,
    that great law of nature is plainly revealed which has so often and
    evidently manifested itself in the earth’s organism, as well as in
    the state of nations dependent upon it. In the inmost depths of the
    globe, that impulse was given in the year 1333, which in uninterrupted
    succession for six-and-twenty years shook the surface of the earth,
    even to the western shores of Europe. From the very beginning the
    air partook of the terrestrial concussion, atmospherical waters
    overflowed the land, or its plants and animals perished under the
    scorching heat. The insect tribe was wonderfully called into life, as
    if animated beings were destined to complete the destruction which
    astral and telluric powers had begun. Thus did this dreadful work of
    nature advance from year to year; it was a progressive infection of the
    Zones, which exerted a powerful influence both above and beneath the
    surface of the earth; and after having been perceptible in slighter
    indications, at the commencement of the terrestrial commotions in
    China, convulsed the whole earth.</p>

  <p>The nature of the first plague in China is unknown. We have no certain
    intelligence of the disease, until it entered the western countries of
    Asia. Here it shewed itself as the oriental plague with inflammation
    of the lungs; in which form it probably also may have begun in China,
    that is to say, as a malady which spreads, more than any other,
    by contagion—a contagion, that, in ordinary pestilences, requires
    immediate contact, and only under unfavourable circumstances of rare
    occurrence is communicated by the mere approach to the sick. The share
    which this cause had in the spreading of the plague over the whole
    earth, was certainly very great: and the opinion that the Black Death
    might have been excluded from Western Europe, by good regulations,
    similar to those which are now in use, would have all the support of
    modern experience, provided it could be proved that this plague had
    been actually imported from the East; or that the oriental plague in
    general, whenever it appears in Europe, has its origin in Asia or
    Egypt. Such a proof, however, can by no means be produced so as to
    enforce conviction; for it would involve the impossible assumption,
    either that there is no essential difference between the degree of
    civilization of the European nations, in the most ancient and in modern
    times, or that detrimental circumstances, which have yielded only to
    the civilization of human society and the regular <span class="pagenum" id="Page_19">19</span>cultivation of
    countries, could not formerly keep up the glandular plague.</p>

  <p>The plague was, however, known in Europe before nations were united
    by the bonds of commerce and social intercourse<a id="FNanchor_51a" href="#Footnote_51a" class="fnanchor">[51]</a>; hence there is
    ground for supposing that it sprung up spontaneously, in consequence
    of the rude manner of living and the uncultivated state of the earth;
    influences which peculiarly favour the origin of severe diseases. Now,
    we need not go back to the earlier centuries, for the 14th itself,
    before it had half expired, was visited by five or six pestilences<a id="FNanchor_52a" href="#Footnote_52a" class="fnanchor">[52]</a>.</p>

  <p>If, therefore, we consider the peculiar property of the plague, that,
    in countries which it has once visited, it remains for a long time
    in a milder form, and that the epidemic influences of 1342, when it
    had appeared for the last time, were particularly favourable to its
    unperceived continuance, till 1348, we come to the notion, that in
    this eventful year also, the germs of plague existed in Southern
    Europe, which might be vivified by atmospherical deteriorations; and
    that thus, at least in part, the Black Plague may have originated in
    Europe itself. The corruption of the atmosphere came from the East; but
    the disease itself came not upon the wings of the wind, but was only
    excited and increased by the atmosphere where it had previously existed.</p>

  <p>This source of the Black Plague was not, however, the only one; for,
    far more powerful than the excitement of the latent elements of the
    plague by atmospheric influences, was the effect of the contagion
    communicated from one people to another, on the great roads, and
    in the harbours of the Mediterranean. From China, the route of the
    caravans lay to the north of the Caspian Sea, through Central Asia,
    to Tauris. Here ships were ready to take the produce of the East to
    Constantinople, the capital of commerce, and the medium of connexion
    between Asia, Europe and Africa<a id="FNanchor_53a" href="#Footnote_53a" class="fnanchor">[53]</a>. Other caravans went from India
    to <span class="pagenum" id="Page_20">20</span>Asia Minor, and touched at the cities south of the Caspian Sea,
    and lastly from Bagdad, through Arabia to Egypt; also the maritime
    communication on the Red Sea, from India to Arabia and Egypt, was
    not inconsiderable. In all these directions contagion made its way;
    and doubtless, Constantinople and the harbours of Asia Minor, are to
    be regarded as the foci of infection; whence it radiated to the most
    distant seaports and islands.</p>

  <p>To Constantinople, the plague had been brought from the northern coast
    of the Black Sea<a id="FNanchor_54a" href="#Footnote_54a" class="fnanchor">[54]</a>, after it had depopulated the countries between
    those routes of commerce; and appeared as early as 1347, in Cyprus,
    Sicily, Marseilles and some of the seaports of Italy. The remaining
    islands of the Mediterranean, particularly Sardinia, Corsica and
    Majorca, were visited in succession. Foci of contagion existed also
    in full activity along the whole southern coast of Europe; when, in
    January 1348, the plague appeared in Avignon<a id="FNanchor_55a" href="#Footnote_55a" class="fnanchor">[55]</a>, and in other cities
    in the south of France and north of Italy, as well as in Spain.</p>

  <p>The precise days of its eruption in the individual towns, are no longer
    to be ascertained; but it was not simultaneous; for in Florence, the
    disease appeared in the beginning of April<a id="FNanchor_56a" href="#Footnote_56a" class="fnanchor">[56]</a>; in Cesena, the 1st
    of June<a id="FNanchor_57a" href="#Footnote_57a" class="fnanchor">[57]</a>; and place after place was attacked throughout the whole
    year; so that the plague, after it had passed through the whole of
    France and Germany, where, however, it did not make its ravages until
    the following year, did not break out till August, in England; where
    it advanced so gradually, that a period of three months elapsed before
    it reached London<a id="FNanchor_58a" href="#Footnote_58a" class="fnanchor">[58]</a>. The northern kingdoms were attacked by it in
    1349. Sweden, indeed, not until November of that year: almost two years
    after its eruption in Avignon<a id="FNanchor_59a" href="#Footnote_59a" class="fnanchor">[59]</a>. Poland received the plague in 1349,
    probably from Germany<a id="FNanchor_60a" href="#Footnote_60a" class="fnanchor">[60]</a>, if not from the northern countries; but in
    Russia, it did not make its appearance until 1351, more than three
    years after it had broken out in Constantinople. Instead of advancing
    in a north-westerly <span class="pagenum" id="Page_21">21</span>direction from Tauris and from the Caspian Sea,
    it had thus made the great circuit of the Black Sea, by way of
    Constantinople, Southern and Central Europe, England, the northern
    kingdoms and Poland, before it reached the Russian territories; a
    phenomenon which has not again occurred with respect to more recent
    pestilences originating in Asia.</p>

  <p>Whether any difference existed between the indigenous plague, excited
    by the influence of the atmosphere, and that which was imported
    by contagion, can no longer be ascertained from facts; for the
    contemporaries, who in general were not competent to make accurate
    researches of this kind, have left no data on the subject. A milder
    and a more malignant form certainly existed, and the former was
    not always derived from the latter, as is to be supposed from this
    circumstance—that the spitting of blood, the infallible diagnostic of
    the latter, on the first breaking out of the plague, is not similarly
    mentioned in all the reports; and it is therefore probable, that the
    milder form belonged to the native plague,—the more malignant, to that
    introduced by contagion. Contagion was, however, in itself, only one of
    many causes which gave rise to the Black Plague.</p>

  <p>This disease was a consequence of violent commotions in the earth’s
    organism—if any disease of cosmical origin can be so considered. One
    spring set a thousand others in motion for the annihilation of living
    beings, transient or permanent, of mediate or immediate effect. The
    most powerful of all was contagion; for in the most distant countries
    which had scarcely yet heard the echo of the first concussion, the
    people fell a sacrifice to organic poison,—the untimely offspring of
    vital energies thrown into violent commotion.</p>

  <hr class="short" />
  <div class="chapter">
    <h3 class="nobreak">CHAPTER IV.</h3>
  </div>

  <h4 id="BOOK1_IV_1">MORTALITY.</h4>

  <p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">We</span> have no certain measure by which to estimate the ravages of the
    Black Plague, if numerical statements were wanted, as in modern times.
    Let us go back for a moment to the 14th century. The people were yet
    but little civilized. The church<span class="pagenum" id="Page_22">22</span> had indeed subdued them; but they
    all suffered from the ill consequences of their original rudeness. The
    dominion of the law was not yet confirmed. Sovereigns had everywhere
    to combat powerful enemies to internal tranquillity and security.
    The cities were fortresses for their own defence. Marauders encamped
    on the roads.—The husbandman was a feodal slave, without possessions
    of his own.—Rudeness was general.—Humanity, as yet unknown to the
    people.—Witches and heretics were burned alive.—Gentle rulers were
    contemned as weak;—wild passions, severity and cruelty, everywhere
    predominated.—Human life was little regarded.—Governments concerned
    not themselves about the numbers of their subjects, for whose welfare
    it was incumbent on them to provide. Thus, the first requisite for
    estimating the loss of human life, namely, a knowledge of the amount of
    the population, is altogether wanting; and, moreover, the traditional
    statements of the amount of this loss, are so vague, that from this
    source likewise, there is only room for probable conjecture.</p>

  <p>Kairo lost daily, when the plague was raging with its greatest
    violence, from 10 to 15,000; being as many as, in modern times,
    great plagues have carried off during their whole course. In China,
    more than thirteen millions are said to have died; and this is in
    correspondence with the certainly exaggerated accounts from the rest of
    Asia. India was depopulated. Tartary, the Tartar kingdom of Kaptschak,
    Mesopotamia, Syria, Armenia, were covered with dead bodies—the Kurds
    fled in vain to the mountains. In Caramania and Cæsarea, none were
    left alive. On the roads,—in the camps,—in the caravansaries,—unburied
    bodies alone were seen; and a few cities only (Arabian historians name
    Maara el nooman, Schisur and Harem) remained, in an unaccountable
    manner, free. In Aleppo, 500 died daily; 22,000 people, and most of
    the animals, were carried off in Gaza, within six weeks. Cyprus lost
    almost all its inhabitants<a id="FNanchor_61a" href="#Footnote_61a" class="fnanchor">[61]</a>; and ships without crews were often
    seen in the Mediterranean; as afterwards in the North Sea, driving
    about, and spreading the plague wherever they went on shore<a id="FNanchor_62a" href="#Footnote_62a" class="fnanchor">[62]</a>. It
    was reported to Pope Clement, at Avignon, that throughout the East,
    probably with the exception of China, 23,840,000 people had fallen
    victims to the plague<a id="FNanchor_63a" href="#Footnote_63a" class="fnanchor">[63]</a>. Considering the occurrences <span class="pagenum" id="Page_23">23</span>of the 14th
    and 15th centuries, we might, on first view, suspect the accuracy of
    this statement. How (it might be asked) could such great wars have been
    carried on—such powerful efforts have been made; how could the Greek
    empire, only a hundred years later, have been overthrown, if the people
    really had been so utterly destroyed?</p>

  <p>This account is nevertheless rendered credible by the ascertained fact,
    that the palaces of princes are less accessible to contagious diseases
    than the dwellings of the multitude; and that in places of importance,
    the influx from those districts which have suffered least, soon repairs
    even the heaviest losses. We must remember, also, that we do not gather
    much from mere numbers without an intimate knowledge of the state of
    society. We will, therefore, confine ourselves to exhibiting some of
    the more credible accounts relative to European cities.</p>

  <table summary="Mortality">
    <tbody>
      <tr>
        <td>In Florence there died of the Black Plague</td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>60,000<a id="FNanchor_64a" href="#Footnote_64a" class="fnanchor">[64]</a></div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>In Venice</td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>100,000<a id="FNanchor_65a" href="#Footnote_65a" class="fnanchor">[65]</a></div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>In Marseilles, in one month</td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>16,000<a id="FNanchor_66a" href="#Footnote_66a" class="fnanchor">[66]</a></div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>In Siena</td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>70,000<a id="FNanchor_67a" href="#Footnote_67a" class="fnanchor">[67]</a></div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>In Paris</td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>50,000<a id="FNanchor_68a" href="#Footnote_68a" class="fnanchor">[68]</a></div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>In St. Denys</td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>14,000<a id="FNanchor_69a" href="#Footnote_69a" class="fnanchor">[69]</a></div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>In Avignon</td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>60,000<a id="FNanchor_70a" href="#Footnote_70a" class="fnanchor">[70]</a></div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>In Strasburg</td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>16,000<a id="FNanchor_71a" href="#Footnote_71a" class="fnanchor">[71]</a></div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>In Lübeck</td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>9,000<a id="FNanchor_72a" href="#Footnote_72a" class="fnanchor">[72]</a></div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>In Basle</td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>14,000&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; </div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>In Erfurt, at least</td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>16,000&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; </div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>In Weimar</td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>5,000<a id="FNanchor_73a" href="#Footnote_73a" class="fnanchor">[73]</a></div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>In Limburg</td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>2,500<a id="FNanchor_74a" href="#Footnote_74a" class="fnanchor">[74]</a></div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>In London, at least</td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>100,000<a id="FNanchor_75a" href="#Footnote_75a" class="fnanchor">[75]</a></div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>In Norwich</td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>51,100<a id="FNanchor_76a" href="#Footnote_76a" class="fnanchor">[76]</a></div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>&nbsp; &nbsp; To which may be added—</td>
        <td>&nbsp;</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>Franciscan Friars in Germany</td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>124,434<a id="FNanchor_77a" href="#Footnote_77a" class="fnanchor">[77]</a></div></td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>Minorites in Italy</td>
        <td class="tdr"><div>30,000<a id="FNanchor_78a" href="#Footnote_78a" class="fnanchor">[78]</a></div></td>
      </tr>
    </tbody>
  </table>

  <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_24">24</span></p>

  <p>This short catalogue might, by a laborious and uncertain calculation,
    deduced from other sources, be easily further multiplied, but would
    still fail to give a true picture of the depopulation which took
    place. Lübeck, at that time the Venice of the North, which could no
    longer contain the multitudes that flocked to it, was thrown into
    such consternation on the eruption of the plague, that the citizens
    destroyed themselves as if in frenzy.</p>

  <p>Merchants whose earnings and possessions were unbounded, coldly and
    willingly renounced their earthly goods. They carried their treasures
    to monasteries and churches, and laid them at the foot of the altar;
    but gold had no charms for the monks, for it brought them death. They
    shut their gates; yet, still it was cast to them over the convent
    walls. People would brook no impediment to the last pious work to which
    they were driven by despair. When the plague ceased, men thought they
    were still wandering among the dead, so appalling was the livid aspect
    of the survivors, in consequence of the anxiety they had <span class="pagenum" id="Page_25">25</span>undergone,
    and the unavoidable infection of the air<a id="FNanchor_79a" href="#Footnote_79a" class="fnanchor">[79]</a>. Many other cities
    probably presented a similar appearance; and it is ascertained that
    a great number of small country towns and villages which have been
    estimated, and not too highly, at 200,000<a id="FNanchor_80a" href="#Footnote_80a" class="fnanchor">[80]</a>, were bereft of all their
    inhabitants.</p>

  <p>In many places in France not more than two out of twenty of the
    inhabitants were left alive<a id="FNanchor_81a" href="#Footnote_81a" class="fnanchor">[81]</a>, and the capital felt the fury of the
    plague, alike in the palace and the cot.</p>

  <p>Two queens<a id="FNanchor_82a" href="#Footnote_82a" class="fnanchor">[82]</a>, one bishop<a id="FNanchor_83a" href="#Footnote_83a" class="fnanchor">[83]</a>, and great numbers of other
    distinguished persons, fell a sacrifice to it, and more than 500 a
    day died in the Hôtel-Dieu, under the faithful care of the sisters of
    charity, whose disinterested courage, in this age of horror, displayed
    the most beautiful traits of human virtue. For although they lost their
    lives, evidently from contagion, and their numbers were several times
    renewed, there was still no want of fresh candidates, who, strangers to
    the unchristian fear of death, piously devoted themselves to their holy
    calling.</p>

  <p>The churchyards were soon unable to contain the dead<a id="FNanchor_84a" href="#Footnote_84a" class="fnanchor">[84]</a>, and many
    houses, left without inhabitants, fell to ruins.</p>

  <p>In Avignon, the pope found it necessary to consecrate the Rhone, that
    bodies might be thrown into the river without delay, as the churchyards
    would no longer hold them<a id="FNanchor_85a" href="#Footnote_85a" class="fnanchor">[85]</a>; so likewise, in all populous cities,
    extraordinary measures were adopted, in order speedily to dispose
    of the dead. In Vienna, where for some time 1200 inhabitants died
    daily<a id="FNanchor_86a" href="#Footnote_86a" class="fnanchor">[86]</a>, the interment of corpses in the churchyards and within the
    churches, was forthwith prohibited; and the dead were then arranged in
    layers, by thousands, in six large pits outside the city<a id="FNanchor_87a" href="#Footnote_87a" class="fnanchor">[87]</a>, as had
    already been <span class="pagenum" id="Page_26">26</span>done in Cairo, and Paris. Yet, still many were secretly
    buried; for at all times, the people are attached to the consecrated
    cemeteries of their dead, and will not renounce the customary mode of
    interment.</p>

  <p>In many places, it was rumoured that plague patients were buried
    alive<a id="FNanchor_88a" href="#Footnote_88a" class="fnanchor">[88]</a>, as may sometimes happen through senseless alarm and indecent
    haste; and thus the horror of the distressed people was everywhere
    increased. In Erfurt, after the churchyards were filled, 12,000 corpses
    were thrown into eleven great pits; and the like might, more or less
    exactly, be stated with respect to all the larger cities<a id="FNanchor_89a" href="#Footnote_89a" class="fnanchor">[89]</a>. Funeral
    ceremonies, the last consolation of the survivors, were everywhere
    impracticable.</p>

  <p>In all Germany, according to a probable calculation, there seem to have
    died only 1,244,434<a id="FNanchor_90a" href="#Footnote_90a" class="fnanchor">[90]</a> inhabitants; this country, however, was more
    spared than others: Italy, on the contrary, was most severely visited.
    It is said to have lost half its inhabitants<a id="FNanchor_91a" href="#Footnote_91a" class="fnanchor">[91]</a>; and this account is
    rendered credible from the immense losses of individual cities and
    provinces: for in Sardinia and Corsica, according to the account of the
    distinguished Florentine, John Villani, who was himself carried off by
    the Black Plague<a id="FNanchor_92a" href="#Footnote_92a" class="fnanchor">[92]</a>, scarcely a third part of the population remained
    alive; and it is related of the Venetians, that they engaged ships at
    a high rate to retreat to the islands; so that after the plague had
    carried off three fourths of her inhabitants, that proud city was left
    forlorn and desolate<a id="FNanchor_93a" href="#Footnote_93a" class="fnanchor">[93]</a>. In Padua, after the cessation of the plague,
    two thirds of the inhabitants were wanting; and in Florence it was
    prohibited to publish the numbers of the dead, and to toll the bells at
    their funerals, in order that the living might not abandon themselves
    to despair<a id="FNanchor_94a" href="#Footnote_94a" class="fnanchor">[94]</a>.</p>

  <p>We have more exact accounts of England; most of the great cities
    suffered incredible losses; above all, Yarmouth, in which, 7052 died:
    Bristol, Oxford, Norwich, Leicester, York <span class="pagenum" id="Page_27">27</span>and London where, in one
    burial ground alone, there were interred upwards of 50,000 corpses,
    arranged in layers, in large pits<a id="FNanchor_95a" href="#Footnote_95a" class="fnanchor">[95]</a>. It is said, that in the whole
    country, scarcely a tenth part remained alive<a id="FNanchor_96a" href="#Footnote_96a" class="fnanchor">[96]</a>; but this estimate
    is evidently too high. Smaller losses were sufficient to cause those
    convulsions, whose consequences were felt for some centuries, in a
    false impulse given to civil life, and whose indirect influence,
    unknown to the English, has, perhaps, extended even to modern times.</p>

  <p>Morals were deteriorated everywhere, and the service of God was, in
    a great measure, laid aside; for, in many places, the churches were
    deserted, being bereft of their priests. The instruction of the people
    was impeded<a id="FNanchor_97a" href="#Footnote_97a" class="fnanchor">[97]</a>; covetousness became general; and when tranquillity
    was restored, the great increase of lawyers was astonishing, to whom
    the endless disputes regarding inheritances, offered a rich harvest.
    The want of priests too, throughout the country, operated very
    detrimentally upon the people, (the lower classes being most exposed
    to the ravages of the plague, whilst the houses of the nobility
    were, in proportion, much more spared,) and it was no compensation
    that whole bands of ignorant laymen, who had lost their wives during
    the pestilence, crowded into the monastic orders, that they might
    participate in the respectability of the priesthood, and in the rich
    heritages which fell in to the church from all quarters. The sittings
    of Parliament, of the King’s Bench, and of most of the other courts,
    were suspended as long as the malady raged. The laws of peace availed
    not during the dominion of death. Pope Clement took advantage of this
    state of disorder, to adjust the bloody quarrel between Edward III.
    and Philip VI.; yet he only succeeded during the period that the
    plague commanded peace. Philip’s death (1350) annulled all treaties;
    and it is related, that Edward, with other troops indeed, but with
    the same leaders and knights, again took the field. Ireland was much
    less heavily visited than England. The disease seems to have scarcely
    reached the mountainous districts of that kingdom; and Scotland
    too would, perhaps, <span class="pagenum" id="Page_28">28</span>have remained free, had not the Scots availed
    themselves of the discomfiture of the English, to make an irruption
    into their territory, which terminated in the destruction of their
    army, by the plague and by the sword, and the extension of the
    pestilence, through those who escaped, over the whole country.</p>

  <p>At the commencement, there was in England a superabundance of all the
    necessaries of life; but the plague, which seemed then to be the sole
    disease, was soon accompanied by a fatal murrain among the cattle.
    Wandering about without herdsmen, they fell by thousands; and, as
    has likewise been observed in Africa, the birds and beasts of prey
    are said not to have touched them. Of what nature this murrain may
    have been, can no more be determined, than whether it originated from
    communication with plague patients, or from other causes; but thus much
    is certain, that it did not break out until after the commencement of
    the Black Death. In consequence of this murrain, and the impossibility
    of removing the corn from the fields, there was everywhere a great
    rise in the price of food which to many was inexplicable, because the
    harvest had been plentiful; by others it was attributed to the wicked
    designs of the labourers and dealers; but it really had its foundation
    in the actual deficiency arising from circumstances by which individual
    classes at all times endeavour to profit. For a whole year, until
    it terminated in August, 1349, the Black Plague prevailed in this
    beautiful island, and everywhere poisoned the springs of comfort and
    prosperity<a id="FNanchor_98a" href="#Footnote_98a" class="fnanchor">[98]</a>.</p>

  <p>In other countries, it generally lasted only half a year, but returned
    frequently in individual places; on which account, some, without
    sufficient proof, assigned to it a period of seven years<a id="FNanchor_99a" href="#Footnote_99a" class="fnanchor">[99]</a>.</p>

  <p>Spain was uninterruptedly ravaged by the Black Plague till after the
    year 1350, to which the frequent internal feuds and the wars with the
    Moors not a little contributed. Alphonso XI., whose passion for war
    carried him too far, died of it at the siege of Gibraltar, on the 26th
    of March, 1350. He was the only king in Europe who fell a sacrifice to
    it; but even before this period, innumerable families had been thrown
    into affliction<a id="FNanchor_100a" href="#Footnote_100a" class="fnanchor">[100]</a>. <span class="pagenum" id="Page_29">29</span>The mortality seems otherwise to have been
    smaller in Spain than in Italy, and about as considerable as in France.</p>

  <p>The whole period during which the Black Plague raged with destructive
    violence in Europe, was, with the exception of Russia, from the year
    1347 to 1350. The plagues, which in the sequel often returned until
    the year 1383<a id="FNanchor_101a" href="#Footnote_101a" class="fnanchor">[101]</a>, we do not consider as belonging to “the Great
    Mortality.” They were rather common pestilences, without inflammation
    of the lungs, such as in former times, and in the following centuries,
    were excited by the matter of contagion everywhere existing, and which,
    on every favourable occasion, gained ground anew, as is usually the
    case with this frightful disease.</p>

  <p>The concourse of large bodies of people was especially dangerous; and
    thus, the premature celebration of the Jubilee, to which Clement VI.
    cited the faithful to Rome, (1350,) during the great epidemic, caused a
    new eruption of the plague, from which it is said, that scarcely one in
    an hundred of the pilgrims escaped<a id="FNanchor_102a" href="#Footnote_102a" class="fnanchor">[102]</a>.</p>

  <p>Italy was, in consequence, depopulated anew; and those who returned,
    spread poison and corruption of morals in all directions<a id="FNanchor_103a" href="#Footnote_103a" class="fnanchor">[103]</a>. It is,
    therefore, the less apparent, how that Pope, who was in general so wise
    and considerate, and who knew how to pursue the path of reason and
    humanity, under the most difficult circumstances, should have been led
    to adopt a measure so injurious; since he, himself, was so convinced of
    the salutary effect of seclusion, that during the plague in Avignon, he
    kept up constant fires, and suffered no one to approach him<a id="FNanchor_104a" href="#Footnote_104a" class="fnanchor">[104]</a>; and,
    in other respects, gave such orders as averted, or alleviated, much
    misery.</p>

  <p>The changes which occurred about this period in the north of Europe,
    are sufficiently memorable to claim a few moments’ attention. In Sweden
    two princes died—Håken and Knut, half-brothers of King Magnus; and in
    Westgothland alone, 466 priests<a id="FNanchor_105a" href="#Footnote_105a" class="fnanchor">[105]</a>. The inhabitants of Iceland and
    Greenland, found in <span class="pagenum" id="Page_30">30</span>the coldness of their inhospitable climate, no
    protection against the southern enemy who had penetrated to them from
    happier countries. The plague caused great havoc among them. Nature
    made no allowance for their constant warfare with the elements, and
    the parsimony with which she had meted out to them the enjoyments of
    life<a id="FNanchor_106a" href="#Footnote_106a" class="fnanchor">[106]</a>. In Denmark and Norway, however, people were so occupied
    with their own misery, that the accustomed voyages to Greenland
    ceased. Towering icebergs formed at the same time on the coast of East
    Greenland, in consequence of the general concussion of the earth’s
    organism; and no mortal, from that time forward, has ever seen that
    shore or its inhabitants<a id="FNanchor_107a" href="#Footnote_107a" class="fnanchor">[107]</a>.</p>

  <p>It has been observed above, that in Russia, the Black Plague did
    not break out until 1351, after it had already passed through the
    south and north of Europe. In this country also, the mortality was
    extraordinarily great; and the same scenes of affliction and despair
    were exhibited, as had occurred in those nations which had already
    passed the ordeal. The same mode of burial—the same horrible certainty
    of death—the same torpor and depression of spirits. The wealthy
    abandoned their treasures, and gave their villages and estates to
    the churches and monasteries; this being, according to the notions
    of the age, the surest way of securing the favour of Heaven and the
    forgiveness of past sins. In Russia too, the voice of nature was
    silenced by fear and horror. In the hour of danger, fathers and mothers
    deserted their children, and children their parents<a id="FNanchor_108a" href="#Footnote_108a" class="fnanchor">[108]</a>.</p>

  <p>Of all the estimates of the number of lives lost in Europe, the most
    probable is, that altogether, a fourth part of the inhabitants were
    carried off. Now, if Europe at present contain 210,000,000 inhabitants,
    the population, not to take a higher estimate, which might easily be
    justified, amounted to at least 105,000,000 in the 16th century.</p>

  <p>It may, therefore, be assumed, without exaggeration, that Europe lost
    during the Black Death, 25,000,000 of inhabitants.</p>

  <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_31">31</span></p>

  <p>That her nations could so quickly overcome such a fearful concussion
    in their external circumstances, and, in general, without retrograding
    more than they actually did, could so develope their energies in the
    following century, is a most convincing proof of the indestructibility
    of human society as a whole. To assume, however, that it did not
    suffer any essential change internally, because in appearance every
    thing remained as before, is inconsistent with a just view of cause
    and effect. Many historians seem to have adopted such an opinion;
    accustomed, as usual, to judge of the moral condition of the people
    solely according to the vicissitudes of earthly power, the events
    of battles, and the influence of religion, but to pass over with
    indifference, the great phenomena of nature, which modify, not only the
    surface of the earth, but also the human mind. Hence, most of them have
    touched but superficially on the “great mortality” of the 14th century.
    We, for our parts, are convinced, that in the history of the world, the
    Black Death is one of the most important events which have prepared the
    way for the present state of Europe.</p>

  <p>He who studies the human mind with attention, and forms a deliberate
    judgment on the intellectual powers which set people and states in
    motion, may, perhaps, find some proofs of this assertion in the
    following observations:—at that time, the advancement of the hierarchy
    was, in most countries, extraordinary; for the church acquired
    treasures and large properties in land, even to a greater extent than
    after the crusades; but experience has demonstrated, that such a state
    of things is ruinous to the people, and causes them to retrograde, as
    was evinced on this occasion.</p>

  <p>After the cessation of the Black Plague, a greater fecundity in
    women was everywhere remarkable—a grand phenomenon, which, from its
    occurrence after every destructive pestilence, proves to conviction,
    if any occurrence can do so, the prevalence of a higher power in the
    direction of general organic life. Marriages were, almost without
    exception, prolific; and double and treble births were more frequent
    than at other times; under which head, we should remember the strange
    remark, that after the “great mortality” the children were said to have
    got fewer teeth than before; at which contemporaries were mightily
    shocked, and even later writers have felt surprise.</p>

  <p>If we examine the grounds of this oft-repeated assertion, we<span class="pagenum" id="Page_32">32</span> shall
    find that they were astonished to see children cut twenty, or at most,
    twenty-two teeth, under the supposition that a greater number had
    formerly fallen to their share<a id="FNanchor_109a" href="#Footnote_109a" class="fnanchor">[109]</a>. Some writers of authority, as,
    for example, the physician Savonarola<a id="FNanchor_110a" href="#Footnote_110a" class="fnanchor">[110]</a>, at Ferrara, who probably
    looked for twenty-eight teeth in children, published their opinions on
    this subject. Others copied from them, without seeing for themselves,
    as often happens in other matters which are equally evident; and thus
    the world believed in the miracle of an imperfection in the human body
    which had been caused by the Black Plague.</p>

  <p>The people gradually consoled themselves after the sufferings which
    they had undergone; the dead were lamented and forgotten; and in
    the stirring vicissitudes of existence, the world belonged to the
    living<a id="FNanchor_111a" href="#Footnote_111a" class="fnanchor">[111]</a>.</p>

  <hr class="short" />
  <div class="chapter">
    <h3 class="nobreak">CHAPTER V.</h3>
  </div>

  <h4 id="BOOK1_V_1">MORAL EFFECTS.</h4>

  <p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">The</span> mental shock sustained by all nations during the prevalence of the
    Black Plague, is without parallel and beyond description. In the eyes
    of the timorous, danger was the certain harbinger of death; many fell
    victims to fear, on the first appearance of the distemper<a id="FNanchor_112a" href="#Footnote_112a" class="fnanchor">[112]</a>, and
    the most stout-hearted lost their confidence. Thus, after reliance on
    the future had died away, the spiritual union which binds man to his
    family and his fellow creatures, was gradually dissolved. The pious
    closed their accounts with the world,—eternity presented itself to
    their view,—their only remaining desire, was for a participation in
    <span class="pagenum" id="Page_33">33</span>the consolations of religion, because to them death was disarmed of
    its sting.</p>

  <p>Repentance seized the transgressor, admonishing him to consecrate his
    remaining hours to the exercise of Christian virtues. All minds were
    directed to the contemplation of futurity; and children, who manifest
    the more elevated feelings of the soul without alloy, were frequently
    seen, while labouring under the plague, breathing out their spirit with
    prayer and songs of thanksgiving<a id="FNanchor_113a" href="#Footnote_113a" class="fnanchor">[113]</a>.</p>

  <p>An awful sense of contrition seized Christians of every communion; they
    resolved to forsake their vices, to make restitution for past offences,
    before they were summoned hence, to seek reconciliation with their
    Maker, and to avert, by self-chastisement, the punishment due to their
    former sins. Human nature would be exalted, could the countless noble
    actions, which, in times of most imminent danger, were performed in
    secret, be recorded for the instruction of future generations. They,
    however, have no influence on the course of worldly events. They are
    known only to silent eye-witnesses, and soon fall into oblivion. But
    hypocrisy, illusion and bigotry, stalk abroad undaunted; they desecrate
    what is noble, they pervert what is divine, to the unholy purposes
    of selfishness; which hurries along every good feeling in the false
    excitement of the age. Thus it was in the years of this plague. In the
    14th century, the monastic system was still in its full vigour, the
    power of the ecclesiastical orders and brotherhoods was revered by the
    people, and the hierarchy was still formidable to the temporal power.
    It was, therefore, in the natural constitution of society that bigoted
    zeal, which in such times makes a show of public acts of penance,
    should avail itself of the semblance of religion. But this took place
    in such a manner, that unbridled, self-willed penitence, degenerated
    into lukewarmness, <span class="pagenum" id="Page_34">34</span>renounced obedience to the hierarchy, and prepared
    a fearful opposition to the church, paralysed as it was by antiquated
    forms.</p>

  <p>While all countries were filled with lamentations and woe, there first
    arose in Hungary<a id="FNanchor_114a" href="#Footnote_114a" class="fnanchor">[114]</a>, and afterwards in Germany, the Brotherhood
    of the Flagellants, called also the Brethren of the Cross, or
    Cross-bearers, who took upon themselves the repentance of the people,
    for the sins they had committed, and offered prayers and supplications
    for the averting of this plague. This Order consisted chiefly of
    persons of the lower class, who were either actuated by sincere
    contrition, or, who joyfully availed themselves of this pretext for
    idleness, and were hurried along with the tide of distracting frenzy.
    But as these brotherhoods gained in repute, and were welcomed by the
    people, with veneration and enthusiasm, many nobles and ecclesiastics
    ranged themselves under their standard; and their bands were not
    unfrequently augmented by children, honourable women and nuns; so
    powerfully were minds of the most opposite temperaments enslaved
    by this infatuation<a id="FNanchor_115a" href="#Footnote_115a" class="fnanchor">[115]</a>. They marched through the cities, in well
    organized processions, with leaders and singers; their heads covered as
    far as the eyes; their look fixed on the ground, accompanied by every
    token of the deepest contrition and mourning. They were robed in sombre
    garments, with red crosses on the breast, back, and cap, and bore
    triple scourges, tied in three or four knots, in which points of iron
    were fixed<a id="FNanchor_116a" href="#Footnote_116a" class="fnanchor">[116]</a>. Tapers and magnificent banners of velvet and cloth of
    gold, were carried before them; wherever they made their appearance,
    they were welcomed by the ringing of the bells; and the people flocked
    from all quarters, to listen to their hymns and to witness their
    penance, with devotion and tears.</p>

  <p>In the year 1349, two hundred Flagellants first entered <span class="pagenum" id="Page_35">35</span>Strasburg,
    where they were received with great joy, and hospitably lodged by the
    citizens. Above a thousand joined the brotherhood, which now assumed
    the appearance of a wandering tribe, and separated into two bodies, for
    the purpose of journeying to the north and to the south. For more than
    half a year, new parties arrived weekly; and, on each arrival, adults
    and children left their families to accompany them; till, at length,
    their sanctity was questioned, and the doors of houses and churches
    were closed against them<a id="FNanchor_117a" href="#Footnote_117a" class="fnanchor">[117]</a>. At Spires, two hundred boys, of twelve
    years of age and under, constituted themselves into a Brotherhood of
    the Cross, in imitation of the children, who, about a hundred years
    before, had united, at the instigation of some fanatic monks, for the
    purpose of recovering the Holy Sepulchre. All the inhabitants of this
    town were carried away by the illusion; they conducted the strangers to
    their houses with songs of thanksgiving, to regale them for the night.
    The women embroidered banners for them, and all were anxious to augment
    their pomp; and at every succeeding pilgrimage, their influence and
    reputation increased<a id="FNanchor_118a" href="#Footnote_118a" class="fnanchor">[118]</a>.</p>

  <p>It was not merely some individual parts of the country that fostered
    them: all Germany, Hungary, Poland, Bohemia, Silesia, and Flanders,
    did homage to the mania; and they at length became as formidable
    to the secular, as they were to the ecclesiastical power. The
    influence of this fanaticism was great and threatening; resembling
    the excitement which called all the inhabitants of Europe into the
    deserts of Syria and Palestine, about two hundred and fifty years
    before. The appearance, in itself, was not novel. As far back as the
    11th century, many believers, in Asia and Southern Europe, afflicted
    themselves with the punishment of flagellation. Dominicus Loricatus,
    a monk of St. Croce d’Avellano, is mentioned as the master and model
    of this species of mortification of the flesh; which, according to
    the primitive notions of the Asiatic Anchorites, was deemed eminently
    Christian. The author of the solemn processions of the Flagellants, is
    said to have been St. Anthony; for even in his time (1231), this kind
    of penance was so much in vogue, that it is recorded as an eventful
    circumstance in the history of the world. In 1260, the Flagellants
    appeared in Italy as <em>Devoti</em>. <span class="pagenum" id="Page_36">36</span>“When the land was polluted by vices
    and crimes<a id="FNanchor_119a" href="#Footnote_119a" class="fnanchor">[119]</a>, an unexampled spirit of remorse suddenly seized the
    minds of the Italians. The fear of Christ fell upon all: noble and
    ignoble, old and young, and even children of five years of age, marched
    through the streets with no covering but a scarf round the waist. They
    each carried a scourge of leathern thongs, which they applied to their
    limbs, amid sighs and tears, with such violence, that the blood flowed
    from the wounds. Not only during the day, but even by night, and in the
    severest winter, they traversed the cities with burning torches and
    banners, in thousands and tens of thousands, headed by their priests,
    and prostrated themselves before the altars. They proceeded in the same
    manner in the villages: and the woods and mountains resounded with the
    voices of those whose cries were raised to God. The melancholy chaunt
    of the penitent alone was heard. Enemies were reconciled; men and
    women vied with each other in splendid works of charity, as if they
    dreaded, that Divine Omnipotence would pronounce on them the doom of
    annihilation.”</p>

  <p>The pilgrimages of the Flagellants extended throughout all the
    provinces of Southern Germany, as far as Saxony, Bohemia and
    Poland, and even further; but at length, the priests resisted this
    dangerous fanaticism, without being able to extirpate the illusion,
    which was advantageous to the hierarchy, as long as it submitted to
    its sway. Regnier, a hermit of Perugia, is recorded as a fanatic
    preacher of penitence, with whom the extravagance originated<a id="FNanchor_120a" href="#Footnote_120a" class="fnanchor">[120]</a>.
    In the year 1296, there was a great procession of the Flagellants in
    Strasburg<a id="FNanchor_121a" href="#Footnote_121a" class="fnanchor">[121]</a>; and in 1334, fourteen years before the great mortality,
    the sermon of Venturinus, a Dominican friar, of Bergamo, induced
    above 10,000 persons to undertake a new pilgrimage. They scourged
    themselves in the churches, and were entertained in the market-places,
    at the public expense. At Rome, Venturinus was derided, and banished
    by the Pope to the mountains of Ricondona. He patiently endured
    all—went to the Holy Land, and died at Smyrna, 1346<a id="FNanchor_122a" href="#Footnote_122a" class="fnanchor">[122]</a>. Hence we
    see that this fanaticism was a <span class="pagenum" id="Page_37">37</span>mania of the middle ages, which, in
    the year 1349, on so fearful an occasion, and while still so fresh in
    remembrance, needed no new founder; of whom, indeed, all the records
    are silent. It probably arose in many places at the same time; for
    the terror of death, which pervaded all nations and suddenly set such
    powerful impulses in motion, might easily conjure up the fanaticism of
    exaggerated and overpowering repentance.</p>

  <p>The manner and proceedings of the Flagellants of the 13th and 14th
    centuries, exactly resemble each other. But, if during the Black
    Plague, simple credulity came to their aid, which seized, as a
    consolation, the grossest delusion of religious enthusiasm, yet it is
    evident that the leaders must have been intimately united, and have
    exercised the power of a secret association. Besides, the rude band
    was generally under the control of men of learning, some of whom at
    least, certainly had other objects in view, independent of those which
    ostensibly appeared. Whoever was desirous of joining the brotherhood,
    was bound to remain in it thirty-four days, and to have four pence per
    day at his own disposal, so that he might not be burthensome to any
    one; if married, he was obliged to have the sanction of his wife, and
    give the assurance that he was reconciled to all men. The Brothers
    of the Cross, were not permitted to seek for free quarters, or even
    to enter a house without having been invited; they were forbidden to
    converse with females; and if they transgressed these rules, or acted
    without discretion, they were obliged to confess to the Superior, who
    sentenced them to several lashes of the scourge, by way of penance.
    Ecclesiastics had not, as such, any pre-eminence among them; according
    to their original law, which, however, was often transgressed, they
    could not become Masters, or take part in the <em>Secret Councils</em>.
    Penance was performed twice every day: in the morning and evening, they
    went abroad in pairs, singing psalms, amid the ringing of the bells;
    and when they arrived at the place of flagellation, they stripped the
    upper part of their bodies and put off their shoes, keeping on only a
    linen dress, reaching from the waist to the ancles. They then lay down
    in a large circle, in <span class="pagenum" id="Page_38">38</span>different positions, according to the nature of
    their crime: the adulterer with his face to the ground; the perjurer
    on one side, holding up three of his fingers, &amp;c., and were then
    castigated, some more and some less, by the Master, who ordered them to
    rise in the words of a prescribed form<a id="FNanchor_123a" href="#Footnote_123a" class="fnanchor">[123]</a>. Upon this, they scourged
    themselves, amid the singing of psalms and loud supplications for
    the averting of the plague, with genuflexions, and other ceremonies,
    of which contemporary writers give various accounts; and at the same
    time constantly boasted of their penance, that the blood of their
    wounds was mingled with that of the Saviour<a id="FNanchor_124a" href="#Footnote_124a" class="fnanchor">[124]</a>. One of them, in
    conclusion, stood up to read a letter, which it was pretended an angel
    had brought from heaven, to St. Peter’s church, at Jerusalem, stating
    that Christ, who was sore displeased at the sins of man, had granted,
    at the intercession of the Holy Virgin and of the angels, that all who
    should wander about for thirty-four days and scourge themselves, should
    be partakers of the Divine grace<a id="FNanchor_125a" href="#Footnote_125a" class="fnanchor">[125]</a>. This scene caused as great a
    commotion among the believers as the finding of the holy spear once did
    at Antioch; and if any among the clergy inquired who had sealed the
    letter? he was boldly answered, the same who had sealed the Gospel!</p>

  <p>All this had so powerful an effect, that the church was in considerable
    danger; for the Flagellants gained more credit than the priests, from
    whom they so entirely withdrew themselves, that they even absolved
    each other. Besides, they everywhere took possession of the churches,
    and their new songs, which went from mouth to mouth, operated strongly
    on the minds of the people. Great enthusiasm and originally pious
    feelings, are clearly distinguishable in these hymns, and especially in
    the chief psalm of the Cross-bearers, which is still extant, and which
    was sung all over Germany, in different dialects, and is probably of
    a more ancient date<a id="FNanchor_126a" href="#Footnote_126a" class="fnanchor">[126]</a>. Degeneracy, however, <span class="pagenum" id="Page_39">39</span>soon crept in; crimes
    were everywhere committed; and there was no energetic man capable of
    directing the individual excitement to purer objects, even had an
    effectual resistance to the tottering church been at that early period
    seasonable, and had it been possible to restrain the fanaticism.
    The Flagellants sometimes undertook to make trial of their power of
    working miracles; as in Strasburg, where they attempted, in their own
    circle, to resuscitate a dead child: they however failed, and their
    unskilfulness did them much harm, though they succeeded here and there
    in maintaining some confidence in their holy calling, by pretending to
    have the power of casting out evil spirits<a id="FNanchor_127a" href="#Footnote_127a" class="fnanchor">[127]</a>.</p>

  <p>The Brotherhood of the Cross announced that the pilgrimage of the
    Flagellants was to continue for a space of thirty-four years; and many
    of the Masters had, doubtless, determined to form a lasting league
    against the church; but they had gone too far. So early as the first
    year of their establishment, the general indignation set bounds to
    their intrigues; so that the strict measures adopted by the Emperor
    Charles IV., and Pope Clement<a id="FNanchor_128a" href="#Footnote_128a" class="fnanchor">[128]</a>, who, throughout the whole of this
    fearful period, manifested prudence and noble-mindedness, and conducted
    himself in a manner every way worthy of his high station, were easily
    put into execution<a id="FNanchor_129a" href="#Footnote_129a" class="fnanchor">[129]</a>.</p>

  <p>The Sorbonne, at Paris, and the Emperor Charles, had already applied
    to the Holy See, for assistance against these formidable and heretical
    excesses, which had well nigh destroyed the influence of the clergy in
    every place; when a hundred of the Brotherhood of the Cross arrived
    at Avignon from Basle, and desired admission. The Pope, regardless
    of the intercession of several cardinals, interdicted their public
    penance, which he had not authorized; and, on pain of excommunication,
    prohibited <span class="pagenum" id="Page_40">40</span>throughout Christendom the continuance of these
    pilgrimages<a id="FNanchor_130a" href="#Footnote_130a" class="fnanchor">[130]</a>. Philip VI., supported by the condemnatory judgment
    of the Sorbonne, forbad their reception in France<a id="FNanchor_131a" href="#Footnote_131a" class="fnanchor">[131]</a>. Manfred, King
    of Sicily, at the same time threatened them with punishment by death:
    and in the East, they were withstood by several bishops, among whom was
    Janussius, of Gnesen<a id="FNanchor_132a" href="#Footnote_132a" class="fnanchor">[132]</a>, and Preczlaw, of Breslaw, who condemned to
    death one of their Masters, formerly a deacon; and, in conformity with
    the barbarity of the times, had him publicly burnt<a id="FNanchor_133a" href="#Footnote_133a" class="fnanchor">[133]</a>. In Westphalia,
    where so shortly before they had venerated the Brothers of the Cross,
    they now persecuted them with relentless severity<a id="FNanchor_134a" href="#Footnote_134a" class="fnanchor">[134]</a>; and in the
    Mark, as well as in all the other countries of Germany, they pursued
    them, as if they had been the authors of every misfortune<a id="FNanchor_135a" href="#Footnote_135a" class="fnanchor">[135]</a>.</p>

  <p>The processions of the Brotherhood of the Cross undoubtedly promoted
    the spreading of the plague; and it is evident, that the gloomy
    fanaticism which gave rise to them, would infuse a new poison into the
    already desponding minds of the people.</p>

  <p>Still, however, all this was within the bounds of barbarous enthusiasm;
    but horrible were the persecutions of the Jews, which were committed
    in most countries, with even greater exasperation than in the 12th
    century, during the first Crusades. In every destructive pestilence,
    the common people at first attribute the mortality to poison. No
    instruction avails; the supposed testimony of their eyesight, is to
    them a proof, and they authoritatively demand the victims of their
    rage. On whom then was it so likely to fall, as on the Jews, the
    usurers and the strangers who lived at enmity with the Christians? They
    were everywhere suspected of having poisoned the wells or infected the
    air<a id="FNanchor_136a" href="#Footnote_136a" class="fnanchor">[136]</a>. They alone were considered as having brought this fearful
    mortality upon the Christians<a id="FNanchor_137a" href="#Footnote_137a" class="fnanchor">[137]</a>. They were, in consequence, <span class="pagenum" id="Page_41">41</span>pursued
    with merciless cruelty; and either indiscriminately given up to the
    fury of the populace, or sentenced by sanguinary tribunals, which,
    with all the forms of law, ordered them to be burnt alive. In times
    like these, much is indeed said of guilt and innocence; but hatred and
    revenge bear down all discrimination, and the smallest probability,
    magnifies suspicion into certainty. These bloody scenes, which
    disgraced Europe in the 14th century, are a counterpart to a similar
    mania of the age, which was manifested in the persecutions of witches
    and sorcerers; and, like these they prove, that enthusiasm, associated
    with hatred, and leagued with the baser passions, may work more
    powerfully upon whole nations, than religion and legal order; nay, that
    it even knows how to profit by the authority of both, in order the more
    surely to satiate with blood, the sword of long suppressed revenge.</p>

  <p>The persecution of the Jews commenced in September and October,
    1348<a id="FNanchor_138a" href="#Footnote_138a" class="fnanchor">[138]</a>, at Chillon, on the Lake of Geneva, where the first criminal
    proceedings were instituted against them, after they had long before
    been accused by the people of poisoning the wells; similar scenes
    followed in Bern and Freyburg, in January, 1349. Under the influence of
    excruciating suffering, the tortured Jews confessed themselves guilty
    of the crime imputed to them; and it being affirmed that poison had in
    fact been found in a well at Zoffingen, this was deemed a sufficient
    proof to convince the world; and the persecution of the abhorred
    culprits, thus appeared justifiable. Now, though we can take as little
    exception at these proceedings, as at the multifarious confessions of
    witches, because the interrogatories of the fanatical and sanguinary
    tribunals, were so complicated, that by means of the rack, the required
    answer must inevitably be obtained; and it is besides conformable
    to human nature, that crimes which are in every body’s mouth, may,
    in the end, be actually committed by some, either from wantonness,
    revenge, or desperate exasperation: yet crimes and accusations are,
    under circumstances like these, merely the offspring of a revengeful,
    frenzied spirit in the people; and the accusers, according to the
    fundamental principles of morality, which are the same in every age,
    are the more guilty transgressors.</p>

  <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_42">42</span></p>

  <p>Already in the autumn of 1348, a dreadful panic, caused by this
    supposed empoisonment, seized all nations; in Germany especially, the
    springs and wells were built over, that nobody might drink of them, or
    employ their contents for culinary purposes: and for a long time, the
    inhabitants of numerous towns and villages, used only river and rain
    water<a id="FNanchor_139a" href="#Footnote_139a" class="fnanchor">[139]</a>. The city gates were also guarded with the greatest caution:
    only confidential persons were admitted; and if medicine, or any other
    article, which might be supposed to be poisonous, was found in the
    possession of a stranger,—and it was natural that some should have
    these things by them for their private use,—they were forced to swallow
    a portion of it<a id="FNanchor_140a" href="#Footnote_140a" class="fnanchor">[140]</a>. By this trying state of privation, distrust and
    suspicion, the hatred against the supposed poisoners became greatly
    increased, and often broke out in popular commotions, which only served
    still further to infuriate the wildest passions. The noble and the
    mean, fearlessly bound themselves by an oath, to extirpate the Jews
    by fire and sword, and to snatch them from their protectors, of whom
    the number was so small, that throughout all Germany, but few places
    can be mentioned where these unfortunate people were not regarded as
    outlaws and martyred and burnt<a id="FNanchor_141a" href="#Footnote_141a" class="fnanchor">[141]</a>. Solemn summonses were issued from
    Bern to the towns of Basle, Freyburg in the Breisgau, and Strasburg, to
    pursue the Jews as poisoners. The Burgomasters and Senators, indeed,
    opposed this requisition; but in Basle the populace obliged them to
    bind themselves by an oath, to burn the Jews, and to forbid persons of
    that community from entering their city, for the space of two hundred
    years. Upon this, all the Jews in Basle, whose number could not have
    been inconsiderable, were inclosed in a wooden building, constructed
    for the purpose, and burnt together with it, upon the mere outcry of
    the people, without sentence or trial, which indeed would have availed
    them nothing. Soon after, the same thing took place at Freyburg. A
    regular Diet was held at Bennefeld, in Alsace, where the bishops, lords
    and barons, as also deputies of the counties and towns, consulted how
    they should proceed with regard to the Jews; and when the deputies of
    Strasburg <span class="pagenum" id="Page_43">43</span>—not indeed the bishop of this town, who proved himself a
    violent fanatic—spoke in favour of the persecuted, as nothing criminal
    was substantiated against them; a great outcry was raised, and it was
    vehemently asked, why, if so, they had covered their wells and removed
    their buckets? A sanguinary decree was resolved upon, of which the
    populace, who obeyed the call of the nobles and superior clergy, became
    but the too willing executioners<a id="FNanchor_142a" href="#Footnote_142a" class="fnanchor">[142]</a>. Wherever the Jews were not
    burnt, they were at least banished; and so being compelled to wander
    about, they fell into the hands of the country people, who without
    humanity, and regardless of all laws, persecuted them with fire and
    sword. At Spires, the Jews, driven to despair, assembled in their own
    habitations, which they set on fire, and thus consumed themselves
    with their families. The few that remained were forced to submit to
    baptism; while the dead bodies of the murdered, which lay about the
    streets, were put into empty wine casks, and rolled into the Rhine,
    lest they should infect the air. The mob was forbidden to enter the
    ruins of the habitations that were burnt in the Jewish quarter; for the
    senate itself caused search to be made for the treasure, which is said
    to have been very considerable. At Strasburg, two thousand Jews were
    burnt alive in their own burial ground, where a large scaffold had been
    erected: a few who promised to embrace Christianity, were spared, and
    their children taken from the pile. The youth and beauty of several
    females also excited some commiseration; and they were snatched from
    death against their will: many, however, who forcibly made their escape
    from the flames, were murdered in the streets.</p>

  <p>The senate ordered all pledges and bonds to be returned to the debtors,
    and divided the money among the work-people<a id="FNanchor_143a" href="#Footnote_143a" class="fnanchor">[143]</a>. Many, however,
    refused to accept the base price of blood, and, indignant at the
    scenes of blood-thirsty avarice, which made the infuriated multitude
    forget<a id="FNanchor_144a" href="#Footnote_144a" class="fnanchor">[144]</a> that the plague was raging around them, presented it to
    monasteries, in conformity with the advice <span class="pagenum" id="Page_44">44</span>of their confessors. In all
    the countries on the Rhine, these cruelties continued to be perpetrated
    during the succeeding months; and after quiet was in some degree
    restored, the people thought to render an acceptable service to God, by
    taking the bricks of the destroyed dwellings, and the tombstones of the
    Jews, to repair churches and to erect belfries<a id="FNanchor_145a" href="#Footnote_145a" class="fnanchor">[145]</a>.</p>

  <p>In Mayence alone, 12,000 Jews are said to have been put to a cruel
    death. The Flagellants entered that place in August; the Jews, on
    this occasion, fell out with the Christians, and killed several; but
    when they saw their inability to withstand the increasing superiority
    of their enemies, and that nothing could save them from destruction,
    they consumed themselves and their families, by setting fire to their
    dwellings. Thus also, in other places, the entry of the Flagellants
    gave rise to scenes of slaughter; and as thirst for blood was
    everywhere combined with an unbridled spirit of proselytism, a fanatic
    zeal arose among the Jews, to perish as martyrs to their ancient
    religion. And how was it possible, that they could from the heart
    embrace Christianity, when its precepts were never more outrageously
    violated? At Eslingen, the whole Jewish community burned themselves
    in their synagogue<a id="FNanchor_146a" href="#Footnote_146a" class="fnanchor">[146]</a>; and mothers were often seen throwing their
    children on the pile, to prevent their being baptized, and then
    precipitating themselves into the flames<a id="FNanchor_147a" href="#Footnote_147a" class="fnanchor">[147]</a>. In short, whatever
    deeds, fanaticism, revenge, avarice and desperation, in fearful
    combination, could instigate mankind to perform,—and where in such a
    case is the limit?—were executed in the year 1349, throughout Germany,
    Italy and France, with impunity, and in the eyes of all the world.
    It seemed as if the plague gave rise to scandalous acts and frantic
    tumults, not to mourning and grief: and the greater part of those who,
    by their education and rank, were called upon to raise the voice of
    reason, themselves led on the savage mob to murder and to plunder.
    Almost all the Jews who saved their lives by baptism, were afterwards
    burnt at different times; for they continued to be accused of poisoning
    the water and the air. Christians also, whom philanthropy or gain had
    induced to offer them protection, were put on the rack and executed
    with them<a id="FNanchor_148a" href="#Footnote_148a" class="fnanchor">[148]</a>. Many Jews who had embraced Christianity, repented of
    their apostacy,—and, <span class="pagenum" id="Page_45">45</span>returning to their former faith, sealed it with
    their death<a id="FNanchor_149a" href="#Footnote_149a" class="fnanchor">[149]</a>.</p>

  <p>The humanity and prudence of Clement VI., must, on this occasion,
    also be mentioned to his honour; but even the highest ecclesiastical
    power was insufficient to restrain the unbridled fury of the people.
    He not only protected the Jews at Avignon, as far as lay in his power,
    but also issued two bulls, in which he declared them innocent; and
    admonished all Christians, though without success, to cease from
    such groundless persecutions<a id="FNanchor_150a" href="#Footnote_150a" class="fnanchor">[150]</a>. The Emperor Charles IV. was also
    favourable to them, and sought to avert their destruction, wherever
    he could; but he dared not draw the sword of justice, and even found
    himself obliged to yield to the selfishness of the Bohemian nobles,
    who were unwilling to forego so favourable an opportunity of releasing
    themselves from their Jewish creditors, under favour of an imperial
    mandate<a id="FNanchor_151a" href="#Footnote_151a" class="fnanchor">[151]</a>. Duke Albert of Austria burned and pillaged those of his
    cities, which had persecuted the Jews,—a vain and inhuman proceeding,
    which, moreover, is not exempt from the suspicion of covetousness; yet
    he was unable, in his own fortress of Kyberg, to protect some hundreds
    of Jews, who had been received there, from being barbarously burnt by
    the inhabitants<a id="FNanchor_152a" href="#Footnote_152a" class="fnanchor">[152]</a>. Several other princes and counts, among whom
    was Ruprecht von der Pfalz, took the Jews under their protection on
    the payment of large sums: in consequence of which they were called
    “Jew-masters,” and were in danger of being attacked by the populace
    and by their powerful neighbours<a id="FNanchor_153a" href="#Footnote_153a" class="fnanchor">[153]</a>. These persecuted and ill-used
    people, except indeed where humane individuals took compassion on them
    at their own peril, or when they could command riches to purchase
    protection, <span class="pagenum" id="Page_46">46</span>had no place of refuge left but the distant country
    of Lithuania, where Boleslav V., Duke of Poland (1227–1279), had
    before granted them liberty of conscience; and King Casimir the Great
    (1333–1370), yielding to the entreaties of Esther, a favourite Jewess,
    received them, and granted them further protection<a id="FNanchor_154a" href="#Footnote_154a" class="fnanchor">[154]</a>: on which
    account, that country is still inhabited by a great number of Jews,
    who by their secluded habits, have, more than any people in Europe,
    retained the manners of the middle ages.</p>

  <p>But to return to the fearful accusations against the Jews; it was
    reported in all Europe, that they were in connexion with secret
    superiors in Toledo, to whose decrees they were subject, and from
    whom they had received commands respecting the coining of base money,
    poisoning, the murder of Christian children, &amp;c.<a id="FNanchor_155a" href="#Footnote_155a" class="fnanchor">[155]</a>; that they
    received the poison by sea from remote parts, and also prepared it
    themselves from spiders, owls and other venomous animals; but, in
    order that their secret might not be discovered, that it was known
    only to the Rabbis and rich men<a id="FNanchor_156a" href="#Footnote_156a" class="fnanchor">[156]</a>. Apparently there were but few
    who did not consider this extravagant accusation well founded; indeed,
    in many writings of the 14th century, we find great acrimony with
    regard to the suspected poison mixers, which plainly demonstrates the
    prejudice existing against them. Unhappily, after the confessions of
    the first victims in Switzerland, the rack extorted similar ones in
    various places. Some even acknowledged having received poisonous powder
    in bags, and injunctions from Toledo, by secret messengers. Bags of
    this description were also often found in wells, though it was not
    unfrequently discovered that the Christians themselves had thrown them
    in; probably to give occasion to murder and pillage; similar instances
    of which may be found in the persecutions of the witches<a id="FNanchor_157a" href="#Footnote_157a" class="fnanchor">[157]</a>.</p>

  <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_47">47</span></p>

  <p>This picture needs no additions. A lively image of the Black Plague,
    and of the moral evil which followed in its train, will vividly
    represent itself to him who is acquainted with nature and the
    constitution of society. Almost the only credible accounts of the
    manner of living, and of the ruin which occurred in private life,
    during this pestilence, are from Italy; and these may enable us to form
    a just estimate of the general state of families in Europe, taking into
    consideration what is peculiar in the manners of each country.</p>

  <p>“When the evil had become universal,” (speaking of Florence,) “the
    hearts of all the inhabitants were closed to feelings of humanity.
    They fled from the sick and all that belonged to them, hoping by these
    means to save themselves. Others shut themselves up in their houses,
    with their wives, their children and households, living on the most
    costly food, but carefully avoiding all excess. None were allowed
    access to them; no intelligence of death or sickness was permitted
    to reach their ears; and they spent their time in singing and music,
    and other pastimes. Others, on the contrary, considered eating and
    drinking to excess, amusements of all descriptions, the indulgence of
    every gratification, and an indifference to what was passing around
    them, as the best medicine, and acted accordingly. They wandered day
    and night, from one tavern to another, and feasted without moderation
    or bounds. In this way they endeavoured to avoid all contact with the
    sick, and abandoned their houses and property to chance, like men whose
    death-knell had already tolled.</p>

  <p>“Amid this general lamentation and woe, the influence and authority
    of every law, human and divine, vanished. Most of those who were in
    office, had been carried off by the plague, or lay sick, or had lost
    so many members of their families, that they were unable to attend
    to their duties; so that thenceforth every one acted as he thought
    proper. Others, in their mode of living, chose a middle course.
    They ate and drank what they <span class="pagenum" id="Page_48">48</span>pleased, and walked abroad, carrying
    odoriferous flowers, herbs or spices, which they smelt to from time
    to time, in order to invigorate the brain, and to avert the baneful
    influence of the air, infected by the sick, and by the innumerable
    corpses of those who had died of the plague. Others carried their
    precaution still further, and thought the surest way to escape death
    was by flight. They therefore left the city; women as well as men
    abandoning their dwellings and their relations, and retiring into the
    country. But of these also, many were carried off, most of them alone
    and deserted by all the world, themselves having previously set the
    example. Thus it was, that one citizen fled from another—a neighbour
    from his neighbours—a relation from his relations; and in the end, so
    completely had terror extinguished every kindlier feeling, that the
    brother forsook the brother—the sister the sister—the wife her husband;
    and at last, even the parent his own offspring, and abandoned them,
    unvisited and unsoothed, to their fate. Those, therefore, that stood
    in need of assistance fell a prey to greedy attendants; who for an
    exorbitant recompense, merely handed the sick their food and medicine,
    remained with them in their last moments, and then not unfrequently,
    became themselves victims to their avarice and lived not to enjoy
    their extorted gain. Propriety and decorum were extinguished among
    the helpless sick. Females of rank seemed to forget their natural
    bashfulness, and committed the care of their persons, indiscriminately,
    to men and women of the lowest order. No longer were women, relatives
    or friends, found in the house of mourning, to share the grief of
    the survivors—no longer was the corpse accompanied to the grave by
    neighbours and a numerous train of priests, carrying wax tapers and
    singing psalms, nor was it borne along by other citizens of equal rank.
    Many breathed their last without a friend to sooth their dying pillow;
    and few indeed were they who departed amid the lamentations and tears
    of their friends and kindred. Instead of sorrow and mourning, appeared
    indifference, frivolity and mirth; this being considered, especially
    by the females, as conducive to health. Seldom was the body followed
    by even ten or twelve attendants; and instead of the usual bearers and
    sextons, mercenaries of the lowest of the populace undertook the office
    for the sake of gain; and accompanied by only a few priests, and often
    without a single taper, it was borne to the very nearest church, and
    lowered into the first<span class="pagenum" id="Page_49">49</span> grave that was not already too full to receive
    it. Among the middling classes, and especially among the poor, the
    misery was still greater. Poverty or negligence induced most of these
    to remain in their dwellings, or in the immediate neighbourhood; and
    thus they fell by thousands: and many ended their lives in the streets,
    by day and by night. The stench of putrefying corpses was often the
    first indication to their neighbours that more deaths had occurred. The
    survivors, to preserve themselves from infection, generally had the
    bodies taken out of the houses, and laid before the doors; where the
    early morn found them in heaps, exposed to the affrighted gaze of the
    passing stranger. It was no longer possible to have a bier for every
    corpse,—three or four were generally laid together—husband and wife,
    father and mother, with two or three children, were frequently borne
    to the grave on the same bier; and it often happened that two priests
    would accompany a coffin, bearing the cross before it, and be joined on
    the way by several other funerals; so that instead of one, there were
    five or six bodies for interment.”</p>

  <p>Thus far Boccacio. On the conduct of the priests, another contemporary
    observes<a id="FNanchor_158a" href="#Footnote_158a" class="fnanchor">[158]</a>: “In large and small towns, they had withdrawn themselves
    through fear, leaving the performance of ecclesiastical duties to the
    few who were found courageous and faithful enough to undertake them.”
    But we ought not on that account to throw more blame on them than on
    others; for we find proofs of the same timidity and heartlessness in
    every class. During the prevalence of the Black Plague, the charitable
    orders conducted themselves admirably, and did as much good as can be
    done by individual bodies, in times of great misery and destruction;
    when compassion, courage, and the nobler feelings, are found but in the
    few, while cowardice, selfishness and ill-will, with the baser passions
    in their train, assert the supremacy. In place of virtue, which had
    been driven from the earth, wickedness everywhere reared her rebellious
    standard, and succeeding generations were consigned to the dominion of
    her baleful tyranny.</p>

  <hr class="short" />
  <div class="chapter">
    <h3 class="nobreak">CHAPTER VI.</h3>
  </div>

  <h4 id="BOOK1_VI_1">PHYSICIANS.</h4>

  <p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">If</span> we now turn to the medical talent which encountered the “<em>Great
    Mortality</em>,” the middle ages must stand excused, since even the
    moderns are of opinion that the art of medicine is not able to cope
    with the Oriental plague, and can afford deliverance from it only
    under particularly favourable circumstances<a id="FNanchor_159a" href="#Footnote_159a" class="fnanchor">[159]</a>. We must bear in mind
    also, that human science and art appear particularly weak in great
    pestilences, because they have to contend with the powers of nature, of
    which they have no knowledge; and which, if they had been, or could be
    comprehended in their collective effects, would remain uncontrollable
    by them, principally on account of the disordered condition of human
    society. Moreover, every new plague has its peculiarities, which are
    the less easily discovered on first view, because, during its ravages,
    fear and consternation humble the proud spirit.</p>

  <p>The physicians of the 14th century, during the Black Death, did what
    human intellect could do in the actual condition of the healing art;
    and their knowledge of the disease was by no means despicable. They,
    like the rest of mankind, have indulged in prejudices, and defended
    them, perhaps, with too much obstinacy; some of these, however, were
    founded on the mode of thinking of the age, and passed current in those
    days, as established truths: others continue to exist to the present
    hour.</p>

  <p>Their successors in the 19th century, ought not therefore to vaunt
    too highly the pre-eminence of their knowledge, for they too will be
    subjected to the severe judgment of posterity—they too, will, with
    reason, be accused of human weakness and want of foresight.</p>

  <p>The medical faculty of Paris, the most celebrated of the 14th century,
    were commissioned to deliver their opinion on the causes of the Black
    Plague, and to furnish some appropriate regulations with regard to
    living, during its prevalence. This document is sufficiently remarkable
    to find a place here.</p>

  <p>“We, the Members of the College of Physicians of Paris, have, after
    mature consideration and consultation on the present <span class="pagenum" id="Page_51">51</span>mortality,
    collected the advice of our old masters in the art, and intend to make
    known the causes of this pestilence, more clearly than could be done
    according to the rules and principles of astrology and natural science;
    we, therefore, declare as follows:—</p>

  <p>“It is known that in India, and the vicinity of the Great Sea, the
    constellations which combated the rays of the sun, and the warmth of
    the heavenly fire, exerted their power especially against that sea, and
    struggled violently with its waters. (Hence, vapours often originate
    which envelope the sun, and convert his light into darkness.) These
    vapours alternately rose and fell for twenty-eight days; but at last,
    sun and fire acted so powerfully upon the sea, that they attracted a
    great portion of it to themselves, and the waters of the ocean arose
    in the form of vapour; thereby the waters were, in some parts, so
    corrupted, that the fish which they contained, died. These corrupted
    waters, however, the heat of the sun could not consume, neither could
    other wholesome water, hail or snow, and dew, originate therefrom. On
    the contrary, this vapour spread itself through the air in many places
    on the earth, and enveloped them in fog.</p>

  <p>“Such was the case all over Arabia, in a part of India; in Crete; in
    the plains and valleys of Macedonia; in Hungary, Albania and Sicily.
    Should the same thing occur in Sardinia, not a man will be left alive;
    and the like will continue, so long as the sun remains in the sign
    of Leo, on all the islands and adjoining countries to which this
    corrupted sea-wind extends, or has already extended from India. If the
    inhabitants of those parts do not employ and adhere to the following,
    or similar means and precepts, we announce to them inevitable
    death—except the grace of Christ preserve their lives.</p>

  <p>“We are of opinion, that the constellations, with the aid of Nature,
    strive, by virtue of their divine might, to protect and heal the human
    race; and to this end, in union with the rays of the sun, acting
    through the power of fire, endeavour to break through the mist.
    Accordingly, within the next ten days, and until the 17th of the
    ensuing month of July, this mist will be converted into a stinking
    deleterious rain, whereby the air will be much purified. Now, as soon
    as this rain shall announce itself, by thunder or hail, every one of
    you should protect himself from the air; and, as well before as after
    the rain, kindle a large fire<span class="pagenum" id="Page_52">52</span> of vine-wood, green laurel, or other
    green wood; wormwood and chamomile should also be burnt in great
    quantity in the market-places, in other densely inhabited localities,
    and in the houses. Until the earth is again completely dry, and for
    three days afterwards, no one ought to go abroad in the fields. During
    this time the diet should be simple, and people should be cautious
    in avoiding exposure in the cool of the evening, at night, and in
    the morning. Poultry and water-fowl, young pork, old beef, and fat
    meat, in general, should not be eaten; but on the contrary, meat of
    a proper age, of a warm and dry, but on no account of a heating and
    exciting nature. Broth should be taken, seasoned with ground pepper,
    ginger and cloves, especially by those who are accustomed to live
    temperately, and are yet choice in their diet. Sleep in the day-time
    is detrimental; it should be taken at night until sunrise, or somewhat
    longer. At breakfast, one should drink little; supper should be taken
    an hour before sunset, when more may be drunk than in the morning.
    Clear light wine, mixed with a fifth or sixth part of water, should
    be used as a beverage. Dried or fresh fruits, with wine, are not
    injurious; but highly so without it. Beet-root and other vegetables,
    whether eaten pickled or fresh, are hurtful; on the contrary, spicy
    pot-herbs, as sage or rosemary, are wholesome. Cold, moist, watery
    food is in general prejudicial. Going out at night, and even until
    three o’clock in the morning, is dangerous, on account of the dew. Only
    small river fish should be used. Too much exercise is hurtful. The body
    should be kept warmer than usual, and thus protected from moisture
    and cold. Rain-water must not be employed in cooking, and every one
    should guard against exposure to wet weather. If it rain, a little fine
    treacle should be taken after dinner. Fat people should not sit in the
    sunshine. Good clear wine should be selected and drunk often, but in
    small quantities, by day. Olive oil as an article of food, is fatal.
    Equally injurious are fasting and excessive abstemiousness, anxiety
    of mind, anger, and immoderate drinking. Young people, in autumn
    especially, must abstain from all these things, if they do not wish to
    run a risk of dying of dysentery. In order to keep the body properly
    open, an enema, or some other simple means, should be employed, when
    necessary. Bathing is injurious. Men must preserve chastity as they
    value their lives. Every one should impress<span class="pagenum" id="Page_53">53</span> this on his recollection,
    but especially those who reside on the coast, or upon an island into
    which the noxious wind has penetrated.”<a id="FNanchor_160a" href="#Footnote_160a" class="fnanchor">[160]</a></p>

  <p>On what occasion these strange precepts were delivered can no longer
    be ascertained, even if it were an object to know it. It must be
    acknowledged, however, that they do not redound to the credit either
    of the faculty of Paris, or of the 14th century in general. This
    famous faculty found themselves under the painful necessity of being
    wise at command, and of firing a point blank shot of erudition at an
    enemy who enveloped himself in a dark mist, of the nature of which
    they had no conception. In concealing their ignorance by authoritative
    assertions, they suffered themselves, therefore, to be misled; and
    while endeavouring to appear to the world with eclat, only betrayed to
    the intelligent their lamentable weakness. Now some might suppose, that
    in the condition of the sciences of the 14th century, no intelligent
    physicians existed; but this is altogether at variance with the laws of
    human advancement, and is contradicted by history. The real knowledge
    of an age is shewn only in the archives of its literature. Here alone
    the genius of truth speaks audibly:—here alone men of talent deposit
    the results of their experience and reflection, without vanity or a
    selfish object. There is no ground for believing that, in the 14th
    century, men of this kind were publicly questioned regarding their
    views; and it is, therefore, the more necessary that impartial history
    should take up their cause and do justice to their merits.</p>

  <p>The first notice on this subject is due to a very celebrated teacher
    in Perugia, Gentilis of Foligno, who, on the 18th of June, 1348,
    fell a sacrifice to the plague, in the faithful discharge of his
    duty<a id="FNanchor_161a" href="#Footnote_161a" class="fnanchor">[161]</a>. Attached to Arabian doctrines, and to the universally
    respected Galen, he, in common with all his contemporaries, believed
    in a putrid corruption of the blood in the lungs and in the heart,
    which was occasioned by the pestilential atmosphere, and was forthwith
    communicated to the whole body. He thought, therefore, that every thing
    depended upon a sufficient purification of the air, by means of large
    <span class="pagenum" id="Page_54">54</span>blazing fires of odoriferous wood, in the vicinity of the healthy, as
    well as of the sick, and also upon an appropriate manner of living;
    so that the putridity might not overpower the diseased. In conformity
    with notions derived from the ancients, he depended upon bleeding
    and purging, at the commencement of the attack, for the purpose of
    purification; ordered the healthy to wash themselves frequently with
    vinegar or wine, to sprinkle their dwellings with vinegar, and to
    smell often to camphor, or other volatile substances. Hereupon he
    gave, after the Arabian fashion, detailed rules, with an abundance of
    different medicines, of whose healing powers wonderful things were
    believed. He laid little stress upon super-lunar influences, so far as
    respected the malady itself; on which account, he did not enter into
    the great controversies of the astrologers, but always kept in view,
    as an object of medical attention, the corruption of the blood in the
    lungs and heart. He believed in a progressive infection from country
    to country, according to the notions of the present day; and the
    contagious power of the disease, even in the vicinity of those affected
    by plague, was, in his opinion, beyond all doubt<a id="FNanchor_162a" href="#Footnote_162a" class="fnanchor">[162]</a>. On this point,
    intelligent contemporaries were all agreed; and in truth, it required
    no great genius to be convinced of so palpable a fact. Besides,
    correct notions of contagion have descended from remote antiquity,
    and were maintained unchanged in the 14th century<a id="FNanchor_163a" href="#Footnote_163a" class="fnanchor">[163]</a>. So far back
    as the age of Plato, a knowledge of the contagious power of malignant
    inflammations of the eye, of which also no physician of the middle ages
    entertained a doubt<a id="FNanchor_164a" href="#Footnote_164a" class="fnanchor">[164]</a>, was general among the people<a id="FNanchor_165a" href="#Footnote_165a" class="fnanchor">[165]</a>; yet, in
    modern times, surgeons have filled volumes with partial controversies
    on this subject. The whole language of antiquity has adapted itself to
    the notions of the people, respecting the contagion of pestilential
    diseases; and their terms were, beyond comparison, more expressive than
    those in use among the moderns<a id="FNanchor_166a" href="#Footnote_166a" class="fnanchor">[166]</a>.</p>

  <p>Arrangements for the protection of the healthy against contagious
    <span class="pagenum" id="Page_55">55</span>diseases, the necessity of which is shewn from these notions, were
    regarded by the ancients as useful; and by many, whose circumstances
    permitted it, were carried into effect in their houses. Even a total
    separation of the sick from the healthy, that indispensable means of
    protection against infection by contact, was proposed by physicians
    of the 2nd century after Christ, in order to check the spreading of
    leprosy. But it was decidedly opposed, because, as it was alleged,
    the healing art ought not to be guilty of such harshness<a id="FNanchor_167a" href="#Footnote_167a" class="fnanchor">[167]</a>. This
    mildness of the ancients, in whose manner of thinking inhumanity was
    so often and so undisguisedly conspicuous, might excite surprise, if
    it were any thing more than apparent. The true ground of the neglect
    of public protection against pestilential diseases, lay in the general
    notion and constitution of human society,—it lay in the disregard of
    human life, of which the great nations of antiquity have given proofs
    in every page of their history. Let it not be supposed that they wanted
    knowledge respecting the propagation of contagious diseases. On the
    contrary, they were as well informed on this subject as the moderns;
    but this was shewn where individual property, not where human life, on
    the grand scale, was to be protected. Hence the ancients made a general
    practice of arresting the progress of murrains among cattle, by a
    separation of the diseased from the healthy. Their herds alone enjoyed
    that protection which they held it impracticable to extend to human
    society, because they had no wish to do so<a id="FNanchor_168a" href="#Footnote_168a" class="fnanchor">[168]</a>. That the governments
    in the 14th century, were not yet so far advanced, as to put into
    practice general regulations for checking the plague, needs no especial
    proof. Physicians could, therefore, only advise public purifications of
    the air by means of large fires, as had often been practised in ancient
    times; and they were obliged to leave it to individual families,
    either to seek safety in flight, or to shut themselves up in their
    dwellings<a id="FNanchor_169a" href="#Footnote_169a" class="fnanchor">[169]</a>, a method which answers in <span class="pagenum" id="Page_56">56</span>common plagues, but which
    here afforded no complete security, because such was the fury of the
    disease when it was at its height, that the atmosphere of whole cities
    was penetrated by the infection.</p>

  <p>Of the astral influence which was considered to have originated the
    “<em>Great Mortality</em>,” physicians and learned men were as completely
    convinced as of the fact of its reality. A grand conjunction of the
    three superior planets, Saturn, Jupiter and Mars, in the sign of
    Aquarius, which took place, according to Guy de Chauliac, on the 24th
    of March, 1345, was generally received as its principal cause. In
    fixing the day, this physician, who was deeply versed in astrology,
    did not agree with others; whereupon there arose various disputations,
    of weight in that age, but of none in ours; people, however, agreed
    in this—that conjunctions of the planets infallibly prognosticated
    great events; great revolutions of kingdoms, new prophets, destructive
    plagues, and other occurrences which bring distress and horror on
    mankind. No medical author of the 14th and 15th centuries omits an
    opportunity of representing them as among the general prognostics
    of great plagues; nor can we, for our parts, regard the astrology
    of the middle ages, as a mere offspring of superstition. It has not
    only, in common with all ideas which inspire and guide mankind, a
    high historical importance, entirely independent of its error or
    truth—for the influence of both is equally powerful—but there are also
    contained in it, as in alchymy, grand thoughts of antiquity, of which
    modern natural philosophy is so little ashamed that she claims them as
    her property. Foremost among these, is the idea of the general life
    which diffuses itself throughout the whole universe, expressed by the
    greatest Greek sages, and transmitted to the middle ages, through the
    new Platonic natural philosophy. To this impression of an universal
    organism, the assumption of a reciprocal influence of terrestrial
    bodies could not be foreign<a id="FNanchor_170a" href="#Footnote_170a" class="fnanchor">[170]</a>, nor did this cease to correspond with
    a higher view of nature, until astrologers overstepped the limits of
    human knowledge with frivolous and mystical calculations.</p>

  <p>Guy de Chauliac, considers the influence of the conjunction, which was
    held to be all-potent, as the chief general cause of the Black Plague;
    and the diseased state of bodies, the corruption <span class="pagenum" id="Page_57">57</span>of the fluids,
    debility, obstruction, and so forth, as the especial subordinate
    causes<a id="FNanchor_171a" href="#Footnote_171a" class="fnanchor">[171]</a>. By these, according to his opinion, the quality of
    the air, and of the other elements, was so altered, that they set
    poisonous fluids in motion towards the inward parts of the body, in
    the same manner as the magnet attracts iron; whence there arose in the
    commencement fever and the spitting of blood; afterwards, however, a
    deposition in the form of glandular swellings and inflammatory boils.
    Herein the notion of an epidemic constitution was set forth clearly,
    and conformably to the spirit of the age. Of contagion, Guy de Chauliac
    was completely convinced. He sought to protect himself against it by
    the usual means<a id="FNanchor_172a" href="#Footnote_172a" class="fnanchor">[172]</a>; and it was probably he who advised Pope Clement
    VI. to shut himself up while the plague lasted. The preservation of
    this pope’s life, however, was most beneficial to the city of Avignon,
    for he loaded the poor with judicious acts of kindness, took care to
    have proper attendants provided, and paid physicians himself to afford
    assistance wherever human aid could avail—an advantage which, perhaps,
    no other city enjoyed<a id="FNanchor_173a" href="#Footnote_173a" class="fnanchor">[173]</a>. Nor was the treatment of plague-patients
    in Avignon by any means objectionable; for, after the usual depletions
    by bleeding and aperients, where circumstances required them, they
    endeavoured to bring the buboes to suppuration; they made incisions
    into the inflammatory boils, or burned them with a red-hot iron, a
    practice which at all times proves salutary, and in the Black Plague
    saved many lives. In this city, the Jews, who lived in a state of the
    greatest filth, were most severely visited, as also the Spaniards, whom
    Chalin accuses of great intemperance<a id="FNanchor_174a" href="#Footnote_174a" class="fnanchor">[174]</a>.</p>

  <p>Still more distinct notions on the causes of the plague were stated
    to his contemporaries in the 14th century, by Galeazzo di Santa
    Sofia, a learned man, a native of Padua, who likewise <span class="pagenum" id="Page_58">58</span>treated
    plague-patients at Vienna<a id="FNanchor_175a" href="#Footnote_175a" class="fnanchor">[175]</a>, though in what year is undetermined.
    He distinguishes carefully <em>pestilence</em> from <em>epidemy</em> and <em>endemy</em>.
    The common notion of the two first accords exactly with that of an
    epidemic constitution, for both consist, according to him, in an
    unknown change or corruption of the air; with this difference, that
    <em>pestilence</em> calls forth diseases of different kinds; <em>epidemy</em>, on
    the contrary, always the same disease. As an example of an <em>epidemy</em>,
    he adduces a cough (influenza) which was observed in all climates
    at the same time, without perceptible cause; but he recognised the
    approach of a <em>pestilence</em>, independently of unusual natural phenomena,
    by the more frequent occurrence of various kinds of fever, to which
    the modern physicians would assign a nervous and putrid character.
    The <em>endemy</em> originates, according to him, only in local telluric
    changes—in deleterious influences which develop themselves in the
    earth and in the water, without a corruption of the air. These notions
    were variously jumbled together in his time, like every thing which
    human understanding separates by too fine a line of limitation.
    The estimation of cosmical influences, however, in the <em>epidemy</em>
    and <em>pestilence</em>, is well worthy of commendation; and Santa Sofia,
    in this respect, not only agrees with the most intelligent persons
    of the 14th and 15th centuries, but he has also promulgated an
    opinion which must, even now, serve as a foundation for our scarcely
    commenced investigations into cosmical influences<a id="FNanchor_176a" href="#Footnote_176a" class="fnanchor">[176]</a>. <em>Pestilence</em>
    and <em>epidemy</em>, consist not in alterations of the four primary
    qualities<a id="FNanchor_177a" href="#Footnote_177a" class="fnanchor">[177]</a>, but in a corruption of the air, powerful, though quite
    immaterial, and not cognoscible by the senses:—(corruptio aëris non
    substantialis, sed qualitativa) in a disproportion of the imponderables
    in the atmosphere, as it would be expressed by the moderns<a id="FNanchor_178a" href="#Footnote_178a" class="fnanchor">[178]</a>. The
    causes of the <em>pestilence</em> and <em>epidemy</em> are, first of all, astral
    influences, <span class="pagenum" id="Page_59">59</span>especially on occasion of planetary conjunctions; then
    extensive putrefaction of animal and vegetable bodies, and terrestrial
    corruptions (corruptio in terra); to which also, bad diet and want may
    contribute. Santa Sofia considers the putrefaction of locusts, that had
    perished in the sea, and were again thrown up, combined with astral and
    terrestrial influences, as the cause of the pestilence in the eventful
    year of the “<em>Great Mortality</em>.”</p>

  <p>All the fevers which were called forth by the <em>pestilence</em>, are,
    according to him, of the putrid kind; for they originate principally
    from putridity of the heart’s blood, which inevitably follows the
    inhalation of infected air. The Oriental Plague is, sometimes, but by
    no means always, occasioned by <em>pestilence</em> (?), which imparts to it
    a character (qualitas occulta) hostile to human nature. It originates
    frequently from other causes, among which, this physician was aware
    that contagion was to be reckoned; and it deserves to be remarked, that
    he held epidemic small-pox and measles to be infallible forerunners of
    the plague, as do the physicians and people of the East<a id="FNanchor_179a" href="#Footnote_179a" class="fnanchor">[179]</a>, at the
    present day.</p>

  <p>In the exposition of his therapeutical views of the plague, a clearness
    of intellect is again shewn by Santa Sofia, which reflects credit on
    the age. It seemed to him to depend, 1st, on an evacuation of putrid
    matters, by purgatives and bleeding: yet he did not sanction the
    employment of these means indiscriminately, and without consideration;
    least of all where the condition of the blood was healthy. He also
    declared himself decidedly against bleeding ad deliquium (venæ sectio
    eradicativa). 2d, Strengthening of the heart and prevention of
    putrescence. 3d, Appropriate regimen. 4th, Improvement of the air.
    5th, Appropriate treatment of tumid glands and inflammatory boils,
    with emollient, or even stimulating poultices (mustard, lily-bulbs),
    as well as with red-hot gold and iron. Lastly, 6th, Attention to
    prominent symptoms. The stores of the Arabian pharmacy, which he
    brought into action to meet all these indications, were indeed very
    considerable; it is to be observed, however, that, for the most part,
    gentle means were accumulated, which, in case of abuse, would do no
    harm; for the character of the Arabian system of medicine, whose
    principles <span class="pagenum" id="Page_60">60</span>were everywhere followed at this time, was mildness and
    caution. On this account too, we cannot believe that a very prolix
    treatise by Marsigli di Santa Sofia<a id="FNanchor_180a" href="#Footnote_180a" class="fnanchor">[180]</a>, a contemporary relative of
    Galeazzo, on the prevention and treatment of plague, can have caused
    much harm, although, perhaps, even in the 14th century, an agreeable
    latitude and confident assertions respecting things which no mortal
    has investigated, or which it is quite a matter of indifference to
    distinguish, were considered as proofs of a valuable practical talent.</p>

  <p>The agreement of contemporary and later writers, shews that the
    published views of the most celebrated physicians of the 14th century,
    were those generally adopted. Among these, Chalin de Vinario is
    the most experienced. Though devoted to astrology, still more than
    his distinguished contemporary, he acknowledges the great power of
    terrestrial influences, and expresses himself very sensibly on the
    indisputable doctrine of contagion, endeavouring thereby to apologize
    for many surgeons and physicians of his time, who neglected their
    duty<a id="FNanchor_181a" href="#Footnote_181a" class="fnanchor">[181]</a>. He asserted boldly, and with truth, “<em>that all epidemic
    diseases might become contagious<a id="FNanchor_182a" href="#Footnote_182a" class="fnanchor">[182]</a>, and all fevers epidemic</em>,” which
    attentive observers of all subsequent ages have confirmed.</p>

  <p>He delivered his sentiments on blood-letting with sagacity, as an
    experienced physician; yet he was unable, as may be imagined, to
    moderate the desire for bleeding shewn by the ignorant monks. He was
    averse to draw blood from the veins of patients under fourteen years
    of age; but counteracted inflammatory excitement in them by cupping;
    and endeavoured to moderate the inflammation of the tumid glands by
    leeches<a id="FNanchor_183a" href="#Footnote_183a" class="fnanchor">[183]</a>. <span class="pagenum" id="Page_61">61</span>Most of those who were bled, died; he therefore reserved
    this remedy for the plethoric; especially for the papal courtiers,
    and the hypocritical priests, whom he saw gratifying their sensual
    desires, and imitating Epicurus, whilst they pompously pretended to
    follow Christ<a id="FNanchor_184a" href="#Footnote_184a" class="fnanchor">[184]</a>. He recommended burning the boils with a red-hot
    iron, only in the plague without fever, which occurred in single
    cases<a id="FNanchor_185a" href="#Footnote_185a" class="fnanchor">[185]</a>; and was always ready to correct those over-hasty surgeons,
    who, with fire and violent remedies, did irremediable injury to their
    patients<a id="FNanchor_186a" href="#Footnote_186a" class="fnanchor">[186]</a>. Michael Savonarola, professor in Ferrara (1462),
    reasoning on the susceptibility of the human frame to the influence of
    pestilential infection, as the cause of such various modifications of
    disease, expresses himself as a modern physician would on this point;
    and an adoption of the principle of contagion was the foundation of
    his definition of the plague<a id="FNanchor_187a" href="#Footnote_187a" class="fnanchor">[187]</a>. No less worthy of observation are
    the views of the celebrated Valescus of Taranta, who, during the final
    visitation of the Black Death, in 1382, practised as a physician at
    Montpellier, and handed down to posterity what has been repeated in
    innumerable treatises on plague, which were written during the 15th and
    16th centuries<a id="FNanchor_188a" href="#Footnote_188a" class="fnanchor">[188]</a>.</p>

  <p>Of all these notions and views regarding the plague, whose development
    we have represented, there are two especially, which are prominent in
    historical importance:—1st, The opinion of learned physicians, that the
    <em>pestilence</em>, or epidemic constitution, is the <em>parent of various kinds
    of disease</em>; that the plague sometimes, indeed, but by no means always,
    originates from it: that, to speak in the language of the moderns, <em>the
    pestilence</em> bears the same relation to contagion, that a predisposing
    cause does to an occasional cause: and 2dly, the universal conviction
    of the contagious power of that disease.</p>

  <p>Contagion gradually attracted more notice: it was thought <span class="pagenum" id="Page_62">62</span>that in it,
    the most powerful occasional cause might be avoided; the possibility of
    protecting whole cities by separation, became gradually more evident;
    and so horrifying was the recollection of the eventful year of the
    “<em>Great Mortality</em>,” that before the close of the 14th century, ere
    the ill effects of the Black Plague had ceased, nations endeavoured to
    guard against the return of this enemy, by an earnest and effectual
    defence.</p>

  <p>The first regulation which was issued for this purpose, originated
    with Viscount Bernabo, and is dated the 17th Jan. 1374. “Every
    plague-patient was to be taken out of the city into the fields, there
    to die or to recover. Those who attended upon a plague-patient, were
    to remain apart for ten days, before they again associated with
    any body. The priests were to examine the diseased, and point out
    to special commissioners the persons infected; under punishment of
    the confiscation of their goods, and of being burned alive. Whoever
    imported the plague, the state condemned his goods to confiscation.
    Finally, none except those who were appointed for that purpose, were to
    attend plague-patients, under penalty of death and confiscation<a id="FNanchor_189a" href="#Footnote_189a" class="fnanchor">[189]</a>.”</p>

  <p>These orders, in correspondence with the spirit of the 14th century,
    are sufficiently decided to indicate a recollection of the good effects
    of confinement, and of keeping at a distance those suspected of having
    plague. It was said that Milan itself, by a rigorous barricado of three
    houses in which the plague had broken out, maintained itself free from
    the “<em>Great Mortality</em>,” for a considerable time<a id="FNanchor_190a" href="#Footnote_190a" class="fnanchor">[190]</a>; and examples
    of the preservation of individual families, by means of a strict
    separation, were certainly very frequent. That these orders must have
    caused universal affliction from their uncommon severity, as we know
    to have been especially the case in the city of Reggio, may be easily
    conceived; but Bernabo did not suffer himself to be deterred from his
    purpose by fear—on the contrary, when the plague returned in the year
    1383, he forbad the admission of people from infected places into his
    territories, on pain of death<a id="FNanchor_191a" href="#Footnote_191a" class="fnanchor">[191]</a>. We have now, it is true, no account
    how far he succeeded; yet it is <span class="pagenum" id="Page_63">63</span>to be supposed that he arrested the
    disease, for it had long lost the property of the Black Death, to
    spread abroad in the air the contagious matter which proceeded from the
    lungs, charged with putridity, and to taint the atmosphere of whole
    cities by the vast numbers of the sick. Now that it had resumed its
    milder form, so that it infected only by contact, it admitted being
    confined within individual dwellings, as easily as in modern times.</p>

  <p>Bernabo’s example was imitated; nor was there any century more
    appropriate for recommending to governments strong regulations against
    the plague, than the 14th; for when it broke out in Italy, in the year
    1399, and still demanded new victims, it was for the 16th time; without
    reckoning frequent visitations of measles and small-pox. In this same
    year, Viscount John, in milder terms than his predecessor, ordered that
    no stranger should be admitted from infected places, and that the city
    gates should be strictly guarded. Infected houses were to be ventilated
    for at least eight or ten days, and purified from noxious vapours
    by fires, and by fumigations with balsamic and aromatic substances.
    Straw, rags, and the like, were to be burned; and the bedsteads which
    had been used, set out for four days in the rain or the sunshine, so
    that, by means of the one or the other, the morbific vapour might be
    destroyed. No one was to venture to make use of clothes or beds out of
    infected dwellings, unless they had been previously washed and dried
    either at the fire or in the sun. People were, likewise, to avoid,
    as long as possible, occupying houses which had been frequented by
    plague-patients<a id="FNanchor_192a" href="#Footnote_192a" class="fnanchor">[192]</a>.</p>

  <p>We cannot precisely perceive in these an advance towards general
    regulations; and perhaps people were convinced of the insurmountable
    impediments which opposed the separation of open inland countries,
    where bodies of people connected together could not be brought, even
    by the most obdurate severity, to renounce the habit of a profitable
    intercourse.</p>

  <p>Doubtless it is nature which has done the most to banish the Oriental
    plague from western Europe, where the increasing cultivation of the
    earth, and the advancing order in civilized society, have prevented it
    from remaining domesticated; which it most probably was in the more
    ancient times.</p>

  <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_64">64</span></p>

  <p>In the 15th century, during which it broke out seventeen times in
    different places in Europe<a id="FNanchor_193a" href="#Footnote_193a" class="fnanchor">[193]</a>, it was of the more consequence to
    oppose a barrier to its entrance from Asia, Africa, and Greece (which
    had become Turkish); for it would have been difficult for it to
    maintain itself indigenously any longer. Among the southern commercial
    states, however, which were called on to make the greatest exertions to
    this end, it was principally Venice, formerly so severely attacked by
    the Black Plague, that put the necessary restraint upon the perilous
    profits of the merchant. Until towards the end of the 15th century, the
    very considerable intercourse with the East was free and unimpeded.
    Ships of commercial cities had often brought over the plague: nay, the
    former irruption of the “<em>Great Mortality</em>” itself had been occasioned
    by navigators. For, as in the latter end of Autumn, 1347, four ships
    full of plague-patients returned from the Levant to Genoa, the disease
    spread itself there with astonishing rapidity. On this account, in the
    following year, the Genoese forbad the entrance of suspected ships into
    their port. These sailed to Pisa and other cities on the coast, where
    already nature had made such mighty preparations for the reception of
    the Black Plague, and what we have already described took place in
    consequence<a id="FNanchor_194a" href="#Footnote_194a" class="fnanchor">[194]</a>.</p>

  <p>In the year 1485, when, among the cities of northern Italy, Milan
    especially felt the scourge of the plague, a special council of
    health, consisting of three nobles, was established at Venice, who
    probably tried every thing in their power to prevent the entrance of
    this disease, and gradually called into activity all those regulations
    which have served in later times as a pattern for the other southern
    states of Europe. Their endeavours were, however, not crowned with
    complete success; on which account their powers were increased, in the
    year 1504, by granting them the right of life and death over those who
    violated the regulations<a id="FNanchor_195a" href="#Footnote_195a" class="fnanchor">[195]</a>. Bills of health were probably first
    introduced in the year 1527, during a fatal plague<a id="FNanchor_196a" href="#Footnote_196a" class="fnanchor">[196]</a> which visited
    Italy for five years (1525–30), and called forth redoubled caution.</p>

  <p>The first lazarettos were established upon islands at some distance
    from the city, seemingly as early as the year 1485. Here all <span class="pagenum" id="Page_65">65</span>strangers
    coming from places where the existence of plague was suspected were
    detained. If it appeared in the city itself, the sick were despatched
    with their families to what was called the Old Lazaretto, were there
    furnished with provisions and medicines, and, when they were cured,
    were detained, together with all those who had had intercourse with
    them, still forty days longer in the New Lazaretto, situated on another
    island. All these regulations were every year improved, and their
    needful rigour was increased, so that from the year 1585 onwards, no
    appeal was allowed from the sentence of the Council of Health; and
    the other commercial nations gradually came to the support of the
    Venetians, by adopting corresponding regulations<a id="FNanchor_197a" href="#Footnote_197a" class="fnanchor">[197]</a>. Bills of health,
    however, were not general until the year 1665<a id="FNanchor_198a" href="#Footnote_198a" class="fnanchor">[198]</a>.</p>

  <p>The appointment of a forty days’ detention, whence quarantines derive
    their name, was not dictated by caprice, but probably had a medical
    origin, which is derivable in part from the doctrine of critical
    days; for the fortieth day, according to the most ancient notions,
    has been always regarded as the last of ardent diseases, and the
    limit of separation between these and those which are chronic. It was
    the custom to subject lying-in women for forty days to a more exact
    superintendence. There was a good deal also said in medical works of
    forty day epochs in the formation of the fœtus, not to mention that
    the alchymists expected more durable revolutions in forty days, which
    period they called the philosophical month.</p>

  <p>This period being generally held to prevail in natural processes, it
    appeared reasonable to assume, and legally to establish it, as that
    required for the development of latent principles of contagion, since
    public regulations cannot dispense with decisions of this kind, even
    though they should not be wholly justified by the nature of the case.
    Great stress has likewise been laid on theological and legal grounds,
    which were certainly of greater weight in the fifteenth century than in
    more modern times<a id="FNanchor_199a" href="#Footnote_199a" class="fnanchor">[199]</a>.</p>

  <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_66">66</span></p>

  <p>On this matter, however, we cannot decide, since our only object here
    is to point out the origin of a political means of protection against a
    disease, which has been the greatest impediment to civilization within
    the memory of man; a means, that, like Jenner’s vaccine, after the
    small-pox had ravaged Europe for twelve hundred years, has diminished
    the check which mortality puts on the progress of civilization, and
    thus given to the life and manners of the nations of this part of the
    world a new direction, the result of which we cannot foretell.</p>

  <hr class="page" />
  <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_67">67</span></p>

  <div class="xxxlarge center gespertt1 mt20 mb20">APPENDIX.</div>

  <hr class="page" />
  <div class="chapter">
    <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_68">68</span></p>
    <h3 class="nobreak" id="BOOK1_App_I" title="APPENDIX I">I.</h3>
  </div>

  <div class="gothic center">Das alte Geisslerlied</div>

  <div class="xsmall center mt2" lang="de">NACH MASSMANN’S AUSGABE VON HERRN PROFESSOR LACHMANN MIT DER
    HANDSCHRIFT VERGLICHEN.</div>

  <hr class="xshort" />

  <div class="center-container" lang="de">
    <div class="poetry">
      <div class="stanza">
        <div class="i0"><span class="smcap">Sve</span> siner sele wille pleghen</div>
        <div class="i0">De sal gelden unde weder geuen</div>
        <div class="i0">So wert siner sele raed</div>
        <div class="i0">Des help uns leue herre goed</div>
        <div class="i3">Nu tredet here we botsen wille<span class="linenum">5</span></div>
        <div class="i0">Vle wi io de hetsen helle</div>
        <div class="i0">Lucifer is en bose geselle</div>
        <div class="i0">Sven her hauet</div>
        <div class="i0">Mit peke he en lauet</div>
        <div class="i0">Datz vle wi ef wir hauen sin<span class="linenum">10</span></div>
        <div class="i0">Des help uns maria koninghin</div>
        <div class="i0">Das wir dines kindes hulde win</div>
        <div class="i3">Jesus crist de wart ge vanghen</div>
        <div class="i0">An en cruce wart he ge hanghen</div>
        <div class="i0">Dat cruce wart des blodes rod<span class="linenum">15</span></div>
        <div class="i0">Wer klaghen sin marter unde sin dod</div>
        <div class="i0">Sunder war mide wilt tu mi lonen</div>
        <div class="i0">Dre negele unde en dornet crone</div>
        <div class="i0">Das cruce vrone en sper en stich</div>
        <div class="i0">Sunder datz leyd ich dor dich<span class="linenum">20</span></div>
        <div class="i0">Was wltu nu liden dor mich</div>
        <div class="i0">So rope wir herre mit luden done</div>
        <div class="i0">Unsen denst den nem to lone</div>
        <div class="i0">Be hode uns vor der helle nod</div>
        <div class="i0">Des bidde wi dich dor dinen dod<span class="linenum">25</span></div>
        <div class="i0">Dor god vor gete wi unse blot</div>
        <div class="i0">Dat is uns tho den suden guot</div>
        <div class="i3">Maria muoter koninginghe</div>
        <div class="i0">Dor dines leuen kindes minne</div>
        <div class="i0">Al unse nod si dir ghe klaghet<span class="linenum">30</span></div>
        <div class="i0">Des help uns moter maghet reyne.</div>
        <div class="i0"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_69">69</span>De erde beuet och kleuen de steyne</div>
        <div class="i0">Lebe hertze du salt weyne</div>
        <div class="i0">Wir wenen trene mit den oghen</div>
        <div class="i0">Unde hebben des so guden louen<span class="linenum">35</span></div>
        <div class="i0">Mit unsen sinnen unde mit hertzen</div>
        <div class="i0">Dor uns leyd crist vil manighen smertzen</div>
        <div class="i3">Nu slaed w sere</div>
        <div class="i0">Dor cristus ere.</div>
        <div class="i0">Dor god nu latet de sunde mere<span class="linenum">40</span></div>
        <div class="i0">Dor god nu latet de sunde varen</div>
        <div class="i0">Se wil sich god ouer uns en barmen</div>
        <div class="i3">Maria stund in grotzen noden</div>
        <div class="i0">Do se ire leue kint sa doden</div>
        <div class="i0">En svert dor ire sele snet<span class="linenum">45</span></div>
        <div class="i0">Sunder dat la di wesen led</div>
        <div class="i3">In korter vrist</div>
        <div class="i0">God tornich ist</div>
        <div class="i0">Jesus wart gelauet mid gallen</div>
        <div class="i0">Des sole wi an en cruce vallen<span class="linenum">50</span></div>
        <div class="i0">Er heuet uch mit uwen armen</div>
        <div class="i0">Dat sic god ouer uns en barme</div>
        <div class="i0">Jesus dorch dine namen dry</div>
        <div class="i0">Nu make uns hir van sunde vry</div>
        <div class="i0">Jesus dor dine wnden rod<span class="linenum">55</span></div>
        <div class="i0">Be hod uns vor den gehen dod</div>
        <div class="i0">Dat he sende sinen geist</div>
        <div class="i0">Und uns dat kortelike leist</div>
        <div class="i3">De vrowe unde man ir e tobreken</div>
        <div class="i0">Dat wil god selven an en wreken<span class="linenum">60</span></div>
        <div class="i0">Sveuel pik und och de galle</div>
        <div class="i0">Dat gutet de duuel in se alle</div>
        <div class="i0">Vor war sint se des duuels spot</div>
        <div class="i0">Dor vor behode uns herre god</div>
        <div class="i0">De e de ist en reyne leuen<span class="linenum">65</span></div>
        <div class="i0">De had uns god selven gheuen</div>
        <div class="i3">Ich rade uch vrowen unde mannen</div>
        <div class="i0">Dor god gy solen houard annen</div>
        <div class="i0">Des biddet uch de arme sele</div>
        <div class="i0">Dorch god nu latet houard mere<span class="linenum">70</span></div>
        <div class="i0">Dor god nu latet houard varen</div>
        <div class="i0">So wil sich god ouer uns en barmen</div>
        <div class="i3"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_70">70</span>Cristus rep in hemelrike</div>
        <div class="i0">Sinen engelen al gelike</div>
        <div class="i0">De cristenheit wil mi ent wichen<span class="linenum">75</span></div>
        <div class="i0">Des wil lan och se vor gaen</div>
        <div class="i0">Marie bat ire kint so sere</div>
        <div class="i0">Leue kint la se di boten</div>
        <div class="i0">Dat wil ich sceppen dat se moten</div>
        <div class="i0">Bekeren sich.<span class="linenum">80</span></div>
        <div class="i0">Des bidde ich dich</div>
        <div class="i3">Gi logenere</div>
        <div class="i0">Gy meynen ed sverer</div>
        <div class="i0">Gi bichten reyne und lan de sunde uch ruwen</div>
        <div class="i0">So wil sich god in uch vor nuwen<span class="linenum">85</span></div>
        <div class="i0">Owe du arme wokerere</div>
        <div class="i0">Du bringest en lod up en punt</div>
        <div class="i0">Dat senket din an der helle grunt</div>
        <div class="i3">Ir morder und ir straten rouere</div>
        <div class="i0">Ir sint dem leuen gode un mere<span class="linenum">90</span></div>
        <div class="i0">Ir ne wilt uch ouer nemende barmen</div>
        <div class="i0">Des sin gy eweliken vor loren</div>
        <div class="i3">Were dusse bote nicht ge worden</div>
        <div class="i0">De cristenheit wer gar vorsunden</div>
        <div class="i0">De leyde duuel had se ge bunden<span class="linenum">95</span></div>
        <div class="i0">Maria had lost unsen bant</div>
        <div class="i3">Sunder ich saghe di leue mere</div>
        <div class="i0">Sunte peter is portenere</div>
        <div class="i0">Wende dich an en he letset dich in</div>
        <div class="i0">He bringhet dich vor de koninghin<span class="linenum">100</span></div>
        <div class="i3">Leue herre sunte Michahel</div>
        <div class="i0">Du bist en plegher aller sel</div>
        <div class="i0">Be hode uns vor der helle nod</div>
        <div class="i0">Dat do dor dines sceppers dod.</div>
      </div>
    </div>
  </div>

  <hr class="page" />
  <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_71">71</span></p>
  <div class="gothic center">The Ancient Song of the Flagellants.</div>

  <div class="xsmall center mt2">ACCORDING TO MASSMANN’S EDITION COMPARED WITH THE MS. BY PROFESSOR LACHMANN.</div>

  <hr class="xshort" />

  <div class="small center mt2">(<i>Translation.</i>)</div>

  <div class="center-container">
    <div class="poetry">
      <div class="stanza">
        <div class="i0"><span class="smcap">Whoe’er</span> to save his soul is fain,</div>
        <div class="i0">Must pay and render back again.</div>
        <div class="i0">His safety so shall he consult:</div>
        <div class="i0">Help us, good Lord, to this result.</div>
        <div class="i0">Ye that repent your crimes, draw nigh.<span class="linenum">5</span></div>
        <div class="i0">From the burning hell we fly,</div>
        <div class="i0">From Satan’s wicked company.</div>
        <div class="i0">Whom he leads</div>
        <div class="i0">With pitch he feeds.</div>
        <div class="i0">If we be wise we this shall flee.<span class="linenum">10</span></div>
        <div class="i0">Maria! Queen! we trust in thee,</div>
        <div class="i0">To move thy Son to sympathy.</div>
        <div class="i0">Jesus Christ was captive led,</div>
        <div class="i0">And to the cross was riveted.</div>
        <div class="i0">The cross was reddened with his gore<span class="linenum">15</span></div>
        <div class="i0">And we his martyrdom deplore.</div>
        <div class="i0">“Sinner, canst thou to me atone.</div>
        <div class="i0">Three pointed nails, a thorny crown,</div>
        <div class="i0">The holy cross, a spear, a wound,</div>
        <div class="i0">These are the cruel pangs I found.<span class="linenum">20</span></div>
        <div class="i0">What wilt thou, sinner, bear for me?”</div>
        <div class="i0">Lord, with loud voice we answer thee,</div>
        <div class="i0">Accept our service in return,</div>
        <div class="i0">And save us lest in hell we burn.</div>
        <div class="i0">We, through thy death, to thee have sued.<span class="linenum">25</span></div>
        <div class="i0">For God in heaven we shed our blood:</div>
        <div class="i0">This for our sins will work to good.</div>
        <div class="i0">Blessed Maria! Mother! Queen!</div>
        <div class="i0">Through thy loved Son’s redeeming mean</div>
        <div class="i0">Be all our wants to thee portrayed.<span class="linenum">30</span></div>
        <div class="i0">Aid us, Mother! spotless maid!</div>
        <div class="i0"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_72">72</span>Trembles the earth, the rocks are rent<a id="FNanchor_200a" href="#Footnote_200a" class="fnanchor">[200]</a>,</div>
        <div class="i0">Fond heart of mine, thou must relent.</div>
        <div class="i0">Tears from our sorrowing eyes we weep;</div>
        <div class="i0">Therefore so firm our faith we keep<span class="linenum">35</span></div>
        <div class="i0">With all our hearts—with all our senses.</div>
        <div class="i0">Christ bore his pangs for our offences.</div>
        <div class="i0">Ply well the scourge for Jesus’ sake,</div>
        <div class="i0">And God through Christ your sins shall take.</div>
        <div class="i0">For love of God abandon sin,<span class="linenum">40</span></div>
        <div class="i0">To mend your vicious lives begin,</div>
        <div class="i0">So shall we his mercy win.</div>
        <div class="i0">Direful was Maria’s pain</div>
        <div class="i0">When she beheld her dear One slain.</div>
        <div class="i0">Pierced was her soul as with a dart:<span class="linenum">45</span></div>
        <div class="i0">Sinner, let this affect thy heart.</div>
        <div class="i0">The time draws near</div>
        <div class="i0">When God in anger shall appear.</div>
        <div class="i0">Jesus was refreshed with gall:</div>
        <div class="i0">Prostrate crosswise let us fall,<span class="linenum">50</span></div>
        <div class="i0">Then with uplifted arms arise,</div>
        <div class="i0">That God with us may sympathize.</div>
        <div class="i0">Jesus, by thy titles three<a id="FNanchor_201a" href="#Footnote_201a" class="fnanchor">[201]</a>,</div>
        <div class="i0">From our bondage set us free.</div>
        <div class="i0">Jesus, by thy precious blood,<span class="linenum">55</span></div>
        <div class="i0">Save us from the fiery flood.</div>
        <div class="i0">Lord, our helplessness defend,</div>
        <div class="i0">And to our aid thy Spirit send.</div>
        <div class="i0">If man and wife their vows should break</div>
        <div class="i0">God will on such his vengeance wreak.<span class="linenum">60</span></div>
        <div class="i0">Brimstone and pitch, and mingled gall,</div>
        <div class="i0">Satan pours on such sinners all.</div>
        <div class="i0">Truly, the devil’s scorn are they:</div>
        <div class="i0">Therefore, O Lord, thine aid we pray.</div>
        <div class="i0">Wedlock’s an honourable tie<span class="linenum">65</span></div>
        <div class="i0">Which God himself doth sanctify.</div>
        <div class="i0">By this warning, man, abide,</div>
        <div class="i0">God shall surely punish pride.</div>
        <div class="i0">Let your precious soul entreat you,</div>
        <div class="i0">Lay down pride lest vengeance meet you.<span class="linenum">70</span></div>
        <div class="i0">I do beseech ye, pride forsake,</div>
        <div class="i0">So God on us shall pity take.</div>
        <div class="i3"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_73">73</span>Christ in heaven, where he commands,</div>
        <div class="i0">Thus addressed his angel bands:—</div>
        <div class="i0">“Christendom dishonours me,<span class="linenum">75</span></div>
        <div class="i0">Therefore her ruin I decree.”</div>
        <div class="i0">Then Mary thus implored her Son:—</div>
        <div class="i0">“Penance to thee, loved Child, be done;</div>
        <div class="i0">That she repent be mine the care;</div>
        <div class="i0">Stay then thy wrath, and hear my prayer.”<span class="linenum">80</span></div>
        <div class="i10">Ye liars!</div>
        <div class="i0">Ye that break your sacrament,</div>
        <div class="i0">Shrive ye throughly and repent.</div>
        <div class="i0">Your heinous sins sincerely rue,</div>
        <div class="i0">So shall the Lord your hearts renew.<span class="linenum">85</span></div>
        <div class="i3">Woe! usurer, though thy wealth abound,</div>
        <div class="i0">For every ounce thou mak’st a pound</div>
        <div class="i0">Shall sink thee to the hell profound.</div>
        <div class="i0">Ye murd’rers, and ye robbers all,</div>
        <div class="i0">The wrath of God on you shall fall,<span class="linenum">90</span></div>
        <div class="i0">Mercy ye ne’er to others shew,</div>
        <div class="i0">None shall ye find; but endless woe.</div>
        <div class="i0">Had it not been for our contrition,</div>
        <div class="i0">All Christendom had met perdition.</div>
        <div class="i0">Satan had bound her in his chain;<span class="linenum">95</span></div>
        <div class="i0">Mary hath loosed her bonds again.</div>
        <div class="i0">Glad news I bring thee, sinful mortal,</div>
        <div class="i0">In heaven Saint Peter keeps the portal,</div>
        <div class="i0">Apply to him with suppliant mien,</div>
        <div class="i0">He bringeth thee before thy Queen.<span class="linenum">100</span></div>
        <div class="i0">Benignant Michael, blessed saint,</div>
        <div class="i0">Guardian of souls, receive our plaint.</div>
        <div class="i0">Through thy Almighty Maker’s death,</div>
        <div class="i0">Preserve us from the hell beneath.</div>
      </div>
    </div>
  </div>

  <hr class="page" />
  <div class="chapter">
    <span class="pagenum" id="Page_74">74</span>
    <h3 class="nobreak" id="BOOK1_App_II" title="APPENDIX II">II.</h3>
  </div>

  <div class="center"><span class="gothic">Examination of the Jews accused of poisoning the
    Wells</span><a id="FNanchor_202a" href="#Footnote_202a" class="fnanchor">[202]</a>.</div>
  <hr class="short" />

  <p class="hang"><i>Answer from the Castellan of Chillon to the City of Strasburg,
    together with a Copy of the Inquisition and Confession of
    several Jews confined in the Castle of Chillon on suspicion of
    poisoning.&nbsp; &nbsp; Anno 1348.</i></p>

  <p>To the Honorable the Mayor, Senate and Citizens of the City of
    Strasburg, the Castellan of Chillon, Deputy of the Bailiff of Chablais,
    sendeth greeting with all due submission and respect.</p>

  <hr class="tb" />

  <p>Understanding that you desire to be made acquainted with the confession
    of the Jews, and the proofs brought forward against them, I certify, by
    these presents, to you, and each of you that desires to be informed,
    that they of Berne have had a copy of the inquisition and confession
    of the Jews who lately resided in the places specified, and who were
    accused of putting poison into the wells and several other places: as
    also the most conclusive evidence of the truth of the charge preferred
    against them. Many Jews were put to the question, others being excused
    from it, because they confessed, and were brought to trial and burnt.
    Several Christians, also, who had poison given them by the Jews for
    the purpose of destroying the Christians, were put on the wheel and
    tortured. This burning of the Jews and torturing of the said Christians
    took place in many parts of the county of Savoy.</p>

  <p class="right">Fare you well.</p>

  <hr class="short" />

  <p class="hang"><i>The Confession made on the 15th day of September, in the
    year of our Lord 1348, in the Castle of Chillon, by the Jews
    arrested in Neustadt, on the Charge of Poisoning the Wells,
    Springs and other places; also Food, &amp;c., with the design of
    destroying and extirpating all Christians.</i></p>

  <p>I. Balavignus, a Jewish physician, inhabitant of Thonon, was arrested
    at Chillon in consequence of being found in the neighbourhood. <span class="pagenum" id="Page_75">75</span>He was
    put for a short time to the rack, and on being taken down, confessed,
    after much hesitation, that, about ten weeks before, the Rabbi Jacob
    of Toledo, who, because of a citation, had resided at Chamberi since
    Easter, sent him, by a Jewish boy, some poison in the mummy of an
    egg: it was a powder sewed up in a thin leathern pouch accompanied by
    a letter, commanding him, on penalty of excommunication, and by his
    required obedience to the law, to throw this poison into the larger
    and more frequented wells of the town of Thonon, to poison those
    who drew water there. He was further enjoined not to communicate
    the circumstance to any person whatever, under the same penalty. In
    conformity with this command of the Jewish rabbis and doctors of the
    law, he, Balavignus, distributed the poison in several places, and
    acknowledged having one evening placed a certain portion under a stone
    in a spring on the shore at Thonon. He further confessed that the said
    boy brought various letters of a similar import, addressed to others
    of his nation, and particularly specified some directed severally to
    Mossoiet, Banditon, and Samoleto of Neustadt; to Musseo Abramo and
    Aquetus of Montreantz, Jews residing at Thurn in Vivey; to Benetonus
    and his son at St. Moritz; to Vivianus Jacobus, Aquetus and Sonetus,
    Jews at Aquani. Several letters of a like nature were sent to Abram
    and Musset, Jews at Moncheoli; and the boy told him that he had taken
    many others to different and distant places, but he did not recollect
    to whom they were addressed. Balavignus further confessed that, after
    having put the poison into the spring at Thonon, he had positively
    forbidden his wife and children to drink the water, but had not thought
    fit to assign a reason. He avowed the truth of this statement, and, in
    the presence of several credible witnesses, swore by his law, and the
    Five Books of Moses, to every item of his deposition.</p>

  <p>On the day following, Balavignus, voluntarily and without torture,
    ratified the above confession verbatim before many persons of
    character, and, of his own accord, acknowledged that, on returning one
    day from Tour near Vivey, he had thrown into a well below Mustruez,
    namely that of La Conerayde, a quantity of the poison tied up in a rag,
    given to him for the purpose by Aquetus of Montreantz, an inhabitant of
    the said Tour: that he had acquainted Manssiono, and his son Delosaz,
    residents of Neustadt, with the circumstance of his having done so, and
    advertised them not to drink of the water. He described the colour of
    the poison as being red and black.</p>

  <p>On the nineteenth day of September, the above-named Balavignus
    confessed, without torture, that about three weeks after Whitsuntide,
    a Jew named Mussus told him that he had thrown poison into the well,
    in the custom-house of that place, the property of the Borneller
    family; and that he no longer drank the water of this well, but that
    of the lake.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_76">76</span> He further deposed that Mussus informed him that he had
    also laid some of the poison under the stones in the custom-house at
    Chillon. Search was accordingly made in this well, and the poison
    found: some of it was given to a Jew by way of trial, and he died
    in consequence. He also stated that the rabbis had ordered him and
    other Jews to refrain from drinking of the water for nine days after
    the poison was infused into it; and immediately on having poisoned
    the waters, he communicated the circumstance to the other Jews. He,
    Balavignus, confessed that about two months previously, being at Evian,
    he had some conversation on the subject with a Jew called Jacob, and,
    among other things, asked him whether he also had received writings
    and poison, and was answered in the affirmative; he then questioned
    him whether he had obeyed the command, and Jacob replied that he had
    not, but had given the poison to Savetus, a Jew, who had thrown it
    into the Well de Morer at Evian. Jacob also desired him, Balavignus,
    to execute the command imposed on him with due caution. He confessed
    that Aquetus of Montreantz had informed him that he had thrown some of
    the poison into the well above Tour, the water of which he sometimes
    drank. He confessed that Samolet had told him that he had laid the
    poison which he had received, in a well, which, however, he refused to
    name to him. Balavignus, as a physician, further deposed that a person
    infected by such poison coming in contact with another while in a state
    of perspiration, infection would be the almost inevitable result; as
    might also happen from the breath of an infected person. This fact
    he believed to be correct, and was confirmed in his opinion by the
    attestation of many experienced physicians. He also declared that none
    of his community could exculpate themselves from this accusation, as
    the plot was communicated to all; and that all were guilty of the above
    charges. Balavignus was conveyed over the lake from Chillon to Clarens,
    to point out the well into which he confessed having thrown the powder.
    On landing, he was conducted to the spot; and, having seen the well,
    acknowledged that to be the place, saying, “This is the well into which
    I put the poison.” The well was examined in his presence, and the linen
    cloth in which the poison had been wrapped was found in the wastepipe
    by a notary-public named Heinrich Gerhard, in the presence of many
    persons, and was shewn to the said Jew. He acknowledged this to be the
    linen which had contained the poison, which he described as being of
    two colours, red and black, but said that he had thrown it into the
    open well. The linen cloth was taken away and is preserved.</p>

  <p>Balavignus, in conclusion, attests the truth of all and every thing
    as above related. He believes this poison to contain a portion of the
    basilisk, because he had heard, and felt assured, that the above poison
    could not be prepared without it.</p>

  <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_77">77</span></p>

  <hr class="tb" />

  <p>II. Banditono, a Jew of Neustadt, was, on the fifteenth day of
    September, subjected for a short time to the torture. After a long
    interval, he confessed having cast a quantity of poison, about the size
    of a large nut, given him by Musseus, a Jew, at Tour, near Vivey, into
    the well of Carutet, in order to poison those who drank of it.</p>

  <p>The following day, Banditono, voluntarily and without torture, attested
    the truth of the aforesaid deposition; and also confessed that the
    Rabbi Jacob von Pasche, who came from Toledo and had settled at
    Chamberi, sent him, at Pilliex, by a Jewish servant, some poison about
    the size of a large nut, together with a letter directing him to throw
    the powder into the wells on pain of excommunication. He had therefore
    thrown the poison, which was sown up in a leathern bag, into the well
    of Cercliti de Roch; further, also, that he saw many other letters in
    the hands of the servant addressed to different Jews; that he had also
    seen the said servant deliver one, on the outside of the upper gate,
    to Samuletus, the Jew, at Neustadt. He stated, also, that the Jew,
    Massolet, had informed him that he had put poison into the well near
    the bridge at Vivey.</p>

  <hr class="tb" />

  <p>III. The said Manssiono, Jew of Neustadt, was put upon the rack on
    the fifteenth day of the same month, but refused to admit the above
    charge, protesting his entire ignorance of the whole matter; but the
    day following, he, voluntarily and without any torture, confessed,
    in the presence of many persons, that he came from Mancheolo one day
    in last Whitsun-week, in company with a Jew named Provenzal, and, on
    reaching the well of Chabloz Crüez between Vyona and Mura, the latter
    said, “You must put some of the poison which I will give you into that
    well, or woe betide you!” He therefore took a portion of the powder
    about the bigness of a nut, and did as he was directed. He believed
    that the Jews in the neighbourhood of Evian had convened a council
    among themselves relative to this plot, before Whitsuntide. He further
    said that Balavignus had informed him of his having poisoned the well
    de la Conerayde below Mustruez. He also affirmed his conviction of the
    culpability of the Jews in this affair, stating that they were fully
    acquainted with all the particulars, and guilty of the alleged crime.</p>

  <p>On the third day of the October following, Manssiono was brought before
    the commissioners, and did not in the least vary from his former
    deposition, or deny having put the poison into the said wells.</p>

  <p>The above-named Jews, prior to their execution, solemnly swore by
    their Law to the truth of their several depositions, and declared that
    all Jews whatsoever, from seven years old and upwards, could not be
    exempted from the charge of guilt, as all of them were acquainted with
    the plot, and more or less participators in the crime.</p>

  <p>[<i>The seven other examinations scarcely differ from the above, except
      in<span class="pagenum" id="Page_78">78</span> the names of the accused, and afford but little variety. We will,
      therefore, only add a characteristic passage at the conclusion of this
      document. The whole speaks for itself.</i>]</p>

  <p>There still remain numerous proofs and accusations against the
    above-mentioned Jews: also against Jews and Christians in different
    parts of the county of Savoy, who have already received the punishment
    due to their heinous crime; which, however, I have not at hand, and
    cannot therefore send you. I must add, that all the Jews of Neustadt
    were burnt according to the just sentence of the law. At Augst, I was
    present when three Christians were flayed on account of being accessory
    to the plot of poisoning. Very many Christians were arrested for this
    crime in various places in this country, especially at Evian, Gebenne,
    Krusilien and Hochstett, who at last and in their dying moments were
    brought to confess and acknowledge that they had received the poison
    from the Jews. Of these Christians some have been quartered; others
    flayed and afterwards hanged. Certain commissioners have been appointed
    by the magistrates to enforce judgment against all the Jews; and I
    believe that none will escape.</p>

  <hr class="page" />

  <div class="footnotes mt10">
    <div class="footheader"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_1a" href="#FNanchor_1a" class="label">[1]</a> I might here enlarge on the general importance of the
      study of epidemics; but this has been so fully set forth in the
      author’s Address to the Physicians of Germany, which immediately
      follows, as well as in the Preface to the Sweating Sickness, at p. 177,
      that any further observations on this subject would be superfluous on
      my part.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_2a" href="#FNanchor_2a" class="label">[2]</a> <span lang="el">στε καὶ ἐλέχθη ὑπ’ αὐτῶν ὡς οἱ Πελοποννήσιοι φάρμακα
      ἐσβεβλήκοιεν ἐς τὰ φρέατα.</span> <cite>Thucyd. Hist.</cite> B. ii. 49. “The disease was
      attributed by the people to poison, and nothing apparently could be
      more authentic than the reports that were spread of miscreants taken
      in the act of putting poisonous drugs into the food and drink of the
      common people.” Observations on the Cholera in St. Petersburg, p. 9. by
      G. W. Lefevre, M.D. 8vo. 1831.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_3a" href="#FNanchor_3a" class="label">[3]</a> Only two copies are known to exist, one in the British
      Museum, and one in the library of the College of Physicians.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_4a" href="#FNanchor_4a" class="label">[4]</a> La Mortalega Grande. <cite>Matth. de Griffonibus.</cite> <cite>Muratori.</cite>
      Script. rer. Italicar. T. XVIII. p. 167. D. They were called by others
      <cite>Anguinalgia</cite>. <cite>Andr. Gratiol.</cite> Discorso di Peste. Venet. 1576.
      4to. Swedish: <i lang="sv">Diger-döden.</i> <cite>Loccenii</cite> Histor. Suecan. L. III. p.
      104.—Danish: <i lang="da">den sorte Dod.</i> <cite>Pontan.</cite> Rer. Danicar. Histor. L. VIII.
      p. 476.—Amstelod. 1631, fol. Icelandic: <i lang="is">Svatur Daudi.</i> <cite>Saabye</cite>,
      Tagebuch in Grönland. Introduction XVIII. <cite>Mansa</cite>, de Epidemiis maxime
      memorabilibus, quæ in Dania grassatæ sunt, &amp;c. Part I. p. 12. Havniæ,
      1831, 8.—In Westphalia the name of <i lang="nl">de groete Doet</i> was prevalent.
      <cite>Meibom.</cite></div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_5a" href="#FNanchor_5a" class="label">[5]</a> <cite>Joann. Cantacuzen.</cite> Historiar. L. IV. c. 8. Ed. Paris. p.
      730. 5. The ex-emperor has indeed copied some passages from Thucydides,
      as <cite>Sprengel</cite> justly observes, (Appendix to the Geschichte der Medicin.
      Vol. I. H. I. S. 73,) though this was most probably only for the sake
      of rounding a period. This is no detriment to his credibility, because
      his statements accord with the other accounts.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_6a" href="#FNanchor_6a" class="label">[6]</a> <span lang="el">Ἀποστάσεις μεγάλαι.</span></div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_7a" href="#FNanchor_7a" class="label">[7]</a> <span lang="el">Μελαίναι φλυκτίδες.</span></div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_8a" href="#FNanchor_8a" class="label">[8]</a> <span lang="el">ὥσπερ στίγματα μέλανα.</span></div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_9a" href="#FNanchor_9a" class="label">[9]</a> <cite>Guidon. de Cauliaco</cite> Chirurgia. Tract 11. c. 5. p. 113.
      Ed. Lugdun. 1572.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_10a" href="#FNanchor_10a" class="label">[10]</a> Et fuit tantæ contagiositatis specialiter quæ fuit cum
      sputo sanguinis, quod non solum morando, sed etiam inspiciendo unus
      recipiebat ab alio: intantum quod gentes moriebantur sine servitoribus,
      et sepeliebantur sine sacerdotibus, pater non visitabat filium, nec
      filius patrem: charitas erat mortua, spes prostrata.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_11a" href="#FNanchor_11a" class="label">[11]</a> <cite>Deguignes</cite>, Histoire générale des Huns, des Turcs, des
      Mogols, &amp;c. Tom. IV. Paris, 1758. 4to. p. 226.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_12a" href="#FNanchor_12a" class="label">[12]</a> Decameron. Giorn. I. Introd.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_13a" href="#FNanchor_13a" class="label">[13]</a> From this period black petechiæ have always been
      considered as fatal in the plague.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_14a" href="#FNanchor_14a" class="label">[14]</a> A very usual circumstance in plague epidemics.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_15a" href="#FNanchor_15a" class="label">[15]</a> <cite>Auger. de Biterris</cite>, Vitæ Romanor. pontificum,
      <cite>Muratori</cite> Scriptor. rer. Italic. Vol. III. Pt. II. p. 556.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_16a" href="#FNanchor_16a" class="label">[16]</a> Contin. altera Chronici <cite>Guillelmi de Nangis</cite> in
      <cite>d’Acher</cite>, Spicilegium sive Collectio Veterum Scriptorum, &amp;c. Ed. de la
      <cite>Barre</cite>, Tom. III. p. 110.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_17a" href="#FNanchor_17a" class="label">[17]</a> “The people all died of boils and inflamed glands which
      appeared under the arms and in the groins.” <cite>Jac. v. Königshoven</cite>, the
      oldest Chronicle of Alsace and Strasburg, and indeed of all Germany.
      Strasburg, 1698. 4. cap. 5, § 86. p. 301.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_18a" href="#FNanchor_18a" class="label">[18]</a> <cite>Hainr. Rebdorff</cite>, Annales, <cite>Marq. Freher</cite>. Germanicarum
      rerum Scriptores. Francof. 1624. fol. p. 439.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_19a" href="#FNanchor_19a" class="label">[19]</a> <cite>Königshoven</cite>, in loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_20a" href="#FNanchor_20a" class="label">[20]</a> Anonym. Leobiens. Chron. L. VI. in <cite>Hier. Pez</cite>, Scriptor.
      rer. Austriac. Lips. 1721. fol. Tom. I. p. 970. The above named
      appearances are here called, <i lang="de">rote sprinkel, swarcze erhubenn</i> und
      <i lang="de">druesz under den üchsen und ze den gemüchten</i>.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_21a" href="#FNanchor_21a" class="label">[21]</a> <cite>Ubb. Emmiie</cite> rer. Frisiacar. histor. L. XIV. p. 203.
      Lugd. Bat. 1616. fol.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_22a" href="#FNanchor_22a" class="label">[22]</a> <cite>Guillelmus de Nangis</cite>, loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_23a" href="#FNanchor_23a" class="label">[23]</a> <cite>Ant. Wood</cite>, Historia et Antiquitates Universit.
      Oxoniens. Oxon. 1764. fol. L. l. p. 172.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_24a" href="#FNanchor_24a" class="label">[24]</a> <cite>Mezeray</cite>, Histoire de France. Paris, 1685. fol. T. II.
      p. 418.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_25a" href="#FNanchor_25a" class="label">[25]</a> <cite>Barnes</cite>, who has given a lively picture of the black
      plague, in England, taken from the Registers of the 14th century,
      describes the external symptoms in the following terms: knobs or
      swellings in the groin or under the armpits, called kernels, biles,
      blains, blisters, pimples, wheals or plague-sores. The Hist. of Edw.
      III. Cambridge, 1688, fol. p. 432.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_26a" href="#FNanchor_26a" class="label">[26]</a> <cite>Torfæus</cite>, Historia rerum Norvegicarum. Hafn. 1711.
      fol. L. ix. c. 8. p. 478. This author has followed <cite>Pontanus</cite> (Rerum
      Danicar. Historia. Amstelod. 1631. fol.) who has given only a general
      account of the plague in Denmark, and nothing respecting its symptoms.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_27a" href="#FNanchor_27a" class="label">[27]</a> <cite>Dlugoss</cite>, vide Longini Histor. polonic. L. xii. Lips.
      1711. fol. T. I. p. 1086.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_28a" href="#FNanchor_28a" class="label">[28]</a> <cite>W. M. Richter</cite>, Geschichte der Medicin in Russland.
      Moskwa, 1813, 8. p. 215. <cite>Richter</cite> has taken his information on the
      black plague in Russia, from authentic Russian MSS.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_29a" href="#FNanchor_29a" class="label">[29]</a> Compare on this point, <cite>Balling’s</cite> treatise “Zur
      Diagnostik der Lungenerweichung.” Vol XVI. ii. 3. p. 257 of litt.
      Annalen der ges. Heilkunde.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_30a" href="#FNanchor_30a" class="label">[30]</a> It is expressly ascertained with respect to Avignon
      and Paris, that uncleanliness of the streets increased the plague
      considerably. <cite>Raim. Chalin de Vinario.</cite></div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_31a" href="#FNanchor_31a" class="label">[31]</a> <cite>De Peste</cite> Libri tres, opera <cite>Jacobi Dalechampii</cite> in
      lucem editi. Lugduni, 1552. 16. p. 35. <cite>Dalechamp</cite> has only improved
      the language of this work, adding nothing to it but a preface in the
      form of two letters. <cite>Raymond Chalin de Vinario</cite> was contemporary with
      <cite>Guy de Chauliac</cite> at Avignon. He enjoyed a high reputation, and was in
      very affluent circumstances. He often makes mention of cardinals and
      high officers of the papal court, whom he had treated; and it is even
      probable, though not certain, that he was physician to Clement VI.
      (1342–1352), Innocent VI. (1352–1362), and Urban V. (1362–1370). He and
      <cite>Guy de Chauliac</cite> never mention each other.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_32a" href="#FNanchor_32a" class="label">[32]</a> <cite>Dalechamp</cite>, p. 205—where, and at pp. 32–36, the
      plague-eruptions are mentioned in the usual indefinite terms:
      Exanthemata viridia, cærulea, nigra, rubra, lata, diffusa, velut
      signata punctis, &amp;c.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_33a" href="#FNanchor_33a" class="label">[33]</a> “Pestilentis morbi gravissimum symptoma est, quod zonam
      vulgo nuncupant. Ea sic fit: Pustulæ nonnunquam per febres pestilentes
      fuscæ, nigræ, lividæ existunt, in partibus corporis a glandularum
      emissariis sejunctis, ut in femore, tibia, capite, brachio, humeris,
      quarum fervore et caliditate succi corporis attracti, glandulas in
      trajectione replent, et attollunt, unde bubones fiunt atque carbunculi.
      <em>Ab iis tanquam solidus quidam nervus in partem vicinam distentam ac
      veluti convulsione rigentem producitur, puta brachium vel tibiam,
      nunc rubens, nunc fuscus, nunc obscurior, nunc virens, nunc iridis
      colore, duos vel quatuor digitos latus.</em> Hujus summo, qua desinit
      in emissarium, plerumque tuberculum pestilens visitur, altero vero
      extremo, qua in propinquum membrum porrigitur, carbunculus. Hoc
      scilicet malum vulgus zonam cinctumve nominat, periculosum minus, cum
      hic tuberculo, illic carbunculo terminatur, quam si tuberculum in
      capite solum emineat.” p. 198.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_34a" href="#FNanchor_34a" class="label">[34]</a> <cite>V. Hoff.</cite> Geschichte der natürlichen Veränderungen
      der Erdoberfläche, T. II. p. 264. Gotha, 1824. This eruption was not
      succeeded by any other in the same century, either of Etna or of
      Vesuvius.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_35a" href="#FNanchor_35a" class="label">[35]</a> <cite>Deguignes</cite>, loc. cit. p. 226, from Chinese sources.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_36a" href="#FNanchor_36a" class="label">[36]</a> Ibid. p. 225.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_37a" href="#FNanchor_37a" class="label">[37]</a> There were also many locusts which had been blown into
      the sea by a hurricane, and afterwards cast dead upon the shore,
      and produced a noxious exhalation; and <em>a dense and awful fog was
      seen in the heavens, rising in the East, and descending upon Italy</em>.
      Mansfeld Chronicle, in M. <cite>Cyriac Spangenberg</cite>, chap. 287, fol. 336.
      b. Eisleben, 1572. Compare <cite>Staind.</cite> Chron. (?) in <cite>Schnurrer</cite>,
      (“Ingens vapor magnitudine horribili boreali movens, regionem,
      magno adspicientium terrore dilabitur,”) and <cite>Ad. von Lebenwaldt</cite>,
      Land-Stadt-und Hausarzney-Buch. fol. p. 15. Nuremberg, 1695, who
      mentions a dark, thick mist which covered the earth. <cite>Chalin</cite> expresses
      himself on this subject in the following terms:—“Cœlum ingravescit,
      <em>aër impurus sentitur: nubes crassæ ac multæ luminibus cœli obstruunt,
      immundus ac ignavus tepor hominum emollit corpora, exoriens sol
      pallescit</em>.” p. 50.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_38a" href="#FNanchor_38a" class="label">[38]</a> See Caius’ account of the causes of the sweating
      sickness, in the Appendix.—<i>Transl. note.</i></div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_39a" href="#FNanchor_39a" class="label">[39]</a> <cite>Mezeray</cite>, Histoire de France, Tom. II. 418. Paris, 1685.
      Compare <cite>Oudegheerst’s</cite> Chroniques de Flandres. Antwerp, 1571, 4to.
      Chap. 175, f. 297.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_40a" href="#FNanchor_40a" class="label">[40]</a> They spread in a direction from East to West, over most
      of the countries from which we have received intelligence. Anonym.
      Leobiens, Chron. loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_41a" href="#FNanchor_41a" class="label">[41]</a> <cite>Giov. Villani</cite> Istorie Fiorentine, L. XII. chap. 121,
      122. in <cite>Muratori</cite>, T. XIII. pp. 1001, 1002. Compare Barnes, loc. cit.
      p. 430.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_42a" href="#FNanchor_42a" class="label">[42]</a> <cite>J. Vitoduran.</cite> Chronicon, in <cite>Füssli. Thesaurus</cite> Histor.
      Helvet. Tigur. 1735. fol. p. 84.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_43a" href="#FNanchor_43a" class="label">[43]</a> <cite>Albert. Argentiniens.</cite> Chronic. in <cite>Urstis.</cite> Scriptor.
      rer. Germanic. Francof. 1585. fol. P. II. p. 147. Compare <cite>Chalin</cite>,
      loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_44a" href="#FNanchor_44a" class="label">[44]</a> <cite>Petrarch.</cite> Opera. Basil. 1554. fol. p. 210. <cite>Barnes</cite>,
      loc. cit. p. 431.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_45a" href="#FNanchor_45a" class="label">[45]</a> “Un tremblement de terre universel, mesme en France
      et aux pays septentrionaux, renversoit les villes toutes entières,
      déracinoit les arbres et les montagnes, et remplissoit les campagnes
      d’abysmes si profondes, qu’il semblait que l’enfer eût voulu engloutir
      le genre humain.” <cite>Mezeray</cite>, loc. cit. p. 418. <cite>Barnes</cite>, p. 431.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_46a" href="#FNanchor_46a" class="label">[46]</a> <cite>Villani</cite>, loc. cit. c. 119. p. 1000.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_47a" href="#FNanchor_47a" class="label">[47]</a> <cite>Guillelm. de Nangis</cite>, Cont. alt. Chron. loc. cit. p.
      109.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_48a" href="#FNanchor_48a" class="label">[48]</a> Ibid. p. 110.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_49a" href="#FNanchor_49a" class="label">[49]</a> <cite>Villani</cite>, loc. cit. c. 72. p. 954.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_50a" href="#FNanchor_50a" class="label">[50]</a> Anonym. Istorie Pistolesi, in <cite>Muratori</cite>, T. XI. p. 524.
      “Ne gli anni di Chr. 1346 et 1357, fu grandissima carestia in tutta
      la Christianità, in tanto, che molta gente moria di fame, e fu grande
      mortalità in ogni paese del mondo.”</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_51a" href="#FNanchor_51a" class="label">[51]</a> According to <cite>Papon</cite>, its origin is quite lost in the
      obscurity of remote ages; and even before the Christian Era, we are
      able to trace many references to former pestilences. De la peste, ou
      époques mémorables de ce fléau, et les moyens de s’en préserver. T. II.
      Paris, An VIII. de la rép. 8.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_52a" href="#FNanchor_52a" class="label">[52]</a> 1301, in the South of France; 1311, in Italy; 1316, in
      Italy, Burgundy and Northern Europe; 1335, the locust year, in the
      middle of Europe; 1340, in Upper Italy; 1342, in France; and 1347, in
      Marseilles and most of the larger islands of the Mediterranean. Ibid.
      T. II. p. 273.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_53a" href="#FNanchor_53a" class="label">[53]</a> Compare <cite>Deguignes</cite>, loc. cit. p. 288.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_54a" href="#FNanchor_54a" class="label">[54]</a> According to the general Byzantine designation, “from the
      country of the hyperborean Scythians.” <cite>Kantakuzen</cite>, loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_55a" href="#FNanchor_55a" class="label">[55]</a> <cite>Guid. Cauliac</cite>, loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_56a" href="#FNanchor_56a" class="label">[56]</a> <cite>Matt. Villani</cite>, Istorie, in <cite>Muratori</cite>, T. XIV. p. 14.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_57a" href="#FNanchor_57a" class="label">[57]</a> Annal. Cæsenat, <i>Ibid.</i> p. 1179.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_58a" href="#FNanchor_58a" class="label">[58]</a> <cite>Barnes</cite>, loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_59a" href="#FNanchor_59a" class="label">[59]</a> <cite>Olof Dalin’s</cite>, Svea-Rikes Historie, III. vol. Stockholm,
      1747–61, 4. Vol. II. C. 12, p. 496.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_60a" href="#FNanchor_60a" class="label">[60]</a> <cite>Dlugoss</cite>, Histor. Polon. L. IX. p. 1086, T. I. Lips.
      1711, fol.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_61a" href="#FNanchor_61a" class="label">[61]</a> <cite>Deguignes</cite>, loc. cit. p. 223, f.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_62a" href="#FNanchor_62a" class="label">[62]</a> <cite>Matt. Villani</cite>, Istoria, loc. cit. p. 13.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_63a" href="#FNanchor_63a" class="label">[63]</a> <cite>Knighton</cite>, in <cite>Barnes</cite>, loc. cit. p. 434.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_64a" href="#FNanchor_64a" class="label">[64]</a> <cite>Jno. Trithem</cite> Annal. Hirsaugiens. (Monast. St. Gall.
      Hirsaug. 1690. fol.) T. II. p. 296. According to <cite>Boccacio</cite>, loc. cit.
      100,000; according to <cite>Matt. Villani</cite>, loc. cit. p. 14, three out of
      five.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_65a" href="#FNanchor_65a" class="label">[65]</a> <cite>Odoric. Raynald.</cite> Annal. ecclesiastic. Colon. Agripp.
      1691. fol. Vol. XVI. p. 280.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_66a" href="#FNanchor_66a" class="label">[66]</a> <cite>Vitoduran.</cite> Chronic. in <cite>Füssli</cite>, loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_67a" href="#FNanchor_67a" class="label">[67]</a> <cite>Tromby</cite>, Storia de <cite>S. Brunone</cite> e dell’ordine
      Cartusiano. Vol. VI. L. VIII. p. 235. Napol. 1777. fol.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_68a" href="#FNanchor_68a" class="label">[68]</a> <cite>Barnes</cite>, p. 435.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_69a" href="#FNanchor_69a" class="label">[69]</a> Ibid.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_70a" href="#FNanchor_70a" class="label">[70]</a> <cite>Baluz.</cite> Vitæ Papar. Avenionens. Paris, 1693–4. Vol. I.
      p. 316. According to <cite>Rebdorf</cite> in <cite>Freher</cite>. loc. cit. at the worst
      period, 500 daily.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_71a" href="#FNanchor_71a" class="label">[71]</a> <cite>Königshoven</cite>, loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_72a" href="#FNanchor_72a" class="label">[72]</a> According to <cite>Reimar Kork</cite>, from Easter to Michaelmas
      1350, 80 to 90,000; among whom were eleven members of the senate, and
      bishop John IV. Vid. <cite>John Rud</cite>. <cite>Becker</cite>, Circumstantial History of
      the Imper. and free city of Lübeck. Lübeck, 1782, 84, 1805. 3 Vols. 4.
      Vol. I. p. 269. 71. Although Lübeck was then in its most flourishing
      state, yet this account, which agrees with that of <cite>Paul Lange</cite>, is
      certainly exaggerated. (Chronic. Citizense, in <cite>I. Pistorius</cite>, Rerum
      Germanic. Scriptores aliquot insignes, cur. <cite>Struve</cite>. Ratisb. 1626.
      fol. p. 1214.) We have, therefore, chosen the lower estimate of an
      anonym. writer. Chronic. Sclavic. by <cite>Erpold Lindenbrog</cite>. Scriptores
      rerum Germanic. Septentrional. vicinorumque populor. diversi, Francof.
      1630. fol. p. 225, and <cite>Spangenberg</cite>, loc. cit., with whom again
      the assurance of the two authors, that on the 10th August, 1350,
      15 or 1700 (according to <cite>Becker</cite> 2500) persons had died, does not
      coincide. Compare Chronik des Franciskaner Lesemeisters <cite>Detmar</cite>, nach
      der Urschrift und mit Ergänzungen aus anderen Chroniken herausgeg.
      published by F. H. <cite>Grautoff</cite>. Hamburg, 1829, 30. 8. P. I. p. 269. App.
      471.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_73a" href="#FNanchor_73a" class="label">[73]</a> <cite>Förstemann</cite>, Versuch einer Geschichte der christlichen
      Geisslergesellschaften, in <cite>Staüdlin’s</cite> und <cite>Tzschirner’s</cite>, Archiv für
      alte und neue Kirchengeschichte, Vol. III. 1817.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_74a" href="#FNanchor_74a" class="label">[74]</a> Limburg Chronicle, pub. by <cite>C. D. Vogel</cite>. Marburg, 1828.
      8vo. p. 14.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_75a" href="#FNanchor_75a" class="label">[75]</a> <cite>Barnes</cite>, loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_76a" href="#FNanchor_76a" class="label">[76]</a> Ibid.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_77a" href="#FNanchor_77a" class="label">[77]</a> <cite>Spangenberg</cite>. fol. 339. a. Grawsam Sterben vieler faulen
      Troppfen. Many lazy monks died a cruel death.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_78a" href="#FNanchor_78a" class="label">[78]</a> <cite>Vitoduran</cite>, loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_79a" href="#FNanchor_79a" class="label">[79]</a> <cite>Becker</cite>, loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_80a" href="#FNanchor_80a" class="label">[80]</a> <cite>Hainr.</cite> <cite>Rebdorf.</cite> p. 630.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_81a" href="#FNanchor_81a" class="label">[81]</a> <cite>Guillelm. de Nang.</cite> loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_82a" href="#FNanchor_82a" class="label">[82]</a> <cite>Johanna</cite>, queen of Navarre, daughter of <em>Louis X.</em>, and
      <em>Johanna</em> of Burgundy, wife of king <em>Philip</em> de Valois.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_83a" href="#FNanchor_83a" class="label">[83]</a> <cite>Fulco de Chanac.</cite></div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_84a" href="#FNanchor_84a" class="label">[84]</a> <cite>Mich. Felibien</cite>, Histoire de la ville de Paris, Liv.
      XII. Vol. II. p. 601, Paris, 1725. fol. Comp. <cite>Guillelm. de Nangis.</cite>
      loc. cit. and <cite>Daniel</cite>, Histoire de France, Tom. II. p. 484. Amsterd.
      1720. 4to.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_85a" href="#FNanchor_85a" class="label">[85]</a> <cite>Torfæus</cite>, loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_86a" href="#FNanchor_86a" class="label">[86]</a> According to another account, 960. Chronic. Salisburg, in
      <cite>Pez.</cite> loc. cit. T. I. p. 412.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_87a" href="#FNanchor_87a" class="label">[87]</a> According to an anonymous Chronicler, each of these pits
      is said to have contained 40,000; this, however, we are to understand
      as only in round numbers. Anonym. Leobiens, in <cite>Pez.</cite> p. 970. According
      to this writer, above seventy persons died in some houses, and many
      were entirely deserted, and at St. Stephen’s alone, fifty-four
      ecclesiastics were cut off.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_88a" href="#FNanchor_88a" class="label">[88]</a> <cite>Auger. de Biterris</cite> in <cite>Muratori</cite>. Vol. III. P. II. p.
      556. The same is said of Paderborn, by <cite>Gobelin Person</cite>, in <cite>Henr.
      Meibom.</cite> Rer. Germanic. Script. T. I. p. 286. Helmstadt, 1688. fol.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_89a" href="#FNanchor_89a" class="label">[89]</a> <cite>Spangenberg.</cite> loc. cit. chap. 287. fol. 337. b.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_90a" href="#FNanchor_90a" class="label">[90]</a> <cite>Barnes</cite>, 435.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_91a" href="#FNanchor_91a" class="label">[91]</a> <cite>Trithem.</cite> Annal. Hirsaug. loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_92a" href="#FNanchor_92a" class="label">[92]</a> Loc. cit. L. XII. c. 99. p. 977.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_93a" href="#FNanchor_93a" class="label">[93]</a> Chronic. Claustro-Neoburg. in <cite>Pez.</cite> Vol. I. p. 490.
      Comp. <cite>Barnes</cite>, p. 435. <cite>Raynald</cite> Histor. ecclesiastic, loc. cit.
      According to this account, a runaway Venetian is said to have brought
      the plague to Padua.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_94a" href="#FNanchor_94a" class="label">[94]</a> <cite>Giov. Villani</cite>, L. XII. c. 83. p. 964.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_95a" href="#FNanchor_95a" class="label">[95]</a> <cite>Barnes</cite>, p. 436.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_96a" href="#FNanchor_96a" class="label">[96]</a> <cite>Wood</cite>, loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_97a" href="#FNanchor_97a" class="label">[97]</a> <cite>Wood</cite> says, that before the plague, there were 13,000
      students at Oxford; a number which may, in some degree, enable us to
      form an estimate of the state of education in England at that time, if
      we consider that the universities were, in the middle ages, frequented
      by younger students, who in modern times do not quit school till their
      18th year.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_98a" href="#FNanchor_98a" class="label">[98]</a> <cite>Barnes</cite> and <cite>Wood</cite>, loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_99a" href="#FNanchor_99a" class="label">[99]</a> <cite>Gobelin. Person</cite>, in <cite>Meibom.</cite> loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_100a" href="#FNanchor_100a" class="label">[100]</a> <cite>Juan de Mariana.</cite> Historia General de España,
      illustrated by Don <cite>José Sabau y Blanco</cite>. Tom. IX. Madrid, 1819. 8vo.
      Libro XVI. p. 225. Don <cite>Diego Ortiz de Zúñiga</cite>, Annales ecclesiasticos
      y seculares de Sevilla. Madrid, 1795. 4to. T. II. p. 121. Don <cite>Juan de
      Ferreras</cite>, Historia de España. Madrid, 1721. T. VII. p. 353.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_101a" href="#FNanchor_101a" class="label">[101]</a> <cite>Gobelin. Person</cite>, loc. cit. Comp. <cite>Chalin</cite>, p. 53.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_102a" href="#FNanchor_102a" class="label">[102]</a> <cite>Guillelm. de Nangis</cite>, loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_103a" href="#FNanchor_103a" class="label">[103]</a> <cite>Spangenberg.</cite> fol. 337. b. Limburg. Chronic, p. 20.
      “Und die auch von Rom kamen, wurden eines Theils böser als sie vor
      gewesen waren.”</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_104a" href="#FNanchor_104a" class="label">[104]</a> <cite>Guillelm. de Nangis</cite>, loc. cit. and many others.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_105a" href="#FNanchor_105a" class="label">[105]</a> <cite>Dalin’s</cite> Svea Rikes Historie, Vol. II. c. 12. p. 496.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_106a" href="#FNanchor_106a" class="label">[106]</a> <cite>Saabye.</cite> Tagebuch in Grönland. Einleit. XVIII.—<cite>Torfæi</cite>
      Histor. Norveg. Tom. IV. L. IX. c. viii. p. 478–79. <cite>F. G. Mansa</cite>,
      De epidemiis maxime memorabilibus quæ in Dania Grassatæ sunt, et de
      Medicinæ statu. Partic. I. Havn. 1831. 8vo. p. 12.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_107a" href="#FNanchor_107a" class="label">[107]</a> <cite>Torfæi</cite> Groenlandia antiqua, s. veteris Groenlandiæ;
      descriptio. Havniæ, 1715. 8vo. p. 23.—<cite>Pontan.</cite> Rer. danicar. Histor.
      Amstelod. 1631. fol. L. VII. p. 476.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_108a" href="#FNanchor_108a" class="label">[108]</a> <cite>Richter</cite>, loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_109a" href="#FNanchor_109a" class="label">[109]</a> We shall take this view of the subject from <cite>Guillelm.
      de Nangis</cite> and <cite>Barnes</cite>, if we read them <em>with attention</em>. Compare
      <cite>Olof Dalin</cite>, loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_110a" href="#FNanchor_110a" class="label">[110]</a> Practica de ægritudinibus a capite usque ad pedes.
      Papiæ, 1486. fol. Tract VI. c. vii.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_111a" href="#FNanchor_111a" class="label">[111]</a> “Darnach, da das Sterben, die Geiselfarth, Römerfarth,
      Judenschlacht, als vorgeschrieben stehet, ein End hatte, da hub die
      Welt wieder an zu leben und fröhlich zu seyn, und machten die Männer
      neue Kleidung.” Limburger Chronik. p. 26. After this, when, as was
      stated before, the Mortality, the Processions of the Flagellants, the
      Expeditions to Rome, and the Massacre of the Jews, were at an end,
      the world began to revive and be joyful, and the people put on new
      clothing.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_112a" href="#FNanchor_112a" class="label">[112]</a> <cite>Chalin</cite>, loc. cit. p. 92. <cite>Detmar’s</cite> Lübeck Chronicle,
      V. I. p. 401.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_113a" href="#FNanchor_113a" class="label">[113]</a> Chronic. <cite>Ditmari</cite>, Episcop. Mersepurg, Francof. 1580,
      fol. p.358.—“<cite>Spagenberg</cite>, p. 338. The lamentation was piteous;
      and the only remaining solace, was the prevalent anxiety, inspired
      by the danger, to prepare for a glorious departure; no other hope
      remained—death appeared inevitable. Many were hence induced to search
      into their own hearts, to turn to God, and to abandon their wicked
      courses: parents warned their children, and instructed them how to
      pray, and to submit to the ways of Providence: neighbours mutually
      admonished each other; none could reckon on a single hour’s respite.
      Many persons, and even young children, were seen bidding farewell to
      the world; some with prayer, others with praises on their lips.”</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_114a" href="#FNanchor_114a" class="label">[114]</a> <cite>Torfæi</cite> Hist. rer. Norvegic. L. IX. c. viii. p. 478.
      (Havn. 1711, fol.) <em>Die Cronica van der hilliger Stat van Coellen, off
      dat tzytboich</em>, Coellen, 1490, fol. p. 263. “<em>In dem vurss jair erhoiff
      sich eyn alzo wunderlich nuwe Geselschaft in Ungarien</em>,” &amp;c. The
      Chronicle of the holy city of Cologne, 1499. In this same year, a very
      remarkable society was formed in Hungary.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_115a" href="#FNanchor_115a" class="label">[115]</a> <cite>Albert. Argentinens.</cite> Chronic. p. 149, in <cite>Chr.
      Urstisius</cite>. Germaniæ historicorum illustrium Tomus unus. Francof. 1585,
      fol.—<cite>Guillelm. de Nang.</cite> loc. cit.—Comp. also the Saxon Chronicle, by
      <cite>Mattheus Dresseren</cite>, Physician and Professor at Leipsig, Wittenberg,
      1596, fol. p. 340; the above-named Limburg Chronicle, and the Germaniæ
      Chronicon, on the origin, name, commerce, &amp;c., of all the Teutonic
      nations of Germany: by <cite>Seb. Francken</cite>, of Wörd. Tübingen, 1534, fol.
      p. 201.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_116a" href="#FNanchor_116a" class="label">[116]</a> <cite>Ditmar</cite>, loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_117a" href="#FNanchor_117a" class="label">[117]</a> <cite>Königshoven</cite>, Elsassische und Strassburgische
      Chronicke. loc. cit. p. 297. f.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_118a" href="#FNanchor_118a" class="label">[118]</a> <cite>Albert. Argentin.</cite> loc. cit. They never remained longer
      than one night at any place.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_119a" href="#FNanchor_119a" class="label">[119]</a> Words of <cite>Monachus Paduanus</cite>, quoted in <cite>Förstemann’s</cite>
      Treatise, which is the best upon this subject.—See p. 24.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_120a" href="#FNanchor_120a" class="label">[120]</a> <cite>Schnurrer</cite>, Chronicle of the Plagues, T. I. p. 291.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_121a" href="#FNanchor_121a" class="label">[121]</a> <cite>Königshoven</cite>, loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_122a" href="#FNanchor_122a" class="label">[122]</a> <cite>Förstemann</cite>, loc. cit. The pilgrimages of the
      Flagellants of the year 1349, were not the last. Later in the 14th
      century this fanaticism still manifested itself several times, though
      never to so great an extent: in the 15th century, it was deemed
      necessary, in several parts of Germany, to extirpate them by fire and
      sword; and in the year 1710, processions of the Cross-bearers were
      still seen in Italy. How deeply this mania had taken root, is proved by
      the deposition of a citizen of Nordhäusen (1446): that his wife, in the
      belief of performing a Christian act, wanted to scourge her children,
      as soon as they were baptized.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_123a" href="#FNanchor_123a" class="label">[123]</a>
      <cite>Königshoven</cite>, p. 298:
      <div class="center-container">
        <div class="poetry">
          <div class="stanza">
            <div class="i0">“<i lang="de">Stant uf durch der reinen Martel ere;</i></div>
            <div class="i1"><i lang="de">Und hüte dich vor der Sünden mere.</i>”</div>
          </div>
        </div>
      </div>
    </div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_124a" href="#FNanchor_124a" class="label">[124]</a> <cite>Guill. de Nang.</cite> loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_125a" href="#FNanchor_125a" class="label">[125]</a> <cite>Albert. Argentinens.</cite> loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_126a" href="#FNanchor_126a" class="label">[126]</a> We meet with fragments of different lengths in the
      Chronicles of the times, but the only entire MS. which we possess, is
      in the valuable Library of President <cite>von Meusebach</cite>. <cite>Massmann</cite> has
      had this printed, accompanied by a translation, entitled <cite>Erläuterungen
      zum Wessobrunner Gebet des</cite> 8<sup>ten</sup> <cite>Jahrhunderts. Nebst</cite>
      <span class="smcap">Zweien</span> <em>noch ungedruckten</em>, <span class="smcap">Gedichten des Vierzehnten
      Jahrhunderts</span>, Berlin, 1824. “Elucidations of the Wessobrunn
      Prayer of the 8th century, together with two unpublished Hymns the
      14th century.” We shall subjoin it at the end of this Treatise, as a
      striking document of the age. The Limburg Chronicle asserts, indeed,
      that it was not composed till that time, although a part, if not
      the whole, of it, was sung in the procession of the Flagellants, in
      1260.—See Incerti auctoris Chronicon rerum per Austriam Vicinasque
      regiones gestarum inde ab anno 1025, usque ad annum 1282. Munich, 1827
      8, p. 9.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_127a" href="#FNanchor_127a" class="label">[127]</a> <cite>Trithem.</cite> Annal. Hirsaugiens, T. II. p. 206.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_128a" href="#FNanchor_128a" class="label">[128]</a> He issued a bull against them, Oct. 20, 1349. <cite>Raynald.
      Trithem.</cite> loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_129a" href="#FNanchor_129a" class="label">[129]</a> But as they at last ceased to excite astonishment, were
      no longer welcomed by the ringing of bells, and were not received with
      veneration, as before, they vanished as human imaginations are wont to
      do. Saxon Chronicle, by <cite>Matt. Dresseren</cite>. Wittenberg, 1596, fol. p.
      340, 341.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_130a" href="#FNanchor_130a" class="label">[130]</a> <cite>Albert. Argentinens.</cite> loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_131a" href="#FNanchor_131a" class="label">[131]</a> <cite>Guillelm. de Nangis.</cite></div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_132a" href="#FNanchor_132a" class="label">[132]</a> <cite>Ditmar.</cite> loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_133a" href="#FNanchor_133a" class="label">[133]</a> <cite>Klose</cite> of Breslaw’s Documental History and Description,
      8vo. Vol. II. p. 190. Breslaw, 1781.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_134a" href="#FNanchor_134a" class="label">[134]</a> Limburg Chronicle, p. 17.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_135a" href="#FNanchor_135a" class="label">[135]</a> <cite>Kehrberg’s</cite> Description of Königsberg, <i>i. e.</i> Neumark,
      1724, 4to. p. 240.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_136a" href="#FNanchor_136a" class="label">[136]</a> So says the Polish historian <cite>Dlugoss</cite>, loc. cit., while
      most of his contemporaries mention only the poisoning of the wells. It
      is evident, that in the state of their feelings, it mattered little
      whether they added another still more formidable accusation.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_137a" href="#FNanchor_137a" class="label">[137]</a> In those places where no Jews resided, as in Leipsig,
      Magdeburg, Brieg, Frankenstein, &amp;c., the grave-diggers were accused
      of the crime.—V. <cite>Möhsen’s</cite> History of the Sciences in the March of
      Brandenburg, T. II. p. 265.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_138a" href="#FNanchor_138a" class="label">[138]</a> See the original proceedings, in the Appendix.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_139a" href="#FNanchor_139a" class="label">[139]</a> <cite>Hermanni Gygantis</cite> Flores temporum, sive Chronicon
      Universale—<cite>Ed. Meuschen.</cite> Lugdun. Bat. 1743. 4to. p. 139. Hermann,
      a Franciscan monk of Franconia, who wrote in the year 1349, was an
      eye-witness of the most revolting scenes of vengeance, throughout all
      Germany.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_140a" href="#FNanchor_140a" class="label">[140]</a> <cite>Guid. Cauliac.</cite> loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_141a" href="#FNanchor_141a" class="label">[141]</a> <cite>Hermann.</cite> loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_142a" href="#FNanchor_142a" class="label">[142]</a> <cite>Albert. Argentin.</cite>—<cite>Königshoven</cite>, loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_143a" href="#FNanchor_143a" class="label">[143]</a> <i lang="de">Dies was ouch die Vergift, die die Juden döttete.</i>
      “This was also the poison that killed the Jews,” observes
      <cite>Königshoven</cite>, which he illustrates by saying, that their increase in
      Germany was very great, and their mode of gaining a livelihood, which,
      however, was the only resource left them, had engendered ill-will
      against them in all quarters.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_144a" href="#FNanchor_144a" class="label">[144]</a> Many wealthy Jews, for example, were, on their way to
      the stake, stripped of their garments, for the sake of the gold coin
      that was sewed in them.—<cite>Albert. Argentinens.</cite></div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_145a" href="#FNanchor_145a" class="label">[145]</a> Vide preceding note.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_146a" href="#FNanchor_146a" class="label">[146]</a> <cite>Spangenberg</cite>, loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_147a" href="#FNanchor_147a" class="label">[147]</a> <cite>Guillelm. de Nangis.</cite>—<cite>Dlugoss</cite>, loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_148a" href="#FNanchor_148a" class="label">[148]</a> <cite>Albert. Argentinens.</cite></div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_149a" href="#FNanchor_149a" class="label">[149]</a> <cite>Spangenberg</cite> describes a similar scene which took place
      at Kostnitz.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_150a" href="#FNanchor_150a" class="label">[150]</a> <cite>Guillelm. de Nang.—Raynald.</cite></div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_151a" href="#FNanchor_151a" class="label">[151]</a> Histor. Landgrav. <cite>Thuring.</cite> in <cite>Pistor.</cite> loc. cit. Vol.
      I. p. 948.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_152a" href="#FNanchor_152a" class="label">[152]</a> Anonym. <cite>Leobiens</cite>, in <cite>Pez.</cite> loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_153a" href="#FNanchor_153a" class="label">[153]</a> <cite>Spangenberg.</cite> In the county of Mark, the Jews were no
      better off than in the rest of Germany. Margrave <cite>Ludwig</cite>, the Roman,
      even countenanced their persecutions, of which <cite>Kehrberg</cite>, loc. cit.
      241. gives the following official account: Coram cunctis Christi
      fidelibus præsentia percepturis, ego <cite>Johannes</cite> dictus <em>de Wedel</em>
      Advocatus, inclyti Principis Domini, <cite>Ludovici</cite>, Marchionis, publice
      profiteor et recognosco, quod nomine Domini mei civitatem Königsberg
      visitavi et intravi, et ex parte Domini Marchionis Consulibus ejusdem
      civitatis in adjutorium mihi assumtis, <em>Judæos inibi morantes igne
      cremavi</em>, bonaque omnia eorundem Judæorum ex parte Domini mei totaliter
      usurpavi et assumsi. In cujus testimonium præsentibus meum sigillum
      appendi. Datum A.D. 1351. in Vigilia S. Matthæi Apostoli.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_154a" href="#FNanchor_154a" class="label">[154]</a> <cite>Basnage</cite>, Histoire des Juifs. A la Haye, 1716. 8vo. T.
      IX. Part 2. Liv. IX. Chap. 23. §. 12. 24. pp. 664. 679. This valuable
      work gives an interesting account of the state of the Jews of the
      middle ages. Compare <cite>J. M. Jost’s</cite> History of the Israelites from the
      time of the Maccabees to the present day. T. VII. Berlin, 1827. 8vo.
      pp. 8. 262.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_155a" href="#FNanchor_155a" class="label">[155]</a> <cite>Albert. Argentinens.</cite></div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_156a" href="#FNanchor_156a" class="label">[156]</a> <cite>Hermann.</cite> <cite>Gygas.</cite> loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_157a" href="#FNanchor_157a" class="label">[157]</a> On this subject see <cite>Königshoven</cite>, who has preserved
      some very valuable original proceedings. The most important are, the
      criminal examinations of ten Jews, at Chillon, on the Lake of Geneva,
      held in September and October, 1348.—V. Appendix. They produced the
      most strange confessions, and sanctioned, by the false name of justice,
      the blood-thirsty fanaticism which lighted the funeral piles. Copies
      of these proceedings were sent to Bern and Strasburg, where they gave
      rise to the first persecutions against the Jews.—V. also the original
      document of the offensive and defensive Alliance between <cite>Berthold von
      Götz</cite>, Bishop of Strasburg, and many powerful lords and nobles, in
      favour of the city of Strasburg, against Charles IV. The latter saw
      himself compelled, in consequence, to grant to that city an amnesty for
      the Jewish persecutions, which in our days would be deemed disgraceful
      to an imperial crown. Not to mention many other documents, which no
      less clearly shew the spirit of the 14th century, p. 1021. f.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_158a" href="#FNanchor_158a" class="label">[158]</a> <cite>Guillelm. de Nangis</cite>, p. 110.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_159a" href="#FNanchor_159a" class="label">[159]</a> “Curationem omnem respuit pestis confirmata.”—<cite>Chalin</cite>,
      p. 33.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_160a" href="#FNanchor_160a" class="label">[160]</a> <cite>Jacob. Francischini de Ambrosiis.</cite> In the Appendix to
      the Istorie Pistolesi, in <cite>Muratori</cite>, Tom. XI. p. 528.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_161a" href="#FNanchor_161a" class="label">[161]</a> <cite>Gentilis de Fulgineo</cite> Consilia. De Peste Cons. I. II.
      fol. 76, 77. Venet. 1514. fol.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_162a" href="#FNanchor_162a" class="label">[162]</a> —“venenosa putredo circa partes cordis et pulmonis de
      quibus exeunte venenoso vapore, periculum est in vicinitatibus.” Cons.
      I. fol. 76, a.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_163a" href="#FNanchor_163a" class="label">[163]</a> <cite>Dr. Maclean’s</cite> notion that the doctrine of contagion
      was first promulgated in the year 1547, by Pope Paul III., &amp;c., thus
      falls to the ground, together with all the arguments founded on it.—See
      <cite>Maclean</cite> on Epid. and Pestilent. Diseases, 8vo, 1817, Pt. II. Book II.
      ch. 3, 4.—<i>Transl. note.</i></div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_164a" href="#FNanchor_164a" class="label">[164]</a> Lippitudo contagione spectantium oculos afficit.—<cite>Chalin
      de Vinario</cite>, p. 149.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_165a" href="#FNanchor_165a" class="label">[165]</a> See the Author’s Geschichte der Heilkunde, Vol. II. P.
      III.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_166a" href="#FNanchor_166a" class="label">[166]</a> Compare <cite>Marx</cite>, Origines contagii. Caroliruh. et Bad.
      1824. 8.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_167a" href="#FNanchor_167a" class="label">[167]</a> <cite>Cæl. Aurelian.</cite> Chron. L. IV. c. 1. p. 497. <cite>Ed.
      Amman.</cite> “Sed hi ægrotantem destituendum magis imperant, quam curandum,
      quod a se alienum humanitas approbat medicinæ.”</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_168a" href="#FNanchor_168a" class="label">[168]</a> <cite>Geschichte der Heilkunde</cite>, Vol. II. p. 248.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_169a" href="#FNanchor_169a" class="label">[169]</a> <cite>Chalin</cite> assures us expressly, that many nunneries, by
      closing their gates, remained free from the contagion. It is worthy
      of note, and quite in conformity with the prevailing notions, that
      the continuance in a thick, moist atmosphere, was generally esteemed
      more advantageous and conservative, on account of its being more
      impenetrable to the astral influence, inasmuch as the inferior cause
      kept off the superior.—<cite>Chalin</cite>, p. 48.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_170a" href="#FNanchor_170a" class="label">[170]</a> This was called <cite>Affluxus</cite>, or <i lang="la">Forma specifica</i>,
      and was compared to the effect of a magnet on iron, and of amber on
      chaff.—<cite>Chalin de Vinario</cite>, p. 23.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_171a" href="#FNanchor_171a" class="label">[171]</a> Causa universalis agens—causa particularis patiens.
      To this correspond, in <cite>Chalin</cite>, the expressions Causa superior et
      inferior.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_172a" href="#FNanchor_172a" class="label">[172]</a> Purging with alöetic pills; bleeding; purification of
      the air by means of large fires; the use of treacle; frequent smelling
      to volatile substances, of which certain “poma,” were prepared; the
      internal use of Armenian bole,—a plague-remedy derived from the
      Arabians, and, throughout the middle ages, much in vogue, and very
      improperly used; and the employment of acescent food, in order to
      resist putridity. <cite>Guy de Chauliac</cite> appears to have recommended flight
      to many. Loc. citat. p. 115. Compare <cite>Chalin</cite>, L. II., who gives most
      excellent precepts on this subject.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_173a" href="#FNanchor_173a" class="label">[173]</a> <cite>Auger. de Biterris</cite>, loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_174a" href="#FNanchor_174a" class="label">[174]</a> L. I. c. 4. p. 39.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_175a" href="#FNanchor_175a" class="label">[175]</a> Fol. 32. loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_176a" href="#FNanchor_176a" class="label">[176]</a> <cite>Galeacii de Sancta Sophia</cite>, Liber de Febribus. Venet.
      1514, fol. (Printed together with <cite>Guillelmus Brixiensis, Marsilius de
      Sancta Sophia, Ricardus Parisiensis.</cite> fol. 29. seq.)</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_177a" href="#FNanchor_177a" class="label">[177]</a> Warmth, cold, dryness and moisture.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_178a" href="#FNanchor_178a" class="label">[178]</a> The talented <cite>Chalin</cite> entertains the same conviction,
      “Obscurum interdum esse vitium aëris, sub pestis initia et menses
      primos, hoc est argumento: <em>quod cum nec odore tetro gravis, nec turpi
      colore fœdatus fuerit, sed purus, tenuis, frigidus, qualis in montosis
      et asperis locis esse solet, et tranquillus, vehementissima sit tamen
      pestilentia infestaque</em>,” etc. p. 28. The most recent observers of
      malaria have stated nothing more than this.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_179a" href="#FNanchor_179a" class="label">[179]</a> Compare <cite>Enr. di Wolmar</cite>, Abhandlung über die Pest.
      Berlin, 1827. 8vo.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_180a" href="#FNanchor_180a" class="label">[180]</a> Tractatus de Febribus, fol. 48.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_181a" href="#FNanchor_181a" class="label">[181]</a> De Peste Liber, pura latinitate donatus a <cite>Jacobo
      Dalechampio</cite>. Lugdun. 1552. 16. p. 40. 188. “Longe tamen plurimi
      congressu eorum qui fuerunt in locis pestilentibus periclitantur et
      gravissime, quoniam e causa duplici, nempe et aëris vitio, et eorum qui
      versantur nobiscum, vitio. <em>Hoc itaque modo fit, ut unius accessu in
      totam modo familiam, modo civitatem, modo villam, pestis invehatur.</em>”
      Compare p. 20, “Solæ privatorum ædes pestem sentiunt, <em>si adeat qui
      in pestilenti loco versatus est</em>.”—“Nobis proximi ipsi sumus, nemoque
      est tanta occœcatus amentia, qui de sua salute potius quam aliorum
      sollicitus non sit, maxime in contagione tam cita et rapida.” Rather a
      loose principle, which might greatly encourage low sentiments, and much
      endanger the honour of the medical profession, but which, in <cite>Chalin</cite>,
      who was aware of the impossibility of avoiding contagion in uncleanly
      dwellings, is so far excusable, that he did not apply it to himself.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_182a" href="#FNanchor_182a" class="label">[182]</a> Morbos omnes pestilentes esse contagiosos, audacter ego
      equidem pronuntio et assevero. p. 149.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_183a" href="#FNanchor_183a" class="label">[183]</a> Vide preceding note, pp. 162, 163.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_184a" href="#FNanchor_184a" class="label">[184]</a> Ibid. p. 97. 166. “Qualis (vita) esse solet eorum, qui
      sacerdotiorum et cultus divini prætextu, genio plus satis indulgent
      et obsequuntur, ac Christum speciosis titulis ementientes, Epicurum
      imitantur.” Certainly a remarkable freedom of sentiment for the 14th
      century.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_185a" href="#FNanchor_185a" class="label">[185]</a> Ibid. p. 183. 151.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_186a" href="#FNanchor_186a" class="label">[186]</a> Ibid. p. 159. 189.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_187a" href="#FNanchor_187a" class="label">[187]</a> Canonica de Febribus, ad Raynerium Siculum, 1487, s.
      1. cap. 10, sine pag. “Febris pestilentialis est febris contagiosa ex
      ebullitione putrefactiva in altero quatuor humorum cordi propinquorum
      principaliter.”</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_188a" href="#FNanchor_188a" class="label">[188]</a> <cite>Valesci de Tharanta</cite>, Philonium. Lugduni, 1535. 8. L.
      VII. c. 18. fol. 401. b. seq.—Compare <cite>Astruc.</cite> Mémoires pour servir à
      l’Histoire de la Faculté de Médecine de Montpellier. Paris, 1767. 4. p.
      208.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_189a" href="#FNanchor_189a" class="label">[189]</a> Chronicon Regiense, <cite>Muratori</cite>, Tom. XVIII. p. 82.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_190a" href="#FNanchor_190a" class="label">[190]</a> <cite>Adr. Chenot</cite>, Hinterlassene Abhandlungen über die
      ärztlichen und politischen Anstalten bei der Pestseuche. Wien, 1798,
      8vo. p. 146. From this period it was common in the middle ages to
      barricade the doors and windows of houses infected with plague, and to
      suffer the inhabitants to perish without mercy.—<cite>S. Möhsen</cite>, loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_191a" href="#FNanchor_191a" class="label">[191]</a> Chron. Reg. loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_192a" href="#FNanchor_192a" class="label">[192]</a> <cite>Muratori</cite>, Tom. XVI. p. 560.—Compare <cite>Chenot</cite>, loc.
      cit. p. 146.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_193a" href="#FNanchor_193a" class="label">[193]</a> <cite>Papon</cite>, loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_194a" href="#FNanchor_194a" class="label">[194]</a> <cite>Chenot</cite>, p. 145.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_195a" href="#FNanchor_195a" class="label">[195]</a> <cite>Le Bret</cite>, Staatsgeschichte der Republik Venedig. Riga,
      1775. 4, Part II. Div. 2. p. 752.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_196a" href="#FNanchor_196a" class="label">[196]</a> <cite>Zagata</cite>, Cronica di Verona, 1744. 4, III. p. 93.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_197a" href="#FNanchor_197a" class="label">[197]</a> <cite>Le Bret</cite>, loc. cit. Compare Hamburger Remarquen of the
      year 1700, pp. 282 and 305.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_198a" href="#FNanchor_198a" class="label">[198]</a> Göttinger gelehrte Anzeigen, 1772, p. 22.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_199a" href="#FNanchor_199a" class="label">[199]</a> The forty days’ duration of the Flood, the forty days’
      sojourn of Moses on Mount Sinai, our Saviour’s fast for the same length
      of time in the wilderness; lastly, what is called the Saxon term
      (Sächsische Frist,) which lasts for forty days, &amp;c. Compare <cite>G. W.
      Wedel</cite>, Centuria Exercitationum Medico-philologicarum. <cite>De Quadragesima
      Medica.</cite> Jenæ, 1701. 4. Dec. IV. p. 16.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_200a" href="#FNanchor_200a" class="label">[200]</a> We hence perceive with what feelings subterraneous
      thunders were regarded by the people.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_201a" href="#FNanchor_201a" class="label">[201]</a> For the sake of thy Trinity.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_202a" href="#FNanchor_202a" class="label">[202]</a> An appearance of justice having been given to all later
      persecutions by these proceedings, they deserve to be recorded as
      important historical documents. The original is in Latin, but we have
      preferred the German translation in Königshoven’s Chronicle, p. 1029.</div>
  </div>

  <hr class="page" />
  <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_79">79</span></p>

  <div class="chapter">
    <h2>THE DANCING MANIA.</h2>
  </div>

  <hr class="page" />
  <div class="chapter" id="BOOK2_Translators_Preface">
    <span class="pagenum" id="Page_81">81</span>
    <h3 class="nobreak mt10">TRANSLATOR’S PREFACE.</h3>
  </div>
  <hr class="short" />

  <p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">Dr. Hecker’s</span> account of the “Black Death” having, in its English
    translation, met with a favourable reception, I am led to believe that
    the “Dancing Mania,” a similar production by the same able writer, will
    also prove acceptable. Should this be the case, it is my intention
    to complete the series by translating the history of the “Sweating
    Sickness,” the only remaining epidemic considered by our author to
    belong to the Middle Ages.</p>

  <p>The mind and the body reciprocally and mysteriously affect each
    other, and the maladies which are the subject of these pages, are so
    intimately connected with the disordered state of both, that it is
    often difficult to determine on which they more essentially depend, or
    which they more seriously influence.</p>

  <p>The physician will probably be led by their contemplation to admit that
    the imagination has a larger share in the production of disease than he
    might, without a knowledge of the striking facts here recorded, have
    supposed to be within the limits of possibility. He has, no doubt,
    already observed, that joy will affect the circulation, grief the
    digestion; that anger will heat the frame as perniciously as ardent
    spirits, and that fear will chill it as certainly as ice; but he may
    not have carried his observation to the extent of perceiving, that not
    only single and transient effects, but specific diseases are produced
    through the agency of mental impressions, and he may therefore still
    be surprised to find that the dances of St. John and of St. Vitus, as
    they formerly spread by sympathy from city to city, gave rise to the
    same deviations from bodily health, in all the individuals whom they
    attacked; that Tarantism was the same disease, whether medically or
    morally considered, all over Italy; and that the “Lycanthropia,” of
    the past, and the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_82">82</span> “Leaping Ague” of the present times, have each its
    respective train of peculiar symptoms.</p>

  <p>The moralist will view these records of human frailty in a different
    light; he will examine the state of society which favoured the
    propagation of such maladies; he will inquire how far they have been
    the offspring of the ages in which they appeared, and although he may
    not be disposed to think with our author, that they can never return,
    he will at least deduce from the facts here laid before him, that they
    originate in those minds, whether ignorant or ill-educated, in which
    the imagination is permitted to usurp the power of sober sense, and
    the ideal is allowed to occupy the thoughts to the exclusion of the
    substantial.</p>

  <p>That such minds are most frequently to be met with in an age of
    ignorance, we should naturally suppose, and we are borne out in that
    supposition by the fact, that these diseases have been declining in
    proportion to the advance of knowledge; but credulity and enthusiasm
    are not incompatible with a high degree of civilization: and if, among
    the educated classes, the female sex is more sentimental than the male,
    and the affluent are more credulous than those who are dependent on
    their own exertions for their support, it is to be accounted for by
    the fact, that they usually devote more leisure to the pleasurable
    contemplation of works of imagination, and are less imperatively
    called on to improve their judgment by the dry study of facts, and
    the experience acquired in the serious business of life. But there is
    no class, even in this age of boasted reason, wholly exempt from the
    baneful influence of fanaticism; and instances are not wanting, in
    our own days, and in this very capital, to prove, that disorders (how
    can we more charitably designate them?) much resembling some of those
    described in the following pages, may make their appearance among
    people who have had all the advantages of an enlightened education, and
    every opportunity of enlarging their minds by a free intercourse with
    refined society.</p>

  <p>I thus venture to hope, that by bestowing a leisure hour on this small
    portion of medical history, the physician may enlarge his knowledge
    of disease, and the moralist may gather a hint for the intellectual
    improvement of his fellow-men. The author has, however, a more extended
    object in view—the histories of particular epidemics are with him but
    the data from which we<span class="pagenum" id="Page_83">83</span> are to deduce the general laws that govern
    human health in the aggregate. Whether there be such an <em>entity</em> as
    collective organic life, and whether, as a consequence, there exist
    general laws which regulate its healthy or morbid condition, I do not
    here undertake to determine; but the notion is peculiar, and in order
    that it may be more fully exposed to the reader, I have translated as
    an introduction to the present volume<a id="FNanchor_1b" href="#Footnote_1b" class="fnanchor">[1]</a>, an Appeal which Dr. Hecker
    has made to the medical profession of his own country for assistance
    in his undertaking. If, in the course of the remarks contained in this
    address, he has been somewhat severe in his censure of the neglect,
    both in this country and in France, of the study of Medical History, I
    freely confess myself to be one of those who are more anxious to profit
    by his castigation than to dispute its justice.</p>

  <p>I have added a few Notes, which I trust will be found not inapplicable.
    They consist chiefly of parallel accounts in illustration of what is
    set forth in the text; and with the same view, I have thrown together
    in No. V. of the Appendix, some Histories of Local Epidemics, and have
    referred to some single cases, which seem to me to have a peculiar
    interest in connexion with the subject of this work, and to render it,
    on the whole, more complete.</p>

  <hr class="page" />
  <div class="chapter">
    <span class="pagenum" id="Page_85">85</span>
    <h3 class="nobreak gespertt mt10" id="BOOK2_Preface">PREFACE.</h3>
  </div>
  <hr class="short" />

  <p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">The</span> diseases which form the subject of the present investigation afford
    a deep insight into the workings of the human mind in a state of
    society. They are a portion of history, and will never return in the
    form in which they are there recorded; but they expose a vulnerable
    part of man—the instinct of imitation—and are therefore very nearly
    connected with human life in the aggregate. It appeared worth while to
    describe diseases which are propagated on the beams of light—on the
    wings of thought; which convulse the mind by the excitement of the
    senses, and wonderfully affect the nerves, the media of its will and of
    its feelings. It seemed worth while to attempt to place these disorders
    between the epidemics of a less refined origin, which affect the body
    more than the soul, and all those passions and emotions which border on
    the vast domain of disease, ready at every moment to pass the boundary.
    Should we be able to deduce from the grave facts of history here
    developed, a convincing proof that the human race, amidst the creation
    which surrounds it, moves in body and soul as an individual whole, the
    Author might hope that he had approached nearer to his ideal of a grand
    comprehension of diseases in time and space, and be encouraged, by the
    co-operation of contemporaries, zealous in the search of truth, to
    proceed along the path which he has already entered, in prosecuting the
    investigation.</p>

  <hr class="page" />
  <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_87">87</span></p>
  <div class="chapter center xxlarge">
    <div class="mt10">THE DANCING MANIA.</div>
  </div>
  <hr class="short" />

  <h3 class="nobreak">CHAPTER I.<br />
    <span class="small">THE DANCING MANIA IN GERMANY AND THE NETHERLANDS.</span></h3>

  <h4 class="smcap" id="BOOK2_I_1">Sect. 1.—St. John’s Dance.</h4>

  <p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">The</span> effects of the <em>Black Death</em> had not yet subsided, and the graves
    of millions of its victims were scarcely closed, when a strange
    delusion arose in Germany, which took possession of the minds of men,
    and, in spite of the divinity of our nature, hurried away body and soul
    into the magic circle of hellish superstition. It was a convulsion
    which in the most extraordinary manner infuriated the human frame,
    and excited the astonishment of contemporaries for more than two
    centuries, since which time it has never reappeared. It was called
    the dance of St. John or of St. Vitus, on account of the Bacchantic
    leaps by which it was characterized, and which gave to those affected,
    whilst performing their wild dance, and screaming and foaming with
    fury, all the appearance of persons possessed. It did not remain
    confined to particular localities, but was propagated by the sight of
    the sufferers, like a demoniacal epidemic, over the whole of Germany
    and the neighbouring countries to the north-west, which were already
    prepared for its reception by the prevailing opinions of the times.</p>

  <p>So early as the year 1374, assemblages of men and women were seen at
    Aix-la-Chapelle who had come out of Germany, and who, united by one
    common delusion, exhibited to the public both in the streets and in
    the churches the following strange spectacle<a id="FNanchor_2b" href="#Footnote_2b" class="fnanchor">[2]</a>. They formed circles
    hand in hand, and appearing to have lost all control over their senses,
    continued dancing, regardless of the bystanders, for hours together,
    in wild <span class="pagenum" id="Page_88">88</span>delirium, until at length they fell to the ground in a state
    of exhaustion. They then complained of extreme oppression, and groaned
    as if in the agonies of death, until they were swathed in cloths bound
    tightly round their waists, upon which they again recovered, and
    remained free from complaint until the next attack. This practice of
    swathing was resorted to on account of the tympany which followed these
    spasmodic ravings, but the bystanders frequently relieved patients in
    a less artificial manner, by thumping and trampling upon the parts
    affected. While dancing they neither saw nor heard, being insensible to
    external impressions through the senses, but were haunted by visions,
    their fancies conjuring up spirits whose names<a id="FNanchor_3b" href="#Footnote_3b" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> they shrieked
    out; and some of them afterwards asserted that they felt as if they
    had been immersed in a stream of blood, which obliged them to leap so
    high<a id="FNanchor_4b" href="#Footnote_4b" class="fnanchor">[4]</a>. Others, during the paroxysm, saw the heavens open and the
    Saviour enthroned with the Virgin Mary, according as the religious
    notions of the age were strangely and variously reflected in their
    imaginations<a id="FNanchor_5b" href="#Footnote_5b" class="fnanchor">[5]</a>.</p>

  <p>Where the disease was completely developed, the attack commenced
    with epileptic convulsions<a id="FNanchor_6b" href="#Footnote_6b" class="fnanchor">[6]</a>. Those affected fell to the ground
    senseless, panting and labouring for breath. They foamed at the mouth,
    and suddenly springing up began their dance amidst strange contortions.
    Yet the malady doubtless made its appearance very variously, and was
    modified by temporary or local circumstances, whereof non-medical
    contemporaries but imperfectly noted the essential particulars,
    accustomed as they were to confound their observation of natural events
    with their notions of the world of spirits.</p>

  <p>It was but a few months ere this demoniacal disease had spread from
    Aix-la-Chapelle, where it appeared in July, over the <span class="pagenum" id="Page_89">89</span>neighbouring
    Netherlands<a id="FNanchor_7b" href="#Footnote_7b" class="fnanchor">[7]</a>. In Liege, Utrecht, Tongres, and many other towns of
    Belgium, the dancers appeared with garlands in their hair, and their
    waists girt with cloths, that they might, as soon as the paroxysm
    was over, receive immediate relief on the attack of the tympany.
    This bandage was, by the insertion of a stick, easily twisted tight:
    many, however, obtained more relief from kicks and blows, which they
    found numbers of persons ready to administer; for, wherever the
    dancers appeared, the people assembled in crowds to gratify their
    curiosity with the frightful spectacle. At length the increasing
    number of the affected excited no less anxiety than the attention
    that was paid to them. In towns and villages they took possession of
    the religious houses, processions were everywhere instituted on their
    account, and masses were said and hymns were sung, while the disease
    itself, of the demoniacal origin of which no one entertained the
    least doubt, excited everywhere astonishment and horror. In Liege the
    priests had recourse to exorcisms, and endeavoured, by every means
    in their power, to allay an evil which threatened so much danger to
    themselves; for the possessed assembling in multitudes, frequently
    poured forth imprecations against them, and menaced their destruction.
    They intimidated the people also to such a degree that there was an
    express ordinance issued that no one should make any but square-toed
    shoes, because these fanatics had manifested a morbid dislike to
    the pointed shoes which had come into fashion immediately after the
    <em>Great Mortality</em> in 1350<a id="FNanchor_8b" href="#Footnote_8b" class="fnanchor">[8]</a>. They were still more irritated at
    the sight of red colours, the influence of which on the disordered
    nerves might lead us to imagine an extraordinary accordance <span class="pagenum" id="Page_90">90</span>between
    this spasmodic malady and the condition of infuriated animals; but in
    the St. John’s dancers this excitement was probably connected with
    apparitions consequent upon their convulsions. There were likewise some
    of them who were unable to endure the sight of persons weeping<a id="FNanchor_9b" href="#Footnote_9b" class="fnanchor">[9]</a>.
    The clergy seemed to become daily more and more confirmed in their
    belief that those who were affected were a kind of sectarians, and
    on this account they hastened their exorcisms as much as possible,
    in order that the evil might not spread amongst the higher classes,
    for hitherto scarcely any but the poor had been attacked, and the few
    people of respectability among the laity and clergy who were to be
    found among them, were persons whose natural frivolity was unable to
    withstand the excitement of novelty, even though it proceeded from
    a demoniacal influence. Some of the affected had indeed themselves
    declared, when under the influence of priestly forms of exorcism,
    that if the demons had been allowed only a few weeks more time, they
    would have entered the bodies of the nobility and princes, and through
    these have destroyed the clergy. Assertions of this sort, which those
    possessed uttered whilst in a state which may be compared with that of
    magnetic sleep, obtained general belief, and passed from mouth to mouth
    with wonderful additions. The priesthood were, on this account, so much
    the more zealous in their endeavours to anticipate every dangerous
    excitement of the people, as if the existing order of things could have
    been seriously threatened by such incoherent ravings. Their exertions
    were effectual, for exorcism was a powerful remedy in the fourteenth
    century; or it might perhaps be that this wild infatuation terminated
    in consequence of the exhaustion which naturally ensued from it; at all
    events, in the course of ten or eleven months the St. John’s dancers
    were no longer to be found in any of the cities of Belgium. The evil,
    however, was too deeply rooted to give way altogether to such feeble
    attacks<a id="FNanchor_10b" href="#Footnote_10b" class="fnanchor">[10]</a>.</p>

  <p>A few months after this dancing malady had made its appearance at
    Aix-la-Chapelle, it broke out at Cologne, where the number of those
    possessed amounted to more than five hundred<a id="FNanchor_11b" href="#Footnote_11b" class="fnanchor">[11]</a>, <span class="pagenum" id="Page_91">91</span>and about the
    same time at Metz, the streets of which place are said to have been
    filled with eleven hundred dancers<a id="FNanchor_12b" href="#Footnote_12b" class="fnanchor">[12]</a>. Peasants left their ploughs,
    mechanics their workshops, housewives their domestic duties, to join
    the wild revels, and this rich commercial city became the scene of
    the most ruinous disorder. Secret desires were excited, and but too
    often found opportunities for wild enjoyment; and numerous beggars,
    stimulated by vice and misery, availed themselves of this new complaint
    to gain a temporary livelihood. Girls and boys quitted their parents,
    and servants their masters, to amuse themselves at the dances of those
    possessed, and greedily imbibed the poison of mental infection. Above
    a hundred unmarried women were seen raving about in consecrated and
    unconsecrated places, and the consequences were soon perceived<a id="FNanchor_13b" href="#Footnote_13b" class="fnanchor">[13]</a>.
    Gangs of idle vagabonds, who understood how to imitate to the life the
    gestures and convulsions of those really affected, roved from place
    to place seeking maintenance and adventures, and thus, wherever they
    went, spreading this disgusting spasmodic disease like a plague; for
    in maladies of this kind the susceptible are infected as easily by the
    appearance as by the reality. At last it was found necessary to drive
    away these mischievous guests, who were equally inaccessible to the
    exorcisms of the priests and the remedies of the physicians. It was
    not, however, until after four months that the Rhenish cities were able
    to suppress these impostures, which had so alarmingly increased the
    original evil. In the mean time, when once called into existence, the
    plague crept on, and found abundant food in the tone of thought which
    prevailed in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, and even, though
    in a minor degree, throughout the sixteenth and seventeenth, causing
    a permanent disorder of the mind, and exhibiting, in those cities to
    whose inhabitants it was a novelty, scenes as strange as they were
    detestable.</p>

  <h4 id="BOOK2_I_2"><span class="smcap">Sect. 2.—St. Vitus’s Dance</span><a id="FNanchor_14b" href="#Footnote_14b" class="fnanchor">[14]</a>.</h4>

  <p>Strasburg was visited by the “Dancing Plague” in the year 1418, and
    the same infatuation existed among the people there, <span class="pagenum" id="Page_92">92</span>as in the towns
    of Belgium and the Lower Rhine<a id="FNanchor_15b" href="#Footnote_15b" class="fnanchor">[15]</a>. Many who were seized at the sight
    of those affected, excited attention at first by their confused and
    absurd behaviour, and then by their constantly following the swarms of
    dancers. These were seen day and night passing through the streets,
    accompanied by musicians playing on bagpipes, and by innumerable
    spectators attracted by curiosity, to which were added anxious parents
    and relations, who came to look after those among the misguided
    multitude who belonged to their respective families. Imposture and
    profligacy played their part in this city also, but the morbid delusion
    itself seems to have predominated. On this account religion could only
    bring provisional aid, and therefore the town-council benevolently took
    an interest in the afflicted. They divided them into separate parties,
    to each of which they appointed responsible superintendents to protect
    them from harm, and perhaps also to restrain their turbulence. They
    were thus conducted on foot and in carriages to the chapels of St.
    Vitus, near Zabern and Rotestein, where priests <span class="pagenum" id="Page_93">93</span>were in attendance
    to work upon their misguided minds by masses and other religious
    ceremonies. After divine worship was completed, they were led in
    solemn procession to the altar, where they made some small offering of
    alms, and where it is probable that many were, through the influence
    of devotion and the sanctity of the place, cured of this lamentable
    aberration. It is worthy of observation, at all events, that the
    Dancing Mania did not recommence at the altars of the saint, and that
    from him alone assistance was implored, and through his miraculous
    interposition a cure was expected, which was beyond the reach of human
    skill. The personal history of St. Vitus is by no means unimportant
    in this matter. He was a Sicilian youth, who, together with Modestus
    and Crescentia, suffered martyrdom at the time of the persecution of
    the Christians, under Diocletian, in the year 303<a id="FNanchor_16b" href="#Footnote_16b" class="fnanchor">[16]</a>. The legends
    respecting him are obscure, and he would certainly have been passed
    <span class="pagenum" id="Page_94">94</span>over without notice among the innumerable apocryphal martyrs of the
    first centuries, had not the transfer of his body to St. Denys, and
    thence, in the year 836, to Corvey, raised him to a higher rank. From
    this time forth, it may be supposed that many miracles were manifested
    at his new sepulchre, which were of essential service in confirming the
    Roman faith among the Germans, and St. Vitus was soon ranked among the
    fourteen saintly helpers (Nothhelfer or Apotheker<a id="FNanchor_17b" href="#Footnote_17b" class="fnanchor">[17]</a>). His altars
    were multiplied, and the people had recourse to them in all kinds of
    distresses, and revered him as a powerful intercessor. As the worship
    of these saints was, however, at that time stripped of all historical
    connexions, which were purposely obliterated by the priesthood, a
    legend was invented at the beginning of the fifteenth century, or
    perhaps even so early as the fourteenth, that St. Vitus had, just
    before he bent his neck to the sword, prayed to God that he might
    protect from the Dancing Mania all those who should solemnize the day
    of his commemoration, and fast upon its eve, and that thereupon a voice
    from heaven was heard, saying, “Vitus, thy prayer is accepted.”<a id="FNanchor_18b" href="#Footnote_18b" class="fnanchor">[18]</a>
    Thus St. Vitus became the patron saint of those afflicted with the
    dancing plague, as St. Martin, of Tours, was at one time the succourer
    of persons in small-pox; St. Antonius of those suffering under the
    “hellish fire,” and as St. Margaret was the Juno Lucina of puerperal
    women.</p>

  <h4 class="smcap" id="BOOK2_I_3">Sect. 3.—Causes.</h4>

  <p>The connexion which John the Baptist had with the dancing mania of
    the fourteenth century, was of a totally different character. He
    was originally far from being a protecting saint to those who were
    attacked, or one who would be likely to give them relief from a malady
    considered as the work of the devil. On the contrary, the manner in
    which he was worshipped afforded an important and very evident cause
    for its development. From the <span class="pagenum" id="Page_95">95</span>remotest period, perhaps even so far
    back as the fourth century, St. John’s day was solemnized with all
    sorts of strange and rude customs, of which the originally mystical
    meaning was variously disfigured among different nations by superadded
    relics of heathenism<a id="FNanchor_19b" href="#Footnote_19b" class="fnanchor">[19]</a>. Thus the Germans transferred to the festival
    of St. John’s day an ancient heathen usage, the kindling of the
    “Nodfyr,” which was forbidden them by St. Boniface, and the belief
    subsists even to the present day that people and animals that have
    leaped through these flames, or their smoke, are protected for a whole
    year from fevers and other diseases, as if by a kind of baptism by
    fire<a id="FNanchor_20b" href="#Footnote_20b" class="fnanchor">[20]</a>. Bacchanalian dances, which have originated in similar causes
    among all the rude nations of the earth, and the wild extravagancies
    of a heated imagination, were the constant accompaniments of this
    half-heathen, half-christian, festival. At the period of which we are
    treating, however, the Germans were not the only people who gave way
    to the ebullitions of fanaticism in keeping the festival of St. John
    the Baptist. Similar customs were also to be found among the nations
    of Southern Europe and of Asia<a id="FNanchor_21b" href="#Footnote_21b" class="fnanchor">[21]</a>, and it is more than probable that
    the Greeks transferred to the festival of John the Baptist, who is also
    held in high esteem among the Mahomedans, a part of their Bacchanalian
    mysteries, an absurdity of a kind which is but too frequently met with
    in human affairs. How far a remembrance of the history of St. <span class="pagenum" id="Page_96">96</span>John’s
    death may have had an influence on this occasion, we would leave
    learned theologians to decide. It is only of importance here to add,
    that in Abyssinia, a country entirely separated from Europe, where
    Christianity has maintained itself in its primeval simplicity against
    Mahomedanism, John is to this day worshipped, as protecting saint of
    those who are attacked with the dancing malady<a id="FNanchor_22b" href="#Footnote_22b" class="fnanchor">[22]</a>. In these fragments
    of the dominion of mysticism and superstition, historical connexion is
    not to be found.</p>

  <p>When we observe, however, that the first dancers in Aix-la-Chapelle
    appeared in July with St. John’s name in their mouths, the conjecture
    is probable that the wild revels of St. John’s day, <span class="smcap">a. d.</span>
    1374, gave rise to this mental plague, which thenceforth has visited
    so many thousands with incurable aberration of mind, and disgusting
    distortions of body.</p>

  <p>This is rendered so much the more probable, because some months
    previously the districts in the neighbourhood of the Rhine and the
    Maine had met with great disasters. So early as February, both these
    rivers had overflowed their banks to a great extent; the walls of the
    town of Cologne, on the side next the Rhine, had fallen down, and a
    great many villages had been reduced to the utmost distress<a id="FNanchor_23b" href="#Footnote_23b" class="fnanchor">[23]</a>.
    To this was added the miserable condition of Western and Southern
    Germany. Neither law nor edict could suppress the incessant feuds of
    the Barons, and in Franconia especially, the ancient times of club
    law appeared to be revived. Security of property there was none;
    arbitrary will everywhere prevailed; corruption of morals and rude
    power rarely met with even a feeble opposition; whence it arose that
    the cruel, but lucrative, persecutions of the Jews, were in many
    places still practised through the whole of this century, with their
    wonted ferocity. Thus, throughout the western parts of Germany, and
    especially in the districts bordering on the Rhine, there was a
    wretched and oppressed populace; and if we take into consideration,
    that among their numerous bands many wandered about, whose consciences
    were tormented with the recollection of the crimes which they had
    <span class="pagenum" id="Page_97">97</span>committed during the prevalence of the black plague, we shall
    comprehend how their despair sought relief in the intoxication of an
    artificial delirium<a id="FNanchor_24b" href="#Footnote_24b" class="fnanchor">[24]</a>. There is hence good ground for supposing that
    the frantic celebration of the festival of St. John, <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>
    1374, only served to bring to a crisis, a malady which had been long
    impending; and if we would further inquire how a hitherto harmless
    usage, which, like many others, had but served to keep up superstition,
    could degenerate into so serious a disease, we must take into account
    the unusual excitement of men’s minds, and the consequences of
    wretchedness and want. The bowels, which in many were debilitated by
    hunger and bad food, were precisely the parts which in most cases
    were attacked with excruciating pain, and the tympanitic state of the
    intestines, points out to the intelligent physician, an origin of the
    disorder which is well worth consideration.</p>

  <h4 class="smcap" id="BOOK2_I_4">Sect. 4.—More ancient Dancing Plagues.</h4>

  <p>The dancing mania of the year 1374 was, in fact, no new disease, but
    a phenomenon well known in the middle ages, of which many wondrous
    stories were traditionally current among the people. In the year 1237,
    upwards of a hundred children were said to have been suddenly seized
    with this disease at Erfurt, and to have proceeded dancing and jumping
    along the road to Arnstadt. When they arrived at that place they
    fell exhausted to the ground, and, according to an account of an old
    chronicle, many of them, after they were taken home by their parents,
    died, and the rest remained affected, to the end of their lives,
    with a permanent tremor<a id="FNanchor_25b" href="#Footnote_25b" class="fnanchor">[25]</a>. Another occurrence was related to have
    taken place on the Mosel bridge at Utrecht, on the 17th day of June,
    <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> 1278, when two hundred <span class="pagenum" id="Page_98">98</span>fanatics began to dance, and
    would not desist until a priest passed who was carrying the Host to a
    person that was sick, upon which, as if in punishment of their crime,
    the bridge gave way, and they were all drowned<a id="FNanchor_26b" href="#Footnote_26b" class="fnanchor">[26]</a>. A similar event
    also occurred so early as the year 1027, near the convent church of
    Kolbig, not far from Bernburg. According to an oft repeated tradition,
    eighteen peasants, some of whose names are still preserved, are said to
    have disturbed divine service on Christmas eve, by dancing and brawling
    in the churchyard, whereupon the priest, Ruprecht, inflicted a curse
    upon them, that they should dance and scream for a whole year without
    ceasing. This curse is stated to have been completely fulfilled, so
    that the unfortunate sufferers at length sank knee deep into the
    earth, and remained the whole time without nourishment, until they
    were finally released by the intercession of two pious bishops. It is
    said, that upon this, they fell into a deep sleep, which lasted three
    days, and that four of them died: the rest continuing to suffer all
    their lives from a trembling of their limbs<a id="FNanchor_27b" href="#Footnote_27b" class="fnanchor">[27]</a>. It is not worth while
    to separate what may have been true, and what the addition of crafty
    priests, in this strangely distorted story. It is sufficient that it
    was believed, and related with astonishment and horror throughout
    the middle ages; so that when there was any exciting cause for this
    delirious raving, and wild rage for dancing, it failed not to produce
    its effects upon men whose thoughts were given up to a belief in
    wonders and apparitions.</p>

  <p>This disposition of mind, altogether so peculiar to the middle ages,
    and which, happily for mankind, has yielded to an improved state of
    civilization and the diffusion of popular instruction, accounts for
    the origin and long duration of this extraordinary mental disorder.
    The good sense of the people recoiled with horror and aversion from
    this heavy plague, which, whenever malevolent persons wished to curse
    their bitterest enemies and adversaries, was long after used as a
    malediction<a id="FNanchor_28b" href="#Footnote_28b" class="fnanchor">[28]</a>. The <span class="pagenum" id="Page_99">99</span>indignation also that was felt by the people
    at large against the immorality of the age, was proved by their
    ascribing this frightful affliction to the inefficacy of baptism by
    unchaste priests, as if innocent children were doomed to atone, in
    after years, for this desecration of the sacrament administered by
    unholy hands<a id="FNanchor_29b" href="#Footnote_29b" class="fnanchor">[29]</a>. We have already mentioned what perils the priests
    in the Netherlands incurred from this belief. They now, indeed,
    endeavoured to hasten their reconciliation with the irritated, and at
    that time very degenerate people<a id="FNanchor_30b" href="#Footnote_30b" class="fnanchor">[30]</a>, by exorcisms, which, with some,
    procured them greater respect than ever, because they thus visibly
    restored thousands of those who were affected. In general, however,
    there prevailed a want of confidence in their efficacy, and then the
    sacred rites had as little power in arresting the progress of this
    deeply rooted malady, as the prayers and holy services subsequently
    had at the altars of the greatly revered martyr St. Vitus. We may
    therefore ascribe it to accident merely, and to a certain aversion to
    this demoniacal disease, which seemed to lie beyond the reach of human
    skill, that we meet with but few and imperfect notices, of the St.
    Vitus’s dance in the second half of the fifteenth century. The highly
    coloured descriptions of the sixteenth century contradict the notion
    that this mental plague had in any degree diminished in its severity,
    and not a single fact is to be found which supports the opinion, that
    any one of the essential symptoms of the disease, not even excepting
    the tympany, had disappeared, or that the disorder itself had become
    milder in its attacks. The physicians never, as it seems, throughout
    the whole of the fifteenth century, undertook the treatment of the
    dancing mania, which, according to the prevailing notions, appertained
    exclusively to the servants of the church. Against demoniacal disorders
    they had no remedies, and though some at first did promulgate the
    opinion, that the malady had its origin in natural circumstances, such
    as a hot temperament, and other causes named in the phraseology of the
    schools<a id="FNanchor_31b" href="#Footnote_31b" class="fnanchor">[31]</a>, yet these opinions <span class="pagenum" id="Page_100">100</span>were the less examined, as it did not
    appear worth while to divide with a jealous priesthood, the care of a
    host of fanatical vagabonds and beggars.</p>

  <h4 class="smcap" id="BOOK2_I_5">Sect. 5.—Physicians.</h4>

  <p>It was not until the beginning of the sixteenth century that the St.
    Vitus’s dance was made the subject of medical research, and stripped
    of its unhallowed character as a work of demons. This was effected by
    Paracelsus, that mighty, but as yet scarcely comprehended reformer
    of medicine, whose aim it was to withdraw diseases from the pale of
    miraculous interpositions and saintly influences, and explain their
    causes upon principles deduced from his knowledge of the human frame.
    “We will not, however, admit that the saints have power to inflict
    diseases, and that these ought to be named after them, although many
    there are who, in their theology, lay great stress on this supposition,
    ascribing them rather to God than to nature, which is but idle talk. We
    dislike such nonsensical gossip as is not supported by symptoms, but
    only by faith, a thing which is not human, whereon the gods themselves
    set no value.”</p>

  <p>Such were the words which Paracelsus addressed to his contemporaries,
    who were as yet incapable of appreciating doctrines of this sort; for
    the belief in enchantment still remained everywhere unshaken, and faith
    in the world of spirits still held men’s minds in so close a bondage
    that thousands were, according to their own conviction, given up as a
    prey to the devil; while at the command of religion as well as of law,
    countless piles were lighted, by the flames of which human society was
    to be purified.</p>

  <p>Paracelsus divides the St. Vitus’s dance into three kinds. First,
    that which arises from imagination (Vitista, Chorea imaginativa,
    æstimativa), by which the original dancing plague is to be understood.
    Secondly, that which arises from sensual desires, depending on the will
    (Chorea lasciva). Thirdly, that which arises from corporeal causes
    (Chorea naturalis, coacta), which, according to a strange notion of
    his own, he explained by maintaining, that in certain vessels which
    are susceptible of an internal pruriency, and thence produce laughter,
    the blood is set in commotion, in consequence of an alteration in the
    vital spirits, whereby involuntary fits of intoxicating joy, and a<span class="pagenum" id="Page_101">101</span>
    propensity to dance, are occasioned<a id="FNanchor_32b" href="#Footnote_32b" class="fnanchor">[32]</a>. To this notion he was, no
    doubt, led from having observed a milder form of St. Vitus’s dance, not
    uncommon in his time, which was accompanied by involuntary laughter;
    and which bore a resemblance to the hysterical laughter of the moderns,
    except that it was characterized by more pleasurable sensations,
    and by an extravagant propensity to dance. There was no howling,
    screaming, and jumping, as in the severer form; neither was the
    disposition to dance by any means insuperable. Patients thus affected,
    although they had not a complete control over their understandings,
    yet were sufficiently self-possessed, during the attack, to obey the
    directions which they received. There were even some among them who
    did not dance at all, but only felt an involuntary impulse to allay
    the internal sense of disquietude, which is the usual forerunner of
    an attack of this kind, by laughter, and quick walking carried to the
    extent of producing fatigue<a id="FNanchor_33b" href="#Footnote_33b" class="fnanchor">[33]</a>. This disorder, so different from the
    original type, evidently approximates to the modern chorea; or rather
    is in perfect accordance with it, even to the less essential symptom
    of laughter. A mitigation in the form of the dancing mania had thus
    clearly taken place at the commencement of the sixteenth century.</p>

  <p>On the communication of the St. Vitus’s dance by sympathy, Paracelsus,
    in his peculiar language, expresses himself with great spirit, and
    shows a profound knowledge of the nature of sensual impressions, which
    find their way to the heart,—the seat of joys and emotions,—which
    overpower the opposition of reason; and whilst “all other qualities and
    natures” are subdued, incessantly impel the patient, in consequence of
    his original compliance, and his all conquering imagination, to imitate
    what he has seen. On his treatment of the disease, we cannot bestow
    any great praise, but must be content with the remark, that it was in
    conformity with the notions of the age in which he lived. For the first
    kind, which often originated in passionate excitement, he had a mental
    remedy, the efficacy of which is not to be despised, if we estimate
    its value in connexion <span class="pagenum" id="Page_102">102</span>with the prevalent opinions of those times.
    The patient was to make an image of himself in wax or resin, and by an
    effort of thought to concentrate all his blasphemies and sins in it.
    “Without the intervention of any other person, to set his whole mind
    and thoughts concerning these oaths in the image;” and when he had
    succeeded in this, he was to burn the image, so that not a particle of
    it should remain<a id="FNanchor_34b" href="#Footnote_34b" class="fnanchor">[34]</a>. In all this there was no mention made of St.
    Vitus, or any of the other mediatory saints, which is accounted for
    by the circumstance, that, at this time, an open rebellion against
    the Romish Church had begun, and the worship of saints was by many
    rejected as idolatrous<a id="FNanchor_35b" href="#Footnote_35b" class="fnanchor">[35]</a>. For the second kind of St. Vitus’s dance,
    arising from sensual irritation, with which women were far more
    frequently affected than men, Paracelsus recommended harsh treatment
    and strict fasting. He directed that the patients should be deprived of
    their liberty; placed in solitary confinement, and made to sit in an
    uncomfortable place, until their misery brought them to their senses
    and to a feeling of penitence. He then permitted them gradually to
    return to their accustomed habits. Severe corporal chastisement was
    not omitted; but, on the other hand, angry resistance on the part of
    the patient was to be sedulously avoided, on the ground that it might
    increase his malady, or even destroy him: moreover, where it seemed
    proper, Paracelsus allayed the excitement of the nerves by immersion
    in cold water. On the treatment <span class="pagenum" id="Page_103">103</span>of the third kind we shall not here
    enlarge. It was to be effected by all sorts of wonderful remedies,
    composed of the quintessences; and it would require, to render it
    intelligible, a more extended exposition of peculiar principles than
    suits our present purpose.</p>

  <h4 class="smcap" id="BOOK2_I_6">Sect. 6.—Decline and Termination of the Dancing Plague.</h4>

  <p>About this time the St. Vitus’s dance began to decline, so that milder
    forms of it appeared more frequently, while the severer cases became
    more rare; and even in these, some of the important symptoms gradually
    disappeared. Paracelsus makes no mention of the tympanites as taking
    place after the attacks, although it may occasionally have occurred;
    and Schenck von Graffenberg, a celebrated physician of the latter
    half of the sixteenth century<a id="FNanchor_36b" href="#Footnote_36b" class="fnanchor">[36]</a>, speaks of this disease as having
    been frequent only in the time of his forefathers; his descriptions,
    however, are applicable to the whole of that century, and to the
    close of the fifteenth<a id="FNanchor_37b" href="#Footnote_37b" class="fnanchor">[37]</a>. The St. Vitus’s dance attacked people
    of all stations, especially those who led a sedentary life, such as
    shoemakers and tailors; but even the most robust peasants abandoned
    their labours in the fields, as if they were possessed by evil spirits;
    and thus those affected were seen assembling indiscriminately, from
    time to time, at certain appointed places, and, unless prevented by
    the lookers on, continuing to dance without intermission, until their
    very last breath was expended. Their fury and extravagance of demeanour
    so completely deprived them of their senses, that many of them dashed
    their brains out against the walls and corners of buildings, or
    rushed headlong into rapid rivers, where they found a watery grave.
    Roaring and foaming as they were, the bystanders could only succeed
    in restraining them by placing benches and chairs in their way, so
    that, by the high leaps they were thus tempted to take, their strength
    might be exhausted. As soon as this was the case, they fell as it were
    lifeless to the ground, and, by very slow degrees, again recovered
    their strength. Many there were, <span class="pagenum" id="Page_104">104</span>who, even with all this exertion,
    had not expended the violence of the tempest which raged within
    them, but awoke with newly revived powers, and again and again mixed
    with the crowd of dancers, until at length the violent excitement of
    their disordered nerves was allayed by the great involuntary exertion
    of their limbs; and the mental disorder was calmed by the extreme
    exhaustion of the body. Thus the attacks themselves were in these
    cases, as in their nature they are in all nervous complaints, necessary
    crises of an inward morbid condition, which was transferred from the
    sensorium to the nerves of motion, and, at an earlier period, to the
    abdominal plexus, where a deep-seated derangement of the system was
    perceptible from the secretion of flatus in the intestines.</p>

  <p>The cure effected by these stormy attacks was in many cases so perfect,
    that some patients returned to the factory or the plough as if nothing
    had happened. Others, on the contrary, paid the penalty of their folly
    by so total a loss of power, that they could not regain their former
    health, even by the employment of the most strengthening remedies.
    Medical men were astonished to observe, that women in an advanced state
    of pregnancy were capable of going through an attack of the disease,
    without the slightest injury to their offspring, which they protected
    merely by a bandage passed round the waist. Cases of this kind were not
    unfrequent so late as Schenck’s time. That patients should be violently
    affected by music, and their paroxysms brought on and increased by it,
    is natural with such nervous disorders; where deeper impressions are
    made through the ear, which is the most intellectual of all the organs,
    than through any of the other senses. On this account the magistrates
    hired musicians for the purpose of carrying the St. Vitus’s dancers so
    much the quicker through the attacks, and directed, that athletic men
    should be sent among them in order to complete the exhaustion, which
    had been often observed to produce a good effect<a id="FNanchor_38b" href="#Footnote_38b" class="fnanchor">[38]</a>. At the same
    time there was a prohibition against <span class="pagenum" id="Page_105">105</span>wearing red garments, because,
    at the sight of this colour, those affected became so furious, that
    they flew at the persons who wore it, and were so bent upon doing
    them an injury that they could with difficulty be restrained. They
    frequently tore their own clothes whilst in the paroxysm, and were
    guilty of other improprieties, so that the more opulent employed
    confidential attendants to accompany them, and to take care that they
    did no harm either to themselves or others. This extraordinary disease
    was, however, so greatly mitigated in Schenck’s time, that the St.
    Vitus’s dancers had long since ceased to stroll from town to town; and
    that physician, like Paracelsus, makes no mention of the tympanitic
    inflation of the bowels. Moreover, most of those affected, were only
    annually visited by attacks; and the occasion of them was so manifestly
    referrible to the prevailing notions of that period, that if the
    unqualified belief in the supernatural agency of saints could have
    been abolished, they would not have had any return of the complaint.
    Throughout the whole of June, prior to the festival of St. John,
    patients felt a disquietude and restlessness which they were unable
    to overcome. They were dejected, timid, and anxious; wandered about
    in an unsettled state, being tormented with twitching pains, which
    seized them suddenly in different parts, and eagerly expected the eve
    of St. John’s day, in the confident hope, that by dancing at the altars
    of this saint, or of St. Vitus, (for in the Breisgau aid was equally
    sought from both,) they would be freed from all their sufferings. This
    hope was not disappointed; and they remained, for the rest of the year,
    exempt from any further attack, after having thus, by dancing and
    raving for three hours, satisfied an irresistible demand of nature.
    There were at that period two chapels in the Breisgau, visited by the
    St. Vitus’s dancers; namely, the Chapel of St. Vitus at Biessen, near
    Breisach, and that of St. John, near Wasenweiler; and it is probable
    that in the south-west of Germany, the disease was still in existence
    in the seventeenth century.</p>

  <p>However, it grew every year more rare, so that, at the beginning of the
    seventeenth century, it was observed only occasionally in its ancient
    form. Thus in the spring of the year 1623, G. Horst saw some women who
    annually performed a pilgrimage to St. <span class="pagenum" id="Page_106">106</span>Vitus’s chapel at Drefelhausen,
    near Weissenstein, in the territory of Ulm, that they might wait for
    their dancing fit there, in the same manner as those in the Breisgau
    did, according to Schenck’s account. They were not satisfied, however,
    with a dance of three hours’ duration, but continued day and night in a
    state of mental aberration, like persons in an ecstacy, until they fell
    exhausted to the ground; and when they came to themselves again, they
    felt relieved from a distressing uneasiness and painful sensation of
    weight in their bodies, of which they had complained for several weeks
    prior to St. Vitus’s day<a id="FNanchor_39b" href="#Footnote_39b" class="fnanchor">[39]</a>.</p>

  <p>After this commotion they remained well for the whole year; and such
    was their faith in the protecting power of the saint, that one of them
    had visited this shrine at Drefelhausen more than twenty times, and
    another had already kept the Saint’s day for the thirty-second time at
    this sacred station.</p>

  <p>The dancing fit itself was excited here, as it probably was in other
    places, by music, from the effects of which, the patients were thrown
    into a state of convulsion<a id="FNanchor_40b" href="#Footnote_40b" class="fnanchor">[40]</a>. Many concurrent testimonies serve to
    show that music generally contributed much to the continuance of the
    St. Vitus’s dance, originated, and increased its paroxysms, and was
    sometimes the cause of their mitigation. So early as the fourteenth
    century, the swarms of St. John’s dancers were accompanied by minstrels
    playing upon noisy instruments, who roused their morbid feelings;
    and it may readily be supposed that, by the performance of lively
    melodies, and the stimulating effects which the shrill tones of fifes
    and trumpets would produce, a paroxysm, that was perhaps but slight
    in itself, might, in many cases, be increased to the most outrageous
    fury, such as in later times, was purposely induced in order that
    the force of the disease might be exhausted by the violence of its
    attack. Moreover, by means of intoxicating music a kind of demoniacal
    festival for the rude multitude was established, which had the effect
    of spreading this unhappy malady wider and wider. Soft harmony was,
    however, employed to calm the excitement of those affected, and it is
    mentioned as a character of the tunes played with this view to the St.
    Vitus’s dancers, that they contained transitions from a quick to <span class="pagenum" id="Page_107">107</span>a
    slow measure, and passed gradually from a high to a low key<a id="FNanchor_41b" href="#Footnote_41b" class="fnanchor">[41]</a>. It
    is to be regretted that no trace of this music has reached our times,
    which is owing partly to the disastrous events of the seventeenth
    century, and partly to the circumstance that the disorder was looked
    upon as entirely national, and only incidentally considered worthy
    of notice by foreign men of learning. If the St. Vitus’s dance was
    already on the decline at the commencement of the seventeenth century,
    the subsequent events were altogether adverse to its continuance. Wars
    carried on with animosity and with various success for thirty years,
    shook the west of Europe; and although the unspeakable calamities which
    they brought upon Germany, both during their continuance, and in their
    immediate consequences, were by no means favourable to the advance of
    knowledge, yet, with the vehemence of a purifying fire, they gradually
    effected the intellectual regeneration of the Germans; superstition, in
    her ancient form, never again appeared, and the belief in the dominion
    of spirits, which prevailed in the middle ages, lost for ever its once
    formidable power.</p>

  <hr class="short" />
  <div class="chapter">
    <h3 class="nobreak">CHAPTER II.<br />
      <span class="small">DANCING MANIA IN ITALY.</span></h3>
  </div>

  <h4 class="smcap" id="BOOK2_II_1">Sect. 1.—Tarantism.</h4>

  <p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">It</span> was of the utmost advantage to the St. Vitus’s dancers that
    they made choice of a favourite patron saint; for, not to mention
    that people were inclined to compare them to the possessed with
    evil spirits, described in the Bible, and thence to consider them
    as innocent victims to the power of Satan, the name of their great
    intercessor recommended them to general commiseration, and a magic
    boundary was thus set to every harsh feeling which might otherwise have
    proved hostile to their safety. Other fanatics were not so fortunate,
    being often treated with the most relentless cruelty whenever the
    notions of the middle ages either excused or commanded it as a
    religious duty<a id="FNanchor_42b" href="#Footnote_42b" class="fnanchor">[42]</a>.</p>

  <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_108">108</span></p>

  <p>Thus, passing over the innumerable instances of the burning of witches,
    who were, after all, only labouring under a delusion, the Teutonic
    knights in Prussia not unfrequently condemned those maniacs to the
    stake who imagined themselves to be metamorphosed into wolves<a id="FNanchor_43b" href="#Footnote_43b" class="fnanchor">[43]</a>—an
    extraordinary species of insanity, which, having existed in Greece,
    before our era, spread, in process of time, over Europe, so that it
    was communicated not only to the Romaic, but also to the German and
    Sarmatian nations, and descended from the ancients, as a legacy of
    affliction <span class="pagenum" id="Page_109">109</span>to posterity. In modern times, Lycanthropy, such was the
    name given to this infatuation, has vanished from the earth, but it
    is nevertheless well worthy the consideration of the observer of
    human aberrations, and a history of it by some writer who is equally
    well acquainted with the middle ages as with antiquity is still a
    desideratum<a id="FNanchor_44b" href="#Footnote_44b" class="fnanchor">[44]</a>. We leave it, for the present, <span class="pagenum" id="Page_110">110</span>without further
    notice, and turn to a malady most extraordinary in all its phenomena,
    having a close connexion with the St. Vitus’s dance, and, by a
    comparison of facts, which are altogether similar, affording us an
    instructive subject for contemplation. We allude to the disease called
    Tarantism, which made its first appearance in Apulia, and thence spread
    over the other provinces of Italy, where, during some centuries, it
    prevailed as a great epidemic. In the present times it has vanished,
    or at least has lost altogether its original importance, like the St.
    Vitus’s dance, lycanthropy, and witchcraft.</p>

  <h4 class="smcap" id="BOOK2_II_2">Sect. 2.—Most ancient Traces.—Causes.</h4>

  <p>The learned Nicholas Perotti<a id="FNanchor_45b" href="#Footnote_45b" class="fnanchor">[45]</a> gives the earliest account of this
    strange disorder. Nobody had the least doubt that it was caused by
    the bite of the <em>tarantula</em><a id="FNanchor_46b" href="#Footnote_46b" class="fnanchor">[46]</a><a id="FNanchor_47b" href="#Footnote_47b" class="fnanchor">[47]</a>, a ground-spider common <span class="pagenum" id="Page_111">111</span>in
    Apulia; and the fear of this insect was so general, that its bite was
    in all probability much oftener imagined, or the sting of some other
    kind of insect mistaken for it, than actually received. The word
    <em>tarantula</em> is apparently the same as <i lang="it">terrantola</i>, a name given by
    the Italians to the stellio of the old Romans, which was a kind of
    lizard<a id="FNanchor_48b" href="#Footnote_48b" class="fnanchor">[48]</a>, said to be poisonous, and invested by credulity with such
    extraordinary qualities, that, like the serpent of the Mosaic account
    of the Creation, it personified, in the imaginations of the vulgar, the
    notion of cunning, so that even the jurists designated a cunning fraud
    by the appellation of a “stellionatus”<a id="FNanchor_49b" href="#Footnote_49b" class="fnanchor">[49]</a>. Perotti expressly assures
    us that this reptile was called by the Romans <i lang="la">tarantula</i>; and since
    he himself, who was one of the most distinguished authors of his time,
    strangely confounds spiders and lizards together, so that he considers
    the Apulian tarantula, which he ranks among the class of spiders, to
    have the same meaning as the kind of lizard, called <span lang="el">ἀσκαλαβώτης</span><a id="FNanchor_50b" href="#Footnote_50b" class="fnanchor">[50]</a>,
    it is the less extraordinary that the unlearned country people of
    Apulia should confound the much dreaded ground-spider with the fabulous
    star-lizard<a id="FNanchor_51b" href="#Footnote_51b" class="fnanchor">[51]</a>, and appropriate to the one the name of the other. The
    derivation of the word tarantula, from the city of Tarentum, or the
    river Thara, in Apulia<a id="FNanchor_52b" href="#Footnote_52b" class="fnanchor">[52]</a>, on the banks of which this insect is said
    to have been most frequently found, or at least its bite to have had
    the most venomous effect, seems not to be supported by authority. So
    much for the name of this famous spider, which, unless we are greatly
    mistaken, throws no light whatever upon the nature of the disease in
    question. Naturalists who, possessing a knowledge of the past, should
    not misapply their talents by employing them in establishing the dry
    distinction of forms, would find here much that calls for research, and
    their efforts would clear up many a perplexing obscurity.</p>

  <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_112">112</span></p>

  <p>Perotti states that the tarantula, that is, the spider so called,
    was not met with in Italy in former times, but that in his day it
    had become common, especially in Apulia, as well as in some other
    districts. He deserves, however, no great confidence as a naturalist,
    notwithstanding his having delivered lectures in Bologna on medicine
    and other sciences<a id="FNanchor_53b" href="#Footnote_53b" class="fnanchor">[53]</a>. He at least has neglected to prove his
    assertion, which is not borne out by any analogous phenomenon observed
    in modern times with regard to the history of the spider species. It
    is by no means to be admitted that the tarantula did not make its
    appearance in Italy before the disease ascribed to its bite became
    remarkable, even though tempests more violent than those unexampled
    storms which arose at the time of the Black Death<a id="FNanchor_54b" href="#Footnote_54b" class="fnanchor">[54]</a> in the middle
    of the fourteenth century had set the insect world in motion; for the
    spider is little, if at all, susceptible of those cosmical influences
    which at times multiply locusts and other winged insects to a wonderful
    extent, and compel them to migrate.</p>

  <p>The symptoms which Perotti enumerates as consequent on the bite of the
    tarantula agree very exactly with those described by later writers.
    Those who were bitten, generally fell into a state of melancholy, and
    appeared to be stupified, and scarcely in possession of their senses.
    This condition was, in many cases, united with so great a sensibility
    to music, that, at the very first tones of their favourite melodies,
    they sprang up, shouting for joy, and danced on without intermission,
    until they sank to the ground exhausted and almost lifeless. In others,
    the disease did not take this cheerful turn. They wept constantly, and
    as if pining away with some unsatisfied desire, spent their days in the
    greatest misery and anxiety. Others, again, in morbid fits of love,
    cast their longing looks on women, and instances of death are recorded,
    which are said to have occurred under a paroxysm of either laughing or
    weeping.</p>

  <p>From this description, incomplete as it is, we may easily gather that
    tarantism, the essential symptoms of which are mentioned in it, could
    not have originated in the fifteenth century, to which Perotti’s
    account refers; for that author speaks of it as a well known malady,
    and states that the omission to notice it by older writers, was to be
    ascribed solely to the want of education <span class="pagenum" id="Page_113">113</span>in Apulia, the only province
    probably where the disease at that time prevailed. A nervous disorder
    that had arrived at so high a degree of development, must have been
    long in existence, and doubtless had required an elaborate preparation
    by the concurrence of general causes.</p>

  <p>The symptoms which followed the bite of venomous spiders were well
    known to the ancients, and had excited the attention of their best
    observers, who agree in their descriptions of them. It is probable
    that among the numerous species of their phalangium<a id="FNanchor_55b" href="#Footnote_55b" class="fnanchor">[55]</a>, the Apulian
    tarantula is included, but it is difficult to determine this point with
    certainty, more especially, because in Italy the tarantula was not the
    only insect which caused this nervous affection, similar results being
    likewise attributed to the bite of the scorpion. Lividity of the whole
    body as well as of the countenance, difficulty of speech, tremor of
    the limbs, icy coldness, pale urine, depression of spirits, headache,
    a flow of tears, nausea, vomiting, sexual excitement, flatulence,
    syncope, dysuria, watchfulness, lethargy, even death itself, were cited
    by them as the consequences of being bitten by venomous spiders, and
    they made little distinction as to their kinds. To these symptoms we
    may add the strange rumour, repeated throughout the middle ages, that
    persons who were bitten, ejected by the bowels and kidneys, and even by
    vomiting, substances resembling a spider’s web.</p>

  <p>Nowhere, however, do we find any mention made that those affected felt
    an irresistible propensity to dancing, or that they were accidentally
    cured by it. Even Constantine of Africa, who lived 500 years after
    Aëtius, and as the most learned physician of the school of Salerno,
    would certainly not have passed over so acceptable a subject of
    remark, knows nothing of such a memorable course of this disease
    arising from poison, and merely repeats the observations of his
    Greek predecessors<a id="FNanchor_56b" href="#Footnote_56b" class="fnanchor">[56]</a>. <span class="pagenum" id="Page_114">114</span>Gariopontus<a id="FNanchor_57b" href="#Footnote_57b" class="fnanchor">[57]</a>, a Salernian physician of
    the eleventh century, was the first to describe a kind of insanity,
    the remote affinity of which to the tarantula disease is rendered
    apparent by a very striking symptom. The patients in their sudden
    attacks behaved like maniacs, sprang up, throwing their arms about
    with wild movements, and, if perchance a sword was at hand, they
    wounded themselves and others, so that it became necessary carefully
    to secure them. They imagined that they heard voices, and various
    kinds of sounds, and if, during this state of illusion, the tones of
    a favourite instrument happened to catch their ear, they commenced a
    spasmodic dance, or ran with the utmost energy which they could muster
    until they were totally exhausted. These dangerous maniacs, who, it
    would seem, appeared in considerable numbers, were looked upon as a
    legion of devils, but on the causes of their malady this obscure writer
    adds nothing further than that he believes (oddly enough) that it may
    sometimes be excited by the bite of a mad dog. He calls the disease
    Anteneasmus, by which is meant no doubt the Enthusiasmus of the Greek
    physicians<a id="FNanchor_58b" href="#Footnote_58b" class="fnanchor">[58]</a>. We cite this phenomenon as an important forerunner
    of Tarantism, under the conviction that we have thus added to the
    evidence that the development of this latter must have been founded
    on circumstances which existed from the twelfth to the end of the
    fourteenth century; for the origin of Tarantism itself is referrible,
    with the utmost probability, to a period between the middle and the
    end of this century, and is consequently contemporaneous with that of
    the St. Vitus’s dance (1374). The influence of the Roman <span class="pagenum" id="Page_115">115</span>Catholic
    religion, connected as this was, in the middle ages, with the pomp of
    processions, with public exercises of penance, and with innumerable
    practices which strongly excited the imaginations of its votaries,
    certainly brought the mind to a very favourable state for the reception
    of a nervous disorder. Accordingly, so long as the doctrines of
    Christianity were blended with so much mysticism, these unhallowed
    disorders prevailed to an important extent, and even in our own days
    we find them propagated with the greatest facility where the existence
    of superstition produces the same effect in more limited districts, as
    it once did among whole nations. But this is not all. Every country in
    Europe, and Italy perhaps more than any other, was visited during the
    middle ages by frightful plagues, which followed each other in such
    quick succession, that they gave the exhausted people scarcely any
    time for recovery. The oriental bubo-plague ravaged Italy<a id="FNanchor_59b" href="#Footnote_59b" class="fnanchor">[59]</a> sixteen
    times between the years 1119 and 1340. Small-pox and measles were still
    more destructive than in modern times, and recurred as frequently. St.
    Anthony’s fire was the dread of town and country; and that disgusting
    disease, the leprosy, which, in consequence of the crusades, spread
    its insinuating poison in all directions, snatched from the paternal
    hearth innumerable victims who, banished from human society, pined away
    in lonely huts, whither they were accompanied only by the pity of the
    benevolent and their own despair. All these calamities, of which the
    moderns have scarcely retained any recollection, were heightened to
    an incredible degree by the Black Death<a id="FNanchor_60b" href="#Footnote_60b" class="fnanchor">[60]</a>, which spread boundless
    devastation and misery over Italy. Men’s minds were everywhere morbidly
    sensitive; and as it happens with individuals whose senses, when they
    are suffering under anxiety, become more irritable, so that trifles are
    magnified into objects of great alarm, and slight shocks, which would
    scarcely affect the spirits when in health, give rise in them to severe
    diseases, so was it with this whole nation, at all times so alive to
    emotions, and at that period so sorely pressed with the horrors of
    death.</p>

  <p>The bite of venomous spiders, or rather the unreasonable fear of its
    consequences, excited at such a juncture, though it could <span class="pagenum" id="Page_116">116</span>not have
    done so at an earlier period, a violent nervous disorder, which,
    like St. Vitus’s dance in Germany, spread by sympathy, increasing
    in severity as it took a wider range, and still further extending
    its ravages from its long continuance. Thus, from the middle of the
    fourteenth century, the furies of <em>the Dance</em> brandished their scourge
    over afflicted mortals; and music, for which the inhabitants of Italy,
    now probably for the first time, manifested susceptibility and talent,
    became capable of exciting ecstatic attacks in those affected, and then
    furnished the magical means of exorcising their melancholy.</p>

  <h4 class="smcap" id="BOOK2_II_3">Sect. 3.—Increase.</h4>

  <p>At the close of the fifteenth century we find that Tarantism had
    spread beyond the boundaries of Apulia, and that the fear of being
    bitten by venomous spiders had increased. Nothing short of death
    itself was expected from the wound which these insects inflicted, and
    if those who were bitten escaped with their lives, they were said to
    be seen pining away in a desponding state of lassitude. Many became
    weak-sighted or hard of hearing, some lost the power of speech, and
    all were insensible to ordinary causes of excitement. Nothing but
    the flute or the cithern afforded them relief<a id="FNanchor_61b" href="#Footnote_61b" class="fnanchor">[61]</a>. At the sound of
    these instruments they awoke as it were by enchantment, opened their
    eyes, and moving slowly at first, according to the measure of the
    music, were, as the time quickened, gradually hurried on to the most
    passionate dance. It was generally observable that country people,
    who were rude, and ignorant of music, evinced on these occasions an
    unusual degree of grace, as if they had been well practised in elegant
    movements of the body; for it is a peculiarity in nervous disorders
    of this kind, that the organs of motion are in an altered condition,
    and are completely under the control of the over-strained spirits.
    Cities and villages alike resounded throughout the summer season with
    the notes of fifes, clarinets, and Turkish drums; and patients were
    everywhere to be met with who looked to dancing as their only remedy.
    Alexander ab Alexandro<a id="FNanchor_62b" href="#Footnote_62b" class="fnanchor">[62]</a>, who gives this account, saw a young man in
    a remote <span class="pagenum" id="Page_117">117</span>village who was seized with a violent attack of Tarantism. He
    listened with eagerness and a fixed stare to the sound of a drum, and
    his graceful movements gradually became more and more violent, until
    his dancing was converted into a succession of frantic leaps, which
    required the utmost exertion of his whole strength. In the midst of
    this over-strained exertion of mind and body the music suddenly ceased,
    and he immediately fell powerless to the ground, where he lay senseless
    and motionless until its magical effect again aroused him to a renewal
    of his impassioned performances.</p>

  <p>At the period of which we are treating there was a general conviction,
    that by music and dancing the poison of the Tarantula was distributed
    over the whole body, and expelled through the skin, but that if there
    remained the slightest vestige of it in the vessels, this became a
    permanent germ of the disorder, so that the dancing fits might again
    and again be excited <i lang="la">ad infinitum</i> by music. This belief, which
    resembled the delusion of those insane persons who, being by artful
    management freed from the imagined causes of their sufferings, are but
    for a short time released from their false notions, was attended with
    the most injurious effects: for in consequence of it those affected
    necessarily became by degrees convinced of the incurable nature of
    their disorder. They expected relief, indeed, but not a cure, from
    music; and when the heat of summer awakened a recollection of the
    dances of the preceding year, they, like the St. Vitus’s dancers
    of the same period before St. Vitus’s day, again grew dejected
    and misanthropic, until, by music and dancing, they dispelled the
    melancholy which had become with them a kind of sensual enjoyment.</p>

  <p>Under such favourable circumstances it is clear that Tarantism must
    every year have made further progress. The number of those affected by
    it increased beyond all belief, for whoever had either actually been,
    or even fancied that he had been, once bitten by a poisonous spider or
    scorpion, made his appearance annually wherever the merry notes of the
    Tarantella resounded. Inquisitive females joined the throng and caught
    the disease, not indeed from the poison of the spider, but from the
    mental poison which they eagerly received through the eye; and thus
    <span class="pagenum" id="Page_118">118</span>the cure of the <em>Tarantati</em> gradually became established as a regular
    festival of the populace, which was anticipated with impatient delight.</p>

  <p>Without attributing more to deception and fraud than to the peculiar
    nature of a progressive mental malady, it may readily be conceived
    that the cases of this strange disorder now grew more frequent.
    The celebrated Matthioli<a id="FNanchor_63b" href="#Footnote_63b" class="fnanchor">[63]</a>, who is worthy of entire confidence,
    gives his account as an eye-witness. He saw the same extraordinary
    effects produced by music as Alexandro, for, however tortured with
    pain, however hopeless of relief the patients appeared, as they lay
    stretched on the couch of sickness, at the very first sounds of those
    melodies which made an impression on them—but this was the case only
    with the Tarantellas composed expressly for the purpose—they sprang
    up as if inspired with new life and spirit, and, unmindful of their
    disorder, began to move in measured gestures, dancing for hours
    together without fatigue, until, covered with a kindly perspiration,
    they felt a salutary degree of lassitude, which relieved them for a
    time at least, perhaps even for a whole year, from their dejection and
    oppressive feeling of general indisposition. Alexandro’s experience of
    the injurious effects resulting from a sudden cessation of the music
    was generally confirmed by Matthioli. If the clarinets and drums ceased
    for a single moment, which, as the most skilful players were tired out
    by the patients, could not but happen occasionally, they suffered their
    limbs to fall listless, again sank exhausted to the ground, and could
    find no solace but in a renewal of the dance. On this account care was
    taken to continue the music until exhaustion was produced; for it was
    better to pay a few extra musicians, who might relieve each other,
    than to permit the patient, in the midst of this curative exercise, to
    relapse into so deplorable a state of suffering. The attack consequent
    upon the bite of the Tarantula, Matthioli describes as varying much in
    its manner. Some became morbidly exhilarated, so that they remained
    for a long while without sleep, laughing, dancing, and singing in a
    state of the greatest excitement. Others, on the contrary, were drowsy.
    The generality felt nausea and suffered from vomiting, and some had
    constant tremors. Complete mania was no uncommon occurrence, <span class="pagenum" id="Page_119">119</span>not to
    mention the usual dejection of spirits and other subordinate symptoms.</p>

  <h4 class="smcap" id="BOOK2_II_4">Sect. 4.—Idiosyncracies.—Music.</h4>

  <p>Unaccountable emotions, strange desires and morbid sensual irritations
    of all kinds, were as prevalent as in the St. Vitus’s dance and similar
    great nervous maladies. So late as the sixteenth century patients
    were seen armed with glittering swords which, during the attack, they
    brandished with wild gestures, as if they were going to engage in a
    fencing match<a id="FNanchor_64b" href="#Footnote_64b" class="fnanchor">[64]</a>. Even women scorned all female delicacy<a id="FNanchor_65b" href="#Footnote_65b" class="fnanchor">[65]</a> and,
    adopting this impassioned demeanour, did the same; and this phenomenon,
    as well as the excitement which the Tarantula dancers felt at the sight
    of any thing with metallic lustre, was quite common up to the period
    when, in modern times, the disease disappeared<a id="FNanchor_66b" href="#Footnote_66b" class="fnanchor">[66]</a>.</p>

  <p>The abhorrence of certain colours and the agreeable sensations produced
    by others, were much more marked among the excitable Italians than was
    the case in the St. Vitus’s dance with the more phlegmatic Germans.
    Red colours, which the St. Vitus’s dancers detested, they generally
    liked, so that a patient was seldom seen who did not carry a red
    handkerchief for his gratification, or greedily feast his eyes on
    any articles of red clothing worn by the bystanders. Some preferred
    yellow, others black colours, of which an explanation was sought,
    according to the prevailing notions of the times, in the difference
    of temperaments<a id="FNanchor_67b" href="#Footnote_67b" class="fnanchor">[67]</a>. Others again were enraptured with green; and
    eye-witnesses describe this rage for colours as so extraordinary, that
    they can scarcely find words with which to express their astonishment.
    No sooner did the patients obtain a sight of <span class="pagenum" id="Page_120">120</span>the favourite colour
    than, new as the impression was, they rushed like infuriated animals
    towards the object, devoured it with their eager looks, kissed and
    caressed it in every possible way, and gradually resigning themselves
    to softer sensations, adopted the languishing expression of enamoured
    lovers, and embraced the handkerchief, or whatever other article it
    might be, which was presented to them, with the most intense ardour,
    while the tears streamed from their eyes as if they were completely
    overwhelmed by the inebriating impression on their senses.</p>

  <p>The dancing fits of a certain Capuchin friar in Tarentum excited so
    much curiosity, that Cardinal Cajetano proceeded to the monastery,
    that he might see with his own eyes what was going on. As soon as the
    monk, who was in the midst of his dance, perceived the spiritual prince
    clothed in his red garments, he no longer listened to the Tarantella
    of the musicians, but with strange gestures endeavoured to approach
    the Cardinal, as if he wished to count the very threads of his scarlet
    robe, and to allay his intense longing by its odour. The interference
    of the spectators, and his own respect, prevented his touching it, and
    thus the irritation of his senses not being appeased, he fell into a
    state of such anguish and disquietude, that he presently sank down in a
    swoon, from which he did not recover until the Cardinal compassionately
    gave him his cape. This he immediately seized in the greatest ecstacy,
    and pressed now to his breast, now to his forehead and cheeks, and then
    again commenced his dance as if in the frenzy of a love fit<a id="FNanchor_68b" href="#Footnote_68b" class="fnanchor">[68]</a>.</p>

  <p>At the sight of colours which they disliked, patients flew into the
    most violent rage, and, like the St. Vitus’s dancers when they saw red
    objects, could scarcely be restrained from tearing the clothes of those
    spectators who raised in them such disagreeable sensations<a id="FNanchor_69b" href="#Footnote_69b" class="fnanchor">[69]</a>.</p>

  <p>Another no less extraordinary symptom was the ardent longing for the
    sea which the patients evinced. As the St. John’s dancers of the
    fourteenth century saw, in the spirit, the heavens open and display
    all the splendour of the saints, so did those who were suffering under
    the bite of the Tarantula feel themselves attracted to the boundless
    expanse of the blue ocean, and lost themselves in its contemplation.
    Some songs, which are still preserved, marked this peculiar longing,
    which was moreover expressed by significant music, and was excited even
    by the <span class="pagenum" id="Page_121">121</span>bare mention of the sea<a id="FNanchor_70b" href="#Footnote_70b" class="fnanchor">[70]</a>. Some, in whom this susceptibility
    was carried to the greatest pitch, cast themselves with blind fury into
    the blue waves<a id="FNanchor_71b" href="#Footnote_71b" class="fnanchor">[71]</a>, as the St. Vitus’s dancers occasionally did into
    rapid rivers. This condition, so opposite to the frightful state of
    hydrophobia, betrayed itself in others only in the pleasure afforded
    them by the sight of clear water in glasses. These they bore in their
    hands while dancing, exhibiting at the same time strange movements,
    and giving way to the most extravagant expressions of their feelings.
    They were delighted also when, in the midst of the space allotted for
    this exercise, more ample vessels, filled with water, and surrounded by
    rushes and water plants, were placed, in which they bathed their heads
    and arms with evident pleasure<a id="FNanchor_72b" href="#Footnote_72b" class="fnanchor">[72]</a>. Others there were who rolled about
    on the ground, and were, by their own desire, buried up to the neck in
    the earth, in order to alleviate the misery of their condition, not to
    mention an endless variety of other symptoms which showed the perverted
    action of the nerves.</p>

  <p>All these modes of relief, however, were as nothing in comparison with
    the irresistible charms of musical sound. Attempts had indeed been
    made in ancient times to mitigate the pain of sciatica<a id="FNanchor_73b" href="#Footnote_73b" class="fnanchor">[73]</a>, or the
    paroxysms of mania<a id="FNanchor_74b" href="#Footnote_74b" class="fnanchor">[74]</a>, by the soft melody of the flute, and, what
    is still more applicable to the present purpose, to remove the danger
    arising from the bite of vipers<a id="FNanchor_75b" href="#Footnote_75b" class="fnanchor">[75]</a> by the same means. This, however,
    was tried only to a very small extent. But after being bitten by the
    Tarantula, there was, according to popular opinion, no way of saving
    life except by music, and it was hardly considered as an exception
    to the general rule, that every now and then the bad effects of a
    wound were prevented by placing a ligature on the <span class="pagenum" id="Page_122">122</span>bitten limb, or
    by internal medicine, or that strong persons occasionally withstood
    the effects of the poison, without the employment of any remedies at
    all<a id="FNanchor_76b" href="#Footnote_76b" class="fnanchor">[76]</a>. It was much more common, and is quite in accordance with the
    nature of so exquisite a nervous disease, to hear accounts of many,
    who, when bitten by the Tarantula, perished miserably because the
    Tarantella, which would have afforded them deliverance, was not played
    to them<a id="FNanchor_77b" href="#Footnote_77b" class="fnanchor">[77]</a>. It was customary, therefore, so early as the commencement
    of the seventeenth century, for whole bands of musicians to traverse
    Italy during the summer months, and, what is quite unexampled either in
    ancient or modern times, the cure of the <em>Tarantati</em> in the different
    towns and villages was undertaken on a grand scale. This season of
    dancing and music was called “the women’s little carnival,”<a id="FNanchor_78b" href="#Footnote_78b" class="fnanchor">[78]</a> for
    it was women more especially who conducted the arrangements; so that
    throughout the whole country they saved up their spare money, for the
    purpose of rewarding the welcome musicians, and many of them neglected
    their household employments to participate in this festival of the
    sick. Mention is even made of one benevolent lady (Mita Lupa) who had
    expended her whole fortune on this object<a id="FNanchor_79b" href="#Footnote_79b" class="fnanchor">[79]</a>.</p>

  <p>The music itself was of a kind perfectly adapted to the nature of
    the malady, and it made so deep an impression on the Italians, that
    even to the present time, long since the extinction of the disorder,
    they have retained the Tarantella, as a particular species of music
    employed for quick lively dancing. The different kinds of Tarantella
    were distinguished, very significantly, by particular names, which had
    reference to the moods observed in the patients. Whence it appears that
    they aimed at representing by these tunes, even the idiosyncracies of
    the mind as expressed in the countenance. Thus there was one kind of
    Tarantella which was called “Panno rosso,” a very lively impassioned
    style of music, to which wild dithyrambic songs were adapted; another,
    called “Panno verde,” which was suited to the milder excitement of the
    senses, caused by green colours, and set to Idyllian songs of verdant
    fields and shady groves. A third was named “Cinque tempi:” a fourth
    <span class="pagenum" id="Page_123">123</span>“Moresca,” which was played to a Moorish dance; a fifth, “Catena”
    and a sixth, with a very appropriate designation, “Spallata,” as if it
    were only fit to be played to dancers who were lame in the shoulder.
    This was the slowest and least in vogue of all<a id="FNanchor_80b" href="#Footnote_80b" class="fnanchor">[80]</a>. For those who
    loved water they took care to select love songs, which were sung to
    corresponding music, and such persons delighted in hearing of gushing
    springs and rushing cascades and streams<a id="FNanchor_81b" href="#Footnote_81b" class="fnanchor">[81]</a>. It is to be regretted
    that on this subject we are unable to give any further information, for
    only small fragments of songs, and a very few Tarantellas, have been
    preserved, which belong to a period so remote as the beginning of the
    seventeenth, or at furthest the end of the sixteenth century<a id="FNanchor_82b" href="#Footnote_82b" class="fnanchor">[82]</a>.</p>

  <p>The music was almost wholly in the Turkish style (aria Turchesca),
    and the ancient songs of the peasantry of Apulia, which increased in
    number annually, were well suited to the abrupt and lively notes of
    the Turkish drum and the shepherd’s pipe. These two instruments were
    the favourites in the country, but others of all kinds were played in
    towns and villages, as an accompaniment to the dances of the patients
    and the songs of the spectators. If any particular melody was disliked
    by those affected, they indicated their displeasure by violent gestures
    expressive of aversion. They could not endure false notes, and it
    is remarkable that uneducated boors, who had never in their lives
    manifested any perception of the enchanting power of harmony, acquired,
    in this respect, an extremely refined sense of hearing, as if they had
    been initiated into the profoundest secrets of the musical art<a id="FNanchor_83b" href="#Footnote_83b" class="fnanchor">[83]</a>.
    It was a matter of every day’s experience, that patients showed a
    predilection for certain Tarantellas, in preference to others, which
    gave rise to the composition of a great variety of these dances. They
    were likewise very capricious in their partialities for particular
    instruments; so that some longed for the shrill notes of the trumpet,
    others for the softest music produced by the vibration of strings<a id="FNanchor_84b" href="#Footnote_84b" class="fnanchor">[84]</a>.</p>

  <p>Tarantism was at its greatest height in Italy in the seventeenth
    century, long after the St. Vitus’s Dance of Germany had disappeared.
    It was not the natives of the country only <span class="pagenum" id="Page_124">124</span>who were attacked by this
    complaint. Foreigners of every colour and of every race, negroes,
    gipsies, Spaniards, Albanians, were in like manner affected by it<a id="FNanchor_85b" href="#Footnote_85b" class="fnanchor">[85]</a>.
    Against the effects produced by the Tarantula’s bite, or by the sight
    of the sufferers, neither youth nor age afforded any protection; so
    that even old men of ninety threw aside their crutches at the sound of
    the Tarantella, and, as if some magic potion, restorative of youth and
    vigour, were flowing through their veins, joined the most extravagant
    dancers<a id="FNanchor_86b" href="#Footnote_86b" class="fnanchor">[86]</a>. Ferdinando saw a boy five years old seized with the
    dancing mania<a id="FNanchor_87b" href="#Footnote_87b" class="fnanchor">[87]</a>, in consequence of the bite of a tarantula, and,
    what is almost past belief, were it not supported by the testimony of
    so credible an eye-witness, even deaf people were not exempt from this
    disorder, so potent in its effect was the very sight of those affected,
    even without the exhilarating emotions caused by music<a id="FNanchor_88b" href="#Footnote_88b" class="fnanchor">[88]</a>.</p>

  <p>Subordinate nervous attacks were much more frequent during this
    century than at any former period, and an extraordinary icy coldness
    was observed in those who were the subjects of them; so that they
    did not recover their natural heat until they had engaged in violent
    dancing<a id="FNanchor_89b" href="#Footnote_89b" class="fnanchor">[89]</a>. Their anguish and sense of oppression forced from them
    a cold perspiration; the secretion from the kidneys was pale<a id="FNanchor_90b" href="#Footnote_90b" class="fnanchor">[90]</a>,
    and they had so great a dislike to every thing cold, that when water
    was offered them they pushed it away with abhorrence. Wine, on the
    contrary, they all drank willingly, without being heated by it, or
    in the slightest degree intoxicated<a id="FNanchor_91b" href="#Footnote_91b" class="fnanchor">[91]</a>. During the whole period
    of the attack they suffered from spasms in the stomach, and felt a
    disinclination to take food of any kind. They used to abstain some time
    before the expected seizures from meat and from snails, which they
    thought rendered them more severe<a id="FNanchor_92b" href="#Footnote_92b" class="fnanchor">[92]</a>, and their great thirst for wine
    may, therefore, in some measure, be attributable to the want of a more
    nutritious diet; yet the disorder of the nerves was evidently its chief
    cause, and the loss of appetite, as well as the necessity for support
    by wine, were its effects. Loss of <span class="pagenum" id="Page_125">125</span>voice, occasional blindness<a id="FNanchor_93b" href="#Footnote_93b" class="fnanchor">[93]</a>,
    vertigo, complete insanity, with sleeplessness, frequent weeping
    without any ostensible cause, were all usual symptoms. Many patients
    found relief from being placed in swings or rocked in cradles<a id="FNanchor_94b" href="#Footnote_94b" class="fnanchor">[94]</a>;
    others required to be roused from their state of suffering by severe
    blows on the soles of their feet; others beat themselves, without any
    intention of making a display, but solely for the purpose of allaying
    the intense nervous irritation which they felt; and a considerable
    number were seen with their bellies swollen<a id="FNanchor_95b" href="#Footnote_95b" class="fnanchor">[95]</a>, like those of the
    St. John’s dancers, while the violence of the intestinal disorder
    was indicated in others by obstinate constipation or diarrhœa and
    vomiting<a id="FNanchor_96b" href="#Footnote_96b" class="fnanchor">[96]</a>. These pitiable objects gradually lost their strength
    and their colour, and creeping about with injected eyes, jaundiced
    complexions, and inflated bowels, soon fell into a state of profound
    melancholy, which found food and solace in the solemn tolling of the
    funeral bell, and in an abode among the tombs of cemeteries, as is
    related of the Lycanthropes of former times.</p>

  <p>The persuasion of the inevitable consequences of being bitten by
    the Tarantula, exercised a dominion over men’s minds which even the
    healthiest and strongest could not shake off. So late as the middle
    of the sixteenth century, the celebrated Fracastoro found the robust
    bailiff of his landed estate groaning, and, with the aspect of a person
    in the extremity of despair, suffering the very agonies of death,
    from a sting in the neck, inflicted by an insect which was believed
    to be a Tarantula. He kindly administered without delay, a potion of
    vinegar and Armenian bole, the great remedy of those days for the
    plague and all kinds of animal poisons, and the dying man was, as if by
    a miracle, restored to life and the power of speech<a id="FNanchor_97b" href="#Footnote_97b" class="fnanchor">[97]</a>. Now, since
    it is quite out of the question that the bole could have any thing to
    do with the result in this case, notwithstanding Fracastoro’s belief
    in its virtues, we can only account for the cure by supposing, that a
    confidence in so great a physician prevailed over this fatal disease
    of the imagination, which would otherwise have yielded to scarcely any
    other remedy except the Tarantella. Ferdinando was acquainted with
    women who, for thirty years in succession, had overcome the attacks
    of this disorder <span class="pagenum" id="Page_126">126</span>by a renewal of their annual dance—so long did they
    maintain their belief in the yet undestroyed poison of the Tarantula’s
    bite, and so long did that mental affection continue to exist, after it
    had ceased to depend on any corporeal excitement<a id="FNanchor_98b" href="#Footnote_98b" class="fnanchor">[98]</a>.</p>

  <p>Wherever we turn we find that this morbid state of mind prevailed, and
    was so supported by the opinions of the age, that it needed only a
    stimulus in the bite of the Tarantula, and the supposed certainty of
    its very disastrous consequences, to originate this violent nervous
    disorder. Even in Ferdinando’s time there were many who altogether
    denied the poisonous effects of the Tarantula’s bite, whilst they
    considered the disorder, which annually set Italy in commotion, to be
    a melancholy depending on the imagination<a id="FNanchor_99b" href="#Footnote_99b" class="fnanchor">[99]</a>. They dearly expiated
    this scepticism, however, when they were led, with an inconsiderate
    hardihood, to test their opinions by experiment; for many of them
    became the subjects of severe Tarantism, and even a distinguished
    prelate, Jo. Baptist Quinzato, Bishop of Foligno, having allowed
    himself, by way of a joke, to be bitten by a Tarantula, could obtain
    a cure in no other way than by being, through the influence of the
    Tarentella, compelled to dance<a id="FNanchor_100b" href="#Footnote_100b" class="fnanchor">[100]</a>. Others among the clergy, who
    wished to shut their ears against music, because they considered
    dancing derogatory to their station, fell into a dangerous state of
    illness by thus delaying the crisis of the malady, and were obliged at
    last to save themselves from a miserable death by submitting to the
    unwelcome but sole means of cure<a id="FNanchor_101b" href="#Footnote_101b" class="fnanchor">[101]</a>. Thus it appears that the age was
    so little favourable to freedom of thought, that even the most decided
    sceptics, incapable of guarding themselves against the recollection
    of what had been presented to the eye, were subdued by a poison, the
    powers of which they had ridiculed, and which was in itself inert in
    its effect.</p>

  <h4 class="smcap" id="BOOK2_II_5">Sect. 5.—Hysteria.</h4>

  <p>Different characteristics of morbidly excited vitality having been
    rendered prominent by Tarantism in different individuals, it could
    not but happen that other derangements of the nerves would assume the
    form of this, whenever circumstances favoured <span class="pagenum" id="Page_127">127</span>such a transition.
    This was more especially the case with hysteria, that proteiform and
    mutable disorder, in which the imaginations, the superstitions and the
    follies of all ages have been evidently reflected. The “Carnevaletto
    delle Donne” appeared most opportunely for those who were hysterical.
    Their disease received from it, as it had at other times from other
    extraordinary customs, a peculiar direction; so that whether bitten
    by the tarantula or not, they felt compelled to participate in the
    dances of those affected, and to make their appearance at this
    popular festival, where they had an opportunity of triumphantly
    exhibiting their sufferings. Let us here pause to consider the kind
    of life which the women in Italy led. Lonely, and deprived by cruel
    custom of social intercourse, that fairest of all enjoyments, they
    dragged on a miserable existence. Cheerfulness and an inclination
    to sensual pleasures passed into compulsory idleness, and, in many,
    into black despondency<a id="FNanchor_102b" href="#Footnote_102b" class="fnanchor">[102]</a>. Their imaginations became disordered—a
    pallid countenance and oppressed respiration bore testimony to their
    profound sufferings. How could they do otherwise, sunk as they were
    in such extreme misery, than seize the occasion to burst forth from
    their prisons, and alleviate their miseries by taking part in the
    delights of music. Nor should we here pass unnoticed a circumstance
    <span class="pagenum" id="Page_128">128</span>which illustrates, in a remarkable degree, the psychological nature
    of hysterical sufferings, namely, that many chlorotic females, by
    joining the dancers at the Carnevaletto, were freed from their spasms
    and oppression of breathing for the whole year, although the corporeal
    cause of their malady was not removed<a id="FNanchor_103b" href="#Footnote_103b" class="fnanchor">[103]</a>. After such a result, no one
    could call their self-deception a mere imposture, and unconditionally
    condemn it as such.</p>

  <p>This numerous class of patients certainly contributed not a little to
    the maintenance of the evil, for their fantastic sufferings, in which
    dissimulation and reality could scarcely be distinguished even by
    themselves, much less by their physicians, were imitated, in the same
    way as the distortions of the St. Vitus’s dancers, by the impostors of
    that period. It was certainly by these persons also that the number
    of subordinate symptoms was increased to an endless extent, as may
    be conceived from the daily observation of hysterical patients, who,
    from a morbid desire to render themselves remarkable, deviate from the
    laws of moral propriety. Powerful sexual excitement had often the most
    decided influence over their condition. Many of them exposed themselves
    in the most indecent manner, tore their hair out by the roots, with
    howling and gnashing of their teeth; and when, as was sometimes the
    case, their unsatisfied passion hurried them on to a state of frenzy,
    they closed their existence by self-destruction; it being common at
    that time for these unfortunate beings to precipitate themselves into
    the wells<a id="FNanchor_104b" href="#Footnote_104b" class="fnanchor">[104]</a>.</p>

  <p>It might hence seem that, owing to the conduct of patients of this
    description, so much of fraud and falsehood would be mixed up with the
    original disorder, that having passed into another complaint, it must
    have been itself destroyed. This, however, did not happen in the first
    half of the seventeenth century; for as a clear proof that Tarantism
    remained substantially the same and quite unaffected by Hysteria,
    there were in many places, and in particular at Messapia, fewer women
    affected than men, who in their turn were, in no small proportion, led
    into temptation by sexual excitement<a id="FNanchor_105b" href="#Footnote_105b" class="fnanchor">[105]</a>. In other places, as for
    example at Brindisi, the case was reversed, which <span class="pagenum" id="Page_129">129</span>may, as in other
    complaints, be in some measure attributable to local causes. Upon the
    whole it appears, from concurrent accounts, that women by no means
    enjoyed the distinction of being attacked by Tarantism more frequently
    than men.</p>

  <p>It is said that the cicatrix of the tarantula bite, on the yearly or
    half-yearly return of the fit, became discoloured<a id="FNanchor_106b" href="#Footnote_106b" class="fnanchor">[106]</a>, but on this
    point the distinct testimony of good observers is wanting to deprive
    the assertion of its utter improbability.</p>

  <p>It is not out of place to remark here, that about the same time that
    Tarantism attained its greatest height in Italy, the bite of venomous
    spiders was more feared in distant parts of Asia likewise, than it
    had ever been within the memory of man. There was this difference,
    however, that the symptoms supervening on the occurrence of this
    accident were not accompanied by the Apulian nervous disorder, which,
    as has been shown in the foregoing pages, had its origin rather in the
    melancholic temperament of the inhabitants of the south of Italy, than
    in the nature of the tarantula poison itself. This poison is therefore
    doubtless to be considered only as a remote cause of the complaint,
    which, but for that temperament, would be inadequate to its production.
    The Persians employed a very rough means of counteracting the bad
    consequences of a poison of this sort. They drenched the wounded person
    with milk, and then, by violent rotatory motion in a suspended box,
    compelled him to vomit<a id="FNanchor_107b" href="#Footnote_107b" class="fnanchor">[107]</a>.</p>

  <h4 class="smcap" id="BOOK2_II_6">Sect. 6.—Decrease.</h4>

  <p>The Dancing Mania, arising from the tarantula bite, continued, with all
    those additions of self-deception, and of the dissimulation which is
    such a constant attendant on nervous disorders of this kind, through
    the whole course of the seventeenth century. It was indeed gradually
    on the decline, but up to the termination of this period, showed such
    extraordinary symptoms, that Baglivi, one of the best physicians of
    that time, thought he did a service to science by making them the
    subject of a dissertation<a id="FNanchor_108b" href="#Footnote_108b" class="fnanchor">[108]</a>. He repeats all the observations of
    Ferdinando, and <span class="pagenum" id="Page_130">130</span>supports his own assertions by the experience of his
    father, a physician at Lecce, whose testimony, as an eye-witness, may
    be admitted as unexceptionable<a id="FNanchor_109b" href="#Footnote_109b" class="fnanchor">[109]</a>.</p>

  <p>The immediate consequences of the tarantula bite, the supervening
    nervous disorder, and the aberrations and fits of those who suffered
    from Hysteria, he describes in a masterly style, nor does he ever
    suffer his credulity to diminish the authenticity of his account, of
    which he has been unjustly accused by later writers.</p>

  <p>Finally, Tarantism has declined more and more in modern times, and is
    now limited to single cases. How could it possibly have maintained
    itself unchanged in the eighteenth century, when all the links which
    connected it with the middle ages had long since been snapped asunder?
    Imposture<a id="FNanchor_110b" href="#Footnote_110b" class="fnanchor">[110]</a> grew more frequent, <span class="pagenum" id="Page_131">131</span>and wherever the disease still
    appeared in its genuine form, its chief cause, namely, a peculiar cast
    of melancholy, which formerly had been the temperament of thousands,
    was now possessed only occasionally by unfortunate individuals. It
    might therefore not unreasonably be maintained, that the Tarantism of
    modern times bears nearly the same relation to the original malady, as
    the St. Vitus’s dance which still exists, and certainly has all along
    existed, bears, in certain cases, to the original dancing mania of the
    dancers of St. John.</p>

  <p>To conclude. Tarantism, as a real disease, has been denied <i lang="la">in toto</i>,
    and stigmatized as an imposition, by most physicians and naturalists,
    who in this controversy have shown the narrowness of their views and
    their utter ignorance of history. In order to support their opinion
    they have instituted some experiments, apparently favourable to it,
    but under circumstances altogether inapplicable, since, for the most
    part, they selected, as the subjects of them, none but healthy men,
    who were totally uninfluenced by a belief in this once so dreaded
    disease. From individual instances of fraud and dissimulation, such as
    are found in connexion with most nervous affections without rendering
    their reality a matter of any doubt, they drew a too hasty conclusion
    respecting the general phenomenon, of which they appeared not to know,
    that it had continued for nearly four hundred years, having originated
    in the remotest periods of the middle ages. The most learned and the
    most acute among these sceptics is Serao the Neapolitan<a id="FNanchor_111b" href="#Footnote_111b" class="fnanchor">[111]</a>. His
    reasonings amount <span class="pagenum" id="Page_132">132</span>to this, that he considers the disease to be a very
    marked form of melancholia, and compares the effect of the tarantula
    bite upon it to stimulating, with spurs, a horse which is already
    running. The reality of that effect he thus admits, and therefore
    directly confirms what in appearance only he denies<a id="FNanchor_112b" href="#Footnote_112b" class="fnanchor">[112]</a>. By shaking
    the already vacillating belief in this disorder he is said to have
    actually succeeded in rendering it less frequent, and in setting bounds
    to imposture<a id="FNanchor_113b" href="#Footnote_113b" class="fnanchor">[113]</a>; but this no more disproves the reality of its
    existence, than the oft-repeated detection of imposition has been able,
    in modern times, to banish magnetic sleep from the circle of natural
    phenomena, though such detection has, on its side, rendered more rare
    the incontestible effects of animal magnetism. Other physicians and
    naturalists<a id="FNanchor_114b" href="#Footnote_114b" class="fnanchor">[114]</a> have delivered their <span class="pagenum" id="Page_133">133</span>sentiments on Tarantism, but as
    they have not possessed an enlarged knowledge of its history, their
    views do not merit particular exposition. It is sufficient for the
    comprehension of every one, that we have presented the facts freed from
    all extraneous speculation.</p>

  <hr class="short" />
  <div class="chapter">
    <h3 class="nobreak">CHAPTER III.<br />
      <span class="small">DANCING MANIA IN ABYSSINIA.</span></h3>
  </div>

  <h4 class="smcap" id="BOOK2_III_1">Sect. 1.—Tigretier.</h4>

  <p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">Both</span> the St. Vitus’s dance and Tarantism belonged to the ages in which
    they appeared. They could not have existed under the same latitude at
    any other epoch, for at no other period were the circumstances which
    prepared the way for them combined in a similar relation to each other,
    and the mental as well as corporeal temperaments of nations, which
    depend on causes such as have been stated, are as little capable of
    renewal as the different stages of life in individuals. This gives
    so much the more importance to a disease but cursorily alluded to
    in the foregoing pages, which exists in Abyssinia, and which nearly
    resembles the original mania of the St. John’s dancers, inasmuch as it
    exhibits a perfectly similar ecstacy, with the same violent effect on
    the nerves of motion. It occurs most frequently in the Tigrè country,
    being thence called Tigretier, and is probably the same malady which is
    called in the Æthiopian language <span class="pagenum" id="Page_134">134</span>Astarāgaza<a id="FNanchor_115b" href="#Footnote_115b" class="fnanchor">[115]</a>. On this subject we
    will introduce the testimony of Nathaniel Pearce<a id="FNanchor_116b" href="#Footnote_116b" class="fnanchor">[116]</a>, an eye-witness,
    who resided nine years in Abyssinia. “The Tigretier,” says he, “is
    more common among the women than among the men. It seizes the body as
    if with a violent fever, and from that turns to a lingering sickness,
    which reduces the patients to skeletons, and often kills them, if the
    relations cannot procure the proper remedy. During this sickness their
    speech is changed to a kind of stuttering, which no one can understand
    but those afflicted with the same disorder. When the relations find
    the malady to be the real <em>tigretier</em>, they join together to defray
    the expenses of curing it; the first remedy they in general attempt,
    is to procure the assistance of a learned Dofter, who reads the Gospel
    of St. John<a id="FNanchor_117b" href="#Footnote_117b" class="fnanchor">[117]</a>, and drenches the patient with cold water daily for
    the space of seven days—an application that very often proves fatal.
    The most effectual cure, though far more expensive than the former, is
    as follows:—The relations hire, for a certain sum of money, a band of
    trumpeters, drummers and fifers, and buy a quantity of liquor; then all
    the young men and women of the place assemble at the patient’s house,
    to perform the following most extraordinary ceremony.</p>

  <p>“I was once called in by a neighbour to see his wife, a very young
    woman, who had the misfortune to be afflicted with this disorder; and
    the man being an old acquaintance of mine, and always a close comrade
    in the camp, I went every day when at home to see her, but I could not
    be of any service to her, though she never refused my medicines. At
    this time, I could not understand a word she said, although she talked
    very freely, nor could any of her relations understand her. She could
    not bear the sight of a book or a priest, for at the sight of either,
    she struggled, and was apparently seized with acute agony, and <span class="pagenum" id="Page_135">135</span>a flood
    of tears, like blood mingled with water, would pour down her face from
    her eyes. She had lain three months in this lingering state, living
    upon so little that it seemed not enough to keep a human body alive;
    at last, her husband agreed to employ the usual remedy, and, after
    preparing for the maintenance of the band, during the time it would
    take to effect the cure, he borrowed from all his neighbours their
    silver ornaments, and loaded her legs, arms, and neck with them.</p>

  <p>“The evening that the band began to play, I seated myself close by
    her side as she lay upon the couch, and about two minutes after the
    trumpets had begun to sound, I observed her shoulders begin to move,
    and soon afterwards her head and breast, and in less than a quarter
    of an hour, she sat upon her couch. The wild look she had, though
    sometimes she smiled, made me draw off to a greater distance, being
    almost alarmed to see one nearly a skeleton move with such strength:
    her head, neck, shoulders, hands and feet, all made a strong motion
    to the sound of the music, and in this manner she went on by degrees,
    until she stood up on her legs upon the floor. Afterwards she began to
    dance, and at times to jump about, and at last, as the music and noise
    of the singers increased, she often sprang three feet from the ground.
    When the music slackened, she would appear quite out of temper, but
    when it became louder, she would smile and be delighted. During this
    exercise, she never showed the least symptom of being tired, though the
    musicians were thoroughly exhausted; and when they stopped to refresh
    themselves by drinking and resting a little, she would discover signs
    of discontent.</p>

  <p>“Next day, according to the custom in the cure of this disorder,
    she was taken into the market-place, where several jars of <em>maize</em>
    or <em>tsug</em> were set in order by the relations, to give drink to the
    musicians and dancers. When the crowd had assembled and the music was
    ready, she was brought forth and began to dance and throw herself into
    the maddest postures imaginable, and in this manner she kept on the
    whole day. Towards evening, she began to let fall her silver ornaments
    from her neck, arms, and legs, one at a time, so that, in the course of
    three hours, she was stripped of every article. A relation continually
    kept going after her as she danced, to pick up the ornaments, and
    afterwards delivered them to the owners from whom they were borrowed.
    As the sun went down, she<span class="pagenum" id="Page_136">136</span> made a start with such swiftness, that the
    fastest runner could not come up with her, and when at the distance
    of about two hundred yards, she dropped on a sudden, as if shot. Soon
    afterwards, a young man, on coming up with her, fired a matchlock over
    her body, and struck her upon the back with the broad side of his large
    knife, and asked her name, to which she answered as when in her common
    senses—a sure proof of her being cured; for, during the time of this
    malady, those afflicted with it never answer to their Christian names.
    She was now taken up in a very weak condition and carried home, and a
    priest came and baptized her again in the name of the Father, Son, and
    Holy Ghost, which ceremony concluded her cure. Some are taken in this
    manner to the market-place for many days before they can be cured, and
    it sometimes happens that they cannot be cured at all. I have seen
    them in these fits dance with a <em>bruly</em>, or bottle of maize, upon
    their heads, without spilling the liquor, or letting the bottle fall,
    although they have put themselves into the most extravagant postures.</p>

  <p>“I could not have ventured to write this from hearsay, nor could
    I conceive it possible, until I was obliged to put this remedy in
    practice upon my own wife<a id="FNanchor_118b" href="#Footnote_118b" class="fnanchor">[118]</a>, who was seized with the same disorder,
    and then I was compelled to have a still nearer view of this strange
    disorder. I at first thought that a whip would be of some service, and
    one day attempted a few strokes when unnoticed by any person, we being
    by ourselves, and I having a strong suspicion that this ailment sprang
    from the weak minds of women, who were encouraged in it for the sake
    of the grandeur, rich dress, and music which accompany the cure. But
    how much was I surprised, the moment I struck a light blow, thinking to
    do good, to find that she became like a corpse, and even the joints of
    her fingers became so stiff that I could not straighten them; indeed,
    I really thought that she was dead, and immediately made it known to
    the people in the house that she had fainted, but did not tell them the
    cause, upon which they immediately brought music, which I had for many
    days denied them, and which soon revived her; and I then left the house
    to her relations to cure her at my expense, in the manner I have before
    mentioned, though it took a much longer time to cure my wife than the
    woman I have just given an account of. One day I went privately, with
    a companion, to <span class="pagenum" id="Page_137">137</span>see my wife dance, and kept at a short distance, as
    I was ashamed to go near the crowd. On looking stedfastly upon her,
    while dancing or jumping more like a deer than a human being, I said
    that it certainly was not my wife; at which my companion burst into
    a fit of laughter, from which he could scarcely refrain all the way
    home. Men are sometimes afflicted with this dreadful disorder, but not
    frequently. Among the Amhara and Galla it is not so common.”</p>

  <p>Such is the account of Pearce, who is every way worthy of credit,
    and whose lively description renders the traditions of former times
    respecting the St. Vitus’s dance and Tarantism intelligible even
    to those who are sceptical respecting the existence of a morbid
    state of the mind and body of the kind described, because, in the
    present advanced state of civilization among the nations of Europe,
    opportunities for its development no longer occur. The credibility
    of this energetic, but by no means ambitious man, is not liable to
    the slightest suspicion, for, owing to his want of education, he had
    no knowledge of the phenomenon in question, and his work evinces
    throughout his attractive and unpretending impartiality.</p>

  <p>Comparison is the mother of observation, and may here elucidate one
    phenomena by another—the past by that which still exists. Oppression,
    insecurity, and the influence of a very rude priestcraft, are the
    powerful causes which operated on the Germans and Italians of the
    middle ages, as they now continue to operate on the Abyssinians of the
    present day. However these people may differ from us in their descent,
    their manners and their customs, the effects of the above-mentioned
    causes are the same in Africa as they were in Europe, for they operate
    on man himself independently of the particular locality in which he may
    be planted; and the condition of the Abyssinians of modern times is,
    in regard to superstition, a mirror of the condition of the European
    nations in the middle ages. Should this appear a bold assertion, it
    will be strengthened by the fact, that in Abyssinia, two examples
    of superstitions occur, which are completely in accordance with
    occurrences of the middle ages that took place contemporarily with the
    dancing mania. <em>The Abyssinians have their Christian flagellants, and
    there exists among them a belief in a Zoomorphism, which presents a
    lively image of the lycanthropy of the middle ages.</em> Their flagellants
    are called Zackarys. They are united into a separate Christian<span class="pagenum" id="Page_138">138</span>
    fraternity, and make their processions through the towns and villages
    with great noise and tumult, scourging themselves till they draw blood,
    and wounding themselves with knives<a id="FNanchor_119b" href="#Footnote_119b" class="fnanchor">[119]</a>. They boast that they are
    descendants of St. George. It is precisely in Tigrè, the country of the
    Abyssinian dancing mania, where they are found in the greatest numbers,
    and where they have, in the neighbourhood of Axum, a church of their
    own, dedicated to their patron saint <em>Oun Arvel</em>. Here there is an
    ever-burning lamp, and they contrive to impress a belief that this is
    kept alight by supernatural means. They also here keep a holy water,
    which is said to be a cure for those who are affected by the dancing
    mania.</p>

  <p>The Abyssinian Zoomorphism is a no less important phenomenon, and shows
    itself in a manner quite peculiar. The blacksmiths and potters form,
    among the Abyssinians, a society, or caste called in Tigrè <em>Tebbib</em>,
    and in Amhara <em>Buda</em>, which is held in some degree of contempt, and
    excluded from the sacrament of the Lord’s Supper, because it is
    believed that they can change themselves into hyænas and other beasts
    of prey, on which account they are feared by every body, and regarded
    with horror. They artfully contrive to keep up this superstition,
    because by this separation they preserve a monopoly of their lucrative
    trades, and as in other respects they are good Christians, (but few
    Jews or Mahomedans live among them,) they seem to attach no great
    consequence to their excommunication. As a badge of distinction, they
    wear a golden earring, which is frequently found in the ears of hyænas
    that are killed, without its having ever been discovered how they catch
    these animals, so as to decorate them with this strange ornament,
    and this removes, in the minds of the people, all doubt as to the
    supernatural powers of the smiths and potters<a id="FNanchor_120b" href="#Footnote_120b" class="fnanchor">[120]</a>. To the budas is
    also ascribed the gift of enchantment, especially that of the influence
    of the evil eye<a id="FNanchor_121b" href="#Footnote_121b" class="fnanchor">[121]</a>. They nevertheless live unmolested, and are not
    condemned to the flames by fanatical priests, as the lycanthropes were
    in the middle ages.</p>

  <hr class="short" />
  <div class="chapter">
    <span class="pagenum" id="Page_139">139</span>
    <h3 class="nobreak" id="BOOK2_IV_1">CHAPTER IV.<br />
      <span class="small">SYMPATHY.</span></h3>
  </div>

  <p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">Imitation</span>—compassion—sympathy, these are imperfect designations for a
    common bond of union among human beings—for an instinct which connects
    individuals with the general body, which embraces with equal force,
    reason and folly, good and evil, and diminishes the praise of virtue
    as well as the criminality of vice. In this impulse there are degrees,
    but no essential differences, from the first intellectual efforts of
    the infant mind, which are in a great measure based on imitation, to
    that morbid condition of the soul in which the sensible impression of
    a nervous malady fetters the mind, and finds its way, through the eye,
    directly to the diseased texture, as the electric shock is propagated
    by contact from body to body. To this instinct of imitation, when it
    exists in its highest degree, is united a loss of all power over the
    will, which occurs as soon as the impression on the senses has become
    firmly established, producing a condition like that of small animals
    when they are fascinated by the look of a serpent. By this mental
    bondage, morbid sympathy is clearly and definitely distinguished from
    all subordinate degrees of this instinct, however closely allied the
    imitation of a disorder may seem to be to that of a mere folly, of an
    absurd fashion, of an awkward habit in speech and manner, or even of a
    confusion of ideas. Even these latter imitations, however, directed as
    they are to foolish and pernicious objects, place the self-independence
    of the greater portion of mankind in a very doubtful light, and account
    for their union into a social whole. Still more nearly allied to morbid
    sympathy than the imitation of enticing folly, although often with
    a considerable admixture of the latter, is the diffusion of violent
    excitements, especially those of a religious or political character,
    which have so powerfully agitated the nations of ancient and modern
    times, and which may, after an incipient compliance<a id="FNanchor_122b" href="#Footnote_122b" class="fnanchor">[122]</a>, pass into a
    total loss of power over the will, and an actual disease of the mind.
    Far be it from us to attempt to awaken all the various tones of this
    chord, whose vibrations reveal the profound secrets which lie hid in
    the inmost recesses of the soul. We might well want <span class="pagenum" id="Page_140">140</span>powers adequate
    to so vast an undertaking. Our business here is only with that morbid
    sympathy, by the aid of which the dancing mania of the middle ages grew
    into a real epidemic. In order to make this apparent by comparison, it
    may not be out of place, at the close of this inquiry, to introduce a
    few striking examples:—</p>

  <p>1. “At a cotton manufactory at Hodden Bridge, in Lancashire, a girl, on
    the fifteenth of February 1787, put a mouse into the bosom of another
    girl, who had a great dread of mice. The girl was immediately thrown
    into a fit, and continued in it, with the most violent convulsions, for
    twenty-four hours. On the following day, three more girls were seized
    in the same manner; and on the 17th, six more. By this time, the alarm
    was so great, that the whole work, in which 200 or 300 were employed,
    was totally stopped, and an idea prevailed that a particular disease
    had been introduced by a bag of cotton opened in the house. On Sunday
    the 18th, Dr. St. Clare was sent for from Preston; before he arrived
    three more were seized, and during that night and the morning of the
    19th, eleven more, making in all twenty-four. Of these, twenty-one
    were young women, two were girls of about ten years of age, and one
    man, who had been much fatigued with holding the girls. Three of the
    number lived about two miles from the place where the disorder first
    broke out, and three at another factory at Clitheroe, about five miles
    distant, which last and two more were infected entirely from report,
    not having seen the other patients, but, like them and the rest of the
    country, strongly impressed with the idea of the plague being caught
    from the cotton. The symptoms were anxiety, strangulation, and very
    strong convulsions; and these were so violent as to last without any
    intermission from a quarter of an hour to twenty-four hours, and to
    require four or five persons to prevent the patients from tearing their
    hair and dashing their heads against the floor or walls. Dr. St. Clare
    had taken with him a portable electrical machine, and by electric
    shocks the patients were universally relieved without exception. As
    soon as the patients and the country were assured that the complaint
    was merely nervous, easily cured, and not introduced by the cotton,
    no fresh person was affected. To dissipate their apprehensions still
    further, the best effects were obtained by causing them to take a
    cheerful glass and join in a<span class="pagenum" id="Page_141">141</span> dance. On Tuesday the 20th, they danced,
    and the next day were all at work, except two or three, who were much
    weakened by their fits.”<a id="FNanchor_123b" href="#Footnote_123b" class="fnanchor">[123]</a></p>

  <p>The occurrence here described is remarkable on this account, that there
    was no important predisposing cause for convulsions in these young
    women, unless we consider as such their miserable and confined life
    in the work-rooms of a spinning manufactory. It did not arise from
    enthusiasm, nor is it stated that the patients had been the subjects
    of any other nervous disorders. In another perfectly analogous case,
    those attacked were all suffering from nervous complaints, which
    roused a morbid sympathy in them at the sight of a person seized with
    convulsions. This, together with the supervention of hysterical fits,
    may aptly enough be compared to Tarantism.</p>

  <p>2. “A young woman of the lowest order, twenty-one years of age, and
    of a strong frame, came on the 13th of January, 1801, to visit a
    patient in the Charité hospital at Berlin, where she had herself
    been previously under treatment for an inflammation of the chest
    with tetanic spasms, and immediately on entering the ward, fell down
    in strong convulsions. At the sight of her violent contortions, six
    other female patients immediately became affected in the same way,
    and by degrees eight more were in like manner attacked with strong
    convulsions. All these patients were from sixteen to twenty-five years
    of age, and suffered without exception, one from spasms in the stomach,
    another from palsy, a third from lethargy, a fourth from fits with
    consciousness, a fifth from catalepsy, a sixth from syncope, &amp;c. The
    convulsions, which alternate in various ways with tonic spasms, were
    accompanied by loss of sensibility, and were invariably preceded by
    languor with heavy sleep, which was followed by the fits in the course
    of a minute or two; and it is remarkable, that in all these patients
    their former nervous disorders, not excepting paralysis, disappeared,
    returning, however, after the subsequent removal of their new
    complaint. The treatment, during the course of which two of the nurses,
    who were young women, suffered similar attacks, was continued for four
    months. It was finally successful, and consisted principally <span class="pagenum" id="Page_142">142</span>in the
    administration of opium, at that time the favourite remedy<a id="FNanchor_124b" href="#Footnote_124b" class="fnanchor">[124]</a>.”</p>

  <p>Now, every species of enthusiasm, every strong affection, every violent
    passion, may lead to convulsions—to mental disorders—to a concussion of
    the nerves, from the sensorium to the very finest extremities of the
    spinal chord. The whole world is full of examples of this afflicting
    state of turmoil, which, when the mind is carried away by the force
    of a sensual impression that destroys its freedom, is irresistibly
    propagated by imitation. Those who are thus infected do not spare even
    their own lives, but, as a hunted flock of sheep will follow their
    leader and rush over a precipice, so will whole hosts of enthusiasts,
    deluded by their infatuation, hurry on to a self-inflicted death. Such
    has ever been the case, from the days of the Milesian virgins to the
    modern associations for self-destruction<a id="FNanchor_125b" href="#Footnote_125b" class="fnanchor">[125]</a>. Of all enthusiastic
    infatuations, however, that of religion is the most fertile in
    disorders of the mind as well as of the body, and both spread with the
    greatest facility by sympathy. The history of the church furnishes
    innumerable proofs of this, but we need go no further than the most
    recent times.</p>

  <p>3. In a Methodist chapel at Redruth, a man during divine service, cried
    out with a loud voice, “What shall I do to be saved?” at the same
    time manifesting the greatest uneasiness and solicitude respecting
    the condition of his soul. Some other members of the congregation,
    following his example, cried out in the same form of words, and seemed
    shortly after to suffer the most excruciating bodily pain. This strange
    occurrence was soon publicly known, and hundreds of people, who had
    come thither, either attracted by curiosity, or a desire, from other
    motives, to see the sufferers, fell into the same state. The chapel
    remained open for some days and nights, and from that point the new
    disorder spread itself, with the rapidity of lightning, over the
    neighbouring towns of Camborne, Helston, Truro, Penryn, and Falmouth,
    as well as over the villages in the vicinity. Whilst thus advancing,
    it decreased in some measure at the place where it had first appeared,
    and it confined itself throughout <span class="pagenum" id="Page_143">143</span>to the Methodist chapels. It was
    only by the words which have been mentioned that it was excited, and it
    seized none but people of the lowest education. Those who were attacked
    betrayed the greatest anguish, and fell into convulsions; others cried
    out, like persons possessed, that the Almighty would straightway pour
    out his wrath upon them, that the wailings of tormented spirits rang in
    their ears, and that they saw hell open to receive them. The clergy,
    when in the course of their sermons, they perceived that persons
    were thus seized, earnestly exhorted them to confess their sins, and
    zealously endeavoured to convince them that they were by nature enemies
    to Christ; that the anger of God had therefore fallen upon them; and
    that if death should surprise them in the midst of their sins, the
    eternal torments of hell would be their portion. The over-excited
    congregation upon this repeated their words, which naturally must have
    increased the fury of their convulsive attacks. When the discourse had
    produced its full effect, the preacher changed his subject; reminded
    those who were suffering, of the power of the Saviour, as well as
    of the grace of God, and represented to them in glowing colours the
    joys of heaven. Upon this a remarkable reaction sooner or later took
    place. Those who were in convulsions felt themselves raised from the
    lowest depths of misery and despair to the most exalted bliss, and
    triumphantly shouted out that their bonds were loosed, their sins were
    forgiven, and that they were translated to the wonderful freedom of the
    children of God. In the mean time, their convulsions continued, and
    they remained, during this condition, so abstracted from every earthly
    thought, that they staid two and sometimes three days and nights
    together in the chapels, agitated all the time by spasmodic movements,
    and taking neither repose nor nourishment. According to a moderate
    computation, 4000 people were, within a very short time, affected with
    this convulsive malady.</p>

  <p>The course and symptoms of the attacks were in general as
    follows:—There came on at first a feeling of faintness, with rigour
    and a sense of weight at the pit of the stomach, soon after which
    the patient cried out, as if in the agonies of death or the pains
    of labour. The convulsions then began, first showing themselves in
    the muscles of the eyelids, though the eyes themselves were fixed
    and staring. The most frightful contortions <span class="pagenum" id="Page_144">144</span>of the countenance
    followed, and the convulsions now took their course downwards, so that
    the muscles of the neck and trunk were affected, causing a sobbing
    respiration, which was performed with great effort. Tremors and
    agitation ensued, and the patients screamed out violently, and tossed
    their heads about from side to side. As the complaint increased, it
    seized the arms, and its victims beat their breasts, clasped their
    hands, and made all sorts of strange gestures. The observer who gives
    this account remarked that the lower extremities were in no instance
    affected. In some cases, exhaustion came on in a very few minutes,
    but the attack usually lasted much longer, and there were even cases
    in which it was known to continue for sixty or seventy hours. Many of
    those who happened to be seated when the attack commenced, bent their
    bodies rapidly backwards and forwards during its continuance, making a
    corresponding motion with their arms, like persons sawing wood. Others
    shouted aloud, leaped about, and threw their bodies into every possible
    posture, until they had exhausted their strength. Yawning took place
    at the commencement in all cases, but as the violence of the disorder
    increased, the circulation and respiration became accelerated, so
    that the countenance assumed a swollen and puffed appearance. When
    exhaustion came on, patients usually fainted, and remained in a stiff
    and motionless state until their recovery. The disorder completely
    resembled the St. Vitus’s dance, but the fits sometimes went on to
    an extraordinarily violent extent, so that the author of the account
    once saw a woman, who was seized with these convulsions, resist the
    endeavours of four or five strong men to restrain her. Those patients
    who did not lose their consciousness were in general made more furious
    by every attempt to quiet them by force, on which account they were in
    general suffered to continue unmolested until nature herself brought
    on exhaustion. Those affected complained, more or less, of debility
    after the attacks, and cases sometimes occurred in which they passed
    into other disorders: thus some fell into a state of melancholy, which,
    however, in consequence of their religious ecstacy, was distinguished
    by the absence of fear and despair; and in one patient inflammation of
    the brain is said to have taken place. No sex or age was exempt from
    this epidemic malady. Children five years old and octogenarians were
    alike affected by it, and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_145">145</span> even men of the most powerful frame were
    subject to its influence. Girls and young women, however, were its most
    frequent victims<a id="FNanchor_126b" href="#Footnote_126b" class="fnanchor">[126]</a>.</p>

  <p>4. For the last hundred years a nervous affection of a perfectly
    similar kind has existed in the Shetland Islands, which furnishes
    a striking example, perhaps the only one now existing, of the very
    lasting propagation by sympathy of this species of disorders. The
    origin of the malady was very insignificant. An epileptic woman had a
    fit in church, and whether it was that the minds of the congregation
    were excited by devotion, or that, being overcome at the sight of
    the strong convulsions, their sympathy was called forth, certain it
    is, that many adult women, and even children, some of whom were of
    the male sex, and not more than six years old, began to complain
    forthwith of palpitation, followed by faintness, which passed into a
    motionless and apparently cataleptic condition. These symptoms lasted
    more than an hour, and probably recurred frequently. In the course of
    time, however, this malady is said to have undergone a modification,
    such as it exhibits at the present day. Women whom it has attacked
    will suddenly fall down, toss their arms about, writhe their bodies
    into various shapes, move their heads suddenly from side to side, and
    with eyes fixed and staring, utter the most dismal cries. If the fit
    happen on any occasion of public diversion, they will, as soon as it
    has ceased, mix with their companions and continue their amusement as
    if nothing had happened. Paroxysms of this kind used to prevail most
    during the warm months of summer, and about fifty years ago there was
    scarcely a Sabbath in which they did not occur. Strong passions of
    the mind, induced by religious enthusiasm, are also exciting causes
    of these fits, but like all such false tokens of divine workings,
    they are easily encountered by producing in the patient a different
    frame of mind, and especially by exciting a sense of shame: thus those
    affected are under the control of any sensible preacher, who knows
    how to “administer to a mind diseased,” and to expose the folly of
    voluntarily yielding to a sympathy so easily resisted, or of inviting
    such attacks by affectation. An intelligent and pious minister of
    Shetland informed the physician, who gives an account <span class="pagenum" id="Page_146">146</span>of this
    disorder as an eye-witness, that being considerably annoyed, on his
    first introduction into the country, by these paroxysms, whereby the
    devotions of the church were much impeded, he obviated their repetition
    by assuring his parishioners, that no treatment was more effectual than
    immersion in cold water; and as his kirk was fortunately contiguous to
    a freshwater lake, he gave notice that attendants should be at hand,
    during divine service, to ensure the proper means of cure. The sequel
    need scarcely be told. The fear of being carried out of the church,
    and into the water, acted like a charm; not a single Naiad was made,
    and the worthy minister, for many years, had reason to boast of one of
    the best regulated congregations in Shetland. As the physician above
    alluded to was attending divine service in the kirk of Baliasta, on
    the Isle of Unst, a female shriek, the indication of a convulsion fit,
    was heard; the minister, Mr. Ingram, of Fetlar, very properly stopped
    his discourse, until the disturber was removed; and, after advising
    all those who thought they might be similarly affected, to leave the
    church, he gave out, in the meantime, a psalm. The congregation was
    thus preserved from further interruption; yet the effect of sympathy
    was not prevented, for as the narrator of the account was leaving the
    church, he saw several females writhing and tossing about their arms on
    the green grass, who durst not, for fear of a censure from the pulpit,
    exhibit themselves after this manner within the sacred walls of the
    kirk<a id="FNanchor_127b" href="#Footnote_127b" class="fnanchor">[127]</a>.</p>

  <p>In the production of this disorder, which no doubt still exists,
    fanaticism certainly had a smaller share than the irritable state of
    women out of health, who only needed excitement, no matter of what
    kind, to throw them into the prevailing nervous paroxysms. When,
    however, that powerful cause of nervous disorders takes the lead, we
    find far more remarkable symptoms developed, and it then depends on the
    mental condition of the people among whom they appear, whether in their
    spread, they shall take a narrow or an extended range—whether confined
    to some small knot of zealots they are to vanish without a trace, or
    whether they are to attain even historical importance.</p>

  <p>5. The appearance of the <i lang="fr">Convulsionnaires</i> in France, whose
    inhabitants, from the greater mobility of their blood, have in
    <span class="pagenum" id="Page_147">147</span>general been the less liable to fanaticism, is, in this respect,
    instructive and worthy of attention. In the year 1727 there died, in
    the capital of that country, the Deacon Pâris, a zealous opposer of the
    Ultramontanists, division having arisen in the French church on account
    of the bull “Unigenitus.” People made frequent visits to his tomb, in
    the cemetery of St. Medard, and four years afterwards, (in September,
    1731,) a rumour was spread, that miracles took place there. Patients
    were seized with convulsions and tetanic spasms, rolled upon the ground
    like persons possessed, were thrown into violent contortions of their
    heads and limbs, and suffered the greatest oppression, accompanied by
    quickness and irregularity of pulse. This novel occurrence excited
    the greatest sensation all over Paris, and an immense concourse of
    people resorted daily to the above named cemetery, in order to see
    so wonderful a spectacle, which the Ultramontanists immediately
    interpreted as a work of Satan, while their opponents ascribed it to a
    divine influence. The disorder soon increased, until it produced, in
    nervous women, <em>clairvoyance</em>, (<i lang="de">Schlafwachen</i>,) a phenomenon till then
    unknown; for one female especially attracted attention, who blindfold,
    and, as it was believed, by means of the sense of smell, read every
    writing that was placed before her, and distinguished the characters of
    unknown persons. The very earth taken from the grave of the Deacon, was
    soon thought to possess miraculous power. It was sent to numerous sick
    persons at a distance, whereby they were said to have been cured, and
    thus this nervous disorder spread far beyond the limits of the capital,
    so that at one time it was computed that there were more than eight
    hundred decided <i lang="fr">Convulsionnaires</i>, who would hardly have increased
    so much in numbers, had not Louis XV. directed that the cemetery
    should be closed<a id="FNanchor_128b" href="#Footnote_128b" class="fnanchor">[128]</a>. The disorder itself assumed various forms,
    and augmented, by its attacks, the general excitement. Many persons,
    besides suffering from the convulsions, became the subjects of violent
    pain, which required the assistance of their brethren of the faith. On
    this account they, as well as those who afforded them aid, were called
    by the common title of <em>Secourists</em>. The modes of relief adopted were
    remarkably in accordance with those which were administered <span class="pagenum" id="Page_148">148</span>to the
    St. John’s dancers and the Tarantati, and they were in general very
    rough; for the sufferers were beaten and goaded in various parts of
    the body with stones, hammers, swords, clubs, &amp;c., of which treatment
    the defenders of this extraordinary sect relate the most astonishing
    examples, in proof that severe pain is imperatively demanded by nature
    in this disorder, as an effectual counter-irritant. The Secourists used
    wooden clubs, in the same manner as paviors use their mallets, and it
    is stated that some Convulsionnaires have borne daily from six to eight
    thousand blows, thus inflicted, without danger<a id="FNanchor_129b" href="#Footnote_129b" class="fnanchor">[129]</a>. One Secourist
    administered to a young woman, who was suffering under spasm of the
    stomach, the most violent blows on that part, not to mention other
    similar cases, which occurred everywhere in great numbers. Sometimes
    the patients bounded from the ground, impelled by the convulsions,
    like fish when out of water; and this was so frequently imitated at a
    later period, that the women and girls, when they expected such violent
    contortions, not wishing to appear indecent, put on gowns, made like
    sacks, closed at the feet. If they received any bruises by falling
    down, they were healed with earth from the grave of the uncanonized
    saint. They usually, however, showed great agility in this respect,
    and it is scarcely necessary to remark that the female sex especially
    was distinguished by all kinds of leaping, and almost inconceivable
    contortions of body. Some spun round on their feet with incredible
    rapidity, as is related of the dervishes; others ran their heads
    against walls, or curved their bodies like rope-dancers, so that their
    heels touched their shoulders.</p>

  <p>All this degenerated at length into decided insanity. A certain
    Convulsionnaire, at Vernon, who had formerly led rather a loose course
    of life, employed herself in confessing the other sex; in other places
    women of this sect were seen imposing exercises of penance on priests,
    during which these were compelled to kneel before them. Others played
    with children’s rattles, or drew about small carts, and gave to these
    childish <span class="pagenum" id="Page_149">149</span>acts symbolical significations<a id="FNanchor_130b" href="#Footnote_130b" class="fnanchor">[130]</a>. One Convulsionnaire
    even made believe to shave her chin, and gave religious instruction
    at the same time, in order to imitate Pâris, the worker of miracles,
    who, during this operation, and whilst at table, was in the habit of
    preaching. Some had a board placed across their bodies, upon which a
    whole row of men stood; and as, in this unnatural state of mind, a
    kind of pleasure is derived from excruciating pain, some too were seen
    who caused their bosoms to be pinched with tongs, while others, with
    gowns closed at the feet, stood upon their heads, and remained in that
    position longer than would have been possible had they been in health.
    Pinault, the advocate, who belonged to this sect, barked like a dog
    some hours every day, and even this found imitation among the believers.</p>

  <p>The insanity of the Convulsionnaires lasted, without interruption,
    until the year 1790, and during these fifty-nine years, called
    forth more lamentable phenomena than the enlightened spirits of the
    eighteenth century would be willing to allow. The grossest immorality
    found, in the secret meetings of the believers, a sure sanctuary, and,
    in their bewildering devotional exercises, a convenient cloak. It was
    of no avail that, in the year 1762, the Grands Secours was forbidden by
    act of parliament; for thenceforth this work was carried on in secrecy,
    and with greater zeal than ever; it was in vain, too, that some
    physicians, and, among the rest, the austere, pious Hecquet<a id="FNanchor_131b" href="#Footnote_131b" class="fnanchor">[131]</a>, and
    after him Lorry<a id="FNanchor_132b" href="#Footnote_132b" class="fnanchor">[132]</a>, attributed the conduct of the Convulsionnaires
    to natural causes. Men of distinction among the upper classes, as,
    for instance, Montgeron the deputy, and Lambert an ecclesiastic (obt.
    1813), stood forth as the defenders of this sect; and the numerous
    writings<a id="FNanchor_133b" href="#Footnote_133b" class="fnanchor">[133]</a> which were exchanged on the subject, served, by the
    importance which they thus attached to it, to give it stability. The
    revolution, finally, shook the structure of this pernicious mysticism.
    It was not, however, destroyed; for, even during the period of the
    greatest excitement, the secret meetings were still kept up; prophetic
    books, by Convulsionnaires <span class="pagenum" id="Page_150">150</span>of various denominations, have appeared
    even in the most recent times, and only a few years ago (in 1828) this
    once celebrated sect still existed, although without the convulsions
    and the extraordinarily rude aid of the brethren of the faith, which,
    amidst the boasted pre-eminence of French intellectual advancement,
    remind us most forcibly of the dark ages of the St. John’s dancers<a id="FNanchor_134b" href="#Footnote_134b" class="fnanchor">[134]</a>.</p>

  <p>6. Similar fanatical sects exhibit among all nations<a id="FNanchor_135b" href="#Footnote_135b" class="fnanchor">[135]</a> of ancient
    and modern times the same phenomena. An over-strained bigotry is,
    in itself, and considered in a medical point of view, a destructive
    irritation of the senses, which draws men away from the efficiency of
    mental freedom, and peculiarly favours the most injurious emotions.
    Sensual ebullitions, with strong convulsions of the nerves, appear
    sooner or later<a id="FNanchor_136b" href="#Footnote_136b" class="fnanchor">[136]</a>, and insanity, suicidal disgust of life,
    and incurable nervous disorders<a id="FNanchor_137b" href="#Footnote_137b" class="fnanchor">[137]</a>, are but too frequently the
    consequences of a perverse, <span class="pagenum" id="Page_151">151</span>and, indeed, hypocritical zeal, which has
    ever prevailed, as well in the assemblies of the Mænades and Corybantes
    of antiquity, as under the semblance of religion among the Christians
    and Mahomedans.</p>

  <p>There are some denominations of English Methodists which surpass, if
    possible, the French Convulsionnaires; and we may here mention, in
    particular, the Jumpers, among whom it is still more difficult, than
    in the example given above, to draw the line between religious ecstacy
    and a perfect disorder of the nerves; sympathy, however, operates
    perhaps more perniciously on them than on other fanatical assemblies.
    The sect of Jumpers was founded in the year 1760, in the county of
    Cornwall, by two fanatics<a id="FNanchor_138b" href="#Footnote_138b" class="fnanchor">[138]</a>, who were, even at that time, able to
    collect together a considerable party. Their general doctrine is that
    of the Methodists, and claims our consideration here, only in so far
    as it enjoins them, during their devotional exercises, to fall into
    convulsions, which they are able to effect in the strangest manner
    imaginable. By the use of certain unmeaning words, they work themselves
    up into a state of religious frenzy, in which they seem to have
    scarcely any control over their senses. They then begin to jump with
    strange gestures, repeating this exercise with all their might, until
    they are exhausted, so that it not unfrequently happens that women,
    who, like the Mænades, practise these religious exercises, are carried
    away from the midst of them in a state of syncope, whilst the remaining
    members of the congregations, for miles together, on their way home,
    terrify those whom they meet by the sight of such demoniacal ravings.
    There are never more than a few ecstatics, who, by their example,
    excite the rest to jump, and these are followed by the greatest part
    of the meeting, so that these assemblages of the Jumpers resemble, for
    hours together, the wildest orgies, rather than congregations met for
    Christian edification<a id="FNanchor_139b" href="#Footnote_139b" class="fnanchor">[139]</a>.</p>

  <p>In the United States of North America, communities of Methodists
    have existed for the last sixty years. The reports of credible
    witnesses of their assemblages for divine service in the open-air
    (camp meetings)<a id="FNanchor_140b" href="#Footnote_140b" class="fnanchor">[140]</a>, to which many thousands flock from <span class="pagenum" id="Page_152">152</span>great
    distances<a id="FNanchor_141b" href="#Footnote_141b" class="fnanchor">[141]</a>, surpass, indeed, all belief; for not only do they
    there repeat all the insane acts of the French Convulsionnaires and
    of the English Jumpers, but the disorder of their minds and of their
    nerves attains, at these meetings, a still greater height. Women have
    been seen to miscarry whilst suffering under the state of ecstacy and
    violent spasms into which they are thrown, and others have publicly
    stripped themselves and jumped into the rivers. They have swooned
    away<a id="FNanchor_142b" href="#Footnote_142b" class="fnanchor">[142]</a> by hundreds, worn out with ravings and fits; and of the
    Barkers, who appeared among the Convulsionnaires only here and there,
    in single cases of complete aberration of intellect, whole bands are
    seen running on all fours, and growling<a id="FNanchor_143b" href="#Footnote_143b" class="fnanchor">[143]</a> as if they wished to
    indicate, even by their outward form, the shocking degradation of their
    human nature. At these camp-meetings the children are witnesses of
    this mad infatuation, and as their weak nerves are, with the greatest
    facility, affected by sympathy, they, together with their parents, fall
    into violent fits, though they know nothing of their import, and many
    of them retain for life some severe nervous disorder, which, having
    arisen from fright and excessive excitement, will not afterwards yield
    to any medical treatment<a id="FNanchor_144b" href="#Footnote_144b" class="fnanchor">[144]</a>.</p>

  <p>But enough of these extravagances, which, even in our own days,
    embitter the lives of so many thousands, and exhibit to the world, in
    the nineteenth century, the same terrific form of mental disturbance as
    the St. Vitus’s dance once did to the benighted nations of the middle
    ages.</p>

  <hr class="page" />
  <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_153">153</span></p>
  <div class="chapter center xxlarge">
    <div class="mt10">APPENDIX.</div>
  </div>
  <hr class="short" />

  <h3 class="nobreak" id="BOOK2_App_I" title="APPENDIX I">I.</h3>

  <p class="hang"><cite>Petri de Herentals</cite>, Prioris Floreffiensis Vita <cite>Gregorii
    XI.</cite>, in <cite>Stephan. Baluzii</cite> Vitæ Paparum Avenionensium. T. I.
    Paris, 1693. <i>4to. p. 483</i>.</p>

  <p class="noindent" lang="la"><span class="smcap">Ejus</span> tempore, videlicet A. D. MCCCLXXV., mira secta tam virorum quam
    mulierum venit Aquisgrani de partibus Alamanniæ, et ascendit usque
    Hanoniam seu Franciam, cujus talis fuit conditio. Nam homines utriusque
    sexus illudebantur a dæmonio, taliter quod tam in domibus quam in
    plateis et in Ecclesiis se invicem manibus tenentes chorizabant et in
    altum saltabant, ac quædam nomina dæmoniorum nominabant, videlicet
    <em>Friskes</em> et similia, nullam cognitionem in hujusmodi chorizatione
    nec verecundiam sui propter astantes populos habentes. Et in fine
    hujus chorizationis in tantum circa pectoralia torquebantur, quod
    nisi mappulis lineis a suis amicis per medium ventris fortiter
    stringerentur, quasi furiose clamabant se mori. Hi vero in Leodio per
    conjurationes sumptas de illis quæ in catechismo ante baptismum fiunt,
    a dæmonio liberabantur, et sanati dicebant, quod videbatur eis <em>quod in
    hora hujus chorizationis erant in fluvio sanguinis, et propterea sic
    in altum saltabant</em>. Vulgus autem apud Leodium dicebat quod hujusmodi
    plaga populo contigisset eo, quod populus male baptizatus erat, maxime
    a Presbyteribus suas tenentibus concubinas. Et propter hoc proposuerat
    vulgus insurgere in clerum, eos occidendo et bona eorum diripiendo,
    nisi Deus de remedio providisset per conjurationes prædictas. Quo viso
    cessavit tempestas vulgi taliter quod clerus multo plus a populo fuit
    honoratus. De ista autem chorizatione seu secta talia extant rigmata:</p>

  <div class="center-container">
    <div class="poetry">
      <div class="stanza" lang="la">
        <div class="i0">Oritur in seculo nova quædam secta</div>
        <div class="i0">In gestis aut in speculo visa plus nec lecta.</div>
        <div class="i0">Populus tripudiat nimium saltando.</div>
        <div class="i0">Se unus alteri sociat leviter clamando.</div>
        <div class="i0"><em>Frisch friskes cum gaudio clamat uterque sexus.</em></div>
        <div class="i0">Cunctus manutergio et baculo connexus.</div>
        <div class="i0">Capite fert pelleum desuper sertum.</div>
        <div class="i0"><em>Cernit Mariæ filium et cœlum apertum.</em></div>
        <div class="i0"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_154">154</span>Deorsum prosternitur. Dudum fit ululatus.</div>
        <div class="i0">Calcato ventre cernitur statim liberatus.</div>
        <div class="i0">Vagatur loca varia pompose vivendo.</div>
        <div class="i0">Mendicat necessaria propriis parcendo.</div>
        <div class="i0"><em>Spernit videre rubea et personam flentem.</em></div>
        <div class="i0">Ad fidei contraria crigit hic gens mentem.</div>
        <div class="i0">Noctis sub umbraculo ista perpetravit.</div>
        <div class="i0">Cum naturali baculo subtus se calcavit.</div>
        <div class="i0">Clerum habet odio. Non curat sacramenta.</div>
        <div class="i0">Post sunt Leodio remedia inventa,</div>
        <div class="i0">Hanc nam fraudem qua suggessit sathan est convictus.</div>
        <div class="i0">Conjuratus evanescit. Hinc sit Christus benedictus.</div>
      </div>
    </div>
  </div>

  <hr class="short" />
  <h3 class="nobreak" id="BOOK2_App_II" title="APPENDIX II">II.</h3>

  <div class="center" lang="la"><cite>Jo. Pistorii</cite> Rerum familiarumque Belgicarum Cbronicon magnum.
    Francof. 1654. <i>fol. p. 319</i>. De chorisantibus.</div>

  <p lang="la">Item Anno. Dn. MCCCLXXIV. tempore pontificates venerabilis Domini
    Joannis de Arckel Episcopi Leodiensis, in mense Julio in crastino
    divisionis Apostolorum visi sunt dansatores scilicet chorisantes,
    qui postea venerunt Trajectum, Leodium, Tungrim et alia loca istarum
    partium in mense Septembri. Et cœpit hæc <i>dæmoniaca pestis</i> vexare in
    dictis locis et circumvicinis masculos et fœminas maxime pauperes et
    levis opinionis ad magnum omnium terrorem; pauci clericorum vel divitum
    sunt vexati. Serta in capitibus gestabant, circa ventrem mappa cum
    baculo se stringebant circa umbilicum, ubi post saltationem cadentes
    nimium torquebantur, et ne creparentur pedibus conculcabantur, vel
    contra creporem cum baculo ad mappam duriter se ligabant, vel cum pugno
    se trudi faciebant, rostra calceorum aliqui clamabant se abhorrere,
    unde in Leodio fieri tunc vetabantur. Ecclesias chorisando occupabant,
    et crescebant numerose de mense Septembri et Octobri, processiones
    fiebant ubique, litaniæ et missæ speciales. Leodii apud Sanctam
    crucem scholaris servitor in vesperis dedicationis, cœpit ludere cum
    thuribulo, et post vesperas fortiter saltare. Evocatus a pluribus,
    ut diceret Pater noster, noluit, et Credo respondit in diabolum.
    Quod videns capellanus, allata stola conjuravit cum per exorcismum
    baptizandorum, et statim dixit: Ecce inquit, scholaris recedit cum
    parva toga et calceis rostratis. Dic, tunc inquit, Pater noster et
    Credo. At ille utrumque dixit perfecte et curatus est. Apud Harstallium
    uno mane ante omnium Sanctorum, multi eorum ibi congregati consilium
    habuerunt, ut pariter venientes omnes canonicos, presbyteres et
    clericos Leodienses occiderent. Canonicus quidam parvæ mensæ minister
    Simon in claustro Leodiensi<span class="pagenum" id="Page_155">155</span> apud capellam Beatæ virginis, in Deo
    confortatus, scalam projecit in collum unius, dicens Evangelium: In
    principio erat verbum, super caput ejus, et per hoc fuit liberatus,
    et pro miraculo statim fuit pulsatum. Apud S. Bartolomæum Leodii,
    præsentibus multis, cuidam alii exorcisanti respondit dæmon: Ego exibo
    libenter. Expecta, inquit presbyter, volo tibi loqui. Et postquam
    aliquos alios curasset, dixit illi, loquere tu personaliter et responde
    mihi. Tum solus respondit dæmon: Nos eramus duo, sed socius meus
    nequior me, ante me exivit, habui tot pati in hoc corpore, si essem
    extra, nunquam intrarem in corpus Christianum. Cui presbyter: Quare
    intrasti corpora talium personarum? Respondit: Clerici et presbyteres
    dicunt tot pulchra verba et tot orationes, ut non possemus intrare
    corpora ipsorum. Si adhuc fuisset expectatum per quindenam vel mensem,
    nos intrassemus corpora divitum, et postea principum, et sic per eos
    destruxissemus clerum. Et hæc fuerunt ibi a multis audita et postea a
    multis narrata. Hæc pestis intra annum satis invaluit, sed postea per
    tres aut quatuor annos omnino cessavit.</p>

  <hr class="short" />
  <h3 class="nobreak" id="BOOK2_App_III" title="APPENDIX III">III<a id="FNanchor_145b" href="#Footnote_145b" class="fnanchor">[145]</a>.</h3>

  <div class="center" lang="de">Die Limburger Chronik, herausgegeben von <cite>C. D. Vogel</cite>.
    Marburg, 1828, <i>8vo. s. 71</i>.</div>

  <p lang="de">Anno 1374 zu mitten im Sommer, da erhub sich ein wunderlich Ding auff
    Erdreich, und sonderlich in Teutschen Landen, auff dem Rhein und auff
    der Mosel, also dass Leute anhuben zu tantzen und zu rasen, und stunden
    je zwey gegen ein, und tantzeten auff einer Stätte einen halben Tag,
    und in dem Tantz da fielen sie etwan offt nieder, und liessen sich
    mit Füssen tretten auff ihren Leib. Davon nahmen sie sich an, dass
    sie genesen wären. Und lieffen von einer Stadt zu der andern, und
    von einer Kirchen zu der andern, und huben Geld auff von den Leuten,
    wo es ihnen mocht gewerden. Und wurd des Dings also viel, dass man
    zu Cölln in der Stadt mehr dann fünff hundert Täntzer fand. Und fand
    man, dass es eine Ketzerey war, und geschahe um Golds willen, das
    ihr ein Theil Frau und Mann in Unkeuschheit mochten kommen, und die
    vollbringen. Und fand man da zu Cölln mehr dann hundert Frauen und
    Dienstmägde, die nicht eheliche Männer hatten. Die wurden alle in der
    Täntzerey Kinder-tragend, und wann dass sie tantzeten, so bunden und
    knebelten sie sich hart um den Leib, dass sie desto geringer wären.
    Hierauff sprachen ein Theils Meister, <span class="pagenum" id="Page_156">156</span>sonderlich der guten Artzt,
    das ein Theil wurden tantzend, die von heisser Natur wären, und von
    andern gebrechlichen natürlichen Sachen. Dann deren war wenig, denen
    das geschahe. Die Meister von der heiligen Schrift, die beschwohren der
    Täntzer ein Theil, die meynten, dass sie besessen wären von dem bösen
    Geist. Also nahm es ein betrogen End, und währete wohl sechszehn Wochen
    in diesen Landen oder in der Mass. Auch nahmen die vorgenannten Täntzer
    Mann und Frauen sich an, dass sie kein roth sehen möchten. Und war ein
    eitel Teuscherey, und ist verbottschaft gewesen an Christum nach meinem
    Bedünken.</p>

  <hr class="short" />
  <h3 class="nobreak" id="BOOK2_App_IV" title="APPENDIX IV">IV.</h3>

  <div class="center" lang="de">Die Chronica van der hilliger Stat van Coellen. A. D.
    MCCCLXXIV. fol. 277. Coellen, 1499. fol.</div>

  <p lang="de">In dem seluen iair stonde eyn groisse kranckheit vp vnder den mynschen,
    ind was doch niet vill me gesyen dese selue kranckheit vur off nae ind
    quam van natuerlichen ursachen as die meyster schrijnen, ind noemen
    Sij maniam, dat is raserie off unsynnicheit. Ind vill lude beyde man
    ind frauwen junck ind alt hadden die kranckheit. Ind gyngen vyss huyss
    ind hoff, dat deden ouch junge meyde, die verliessen yr alderen,
    vrunde ind maege ind lantschaff. Disse vurss mynschen zo etzlichen
    tzijden as Sij die kranckheit anstiesse, so hadden Sij eyn wonderlich
    bewegung yrre lychamen. Sij gauen vyss kryschende vnd grusame stymme,
    ind mit dem wurpen Sij sich haestlich up die erden, vnd gyngen liggen
    up yren rugge, ind beyde man ind vrauwen moist men vmb yren buych ind
    vmp lenden gurdelen vnd kneuelen mit twelen vnd mit starcken breyden
    benden, asso stijff vnd harte als men mochte.</p>

  <p lang="de">Item asso gegurt mit den twelen dantzten Sij in kyrchen ind in clusen
    ind vp allen gewijeden steden. As Sij dantzten, so sprungen Sij allit
    vp ind rieffen, <em>Here sent Johan, so so, vrisch ind vro here sent
    Johan</em>.</p>

  <p lang="de">Item die ghene die die kranckheit hadden wurden gemeynlichen gesunt
    bynnen. VV. dagen. Zom lesten geschiede vill bouerie vnd droch dae mit.
    Eyndeyll naemen sich an dat Sij kranck weren. vp dat Sij mochten gelt
    dae durch bedelen. Die anderen vinsden sich kranck vp dat Sij mochten
    vnkuyschheit bedrijuen mit den vrauwen. jnd gyngen durch alle lant ind
    dreuen vill bouerie. Doch zo lesten brach idt vyss ind wurden verdreuen
    vyss den landen. Die selue dentzer quamen ouch zo Coellen tusschen
    tzwen vnser lieuen frauwen missen Assumptionis ind Natiuitatis.</p>

  <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_157">157</span></p>

  <hr class="short" />
  <h3 class="nobreak" id="BOOK2_App_V" title="APPENDIX V">V.</h3>

  <p>In the third volume of the Edinburgh Medical and Surgical Journal,
    p. 434, there is an account of “some convulsive diseases in certain
    parts of Scotland, which is taken from Sir J. Sinclair’s statistical
    account, and from which I have thought it illustrative of our author’s
    subject to make some extracts; the first that is noticed is peculiar to
    a part of Forfarshire, and is called the leaping ague, which bears so
    close an analogy to the original St. Vitus’s Dance, or to Tarantism,
    that it seems to want only the “foul fiend,” or the dreaded bite, as
    a cause, and a Scotch reel or strathspey as a cure, to render the
    resemblance quite complete. “Those affected with it first complain
    of a pain in the head, or lower part of the back, to which succeed
    convulsive fits, or <em>fits of dancing</em>, at certain periods. During the
    paroxysm they have all the appearance of madness, distorting their
    bodies in various ways, and leaping and springing in a surprising
    manner, whence the disease has derived its vulgar name. Sometimes they
    run with astonishing velocity, and often over dangerous passes, to
    some place out of doors, which they have fixed on in their own minds,
    or, perhaps, even mentioned to those in company with them, and then
    <em>drop down quite exhausted</em>. At other times, especially when confined
    to the house, they climb in the most singular manner. In cottages, for
    example, they leap from the floor to what is called the baulks, or
    those beams by which the rafters are joined together, springing from
    one to another with the agility of a cat, or whirling round one of
    them, with a motion resembling the fly of a jack. Cold bathing is found
    to be the most effectual remedy; but when the fit of dancing, leaping,
    or running comes on, <em>nothing tends so much to abate the violence of
    the disease, as allowing them free scope to exercise themselves, till
    nature be exhausted</em>. No mention is made of its being peculiar to any
    age, sex, or condition of life, although I am informed by a gentleman
    from Brechin, that it is most common before puberty. In some families
    it seems to be hereditary; and I have heard of one, in which a horse
    was always kept ready saddled, to follow the young ladies belonging to
    it, when they were seized with a fit of running. It was first observed
    in the parish of Kenmuir, and has prevailed occasionally in that and
    the neighbouring parishes, for about seventy years: but it is not now
    nearly so frequent as it was about thirty years ago. The history of
    this singular affection is still extremely imperfect: and it is only
    from some of the medical practitioners in that part of the country
    where it prevails, that a complete description can be expected.”</p>

  <p>Our author has already noticed the convulsive disease prevalent in
    the Shetland Islands, and has quoted Hibbert’s account of it. The
    following, however, from a very valuable manuscript account of the
    Orkney<span class="pagenum" id="Page_158">158</span> and Shetland Islands, drawn up about 1774, by George Low, with
    notes, by Mr. Pennant, is given in the journal already cited, and will
    be read with interest. The facts were communicated to Mr. Low by the
    Rev. Wm. Archibald, parochial clergyman of Unst, the most northerly of
    the Shetlands.</p>

  <p>“There is a most shocking distemper, which has of late years prevailed
    very much, especially among young women, and was hardly known thirty
    or forty years ago. About that period only one person was subject to
    it. The inhabitants give it the name of convulsion fits; and indeed,
    in appearance it something resembles epilepsy. In its first rise, it
    began with a palpitation of the heart, of which they complained for a
    considerable time; it at length produced swooning fits, in which people
    seized with it would lie motionless upwards of an hour. At length, as
    the distemper gathered strength, when any violent passion seized, or
    on a sudden surprise, they would all at once fall down, toss their
    arms about, with their bodies, into many odd shapes, crying out all
    the while most dismally, throwing their heads about from side to side,
    with their eyes fixed and staring. At first this distemper obtained
    in a private way, with one female, but she being seized in a public
    way, at church, the disease was communicated to others; but, whether
    by the influence of <em>fear</em> or <em>sympathy</em>, is not easy to determine.
    However this was, our public assemblies, especially at church, became
    greatly disturbed by their outcries. This distemper always prevails
    most violently during the summer time, in which season, for many years,
    we are hardly one sabbath free. In these few years past, it has not
    prevailed so extensively, and upon the whole, seems on the decline.
    One thing remarkable in this distemper is, that as soon as the fit is
    over, the persons affected with it are generally as lively and brisk
    as before; and if it happens at any of their public diversions, as
    soon as they revive, they mix with their companions, and continue
    their amusement as vigorously as if nothing had happened. Few men are
    troubled with this distemper, which seems more confined to women; but
    there are instances of its seizing men, and girls of six years of
    age. With respect to the nature of this disease, people who have made
    enquiry about it differ, but most imagine it hysterical; however, this
    seems not entirely the case, as men and children are subject to it;
    however, it is a new disease in Shetland, but whence imported, none can
    imagine.</p>

  <p>“When the statistical account of this parish was published, this awful
    and afflicting disease was becoming daily less common. In the parishes
    of Aithsting, Sandsting, and Northmaven, in which it was once very
    frequent, it was now totally extinct. In the last of these the cure is
    said to have been effected by a very singular remedy, which, if true,
    and there seems no reason to doubt it, shows the influence of moral
    causes in removing, as well as in inducing convulsive disorders.”<span class="pagenum" id="Page_159">159</span> The
    cure is attributed to a rough fellow of a kirk officer, who tossed a
    woman in that state, with whom he had been frequently troubled, into a
    ditch of water. She was never known to have the disease afterwards, and
    others dreaded the same treatment.</p>

  <p>“It, however, still prevails in some of the northern parishes,
    particularly in Delting, although, according to the description given
    of it, with some alteration in its symptoms.</p>

  <p>“Convulsion fits of a very extraordinary kind seem peculiar to this
    country. The patient is first seized with something like fainting, and
    immediately after utters wild cries and shrieks, the sound of which, at
    whatever distance, immediately puts all who are subject to the disorder
    in the same situation. It most commonly attacks them when the church
    is crowded, and often interrupts the service in this and many other
    churches in the country. On a sacramental occasion, fifty or sixty
    are sometimes carried out of the church, and laid in the churchyard,
    where they struggle and roar with all their strength, for five or ten
    minutes, and then rise up without recollecting a single circumstance
    that happened to them, or being in the least hurt or fatigued with
    the violent exertions they had made during the fit. One observation
    occurs on this disorder, that, during the late scarce years it was
    very uncommon, and, during the two last years of plenty (1791), it has
    appeared more frequently.</p>

  <p>“Similar instances of epidemical convulsions are already upon record;
    but the history of that which occurred in Anglesea, North Wales, is the
    most remarkable, as its progress was, in all probability, checked by
    the judicious precautions recommended by Dr. Haygarth.</p>

  <p>“In 1796, on the estates of the Earl of Uxbridge and Holland Griffith,
    Esq., 23 females, from 10 to 25, and one boy, of about 17 years of age,
    who had all intercourse with each other, were seized with an unusual
    kind of convulsions, affecting only the upper extremities. It began
    with pain of the head, and sometimes of the stomach and side, not very
    violent; after which there came on violent twitchings or convulsions of
    the upper extremities, continuing with little intermission, and causing
    the shoulders almost to meet by the exertion. In bed the disorder was
    not so violent: but, in some cases at least, it continued even during
    sleep. Their pulse was moderate, the body costive, and the general
    health not much impaired. In general they had a hiccough; and, when
    the convulsions were most violent, giddiness came on, with the loss
    of hearing and recollection. During their convalescence, and they
    all recovered, the least fright or sudden alarm brought on a slight
    paroxysm.</p>

  <p>“Dr. Haygarth, who was consulted on the means of relieving these
    unfortunate people, successfully recommended the use of antispasmodics;
    that all girls and young women should be prevented from having any<span class="pagenum" id="Page_160">160</span>
    communication with persons affected with those convulsions; and that
    those who were ill should be kept separate as much as possible.”</p>

  <p>The same paper from which the above extracts have been taken, quotes
    a remarkable instance in which religious enthusiasm was the exciting
    cause of a convulsive disease analogous to those already noticed. The
    account is given by the Rev. Dr. Meik, at great length. It appears,
    that in January, 1742, about 90 persons in the parish of Cambuslang,
    in Lanarkshire, were induced to subscribe a petition to the minister,
    urging him to give them a weekly lecture, to which he readily assented.
    Nothing particular occurred at the first two lectures, but, at the
    third, to which the hearers had been very attentive, when the minister
    in his last prayer expressed himself thus, “Lord, who hath believed
    our report; and to whom is the arm of the Lord revealed?—where are the
    fruits of my poor labours among this people?” several persons in the
    congregation cried out publicly, and about fifty men and women came
    to the minister’s house, expressing strong convictions of sin, and
    alarming fears of punishment. After this period, so many people from
    the neighbourhood resorted to Cambuslang, that the minister thought
    himself obliged to provide them with daily sermons or exhortations,
    and actually did so for seven or eight months. The way in which the
    converts were affected, for it seems they were affected much in the
    same way, though in very different degrees, is thus described. “They
    were seized, all at once, commonly by something said in the sermons or
    prayers, with the most dreadful apprehensions concerning the state of
    their souls, insomuch that many of them could not abstain from crying
    out, in the most public and frightful manner, ‘bewailing their lost
    and undone condition by nature; calling themselves enemies to God,
    and despisers of precious Christ; declaring that they were unworthy
    to live on the face of the earth; that they saw the mouth of hell
    open to receive them, and that they heard the shrieks of the damned;’
    but the universal cry was, ‘What shall we do to be saved?’ The agony
    under which they laboured was expressed, not only by words, but also
    by violent agitations of body; by clapping their hands and beating
    their breasts; by shaking and trembling; by faintings and convulsions;
    and sometimes by excessive bleeding at the nose. While they were in
    this distress, the minister often called out to them, not to stifle or
    smother their convictions, but to encourage them: and, after sermon
    was ended, he retired with them to the manse, and frequently spent the
    best part of the night with them in exhortations and prayers. Next day,
    before sermon began, they were brought out, and, having napkins tied
    round their heads, were placed all together on seats before the tents,
    where they remained sobbing, weeping, and often crying aloud, till the
    service was over. Some of those who fell under conviction were never
    converted; but most of those who fell under it were converted in a few
    days, and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_161">161</span> sometimes in a few hours. In most cases their conversion
    was as sudden and unexpected as their conviction. They were raised all
    at once from the lowest depth of sorrow and distress, to the highest
    pitch of joy and happiness; crying out with triumph and exultation,
    ‘that they had overcome the wicked one; that they had gotten hold of
    Christ, and would never let him go; that the black cloud which had
    hitherto concealed him from their view was now dispelled; and that
    they saw him, with a pen in his hand, blotting out their sins.’ Under
    these delightful impressions, some began to pray, and exhort publicly,
    and others desired the congregation to join with them in singing a
    particular psalm, which they said God had commanded them to sing.
    From the time of their conviction to their conversion, many had no
    appetite for food, or inclination to sleep, and all complained of their
    sufferings during that interval.”</p>

  <p>The following account, which closes the paper whence the above
    quotations have been extracted, is taken from an Inaugural Essay on
    Chorea Sancti Viti, by Felix Robertson of Tennessee, 8vo. Philadelph.
    1805.</p>

  <p>“The Chorea, which is more particularly the subject of this
    dissertation, made its appearance during the summer of 1803, in the
    neighbourhood of Maryville, (Tennessee,) in the form of an epidemic.
    Previously to entering on its history, I think it necessary to premise
    a few cursory remarks on the mode of life of those amongst whom it
    originated, for some time before the appearance of the disease.</p>

  <p>“I suppose there are but few individuals in the United States, who
    have not at least heard of the unparalleled blaze of enthusiastic
    religion which burst forth in the western country, about the year
    1800; but it is, perhaps, impossible to have a competent idea of its
    effects, without personal observation. This religious enthusiasm
    travelled like electricity, with astonishing velocity, and was felt,
    <em>almost instantaneously</em>, in every part of the states of Tennessee
    and Kentucky. It often proved so powerful a stimulus, that every
    other entirely lost its effect, or was but feebly felt. Hence that
    general neglect of earthly things, which was observed, and the almost
    perpetual attendance at places of public worship. Their churches are,
    in general, small and every way uncomfortable; the concourse of people,
    on days of worship, particularly of extraordinary meetings, was very
    numerous, and hundreds who lived at too great a distance to return home
    every evening, came supplied with provisions, tents, &amp;c., for their
    sustenance and accommodation, during the continuance of the meeting,
    which commonly lasted from three to five days. They, as well as many
    others, remained on the spot day and night, the whole or greater part
    of this time, worshipping their Maker almost incessantly. The outward
    expressions of their worship consisted chiefly in alternate crying,
    laughing, singing, and shouting, and, at the same time, performing that
    variety of gesticulation, which the muscular<span class="pagenum" id="Page_162">162</span> system is capable of
    producing. It was under these circumstances that some found themselves
    unable, by voluntary efforts, to suppress the contraction of their
    muscles; and, to their own astonishment, and the diversion of many
    of the spectators, they continued to act from necessity, the curious
    character which they had commenced from choice.</p>

  <p>“The disease no sooner appeared, than it spread with rapidity through
    the medium of the principle of imitation; thus it was not uncommon for
    an affected person to communicate it to the greater part of a crowd,
    who, from curiosity or other motives, had collected around him. It is
    at this time, in almost every part of Tennessee and Kentucky, and in
    various parts of Virginia, but is said not to be contagious (or readily
    communicated) as at its commencement. It attacks both sexes, and every
    constitution, but evidently more readily those who are enthusiasts in
    religion, such as those above described, and females; children of six
    years of age, and adults of sixty, have been known to have it, but a
    great majority of those affected are from fifteen to twenty-five. The
    muscles generally affected are those of the trunk, particularly of the
    neck, sometimes those of the superior extremities, but very rarely, if
    ever, those of the inferior. The contractions are sudden and violent,
    such as are denominated convulsive, being sometimes so powerful, when
    in the muscles of the back, that the patient is thrown on the ground,
    where, for some time, his motions more resemble those of a live fish,
    when thrown on land, than any thing else to which I can compare them.</p>

  <p>“This, however, does not often occur, and never, I believe, except at
    the commencement of the disease. The patients, in general, are capable
    of standing and walking, and many, after it has continued a short time,
    can attend to their business, provided it is not of a nature requiring
    much steadiness of body. They are incapable of conversing with any
    degree of satisfaction to themselves or company, being continually
    interrupted by those irregular contractions of their muscles, each
    causing a grunt, or forcible expiration; but the organs of speech do
    not appear to be affected, nor has it the least influence on the mind.
    They have no command over their actions by any effort of volition, nor
    does their lying in bed prevent them, but they always cease during
    sleep. This disease has remissions and exacerbations, which, however,
    observe no regularity in their occurrence or duration. During the
    intermission a paroxysm is often excited at the sight of a person
    affected, but more frequently by the common salute of shaking hands.
    The sensations of the patients in a paroxysm are generally agreeable,
    which the enthusiastic class often endeavour to express, by laughing,
    shouting, <em>dancing</em>, &amp;c.</p>

  <p>“Fatigue is almost always complained of after violent paroxysms, and
    sometimes a general soreness is experienced. The heart and arteries
    appear to be no further affected by the disease, than what arises from
    the exercise of the body; nor does any change take place in any<span class="pagenum" id="Page_163">163</span> of the
    secretions or excretions. It has not proved mortal in a single instance
    within my knowledge, but becomes lighter by degrees, and finally
    disappears. In some cases, however, of long continuance, it is attended
    with some degree of melancholia, which seems to arise entirely from the
    patient’s reflections, and not directly from the disease.</p>

  <p>“The state of the atmosphere has no influence over it, as it rages with
    equal violence in summer and in winter; in moist and in dry air.”</p>

  <p>In the above examples, nervous disorders bearing a strong resemblance
    to those of the middle ages, are shown to exist in an <em>epidemic</em>
    form, both in Europe and America, at the present time; but in these
    instances some general cause of mental excitement—and none is more
    powerful than religious enthusiasm—seems to have been requisite for
    their propagation. Their appearance, however, in <em>single cases</em>, is
    occasionally independent of any such origin, which leads to a belief,
    not without support in the experiments of modern physiologists,
    that they occasionally proceed from physical causes, and that it is
    therefore not necessary to consider them in all cases as the offspring
    of a disordered imagination.</p>

  <p>A well marked case of a disease approximating to the original
    Dancing Mania, is related by Mr. Kinder Wood, in the 7th volume of
    the Medico-Chirurgical Transactions, p. 237. The patient, a young
    married woman, is described to have suffered from headache and
    sickness, together with involuntary motions of the eyelids, and most
    extraordinary contortions of the trunk and extremities, for several
    days, when the more remarkable symptoms began to manifest themselves,
    which are thus recorded:—</p>

  <p>“February 26. Slight motions of the limbs came on in bed. She arose
    at nine o’clock, after which they increased, and became unusually
    severe. She was hurled from side to side of the couch-chair upon which
    she sat, for a considerable time, without intermission; was sometimes
    instantaneously and forcibly thrown upon her feet, when she jumped
    and stamped violently. She had headache; the eyelids were frequently
    affected, and she had often a sudden propensity to spring or leap
    upwards. The affection ceased about eleven o’clock in the forenoon,
    the patient being very much fatigued; but it returned about noon, and
    a third time in the afternoon, when she was impelled into every corner
    of the room, and began to strike the furniture and doors violently with
    the hand, as she passed near them, the sound of which afforded her
    great satisfaction. The fourth attack was at night; was very violent,
    and ended with sickness and vomiting. She went to bed at half-past
    eleven. Her nights were invariably good. The last three attacks were
    more violent than the former ones, but they continued only half an hour
    each.</p>

  <p>“February 27. The attack commenced in bed, and was violent, but of
    short duration. When she arose about ten, she had a second attack,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_164">164</span>
    continuing an hour, except an interval of five minutes. She now struck
    the furniture more violently and more repeatedly. Kneeling on one
    knee, with the hands upon the back, she often sprang up suddenly and
    struck the top of the room with the palm of the hand. To do this, she
    rose fifteen inches from the floor, so that the family were under the
    necessity of drawing all the nails and hooks from the ceiling. She
    frequently danced upon one leg, holding the other with the hand, and
    occasionally changing the legs. In the evening, the family observed
    the blows upon the furniture to be more continuous, and to assume
    the regular time and measure of a musical air. As a strain or series
    of strokes was concluded, she ended with a more violent stroke or a
    more violent spring or jump. Several of her friends also at this time
    noticed the regular measure of the strokes, and the greater regularity
    the disease was assuming; the motions being evidently affected, or in
    some measure modified by the strokes upon the surrounding bodies. She
    chiefly struck a small slender door, the top of a chest of drawers, the
    clock, a table, or a wooden screen placed near the door. The affection
    ceased about nine o’clock, when the patient went to bed.</p>

  <p>“February 28. She arose very well at eight. At half-past nine the
    motions recommenced; they were now of a more pleasant nature; the
    involuntary actions, instead of possessing their former irregularity
    and violence, being changed into a measured step over the room,
    connected with an air, or series of strokes, and she beat upon the
    adjacent bodies as she passed them. In the commencement of the
    attack, the lips moved as if words were articulated, but no sound
    could be distinguished at this period. It was curious indeed to
    observe the patient at this time, moving around the room with all the
    vivacity of the country dance, or the graver step of the minuet, the
    arms frequently carried, not merely with ease, but with elegance.
    Occasionally all the steps were so directed as to place the foot
    constantly where the stone flags joined to form the floor, particularly
    when she looked downwards. When she looked upwards, there was an
    irresistible impulse to spring up to touch little spots or holes in
    the top of the ceiling; when she looked around, she had a similar
    propensity to dart the forefinger into little holes in the furniture,
    &amp;c. One hole in the wooden screen received the point of the forefinger
    many hundred times, which was suddenly and involuntarily darted into it
    with an amazing rapidity and precision. There was one particular part
    of the wall to which she frequently danced, and there placing herself
    with the back to it, stood two or three minutes. This by the family was
    called ‘<em>the measuring place</em>.’</p>

  <p>“In the afternoon the motions returned, and proceeded much as in the
    morning. At this time a person present, surprised at the manner in
    which she beat upon the doors, &amp;c., and thinking he recognised the
    air, without further ceremony began to sing the tune; the moment this<span class="pagenum" id="Page_165">165</span>
    struck her ears, she turned suddenly to the man, and dancing directly
    up to him, continued doing so till he was out of breath. The man now
    ceased a short time, when commencing again, he continued till the
    attack stopped. The night before this, her father had mentioned his
    wish to procure a drum, associating this dance of his daughter with
    some ideas of music. The avidity with which she danced to the tune
    when sung as above stated, confirmed this wish, and accordingly a drum
    and fife were procured in the evening. After two hours of rest, the
    motions again reappeared, when the drum and fife began to play the air
    to which she had danced before, viz. the ‘Protestant Boys,’ a favourite
    popular air in this neighbourhood. In whatever part of the room she
    happened to be, she immediately turned and danced up to the drum, and
    as close as possible to it, and there she danced till she missed the
    step, when the involuntary motions instantly ceased. The first time she
    missed the step in five minutes; but again rose, and danced to the drum
    two minutes and a half by her father’s watch, when, missing the step,
    the motions instantly ceased. She rose a third time, and missing the
    step in half a minute, the motions immediately ceased. After this, the
    drum and fife commenced as the involuntary actions were coming on, and
    before she rose from her seat; and four times they completely checked
    the progress of the attack, so that she did not rise upon the floor to
    dance. At this period the affection ceased for the evening.</p>

  <p>“March 1. She arose very well at half-past seven. Upon my visit this
    morning, the circumstances of the preceding afternoon being stated, it
    appeared clear to me, that the attacks had been shortened. Slow as I
    had seen the effects of medicine in the comparatively trifling disease
    of young females, I was very willing that the family should pursue the
    experiment, whilst the medical means were continued.</p>

  <p>“As I wished to see the effect of the instrument over the disease, I
    was sent for at noon, when I found her dancing to the drum, which she
    continued to do for half an hour without missing the step, owing to the
    slowness of the movement. As I sat counting the pulse, which I found
    to be 120, in the short intervals of an attack, I noticed motions of
    the lips, previous to the commencement of the dance, and placing my
    ear near the mouth I distinguished a tune. After the attack of which
    this was the beginning, she informed me, in answer to my inquiry, that
    there always was a tune dwelling upon her mind, which at times becoming
    more pressing, irresistibly impelled her to commence the involuntary
    motions. The motions ceased at four o’clock.</p>

  <p>“At half-past seven the motions commenced again, when I was sent for.
    There were two drummers present, and an unbraced drum was beaten till
    the other was braced. She danced regularly to the unbraced drum, but
    the moment the other commenced she instantly ceased. As missing the
    time stopped the affections, I wished the measure to be<span class="pagenum" id="Page_166">166</span> changed during
    the dance, which stopped the attack. It also ceased upon increasing
    the rapidity of the beat, till she could no longer keep time; and it
    was truly surprising to see the rapidity and violence of the muscular
    exertion, in order to keep time with the increasing movement of the
    instrument. Five times I saw her sit down the same evening, at the
    instant that she was unable to keep the measure; and in consequence
    of this I desired the drummers to beat one continued roll, instead
    of a regular movement. She arose and danced five minutes, when both
    drums beat a continued roll: the motions instantly stopped, and the
    patient sat down. In a few minutes the motions commencing again, she
    was suffered to dance five minutes, when the drums again began to
    roll, the effect of which was instantaneous; the motions ceased, and
    the patient sat down. In a few minutes the same was repeated with the
    same effect. It appeared certain that the attacks could now be stopped
    in an instant, and I was desirous of arresting them entirely, and
    breaking the chain of irregular associations which constituted the
    disease. As the motions at this period always commenced in the fingers,
    and propagated themselves along the upper extremities to the trunk, I
    desired the drummers, when the patient arose to dance, to watch the
    commencement of the attack, and roll the drums before she arose from
    the chair. Six times successively the patient was hindered from rising,
    by attending to the commencement of the affection; and before leaving
    the house, I desired the family to attend to the commencement of the
    attacks, and use the drum early.</p>

  <p>“March 2. She arose at seven o’clock, and the motions commenced at
    ten; she danced twice before the drummer was prepared, after which
    she attempted to dance again four several times; but one roll of a
    well-braced drum hindered the patient from leaving her seat, after
    which the attacks did not recur. She was left weakly and fatigued by
    the disease, but with a good appetite. In the evening of this day an
    eruption appeared, particularly about the elbows, in diffused patches
    of a bright red colour, which went off on the third day.”</p>

  <p>Other cases might be adduced, (see 23d vol. of the Edinburgh Medical
    and Surgical Journal, p. 261; 31st vol. of ditto, p. 299; 5th vol. of
    the Medico-Chirurgical Transactions, pp. 1 to 23, &amp;c.,) but as there
    is none more striking than this, they would unnecessarily swell this
    number of the Appendix, which has already extended to an undue length.</p>

  <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_167">167</span></p>

  <hr class="short" />
  <h3 class="nobreak" id="BOOK2_App_VI" title="APPENDIX VI">VI.</h3>

  <div class="center mt5">MUSIC FOR THE DANCE OF THE TARANTATI,</div>

  <div class="center small mt2">FROM</div>

  <div class="center large mt2">ATHAN. KIRCHER.</div>

  <hr class="short" />

  <p class="hang"><i>Magness. de Arte magnetica. Rom. 1654. fol. p. 591.—Repeated
    in Sam. Hafenreffer, Nosodochium, in quo cutis affectus
    traduntur. Ulm. 1660. 8vo. p. 485.</i></p>

  <p class="mt5">I. <i lang="la">Primus modus Tarantella.</i></p>
  <div class="figcenter">
    <div><a href="music/m_167.midi">[Listen]</a></div>
    <img src="images/i_167.jpg" alt="" />
  </div>

  <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_168">168</span></p>

  <p class="mt5">II. <i lang="la">Secundus modus.</i></p>
  <div class="figcenter">
    <div><a href="music/m_168a.midi">[Listen]</a></div>
    <img src="images/i_168a.jpg" alt="" />
  </div>

  <p class="mt5">III. <i lang="la">Tertius modus.</i></p>
  <div class="figcenter">
    <div><a href="music/m_168b.midi">[Listen]</a></div>
    <img src="images/i_168b.jpg" alt="" />
  </div>

  <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_169">169</span></p>

  <p class="mt5">IV. <i lang="la">Antidotum Tarantulæ.</i></p>
  <div class="figcenter">
    <div><a href="music/m_169.midi">[Listen]</a></div>
    <img src="images/i_169.jpg" alt="" />
  </div>

  <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_170">170</span></p>

  <p>V.</p>
  <div class="figcenter">
    <div><a href="music/m_170.midi">[Listen]</a></div>
    <img src="images/i_170.jpg" alt="" />
  </div>

  <div class="center-container">
    <div class="poetry">
      <div class="stanza" lang="it">
        <div class="i2">Stu pettu è fattu Cimbalu d’Amuri:</div>
        <div class="i0">Tasti li sensi mobili, e accorti:</div>
        <div class="i0">Cordi li chianti, sospiri, e duluri:</div>
        <div class="i0">Rosa è lu Cori miu feritu à morti:</div>
        <div class="i0">Strali è lu ferru, chiai so li miei arduri:</div>
        <div class="i0">Marteddu è lu pensieri, e la mia sorti:</div>
        <div class="i0">Mastra è la Donna mia, ch’à tutti l’huri</div>
        <div class="i0">Cantando canta leta la mia morti.</div>
      </div>
    </div>
  </div>

  <p>Some strophes, which are no longer extant, were usually sung between
    these and the following lines:—</p>

  <div class="center-container">
    <div class="poetry">
      <div class="stanza" lang="it">
        <div class="i0">Allu mari mi portati,</div>
        <div class="i0">Se voleti che mi sanati.</div>
        <div class="i0">Allu mari, alla via:</div>
        <div class="i0">Cosi m’ama la Donna mia.</div>
        <div class="i0">Allu mari, allu mari:</div>
        <div class="i0">Mentre campo, t’aggio amari.</div>
      </div>
    </div>
  </div>

  <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_171">171</span></p>

  <p class="mt5">VI. <i lang="la">Tarantella.</i></p>
  <div class="figcenter">
    <div><a href="music/m_171.midi">[Listen]</a></div>
    <img src="images/i_171a.jpg" alt="" />
  </div>

  <p class="mt5"><i lang="la">Ritornello.</i></p>
  <div class="figcenter">
    <img src="images/i_171b.jpg" alt="" />
  </div>

  <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_172">172</span></p>

  <p class="mt5">VII. <i lang="la">Tono hypodorio.</i></p>
  <div class="figcenter">
    <div><a href="music/m_172.midi">[Listen]</a></div>
    <img src="images/i_172.jpg" alt="" />
  </div>

  <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_173">173</span></p>

  <div class="figcenter">
    <img src="images/i_173.jpg" alt="" />
  </div>

  <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_174">174</span></p>

  <p class="mt5">VIII. <i lang="la">Alia clausula.</i></p>
  <div class="figcenter">
    <div><a href="music/m_173.midi">[Listen]</a></div>
    <img src="images/i_174.jpg" alt="" />
  </div>

  <hr class="page" />

  <div class="footnotes mt10">
    <div class="footheader"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_1b" href="#FNanchor_1b" class="label">[1]</a> By this term the reader is now to understand the
      “Epidemics of the Middle Ages.” This work not having been published, as
      a whole, in the original, there is no general preface by the Author.
      His Address to the Physicians of Germany is therefore prefixed as an
      appropriate substitute.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_2b" href="#FNanchor_2b" class="label">[2]</a> <cite>Odor. Raynald.</cite> Annal. Ecclesiastic. A. 1374. Lucæ,
      1752. fol. Tom. VII. p. 252.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_3b" href="#FNanchor_3b" class="label">[3]</a> <cite>Joh. Wier’s</cite> ample Catalogue of Spirits gives no
      information on this point. Pseudomonarchia dæmonum. Opera omnia,
      Amstelod. 1660. 4to. p. 649.—<cite>Raynald</cite> mentions the word <cite>Frisckes</cite> as
      the name of a spirit; but this mistake is easily accounted for by his
      ignorance of the language; for, according to the Chronicle of Cologne,
      the St. John’s dancers sang during their paroxysm: “Here Sent Johan.
      so so, <em>vrisch</em> ind vro, here Sent Johan.” St. John so, so, brisk and
      cheerful, St. John. Die Cronica van der hilliger Stat van Coellen, fol.
      277. Coellen, 1499. fol.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_4b" href="#FNanchor_4b" class="label">[4]</a> <cite>Cyr. Spangenberg</cite>, Adels-Spiegel—<cite>Mirror of Nobility</cite>,
      a detailed historical account of what nobility is, &amp;c. Schmalkalden,
      1591. fol. Fol. 403. b.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_5b" href="#FNanchor_5b" class="label">[5]</a> <cite>Petr. de Herentals</cite>, Appendix, No. I.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_6b" href="#FNanchor_6b" class="label">[6]</a> <cite>Jo. Trithem.</cite> Chronic. Sponheimense, A. 1374. Opera
      historic. Francof. 1601. fol. p. 332. Also: <cite>Abrah. Bzovii</cite> Annal.
      Ecclesiastic. Tom. XIV. Colon. Agripp. 1625. fol. Ann. 1374. (Maniaca
      passio. S. Johannis chorea.)</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_7b" href="#FNanchor_7b" class="label">[7]</a> <cite>Jo. Pistorii</cite> Rerum Familiarumque Belgicarum Chronicon
      magnum. Francof. 1654. fol. p. 319. Here the persons affected are
      called <em>dansatores</em>, <em>chorisantes</em>. See the whole passage in the
      Appendix, No. II. Compare Incerti auctoris vetus chronicon Belgicum,
      Matthæi veteris ævi Analecta. Hag. com. 1738. 4to. Tom. I. p. 51. “Anno
      MCCCLXXIV. the <em>dansers</em> appeared. Gens impacata cadit, dudum cruciata
      salvat.” This should be salivat; a quotation from a Latin poem not now
      extant.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_8b" href="#FNanchor_8b" class="label">[8]</a> The Limburg Chronicle, published by <cite>C. D. Vogel</cite>,
      Marburg, 1828. 8vo. p. 27. This singular phenomenon cannot but remind
      us of the “Demon of Fashion,” of the middle ages. Extravagant as the
      love of dress was after the middle of the fourteenth century, the
      opposition of the enemies of fashion was equally great, and they let
      slip no opportunity of crying down every change or innovation as the
      work of the devil. Hence it is extremely probable that the fanatic
      penitential sermons of zealous priests excited this singular aversion
      of the St. Vitus dancers. In later times also, signs and wonders took
      place, on account of things equally insignificant, and the fury of the
      possessed was directed against the fashions. Compare <cite>Möhsen’s</cite> History
      of the Sciences in the Mark of Brandenburg, p. 498. f.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_9b" href="#FNanchor_9b" class="label">[9]</a> <cite>Petr. de Herentals.</cite> Appendix, No. I.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_10b" href="#FNanchor_10b" class="label">[10]</a> Respecting the exorcisms used, see E. G. <cite>Förstemann</cite>,
      the Christian Societies of Flagellants. Halle, 1828. 8vo. p. 232.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_11b" href="#FNanchor_11b" class="label">[11]</a> Limburg Chronicle, p. 71. Cologne Chronicle, loc. cit.
      See Appendix, Nos. III. and IV.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_12b" href="#FNanchor_12b" class="label">[12]</a> Dans la ville y eut des dansans, tant grands que petits,
      onze cents. Journal de Paris, 1785.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_13b" href="#FNanchor_13b" class="label">[13]</a> <cite>Schenk.</cite> v. <cite>Grafenberg.</cite> loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_14b" href="#FNanchor_14b" class="label">[14]</a> “Chorus Sancti Viti, or St. Vitus’ Dance; the lascivious
      dance, Paracelsus calls it, because they that are taken with it, can
      do nothing but dance till they be dead, or cured. It is so called for
      that the parties so troubled were wont to go to St. Vitus for help;
      and, after they had danced there awhile, they were certainly freed.
      ’Tis strange to hear how long they will dance, and in what manner,
      over stools, forms, tables; even great bellied women sometimes (and
      yet never hurt their children) will dance so long that they can stir
      neither hand nor foot, but seem to be quite dead. One in red clothes
      they cannot abide. Musick above all things they love; and therefore
      magistrates in Germany will hire musicians to play to them, and some
      lusty, sturdy companions to dance with them. This disease hath been
      very common in Germany, as appears by those relations of Schenkius, and
      Paracelsus in his book of madness, who brags how many several persons
      he hath cured of it. Felix Platerus (<cite>de Mentis Alienat. cap. 3.</cite>)
      reports of a woman in Basle whom he saw, that danced a whole month
      together. The Arabians call it a kind of <em>palsie</em>. Bodine, in his fifth
      book, de Repub. cap. 1. speaks of this infirmity; Monavius, in his last
      epistle to Scoltizius, and in another to Dudithus, where you may read
      more of it.”—<cite>Burton’s Anatomy of Melancholy</cite>, Vol. I. p. 15.—<i>Transl.
      note.</i></div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_15b" href="#FNanchor_15b" class="label">[15]</a>
      <p class="noindent"><cite>J. of Köningshoven</cite>, the oldest German Chronicle in
      existence. The contents are general, but devoted more exclusively to
      Alsace and Strasburg, published by <cite>Schiltern</cite>, Strasburg, 1698. 4to.
      Observat. 21, of St. Vitus’s Dance, p. 1085. f.</p>

      <div class="center-container">
        <div class="poetry">
          <div class="stanza">
            <div class="i0">“<em>Viel hundert</em> fingen zu Strassburg an</div>
            <div class="i1">Zu tanzen und springen Frau und Mann,</div>
            <div class="i1">Am offnen Markt, Gassen und Strassen</div>
            <div class="i1">Tag und Nacht ihrer viel nicht assen.</div>
            <div class="i1">Bis ihn das Wüthen wieder gelag.</div>
            <div class="i1">St. Vits Tanz ward genannt die Plag.”</div>
          </div>
        </div>
      </div>
      <p class="noindent">
        “Many hundreds of men and women began to dance and jump in the public
        market-place, the lanes, and the streets of Strasburg. Many of them
        ate nothing for days and nights, until their mania again subsided. The
        plague was called St. Vitus’s Dance.”</p>
    </div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_16b" href="#FNanchor_16b" class="label">[16]</a> <cite>Cæs. Baron.</cite> Annales ecclesiastic. Tom. II. p. 819.
      Colon. Agripp. 1609. fol. See the more ample Acta Sanctorum Junii (The
      15th of June is St. Vitus’s day) Tom. II. p. 1013. Antwerp. 1698. fol.
      From which we shall merely add that Mazara, in Sicily, is supposed to
      have been the birth-place of our Saint, and that his father’s name
      was <em>Hylas</em>; that he went from thence with <em>Crescentia</em> (probably
      his nurse) and <em>Modestus</em> to Lucania, with both of whom he suffered
      martyrdom under <cite>Diocletian</cite>. They are all said to have been buried
      at Florence, and it was not long before the miraculous powers of St.
      Vitus, which had already manifested themselves in his life-time, were
      acknowledged throughout Italy. The most celebrated of his chapels were
      situated on the Promontory of Sicily (called by his name), in Rome
      and in Polignano, whither many pilgrimages were made by the sick.
      Persons who had been bitten by mad dogs believed that they would find
      an infallible cure at his altars, though the power of the Saint in
      curing wounds of this kind was afterwards disputed by the followers of
      St. Hubertus, the Saint of the Chase. In 672, his body was with much
      pomp moved to Apulia, but soon after the priests of many churches and
      chapels in Italy, gave out that they were in possession of portions
      of the saint’s body which worked miracles. In the eighth century the
      veneration of this youthful martyr extended itself to France, and the
      honour of possessing his body was conferred on the church of St. Denys.
      By command of the Pope it was solemnly delivered on the 19th of March,
      836, by the Abbot <cite>Hilduwinus</cite>, of St. Denys, to the Abbot <cite>Warinus</cite>,
      of Corvey, (founded in 822). On its way thither, which occupied three
      months (to the 13th of June), many miracles were performed, and the
      subsequent Abbots of Corvey were able for centuries to maintain the
      popular belief in the miraculous healing power of their relics, which
      had indiscriminate influence on all diseases, more especially on those
      of a demoniacal kind. See Monachi anonymi Historia translationis S.
      Viti. In <cite>G. H. Pertz</cite>, Monumenta Germaniæ Historica. Tom. II. Hannov.
      1828. fol. p. 576. As a proof of the great veneration for St. Vitus
      in the fourteenth century, we may further mention that Charles IV.
      dedicated to him the Cathedral of Prague, of which he had laid the
      foundation, and caused him to be proclaimed Patron Saint of Bohemia,
      and a nominal body of the holy martyr was, for this purpose, brought
      from Parma. Act. Sanctor. loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_17b" href="#FNanchor_17b" class="label">[17]</a> Probably a corruption of Apotropæi. The expression is
      constantly met with; for example, in <cite>Agricola</cite>, Proverbs, No. 497.
      These are the <span lang="el">θεοὶ ἀλεξικάκοι</span>, the dii averrunci of the antients.
      The fourteen saints, to whose churches (between Bamberg and Coburg)
      thousands still annually make pilgrimages, are the following:
      1. Georgius. 2. Blasius. 3. Erasmus. 4. Vitus. 5. Pantaleon. 6.
      Christophorus. 7. Dionysius. 8. Cyriacus. 9. Achatius. 10. Eustachius.
      11. Ægidius. 12. Margaretha. 13. Catharina. 14. Barbara.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_18b" href="#FNanchor_18b" class="label">[18]</a> <cite>J. Agricola.</cite> Sybenhundert und fünffzig Teutscher
      Sprichwörter. No. 497. Seven hundred and fifty German Proverbs.
      Hagenau, 1537. 8vo. fol. 248.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_19b" href="#FNanchor_19b" class="label">[19]</a> <cite>St. Augustine</cite> had already warned the people against
      committing excesses and singing profane songs at the festival of
      St. John: “Nec permittamus solemnitatem sanctam cantica luxuriosa
      proferendo polluere.”—<cite>St. Augusti</cite> Denkwürdigkeiten aus der
      Christlichen Archäologie. Vol. III. p. 166. Leipzig. 1820. 8vo.
      Memorabilia of Christian Archæology.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_20b" href="#FNanchor_20b" class="label">[20]</a> <cite>Wirthwein.</cite> Series chronologic. Epistolarum S.
      Bonifacii ab ann. 716–755. LVII. Concil. Liptinens. p. 131. XV. De igne
      fricato de ligno, id est, Nodfyr. See <cite>Joh. Reiskii</cite>. Untersuchung des
      bei den Alten Teutschen gebräuchlichen heidnischen Nodfyrs, imgleichen
      des Oster-und Johannis-Feuers. Enquiry respecting the heathen Nodfyrs
      customary among the ancient Germans, and also the Easter and St. John’s
      fires. Frankfort, 1696. 8vo.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_21b" href="#FNanchor_21b" class="label">[21]</a> The Bishop <cite>Theodoret</cite> of Cyrus in Syria, states, that
      at the festival of St. John, large fires were annually kindled in
      several towns, through which men, women and children jumped; and that
      young children were carried through by their mothers. He considered
      this custom as an ancient Asiatic ceremony of purification, similar to
      that recorded of Ahaz, in 2 Kings, xvi. 3. (Quæstiones in IV. Libr.
      Regum. Interrogat. 47, p. 352. <cite>Beati Theodoreti</cite>, Episcop. Cyri Opera
      omnia, Ed. <cite>Jac. Sirmondi</cite>, Lùt. Paris. 1642. fol. T. I.) <cite>Zonaras,
      Balsamon and Photius</cite> speak of the St. John’s fires in Constantinople,
      and the first looks upon it as the remains of an old Grecian custom.
      See <cite>Reiske</cite>, loc. cit. p. 81. That such different nations should have
      had the same idea of fixing the purification by fire on St. John’s day,
      is a remarkable coincidence, which perhaps can be accounted for only by
      its analogy to baptism.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_22b" href="#FNanchor_22b" class="label">[22]</a> The Life and Adventures of <cite>Nathaniel Pearce</cite>, written
      by himself, during a residence in Abyssinia from the year 1810 to 1819.
      Edited by <cite>J. J. Halls</cite>. 2 Vols. 8vo. London, 1831. chap. ix. p. 290.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_23b" href="#FNanchor_23b" class="label">[23]</a> <cite>Joann. Trithem.</cite> Annal. Hirsaugiens. Oper. Tom. II.
      Hirsaug. 1690. fol. p. 263. A. 1374. See the before-mentioned Chronicle
      of Cologne, fol. 276. b., wherein it is said that the people passed in
      boats and rafts over the city walls.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_24b" href="#FNanchor_24b" class="label">[24]</a> What took place at the St. John’s fires in the middle
      ages (about 1280) we learn by a communication from the Bishop <cite>Guil.
      Durantes</cite> of Aquitania (Rationale divinorum officiorum. L. VII. c. 26.
      In <cite>Reiske</cite>, loc. cit. p. 77.) Bones, horns, and other rubbish, were
      heaped together to be consumed in smoke, while persons of all ages
      danced round the flames as if they had been possessed, in the same way
      as at the Palilia, an ancient Roman lustration by fire, whereat those
      who took part in them, sprang through a fire made of straw. (Ovid.
      Met. XIV. 774. Fast. IV. 721.) Others seized burning flambeaux, and
      made a circuit of the fields, in the supposition that they thereby
      screened them from danger, while others, again, turned a cart wheel, to
      represent the retrograde movement of the sun.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_25b" href="#FNanchor_25b" class="label">[25]</a> <cite>J. Chr. Beckmann</cite>, Historia des Fürstenthums Anhalt.
      Zerbst. History of the Principality of Anhalt. Zerbst. 1710. fol. Part
      III. book 4. chap. 4. § 3. p. 467.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_26b" href="#FNanchor_26b" class="label">[26]</a> <cite>Martini</cite> Minoritæ Flores temporum, in <cite>Jo. Georg.
      Eccard</cite>, Corpus historiæ medii ævi. Lips. 1723. fol. Tom. I. p. 1632.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_27b" href="#FNanchor_27b" class="label">[27]</a> <cite>Beckmann</cite>, loc. cit. § 1. f. p. 465, where many other
      observations are made on this well known circumstance. The priest
      named, is the same who is still known in the nursery tales of children
      as the <cite>Knecht Ruprecht</cite>.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_28b" href="#FNanchor_28b" class="label">[28]</a> “Das dich Sanct Veitstanz ankomme.” May you be seized
      with St. Vitus’s Dance. <cite>Joh. Agricola</cite>, Sybenhundert und fünffzig
      Teutscher Sprichwörter. Hagenau, 1537, 8. No. 497. p. 268.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_29b" href="#FNanchor_29b" class="label">[29]</a> <cite>Spangenberg</cite> (Adels-Spiegel. Mirror of Nobility, loc.
      cit.) in his own forcible manner, thus expresses himself on this
      subject: “It was afterwards pointed out by some, that these people
      could not have been properly baptized, or at all events, that their
      baptism was ineffectual, because they had received it from priests who
      shamelessly lived in open cohabitation with unchaste harlots. Upon this
      the lower classes rose in rebellion, and would have killed all the
      priests.” Compare Appendix, No. I.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_30b" href="#FNanchor_30b" class="label">[30]</a> <cite>Bzovii</cite> Annal. ecclesiastic. loc. cit. 1468.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_31b" href="#FNanchor_31b" class="label">[31]</a> See Appendix, Nos. III. and IV.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_32b" href="#FNanchor_32b" class="label">[32]</a> <cite>Theophrasti Bombast von Hohenheym</cite>, 7 Buch in der
      Artzney. Von den Krankheiten, die der Vernunft berauben. 7th Book on
      Medicine. Of the diseases which produce insanity. Tract I. chap. 3, p.
      491. Tract II. chap. 3, p. 501. Opera. Strassburg, 1616. fol. Tom. I.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_33b" href="#FNanchor_33b" class="label">[33]</a> Chorea procursiva of the moderns. <cite>Bernt</cite>, Monographia
      Choreæ Sti. Viti. Prag. 1810. p. 25.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_34b" href="#FNanchor_34b" class="label">[34]</a>
      <p class="noindent">This proceeding was, however, no invention of his, but
      an imitation of a usual mode of enchantment by means of wax figures
      (peri cunculas). The witches made a wax image of the person who was
      to be bewitched; and in order to torment him, they stuck it full of
      pins, or melted it before the fire. The books on magic, of the middle
      ages, are full of such things; though the reader who may wish to obtain
      information on this subject, need not go so far back. Only eighty
      years since, the learned and celebrated <cite>Storch</cite>, of the school of
      <cite>Stahl</cite>, published a treatise on witchcraft, worthy of the fourteenth
      century. “Abhandlung von Kinderkrankheiten.” Treatise on the Diseases
      of Children. Vol. IV. p. 228. Eisenach, 1751–8.</p>
      <p class="noindent">The ancients were in the habit of employing wax in incantations.</p>
      <p class="noindent">Thus Simoetha in Theocritus:</p>

      <div class="center-container">
        <div class="poetry">
          <div class="stanza" lang="el">
            <div class="i0">Ὡς τοῦτον τὸν καρὸν ἐγὼ σὺν δαίμονι τάκω,</div>
            <div class="i0">Ὡς τάκοιθ’ ὑπ’ ἔρωτος ὁ Μύνδιος αὐτίκα Δέλφις.</div>
          </div>
        </div>
      </div>
      <div class="right"><cite>See Potter’s Antiquities</cite>, Vol. II. p. 251.</div>
      <p class="noindent">and Horace—</p>
      <div class="center-container">
        <div class="poetry">
          <div class="stanza" lang="la">
            <div class="i0">“Lanea et effigies erat, altera cerea.”</div>
          </div>
        </div>
      </div>

      <div class="right"><i>Lib.</i> 1. <i>Sat.</i> 8. <i>l.</i> 30.</div>
      <div class="right"><i>Transl. note.</i></div>
      </div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_35b" href="#FNanchor_35b" class="label">[35]</a> See <cite>Agricola</cite>, loc. cit. p. 269. No. 498.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_36b" href="#FNanchor_36b" class="label">[36]</a> <cite>Johann Schenck von Graffenberg</cite>, born 1530, took his
      degree at Tübingen, in 1554. He passed the greater part of his life as
      physician to the corporation of Freiburg in the Breisgau, and died in
      1598.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_37b" href="#FNanchor_37b" class="label">[37]</a> <cite>J. Schenkii a Graffenberg</cite> Observationum medicarum,
      rariarum, &amp;c. Libri VII. Lugdun. 1643. fol. L. I. Obs. VIII. p. 136.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_38b" href="#FNanchor_38b" class="label">[38]</a> It is related by <cite>Felix Plater</cite> (born 1536, died 1614)
      that he remembered in his youth the authorities of Basle having
      commissioned several powerful men to dance with a girl who had the
      dancing mania, till she recovered from her disorder. They successively
      relieved each other; and this singular mode of cure lasted above four
      weeks, when the patient fell down exhausted, and being quite unable
      to stand, was carried to an hospital, where she recovered. She had
      remained in her clothes all the time, and, entirely regardless of the
      pain of her lacerated feet, she had merely sat down occasionally to
      take some nourishment, or to slumber, during which the hopping movement
      of her body continued. <cite>Felic. Plateri</cite> Praxeos medicæ opus. L. I. ch.
      3. p. 88. Tom. I. Basil. 1656. 4to. Ejusd. Observation. Basil. 1641. 8.
      p. 92.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_39b" href="#FNanchor_39b" class="label">[39]</a> The 15th of June. Here therefore they did not wait till
      the Festival of St. John.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_40b" href="#FNanchor_40b" class="label">[40]</a> <cite>Gregor. Horstii</cite> Observationum medicinalium singularium
      Libri IV. priores. His accessit Epistolarum et Consultationum medicar.
      Lib. I. Ulm. 1628. 4to. Epistol. p. 374.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_41b" href="#FNanchor_41b" class="label">[41]</a> <cite>Jo. Bodin.</cite> Method. historic. Amstelod. 1650. 12mo, Ch.
      V. p. 99.—Idem, de Republica. Francofurt. 1591. 8vo. Lib. V. Ch. I. p.
      789.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_42b" href="#FNanchor_42b" class="label">[42]</a>
      <p class="noindent">A very remarkable case, illustrative in part of this
      observation, where, however, not the person who was supposed to be
      the subject of the demoniacal malady, but its alleged authors, were
      punished, is thus reported by Dr. Watt of Glasgow:—“It occurred at
      Bargarran, in Renfrewshire, in 1696. The patient’s name was Christian
      Shaw, a girl of eleven years of age. She is described as having
      had violent fits of leaping, dancing, running, crying, fainting,
      &amp;c., but the whole narrative is mixed up with so much credulity and
      superstition, that it is impossible to separate truth from fiction.
      These strange fits continued from August, 1696, till the end of March
      in the year following, when the patient recovered.” An account of the
      whole was published at Edinburgh, in 1698, entitled, “A true Narrative
      of the Sufferings of a Young Girl, who was strangely molested by evil
      spirits, and their instruments, in the West, collected from authentic
      testimonies.”
      </p>
      <p class="noindent">
      The whole being ascribed to witchcraft, the clergy were most active
      on the occasion. Besides occasional days of humiliation, two solemn
      fasts were observed throughout the whole bounds of the Presbytery, and
      a number of clergymen and elders were appointed in rotation, to be
      constantly on the spot. So far the matter was well enough. But such
      was the superstition of the age, that a memorial was presented to his
      Majesty’s most honourable Privy Council, and on the 19th of January,
      1697, a warrant was issued, setting forth “that there were pregnant
      grounds of suspicion of witchcraft in Renfrewshire, especially from
      the afflicted and extraordinary condition of Christian Shaw, daughter
      of John Shaw, of Bargarran.” A commission was therefore granted to
      Alexander Lord Blantyre, Sir John Maxwell, Sir John Shaw, and five
      others, together with the sheriff of the county, to inquire into
      the matter, and report. This commission is signed by eleven privy
      councillors, consisting of some of the first noblemen and gentlemen in
      the kingdom.
      </p>
      <p class="noindent">
      The report of the commissioners having fully confirmed the suspicions
      respecting the existence of witchcraft, another warrant was issued on
      the 5th of April, 1697, to Lord Hallcraig, Sir John Houston, and four
      others, “to try the persons accused of witchcraft, and to sentence the
      guilty to be burned, or otherwise executed to death, as the commission
      should incline.”
      </p>
      <p class="noindent">
      The commissioners, thus empowered, were not remiss in the discharge
      of their duty. After twenty hours were spent in the examination of
      witnesses, and counsel heard on both sides, the counsel for the
      prosecution “exhorted the jury to beware of condemning the innocent;
      but at the same time, should they acquit the prisoners in opposition
      to legal evidence, they would be accessory to all the blasphemies,
      apostacies, murders, tortures, and seductions, whereof these enemies
      of heaven and earth should hereafter be guilty.” After the jury had
      spent six hours in deliberation, seven of the miserable wretches,
      three men and four women, were condemned to the flames, and the
      sentence faithfully executed at Paisley, on the 10th of June,
      1697.—<cite>Medico-Chirurg. Trans.</cite> Vol. V. p. 20, et seq.—<i>Transl. note.</i></p></div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_43b" href="#FNanchor_43b" class="label">[43]</a> Compare <cite>Olaus Magnus</cite>, de gentibus septentrionalibus.
      Lib. XVIII. Ch. 45–47. p. 642, seq. Rom. 1555. fol.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_44b" href="#FNanchor_44b" class="label">[44]</a>
      <p class="noindent"><cite>Burton</cite>, in his Anatomy of Melancholy, has the
      following observations, which, with the ample references by which they
      are accompanied, will furnish materials for such a history.
      </p>
      <p class="noindent">“<cite>Lycanthropia</cite>, which <cite>Avicenna</cite> calls <i lang="la">cucubuth</i>, others <i lang="la">lupinam
      insaniam</i>, or wolf-madness, when men run howling about graves and
      fields in the night, and will not be persuaded but that they are
      wolves, or some such beasts. <cite>Aëtius</cite> (Lib. 6. cap. 11.) and <cite>Paulus</cite>
      (Lib. 3. cap. 16.) call it a kind of <em>melancholy</em>; but I should rather
      refer it to <em>madness</em>, as most do. Some make a doubt of it, whether
      there be any such disease. <cite>Donat. ab Altomari</cite> (Cap. 9. Art. Med.)
      saith, that he saw two of them in his time: <cite>Wierus</cite> (De Præstig.
      Demonum, 1. 3. cap. 21.) tells a story of such a one at Padua, 1541,
      that would not believe to the contrary, but that he was a wolf. He hath
      another instance of a Spaniard, who thought himself a bear. <cite>Forestus</cite>
      (Observat. lib. 10. de Morbis Cerebri, c. 15.) confirms as much by
      many examples; one, among the rest, of which he was an eye-witness,
      at Alcmaer in Holland.—A poor husbandman that still hunted about
      graves, and kept in churchyards, of a pale, black, ugly, and fearful
      look. Such, belike, or little better, were king Prœtus’ daughters,
      (<cite>Hippocrates</cite> lib. de insaniâ,) that thought themselves kine: and
      Nebuchadnezzar, in Daniel, as some interpreters hold, was only troubled
      with this kind of madness. This disease, perhaps, gave occasion to
      that bold assertion of Pliny, (Lib. 8. cap. 22. homines interdum lupos
      fieri; et contra,) <em>some men were turned into wolves in his time, and
      from wolves to men again</em>; and to that fable of Pausanias, of a man
      that was ten years a wolf, and afterwards turned to his former shape;
      to Ovid’s (Met. lib. 1.) tale of Lycaon, &amp;c. He that is desirous to
      hear of this disease, or more examples, let him read <cite>Austin</cite> in his
      eighteenth book, <cite>de Civitate Dei</cite>, cap. 5; <cite>Mizaldus</cite>, cent. 5. 77;
      <cite>Schenkius</cite>, lib. 1. <cite>Hildesheim, Spicil. 2. de maniâ</cite>; Forestus, lib.
      10. <em>de morbis cerebri; Olaus Magnus; Vicentius Bellavicensis, spec.
      met.</em> lib. 31. c. 122; <cite>Pierius, Bodine, Zuinger, Zeilgur, Peucer,
      Wierus, Spranger, &amp;c.</cite> This malady, saith <cite>Avicenna</cite>, troubleth men
      most in February, and is now-a-days frequent in Bohemia and Hungary,
      according to <cite>Heurnius</cite>. (Cap. de Man.) <cite>Schernitzius</cite> will have it
      common in Livonia. They lie hid, most part, all day, and go abroad in
      the night, barking, howling, at graves and deserts; <em>they have usually
      hollow eyes, scabbed legs and thighs, very dry and pale</em>, (Ulcerata
      crura; sitis ipsis adest immodica; pallidi; lingua sicca,) saith
      <cite>Altomarus</cite>: he gives a reason there of all the symptoms, and sets down
      a brief cure of them.”—<cite>Burton’s Anatomy of Melancholy.</cite> Tenth Edit.:
      8vo. 1804. Vol. 1. Page 13, et seq.
      </p>
      <p class="noindent">
      It is surprising that so learned a writer as <cite>Burton</cite> should not have
      alluded to Oribasius, who flourished 140 years before <cite>Aëtius</cite>, and of
      whom <cite>Freind</cite> says, “In auctore hoc miri cujusdam morbi prima mentio
        est; is <span lang="el">Λυκάνθρωπος</span> sive <span lang="el">Λυκανθρωπία</span> dicitur, estque melancholiæ, aut
      insaniæ, species quænam ita ab illo descripta: ‘Quos hoc malum infestos
      habet, nocturno tempore domo egressi, Lupos in omnibus rebus imitantur,
      et ad diem usque circa tumulos vagantur mortuorum. Hos ita cognosce:
      pallidi sunt, oculos hebetes et siccos, non illachrymantes, eosque
      concavos habent: lingua siccissima est, nulla penitus in ore saliva
      conspicitur, siti enecti; crura vero, quia noctu sæpe offendunt, sine
      remedio exulcerata.’—‘Quod ad morbum ipsum attinet, si peregrinantibus
      fides adhibenda est, fuit olim in quibusdam regionibus, ut in Livonia,
      Hibernia, et aliis locis visi non infrequens,’” &amp;c.—<cite>J. Freind. Opera
      omnia Med.</cite> fol. London. 1733.
      </p>
      <p class="noindent">
      De hujus morbi antiquitatibus vide elegantem <cite>Böttigeri</cite> disputationem
      in <cite>Sprengelii</cite> Beitr. z. Gesch. d. Med. 11. p. 1–45. <cite>Blancard. Lexic.
      Med.</cite> Edit. noviss. 8vo. Lipsiæ, 1822.—<i>Transl. note.</i></p></div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_45b" href="#FNanchor_45b" class="label">[45]</a> Born 1430, died 1480. Cornucopiæ latinæ linguæ.
      Basil. 1536. fol. Comment. in primum <cite>Martialis</cite> Epigramma, p. 51,
      52. “Est et alius stellio ex araneorum genere, qui, simili modo,
      ascalabotes a Græcis dicitur, et colotes et galeotes, lentiginosus
      in cavernulis dehiscentibus, per æstum terræ habitans. Hic majorum
      nostrorum temporibus in Italia visus non fuit, nunc frequens in
      Apulia visitur. Aliquando etiam in Tarquinensi et Corniculano agro,
      et vulgo similiter <em>tarantula</em> vocatur. Morsus ejus perraro interemit
      hominem, semistupidum tamen facit, et varie afficit, <em>tarantulam</em> vulgo
      appellant. <em>Quidam cantu audito, aut sono, ita excitantur, ut pleni
      lætitia et semper ridentes saltent, nec nisi defatigati et semineces
      desistant.</em> Alii semper flentes, quasi desiderio suorum miserabilem
      vitam agant. Alii visa muliere, libidinis statim ardore incensi, veluti
      furentes in eam prosiliant. Quidam ridendo, quidam flendo moriantur.”</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_46b" href="#FNanchor_46b" class="label">[46]</a> Lycosa Tarantula.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_47b" href="#FNanchor_47b" class="label">[47]</a>
      <p class="noindent">The Aranea Tarantula of <cite>Linnæus</cite>, who, after the
      technical description, says, “Habitat in Europa australi, potissimum
      Apulia, in Barbaria, in Tauria, Russiæque, australis desertis, in
      Astracania ad montes Sibiriæ Altaicos usque, in Persia et reliquo
      Oriente, in solo præsertim argillaceo in antris, morsu quamvis interdum
      dolente, olimque famosum tarantismum musica sanandum excitare credito,
      vix unquam periculoso, cinerascens, oculis duobus prioribus rubris,
      thorace in areas nigras diviso in centrum concurrentes, abdomine supra
      fasciis maxillisque nigris.”—<cite>Systema Naturæ.</cite> Tom. I. pars v. p. 2956.
      </p>
      <p class="noindent">
      For particulars regarding the habits of the Lycosæ, see <cite>Griffith’s</cite>
      Transl. of <cite>Cuvier’s</cite> Animal Kingdom. Vol. XIII. p. 427 and p. 480. et
      seq. The author states that <cite>M. Chabrier</cite> has published (Soc. Acad. de
      Lille 4<sup>e</sup> cahier) some curious observations on the <i>Lycosa tarantula</i>
      of the south of France.—<i>Transl. note.</i></p></div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_48b" href="#FNanchor_48b" class="label">[48]</a> <cite>Matthiol.</cite> Commentar. in Dioscorid. L. II. ch. 59. p.
      363. Ed. Venet. 1565. fol.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_49b" href="#FNanchor_49b" class="label">[49]</a> <cite>Perotti</cite>, loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_50b" href="#FNanchor_50b" class="label">[50]</a> Probably Lacerto Gecko, as also the synonymes, <span lang="el">κωλώτης</span>
      and <span lang="el">γαλεώτης</span> quoted by him.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_51b" href="#FNanchor_51b" class="label">[51]</a> Lacerta Stellio. It need scarcely be observed that the
      venomous nature of this harmless creature was a pure invention of Roman
      superstition.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_52b" href="#FNanchor_52b" class="label">[52]</a> See <cite>Athan. Kircher.</cite> loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_53b" href="#FNanchor_53b" class="label">[53]</a> From 1451–1458. <cite>Tiraboschi.</cite> VI. 11. p. 356.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_54b" href="#FNanchor_54b" class="label">[54]</a> See p. 12. et seq.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_55b" href="#FNanchor_55b" class="label">[55]</a> <cite>Aëtius</cite>, who wrote at the end of the sixth century,
      mentions six which occur in the older works. 1. <span lang="el">ῥάγιον</span>, 2. <span lang="el">λύκος</span>,
      3. <span lang="el">μυρμήκειον</span> 4. <span lang="el">κρανοκολάπτης</span>, by others, <span lang="el">κεφαλοκρούστης</span>, 5.
      <span lang="el">σκληροκέφαλον</span>, and 6. <span lang="el">σκωλήκιον</span>. Tetrabl. IV. Serm. I. ch. 18. in <cite>Hen.
      Steph.</cite> Compare <cite>Dioscorid.</cite> Lib. VI. ch. 42. <cite>Matthiol.</cite> Commentar. in
      Dioscorid. p. 1447. <cite>Nicand.</cite> Theriac. V. 8. 715. 755. 654.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_56b" href="#FNanchor_56b" class="label">[56]</a> Aranearum multæ species sunt. Quæ ubi mordent, faciunt
      multum dolorem, ruborem, frigidum sudorem, et citrinum colorem.
      Aliquando quasi stranguriæ in urina duritiem, et virgæ extensionem,
      intra inguina, et genua, tetinositatem in stomacho. Linguæ extensionem,
      ut eorum sermo non possit discerni. <em>Vomunt humiditatem quasi araneæ
      telam</em>, et ventris emollitionem similiter, &amp;c. De communibus medico
      cognitu necessariis locis. Lib. VIII. cap. 22. p. 235. Basil. 1539.
      fol.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_57b" href="#FNanchor_57b" class="label">[57]</a> He lived in the middle of the eleventh century, and was
      a junior contemporary with <cite>Constantine</cite> of Africa. <cite>J. Chr. Gottl.
      Ackermann</cite>, Regimen sanitatis Salerni sive Scholæ Salernitanæ de
      conservanda bona valetudine præcepta. Stendal. 1790. 8vo. p. 38.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_58b" href="#FNanchor_58b" class="label">[58]</a> The passage is as follows: “Anteneasmon est species
      maniæ periculosa nimium. Irritantur tanquam maniaci, et in se manus
      injiciunt. Hi subito arripiuntur, <em>cum saltatione manuum et pedum,
      quia intra aurium cavernas quasi voces diversas sonare falso audiunt,
      ut sunt diversorum instrumentorum musicæ soni; quibus delectantur,
      ut statim saltent</em>, aut cursum velocem arripiant; subito arripientes
      gladium percutiunt se aut alios: morsibus se et alios attrectare non
      dubitant. Hos Latini percussores, alii dicunt dæmonis legiones esse,
      ut dum eos arripiunt, vexent et vulnerent. Diligentia eis imponenda
      est, quando istos sonos audierint, includantur, et post accessionis
      horas phlebotomentur, et venter eis moveatur. Cibos leves accipiant cum
      calida aqua, ut omnis ventositas, quæ in cerebro sonum facit, egeratur.
      In ipsa accessione silentium habeant. Quod si spumam per os ejecerint,
      <em>vel ex canis rabidi morsu causa fuerit</em>, intra septem dies moriuntur.”
      <cite>Garioponti</cite>, medici vetustissimi, de morborum causis, accidentibus et
      curationibus. Libri VIII. Basil. 1536. 8vo. L. I. ch. 2. p. 27.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_59b" href="#FNanchor_59b" class="label">[59]</a> <cite>J. P. Papon.</cite> De la peste, ou les époques mémorables
      de ce fléau. Paris, an 8. 8vo. Tome II. page 270. (1119. 1126. 1135.
      1193. 1225. 1227. 1231. 1234. 1243. 1254. 1288. 1301. 1311. 1316. 1335.
      1340.)</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_60b" href="#FNanchor_60b" class="label">[60]</a> 1347 to 1350.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_61b" href="#FNanchor_61b" class="label">[61]</a> <cite>Athanasius Kircher</cite> gives a full account of the
      instruments then in use, which differed very slightly from those of our
      days. Musurgia universalis, sive Ars magna consoni et dissoni. Romæ,
      1650, fol. Tom. I. p. 477.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_62b" href="#FNanchor_62b" class="label">[62]</a> Genialium dierum Libri VI. Lugdun. Bat. 1673. 8vo. Lib.
      II. ch. 17. p. 398. <cite>Alex. ab Alexandro</cite>, a distinguished Neapolitan
      lawyer, lived from 1461 to 1523. The historian <cite>Gaudentius Merula</cite>, who
      became celebrated about 1536, makes only a very slight mention of the
      Tarantism. Memorabilium <cite>Gaud. Merulæ</cite> Novariensis opus, &amp;c. Lugdun.
      1656. 8vo. L. III. ch. 69. p. 251.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_63b" href="#FNanchor_63b" class="label">[63]</a> <cite>Petr. And. Matthioli</cite> Commentarii in Dioscorid. Venet.
      1565. fol. Lib. II ch. 57. p. 362.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_64b" href="#FNanchor_64b" class="label">[64]</a> <cite>Athanas. Kircher.</cite> Magnes sive de Arte magnetica Opus.
      Rom. 1654. fol. p. 589.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_65b" href="#FNanchor_65b" class="label">[65]</a> <cite>Joann. Juvenis</cite> de antiquitate et varia Tarentinorum
      fortuna Lib. VIII. Neapol. 1589. fol. Lib. II. ch. 17. p. 107. With the
      exception of the statement quoted, <cite>Juvenis</cite> has borrowed almost every
      thing from <cite>Matthioli</cite>.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_66b" href="#FNanchor_66b" class="label">[66]</a> <cite>Simon. Alloys.</cite> <cite>Tudecius</cite>, physician to Queen
      Christine, saw a case of this kind in July, 1656. <cite>Bonet.</cite> Medicina
      septentrionalis collatit. Genev. 1684. fol.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_67b" href="#FNanchor_67b" class="label">[67]</a> <cite>Epiphan. Ferdinand.</cite> Centum historiæ seu observationes
      et casus medici. Venet. 1621. fol. Hist. LXXXI. p. 259. <cite>Ferdinando</cite>, a
      physician in Messapia at the commencement of the seventeenth century,
      has collected, with much diligence, the various statements respecting
      the Tarantism of his time. He “<em>was himself an eye witness of it</em>,” (p.
      265.) and is by far the most copious of all the old writers on this
      subject.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_68b" href="#FNanchor_68b" class="label">[68]</a> <cite>Kircher</cite>, loc. cit. pp. 588, 589.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_69b" href="#FNanchor_69b" class="label">[69]</a> <cite>Ferdinand.</cite> p. 259.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_70b" href="#FNanchor_70b" class="label">[70]</a>
      <p class="noindent">For example:—</p>
      <div class="center-container">
        <div class="poetry">
          <div class="stanza" lang="it">
            <div class="i0">“Allu mari mi portati</div>
            <div class="i1">Se voleti che mi sanati.</div>
            <div class="i1">Allu mari, alla via:</div>
            <div class="i1">Cosi m’ama la donna mia.</div>
            <div class="i1">Allu mari allu mari:</div>
            <div class="i1">Mentre campo, t’aggio amari.”</div>
          </div>
        </div>
      </div>
      <div class="right"><cite>Kircher</cite>, loc. cit. p. 592.—Appendix, No. V.</div>
    </div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_71b" href="#FNanchor_71b" class="label">[71]</a> <cite>Ferdinand.</cite> loc. cit. p. 257.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_72b" href="#FNanchor_72b" class="label">[72]</a> <cite>Kircher</cite>, p. 589.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_73b" href="#FNanchor_73b" class="label">[73]</a> <cite>Plin.</cite> Hist. Nat. Lib. XXVIII. ch. 2. p. 447. Ed.
      <cite>Hard.</cite></div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_74b" href="#FNanchor_74b" class="label">[74]</a> <cite>Cael. Aurelian.</cite> Chron. Lib. I. ch. 5. p. 335. Ed.
      <cite>Amman</cite>.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_75b" href="#FNanchor_75b" class="label">[75]</a> <cite>Democritus</cite> and <cite>Theophrastus</cite> made mention of it. See
      <cite>Gell.</cite> Noct. Attic. Lib. IV. ch. 13.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_76b" href="#FNanchor_76b" class="label">[76]</a> <cite>Ferdinand.</cite> p. 260.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_77b" href="#FNanchor_77b" class="label">[77]</a> <cite>Bagliv.</cite> loc. cit. p. 618. From more decided
      statements, however, we learn, that of those who had been bitten only
      one or two in a thousand died. <cite>Ferdinand.</cite> p. 255.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_78b" href="#FNanchor_78b" class="label">[78]</a> Il carnevaletto delle donne. <cite>Bagliv.</cite> p. 617.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_79b" href="#FNanchor_79b" class="label">[79]</a> <cite>Ferdinand.</cite> pp. 254. 260.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_80b" href="#FNanchor_80b" class="label">[80]</a> <cite>Ferdinand.</cite> p. 259. Slow music made the Tarantel
      dancers feel as if they were crushed: spezzati, minuzzati, p. 260.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_81b" href="#FNanchor_81b" class="label">[81]</a> <cite>A. Kircher</cite>, loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_82b" href="#FNanchor_82b" class="label">[82]</a> See Appendix, No. V.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_83b" href="#FNanchor_83b" class="label">[83]</a> <cite>Bagliv.</cite> loc. cit. p. 623.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_84b" href="#FNanchor_84b" class="label">[84]</a> <cite>A. Kircher</cite>, loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_85b" href="#FNanchor_85b" class="label">[85]</a> <cite>Ferdinand.</cite> p. 262.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_86b" href="#FNanchor_86b" class="label">[86]</a> This is said of an old man of Avetrano, who was
      ninety-four years of age. pp. 254. 257.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_87b" href="#FNanchor_87b" class="label">[87]</a> Idem, p. 261.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_88b" href="#FNanchor_88b" class="label">[88]</a> <cite>Ferdinando</cite> saw a man who was hard of hearing listen
      with great eagerness during the dance, and endeavour to approach the
      drums and fifes as nearly as possible. p. 258.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_89b" href="#FNanchor_89b" class="label">[89]</a> Idem, p. 260.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_90b" href="#FNanchor_90b" class="label">[90]</a> Idem, p. 256.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_91b" href="#FNanchor_91b" class="label">[91]</a> Idem, p. 260.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_92b" href="#FNanchor_92b" class="label">[92]</a> Idem, p. 261.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_93b" href="#FNanchor_93b" class="label">[93]</a> <cite>Ferdinand.</cite> p. 256.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_94b" href="#FNanchor_94b" class="label">[94]</a> Idem, p. 258.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_95b" href="#FNanchor_95b" class="label">[95]</a> Idem, p. 257.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_96b" href="#FNanchor_96b" class="label">[96]</a> Idem, p. 256.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_97b" href="#FNanchor_97b" class="label">[97]</a> De Contag. Lib. III. ch. 2. p. 212. Opera Lugdun. 1591.
      8vo.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_98b" href="#FNanchor_98b" class="label">[98]</a> De Contag. p. 254.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_99b" href="#FNanchor_99b" class="label">[99]</a> Idem, ibid.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_100b" href="#FNanchor_100b" class="label">[100]</a> Idem, p. 262.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_101b" href="#FNanchor_101b" class="label">[101]</a> Idem, p. 261.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_102b" href="#FNanchor_102b" class="label">[102]</a>
      <p class="noindent">“The imaginations of women are always more excitable
      than those of men, and they are therefore susceptible of every folly
      when they lead a life of strict seclusion, and their thoughts are
      constantly turned inwards upon themselves. Hence in orphan asylums,
      hospitals, and convents, the nervous disorder of one female so easily
      and quickly becomes the disorder of all. I have read in a good medical
      work that a nun, in a very large convent in France, began to mew like
      a cat; shortly afterwards other nuns also mewed. At last all the nuns
      mewed together every day at a certain time for several hours together.
      The whole surrounding Christian neighbourhood heard, with equal chagrin
      and astonishment, this daily cat-concert, which did not cease until all
      the nuns were informed that a company of soldiers were placed by the
      police before the entrance of the convent, and that they were provided
      with rods, and would continue whipping them until they promised not to
      mew any more.
      </p>
      <p class="noindent">
      “But of all the epidemics of females which I myself have seen in
      Germany, or of which the history is known to me, the most remarkable is
      the celebrated Convent-epidemic of the fifteenth century, which Cardan
      describes, and which peculiarly proves what I would here enforce. A nun
      in a German nunnery fell to biting all her companions. In the course
      of a short time all the nuns of this convent began biting each other.
      The news of this infatuation among the nuns soon spread, and it now
      passed from convent to convent, throughout a great part of Germany,
      principally Saxony and Brandenburg. It afterwards visited the nunneries
      of Holland, and at last the nuns had the biting mania even as far as
      Rome.”—<cite>Zimmermann</cite> on Solitude, Vol. II. Leipsig. 1784.—<i>Transl.
      note.</i></p></div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_103b" href="#FNanchor_103b" class="label">[103]</a> <cite>Georg. Baglivi</cite>, Diss. de Anatome, morsu et effectibus
      Tarantulæ. pp. 616, 617. Opp. Lugdun. 1710. 4to.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_104b" href="#FNanchor_104b" class="label">[104]</a> <cite>Ferdinando</cite>, p. 257.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_105b" href="#FNanchor_105b" class="label">[105]</a> Idem, pp. 256, 257, 258.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_106b" href="#FNanchor_106b" class="label">[106]</a> <cite>Ferdinando</cite>, p. 258.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_107b" href="#FNanchor_107b" class="label">[107]</a> <cite>Adam Olearius.</cite> Vermehrte Moscowitische und
      Persianische Reisebeschreibung. Travels in Muscovy and Persia.
      Schleswig, 1663. fol. Book IV. p. 496.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_108b" href="#FNanchor_108b" class="label">[108]</a> <cite>Geor. Baglivi</cite>, Dissertatio VI. de Anatome, morsu et
      effectibus Tarantulæ. (written in 1595.) Opera omnia, Lugdun. 1710.
      4to. p. 599.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_109b" href="#FNanchor_109b" class="label">[109]</a> This physician once saw three patients, who were
      evidently suffering from a malignant fever, and whose illness was
      attributed by the bystanders to the bite of the tarantula, forced to
      dance by having music played to them. One of them died on the spot, and
      the two others very shortly after. Ch. 7. p. 616.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_110b" href="#FNanchor_110b" class="label">[110]</a>
      <p class="noindent">Among the instances in which imposture successfully
      taxes popular credulity, perhaps there is none more remarkable at
      the present day than that afforded by the Psylli of Egypt, a country
      which furnishes another illustration of our author’s remark at the
      commencement of the next chapter. This sect, according to the testimony
      of modern writers, continues to exhibit the same strange spectacles
      as the ancient serpent-eaters of Cyrene, described by Strabo, 17 Dio.
      51. c. 14. Lucan, 9. v. 894. 937. Herodot. 4. c. 173. Paus. 9. c.
      28. Savary states that he witnessed a procession at Rosetta, where a
      band of these seeming madmen, with bare arms and wild demeanour, held
      enormous serpents in their hands which writhed round their bodies and
      endeavoured to make their escape. These Psylli, grasping them by the
      neck, tore them with their teeth and ate them up alive, the blood
      streaming down from their polluted mouths. Others of the Psylli were
      striving to wrest their prey from them, so that it seemed a struggle
      among them who should devour a serpent. The populace followed them with
      amazement, and believed their performance to be miraculous. Accordingly
      they pass for persons inspired, and possessed by a spirit who destroys
      the effect of the serpent.
      </p>
      <p class="noindent">
      Sonnini, though not so fortunate as to witness a public exhibition of
      such performances, yet gives the following interesting account of what
      he justly calls a remarkable specimen of the extravagance of man. After
      adverting to the superstitious origin of the sect, he goes on to say
      that a Saadi, or serpent-eater, came to his apartment accompanied by
      a priest of his sect. The priest carried in his bosom a large serpent
      of a dusky green and copper colour, which he was continually handling;
      and after having recited a prayer, he delivered it to the Saadi. The
      narrative proceeds:—“With a vigorous hand the Saadi seized the serpent,
      which twisted itself round his naked arm. He began to appear agitated;
      his countenance was discomposed; his eyes rolled; he uttered terrible
      cries, bit the animal in the head, and tore off a morsel, which we saw
      him chew and swallow. On this his agitation became convulsive; his
      howlings were redoubled, his limbs writhed, his countenance assumed the
      features of madness, and his mouth, extended by terrible grimaces, was
      all in a foam. Every now and then he devoured a fresh morsel of the
      reptile. Three men endeavoured to hold him, but he dragged them all
      three round the chamber. His arms were thrown about with violence on
      all sides, and struck every thing within their reach. Eager to avoid
      him, M. Forneti and I were obliged sometimes to cling to the wall, to
      let him pass and escape his blows. We could have wished the madman far
      away. At length the priest took the serpent from him, but his madness
      and convulsions did not cease immediately; he bit his hands, and his
      fury continued. The priest then grasped him in his arms, passed his
      hand gently down his back, lifted him from the ground, and recited some
      prayers. By degrees his agitation diminished, and subsided into a state
      of complete lassitude, in which he remained a few moments.
      </p>
      <p class="noindent">
      “The Turks who were present at this ridiculous and disgusting ceremony
      were firmly persuaded of the reality of this religious fury; and it
      is very certain that, whether it were reality or imposture, it is
      impossible to see the transports of rage and madness exhibited in a
      more striking manner, or have before your eyes a man more calculated
      to inspire terror.”—<cite>Hunter’s Translation of Sonnini’s Travels</cite>, 8vo.
      1799.—<i>Transl. note.</i></p></div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_111b" href="#FNanchor_111b" class="label">[111]</a> <cite>Franc. Serao</cite>, della Tarantola o vero Falangio di
      Puglia. Napol. 1742.—See <cite>Thom. Fasani</cite>, De vita, muniis et scriptis
      <cite>Franc. Serai</cite>, &amp;c. Commentarius. Neapol. 1784. 8vo. p. 76. et seq.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_112b" href="#FNanchor_112b" class="label">[112]</a> <cite>Thom. Fasani</cite>, De vita, muniis et scriptis <cite>Franc.
      Serai</cite>, &amp;c. Commentarius, p. 88.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_113b" href="#FNanchor_113b" class="label">[113]</a> Idem, p. 89.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_114b" href="#FNanchor_114b" class="label">[114]</a> <cite>H. Mercurialis</cite>, de Venenis et Morbis Venenosis,
      (Venet. 1601. 4to. Lib. II. ch. 6. p. 39.) repeats the silly tale,
      that those who were bitten continued, during their paroxysm, to be
      occupied with whatever they had been engaged in at the time they
      received the bite, and proves, by a fact which had been communicated
      to him, that already, in the sixteenth century, they were able to
      distinguish impostors from those who had been really bitten. <cite>H.
      Cardani</cite>, de Subtilitate Libri XXI. Basil. 1560. 8vo. Lib. IX. p. 635.
      The baneful effect of the venom of the tarantula was obviated, not so
      much by music as by the great exertion used in dancing. Compare <cite>J.
      Cæs. Scaliger</cite>. Exoteric. Exercitt. Libri XV. de Subtilitate, Francof.
      1612. 8vo. Ex. 185. p. 610.—<cite>J. M. Fehr</cite>, Anchora sacra vel Scorzonera.
      Jen. 1666. 8vo. p. 127. From <cite>Alexander ab Alexandro</cite>, and several
      later writers.—<cite>Stalpart van der Wiel</cite>, Observatt. rarior. Lugdun.
      Bat. 1687. 8vo. Cent. 1. Obs. C. p. 424. According to <cite>Kircher</cite>.—<cite>Rod.
      a Castro</cite>, Medicus politicus. Hamburg, 1614. 4to. Lib. IV. ch. 16.
      p. 275. According to <cite>Matthioli</cite>.—<cite>D. Cirillo</cite>, Some account of the
      Tarantula, Philosoph. Trans. Vol. LX. 1770, describes Tarantism as
      a common imposture. So also does <cite>J. A. Unzer</cite>, The Physician, Vol.
      II. pp. 473. 640, Vol. III. pp. 466, 526, 528, 529, 530, 533, 553;
      likewise <cite>A. F. Büsching</cite>, Eigene Gedanken und gesammelte Nachrichten
      von der Tarantel, welche zur gänzlichen Vertilgung des Vorurtheils
      von der Schädlichkeit ihres Bisses, und der Heilung desselben durch
      Musik, dienlich und hinlänglich sind. Observations and statements
      respecting the Tarantula, which suffice entirely to set aside the
      prejudice respecting the venom of its bite, as also its cure by music.
      Berlin, 1772. 8vo. A very shallow criticism.—<cite>P. Forest.</cite> Observatt.
      et Curatt. medicinal. Libri 30, 31 et 32. Francof. 1509. fol. Ob. XII.
      p. 41. diligently compiled from his predecessors.—<cite>Phil. Camerar.</cite>
      Operæ horarum subcisivarum. Francof. 1658. 4to. Cent. II. cap. 81. p.
      317.—<cite>R. Mead</cite>, a mechanical account of poisons: London, 1747. 8vo. p.
      99. contends for the reality of Tarantism with <cite>R. Boyle</cite>. An essay
      of the great effects of even languid and unheeded motion, &amp;c. London,
      1685. ch. VI.—So also <cite>J. F. Cartheuser</cite>, Fundamenta pathologiæ et
      therapiæ. Francof. a. V. 1758. 8vo. Tom. I. p. 334. <cite>Th. Willis</cite> de
      morbis convulsivis. cap. VII. p. 492. Opp. Lugdun. 1681. 4to. According
      to <cite>Gassendi</cite>, <cite>Ferdinando</cite>, <cite>Kircher</cite> and others.—<cite>L. Valetta</cite>, de
      Phalangio Apulo opusculum. Neapol. 1706.—<cite>Thom. Cornelio</cite> (professor
      at Naples in the middle of the seventeenth century). Letter to <cite>J.
      Dodington</cite> concerning some observations made of persons pretending
      to be stung by Tarantulas. Phil. Transactions, No. 83. p. 4066.
      1672. considers Tarantism to be St. Vitus’s dance.—<cite>Jos. Lanzoni</cite>,
      de Venenis, cap. 57. p. 140. Opp. Lausann. 1738. 4to. Tom. I. mostly
      from <cite>Baglivi</cite>.—<cite>J. Schenk</cite>, a <cite>Grafenberg</cite>. Observatt. Medicar. Lib.
      VII. Obs. 122. p. 792. Tom. II. Ed. Francof. 1600. 8vo. was himself an
      eye-witness.—<cite>Wolfg. Senguerd</cite>, Tractatus physicus de Tarantula. Ludg.
      Bat. 1668. 12mo.—<cite>Herm. Grube</cite>, De ictu Tarantulæ et vi musices in
      eius curatione conjecturæ physico-medicæ. Francof. 1679. 8vo—<cite>Athan.
      Kircher</cite>, Musurgia universalis. Rom. 1650. fol. Tom. II. IX. ch. 4.
      p. 218.—<cite>M. Köhler</cite>, in den Svenska Vetenskaps Academiens Handlingar.
      1758. p. 29. Transactions of the Swedish Academy of Sciences—Berlin
      Collection for the Furtherance of the Science of Medicine. Vol. V. Pt.
      I. p. 53. 1772.—<cite>Burserii</cite> Institutiones medic. pract. tom. III. p.
      1. cap. 7. § 219. p. 159. ed. <cite>Hecker</cite>.—<cite>J. S. Halle</cite>, Gifthistorie.
      History of Poisons, Berlin, 1786. 8vo.—<cite>Blumenbach</cite>, Naturgeschichte,
      Natural History, p. 412.—<cite>E. F. Leonhardt</cite>, Diss. de Tarantismo, Berol.
      1827. 8vo. and many others.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_115b" href="#FNanchor_115b" class="label">[115]</a> This may, however, be considered merely as a conjecture,
      founded upon the following passage in <cite>Ludolf’s</cite> Lexicon Æthiopic. Ed.
      2da. Francof. 1699. fol. p. 142. <cite>Astarāgaza</cite>, de vexatione quadam
      diabolica accipitur. Marc. i. 26. ix. 18. Luc. ix. 39. Græcus habet
      <span lang="el">σπαράττειν</span>, vellicare, discerpere. <em>Sed Æthiopes, teste Gregorio,
      pro morbo quodam accipiunt, quo quis perpetuo pedes agitare et quasi
      calcitrare cogitur.</em> Fortassis est Saltatio S. Viti, vulgo St.
      Veitstanz.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_116b" href="#FNanchor_116b" class="label">[116]</a> The Life and Adventures of <cite>Nathaniel Pearce</cite>, written
      by himself, during a residence in Abyssinia, from the year 1810 to
      1819. London, 1831. 8vo. Vol. I. ch. ix. p. 290.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_117b" href="#FNanchor_117b" class="label">[117]</a> The Evangelist and <cite>St. John</cite> the Baptist have been
      at all times, and among all nations, confounded with each other, so
      that the relation of the latter to one and the same phenomenon in such
      different ages and climates is very probable.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_118b" href="#FNanchor_118b" class="label">[118]</a> She was a native Greek.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_119b" href="#FNanchor_119b" class="label">[119]</a> <cite>Pearce</cite>, p. 289. Compare p. 34.—<cite>E. G. Förstemann</cite>,
      Die christlichen Geisslergesellschaften. The Christian Societies of
      Flagellants. Halle, 1828. 8vo.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_120b" href="#FNanchor_120b" class="label">[120]</a> Idem, loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_121b" href="#FNanchor_121b" class="label">[121]</a> Among the ancient Greeks <span lang="el">βασκήσις</span>. This superstition is
      more or less developed among all the nations of the earth, and has not
      yet entirely disappeared from Europe.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_122b" href="#FNanchor_122b" class="label">[122]</a> <cite>Paracelsus.</cite></div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_123b" href="#FNanchor_123b" class="label">[123]</a> Gentleman’s Magazine, 1787, March, p. 268.—<cite>F. B.
      Osiander</cite>, Ueber die Entwickelungskrankheiten in den Blüthenjahren des
      weiblichen Geschlechts. On the disorders of young women, &amp;c. Tübingen,
      1820, Vol. I. p. 10.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_124b" href="#FNanchor_124b" class="label">[124]</a> This account is given by <cite>Fritze</cite>. <cite>Hufeland’s</cite> Journal
      der practischen Heilkunde, Vol. XII. 1801. Part I. p. 110. Hufeland’s
      Journal of Practical Medicine.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_125b" href="#FNanchor_125b" class="label">[125]</a> Compare <cite>J. G. Zimmermann</cite>, Ueber die Einsamkeit.
      Leipsig, 1784. 8vo. Vol. II. ch. 6. p. 77. On Solitude.—<cite>J. P. Falret</cite>,
      De l’hypochondrie et du suicide. Paris, 1822. 8vo. and others.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_126b" href="#FNanchor_126b" class="label">[126]</a> This statement is made by <cite>J. Cornish</cite>. See <cite>Fothergill</cite>
      and <cite>Want’s</cite> Medical and Physical Journal, vol. xxxi. 1814. pp.
      373–379.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_127b" href="#FNanchor_127b" class="label">[127]</a> <cite>Samuel Hibbert</cite>, Description of the Shetland Islands,
      comprising an account of their geology, scenery, antiquities, and
      superstitions. Edinburgh, 1822. 4to. p. 399.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_128b" href="#FNanchor_128b" class="label">[128]</a>
      <p class="noindent">About this time the following couplet was circulated:—</p>
      <div class="center-container">
        <div class="poetry">
          <div class="stanza" lang="fr">
            <div class="i0">“De par le Roi, défense à Dieu</div>
            <div class="i1">De faire miracle dans ce lieu.”</div>
          </div>
        </div>
      </div>
    </div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_129b" href="#FNanchor_129b" class="label">[129]</a> This kind of assistance was called the “Grands Secours.”
      <cite>Boursier</cite>, Mémoire Théologique sur ce qu’on appelle les Secours
      violens dans les Convulsions. Paris, 1788. 12mo. Many Convulsionnaires
      were seized with illness in consequence of this singularly erroneous
      mode of cure. A Dominican friar died from the effects of it—though
      accidents of this kind were kept carefully concealed. See <cite>Renault</cite>
      (parish priest at Vaux, near Auxerre; obiit, 1796), Le Secourisme
      détruit dans ses fondemens, 1759. 12mo. and Le Mystère d’Iniquité,
      1788. 8vo.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_130b" href="#FNanchor_130b" class="label">[130]</a> <cite>Arouet</cite>, the father of <cite>Voltaire</cite>, visited, in Nantes,
      a celebrated Convulsionnaire, <cite>Gabrielle Mollet</cite>, whom he found
      occupied in pulling the bells off a child’s coral, to designate the
      rejection of the unbelievers. Sometimes she jumped into the water, and
      barked like a dog. She died in 1748.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_131b" href="#FNanchor_131b" class="label">[131]</a> <cite>J. Phil. Hecquet</cite> (obiit 1737). La Naturalisme des
      Convulsions. Soleure, 1733. 8vo.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_132b" href="#FNanchor_132b" class="label">[132]</a> De Melancholia et Morbis Melancholicis. Paris, 1765. 2
      vols. 8vo.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_133b" href="#FNanchor_133b" class="label">[133]</a> Especially from 1784 to 1788.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_134b" href="#FNanchor_134b" class="label">[134]</a> See <cite>Grégoire</cite>, Histoire des Sectes Religieuses,
      tome ii. ch. 13. p. 127. Paris, 1828. 8vo. The following words of
      this meritorious author, on the mental state of his countrymen, are
      very well worthy of attention. “L’esprit public est dans un état de
      fluctuation persévérante: <em>des âmes flétries par l’égoïsme n’ont que le
      caractère de la servitude</em>; l’education viciée ne forme guère que des
      êtres dégradés; la religion est méconnue ou mal enseignée; <em>la nation
      présente des symptômes alarmans de sa décrépitude</em>, et présage des
      malheurs dont on ne peut calculer l’étendue ni la durée.” P. 161.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_135b" href="#FNanchor_135b" class="label">[135]</a>
      <p class="noindent">“I had occasion to witness at Cairo another species
      of religious fanaticism. I heard one day, at a short distance from
      my residence, for several hours together, singing, or more properly
      crying, so uniform and fatiguing, that I inquired the cause of this
      singularity. I was told that it was some dervise or monk, who repeated,
      while <em>dancing</em> on his heels, the name of Allah, till, completely
      exhausted, he sank down insensible. These unhappy visionaries, in fact,
      often expire at the end of this holy <em>dance</em>; and the cries of the one
      whom I heard, having commenced in the afternoon, and continued during
      the whole of the night, and part of the following morning, I doubt not
      that his pious enthusiasm cost him his life.”—<cite>Recollections of Egypt,
      by the Baroness Von Minutoli.</cite> London, 1827.
      </p>
      <p class="noindent">In Arabia the same fanatical zeal exists, as we find from the following
      passage of an anonymous history of the Wahabis, published in Paris, in
      1810: “La prière la plus méritoire consiste à crier le nom de Dieu,
      pendant des heures entières, et le plus saint est celui qui répète ce
      nom le plus long temps et le plus vite. Rien de plus curieux que le
      spectacle des Schekhs, qui, dans les fêtes publiques, s’essayent à
      l’envi, et hurlent le nom d’Allah d’une manière effrayante. La plupart
      enroués sont forcés de se taire, et abandonnent la palme au sainte à
      forte poitrine, qui, pour jouir de sa victoire, s’efforce et jette
      encore quelque cris devant ses rivaux réduits au silence. Epuisé de
      fatigue, baigné de sueur, il tombe enfin au milieu du peuple dévot,
      qui s’empresse à le relever et le porte en triomphe. Les principales
      mosquées retentissent, tous les Vendredis, des cris dictés par cette
      singulière émulation. Le Schekh, que ses poumons ont sanctifié,
      conserve son odeur de sainteté par des extases et des transports,
      souvent dangereux pour les Chrétiens que le hazard en rend témoins
      malgré cux.”—<i>Transl. note.</i></p></div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_136b" href="#FNanchor_136b" class="label">[136]</a> For examples see <cite>Osiander</cite>, Entwickelungskrankheiten.
      Loc. cit. p. 45.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_137b" href="#FNanchor_137b" class="label">[137]</a> Among 108 cases of insanity, <cite>Perfect</cite> mentions eleven
      of mania and methodistical enthusiasm, <em>in nine of which suicide was
      committed</em>. Annals of Insanity. London, 1808. 8vo.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_138b" href="#FNanchor_138b" class="label">[138]</a> <cite>Harris Rowland</cite> and <cite>William Williams</cite>.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_139b" href="#FNanchor_139b" class="label">[139]</a> <cite>John Evans</cite>, Sketch of the Denominations of the
      Christian World. 13th edition. London, 1814. 12mo. p. 236.—See
      <cite>Grégoire</cite>, loc. cit. tome iv. chap. xiii. p. 483.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_140b" href="#FNanchor_140b" class="label">[140]</a> <cite>Mrs. Trollope’s</cite> Domestic Manners of the Americans. A
      Revival, pp. 108–112. Shaking Quakers, pp. 195–196. Camp Meeting, p.
      233. London, 2 vols. 1832.—<i>Transl. note.</i></div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_141b" href="#FNanchor_141b" class="label">[141]</a> In Kentucky, assemblies of from ten to twelve thousand
      have frequently taken place. Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, and
      New York, are also the theatres of these meetings.—<cite>Grégoire</cite>, tome iv.
      p. 496.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_142b" href="#FNanchor_142b" class="label">[142]</a> At one of these camp-meetings a traveller saw above
      eight hundred persons faint away. Idem. He nowhere met with more
      frequent instances of suicide in consequence of Demonomania, than in
      North America.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_143b" href="#FNanchor_143b" class="label">[143]</a> Idem. p. 498. These are the <cite>Barkers</cite>. Numerous other
      convulsive Methodistical sects abound in North America. The <cite>Shakers</cite>,
      who are inimical to marriage, would also have been mentioned, were not
      their contortions much less violent than those of the Jumpers.—See
      <cite>Grégoire</cite>, tome v. p. 195. <cite>Evans</cite>, p. 267.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_144b" href="#FNanchor_144b" class="label">[144]</a> See <cite>Perrin du Lac</cite>, Voyage dans les deux Louisianes.
      Paris, 1805. 8vo. chap. ix. pp. 64, 65. chap. xvii. pp. 128,
      129.—<cite>Michaud</cite>, Voyage à l’ouest des Monts Alleghanys. Paris, 1804.
      8vo. p. 212.—<cite>John Melish</cite>, Travels in the United States of America.
      Philadelphia, 1812. 8vo. vol. i. p. 26.—<cite>Lambert</cite>, Travels through
      Canada and the United States. London, 1810. 8vo. vol. iii. p.
      44.—<cite>John Howison</cite>, Sketches of Upper Canada. Edinburgh, 1822. 8vo. p.
      150.—<cite>Edward Allen Talbot</cite>, Cinq Années de Résidence au Canada. Paris,
      1825. 8vo. tome ii. p. 147.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_145b" href="#FNanchor_145b" class="label">[145]</a> The substance of Nos. III. and IV. having been embodied
      in the text, it seems only necessary to insert here the original
      old German, which is couched in language too coarse to admit of
      translation.—<i>Transl. note.</i></div>
  </div>

  <hr class="page" />
  <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_175">175</span></p>

  <div class="chapter">
    <h2>THE SWEATING SICKNESS.</h2>
  </div>

  <hr class="page" />
  <div class="chapter" id="BOOK3_Preface">
    <span class="pagenum" id="Page_177">177</span>
    <h3 class="nobreak gespertt mt10">PREFACE.</h3>
  </div>
  <hr class="short" />

  <p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">The</span> present work is a continuation of my treatises on collateral
    subjects, and, like them, maintains the opinion, that great epidemics
    are epochs of development, wherein the mental energies of mankind are
    exerted in every direction. The history of the world bears indisputable
    testimony to this fact. The tendencies of the mind, the turn of thought
    of whole ages, have frequently depended on prevailing diseases; for
    nothing exercises a more potent influence over man, either in disposing
    him to calmness and submission, or in kindling in him the wildest
    passions, than the proximity of inevitable and universal danger. Often
    have infatuation and fanaticism, hatred and revenge, engendered by
    an overwhelming fear of death, spread fire and flames throughout the
    world. Famine and diseases, among which may be instanced the fiery
    plague of St. Anthony, were no less powerful in calling forth the
    chivalrous spirit of the crusades than the enthusiastic eloquence of
    Peter the Hermit—the Black Death brought thousands to the stake, and
    aroused the fearful penances of the Flagellants—while the oriental
    leprosy cast a gloomy shade over society throughout the whole course of
    the middle ages.</p>

  <p>With all such commotions, the most striking events of the world are
    in intimate relation, and unquestionably, amid the changing forms of
    existence in the human race, more has always depended on the prevailing
    tone of thought than on the rude powers by which those events were
    produced. The historian, therefore, who would investigate the hidden
    influence of mind, cannot dispense with medical research. The facts
    themselves convince him of the organic union of the corporeal and the
    spiritual in all human affairs, and consequently of the innate vital
    connexion of all human knowledge. Hence, in a medical point of view,
    how vast is the field for observation<span class="pagenum" id="Page_178">178</span> presented by the history of
    popular diseases. Present bodily sufferings<a id="FNanchor_1c" href="#Footnote_1c" class="fnanchor">[1]</a>, are, collectively,
    but a step in the development,—but one phase of morbid life amid a
    long series of phenomena, and hence are not fully understood without
    a previous knowledge of the past, and historical research. How can we
    recognise the ring of Saturn as such, so long as our axis of vision
    is in its plane, and we see it only as a line. Great pestilences
    have vanished or been dispersed; from causes apparently the most
    insignificant, the most important consequences have resulted, and
    throughout the vicissitudes of danger and devastation, the operations
    of mighty laws of nature are everywhere manifested in the social
    tendencies of entire centuries.</p>

  <p>This is no aërial realm of transitory conjectures—facts themselves
    speak in a thousand reminiscences. If we do but investigate the
    past with unprejudiced assiduity—if we do but consider even the few
    successful researches which have hitherto been made in historical
    pathology, (perhaps those who are kindly disposed will recognise even
    mine,) we shall not fail to arrive at a centre of reality, which
    the healing art, to its great detriment, has hitherto been far from
    reaching, whilst it has occasionally penetrated into a less fertile
    soil, or even encumbered itself with the accumulated rubbish of the
    pedantic dogmas of the schools.</p>

  <p>The state, which founds its legislation on a knowledge of realities,
    which expects from the physical sciences information respecting human
    life collectively, considered in all its relations, has a right to
    demand from its physicians a general insight into the nature and
    causes of popular diseases. Such an insight, however, as is worthy
    the dignity of a science, cannot be obtained by the observation of
    isolated epidemics, because nature never in any one of them displays
    herself in all her bearings, nor brings into action, at one time, more
    than a few of the laws of general disease. One generation, however
    rich it may be in stores of important knowledge, is never adequate to
    establish, on the foundation of actually observed phenomena, a doctrine
    of popular diseases worthy of the name. The experience of all ages is
    the source whence we must in this case draw, and medical <span class="pagenum" id="Page_179">179</span>investigation
    is the only road which leads to this source, unless, indeed, we would
    be unprepared to meet new epidemics, and would maintain the unfounded
    opinion that medical science, as it now exists, is the full result of
    all preceding efforts.</p>

  <p>An insight, not only into general visitations of disease, which in
    the course of ages have appeared in divers forms, but also into every
    single disease, whether it occurs in intimate connexion with others
    or not, is rendered more distinct by a knowledge of the contemporary
    circumstances which attend its development. I would fain hope,
    therefore, that the future research and diligence of physicians devoted
    to the pursuit of truth and science, will be more generally directed
    to historical investigation; and that universities and academies will
    concede to it that prominent place, which, from its high importance, as
    an extensive branch of natural philosophy, it justly demands.</p>

  <p>Whether the following inquiry into one of the most remarkable diseases
    on record corresponds with these views, I must leave my readers to
    judge. The historian will discern what social feelings are produced
    among nations by great events, and to the physician a picture of
    suffering will be unveiled, to which the diseases of the present time
    afford no parallel. I have throughout kept in view the spirit and the
    dignity of the sixteenth century, which was as remarkable for military
    triumphs as for tragic events; and I look with confidence for the same
    indulgence and goodwill now, which, through the kindness of friends, I
    have already enjoyed both at home and abroad, in a higher degree than
    my sincere gratitude can find words to express.</p>

  <hr class="page" />
  <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_181">181</span></p>
  <div class="chapter center xxlarge">
    <div class="mt10">THE SWEATING SICKNESS.</div>
  </div>
  <hr class="short" />

  <div class="chapter">
    <h3 class="nobreak">CHAPTER I.<br />
      <span class="small">THE FIRST VISITATION OF THE DISEASE—1485.</span></h3>
  </div>

  <hr class="xshort" />

  <div class="center-container">
    <div class="poetry">
      <div class="stanza">
        <div class="i0">“Sound drums and trumpets, boldly and cheerfully,</div>
        <div class="i1">God and Saint George! Richmond and victory!”—<span class="smcap">Shakespeare.</span></div>
      </div>
    </div>
  </div>
  <hr class="xshort" />

  <h4 class="smcap" id="BOOK3_I_1">Sect. 1.—Eruption.</h4>

  <p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">After</span> the fate of England had been decided by the battle of Bosworth,
    on the 22d of August, 1485<a id="FNanchor_2c" href="#Footnote_2c" class="fnanchor">[2]</a>, the joy of the nation was clouded
    by a mortal disease which thinned the ranks of the warriors, and
    following in the rear of Henry’s victorious army, spread in a few weeks
    from the distant mountains of Wales to the metropolis of the empire.
    It was a violent inflammatory fever, which, after a short rigor,
    prostrated the powers as with a blow; and amidst painful oppression
    at the stomach, headache and lethargic stupor, suffused the whole
    body with a fetid perspiration. All this took place in the course of
    a few hours, and the crisis was always over within the space of a
    day and night<a id="FNanchor_3c" href="#Footnote_3c" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>. The internal heat which the patient suffered was
    intolerable, yet every refrigerant was certain death. The people were
    seized with consternation when they saw that scarcely one in a hundred
    escaped<a id="FNanchor_4c" href="#Footnote_4c" class="fnanchor">[4]</a>, and their first impression was that <span class="pagenum" id="Page_182">182</span>a reign commencing
    with such horrors would doubtless prove most inauspicious<a id="FNanchor_5c" href="#Footnote_5c" class="fnanchor">[5]</a>.</p>

  <p>At first the new foe was scarcely heeded; citizens and peasants went
    in joyful processions to meet the victorious army. Henry’s march from
    Bosworth towards London resembled a triumph, which was everywhere
    celebrated by festivals; for the nation, after its many years of civil
    war, looked forward to happier days than they had enjoyed under the
    blood-thirsty Richard.</p>

  <p>Very shortly, however, after the king’s entry into the capital on
    the 28th of August<a id="FNanchor_6c" href="#Footnote_6c" class="fnanchor">[6]</a>, the Sweating Sickness<a id="FNanchor_7c" href="#Footnote_7c" class="fnanchor">[7]</a>, as the disease
    was called, began to spread its ravages among the densely peopled
    streets of the city. Two lord mayors and six aldermen died within one
    week<a id="FNanchor_8c" href="#Footnote_8c" class="fnanchor">[8]</a>, having scarcely laid aside their festive robes; many who
    had been in perfect health at night, were on the following morning
    numbered among the dead. The disease for the most part marked for its
    victims robust and vigorous men; and as many noble families lost their
    chiefs, extensive commercial houses their principals, and wards their
    guardians, the festivities were soon converted into grief and mourning.
    The coronation of the king, which was expected to overcome the scruples
    that many entertained of his right to the throne, was of necessity
    postponed in this general distress<a id="FNanchor_9c" href="#Footnote_9c" class="fnanchor">[9]</a>, and the disease, in the mean
    time, spread without interruption and over the whole kingdom from east
    to west<a id="FNanchor_10c" href="#Footnote_10c" class="fnanchor">[10]</a>.</p>

  <p>It is agreed that the pestilence did not commence till the very
    beginning of August, 1485, and was in obvious connexion with the
    circumstances of the times. To return to their native country had
    long been the ardent desire of the Earl of Richmond and his faithful
    followers. At the age of 15, (1471,) having escaped the vengeance of
    the House of York, and the assassins of Edward, he was overtaken by
    a storm, and fell into the hands of Francis II., Duke of Bretagne,
    who long detained him prisoner, but on the death of Edward, in 1483,
    supplied him with means to enforce his claims to the English throne, as
    the last descendant of the House of Lancaster. This first undertaking
    miscarried. A storm drove back the bold adventurer <span class="pagenum" id="Page_183">183</span>to Dieppe, and
    compelled him once more to throw himself, with his five hundred English
    followers, on the hospitality of Duke Francis. Richard’s influence
    with the Duke, however, rendered his stay there somewhat dangerous.
    Richmond withdrew privately, and endeavoured to gain over to his cause
    Charles VIII., who was yet a minor. A small subsidy of French troops,
    some pieces of artillery, and an adequate supply of money, were finally
    granted to his repeated solicitations. This little band was quickly
    augmented to 2000 men, who were all embarked, and on the 25th of July,
    1485, they weighed anchor at Havre, and seven days after, the standard
    of Richmond was raised in Milford Haven<a id="FNanchor_11c" href="#Footnote_11c" class="fnanchor">[11]</a>.</p>

  <p>They landed at the village of Dale, on the west side of the harbour,
    and on the evening of their arrival, or very early on the following
    morning, Richmond hastened to Haverfordwest, where no messenger had
    yet announced the renewal of the civil war. It appears that he reached
    Cardigan, on the northern shore, on the 3d of August, and for the
    first time granted to his small but increasing army the repose of an
    encampment.</p>

  <p>After a short halt, he set forward with confidence, crossed the Severn
    at Shrewsbury<a id="FNanchor_12c" href="#Footnote_12c" class="fnanchor">[12]</a>, turned from thence to Newport and Stafford,
    and pitched his camp at Litchfield, probably before the 18th of
    August<a id="FNanchor_13c" href="#Footnote_13c" class="fnanchor">[13]</a>. The distance to this place from Milford Haven is 170
    miles, and the road leads over wooded mountains and cultivated fields,
    without touching upon any swampy lands. Litchfield, however, lies low,
    and it was here that the army encamped in a damp situation, till it
    broke up for the neighbouring field of Bosworth. Thither Richmond, with
    scarcely 5000 men, and having his right wing covered by a morass, went
    to meet his deadly foe, whose army doubled his own. The combat was at
    first furious, but in two hours Lord Stanley crowned the conqueror with
    Richard’s diadem<a id="FNanchor_14c" href="#Footnote_14c" class="fnanchor">[14]</a>.</p>

  <p>All these events so rapidly succeeded each other in the course of
    three weeks, that the knights and soldiers of Richmond, <span class="pagenum" id="Page_184">184</span>more and
    more excited every day by fear and hope, were scarcely equal to such
    exertions. Yet the very rapidity of the movements of the army was the
    cause why the disease could not spread so quickly, nor obstruct the
    final decision of Bosworth, although the report of it had already,
    before this event, spread universal terror; so that Lord Stanley, when
    authoritatively summoned by Richard to repair to his standard, sought
    to gain time, and, by way of excuse, alleged the prevalence of the new
    disease<a id="FNanchor_15c" href="#Footnote_15c" class="fnanchor">[15]</a>.</p>

  <p>After the victory of Bosworth, King Henry remained two days in
    Leicester, and then without further delay hastened to London, which he
    reached in less than four days, unaccompanied by military parade, and
    attended only by a select body of followers. The remainder of his army,
    which stood greatly in need of repose after its severe toils, were not
    in a condition for marching, they therefore halted in the neighbouring
    towns, and were probably disbanded, according to the custom of the
    age<a id="FNanchor_16c" href="#Footnote_16c" class="fnanchor">[16]</a>.</p>

  <p>The Sweating Sickness is said not to have made its appearance in London
    till the 21st of September<a id="FNanchor_17c" href="#Footnote_17c" class="fnanchor">[17]</a>, but historians have most likely
    intended by that day to mark the commencement of its virulence, which
    continued to the end of the following month, and lasted, therefore, in
    all, about five weeks.</p>

  <p>During this short period a large portion of the population<a id="FNanchor_18c" href="#Footnote_18c" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> fell
    victims to the new epidemic, and the lamentation was without bounds
    so long as the people were ignorant that this fearful disease, unable
    to establish its dominion, would only pass through the country like a
    flash of lightning, and then again give place to the active intercourse
    of society and the cheering hope of life.</p>

  <p>There was no security against a second attack; for many who <span class="pagenum" id="Page_185">185</span>had
    recovered were seized by it, with equal violence, a second, and
    sometimes a third time, so that they had not even the slender
    consolation enjoyed by sufferers in the plague<a id="FNanchor_19c" href="#Footnote_19c" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> and small-pox, of
    entire immunity after having once surmounted the danger<a id="FNanchor_20c" href="#Footnote_20c" class="fnanchor">[20]</a>.</p>

  <p>Thus by the end of the year the disease had spread over the whole
    of England, and visited every place with the same severity as the
    metropolis. Many persons of rank, of the ecclesiastical and the civil
    classes, became its victims; and great was the consternation when, in
    the month of August, it broke out in Oxford. Professors and students
    fled in all directions: but death overtook many of them, and this
    celebrated university was deserted for six weeks<a id="FNanchor_21c" href="#Footnote_21c" class="fnanchor">[21]</a>. Three months
    later it appeared at Croyland, and on the 14th of November, carried off
    Lambert Fossedyke, abbot of the monastery<a id="FNanchor_22c" href="#Footnote_22c" class="fnanchor">[22]</a>. No authentic accounts
    from other quarters have been handed down to our times, but we may
    infer, from the general grief and anxiety which prevailed, that the
    loss of human life was very considerable.</p>

  <h4 class="smcap" id="BOOK3_I_2">Sect. 2.—The Physicians.</h4>

  <p>The physicians could do little or nothing for the people in this
    extremity<a id="FNanchor_23c" href="#Footnote_23c" class="fnanchor">[23]</a>. They are nowhere alluded to throughout this epidemic,
    and even those who might have come forward to succour their fellow
    citizens, had fallen into the errors of Galen, and their dialectic
    minds sank under this appalling phenomenon. This holds good even of
    the famous Thomas Linacre, subsequently physician in ordinary to two
    monarchs<a id="FNanchor_24c" href="#Footnote_24c" class="fnanchor">[24]</a>, and founder of the College of Physicians, in 1518.
    In the prime of his youth he had been an eye-witness of the events
    at Oxford, and survived even the second and third eruption of the
    Sweating Sickness; but in none of his writings do we find a single word
    respecting this disease, which is of such permanent importance. In
    fact, the restorers of the medical science of ancient <span class="pagenum" id="Page_186">186</span>Greece, who were
    followed by all the most enlightened men in Europe, with the single
    exception of Linacre, occupied themselves rather with the ancient terms
    of art than with actual observation, and in their critical researches
    overlooked the important events that were passing before their
    eyes<a id="FNanchor_25c" href="#Footnote_25c" class="fnanchor">[25]</a>. This reminds us of the later Greek physicians, who for four
    hundred years paid no attention to the small-pox, because they could
    find no description of it in the immortal works of Galen<a id="FNanchor_26c" href="#Footnote_26c" class="fnanchor">[26]</a>.</p>

  <p>No resource was therefore left to the terrified people of England but
    their own good sense, and this led them to the adoption of a plan of
    treatment, than which no physician in the world could have given them
    a better; namely, not to resort to any violent medicines, but to apply
    moderate heat, to abstain from food, taking only a small quantity of
    mild drink, and quietly to wait for four-and-twenty hours the crisis
    of this formidable malady. Those who were attacked during the day, in
    order to avoid any chill, immediately went to bed in their clothes,
    and those who sickened by night did not rise from their beds in the
    morning; while all carefully avoided exposing to the air even a hand or
    foot. Thus they anxiously guarded against heat or cold, so as not to
    excite perspiration by the former, nor to check it by the latter—for
    they well knew that either was certain death<a id="FNanchor_27c" href="#Footnote_27c" class="fnanchor">[27]</a>.</p>

  <p>The report of the infallibility of this method soon spread over
    the whole kingdom, and thus towards the commencement of 1486, many
    were rescued from death. On New Year’s Day, a violent tempest arose
    in the south-east, and by purifying the atmosphere relieved the
    oppression under which the people laboured, and thus, to the joy of
    the whole nation, the epidemic was swept away without leaving a trace
    behind<a id="FNanchor_28c" href="#Footnote_28c" class="fnanchor">[28]</a>.</p>

  <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_187">187</span></p>

  <h4 class="smcap" id="BOOK3_I_3">Sect. 3.—Causes.</h4>

  <p>It was thought remarkable, even at that time, that the Sweating
    Sickness did not extend beyond the limits of England, and that,
    remaining the unenviable property of that nation, it did not even
    spread to Scotland, Ireland, or Calais which belonged to Britain. Much,
    doubtless, was owing to the peculiarity of the climate, more still to
    atmospherical changes, and something also to the habits of the people
    and the circumstances of the times. It plainly appeared in the sequel
    that the English Sweating Sickness was a spirit of the mist, which
    hovered amid the dark clouds. Even in ordinary years, the atmosphere
    of England is loaded with these clouds during considerable periods,
    and in damp seasons they would prove the more injurious to health,
    as the English of those times were not accustomed to cleanliness,
    moderation in their diet, or even comfortable refinements. Gluttony
    was common among the nobility as well as among the lower classes; all
    were immoderately addicted to drinking<a id="FNanchor_29c" href="#Footnote_29c" class="fnanchor">[29]</a>, and the manners of the age
    sanctioned this excess at their banquets and their festivities. If we
    consider that the disease mostly attacked strong and robust men—that
    portion of the people who abandoned themselves without restraint to
    all the pleasures of the table—while women, old men, and children,
    almost entirely escaped, it is obvious that a gross indulgence of the
    appetite must have had a considerable share in the production of this
    unparalleled plague.</p>

  <p>To this may be added, the humidity of the year 1485, which is
    represented by most chronicles as very remarkable<a id="FNanchor_30c" href="#Footnote_30c" class="fnanchor">[30]</a>. Throughout
    the whole of Europe the rain fell in torrents, and inundations were
    frequent. Damp weather is not prejudicial to health if it be merely
    temporary, but if the rain be excessive for a series of years, so that
    the ground is completely saturated, and the mists attract baneful
    exhalations out of the earth, man must necessarily suffer from the
    noxious state of the soil and atmosphere. Under these circumstances
    epidemics must inevitably follow. The five preceding years had been
    unusually wet<a id="FNanchor_31c" href="#Footnote_31c" class="fnanchor">[31]</a>, 1485 proved equally so; the last hot and droughty
    summer was that of 1479<a id="FNanchor_32c" href="#Footnote_32c" class="fnanchor">[32]</a>. Extensive inundations of the Tiber,
    the Po, the Danube, <span class="pagenum" id="Page_188">188</span>the Rhine, and most of the other great rivers,
    took place in 1480, and were attended with the usual consequences,
    the deterioration of the air, misery and disease<a id="FNanchor_33c" href="#Footnote_33c" class="fnanchor">[33]</a>. The greatest
    inundation ever remembered in England was that of the Severn, in
    October, 1483. It was long afterwards called the Duke of Buckingham’s
    Great Water<a id="FNanchor_34c" href="#Footnote_34c" class="fnanchor">[34]</a>, because it frustrated the rebellion of this powerful
    subject against Richard III., whom he had been instrumental in placing
    upon the throne; and consequently defeated also the first enterprise
    of Henry VII. It lasted full ten days, and the tremendous ravages
    occasioned by the overwhelming torrent dwelt long in the memory of the
    people.</p>

  <h4 class="smcap" id="BOOK3_I_4">Sect. 4.—Other Epidemics.</h4>

  <p>During the whole of this period the nations of Europe were visited
    with various and destructive plagues. In 1477, the Bubo-plague
    broke out in Italy, and raged without interruption till 1485<a id="FNanchor_35c" href="#Footnote_35c" class="fnanchor">[35]</a>.
    It was accompanied by striking natural phenomena, among which we
    may reckon an enormous flight of locusts in 1478<a id="FNanchor_36c" href="#Footnote_36c" class="fnanchor">[36]</a> and 1482, and
    remarkable inter-current diseases, such as inflammatory pain in the
    side, throughout the whole of Italy in 1482<a id="FNanchor_37c" href="#Footnote_37c" class="fnanchor">[37]</a>. In Switzerland and
    Southern Germany malignant epidemics<a id="FNanchor_38c" href="#Footnote_38c" class="fnanchor">[38]</a> appeared in the train of
    drought and famine in 1480 and 1481, while putrid fever accompanied by
    phrenites<a id="FNanchor_39c" href="#Footnote_39c" class="fnanchor">[39]</a>, prevailed in Westphalia, Hesse and Friesland. There had
    never been in the memory of the inhabitants of these districts so many
    ignes fatui as during this period. There too the people suffered from
    the failure of the harvest, so that it was necessary to obtain supplies
    from Thuringen<a id="FNanchor_40c" href="#Footnote_40c" class="fnanchor">[40]</a>. France, where, under the fearful reign of Louis
    XI., oppression and misery seemed to mock the gifts of heaven, became
    in 1482, after a two <span class="pagenum" id="Page_189">189</span>years’ scarcity, the scene of a devastating
    plague. It was an inflammatory fever with delirium, accompanied by such
    intense pain in the head, that many dashed out their brains against
    the wall, or rushed into the water; while others, after incessantly
    running to and fro, died in a state of the greatest agony. According
    to the notion of the age, this disease was attributed to astral
    influences, for it could not have been brought on only by famine,
    which left to the poor peasantry, south of the Loire, nothing but the
    roots of wild herbs to support their miserable existence<a id="FNanchor_41c" href="#Footnote_41c" class="fnanchor">[41]</a>, since
    the higher classes were also frequently attacked<a id="FNanchor_42c" href="#Footnote_42c" class="fnanchor">[42]</a>. This fever was
    without doubt accompanied by inflammation of the meninges, or even of
    the brain itself, and was, perhaps, identical with that which at the
    same period desolated the north-west of Germany as far as the shores
    of the North Sea, only that it was heightened by the greater natural
    vivacity and miserable situation of the French people, who were kept
    in a state of perpetual dread by the cruel executions of Louis<a id="FNanchor_43c" href="#Footnote_43c" class="fnanchor">[43]</a>.
    This pestilence occasioned the king to follow the advice of his morose
    physician<a id="FNanchor_44c" href="#Footnote_44c" class="fnanchor">[44]</a> in ordinary, and to keep himself closely confined within
    the town of Plessis des Tours. It was prohibited under a heavy penalty
    to speak in his presence of death which was carrying off its victims in
    all directions, and forty crossbowmen kept guard in the fosse of the
    castle to put to death every living thing which might approach<a id="FNanchor_45c" href="#Footnote_45c" class="fnanchor">[45]</a>.
    Two years after, in 1484, virulent <span class="pagenum" id="Page_190">190</span>diseases<a id="FNanchor_46c" href="#Footnote_46c" class="fnanchor">[46]</a> again visited Germany
    and Switzerland; and thus it seemed as if the nations were everywhere
    threatened with death and destruction.</p>

  <h4 class="smcap" id="BOOK3_I_5">Sect. 5.—Richmond’s Army.</h4>

  <p>From these data, which might easily be extended<a id="FNanchor_47c" href="#Footnote_47c" class="fnanchor">[47]</a>, it is evident
    that the Sweating Sickness of 1485 did not make its appearance without
    great and general premisory events, which for a series of years
    imparted to the people of England a susceptibility to dangerous and
    unusual diseases. If, besides this, we take into account the gloomy
    temperament of the English, and the general depression of their
    spirits, in consequence of the sanguinary wars of the red and white
    roses, a series of events which seems to have shaken their faith
    in an overruling Providence, we may readily conceive that it would
    require but a very slight impulse to excite a powerful commotion
    in the mysterious mechanism of the human body. This impulse was
    evidently given by the landing of Richmond’s army in the very year
    when great and portentous evils were anticipated; for on the 16th of
    March, the same day when Queen Ann, the unfortunate wife of Richard
    III., expired, a total eclipse of the sun enveloped all Europe in
    darkness, and gave rise to gloomy prognostications<a id="FNanchor_48c" href="#Footnote_48c" class="fnanchor">[48]</a>. Even under
    ordinary circumstances, wars beget pestilential disorders—how much
    more inevitably must these have arisen in the then existing state
    of affairs! Richmond’s army consisted not of brave men animated by
    zeal to avenge their dishonoured country or to serve a good cause.
    It was composed of wandering freebooters, “vile landskneckte,” as
    they were called in Germany, who assembled under his banner at
    Havre,—sharpshooters formed under Louis XI., who recklessly pillaged
    Normandy, and whom Charles VIII. gladly made over to Henry, in order to
    free his own peaceful territories from so great a scourge<a id="FNanchor_49c" href="#Footnote_49c" class="fnanchor">[49]</a>. This
    army may not have been worse than <span class="pagenum" id="Page_191">191</span>others of the same period<a id="FNanchor_50c" href="#Footnote_50c" class="fnanchor">[50]</a>; but
    cooped up as they were for a whole week in dirty ships, they doubtless
    carried about with them all the material for germinating the seeds of a
    pestilential disorder, which broke out soon after on the banks of the
    Severn and in the camp at Litchfield.</p>

  <h4 class="smcap" id="BOOK3_I_6">Sect. 6.—Nature of the Sweating Sickness.</h4>

  <div class="center xsmall">PRELIMINARY INVESTIGATION.</div>

  <p>Before we proceed further, some account is here required of the
    nature of this disease. It was an inflammatory rheumatic fever, with
    great disorder of the nervous system. This assumption is supported
    by the manner of its origin and its especial characteristic of being
    accompanied by a profuse and injurious perspiration. From the judgment
    that we are now capable of forming of the pernicious influences which
    prevailed in the year 1485, it may, without hesitation, be admitted
    that the humidity of that and of the preceding years affected the
    functions of the lungs and of the skin, and disturbed the relation
    of this very important tissue to the internal organs of life. This
    is the usual commencement of rheumatic fevers, which bear the same
    relation to the Sweating Sickness as slight symptoms bear to severe
    ones of the same kind. The predominance of affections of the brain
    and of the nerves, however, gave to the English epidemic a peculiar
    character. The functions of the eighth pair of nerves were violently
    disordered in this disease, as was shewn by oppressed respiration and
    extreme anxiety with nausea and vomiting, symptoms to which the moderns
    attach much importance<a id="FNanchor_51c" href="#Footnote_51c" class="fnanchor">[51]</a>. The stupor and profound lethargy shew
    that there was injury of the brain, to which, in all probability, was
    added a stagnation of black blood in the torpid veins. We must also
    take into the account a previous corruption and decomposition of the
    blood, which, even if we should be disinclined to infer their existence
    from the offensive perspiration of the disease itself, were proved
    by striking phenomena of a similar nature that occurred in Central
    Europe about the same time; for the scurvy prevailed as an epidemic,
    more especially <span class="pagenum" id="Page_192">192</span>in Germany, in the year 1486, and with such severe
    and unusual symptoms, that people were inclined to regard it as a
    totally new malady<a id="FNanchor_52c" href="#Footnote_52c" class="fnanchor">[52]</a>. Now such is the vital connexion of different
    functions that every impediment to respiration, whether in consequence
    of pressure from without, or through spasm and irritation of the nerves
    from within, or even from a morbid condition of the circulating fluid,
    infallibly calls forth the compensating activity of the skin, and the
    body becomes suffused with an alleviating perspiration.</p>

  <p>Thus it plainly appears that the profuse perspiration in the disease
    of which we are treating, notwithstanding its apparently injurious
    tendency, was the result of a commotion excited on the part of the
    lungs, which was critical with respect to the disease itself; and
    this is in accordance with all the causes of which we still have any
    knowledge. Noxious and even stinking fogs penetrated into the organs
    of respiration, and as the blood was thus so much affected in its
    composition and in its vitality that its corrupt state was only to
    be obviated by profuse perspiration, the inevitable consequence was
    an interference with the extensive functions of the eighth pair of
    nerves, which interference, as later writers relate, extended in many
    cases to the spinal marrow, and brought on violent convulsions<a id="FNanchor_53c" href="#Footnote_53c" class="fnanchor">[53]</a>.
    We have here only one essential cause, out of many, for this gigantic
    disease, and one too which accounts for its advance and spread. It
    is highly probable, for the reasons stated, and as according with
    all human experience, that it first broke out in the army of Henry
    the VIIth, and beyond all doubt that it spread from west to east,
    and afterwards in a retrograde course from east to west. With the
    perfectly equable operation of the predisposing causes, from which
    the disease ought indubitably to have broken out all over England
    at the same time, had the condition of the atmosphere been its sole
    occasion, we must additionally presume a special cause for its progress
    through towns and villages. This, according to all appearance, was to
    be found in the air, impregnated with foul odours, which surrounded
    the sick, and abounded in the tents and dwellings in <span class="pagenum" id="Page_193">193</span>which Henry the
    VIIth’s soldiers, after various privations and hard service, amid
    storms and rain, were closely crowded together. Of both causes modern
    observation furnishes analogous examples. Intermittent fevers spread
    more easily in air which is contaminated by sick people, and bands
    of soldiers, themselves in perfect health, have not unfrequently
    conveyed camp fever to remote places. It signifies very little by
    what expressions of the schools these occurrences are designated; it
    is best perhaps to abstain from them altogether, for they are all
    inadequate, and occasion misconceptions. Contemporaries, however,
    were certainly justified in not admitting the notion of contagion in
    the same sense as when the term is applied to the plague, with which
    they were well acquainted<a id="FNanchor_54c" href="#Footnote_54c" class="fnanchor">[54]</a>. For very frequently cases which were
    not to be explained on the principle of contagion communicated by
    persons diseased, occurred among people of rank, and manifestly arose
    independently of the usual causes. In these cases the fear of death,
    which everywhere was the harbinger of the disease, and threw the nerves
    of the chest into spasmodic commotion, gave an impulse to the malady
    for which the quality of the atmosphere and luxury had long made
    preparation. Had this view of contemporaries been even less impartial
    than it really was, it would have found the most striking confirmation
    in the sudden cessation of the pestilence throughout the whole country.
    For the destructive spirits of air, which would not have been discerned
    even by the proud naturalists of the nineteenth century, dispersed and
    vanished for half an age in the fury of the tempest which raged on the
    1st of January, 1486.</p>

  <hr class="short" />

  <div class="chapter">
    <h3 class="nobreak">CHAPTER II.<br />
      <span class="small">THE SECOND VISITATION OF THE DISEASE.—1506.</span></h3>
  </div>

  <hr class="xshort" />
  <div class="center small">“The times were rough and full of mutations and rare
    incidents.”—<cite>Bacon</cite>.</div>
  <hr class="xshort" />

  <h4 class="smcap" id="BOOK3_II_1">Sect. 1.—Mercenary Troops.</h4>

  <p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">At</span> the commencement of the sixteenth century, society was very
    differently constituted from what it was at the period when
    <span class="pagenum" id="Page_194">194</span>
    Henry the VIIth unfurled his banner for victory. The darkness of the
    middle ages had receded, as at the approach of a sun still hidden
    behind a cloud. The mind unconsciously expanded in the unwonted light
    of day—the whole earth was on the eve of renovation—new energies were
    to be called into action—events more stupendous had never occurred, nor
    had more creative ideas ever aroused the spirit of man. The invention
    of Gutenberg burst through the bonds of mental darkness, and gave to
    freedom of thought imperishable wings; unsuspected powers successively
    developed themselves; and, while in Western Europe an ardent desire
    arose boldly to overstep the ancient limits of human activity,
    the hopes of the more enlightened fell far short of the actual
    result of such unexpected events. The discovery of the New World,
    and the circumnavigation of Africa, laid the foundation for great
    improvements; yet the events in Central Europe, though less striking to
    contemporaries, were in their consequences, infinitely more important
    and beneficial. The establishment of civil order among all the nations
    of the West took place at this period, which forms so important a
    boundary between the middle ages and modern times. Regal power was
    fixed on a firm basis, and when the castles had fallen before the
    artillery of the princes and imperial cities, so that the petty feudal
    barons were compelled to swear obedience to the laws, an end was put
    to the incessant predatory feuds which had so long desolated Europe,
    and the establishment of internal peace was followed by the security of
    life and property—the first essential of refinement in manners and of
    the free development of human society.</p>

  <p>This great result of a concatenation of circumstances was not, however,
    brought about without violent struggles and innovations, the effects of
    which were felt for centuries; but it was probably <em>the establishment
    of standing armies</em> which had the greatest influence on European
    civilization. They became indeed the pillars of civil order, but having
    proceeded immediately from the pernicious mercenary system, they long
    nourished the seeds of unrestrained depravity, and transmitted to later
    generations the corruptions of the middle ages. The Lansquenets<a id="FNanchor_55c" href="#Footnote_55c" class="fnanchor">[55]</a>
    (Landsknechte) of the emperor, and the mercenaries of the kings <span class="pagenum" id="Page_195">195</span>of
    France and England, who, during the war, had joined the smaller
    branches of the standing army, were homeless adventurers from every
    country in Europe, and were allured, not by military ambition, but
    solely by the prospect of booty<a id="FNanchor_56c" href="#Footnote_56c" class="fnanchor">[56]</a>. In whatever country the drum
    beat to arms, they flocked together like swarms of locusts—no one knew
    from whence—and defying the feeble restraints of military discipline,
    indulged, during the continuance of the war, in all the unbridled
    licence of a predatory life.</p>

  <p>Hence the unbounded barbarity of their mode of warfare, which was
    restrained only by the individual exertions of more humane commanders.
    There was, however, a decided contrariety between this system and
    the moral condition of the people of Western Europe: a contrariety
    which was never entirely removed by the subsequent introduction of a
    more strict military discipline, and which has been done away only
    in modern times, by the establishment of regular armies on a system
    more congenial to the feelings of the people. Hence the consequences
    were the more pernicious, for when the armies were disbanded on the
    conclusion of peace, the Landsknechts dispersed in all directions, not
    to follow the plough again, or to resume their former occupations, but
    to pass their time in idleness and dissipation, if enriched by booty,
    and if reduced to poverty by intemperance and gambling, to infest the
    country as mendicants or robbers, till a new war again summoned them
    from their dishonourable mode of life<a id="FNanchor_57c" href="#Footnote_57c" class="fnanchor">[57]</a>. Probably but very few were
    ever able to rise from such deep degradation, and many fell early
    victims to their vices<a id="FNanchor_58c" href="#Footnote_58c" class="fnanchor">[58]</a>, while the infection of their example
    brought fresh accessions from every town and village to the mercenary
    legions.</p>

  <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_196">196</span></p>
  <h4 class="smcap" id="BOOK3_II_2">Sect. 2.—New Circumstances.</h4>

  <p>It is evident that in such a condition of affairs, the effect which
    the plague produced on civil society must have been different from
    that of former times. Pernicious influences which, during the middle
    ages, had endangered the health of the inhabitants of towns, and had
    often rendered disorders, naturally slight, in the highest degree
    malignant, were for ever removed. Under this head may be mentioned
    more particularly the ill-contrived construction of the houses and
    streets, which even yet, in large cities, destroys the comfort of the
    inhabitants of whole districts, and those not of the poorest class
    only. As people acquired confidence in the security of peace, it ceased
    to be necessary to protect every country town by fortifications.
    The walls were thrown down, the stagnant moats were filled up, and
    as people were no longer limited to a narrow space, they built more
    convenient houses in airy streets; the dark alleys and damp dwellings
    under ground were gradually abandoned, and a more comfortable mode of
    living superseded the former misery. By this means the mortality was
    considerably diminished, and the power of epidemics was checked; nor
    can it be doubted, that the better administration of the laws greatly
    obviated the dissolution of social ties in times of plague, and the
    effects of superstition and religious animosity, which had formerly
    been so frightful. These inestimable national improvements, however,
    took place but gradually, and were not a little retarded for a time by
    the new evil of the employment of mercenaries. For as the germs of vice
    were scattered in all directions by the wandering Lansquenets, so also
    the infection of noxious diseases found easier entrance into the towns
    and villages through the medium of this dissolute and widely spread
    class of men. The Lansquenets of the sixteenth century, as spreaders
    of contagion, supplied the place of the former Romish pilgrims and
    flagellants; they even proved a more permanent scourge than those
    wanderers of the middle ages, who only made their appearance on
    extraordinary occasions. We need here only call to mind the malignant
    and beyond measure noisome lues which at the end of the fifteenth
    century spread with the rapidity of lightning over all Europe. It was
    not an importation from the innocent<span class="pagenum" id="Page_197">197</span> inhabitants of the New World, nor
    was it bred by the ill-treated Marrani<a id="FNanchor_59c" href="#Footnote_59c" class="fnanchor">[59]</a>, the victims of the Spanish
    Inquisition. It was the mercenary army of Charles the VIIIth in Naples
    (1495), whose excesses gave to the already existing poison a malignity
    till then unknown, and prepared for the deeply rooted depravity, a
    scourge at which all the world shuddered with horror. It is, moreover,
    in place here to observe that, in the larger armies which the new
    military system now brought into the field, the ordinary camp diseases,
    to which another very fatal one was added<a id="FNanchor_60c" href="#Footnote_60c" class="fnanchor">[60]</a>, were of course much
    more extensively propagated than in the less numerous forces of
    preceding centuries, and consequently that the peaceful inhabitants
    of the towns and of the country at large were thereby exposed to much
    danger.</p>

  <h4 class="smcap" id="BOOK3_II_3">Sect. 3.—Sweating Sickness.</h4>

  <p>Meantime Europe was frequently and very severely visited by the
    epidemics of the middle ages, the terrors of the constantly recurring
    plague being borne with gloomy resignation to the inevitable evil
    with which, as a merited chastisement, the anger of God, according
    to the notion of the times, afflicted the human race. Even the
    English were not exempt from this fearful visitation, which, in the
    year 1499, carried off 30,000 people in London alone, so that the
    king found it advisable to retire with all his court to Calais<a id="FNanchor_61c" href="#Footnote_61c" class="fnanchor">[61]</a>.
    Thus the recollection of the Sweating Sickness of 1485 was gradually
    obliterated. No one thought of its possible return, and all the world
    was occupied with other matters, when the old enemy unexpectedly again
    raised his head in the summer of 1506, and scared away this comfortable
    state of false security. The renewed eruption of the epidemic was not,
    on this occasion, connected with any important occurrence, so that
    contemporaries have not even mentioned the month in which it began
    to rage. Towards the autumn it had again disappeared, and as no new
    symptoms were added to the disease, the form of which was identified
    by a reference to the old descriptions, it was immediately treated by
    the same means, the efficacy of which those who had witnessed <span class="pagenum" id="Page_198">198</span>the
    epidemic of 1485 lauded with so much reason<a id="FNanchor_62c" href="#Footnote_62c" class="fnanchor">[62]</a>. Every exposure to
    heat or cold was, as at that time, avoided, and the malignant fever
    was left to the curative powers of nature, the patient being kept
    moderately warm in bed; and no powerful medicines being administered.
    The result was beyond all expectation favourable, for in few houses did
    any fatal cases occur. The victory over this dreaded enemy was now, by
    a pardonable error, attributed more to human skill than to the mildness
    of the malady on this occasion, which, even under a less judicious
    treatment of the sick, would certainly not have been marked by any
    considerable degree of severity.</p>

  <p>The disease broke out in London, but whether it penetrated to the
    west or not, contemporary writers, being soon convinced of its slight
    character, have left us no intelligence. However widely it may have
    spread, it certainly was confined to England, and nowhere occasioned
    any great mortality.</p>

  <h4 class="smcap" id="BOOK3_II_4">Sect. 4.—Accompanying Phenomena.</h4>

  <p>As the epidemic was on this occasion so very mild, it was not
    accompanied by any remarkable phenomena in England, but the case was
    otherwise in the rest of Europe, as will be proved by the following
    details. After a wet summer, in the year 1505, a severe winter set
    in<a id="FNanchor_63c" href="#Footnote_63c" class="fnanchor">[63]</a>. Comets were seen in this as in the following year. An
    eruption of Vesuvius also took place in 1506<a id="FNanchor_64c" href="#Footnote_64c" class="fnanchor">[64]</a>, which may be
    mentioned, although it is well established that volcanic commotions
    are to be taken into account only in great pestilences, not in less
    extensive epidemics. In England there blew a violent storm from the
    south-west, from the 15th till the 26th of January, 1506, which drove
    the king of Castille, Philip of Austria, with his consort Johanna,
    from the Netherlands to Weymouth; and as, some days before, a golden
    eagle falling from St. Paul’s church, in London, had crushed a black
    eagle which ornamented some lower building, evil predictions were
    promulgated among the people respecting the fate of this son of the
    emperor<a id="FNanchor_65c" href="#Footnote_65c" class="fnanchor">[65]</a>. This event, however, could not be considered as at all
    connected with the pestilence which broke out about <span class="pagenum" id="Page_199">199</span>half a year
    afterwards. More consideration is due to the gloom and anxiety which
    at that time depressed the spirit of the English nation. The reckless
    avarice of Henry the VIIth, named the English Solomon<a id="FNanchor_66c" href="#Footnote_66c" class="fnanchor">[66]</a>, gave just
    ground for doubts regarding the security of property; and the pious
    foundations—those accustomed means of softening the dreaded wrath of
    heaven, which the king, who became gradually more and more broken
    down by disease, established, could not efface the recollection of
    the arbitrary violence and extortions of his corrupt servants<a id="FNanchor_67c" href="#Footnote_67c" class="fnanchor">[67]</a>.
    Although these extortions principally affected the wealthy nobility,
    who were much in need of restraint, yet dark mistrust was general,
    and all cheerfulness was banished from the minds of the people. This
    state of feeling might have been favourable to the propagation of the
    returning disease, but the genius of the year 1506 would not suffer it
    to be more than a slight and transient reminiscence of a mystically
    hidden danger, the import of which was not apparent to any medical
    inquirer of the 16th century.</p>

  <h4 class="smcap" id="BOOK3_II_5">Sect. 5.—Petechial Fever in Italy, 1505.</h4>

  <p>Thus, if we paid attention, as usual, only to the palpable occurrences
    which take place on the earth and beneath its surface, the Sweating
    Sickness of the above-mentioned year might appear to be unconnected
    with more considerable commotions of organic life. The powers of
    nature, however, are in their operations too subtle to be comprehended
    by our dull senses and by the coarse mechanism of our organs; nay,
    precisely at a time when neither the one nor the other indicate
    any alteration around us, those operations bring to light the most
    extraordinary phenomena in the human frame—that most sensitive index
    of secret influences on life. This observation was fully confirmed at
    the time of the first return of the sweating fever. For whilst this
    disease remained confined to England, there appeared in the southern
    and central parts of Europe a new and fatal epidemic, which thenceforth
    visited these nations almost continually with intense malignity. This
    was the petechial fever, a disease unknown to the older physicians,
    which was <span class="pagenum" id="Page_200">200</span>first observed in 1490, in Granada, where it threatened to
    annihilate the army of Ferdinand the Catholic, and made great havoc
    also among the Saracens<a id="FNanchor_68c" href="#Footnote_68c" class="fnanchor">[68]</a>. The bubo plague had immediately preceded
    it, (1483, 1485, 1486, 1488, 1489, and 1490<a id="FNanchor_69c" href="#Footnote_69c" class="fnanchor">[69]</a>,) and it may with no
    small probability be assumed that the petechial fever had resulted from
    this as a peculiar variety, since in other countries also, fifteen
    years later, the bubo plague degenerated in various ways, and examples
    are not wanting in which particular forms or constituent parts of great
    epidemics thus branch off from them, in the same manner as, under
    favourable circumstances, these will combine together, and united into
    one destructive whole, multiply the sources of danger.</p>

  <p>Yet some contemporaries were of opinion that the petechial fever had
    been brought over to Granada<a id="FNanchor_70c" href="#Footnote_70c" class="fnanchor">[70]</a> by Venetian mercenaries from Cyprus,
    where they had fought against the Turks, and where this disorder was
    said to have been indigenous. Notwithstanding some good works<a id="FNanchor_71c" href="#Footnote_71c" class="fnanchor">[71]</a>
    already existing, this matter has need of a more thorough examination,
    which might bring to light important and instructive results,
    respecting the rise and spread of the petechial fever, and especially
    respecting its relation to other plagues. Whatever may be held with
    regard to the true origin of this fever, thus much is established,
    that it was at first an independent European disease, and that, at the
    commencement, having occupied the southern part of this quarter of the
    world, it then became connected, in a manner as extraordinary as it was
    worthy of observation, with the sweating sickness of the north; since
    the nearly simultaneous eruption of the sweating fever in England, with
    the great epidemic petechial fever in the year 1505, may be justly
    attributed to an influence common to both, although unquestionably of
    greater power in the latter.</p>

  <p>The epidemic petechial fever, of which we are now treating, prevailed
    principally in Italy, and is described by Fracastoro <span class="pagenum" id="Page_201">201</span>as the first
    plague of this kind which ever appeared in that country. Of this new
    disease<a id="FNanchor_72c" href="#Footnote_72c" class="fnanchor">[72]</a>, which was placed by this great physician midway between
    the bubo plague and the non-pestilential fever, the contagious quality
    showed itself from the beginning; yet it was plainly perceived, that
    the contagion did not take effect so quickly as in the bubo plague,
    that it was not conveyed so easily by means of clothing and other
    articles, and that physicians and attendants on the sick were the
    only persons who incurred much danger of infection. The fever began
    insidiously, and with very slight symptoms, so that the sick in
    general did not so much as seek medical aid. Many persons, and even
    physicians among the number, suffered themselves to be deceived by this
    circumstance, and thus, not being aware of the danger, they hoped to
    effect an easy cure, and were not a little astonished at the sudden
    development of malignant phenomena. The heat was inconsiderable, in
    proportion to the fever, yet those affected felt a certain inward
    indisposition, a general depression of all the vital powers, and a
    weariness as if after great exertion. They lay upon their backs with an
    oppressed brain, their senses were blunted, and in most cases delirium
    and gloomy muttering, with bloodshot eyes, commenced from the fourth
    to the seventh day. The urine was usually clear and copious at the
    beginning, it then became red and turbid, or resembling pomegranate
    wine, (granatwein,) the pulse was slow and small, the evacuations
    putrid and offensive, and either on the fourth or seventh day red
    or purple spots, like flea-bites, or larger, or resembling lentils,
    (lenticulæ,) which also gave a name to the disorder, broke out on the
    arms, the back, and the breast. There was either no thirst at all, or
    very little; the tongue was loaded, and in many cases a lethargic state
    came on. Others, on the contrary, suffered from sleeplessness, or from
    both these symptoms alternately. The disease reached its height on
    the seventh or on the fourteenth day, and in some cases still later.
    In many there existed a retention of urine with very unfavourable
    prognosis. Women seldom died of this fever, elderly people still more
    rarely, and Jews scarcely ever. Young people, on the other hand, and
    children died in great numbers, and especially from among the higher
    ranks, while the plague, on the contrary, used generally to commit its
    ravages only <span class="pagenum" id="Page_202">202</span>among the poorer classes. An inordinate loss of power in
    the commencement betokened death, as also a too violent effect from
    mild aperient means, and a failure in alleviation after a complete
    crisis. Patients were seen to die who had lost to the extent of three
    pounds of blood from the nose. It was also a very bad sign when the
    spots disappeared, or broke out tardily, or were of a blackish-blue
    colour. Phenomena of an opposite character, on the contrary, afforded
    hope of recovery.</p>

  <p>The best physicians were agreed on the importance of the petechiæ as an
    indication of the nature of the crisis; for those cases in which they
    were abundant and of a good quality were cured much more easily than
    those in which the eruption was suppressed. An abundant perspiration
    also was particularly conducive to recovery, whereas all other
    evacuations, especially a flux from the bowels, proved to be injurious
    and even fatal.</p>

  <p>If we keep these phenomena in view, and consider, moreover, that in
    the widely extending lues venerea of those times cutaneous eruptions
    predominated over the other symptoms, the English sweating sickness
    in the north of Europe will appear, as in connexion with this
    circumstance, of a very important character; and the supposition,
    that the morbid activity of the system during the whole of this age,
    maintained a decided determination to the skin, may thence be fairly
    considered as something more than a mere conjecture.</p>

  <p>This fact speaks for itself, but the causes of this altered temperament
    of the body it is not an easy matter to discover. Fracastoro, who knew
    much better than his modern followers how to manage his sagacious
    doctrine of contagion, looked for these causes in the quality of the
    air, which was manifest by much more evident phenomena in the epidemic
    petechial fever of 1528 than in that of 1505, and he traced an active
    connexion between this quality, which he called “infection of the
    atmosphere,”<a id="FNanchor_73c" href="#Footnote_73c" class="fnanchor">[73]</a> and the condition of the blood; thus indicating
    unknown influences by an obscure notion. He considered the altered
    quality of the blood according to the established views of that period,
    which the petechial spotted fever seemed clearly to confirm, <span class="pagenum" id="Page_203">203</span>as a
    putrefaction; and he even assumed that, in the non-epidemic petechial
    fevers, which, from the year 1505 forward, frequently occurred,
    isolated causes must have given rise to changes in the blood, as well
    as that quality of the air, to which this great physician attributed
    the general and continued alterations which take place in the nature of
    diseases.</p>

  <p>The petechial fever made the same impression on the physicians of Italy
    as new disorders have ever made; for although they were the best in
    Europe, their view was bounded by the horizon of Galen, within the
    limits of which the novel phenomenon was not to be found. They were
    therefore soon perplexed, and whilst they sought to entrammel the
    dreaded enemy with scholastic doctrines of repletion and acrimony and
    occult qualities, and betook themselves first to one remedy and then
    to another, they exposed themselves to the derision of the people,
    who soon perceived their disagreement and indecision, and, as usual,
    charged on the whole medical profession the well merited blame of
    individuals<a id="FNanchor_74c" href="#Footnote_74c" class="fnanchor">[74]</a>.</p>

  <h4 class="smcap" id="BOOK3_II_6">Sect. 6.—Other Diseases.</h4>

  <p>About the same period, in October, 1505, a very fatal disease broke out
    in Lisbon, the further progress of which was marked by the terror, the
    flight, and the confusion of the inhabitants<a id="FNanchor_75c" href="#Footnote_75c" class="fnanchor">[75]</a>. Of what kind it was,
    whether a petechial fever or a bubo plague, and what connexion it had
    with a pestilence in Spain which had just preceded it, it would perhaps
    be difficult now to ascertain. This latter pestilence had spread from
    Seville, following an earthquake, and violent storms of wind and rain
    in 1504, and may very likely have been a bubo plague. Similar notices
    are met with of pestilences occurring in that country in 1506, the
    year of the English Sweating Sickness, in 1507 and 1508, in which
    years mention is made of swarms of locusts in the neighbourhood of
    Seville, and finally in 1510, the year of a great influenza<a id="FNanchor_76c" href="#Footnote_76c" class="fnanchor">[76]</a>, and
    1515. Exact descriptions, however, of these disorders are entirely
    wanting<a id="FNanchor_77c" href="#Footnote_77c" class="fnanchor">[77]</a>.</p>

  <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_204">204</span></p>

  <p>With all the above phenomena, the epidemics which took place in
    Germany and France at the commencement of the sixteenth century,
    evidently unite to form a connected whole. Varying in intensity and
    extent, they continued without intermission for full five years, and
    moreover were accompanied by unusual circumstances, such as occur only
    in the time of great pestilences. The century was ushered in by the
    appearance of a comet<a id="FNanchor_78c" href="#Footnote_78c" class="fnanchor">[78]</a>, which, on this occasion, seemed to confirm
    the long cherished belief that the appearance of these heavenly bodies
    was prognostic of evil. For mankind are in the habit of concluding that
    phenomena which are simultaneous must have some internal connexion, and
    many examples were called to mind in which great pestilences affecting
    the whole world had been either preceded or accompanied by comets<a id="FNanchor_79c" href="#Footnote_79c" class="fnanchor">[79]</a>.
    Immediately afterwards a great murrain among cattle took place,
    which may have proceeded from some injurious quality in their food.
    A notion immediately arose that the pastures were poisoned, and of
    this there was so firm a conviction, that the most violent resentment,
    as of old, in the time of the Black Death, prevailed against the
    supposed poisoners, and in the neighbourhood of Meissen some “böse
    Buben” (wicked knaves) who had fallen under suspicion, were actually
    executed<a id="FNanchor_80c" href="#Footnote_80c" class="fnanchor">[80]</a>.</p>

  <p>A very considerable blight of caterpillars which, in the north
    of Germany, stripped the gardens and woods far and wide of their
    foliage, deserves to be here mentioned as a phenomenon appertaining
    to the lower grades of the animal kingdom<a id="FNanchor_81c" href="#Footnote_81c" class="fnanchor">[81]</a>. Natural history has
    shewn that occurrences of this kind are by no means occasioned by
    new and wonderful influences, but rather by unusual combinations of
    circumstances, appearing to occur together almost accidentally, at a
    given time; especially by the simultaneous union of warmth and humidity
    in the atmosphere, whereby sometimes one and sometimes another of the
    lower grades of animal existences becomes extraordinarily developed. It
    is on this account that unusual phenomena in the insect world, whether
    it be the appearance or the disappearance of particular kinds, take
    place much more frequently when the order of succession <span class="pagenum" id="Page_205">205</span>in the seasons
    and the condition of the atmosphere are in a greater degree than
    usual and more permanently disturbed; and thus those phenomena have,
    with much reason, ever been considered as forerunners of pestilences,
    whenever the human frame has become, through atmospherical causes,
    generally susceptible of disease. Swarms of locusts have appeared
    before and during most great pestilences, and indeed the exuberant
    production of this insect appears, at least in Europe, to require the
    most unusual combination of causes.</p>

  <h4 class="smcap" id="BOOK3_II_7">Sect. 7.—Blood Spots.</h4>

  <p>Of rarer occurrence, but quite as important in reference to the
    general tendencies of life, are <em>the luxuriant growths of the minutest
    cryptogamic plants in the water, and on damp things of all kinds</em>,
    which, from their spots of various forms and colours, produced the
    utmost horror both before and during great pestilences, and excited
    superstitious fears, as appearing to be something miraculous. These
    spots (signacula), and especially the <em>blood-spots</em>, were seen at a
    very early period, as for instance during the great general plague
    in the sixth century<a id="FNanchor_82c" href="#Footnote_82c" class="fnanchor">[82]</a>, and again, during the plague of the years
    786<a id="FNanchor_83c" href="#Footnote_83c" class="fnanchor">[83]</a> and 959, when it is said to have been remarked, that those
    on whose clothes they frequently appeared, and seemingly imparted to
    them a peculiar odour, were more susceptible than other people of
    attack from leprosy, on which account this spotted appearance was
    inconsiderately called the clothes leprosy<a id="FNanchor_84c" href="#Footnote_84c" class="fnanchor">[84]</a>, (Lepra vestium;) not
    to mention other examples<a id="FNanchor_85c" href="#Footnote_85c" class="fnanchor">[85]</a> in which plagues affecting the human
    species did not take place. The same signs also, in the years from
    1500 to 1503, threw the faithful into great consternation, because,
    as on former occasions, they fancied they recognised in them the form
    of the cross<a id="FNanchor_86c" href="#Footnote_86c" class="fnanchor">[86]</a>. The phenomenon on this occasion <span class="pagenum" id="Page_206">206</span>spread throughout
    Germany and France, and from its great extent and long duration, may
    be reckoned among the most remarkable of the kind. The spots were of
    different colours, principally red, but also white, yellow, grey,
    and black, and arose, often in a very short time on the roofs of
    houses, on clothes, on the veils and neck handkerchiefs of women, on
    various household utensils, on the meat in larders, &amp;c. A historian,
    who speaks also of blood-rain<a id="FNanchor_87c" href="#Footnote_87c" class="fnanchor">[87]</a>, recounts that they could not be
    got rid of in less than ten or twelve days, and that they frequently
    occurred in closed chests, on linen and on articles of clothing<a id="FNanchor_88c" href="#Footnote_88c" class="fnanchor">[88]</a>.
    Much information is not to be expected from the researches of the
    naturalists of those times, but there is no doubt that what is
    described was some one or more kinds of mould<a id="FNanchor_89c" href="#Footnote_89c" class="fnanchor">[89]</a>, inasmuch as the
    whole phenomenon evidently corresponds with modern observations<a id="FNanchor_90c" href="#Footnote_90c" class="fnanchor">[90]</a>.
    Scientific physicians of the sixteenth century, among whom the
    naturalist George Agricola, who was born in 1494, and died in 1555,
    ought especially to be mentioned, recognised, even then, these spots
    as lichens, and without seeking to account for them by supernatural
    agencies, or lending credence to popular superstition, they gave them
    their just interpretation as indications of extensive disease<a id="FNanchor_91c" href="#Footnote_91c" class="fnanchor">[91]</a>.
    Should the too bold notion of Nees v. Esenbeck, that fungi of the most
    minute forms have their origin in the higher regions of the firmament,
    and descending to the surface of the earth, produce spots and stains,
    be confirmed, which is not yet the case, these “signacula” would have
    a much more important connexion with epidemics than can be otherwise
    conceded to them; for though it be highly probable that they have
    their origin only in the dissemination of <span class="pagenum" id="Page_207">207</span>germs in the lower strata
    of the atmosphere, it must yet be granted, that if they appear over
    a considerable space, and during a long time, as at the commencement
    of the sixteenth century, the causes favouring their generation and
    spread, must be ranked among those of an extraordinary kind, and on
    this very account may exercise an influence over human organism, as was
    then evident.</p>

  <p>For so early as the fruitful year 1503, the plague, which had already
    appeared partially, made great advances, and France in particular
    was visited by so fatal a pestilence, that the inhabitants of towns
    and villages, in order to escape the infection, fled in bodies
    to the woods, and even the house-dogs became wild, which never
    happens, unless a country be extensively depopulated<a id="FNanchor_92c" href="#Footnote_92c" class="fnanchor">[92]</a>. They were
    obliged to establish great hunts, in order to free the country from
    these new beasts of prey, and from wolves which appeared in great
    multitudes<a id="FNanchor_93c" href="#Footnote_93c" class="fnanchor">[93]</a>. The dry and continued heat of the following year,
    1504, having given rise to still more extensive sickness, and caused
    a failure in the crops, the bubo plague raged in Germany with such
    violence, that in some places a third part, and in others as many as
    half the inhabitants perished. Various kinds of fevers accompanied
    this overwhelming disease, among which there was one distinguished
    by headache and phrensy similar to that which appeared in France, in
    1482<a id="FNanchor_94c" href="#Footnote_94c" class="fnanchor">[94]</a>. Various putrid fevers and putrid inflammations of the lungs
    with bloody expectoration, are also no less plainly discernible from
    the accounts<a id="FNanchor_95c" href="#Footnote_95c" class="fnanchor">[95]</a>. This diversified and general sickness throughout
    the whole of Germany, terminated <span class="pagenum" id="Page_208">208</span>in the cold winter of 1504–5 and the
    following summer, during which there was a continued murrain among
    cattle. It is certain, that at that time the petechial fever in Italy,
    had not yet passed the Alps.</p>

  <p><em>From all these facts it is a probable conjecture, that the Sweating
    Sickness which visited England in the year 1506, although accompanied
    in that country itself by no prominent circumstances, was not without
    connexion with the morbid commotion of human and animal life in the
    south and middle of Europe, and may perhaps be regarded as having
    been the last feeble effort of mysterious agencies in the domain of
    organized being.</em></p>

  <hr class="page" />
  <div class="chapter">
    <h3 class="nobreak">CHAPTER III.<br />
      <span class="small">THE THIRD VISITATION OF THE DISEASE.—1517.</span></h3>
  </div>

  <hr class="xshort" />
  <div class="center-container">
    <div class="poetry">
      <div class="stanza">
        <div class="i0">“This learned Lord, this Lord of wit and art,</div>
        <div class="i1">This metaphysick Lord, holds forth a Glasse,</div>
        <div class="i1">Through which we may behold in every part</div>
        <div class="i1">This boisterous prince.”—<span class="smcap">Howell</span><a id="FNanchor_96c" href="#Footnote_96c" class="fnanchor">[96]</a>.</div>
      </div>
    </div>
  </div>
  <hr class="xshort" />

  <h4 class="smcap" id="BOOK3_III_1">Sect. 1.—Poverty.</h4>

  <p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">The</span> ordinances of Henry the VIIth, which, although adapted to the
    times, bore hard upon the people, soon produced their fruits. The great
    diminished the number of their servants, and as, moreover, many of the
    peasantry were thrown out of employment in consequence of a conversion
    of large tracts of arable land into pasture<a id="FNanchor_97c" href="#Footnote_97c" class="fnanchor">[97]</a>, the population of
    towns increased even to an overflow, and the consequent activity of
    trade gradually rendered the towns flourishing. But this change took
    place too rapidly. Wealth and luxury engendered, it is true, numerous
    wants which were a source of gain, so that the English were at this
    time considered luxurious and effeminate<a id="FNanchor_98c" href="#Footnote_98c" class="fnanchor">[98]</a>, but there was a general
    <span class="pagenum" id="Page_209">209</span>scarcity of workmen and artists, and hence it happened, that from
    Genoa, Lombardy, France, Germany and Holland, innumerable foreigners
    immigrated and took possession of the most lucrative branches of
    employment. This was a peculiar hardship on the natives, who from
    their imperfect knowledge of the arts, could not compete with the more
    skilful foreigners, and were besides treated by them with insolence and
    contempt. The distresses of the poor thus increased yearly, and their
    indignation at length broke out. A great insurrection of the English
    artisans arose throughout London, and might have proved destructive to
    the foreigners, had affairs been in a less orderly state. The popular
    commotion was, however, suppressed without any considerable sacrifice,
    and Henry the VIIIth on a solemn day, appointed at Westminster, for
    passing judgment upon the prisoners, bestowed a pardon on them; for he
    saw into the causes of their discontent, and very soon after caused
    restrictive alien laws to be enacted<a id="FNanchor_99c" href="#Footnote_99c" class="fnanchor">[99]</a>.</p>

  <h4 class="smcap" id="BOOK3_III_2">Sect. 2.—Sweating Sickness.</h4>

  <p>All this took place in April and May of the ever memorable year 1517,
    and London was again indulging in hopes of better days, when the
    Sweating Sickness once more broke out quite unexpectedly in July, and
    in spite of all former experience, and the most sedulous attention,
    inexorably demanded its victims. On this occasion it was so violent and
    so rapid in its course, that it carried off those who were attacked in
    two or three hours, so that the first shivering fit was regarded as the
    announcement of certain death. It was not ushered in by any precursory
    symptoms. Many who were in good health at noon, were numbered among
    the dead by the evening, and thus as great a dread was created at
    this new peril as ever was felt during the prevalence of the most
    suddenly destructive epidemic: for the thought of being snatched away
    from the full enjoyment of existence without any preparation, without
    any hope of recovery, is appalling even to the bravest, and excites
    secret trepidation and anguish. Among the lower classes the deaths
    were innumerable<a id="FNanchor_100c" href="#Footnote_100c" class="fnanchor">[100]</a>. The city was moreover crowded with poor; but
    even the ranks of the higher classes were thinned, and no precaution
    averted <span class="pagenum" id="Page_210">210</span>death from their palaces. Ammonius of Lucca, a scholar of
    some celebrity, and in this capacity private secretary to the king,
    was cut off in the flower of his age, after having boasted to Sir
    Thomas More, only a few hours before his death, that by moderation
    and good management he had secured both himself and his family from
    the disease<a id="FNanchor_101c" href="#Footnote_101c" class="fnanchor">[101]</a>. Also of those immediately about the king, Lords
    Grey and Clinton were carried off, besides many knights, officers and
    courtiers. Mourning supplanted the hilarity and brilliancy of the
    festivals, and the king, while in miserable solitude, into which he
    had retired with a few followers, received message after message from
    different towns and villages, announcing, that in some a third, in
    others even half the inhabitants were swept off by this pestilence.
    It had never before raged with so much fatality. The minds of men had
    never before been so frightfully appalled. The festival of Michaelmas,
    (29th September,) which in England was always kept with much religious
    pomp, was of necessity postponed; nor was the solemnity of Christmas
    observed, for there was a dread of collecting together large assemblies
    of people<a id="FNanchor_102c" href="#Footnote_102c" class="fnanchor">[102]</a>, on account of the contagion; and just about this time,
    when the Sweating Sickness had abated, the plague, according to the
    account of some historians, began, which, although probably not very
    virulent, prevailed during the whole winter in most English towns,
    and continued to keep up the distress of the people. The king on this
    occasion also quitted his capital, and retreated, in company with a few
    attendants, before the contagion, frequently shifting his court from
    place to place. It was during this period of trouble (11th of February,
    1518) that the Princess Mary, afterwards Queen, was born<a id="FNanchor_103c" href="#Footnote_103c" class="fnanchor">[103]</a>.</p>

  <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_211">211</span></p>

  <p>Thus the Sweating Sickness lasted full six months, reached its
    greatest height<a id="FNanchor_104c" href="#Footnote_104c" class="fnanchor">[104]</a> about six weeks after its appearance, and
    probably spread from London over the whole of England. In Oxford and
    Cambridge it raged with no less violence than in the capital. Most of
    the inhabitants of those places were, in the course of a few days,
    confined to their beds, and the sciences, which then flourished, for
    they were never more zealously cultivated in England than at that time,
    suffered severe losses by the death of many able and distinguished
    scholars<a id="FNanchor_105c" href="#Footnote_105c" class="fnanchor">[105]</a>. Scotland, Ireland and all other countries beyond sea,
    were on this occasion spared. The neighbouring town of Calais alone was
    reached<a id="FNanchor_106c" href="#Footnote_106c" class="fnanchor">[106]</a> by the pestilence; and according to later observations,
    it may be considered as certain, that only the English who resided
    there, and not the French inhabitants, were affected, as it is also
    ascertained that the rest of France continued throughout free from
    the disease. Had this not been the case, contemporary writers would
    undoubtedly not have omitted to make mention of so important an
    occurrence.</p>

  <h4 class="smcap" id="BOOK3_III_3">Sect. 3.—Causes.</h4>

  <p>The influences which gave rise to this third eruption of the disorder
    among the English nation are obscure, and do not altogether correspond
    with those of the years 1485 and 1506. Thus it is especially
    remarkable, that, on this occasion, there is no express mention of
    the humidity which had so decided a share in the origin of the two
    former visitations of the Sweating Sickness, and the year 1517 was in
    most respects one of an ordinary kind. The English Chronicles state
    nothing remarkable on the subject, and from those of Germany we only
    learn that the winter of 1516 was very mild, and that a fruitful summer
    with an abundant vintage<a id="FNanchor_107c" href="#Footnote_107c" class="fnanchor">[107]</a> and a cold winter followed. The summer
    of 1517 was unfruitful, although not on account of wet <span class="pagenum" id="Page_212">212</span>weather, so
    that in some parts, especially in Swabia, provision was made against
    a scarcity<a id="FNanchor_108c" href="#Footnote_108c" class="fnanchor">[108]</a>. A great comet appeared in 1516<a id="FNanchor_109c" href="#Footnote_109c" class="fnanchor">[109]</a>, and in 1517 an
    earthquake was felt at Tübingen, Nördlingen, and Calw, during a violent
    storm, whereupon the “Haupt Krankheit”<a id="FNanchor_110c" href="#Footnote_110c" class="fnanchor">[110]</a> (encephalitis), accompanied
    by fever, became more prevalent, although not remarkably fatal<a id="FNanchor_111c" href="#Footnote_111c" class="fnanchor">[111]</a>.
    This phenomenon (the earthquake) was by no means unimportant<a id="FNanchor_112c" href="#Footnote_112c" class="fnanchor">[112]</a> in
    its effects, and there is reason to suppose that it was followed by
    subterraneous commotions of still greater extent, for earthquakes
    occurred also in Spain<a id="FNanchor_113c" href="#Footnote_113c" class="fnanchor">[113]</a>. As the date of this event is specified as
    the 16th of June, and as earthquakes occurring in unusual localities,
    that is to say, in districts not volcanic, are frequently cited as
    prognostics of great diseases, although in volcanic districts they
    evidently betoken nothing of the kind, we may hence with some reason
    assume a telluric influence, which perhaps reached the locality of the
    pestilence that broke out at the beginning of July, if not earlier.
    Besides, we cannot find any greater phenomenon, which, according to
    human conception, could have had a more immediate connexion with the
    English Sweating Sickness; and in this instance too, inquiry the most
    circumspect does not penetrate through the thick veil which envelopes
    the inscrutable causes of epidemics.</p>

  <h4 class="smcap" id="BOOK3_III_4">Sect. 4.—Habits of the English.</h4>

  <p>That next to the peculiar constitution which England imparts to her
    inhabitants, the predisposing causes of the Sweating <span class="pagenum" id="Page_213">213</span>Sickness lay in
    the habits of the English of those times, no one can possibly doubt.
    The limitation of the pestilence to England plainly indicates this.
    Not a single ship conveyed it to the French, or to the Dutch, who
    breathed a much moister atmosphere; and yet the intercourse between the
    English seaports and these immediately neighbouring nations was very
    frequent. Of intemperance, which most generally lays the foundation
    for disorders, both high and low were at this time accused. This vice
    of the English was proverbial in foreign countries<a id="FNanchor_114c" href="#Footnote_114c" class="fnanchor">[114]</a>. Flesh meats
    highly seasoned with spices were indulged in to excess; noisy nocturnal
    carousings were become customary, and it was also the practice to
    drink strong wine<a id="FNanchor_115c" href="#Footnote_115c" class="fnanchor">[115]</a> immediately after rising in the morning. Cyder,
    which in some parts, as for instance in Devonshire, is the common
    beverage<a id="FNanchor_116c" href="#Footnote_116c" class="fnanchor">[116]</a>, was, even in those times, considered by medical men
    as injurious, for it was observed that its use caused debility with
    paleness, and sapped the vigour of youth in both sexes<a id="FNanchor_117c" href="#Footnote_117c" class="fnanchor">[117]</a>. Other
    similar facts respecting the mode of living at that time might perhaps
    be adduced, from which it would appear that, owing to the total want
    of refinement in diet, much that was improper was employed in English
    cookery, and that on this account the constitution was much injured.
    Horticulture, which the French had already brought to a state of
    great improvement<a id="FNanchor_118c" href="#Footnote_118c" class="fnanchor">[118]</a>, was still quite in its infancy in England.
    It is even said that Queen Catherine had pot-herbs brought from
    Holland for the preparation of salads, as they were not procurable in
    England<a id="FNanchor_119c" href="#Footnote_119c" class="fnanchor">[119]</a>. Allowing that this account may not be strictly true,
    since it admits of other explanations, still it proves in itself what
    we would here enforce, and leaves us to draw conclusions from it beyond
    the mere fact of there being a scarcity of culinary vegetables. Much
    more important, however, as respects our subject, was the custom of
    wearing immoderately warm clothing, of which we have accounts worthy
    of credence. From youth upwards the head was <span class="pagenum" id="Page_214">214</span>covered with thick
    caps, in order to secure it from every chance of cold, and from the
    least draught of air; and as, by this injurious practice, the brain
    was subjected to a continual determination of blood, and a tenderness
    of the skin was induced, there was no disorder more frequent among
    the English in this century than catarrh<a id="FNanchor_120c" href="#Footnote_120c" class="fnanchor">[120]</a>, which was constantly
    reproduced by relaxing perspirations and heating medicines. If this
    malady be complicated with a scorbutic habit, or if it befall persons
    of debauched habits, whose vessels contain nourishment not properly
    concocted, the preservative vital power seeks a vent through the
    relaxed skin, and that which in itself is a needful and alleviating
    excitement of this tissue becomes a disease; the wholesome excretion
    degenerates into a colliquative drain, which forcibly carries off
    with it unusual animal matters that ought not to pass away through
    such an outlet, and the body yields to an attack to which it has been
    thus long predisposed. When we consider this debilitated state of the
    skin as the general complaint in England, taking into account the
    prejudicial influence of hot baths<a id="FNanchor_121c" href="#Footnote_121c" class="fnanchor">[121]</a>, which were much in use, and
    the diaphoretic medicines employed in most disorders; when we bear in
    mind the rare use of soap at that time, and the high price of linen, as
    also the extreme indigence of the lower classes, which almost always
    breeds pestilences, the utterly miserable condition and truly Scythian
    filth of the English habitations<a id="FNanchor_122c" href="#Footnote_122c" class="fnanchor">[122]</a>, and finally, the crowded state
    of London in the year 1517, we shall, as far as human research can
    penetrate, find the origin of the Sweating Sickness in this very year
    <span class="pagenum" id="Page_215">215</span>explicable from causes which have long been known to be capable of
    producing such effects. Something remains in the background, of which
    hereafter.</p>

  <h4 class="smcap" id="BOOK3_III_5">Sect. 5.—Contagion.</h4>

  <p>The rapid spread of the Sweating Sickness all over England as far as
    the Scottish borders, and across to Calais, now demands a more especial
    consideration. Most fevers which are produced by general causes, as
    well transient (epidemic) as constant and peculiar to the country
    (endemic), or a union of both, which almost always takes place, and was
    here evidently the case, propagate themselves for a time spontaneously.
    The exhalations of the affected become the germs of a similar
    decomposition in those bodies which receive them, and produce in these
    a like attack upon the internal organs; and thus a merely morbid
    phenomenon of life shews that it possesses the fundamental property
    of all life, that of propagating itself in an appropriate soil. On
    this point there is no doubt,—the phenomena which prove it have been
    observed from time immemorial, in an endless variety of circumstances,
    but always with a uniform manifestation of the fundamental law. All
    nations too, and from the most ancient times, have invented ingenious
    designations for these occurrences, which, however, seldom represent
    the general notion, but commonly only the peculiar propagation of
    individual diseases. Certainly one of the best and the most ingenious
    is that which is conveyed by the German word “Ansteckung,” “setting
    on fire,” which compares the exciting a disease in the appropriate
    body, with the inflammation of combustible matter by the application
    of fire, or with the kindling of powder by a spark. But how various
    are these “Ansteckungen!”, from the purely mental, on the one hand,
    which, through the mere sight of a disagreeable nervous malady—through
    an excitement of the senses that shakes the mind, penetrates into the
    nerves, those channels of its will and of its feelings, and produces
    the same disorder in the beholder, to those, on the other hand, which
    propagate diseases that principally operate only upon matter, and are
    distinguishable but little, if at all, from animal poisons. The reader
    must not here expect all the features of a doctrine which extends
    through the whole immeasurable domain of life. They<span class="pagenum" id="Page_216">216</span> are clearly
    derived from the confirmed and well applied experience of <em>the past</em>,
    and have been delineated by men<a id="FNanchor_123c" href="#Footnote_123c" class="fnanchor">[123]</a> who had not forgotten, like their
    modern successors, to take a comprehensive view of epidemic diseases.
    It may, however, be permitted me just to call to mind the difference
    between those infectious diseases which are <em>permanent</em> and for
    centuries together <em>unchangeable</em>, and those which are <em>temporary</em> and
    <em>transient</em>. The infecting matter of the former may aptly be called
    the perfect or unchangeable in contradistinction to the imperfect or
    mutable character of the latter. The former, when once formed, whether
    in diseased persons or inanimate substances (fomites), are always
    in existence, and are but called into activity by those causes of
    general disease (epidemic constitutions) which are favourable to their
    propagation; and it is to be remarked that under all circumstances, and
    at all times, they excite the same unchangeable diseases, and, varying
    only in particular ramifications or degenerations and mild forms, never
    lose their proper essence. Examples are furnished in the small-pox, the
    plague, the measles, and, if we may include diseases not febrile, the
    leprosy, the itch, and the venereal disease. The latter, on the other
    hand, are not always in existence, they are called forth from nonentity
    by the causes of general diseases or epidemic constitutions, and they
    disappear again after the extinction of the epidemic diseases by which
    they were bred; they likewise vary in their development and their
    course in each particular epidemic. Examples are found in the yellow
    fever, in catarrh or influenza, in nervous and putrid fever, and, among
    many other disorders, in miliary fever, a disease which first grew
    to a national pestilence in the 17th century, and which, in the kind
    and manner of its infecting power, approaches nearest to the sweating
    fever. To this latter category the English Sweating Sickness likewise
    belongs; a disease altogether of a temporary character, which, after
    its cessation, left no infecting material behind, and consequently was
    incapable of propagating itself after the manner of those diseases
    which are completely contagious. The animal matters, which were
    expelled along with the profuse perspiration, and spread so horrible a
    stench around the sick, contained amid their alkaline salts, (probably
    ammonia in various states of combination,) and their superabundant
    <span class="pagenum" id="Page_217">217</span>acid, the ferment of the disease; and this penetrated into the
    lungs of the bystanders as they breathed, and provided they were but
    predisposed for its reception, as above stated, continually produced
    it. It may be considered as certain that mere manual contact was not
    sufficient to communicate the infection, and that this was propagated,
    either by the pestilential atmosphere which surrounded the beds of the
    sick, or by exhalations generated in unclean situations where there was
    no vent for their escape. On this account it was that the residence at
    common inns and public-houses was looked upon as dangerous<a id="FNanchor_124c" href="#Footnote_124c" class="fnanchor">[124]</a>.</p>

  <p>I would not, however, be understood to maintain that, during the
    three epidemics with which, up to the present stage of our inquiry,
    we have become acquainted, the spread of the sweating fever alone
    was occasioned by infection; for if the general epidemic causes
    were powerful enough to excite the disease, without any previously
    existing poison, why might they not produce the same effect still more
    independently throughout the course of the pestilence, since, as is
    the case in all epidemics, those causes in all probability continued
    to increase in intensity? That the plague grew worse on the occasion
    of any great assemblages of the people, was at that time known, and
    the notion of contagion thence very naturally arose. Yet, must it
    here be taken into account, that even without this notion, and merely
    from the assemblage itself of many people in whom the like malady
    was germinating, and already had shewn tokens of its approach, that
    approach might easily be accelerated, and the disease increased among
    those merely slightly indisposed, by the reciprocal communication of
    morbid exhalations. For as the predisposition to any malady, which
    is an intermediate condition between that malady and the previous
    state of good health<a id="FNanchor_125c" href="#Footnote_125c" class="fnanchor">[125]</a>, plainly displays the properties of the
    disease in those whom it <em>threatens</em> to attack, so these exhalations
    (or epidemic causes which give rise to Sweating Sickness in the first
    instance) certainly differ from those which occur in a sweating
    sickness which has already broken out, only in unessential respects,
    and might consequently stimulate the mere disposition to the disease
    more and more, <span class="pagenum" id="Page_218">218</span>even to the actual eruption of the disease itself.
    Yet a contagion was likewise in operation at the same time which was
    destructive even to the temperate, and to those who were apparently
    in health, nay, even to foreigners, who were living in an English
    atmosphere and on English food, as the example of the Italian Ammonius
    plainly proves<a id="FNanchor_126c" href="#Footnote_126c" class="fnanchor">[126]</a>.</p>

  <p>In all epidemics which increase to such a degree as to become
    contagious, it is of importance to distinguish which of these causes
    are the more powerful, the predisposing or epidemic causes, which
    originate the proneness to the disease, or the proximate causes, among
    which, in the generality of cases, contagion is the most prominent. The
    predisposing were here evidently the more operative; contagion was not
    added till the disease was at its height, and although it contributed
    not a little to its spread, yet it always remained subordinate to
    the other sources of the disease, and all the matter of infection
    vanished without a trace, on the cessation of the disorder, so that the
    subsequent eruptions of it were always produced by the renewal of those
    general causes which are in operation upon and under the earth. It is,
    however, as little within the compass of human knowledge to discover
    the essential foundation of this renewal, as the proximate causes of
    the appearance of the mould spots at the commencement of the sixteenth
    century, or any other of those processes which are prepared and brought
    into activity by the hidden powers of nature.</p>

  <h4 class="smcap" id="BOOK3_III_6">Sect. 6.—Influenzas.</h4>

  <p>Several epidemics thus originating in causes beyond human comprehension
    appeared in the 16th century. Among the most remarkable was a violent
    and extensive catarrhal fever in 1510, of that kind which the Italians
    call Influenza, thus recognising an inscrutable influence which affects
    numberless persons at the same time. It prevailed principally in
    France, but probably also over the rest of Europe, of which, however,
    the accounts do not inform us, for in those times they took little
    pains to record the particulars of epidemics which were not of a
    character to affect life. According to recent experience we should be
    warranted even in supposing that this malady had its origin in the
    remotest parts of the East. During the whole of the winter, <span class="pagenum" id="Page_219">219</span>which was
    very cold, violent storms of wind prevailed, and the north and middle
    of Italy were shaken by frequent earthquakes; whereupon there followed
    so general a sickness in France, that we are assured by the historians
    that few of the inhabitants escaped it. The catarrhal symptoms,
    which on the appearance of disorders of this kind usually form their
    commencement, seem to have been quite thrown into the background by
    those of violent rheumatism and inflammation. The patient was first
    seized with giddiness and severe headache; then came on a shooting
    pain through the shoulders, and extending to the thighs. The loins
    too were affected with intolerably painful dartings, during which
    an inflammatory fever set in with delirium and violent excitement.
    In some the parotid glands became inflamed, and even the digestive
    organs participated in the deep-rooted malady; for those affected had,
    together with constant oppression at the stomach, a great loathing for
    all animal food, and a dislike even to wine. Among the poor as well as
    the rich many died, and some quite suddenly, of this strange disease,
    in the treatment of which the physicians shortened life not a little by
    their purgative treatment and phlebotomy, seeking an excuse for their
    ignorance in the influence of the constellations, and alleging that
    astral diseases were beyond the reach of human art<a id="FNanchor_127c" href="#Footnote_127c" class="fnanchor">[127]</a>.</p>

  <p>From this prejudicial effect of our chief antiphlogistic remedy,
    bleeding, as well as of evacuations from the bowels, we may conclude
    that the disease, though in its commencement rheumatic, yet had an
    essential tendency to produce relaxation and debility of the nerves,
    and in this respect, as well as in its extension to all classes,
    accorded with the modern influenzas, in which the same phenomena have
    manifested themselves only much less vividly and plainly. The French,
    who, from the levity of their character, have always called serious
    things by jocose names, designate this disease “Coqueluche” (the monk’s
    hood), because, owing to the extreme sensibility of the skin to cold
    and currents of air, this kind of hood was generally necessary, and
    was a protection against an attack of the malady, as well as against
    its increase. That in the accounts, which are, to be sure, very
    incomplete, there should be no express mention of any affection of the
    air-passages, is remarkable, since this could not in <span class="pagenum" id="Page_220">220</span>all likelihood
    have failed to exist; although it might perhaps have been only slightly
    manifested. Nearly a century before (1414), this affection appeared
    far more prominently on the occurrence of a no less general disorder
    of the same kind; so that all those who had the complaint, suffered
    from a considerable hoarseness, and all public business in Paris
    was interrupted on this account<a id="FNanchor_128c" href="#Footnote_128c" class="fnanchor">[128]</a>. It was on that very occasion
    that the name Coqueluche was first employed, and this having, as is
    well known, been transferred to the whooping-cough, it is easier to
    suppose, with respect to the influenza of 1510, which was similarly
    named, an omission in the account, than the real absence of a symptom
    so very generally prevalent; for in these kinds of comparisons and
    denominations, the common sense of the people errs much less than the
    learned profundity of political historians.</p>

  <p>We must not omit here to remark that three years before (1411), and
    thirteen years afterwards, two diseases entirely similar and equally
    general, made their appearance in France, of which we nowhere find that
    any notice has been taken up to the present time. The first was called
    <em>Tac</em>, the second <em>Ladendo</em>, which designations have since entirely
    gone out of use. Both were accompanied by very severe cough, so that
    in the former, ruptures not unfrequently occurred, and pregnant women
    were in consequence prematurely confined, and by the latter, from
    its universality, the public worship was disturbed. In the ladendo,
    there seems to have been an affection of the kidney of an inflammatory
    character, and much more severe than in the coqueluche of 1510, a
    memorable example of epidemic influence, and without a parallel in
    modern times. This pain in the kidneys, which was as severe as a
    fit of the stone, was followed by fever with loss of appetite, and
    an incessant cough that terminated in disagreeable eruptions about
    the mouth and nose. The disorder ran a course of about fifteen days,
    and was generally prevalent throughout October, being unattended
    with danger, notwithstanding the severity of its symptoms. One might
    almost be tempted to regard the tac of 1411 as the coqueluche of 1414,
    which is only slightly alluded to by <span class="pagenum" id="Page_221">221</span>Mezeray, and whereof the author
    from whom we are now quoting, has made no mention; for a false date
    might easily occur here. Yet this must remain undecided until we can
    obtain fuller information, for we have experienced, even in the most
    recent times, an example of influenzas (1831 and 1833) following each
    other in quick succession. Gastric symptoms and an inordinate degree
    of irritability accompanied the spasmodic cough, and the complaint
    terminated with evacuations of blood. However, the disease was
    unattended with danger, and lasted upon the whole only three weeks<a id="FNanchor_129c" href="#Footnote_129c" class="fnanchor">[129]</a>.</p>

  <p>Four other epidemics similar to that of 1510 appeared in the sixteenth
    century, two which were quite general in the years 1557 and 1580, and
    two less extensively prevalent in the years 1551 and 1564<a id="FNanchor_130c" href="#Footnote_130c" class="fnanchor">[130]</a>. Of
    the two former we possess accurate descriptions; it will therefore
    aid us in forming a correct judgment respecting the influenza
    of 1510, if we here take a review of these also, since the most
    experienced contemporaries classed all these disorders together as of
    a similar kind. During the dry unfavourable summer of 1557, invalids
    <span class="pagenum" id="Page_222">222</span>were suddenly seized with hoarseness and oppression at the chest,
    accompanied with a pressure on the head, and followed by shivering and
    such a violent cough, that they thought they should be suffocated,
    especially during the night. This cough was dry at first, but about the
    seventh day, or even later, an abundant secretion took place either
    of thick mucus or of thin frothy fluid. Upon this the cough somewhat
    abated, and the breathing became freer. During the whole course of
    the disorder, however, patients complained of insufferable languor,
    loss of strength, want of appetite and even nausea at the sight of
    food, restlessness and want of sleep. The malady ended in most cases
    in abundant perspiration, but occasionally in diarrhœa. Rich and
    poor, people of every occupation and of all ages, were seized with
    this disease in whole crowds simultaneously, and it passed easily
    from a single case to a whole household. On this occasion death
    rarely occurred, except in children who had not power to endure the
    severity of the cough, and medicine was of little avail, either in
    alleviating the disorder or arresting its destructive course. The
    already established name of this disease was immediately called to
    mind again in France. It was not, however, confined to that kingdom,
    but prevailed as generally, with some considerable varieties of form,
    in Italy, Germany, Holland, and doubtless over a still wider range of
    country<a id="FNanchor_131c" href="#Footnote_131c" class="fnanchor">[131]</a>. The same was the case with the influenza of 1580, which
    spread over the whole of Europe, and seems to have been less severe;
    thus bearing a closer resemblance<a id="FNanchor_132c" href="#Footnote_132c" class="fnanchor">[132]</a> to that of 1831 and 1833,
    which is still in the recollection of most of our readers from their
    own experience. A more elaborate research into this very important
    subject would far surpass the limits of this treatise, for phenomena
    deeply affecting <span class="pagenum" id="Page_223">223</span>the whole system of human collective life are here
    to be considered, which can only become apparent when received as a
    connected whole, yet we must at least point out the relation which the
    influenzas bear to the greater epidemics. This is quite apparent; for
    as catarrhs are not unfrequently the forerunners, accompaniments or
    sequelæ of important diseases in individual cases<a id="FNanchor_133c" href="#Footnote_133c" class="fnanchor">[133]</a>, excitement of
    the mucous membrane being often merely an outward sign of more deeply
    seated commotion, so also are influenzas usually only the <em>first
    manifestations, but sometimes also the last remains of extensive
    epidemics</em>. The most recent example is still fresh in our memories. The
    influenza of 1831 was immediately followed by the Indian cholera, and
    scarcely had this, after its revival in Eastern and central Europe,
    vanished, when the influenza of 1833 appeared, as if to announce a
    general peace. After the influenza of 1510, a plague followed in
    the north of Europe, which in Denmark carried off the son of King
    John<a id="FNanchor_134c" href="#Footnote_134c" class="fnanchor">[134]</a>; 1551 was the year of the fifth epidemic sweating sickness.
    In 1557, the influenza in Holland, was followed by a bubo plague, which
    lasted the following year, and carried off 5000 of the inhabitants at
    Delft<a id="FNanchor_135c" href="#Footnote_135c" class="fnanchor">[135]</a>. In 1564, a very destructive plague raged in Spain, of which
    10,000 people died at Barcelona, and finally, in 1580, the last year
    of influenza in that century, a plague of which 40,000 died in Paris,
    appeared over the greater part of Europe and in Egypt<a id="FNanchor_136c" href="#Footnote_136c" class="fnanchor">[136]</a>.</p>

  <h4 class="smcap" id="BOOK3_III_7">Sect. 7.—Epidemics of 1517.</h4>

  <p>We now revert to the year 1517, and shall consider the epidemics
    which accompanied the English sweating sickness. First of all, the
    <i lang="de">Hauptkrankheit</i>, that brain fever which so often recurred in the
    central parts of Europe, appeared extensively throughout Germany. Many
    died of this dangerous disease, and we are assured by contemporaries
    that other inter-current inflammatory fevers were also very fatal<a id="FNanchor_137c" href="#Footnote_137c" class="fnanchor">[137]</a>.
    Such was the <span class="pagenum" id="Page_224">224</span>case in Germany, the heart of Europe. Another disease,
    however, much more important, and till that time wholly unknown to
    medical men, appeared in Holland, which broke out in January, 1517,
    and from its dangerous and quite inexplicable symptoms, spread fear
    and horror around. It was a malignant, and, according to the assurance
    of a very respectable medical eye-witness, an infectious inflammation
    of the throat, so rapid in its course that, unless assistance were
    procured within the first eight hours, the patient was past all hope
    of recovery before the close of the day. Sudden pains in the throat,
    and violent oppression of the chest, especially in the region of the
    heart, threatened suffocation, and at length actually produced it.
    During the paroxysms the muscles of the throat and chest were seized
    with violent spasm, and there were but short intervals of alleviation
    before a repetition of such seizures terminated in death. Unattended
    by any premonitory symptoms, the disease began with a severe catarrhal
    affection of the chest, which speedily advanced to inflammation of the
    air passages, and where death did not occur on the day of the attack,
    ran on to a dangerous inflammation of the lungs, which followed the
    usual course, but was accompanied by a very high fever. Occasionally
    a less perilous transition into intermittent fever was observed, but
    in no case did a sudden recovery take place; for even when the fever
    subsided, the patient continued to suffer, for at least a month, from
    pain in the stomach and great debility, which symptoms admit of easy
    explanation to a medical man of the present day, from the fissures and
    small ulcers of the tongue, which appeared when the fever was at its
    height, and obstinately resisted the usual treatment.</p>

  <p>The remedies employed shew the circumspection and ability of the Dutch
    physicians. They had recourse, as soon as possible, at the latest
    within six hours, to venesection, and followed this up immediately
    by purgatives, of which, however, some eminent men disapproved,
    and this to the great detriment of their patients, for without the
    combined effect of both these means, the sudden suffocation could not
    be averted. Moreover, the employment of detergent gargles, whereby
    the extension of the affection to the lungs was prevented, as also
    of demulcent pectoral remedies, was decidedly beneficial, and it is
    affirmed that all who were thus treated were easily restored<a id="FNanchor_138c" href="#Footnote_138c" class="fnanchor">[138]</a>.</p>

  <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_225">225</span></p>

  <p>Extraordinary and peculiar as this disease, for which contemporaries
    found no name, was, its rapid onset and its sudden disappearance were
    still more so. Most of those affected were taken ill at the same time,
    and eleven days of suffering and misery had scarcely elapsed when not
    another case occurred; the numbers who had fallen victims were buried;
    and but for the journal of the worthy Tyengius<a id="FNanchor_139c" href="#Footnote_139c" class="fnanchor">[139]</a>, no distinct
    record would have existed of this remarkable epidemic, which however,
    it is certain, spread further than merely over the misty territory of
    Holland, and apparently with still greater malignity; for in the same
    year we find it in Basle, where, within the space of eight months, it
    destroyed about 2000 people, and its symptoms would seem to have been
    still more strongly marked. Respecting the intermediate countries,
    which it is highly probable that the disease passed through from
    Holland before it reached Basle, we unfortunately have no information.
    The tongue and gullet were white as if covered with mould, the patient
    had an aversion to food and drink, and suffered from malignant fever,
    accompanied with continued headache and delirium. Here also, in
    addition to an internal method of cure which has not been particularly
    detailed, the cleansing of the mouth was perceived to be an essential
    part of the treatment: the viscous white coating was removed every two
    hours, and the tongue and fauces were afterwards smeared with honey of
    roses<a id="FNanchor_140c" href="#Footnote_140c" class="fnanchor">[140]</a>, whereby patients were restored more easily than when this
    precaution was omitted<a id="FNanchor_141c" href="#Footnote_141c" class="fnanchor">[141]</a>.</p>

  <p>It appears, according to modern experience, to admit of no doubt that
    this disease consisted of an inflammation of the mucous membrane which,
    accompanied by a secretion of lymph, spread from the œsophagus to the
    stomach, and likewise through the air passages to the lungs, being
    thus identical <span class="pagenum" id="Page_226">226</span>with pharyngeal croup, which was represented a few
    years ago as a new disease, and has in consequence been designated by
    a special name<a id="FNanchor_142c" href="#Footnote_142c" class="fnanchor">[142]</a>. Its subsequent appearance in the memorable year
    1557, respecting which we have a still more complete account, gives
    additional weight to this supposition. In that year it broke out in
    October, and was observed by Forest, who was himself the subject of
    it, at Alkmaar, where it attacked whole families, and in the course of
    a few weeks destroyed more than 200 people. It was not, however, so
    excessively rapid in its course as in 1517, but began with a slight
    fever like a common catarrh, and shewed its great malignity only by
    degrees. Sudden fits of suffocation then came on, and the pain of the
    chest was so dreadfully distressing that the sufferers imagined they
    must die in the paroxysm. The complaint was increased still more by
    a tight convulsive cough, and until this was relieved by a secretion
    of mucus, proved dangerous, especially to pregnant women, sixteen of
    whom died within the space of eight days, whilst those who survived
    were all prematurely brought to bed. The fever which accompanied the
    inflammation was very various in its course. It was rarely observed
    to continue without intermission, but where this was the case, was
    attended with the greatest peril. Yet death did not take place on this
    visitation until the ninth or fourteenth day, whereas in the year 1517
    as many hours would have sufficed to produce a fatal termination.
    After this period the danger diminished, and those patients were most
    secure from suffocation, provided they had good medical attendance,
    whose complaint had been accompanied throughout its course by fever
    of only an intermittent character. So marked was the influence of the
    Dutch soil, that until this intermittent passed into continued fever
    of different gradations, it appeared of the purest and most unmixed
    type. In these cases the inflammation was less completely formed, so
    that even bleeding, a remedy otherwise indispensable, was sometimes
    unnecessary. Those affected all suffered most at night and in the
    morning, the latter generally bringing with it the inflammation of
    the larynx and trachea, which, however, they had not at that time
    experience enough to recognise as such, perceiving as they did only
    a slight redness in the fauces. The painful affection of the stomach
    was also in this epidemic very distinctly <span class="pagenum" id="Page_227">227</span>marked, so that a sense of
    pressure at the præcordia, accompanied by continual acid eructations,
    continued to exist even after a succession of six or seven fits of
    fever; and convalescents were troubled for a long time with dyspepsia,
    debility and hypochondriasis. The inflammation of the mucous membrane,
    no doubt, affected the nervous plexuses of the abdomen, as is usually
    the case, and totally changed the secretion. This was proved by the
    treatment, for, by administering the necessary purgative remedies, a
    vast quantity of offensive mucus, mixed with bile, was evacuated.</p>

  <p>Our excellent eye-witness assures us that the people sickened as
    suddenly as if they had inhaled a poisonous blast, so that more than a
    thousand people in Alkmaar betook themselves to their beds in a single
    day, a thick stinking mist having previously for several days spread
    over the land. This pestilence did not terminate so speedily as that of
    the year 1517; on the contrary, it delayed until the winter, and seems
    to have formed the conclusion of a whole series of morbid phenomena,
    particularly of the already mentioned influenza throughout Europe, and
    of the bubo plague in Holland, which had occurred in the middle of
    the summer,—phenomena that were accompanied by the usual attendants
    of epidemics, namely great scarcity, and unusual occurrences in the
    atmosphere, such, for instance, as electric illuminations of prominent
    objects, and so forth<a id="FNanchor_143c" href="#Footnote_143c" class="fnanchor">[143]</a>.</p>

  <p>The close connexion between this inflammation of the air-passages
    and gullet and the epidemic catarrh is quite apparent; for these
    are but gradations and gradual transitions in the affection of the
    mucous membrane, as also in the power of atmospherical causes, which
    especially influence the organs of respiration. We believe, therefore,
    that we are fully justified in classing the epidemic described to have
    taken place in Holland and Germany in 1517, with the influenzas; and
    in declaring the morbid commotion in human collective life which thus
    manifested itself, to have been a forerunner of the English pestilence,
    which was simultaneously prepared by the altered condition of the
    atmosphere, and broke out a few months later.</p>

  <p>We ought not to omit here to mention that, in this same year, 1517, the
    small-pox, and with it, as field-poppies among corn, the measles, was
    conveyed by Europeans to Hispaniola, and <span class="pagenum" id="Page_228">228</span>committed dreadful ravages at
    that time, as afterwards, among the unfortunate inhabitants. Whether
    the eruption of these infectious diseases in the new world was favoured
    by an epidemic influence or not, can no longer be ascertained; yet the
    affirmative seems probable from the fact, that the small-pox did not
    commit its greatest ravages in Hispaniola<a id="FNanchor_144c" href="#Footnote_144c" class="fnanchor">[144]</a> until the following
    year, and, according to recent experience, those epidemic influences
    which extend from Europe westward, always require some time to reach
    the eastern coasts of America.</p>

  <p>But even without this phenomenon in the New World, which is now for the
    first time placed within the pale of observations on epidemics, we have
    facts at hand sufficiently numerous and worthy of credit to prove—<em>that
    the English Sweating Sickness of 1517, made its appearance, not alone,
    but surrounded by a whole group of epidemics, and that these were
    called forth by general morbific influences of an unknown nature</em>.</p>

  <hr class="short" />
  <div class="chapter">
    <h3 class="nobreak">CHAPTER IV.<br />
      <span class="small">THE FOURTH VISITATION OF THE DISEASE.—1528, 1529.</span></h3>
  </div>

  <hr class="xshort" />

  <div class="center-container">
    <div class="poetry">
      <div class="stanza" lang="de">
        <div class="i0">“Und wenn die Welt voll Teufel wär’,</div>
        <div class="i1">Und wollten uns verschlingen;</div>
        <div class="i1">So fürchten wir uns nicht so sehr,</div>
        <div class="i1">Es soll uns doch gelingen!”—<span class="smcap">Luther.</span></div>
      </div>
    </div>
  </div>
  <hr class="xshort" />

  <h4 class="smcap" id="BOOK3_IV_1">Sect. 1.—Destruction of the French Army before Naples, 1528.</h4>

  <p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">The</span> events to which we are now about to allude, demonstrate, by their
    surprising course, that the fate of nations is at times far more
    dependent on the laws of physical life than on the will of potentates
    or the collective efforts of human action, and that these prove utterly
    impotent when opposed to the unfettered powers of nature. These powers,
    inscrutable in their dominion, destructive in their effects, stay the
    course of events, baffle the grandest plans, paralyse the boldest
    flights of the mind, and <span class="pagenum" id="Page_229">229</span>when victory seemed within their grasp, have
    often annihilated embattled hosts with the flaming sword of the angel
    of death.</p>

  <p>To obliterate the disgrace of Pavia<a id="FNanchor_145c" href="#Footnote_145c" class="fnanchor">[145]</a>, Francis I. in league with
    England, Switzerland, Rome, Genoa and Venice against the too powerful
    Emperor of Germany, sent a fine army into Italy. The emperor’s troops
    gave way wherever the French plumes appeared, and victory seemed
    faithful only to the banners of France and to the military experience
    of a tried leader<a id="FNanchor_146c" href="#Footnote_146c" class="fnanchor">[146]</a>. Every thing promised a glorious issue; Naples
    alone, weakly defended by German lansquenets and Spaniards<a id="FNanchor_147c" href="#Footnote_147c" class="fnanchor">[147]</a>,
    remained still to be vanquished. The siege was opened on the 1st of
    May, 1528, and the general confidently pledged his honour for the
    conquest of this strong city, which had once been so destructive to the
    French<a id="FNanchor_148c" href="#Footnote_148c" class="fnanchor">[148]</a>. It was easy with an army of 30,000 veteran warriors<a id="FNanchor_149c" href="#Footnote_149c" class="fnanchor">[149]</a>
    to overpower the imperialists; and a small body of English<a id="FNanchor_150c" href="#Footnote_150c" class="fnanchor">[150]</a> seemed
    to have come merely to partake in the festivals after the expected
    victory. The city too suffered from a scarcity, for it was blockaded
    by Doria, with his Genoese galleys; and water, fit to drink, failed
    after Lautrec had turned off the aqueducts of Poggio reale; so that the
    plague, which had never entirely ceased among the Germans since the
    sacking of Rome<a id="FNanchor_151c" href="#Footnote_151c" class="fnanchor">[151]</a>, began to spread.</p>

  <p>But amidst this confidence in the success of the French arms, the means
    for ensuring it were gradually neglected. The valour of the intrepid
    and prudent commander was doubtless equal to the minor vicissitudes
    of war, but whilst the length of the delay paralysed his activity,
    nature herself suddenly proved fatal to this hitherto victorious army:
    pestilences began to rage among the troops, and human courage could
    no longer withstand the “far-shooting arrows of the god of day.” The
    consequence was, that within the space of seven weeks, out of the whole
    host which up to that period had been eager for combat, a mere handful
    remained, consisting of a few thousands of cadaverous figures, who were
    almost incapable of bearing arms or of following the commands of their
    sick leaders. On the 29th of August the <span class="pagenum" id="Page_230">230</span>siege was raised, fifteen
    days after the heroic Lautrec, bowed down by chagrin and disease, had
    resigned his breath; the wreck of the army retreated amid thunder and
    heavy rain<a id="FNanchor_152c" href="#Footnote_152c" class="fnanchor">[152]</a>, and were soon captured by the imperialists, so that
    but few of them ever saw their native land again.</p>

  <p>This siege brought still greater misery upon France than even the fatal
    battle of Pavia, for about 5000 of the French nobility, some from the
    most distinguished families, had perished under the walls of Naples;
    its remoter consequences too were humiliating to the king, and the
    people; since owing to its failure all those hitherto feasible schemes
    were blighted, which had for their object the establishment of French
    dominion beyond the Alps. It behoves us, therefore, to pay so much the
    more attention to those essential causes of this event, which fall
    within the province of medical research.</p>

  <p>The mortality which occurred in the camp, began probably as early as
    June, after the usual calamities which surround an army in an enemy’s
    country. The French and Swiss were insatiable in their indulgence in
    fruit, which the gardens and fields furnished them in abundance, whilst
    there was a scarcity of bread and of other proper food<a id="FNanchor_153c" href="#Footnote_153c" class="fnanchor">[153]</a>. Hence
    fevers soon broke out, which increased in malignity the longer they
    existed, accompanied no doubt by debilitating diarrhœas, which never
    fail to make their appearance under circumstances of this kind, and are
    in themselves among the most pernicious of camp diseases, since they
    not only destroy in the individual case by the exhaustion which they
    occasion, but likewise by infecting the air, prepare the way for the
    worst pestilences.</p>

  <p>These diseases were, however, little noticed, and there was
    consequently no attempt made to diminish their causes. It became daily
    more and more apparent, that the cutting off of the sources near Poggio
    reale, which Lautrec had commanded, in order to compel the besieged
    to a more speedy surrender, was in the highest degree injurious to
    the besiegers themselves; for the water, having now no outlet, spread
    over the plain where the camp was situated, which it converted into a
    swamp, whence it rose, morning and evening, in the form of thick fogs.
    From this cause, and while a southerly wind continued to prevail, the
    sickness soon became general. Those soldiers, who were <span class="pagenum" id="Page_231">231</span>not already
    confined to bed in their tents, were seen with pallid visages, swelled
    legs, and bloated bellies, scarcely able to crawl; so that, weary
    of nightly watching, they were often plundered by the marauding
    Neapolitans. The great mortality did not commence until about the 15th
    of July, but so dreadful was its ravages, that about three weeks were
    sufficient to complete the almost entire destruction of the army<a id="FNanchor_154c" href="#Footnote_154c" class="fnanchor">[154]</a>.
    Around and within the tents vacated by the death of their inmates,
    noxious weeds sprang up. Thousands perished without help, either in
    a state of stupor, or in the raving delirium of fever<a id="FNanchor_155c" href="#Footnote_155c" class="fnanchor">[155]</a>. In the
    entrenchments, in the tents, and wherever death had overtaken his
    victims, there unburied corpses lay, and the dead that were interred,
    swollen with putridity, burst their shallow graves, and spread a
    poisonous stench far and wide over the camp. There was no longer any
    thought of order or military discipline, and many of the commanders and
    captains were either sick themselves, or had fled to the neighbouring
    towns, in order to avoid the contagion<a id="FNanchor_156c" href="#Footnote_156c" class="fnanchor">[156]</a>.</p>

  <p>The glory of the French arms was departed, and her proud banners
    cowered beneath an unhallowed spectre. Meanwhile the pestilence broke
    out among the Venetian galleys under Pietro Lando. Doria had already
    gone over to the Emperor<a id="FNanchor_157c" href="#Footnote_157c" class="fnanchor">[157]</a>, and thus was this expedition, begun
    under the most favourable auspices, frustrated on every side by the
    malignant influence of the season.</p>

  <p>No medical contemporary has described the nature of this violent
    disease, and historians have on this point preserved only general
    outlines, which do not afford sufficient materials to ground an
    investigation. Certain it is, that in the year 1528, a very malignant
    <em>petechial fever</em> extended throughout Italy, and in the proper
    sense of the word prevailed so decidedly, that it even followed the
    Italians abroad in the same way as the Sweating Sickness did the
    English, as is proved by the case of the <span class="pagenum" id="Page_232">232</span>learned Venetian Naugerio,
    who, being dispatched on an embassy to Francis the 1st, died at
    Blois on the Loire, of this very disease, with which the French
    had yet no acquaintance<a id="FNanchor_158c" href="#Footnote_158c" class="fnanchor">[158]</a>. Contemporaries assure us, that this
    epidemic committed great ravages in the country, already distracted
    by wars and feuds, and it is therefore hardly to be doubted, that,
    occurring as it did in those same years, it was the disease of
    which we have been treating, the malignity of which was increased
    on extraordinary occasions. A pestilence which, just before the
    siege of Naples, destroyed one-third of the inhabitants of Cremona,
    was in all probability the petechial fever<a id="FNanchor_159c" href="#Footnote_159c" class="fnanchor">[159]</a>. Yet, here and
    there, the old bubo plague made its appearance. This it was which
    in the year 1524 carried off 50,000 people in Milan<a id="FNanchor_160c" href="#Footnote_160c" class="fnanchor">[160]</a>, and this
    appears likewise to have been the disease which, after the sacking
    of Rome, broke out among the German lansquenets, and in a short time
    annihilated two-thirds of these troops. Contemporaries saw therein
    God’s just punishment of their desecration of the Holy See, for in the
    succeeding years, all the remaining participators in the storming of
    the eternal city, also met with an end worthy of their crimes<a id="FNanchor_161c" href="#Footnote_161c" class="fnanchor">[161]</a>.
    They did not take into account, however, the beastly intemperance
    and excesses of the soldiery, whose eagerness after plunder led them
    to encounter the plague poison in the most secret holes and corners;
    nor did they reflect, that the plague penetrated the Castle of St.
    Angelo itself, and destroyed some of the courtiers almost under the
    eyes of the Pope<a id="FNanchor_162c" href="#Footnote_162c" class="fnanchor">[162]</a>. Of these lansquenets, many went to Naples in
    the following year under the Prince of Orange, and it may with good
    ground be supposed, that they took with them to that city fresh germs
    of plague; to which may be added, the by no means incredible story,
    that the besieged sent infected and sick soldiers to the French, in
    order to cause poisonous pestilences to break out among them<a id="FNanchor_163c" href="#Footnote_163c" class="fnanchor">[163]</a>.
    This very circumstance tells in favour of bubo plague, for the decided
    certainty of its contagious nature was known, and seemed beyond all
    comparison greater than the more conditional communicability of the
    new disease<a id="FNanchor_164c" href="#Footnote_164c" class="fnanchor">[164]</a>. Moreover, <span class="pagenum" id="Page_233">233</span>the same attempt at impestation had been
    already often made in earlier times.</p>

  <p>It is, however, also to be considered, on the other side, that the
    French army was more exposed to the epidemic influence of the air, the
    water, and the general powers of nature, than any other assemblage
    of men, and, that this influence was probably more powerful in the
    year 1529, than at any other time during the sixteenth century. The
    formation of fog in the heat of summer is at all times an extraordinary
    phenomenon<a id="FNanchor_165c" href="#Footnote_165c" class="fnanchor">[165]</a>, which decidedly indicates a disproportion in the
    mutual action of the components and powers of the lower strata of the
    atmosphere. This was not dependent merely on the local peculiarities
    of Naples, for during the summer of 1528, grey fogs were observed
    throughout Italy, which rendered the unwholesome quality of the air
    visible to the eye<a id="FNanchor_166c" href="#Footnote_166c" class="fnanchor">[166]</a>. This was increased by the prevalence of
    southerly winds, which are always, in Italy, prejudicial to health,
    as also by the thousand privations of a camp, so that a disease which
    was already prevalent all over Italy,—we allude to the <em>petechial
    fever</em>,—might well break out on the damp soil of Poggio reale. In the
    history of national diseases, we find a moral proof of the predominance
    of epidemic influence which plainly and intelligibly manifests itself
    under the greatest variety of circumstances. This is a belief, that the
    water, and even the air is poisoned<a id="FNanchor_167c" href="#Footnote_167c" class="fnanchor">[167]</a>. Nor is this proof wanting
    in the deplorable history of the French army before Naples, for it
    was generally believed, that some Spaniards of Moorish descent, to
    whom was attributed an especial degree of skill in the management of
    poison, and some Jews from Germany, who, for the sake of gain, had
    followed the lansquenets to truckle for their booty, had stolen out
    of the city under cover of the night, in order to poison the water
    in the neighbourhood of the camp<a id="FNanchor_168c" href="#Footnote_168c" class="fnanchor">[168]</a>. It was also surmised, that
    an Italian apothecary had administered to the French knights poison
    in their medicine<a id="FNanchor_169c" href="#Footnote_169c" class="fnanchor">[169]</a>. We will not anticipate on this occasion the
    researches of naturalists, whose experiments on air and water, during
    important epidemics, have not yet led to any results; it is, however,
    not improbable that pond and spring water, under such circumstances as
    are here described <span class="pagenum" id="Page_234">234</span>to have occurred, might become impregnated with a
    noxious quality not inherent in it, which would very naturally give
    rise to the belief that a poison had been thrown into it. On the whole,
    this accusation may certainly be judged according to the same views
    which have been stated in our treatise on the Black Death.</p>

  <p>From all these circumstances, the notion is highly probable that it
    was the petechial fever which raged in the French camp; and if we may
    attach any importance to the incidental accounts of historians, it may
    perhaps be to the purpose to state that Prudencio de Sandoval, who has
    written from authentic materials, calls the disease “las bubas.”<a id="FNanchor_170c" href="#Footnote_170c" class="fnanchor">[170]</a>
    This name, it is true, presupposes a rather strange confusion of
    petechial fever with lues; and, indeed, the diseases among the French
    troops from 1495 to 1528, have been oddly jumbled together by Sandoval.
    It shews, however, that there still existed a recollection of the
    prevalent eruptions which occurred in the pestilence of 1528; and,
    therefore, this whole account might perhaps be the more justly applied
    to petechial fever, as this same historian states, that the French
    called the disease after the village of Poggio reale “les Poches,”<a id="FNanchor_171c" href="#Footnote_171c" class="fnanchor">[171]</a>
    by which name the well known bubo plague would hardly have been
    designated. If, however, we choose to suppose that at one and the same
    time <em>different diseases</em> prevailed in the French army, this notion is
    not only supported by the express testimony of a contemporary<a id="FNanchor_172c" href="#Footnote_172c" class="fnanchor">[172]</a>, but
    also by many observations ancient and modern<a id="FNanchor_173c" href="#Footnote_173c" class="fnanchor">[173]</a>, that have been made
    in cases where the circumstances have been similar to those which then
    prevailed. It is ever to be regretted that there was no intelligent
    Machaon to be found in the camp before Naples; such a one would
    undoubtedly have left us some pithy observations on the combination and
    affinity of petechial fever and bubo plague.</p>

  <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_235">235</span></p>
  <h4 class="smcap" id="BOOK3_IV_2">Sect. 2.—Trousse-Galant in France.—1528, and the following years.</h4>

  <p>Deeply as the irreparable loss of such an army was felt by the French,
    yet were they destined to suffer still greater misfortunes at home.
    The dark power which threatened all Europe regarded neither distance
    nor limits. It seized on the French nation in their own country whilst
    their military youth were destroyed before Naples. The cold spring
    and wet summer of 1528 destroyed the growing corn<a id="FNanchor_174c" href="#Footnote_174c" class="fnanchor">[174]</a>, and a famine
    was thus produced throughout France, even more grievous, on account
    of its duration, than the period of scarcity in the time of Louis the
    XIth<a id="FNanchor_175c" href="#Footnote_175c" class="fnanchor">[175]</a>, for the failure of the harvest continued for five years
    in succession, during which all order of the seasons seemed to have
    ceased. A damp summer heat prevailed in autumn and winter, a frost of
    a single day only occasionally intervening. The summer, on the other
    hand, was cloudy, damp, and ungenial. The length of the days alone
    distinguished one month from another. It appears plainly from detached
    accounts how much the usual course of vegetation was disturbed.
    Scarcely had the fruit trees shed their leaves in the autumn when they
    began to bud again, and to bear fruitless blossoms. No returns rewarded
    the toil of the husbandman, and the longed-for harvest again and again
    deceived the hopes of the people. Thus, even during the first of these
    calamitous years, the distress became general, and the increasing
    indigence was no longer to be checked by human aid. Bands of beggars
    wandered over the country in lamentable procession. The bonds of civil
    order became more and more relaxed, and people soon had to fear not
    only robbery and plunder on the part of these unfortunate beings, but
    the contagion of a pestilence, the offspring of their distress, which
    followed in their train.</p>

  <p>This disease was a new production of the French soil, and when it
    spread generally throughout the country, was the more sensibly felt,
    as it especially carried off young and robust men; on which account it
    was designated by the very significant name of Trousse-Galant<a id="FNanchor_176c" href="#Footnote_176c" class="fnanchor">[176]</a>.
    It consisted of a highly inflammatory fever, which destroyed its
    victims in a very short time, even within the space of a few hours;
    or, if they escaped with their <span class="pagenum" id="Page_236">236</span>lives, deprived them of their hair
    and nails, and from a long-continued disinclination for all animal
    food, left behind it, as sequelæ, a protracted debility and diseases
    which endangered the recovery of the sick, whose constitutions were
    already so much shaken. Hence it appears that this fever was combined
    with a great decomposition of the fluids, and a very morbid condition
    of the functions of the bowels, not to mention the effects produced
    by continued hunger, which contemporaries paint in the most dreadful
    colours.</p>

  <p>The stock of provisions was already so far consumed in the first year
    that people made bread of acorns, and sought with avidity all kinds of
    harmless roots, merely to appease hunger. These miserable sufferers
    wandered about, houseless and more like corpses than living beings, and
    finally, failing even to excite commiseration, perished on dunghills
    or in out-houses. The larger towns shut their gates against them, and
    the various charitable institutions proved, of necessity, insufficient
    to afford relief in this frightful extremity! It was the lot of very
    few to obtain the tender care and attendance of the Sisters of Charity.
    In most of those affected their livid swollen countenances, and the
    dropsical swelling of their limbs, betrayed the sickly condition in
    which they dragged on their languishing existence. Every one fled from
    these pestiferous spectres, for they were saturated with the poison of
    this deadly disease, and the remark was no doubt made a thousand times
    over, that this poison might be conveyed to persons in health without
    affecting the carrier, since want and ill health occasionally afford a
    miserable protection against disease of this kind<a id="FNanchor_177c" href="#Footnote_177c" class="fnanchor">[177]</a>.</p>

  <p>The necessary data for furnishing a complete account of the
    Trousse-galant of 1528 do not exist, for physicians passed over this
    epidemic with the same coolness and indifference which unfortunately
    they may be justly accused of having shewn with respect to other
    important phenomena. But it returned once again in 1545–46, appearing
    in Savoy and over a great part of France; and we possess from
    Paré<a id="FNanchor_178c" href="#Footnote_178c" class="fnanchor">[178]</a>, and from Sander, a Flemish physician<a id="FNanchor_179c" href="#Footnote_179c" class="fnanchor">[179]</a>, though still a
    defective, yet a more <span class="pagenum" id="Page_237">237</span>satisfactory description of its symptoms on this
    occasion. Its course was, as before, very rapid, so that it destroyed
    the patient in two or three days; again it attacked the strong rather
    than the weak, as if in justification of its old name, and those who
    recovered remained for a long time distinguishable by the loss of their
    hair and their wretched appearance. Patients felt at the commencement
    an insufferable weight in the body, with extremely violent headache,
    which soon deprived them of all consciousness and passed into a
    profound stupor, even the sphincter muscles losing their power. In
    other cases a continued state of sleeplessness was followed by feverish
    delirium, so violent that it was necessary to have recourse to means
    of restraint. Such opposite states are usual in all typhous fevers.
    <cite>Sander</cite> expressly mentions that in most of those affected, eruptions
    made their appearance. He does not, however, state their nature or
    describe the course and crisis of the disease otherwise than that it
    terminated about the fourth or the eleventh day. Even the eruptions
    that did appear, which were probably petechiæ, and perhaps also (rother
    friesel) red miliary vesicles, came at an indefinite period; either
    at the commencement, when they afforded an unfavourable prognosis,
    or later, when they betokened a favourable crisis. Thread-worms, in
    great numbers, were evacuated alive under great torment, and generally
    increased the sufferings of the patient. The disease was scarcely less
    contagious than plague, and with respect to its treatment, bleeding,
    copious and even ad deliquium, was decidedly successful, which coupled
    with the attacks on the head just described<a id="FNanchor_180c" href="#Footnote_180c" class="fnanchor">[180]</a>, leads to the
    conclusion that there existed a fulness of blood and an inflammatory
    state of circulation, together, perhaps, with inflammation of the
    brain. We must not omit to observe that, during the pestilence of 1546,
    the bubo plague made its appearance here and there, especially in the
    Netherlands<a id="FNanchor_181c" href="#Footnote_181c" class="fnanchor">[181]</a>; and in the following year, broke out and spread to a
    greater extent in France<a id="FNanchor_182c" href="#Footnote_182c" class="fnanchor">[182]</a>, whence it seems to follow, with respect
    to the malady of which we are now <span class="pagenum" id="Page_238">238</span>treating, that its nature resembled
    the petechial fever, since that disease usually precedes the occurrence
    of pestilences<a id="FNanchor_183c" href="#Footnote_183c" class="fnanchor">[183]</a>.</p>

  <p>The assertion of historians, that in 1528, and the following years,
    France lost a fourth part of her inhabitants by famine and pestilence,
    seems, according to our representation, not to be by any means
    exaggerated. The consequences, as regarded the future destinies of that
    country, were likewise very important. For Francis the 1st saw that no
    new sacrifices could be borne by his people, who were already so sorely
    afflicted; and therefore abandoned his schemes of greatness and foreign
    power, consenting, on the 5th of August, 1529, to the disadvantageous
    treaty of Cambray.</p>

  <h4 class="smcap" id="BOOK3_IV_3">Sect. 3.—Sweating Sickness in England, 1528.</h4>

  <p>Whoever, following the above facts, will represent to himself the
    state of Europe in 1528, will readily believe, that a poisonous
    atmosphere enveloped this quarter of the globe, and continually brought
    destruction and death over its nations. Ruin broke in upon them in a
    thousand forms, destroying their bodies and benighting their minds, and
    if to this we add the discord and the deadly party hatred which at that
    time prevailed in the world, it seems as if every circumstance that
    could affect mankind was implicated in this gigantic conflict, which
    threatened in its fatal result to annihilate all traces of the times
    that were past.</p>

  <p>A heavier affliction than has yet been described was in store for
    England: for in the latter end of May, the Sweating Fever broke out
    there in the midst of the most populous part of the capital, spreading
    rapidly over the whole kingdom; and fourteen months later, brought
    a scene of horror upon all the nations of northern Europe, scarcely
    equalled during any other epidemic. It appeared at once with the same
    intensity as it had shewn eleven years before, was ushered in by no
    previous indications, and between health and death there lay but a
    brief term of five or six hours. Public business was postponed: the
    courts were closed, and four weeks after the pestilence broke out,
    the festival of St. John<a id="FNanchor_184c" href="#Footnote_184c" class="fnanchor">[184]</a> was stopped, to the great sorrow of the
    people, who certainly would not have dispensed with its celebration
    <span class="pagenum" id="Page_239">239</span>had they recovered from the consternation arising from the great
    mortality. The king’s court was again deserted, and to the various
    passions and mental emotions which had been clashing there since
    the year 1517, as, for instance, those arising from the theological
    zeal which had been excited by Henry VIIIth’s defence of the faith,
    was added once more the old alarm and distress, which seemed to be
    justified by the death of some favoured courtiers; particularly of two
    chamberlains<a id="FNanchor_185c" href="#Footnote_185c" class="fnanchor">[185]</a>, and of Sir Francis Poynes, who had just returned
    from an embassy to Spain. The king left London immediately, and
    endeavoured to avoid the epidemic by continually travelling, until at
    last he grew tired of so unsettled a life, and determined to await his
    destiny at Tytynhangar. Here, with his first wife and a few confidents,
    he resided quietly, apart from the world, surrounded by fires for
    the purification of the air, and guarded by the precautions of his
    physician, who had the satisfaction to find that the pestilence kept
    aloof from this lonely residence<a id="FNanchor_186c" href="#Footnote_186c" class="fnanchor">[186]</a>.</p>

  <p>How many lives were lost in this, which some historians have called
    <em>the great mortality</em>, can be estimated only by the facts which
    have been stated, and which betoken an uncommonly violent degree of
    agitation in men’s minds. Accurate data are altogether wanting, yet
    it is quite evident that the whole English nation, from the monarch
    to the meanest peasant, was impressed with a feeling of alarm at the
    uncertainty of life, to which neither the rude state of society, nor a
    constant familiarity with the effects of laws written in blood<a id="FNanchor_187c" href="#Footnote_187c" class="fnanchor">[187]</a>,
    had blunted their sensibility. Such a state does not exist without
    very numerous cases of mortality which bring the danger home to
    every individual, so that it is to be presumed that the churchyards
    were everywhere abundantly filled. Nor did this destructive epidemic
    come alone. Provisions were scarce and dear, and whilst hundreds of
    thousands lay stretched upon the bed of death, many perished with
    hunger<a id="FNanchor_188c" href="#Footnote_188c" class="fnanchor">[188]</a>, and the same scenes would <span class="pagenum" id="Page_240">240</span>have been experienced as in
    France, had not the corn trade afforded some relief<a id="FNanchor_189c" href="#Footnote_189c" class="fnanchor">[189]</a>.</p>

  <p>As soon as the occurrences of this unfortunate year could be more
    closely surveyed, a conviction was at once felt, that <em>it was one and
    the same general cause of disease which called forth the poisonous
    pestilence in the French camp before Naples, the putrid fever among
    the youth in France, and the sweating sickness in England, and that
    the varying nature of these diseases depended only on the conditions
    of the soil and the qualities of the atmosphere in the countries which
    were visited</em><a id="FNanchor_190c" href="#Footnote_190c" class="fnanchor">[190]</a>. If, in opposition to these notions, a narrow view
    of human life in the aggregate should raise a doubt, this would be
    strikingly refuted by the wonderful coincidence, in point of time,
    of all these phenomena, occurring in such various parts of Europe;
    for while the French army, after an exposure of four weeks to the
    miseries and poisonous vapours of its camp before Naples, perceived
    the first forebodings of its destruction, the great famine with the
    Trousse-galant in its train was in full advance on the other side the
    Alps, and almost on the same day the Sweating Sickness broke out upon
    the Thames.</p>

  <h4 class="smcap" id="BOOK3_IV_4">Sect. 4.—Natural Occurrences.—Prognostics.</h4>

  <p>The chronicles of all the nations of Europe are full of remarkable
    notices respecting the commotions of nature in these particular years,
    which were so utterly hostile to the animal and vegetable kingdoms. In
    England the period of distress was already approaching; towards the end
    of the year 1527. Throughout the whole winter, (November and December,
    1527, and January, 1528,) heavy rains deluged the country, the rivers
    overflowed their banks, and the winter seed was thus rotted. The
    weather then remained dry until April; but scarcely was the summer seed
    sown, when the rain again set in, and continued day and night for full
    eight weeks, so that the last hope of a harvest was now destroyed<a id="FNanchor_191c" href="#Footnote_191c" class="fnanchor">[191]</a>,
    and the soaked earth, in the thick mists that arose from its surface,
    hatched the well known demon of the Sweating <span class="pagenum" id="Page_241">241</span>Disease. It was now of no
    avail that the torrents of rain ceased, for the softened soil gave the
    pestilence constant nourishment, and the damp warmth which, alternating
    with unseasonable cold, remained prevalent during the following years
    all over Europe, rendered men’s bodies more and more susceptible to
    severe diseases.</p>

  <p>The historians of that time were too much occupied with the intricate
    affairs of the court and of the church to devote any attention
    to nature, and on this account they have left us no satisfactory
    information of the state of the weather and the course of the seasons
    of those years in England, yet there is no reason to suppose that they
    were essentially different from those of the rest of Europe. This may
    be proved by the following collection of important natural occurrences,
    when taken in conjunction with the circumstances already stated
    respecting France and Italy.</p>

  <p>In Upper Italy such considerable floods occurred in all the river
    districts, in the year 1527, that the astrologers announced a new
    Deluge. There was a repetition of them to an equal extent, and
    with equal damage, in the following year, so that it may have been
    concluded, not without some ground, that there was an accumulation
    of snow on the highest mountain ranges of Europe. On the 3rd of
    July, 1529, there followed a violent earthquake in Upper Italy, and
    immediately afterwards a blood-rain, as it was called, in Cremona<a id="FNanchor_192c" href="#Footnote_192c" class="fnanchor">[192]</a>.</p>

  <p>In October, 1530, the Tiber rose so much above its banks that in Rome
    and its neighbourhood about 12,000 people were drowned. A month later,
    in the Netherlands, the sea broke through the dykes, and Holland,
    Zealand, and Brabant suffered very considerably from the overflow of
    the waters, which again took place two years afterwards<a id="FNanchor_193c" href="#Footnote_193c" class="fnanchor">[193]</a>.</p>

  <p>In 1528 there appeared in the March of Brandenburg, during the
    prevalence of a south-east wind and a great drought<a id="FNanchor_194c" href="#Footnote_194c" class="fnanchor">[194]</a>, (the rains
    did not commence in Germany before 1529,) <em>swarms of locusts</em><a id="FNanchor_195c" href="#Footnote_195c" class="fnanchor">[195]</a>,
    as if this prognostic too of great epidemics was not to be wanting.
    Of fiery meteors, which also frequently appeared in the following
    years, and in the aggregate plainly indicated an unusual condition
    of the atmosphere, much notice, after the <span class="pagenum" id="Page_242">242</span>manner of the times, is
    occasionally taken<a id="FNanchor_196c" href="#Footnote_196c" class="fnanchor">[196]</a>. Particular attention was excited by a long
    fiery train which was seen on the 7th of January, 1529, at seven
    o’clock in the morning, throughout Mecklenburg and Pomerania<a id="FNanchor_197c" href="#Footnote_197c" class="fnanchor">[197]</a>.
    Another fiery sign (chasma) was seen in the March on the 9th
    of January, at ten o’clock at night<a id="FNanchor_198c" href="#Footnote_198c" class="fnanchor">[198]</a>, as likewise similar
    atmospherical phenomena in other localities.</p>

  <p>Comets appeared in the course of this year in unusual number<a id="FNanchor_199c" href="#Footnote_199c" class="fnanchor">[199]</a>.
    The first on the 11th of August, 1527, before daybreak; it was seen
    throughout Europe, and it has often been confounded by more recent
    writers with an atmospherical phenomenon resembling a comet which
    appeared on the 11th of October<a id="FNanchor_200c" href="#Footnote_200c" class="fnanchor">[200]</a>. The second was seen in July and
    August, 1529, in Germany, France, and Italy. Four other comets are also
    said to have made their appearance this year at the same time; but it
    is probable that these were only fiery meteors of an unknown kind<a id="FNanchor_201c" href="#Footnote_201c" class="fnanchor">[201]</a>.
    The third was in 1531, and was visible in Europe from the 1st of
    August till the 3rd of September. This was the great comet of Halley,
    which returned in the year 1835<a id="FNanchor_202c" href="#Footnote_202c" class="fnanchor">[202]</a>. The fourth was in 1532, visible
    from the 2nd of October to the 8th of November; it appeared again in
    1661<a id="FNanchor_203c" href="#Footnote_203c" class="fnanchor">[203]</a>. Lastly, the fifth, in 1533, seen from the middle of June
    till August<a id="FNanchor_204c" href="#Footnote_204c" class="fnanchor">[204]</a>.</p>

  <p>Contemporaries agree remarkably in their accounts of the insufferable
    state of the weather in the eventful year 1529. The winter was
    particularly mild, and the vegetation was far too early, so that all
    the world was rejoicing at the mildness and beauty of the spring. The
    people wore violets, at Erfurt, on St. Matthew’s day, (the 24th of
    February,) little expecting <span class="pagenum" id="Page_243">243</span>that this friendly omen was to precede
    so severe a calamity<a id="FNanchor_205c" href="#Footnote_205c" class="fnanchor">[205]</a>. Throughout the spring and summer wet
    weather continued to prevail. Constant torrents of rain overflowed the
    fields, the rivers passed their banks; all hopes of the cultivation
    were entirely frustrated<a id="FNanchor_206c" href="#Footnote_206c" class="fnanchor">[206]</a>, and misery and famine spread in all
    directions. A heavy rain of four days’ continuance, which took place
    in the south of Germany in the middle of June, and was called the St.
    Vitus’s Torrent, is still remembered in modern times as an unheard-of
    event. Whole districts of country were completely laid under water,
    and many persons perished who had not time to save their lives<a id="FNanchor_207c" href="#Footnote_207c" class="fnanchor">[207]</a>.
    A similar, very widely extended, and perhaps universal, storm again
    occurred on the 10th of August, and occasioned great floods, especially
    in Thuringia and Saxony<a id="FNanchor_208c" href="#Footnote_208c" class="fnanchor">[208]</a>. Upon the whole, the sun rarely broke
    through the heavy dark clouds. The latter part of the summer and the
    whole of the autumn, with the exception of a series of hot days which
    commenced the 24th of August<a id="FNanchor_209c" href="#Footnote_209c" class="fnanchor">[209]</a>, remained gloomy, cold, and wet.
    People fancied they were breathing the foggy air of Britain<a id="FNanchor_210c" href="#Footnote_210c" class="fnanchor">[210]</a>.</p>

  <p>We ought not to omit here to notice that in the north of Germany, and
    especially in the March of Brandenburg, eating fish, which were caught
    in great abundance, was generally esteemed detrimental. Malignant and
    contagious diseases were said to have been traced to this cause, and it
    was a matter of surprise that the only food which nature bounteously
    bestowed was so decidedly injurious<a id="FNanchor_211c" href="#Footnote_211c" class="fnanchor">[211]</a>. It might be difficult now
    to discover the cause of this phenomenon, of which we possess only
    isolated notices, yet, passing over all other conjectures, it is quite
    credible either that an actual fish poison was developed<a id="FNanchor_212c" href="#Footnote_212c" class="fnanchor">[212]</a>, or,
    if <span class="pagenum" id="Page_244">244</span>this notion be rejected, that a disordered condition of life,
    such as must be supposed to have existed in a great famine, rendered
    fish prejudicial to health, in the same way as sometimes occurs after
    protracted intermittent fevers, when the functions of the bowels are
    disturbed in a manner peculiar to this disease.</p>

  <p>But it was not the inhabitants of the water alone which were affected
    by hidden causes of excitement in collective organic life; the fowls
    of the air likewise sickened, who, in their delicate and irritable
    organs of respiration, feel the injurious influence of the atmosphere
    much earlier and more sensitively than any of the unfeathered tribes,
    and have often been the harbingers of great danger, ere man was aware
    of its approach. In the neighbourhood of Freyburg in the Breisgau,
    dead birds were found scattered under the trees, with boils as large
    as peas under their wings, which indicated among them a disease, that
    in all probability extended far beyond the southern districts of the
    Rhine<a id="FNanchor_213c" href="#Footnote_213c" class="fnanchor">[213]</a>.</p>

  <p>The famine in Germany, during this year, is described by respectable
    authorities in a tone of deep sympathy. Swabia, Lorraine, Alsace, and
    the other southern countries bordering on the Rhine, were especially
    visited, so that misery there reached the same frightful height as
    in France. The poor emigrated and roved over the country, solely
    to prolong their wretched existence. Above a thousand of these
    half-starved mendicants came to Strasburg out of Swabia. They obtained
    shelter in a monastery, and attempts were made to revive them, yet many
    were unable to bear the food that was placed before them. Attention and
    nourishment did but hasten their death. Another body of more than eight
    hundred came in the autumn from Lorraine. These unfortunate people
    were kept in the city, and fed during the whole winter<a id="FNanchor_214c" href="#Footnote_214c" class="fnanchor">[214]</a>, yet it is
    easy to conceive that this benevolence, which was no doubt likewise
    exercised in other cities<a id="FNanchor_215c" href="#Footnote_215c" class="fnanchor">[215]</a>—for when was humanity ever found wanting
    in Germany?—could only occasionally alleviate this deeply rooted
    calamity. In the Venetian territories, many hundreds are said to have
    perished with hunger, and a like distress probably prevailed all over
    Upper Italy.</p>

  <p>In the north of Germany, including the extensive sandy <span class="pagenum" id="Page_245">245</span>plains, on
    which wet weather is not so injurious in its effect as on a heavy
    clayey soil, the state of the country was upon the whole more
    tolerable<a id="FNanchor_216c" href="#Footnote_216c" class="fnanchor">[216]</a>; yet, independently of the innumerable evils to which
    a scarcity gives rise, <em>suicide was more frequent</em><a id="FNanchor_217c" href="#Footnote_217c" class="fnanchor">[217]</a>, which was
    certainly a rarity in the sixteenth century, and only explicable by
    supposing, that the powers of the mind became exhausted by the many and
    various passions, which in every individual locality, excited a spirit
    of hatred and party feeling. The consequence of such a state of turmoil
    is a cold disgust of life, which finds, in the first adverse event that
    may occur, a pretext for self-destruction, that want alone would seldom
    if ever occasion: for man, if his spirit be unbroken, runs the chance
    of starvation in times of famine, and trusts to the faintest gleam of
    hope, rather than, of his own accord, abandon the enjoyment of life.</p>

  <p>It is no less in point here to notice a kind of faint lassitude,
    which, to the great astonishment of the people, was felt, especially
    in Pomerania, in June and July<a id="FNanchor_218c" href="#Footnote_218c" class="fnanchor">[218]</a>, up to the very period when the
    Sweating Sickness broke out. In the midst of their work, and without
    any conceivable cause, people became palsied in their hands and
    feet, so that even if their lives had depended upon it, they were
    incapable of the slightest exertion<a id="FNanchor_219c" href="#Footnote_219c" class="fnanchor">[219]</a>. The treatment which was found
    successful, was to cover the patients warmly, and to supply them with
    nourishing food, of which they ate plentifully, and thus recovered
    again, in three or four days. Phenomena of this kind, which in the
    present instance evidently depended on atmospherical influence, are but
    the extreme gradations of a generally morbid dullness of vital feeling,
    which might easily pass into an actual disgust of life, such as would
    lead to suicide.</p>

  <p>The following years were by no means all marked by a complete failure
    in produce. The year 1530 was, on the contrary, plentiful, there being
    only some partial failures, as, for example, that which arose from a
    great flood in the district of the Saal, <span class="pagenum" id="Page_246">246</span>which occurred in the midst
    of the harvest time<a id="FNanchor_220c" href="#Footnote_220c" class="fnanchor">[220]</a>. A very cold spring and a wet cold summer
    followed in 1531, with only occasional fine days; yet the ground
    was not altogether unproductive, and the great distress which would
    otherwise have been felt in Thuringia and Saxony, was checked by the
    establishment of granaries, so that the people were not obliged, as
    they often were in Swabia, to mow the green corn that they might dry
    the ears in ovens, and support life upon the yet unripe grain.</p>

  <p>The years 1532 and 1533, were again very sterile, as also 1534, in
    consequence of the great heat and dryness of the summer. Finally,
    in the year 1535, the regular change of the seasons, and with it
    a prosperous state of cultivation, seemed to be restored, and the
    scarcity ceased<a id="FNanchor_221c" href="#Footnote_221c" class="fnanchor">[221]</a>. The reports from different localities in Germany
    vary much, but the scarcity prevailed for full seven years<a id="FNanchor_222c" href="#Footnote_222c" class="fnanchor">[222]</a>, (from
    1528 to 1534,) and since its causes were not discoverable, because it
    was only seen by each observer in his own narrow circle, the old German
    adage was often called to mind: “If there is to be a scarcity, it is of
    no avail even should all the mountains be made of flour.”<a id="FNanchor_223c" href="#Footnote_223c" class="fnanchor">[223]</a></p>

  <h4 class="smcap" id="BOOK3_IV_5">Sect. 5.—Sweating Sickness in Germany, 1529.</h4>

  <p>These facts are sufficient for a preliminary sketch of the background
    on which moved the spectre of England, to which we now return. How
    long the sweating sickness may have raged there after Henry the
    VIIIth quitted his secluded place of refuge in order to return to his
    capital, no one has left any written account to show. That it spread
    very rapidly over the whole kingdom is decidedly to be presumed, and
    might probably still be easily ascertainable from the written records
    of different places. The notion that it did not rage violently in any
    town more than a few weeks, is justified by corresponding phenomena
    of more recent occurrence, yet no doubt it continued to exist among
    the people, though in a mitigated degree, till the mild winter season.
    But there are not even the slightest data <span class="pagenum" id="Page_247">247</span>by which it can be made
    out that it was still in England during the summer of 1529. As an
    epidemic it certainly existed no longer, yet on a consideration of the
    state of the air in that year, it is not to be denied that isolated
    cases of Sweating Fever may have appeared; for in pestilences of this
    kind, provided their original causes continue, there always occur some
    straggling cases<a id="FNanchor_224c" href="#Footnote_224c" class="fnanchor">[224]</a>. The Sweating Sickness did not advance westward
    to Ireland, nor did it pass the Scottish border; the historians, who
    would certainly have recorded so calamitous an event, are entirely
    silent respecting such an occurrence. The tragedy was, however,
    destined to be enacted elsewhere; other nations were to play their part
    in it.</p>

  <p>Hamburgh was the first place on the continent in which the Sweating
    Sickness broke out. Men’s minds were still in great excitement
    there in consequence of the events of the few preceding months. The
    Protestants had, after long and stormy contests, at length vanquished
    the Papists. Under the wise direction of <cite>Bugenhagen</cite> the great work
    of Reformation was just completed. The monasteries were abolished, the
    monks dismissed, schools were established, and peace again returned
    with the enjoyment of ecclesiastical freedom. Just at this moment<a id="FNanchor_225c" href="#Footnote_225c" class="fnanchor">[225]</a>
    the dreaded pestilence, of which wonderful accounts had been so long
    and so often heard, unexpectedly made its appearance. It immediately
    excited, as it had ever done in England, general dismay, and before any
    instructions as to its treatment could be obtained, either from the
    English or from Germans who had been in England, it destroyed daily
    from forty to sixty, and altogether, within the space of twenty-two
    days<a id="FNanchor_226c" href="#Footnote_226c" class="fnanchor">[226]</a>, about 1100 inhabitants, for such was the number of coffins
    which were at this time manufactured by the undertakers. The duration
    of <em>the great mortality</em>, for thus we would designate the more violent
    raging of this pestilence, was, however, much shorter, and may be
    roughly estimated at about <span class="pagenum" id="Page_248">248</span>nine days, for from the fragment of a
    letter received from Hamburgh, which was dispatched to Wittenberg on
    the 8th of August, by a person who was at that time burgomaster, it
    appears that, for some days past, no one had died of the Sweating
    Fever, excepting one or two drunkards, and that the citizens were
    then beginning to take breath again. We may thus judge, from the
    unauthenticated account here mentioned, that the disease lasted about a
    fortnight longer, and that the loss of lives amounted to 2000. At all
    events, however, the pestilence manifested itself on the continent with
    the same malignity which was peculiar to it from the first, and if the
    assertion made at a distance respecting the mortality in Hamburgh, were
    overcharged<a id="FNanchor_227c" href="#Footnote_227c" class="fnanchor">[227]</a>, yet there certainly existed sufficient foundation for
    exaggerations of this sort, which are never wanting in times of such
    great danger. The historians of this, even at that time, powerful and
    civilized commercial town, have on the whole said but little regarding
    this important event—a circumstance easily explicable from the constant
    occupation of men’s minds in religious affairs, and from the well known
    short visitation of the epidemic, which, like a transient meteor,
    needed quick and cautious observation if any valuable information
    respecting the occurrence was to be transmitted to posterity. Some
    particulars of its first origin have, however, been preserved amid a
    mass of general assertions which convey no information. Thus it appears
    that the Sweating Sickness did not show itself in the town until a
    Captain Hermann Evers, just about the time mentioned, (the 25th of
    July,) returned from England, bringing on board with him a number of
    young people, (probably travellers as well as sailors,) of whom at
    least twelve died of this disease within two days<a id="FNanchor_228c" href="#Footnote_228c" class="fnanchor">[228]</a>. <span class="pagenum" id="Page_249">249</span>According to
    another account, those who died were not taken ill in England, but on
    the voyage, and the pestilence broke out after the rest of the crew had
    disembarked. On this point we have further a most respectable testimony
    to the fact, that in the night after the landing of Hermann Evers, four
    men died in Hamburgh of the Sweating Sickness<a id="FNanchor_229c" href="#Footnote_229c" class="fnanchor">[229]</a>.</p>

  <p>If we examine a little more closely these very valuable accounts, the
    credibility of which there is no reason to doubt, it must especially
    be taken into account, that at this time the Sweating Sickness had
    ceased to exist as an epidemic in England for at least half a year,
    that its appearance in single cases, although not contradictory to
    general views, is nevertheless by no means borne out by proof from
    historical evidence, and that thus it is a gratuitous and unsupported
    assumption that the return of Hermann Evers’ crew was connected with
    any Sweating Sickness at all in England. If we consider, on the other
    hand, that the North Sea, even in ordinary years, is very foggy, so
    that, owing to the prevalence of north-west winds, it precipitates very
    heavy rain clouds over Germany; and if we bear in mind, that in the
    year 1529 it produced far heavier fogs than usual, we shall perceive in
    its waters the principal cause why the English Sweating Sickness was
    then developed in its greatest violence, and we may thence assume, with
    a greater degree of probability, that this pestilence broke out among
    the crew of Hermann Evers spontaneously, and without any connexion with
    England, in the same way, perhaps, as it did formerly on board Henry
    the VIIth’s fleet. This supposition is strengthened by the circumstance
    that the ships of those times were excessively filthy, and the kind of
    life spent on board them was, independently of the wretched provision,
    uncomfortable in the highest degree, nay, almost insupportable, so that
    even in short voyages, the scurvy, which was the dread of sailors in
    those days, was of very common occurrence. Finally, we still possess
    the most distinct accounts, that unusual occurrences took place in the
    North Seas. Thus during Lent it was observed with <span class="pagenum" id="Page_250">250</span>astonishment at
    Stettin, that porpoises came in numbers up the frische Haff as far as
    the bridge, and that the Baltic cast on its shores many dead animals of
    this kind<a id="FNanchor_230c" href="#Footnote_230c" class="fnanchor">[230]</a>, so that we are fully justified in concluding that there
    existed at that time a more intense development than usual of morbific
    influences in the marine atmosphere.</p>

  <p>With respect, however, to the influence which the companions of
    Hermann Evers, impregnated as they were with the odour of the Sweating
    Sickness, had on the inhabitants of Hamburgh, it cannot be denied,
    that their intercourse with those inhabitants, in the filthy and
    narrow lanes of that commercial city, may have given an impulse to the
    eruption of the pestilence, so far as to make the already existing fuel
    more inflammable, or to furnish the first sparks for its ignition:
    yet it is equally undeniable that, under the existing circumstances,
    the epidemic Sweating Sickness would have broken out in Germany even
    without the presence of Captain Evers, although it might, perhaps,
    have been some weeks later, and not have made its first appearance in
    Hamburgh, whose inhabitants, owing to the constant prevalence of the
    North Sea fog, were, to all appearance, already prepared for the first
    reception of this fatal disease.</p>

  <p>To determine to a day when epidemics which have been long in
    preparation have broken out, is, even for an observer who is present,
    exceedingly difficult, nay, sometimes, under the most favourable
    circumstances, impossible; for there occur in these visitations,
    certain transitions into the epidemic form, of diseases which are
    allied to it, as well as a gradual conversion into it of morbid
    phenomena, which have usually begun some time before. Unless we are
    greatly mistaken, such was the case in the pestilence of which we are
    now treating; although it must be confessed, that we can obtain no
    precise information on this point from the physicians of those times.
    The following statements, for the absolute precision of which we cannot
    pledge ourselves after a lapse of 300 years, must therefore be judged
    according to this general experience; and though singly they may prove
    little, yet taken altogether, they are capable of demonstrating the
    peculiar and almost wonderful manner in which the Sweating Fever spread
    over Germany.</p>

  <p>In Lübeck, the next city in the Baltic, the Sweating Sickness <span class="pagenum" id="Page_251">251</span>appeared
    about the same time; for so early as the Friday before St. Peter <i lang="la">in
    vinculis</i> (30th of July), it was known, that on the preceding night
    a woman had died of it<a id="FNanchor_231c" href="#Footnote_231c" class="fnanchor">[231]</a>. On the following days cases of death
    fearfully increased, and the disorder soon raged so violently, that
    people were again reminded of the Black Death of 1349. The inhabitants
    died without number, as well in the city as in the environs, and the
    consternation was equal to that felt in Hamburgh<a id="FNanchor_232c" href="#Footnote_232c" class="fnanchor">[232]</a>. In general, as
    was everywhere the case, robust young people of the better classes were
    affected, while, on the other hand, children and poor people living in
    cellars and garrets almost all of them escaped<a id="FNanchor_233c" href="#Footnote_233c" class="fnanchor">[233]</a>.</p>

  <p>Now one might, either on the supposition of a progressive alteration
    in the atmosphere, such as occurs in the influenza, or on that of a
    communication of the disease from man to man, which, however, cannot
    be considered as a principal cause of this epidemic, have expected a
    gradual extension of the Sweating Sickness from Hamburgh and Lübeck
    to the surrounding country. This did not, however, in fact, take
    place; for the disease next broke out at Twickau, at the foot of the
    Erzgebirge, distant from Hamburgh fifty German miles, and without
    having previously visited the rich commercial city of Leipzig. By
    the 14th of August, nineteen persons who had died of it, were buried
    at Twickau; and on one of the following nights above a hundred<a id="FNanchor_234c" href="#Footnote_234c" class="fnanchor">[234]</a>
    sickened, whence it is to be deduced that the pestilence was severe at
    that place.</p>

  <p>Possibly the great storm on the 10th of August may have given
    an impulse to the development of this very remarkable epidemic;
    for an highly electrical state of the atmosphere increases the
    susceptibility for diseases. It is likewise not to be overlooked,
    that on the 24th of August, while the sky was overcast, there came
    on an insufferable heat<a id="FNanchor_235c" href="#Footnote_235c" class="fnanchor">[235]</a>, which must have debilitated the body
    after such long-continued cold wet weather. At all events, in the
    beginning of September, we find that the Sweating Fever broke out at
    the same time at <em>Stettin</em>, <em>Dantzig</em>, and other Prussian cities; at
    <em>Augsburg</em>, far to the south on the <span class="pagenum" id="Page_252">252</span>other side of the Danube, at
    <em>Cologne</em> on the Rhine, at <em>Strasbourg</em>, at <em>Frankfort</em> on the Maine,
    at <em>Marburg</em><a id="FNanchor_236c" href="#Footnote_236c" class="fnanchor">[236]</a>, at <em>Göttingen</em>, and at <em>Hanover</em><a id="FNanchor_237c" href="#Footnote_237c" class="fnanchor">[237]</a>. The position
    of these cities gives an impressive notion of the extent of country
    of which the English Sweating Sickness took possession, as it were by
    a magic stroke. It was like a violent conflagration, which spread in
    all directions; the flames, however, did not issue from one focus, but
    rose up everywhere, as if self-ignited; and whilst all this occurred in
    Germany and Prussia, the inhabitants of the other northern countries,
    Denmark, Norway and Sweden, perhaps also Lithuania, Poland and Russia,
    were likewise visited by this violent disease.</p>

  <p>The malady appeared in Stettin on the 31st of August, among the
    servants of the Duke<a id="FNanchor_238c" href="#Footnote_238c" class="fnanchor">[238]</a>. On the 1st of September, the Duchess herself
    sickened, in common with many people about the court, and burgesses in
    the city. A few days afterwards several thousands were affected by the
    disease, so that there was not a street from which some corpses were
    not daily carried out. This dreadful period of terror, however, did
    not last much longer than a week, for about the 8th of September the
    pestilence abated in its violence, so as no longer to be regarded with
    terror; and after this time only a few isolated cases occurred<a id="FNanchor_239c" href="#Footnote_239c" class="fnanchor">[239]</a>.</p>

  <p>On the same day, namely, the 1st of September, the disease appeared
    in Dantzig, fifty German miles further to the eastward, and was
    here also so destructive, that it carried off in a short time 3000
    inhabitants<a id="FNanchor_240c" href="#Footnote_240c" class="fnanchor">[240]</a>, some say even 6000—but this seems certainly too high
    an estimate for Dantzig, and probably includes the greater part of
    Prussia. If we were to give credence to an anonymous reporter<a id="FNanchor_241c" href="#Footnote_241c" class="fnanchor">[241]</a>,
    this plague abated <em>in five days</em>, and relieved the inhabitants from
    the mortal anxiety which, until they recovered their senses, led them
    everywhere to commit acts of injustice and injury to avert the danger.</p>

  <p>In Augsburg we find the Sweating Sickness on the 6th of September.
    It lasted there also only <em>six days</em>, affected about <span class="pagenum" id="Page_253">253</span>1500 of the
    inhabitants, and destroyed more than half that number, or, as it is
    said, about 800<a id="FNanchor_242c" href="#Footnote_242c" class="fnanchor">[242]</a>.</p>

  <p>At Cologne it appeared precisely at the same time, as we learn from
    the expressions of the Count von Newenar, a prelate of that place, who
    finished his account of this disorder on the 7th of September<a id="FNanchor_243c" href="#Footnote_243c" class="fnanchor">[243]</a>. At
    Strasburg it broke out some ten or twelve days earlier, namely, on the
    24th of August. In this place about 3000 people sickened in one week,
    but very few of them died<a id="FNanchor_244c" href="#Footnote_244c" class="fnanchor">[244]</a>. At Frankfort on the Maine they were
    holding the autumn fair (which began on the 7th of September) just at
    the time when the Sweating Sickness prevailed<a id="FNanchor_245c" href="#Footnote_245c" class="fnanchor">[245]</a>, whence arose the
    opinion, which has been broached again in more modern times<a id="FNanchor_246c" href="#Footnote_246c" class="fnanchor">[246]</a>, that
    the traders on their return carried the disease thence throughout the
    whole of Germany, and that in the intercourse by means of this fair,
    the main cause of the spread of the epidemic was to be found. After
    the facts which have been brought forward, such a narrow view needs no
    refutation. The Sweating Sickness was fleeter than the conveyances of
    goods and people, which at that time made their way along the pathless
    and unbeaten roads; for “no sooner did a rumour of the approach of the
    disease reach anyplace than the disease itself accompanied it.”<a id="FNanchor_247c" href="#Footnote_247c" class="fnanchor">[247]</a></p>

  <p>Between the boundaries which have been indicated, only a few isolated
    towns and villages escaped, and there are probably few of the
    chronicles of that age, so prolific of great events, in which the
    dreadful scourge of the year 1529 is not expressly mentioned; yet the
    sweating fever, like other great epidemics, spread, doubtless, very
    unequally, and it is ascertained that the further south it extended,
    the milder it was upon the whole; and also that all those places where
    it broke out late suffered beyond comparison less than those which were
    visited early in September and in the latter part of August; for not
    to lay much stress on the sultry heat from the 24th of August, which
    probably did not last long, the chief cause of its great malignity at
    first was the violent method resorted to in the treatment of the sick,
    the inapplicability of which was fortunately soon perceived. Only one
    citizen was affected with the Sweating Sickness <span class="pagenum" id="Page_254">254</span>in Marburg, and even
    he recovered<a id="FNanchor_248c" href="#Footnote_248c" class="fnanchor">[248]</a>, whilst at Leipzig, the pestilence either never
    broke out at all, or very much later, perhaps in October or November;
    for the physicians of that place gave it clearly to be understood in
    their pamphlets, that they knew nothing of the disease from their own
    observations<a id="FNanchor_249c" href="#Footnote_249c" class="fnanchor">[249]</a>, and no sooner did the report get abroad that the
    dreaded enemy had not penetrated within the walls of this commercial
    city, than crowds of fugitives came thither from far and near in order
    to seek protection and security, although the place in itself was by
    no means fitted for a place of refuge, for the swampy atmosphere which
    rose from the city ditches begot, even in those days, in the narrow and
    dark streets, many lingering diseases<a id="FNanchor_250c" href="#Footnote_250c" class="fnanchor">[250]</a>.</p>

  <h4 class="smcap" id="BOOK3_IV_6">Sect. 6.—In the Netherlands.</h4>

  <p>It is remarkable that the Netherlands were visited by the Sweating
    Fever<a id="FNanchor_251c" href="#Footnote_251c" class="fnanchor">[251]</a> full four weeks later, although the commercial intercourse
    with England, if we were to attach any especial importance to this
    circumstance, was far more considerable than that of the German cities
    in the North Sea. It appeared for the first time in Amsterdam on the
    27th of September in the forenoon, whilst the city was enveloped in a
    thick fog<a id="FNanchor_252c" href="#Footnote_252c" class="fnanchor">[252]</a>, and just at the same time, perhaps a day earlier, in
    Antwerp, where, on the 29th of September, they made a solemn procession
    in order by prayer to avert greater harm from the city; for in the
    last days of September 400 to 500 people died of the English Sweating
    Sickness at that place<a id="FNanchor_253c" href="#Footnote_253c" class="fnanchor">[253]</a>. It might have been supposed that the damp
    soil of Holland, and its impenetrable fogs, would invite the pestilence
    much earlier than the high and serene country between the Alps and the
    Danube, or the far distant land of Prussia, but the development of
    epidemics follows no human calculation or medical views! In the towns
    around Amsterdam the Sweating Fever appears not to have broken out
    until the <span class="pagenum" id="Page_255">255</span>mortality had ceased in that city, that is to say, five days
    after the 27th of September, so that we cannot be far wrong in assuming
    that in the latter end of that month, and the commencement of October,
    it had spread over the whole territory of the Netherlands including
    Belgium<a id="FNanchor_254c" href="#Footnote_254c" class="fnanchor">[254]</a>. Alkmaar and Waterland remained free<a id="FNanchor_255c" href="#Footnote_255c" class="fnanchor">[255]</a>, as doubtless
    had been the case with particular places both in England and Germany.</p>

  <p><em>The exceedingly short time that the Sweating Sickness lasted</em> in the
    different places that it visited, was as astonishing as its original
    appearance. For since it raged in Amsterdam for only five days, and not
    much longer, as we have shewn, in Antwerp and many German towns, it
    could hardly have continued more than fifteen days in any other places;
    thus displaying the same peculiarity on this occasion by which it had
    already been marked in its former visitations. This short period,
    however, must not be understood to include the sporadic occurrence of
    the disease, otherwise, as a contemporary of credit assures us, that
    the sweating fever attacked some persons twice and others three or even
    four times<a id="FNanchor_256c" href="#Footnote_256c" class="fnanchor">[256]</a>, we might thence conclude, that, although perhaps in
    some places the pestilence did, after raging for a certain number of
    days, suddenly cease, so that no isolated cases afterwards occurred,
    yet that the general duration of its prevalence was longer than has
    been stated.</p>

  <h4 class="smcap" id="BOOK3_IV_7">Sect. 7.—Denmark, Sweden, and Norway.</h4>

  <p>The eruption of the Sweating Fever in Denmark<a id="FNanchor_257c" href="#Footnote_257c" class="fnanchor">[257]</a>, took place at <em>the
    latter end of September</em>, for on the 29th of that month, four hundred
    of the inhabitants died of it at Copenhagen<a id="FNanchor_258c" href="#Footnote_258c" class="fnanchor">[258]</a>. Elsinore was likewise
    severely visited<a id="FNanchor_259c" href="#Footnote_259c" class="fnanchor">[259]</a>, and probably, about the same time, most of the
    towns and villages in that kingdom. But the accounts on this subject
    in the Danish Chronicles are extremely <span class="pagenum" id="Page_256">256</span>defective<a id="FNanchor_260c" href="#Footnote_260c" class="fnanchor">[260]</a>, as owing to
    the extraordinary rapidity of this mortal malady, contemporary writers
    neglected to record, for the information of posterity, the details of
    a phenomenon, which there, as in other countries, must certainly have
    been striking from its general prevalence. Even from the imperfect
    notices that were given respecting it, thus much, however, is clearly
    perceptible, that it was the same well-known disease as elsewhere,
    which was now observed to pass through Denmark. In proof of this, it
    was principally young and strong people, as had been originally the
    case in England, who sickened, the old and infirm being less affected,
    and in the course of four and twenty hours, or at most, within two days
    (?) the life or death of the patient was decided.</p>

  <p>At the same period as in Denmark, the Sweating Sickness spread over
    the <em>Scandinavian Peninsula</em>, and was productive of the same violent
    symptoms in the sick, the same terror, and the same mortal anguish in
    those who were affected by it, not only in the capital of Sweden, where
    <em>Magnus Erikson</em>, brother of king <em>Gustavus Wasa</em>, died of it, but also
    over the whole kingdom, and in Norway. The northern historians gave
    graphic accounts of it, which, on a careful examination of manuscript
    documents, might perhaps gain still more in colouring and spirit<a id="FNanchor_261c" href="#Footnote_261c" class="fnanchor">[261]</a>.
    That the Sweating Sickness likewise penetrated into Lithuania, Poland,
    and Livonia, if not into a part of Russia, we know only in a general
    way<a id="FNanchor_262c" href="#Footnote_262c" class="fnanchor">[262]</a>, but doubtless there are written <span class="pagenum" id="Page_257">257</span>documents still in existence
    in these countries, which only need some careful enquirer to bring
    them to light. In the mean time, however, it is to be presumed, from
    the early appearance of the disorder in Prussia, that it prevailed
    in those countries at the same time as in Germany, Denmark, and the
    Scandinavian Peninsula. No certain trace is anywhere to be discovered
    that the Sweating Sickness appeared so late as December, 1529, or in
    January of the following year, so that, after having lasted upon the
    whole a quarter of a year, it disappeared everywhere without leaving
    behind it any sign of its existence, or giving rise to the development
    of any other diseases. Among these, it pursued its course as a comet
    among planets, without interfering either with the French Hunger Fever,
    or the Italian Petechial Fever, proving a striking example to all
    succeeding ages of those general shocks to which the lives of the human
    race are subject, and a fearful scourge to the generation which it
    visited.</p>

  <h4 class="smcap" id="BOOK3_IV_8">Sect. 8.—Terror.</h4>

  <p>The alarm which prevailed in Germany surpasses all description, and
    bordered upon maniacal despair. As soon as the pestilence appeared on
    the continent, horrifying accounts of the unheard-of sufferings of
    those affected, and the certainty of their death, passed like wild-fire
    from mouth to mouth. Men’s minds were paralysed with terror, and the
    imagination exaggerated the calamity, which seemed to have come upon
    them like a last judgment. The English Sweating Sickness was the theme
    of discourse everywhere, and if any one happened to be taken ill of
    fever, no matter of what kind, it was immediately converted into this
    demon, whose spectre form continually haunted the oppressed spirit. At
    the same time, the unfortunate delusion existed, that whoever wished to
    escape death when seized with the English pestilence, <em>must perspire
    for twenty-four hours without intermission</em><a id="FNanchor_263c" href="#Footnote_263c" class="fnanchor">[263]</a>. So they put the
    patients, whether they had the Sweating Sickness or not, (for who had
    calmness enough to distinguish it?) instantly to bed, covered them
    with feather-beds and furs, and whilst the stove was heated to the
    utmost, closed the doors and windows with the greatest <span class="pagenum" id="Page_258">258</span>care to prevent
    all access of cool air. In order, moreover, to prevent the sufferer,
    should he be somewhat impatient, from throwing off his hot load, some
    persons in health likewise lay upon him, and thus oppressed him to such
    a degree, that he could neither stir hand nor foot, and finally, in
    this rehearsal of hell, being bathed in an agonizing sweat, gave up the
    ghost, when, perhaps, if his too officious relatives had manifested a
    little discretion, he might have been saved without difficulty<a id="FNanchor_264c" href="#Footnote_264c" class="fnanchor">[264]</a>.</p>

  <p>There dwelt a physician in Zwickau—we no longer know the name of this
    estimable man—who, full of zeal for the good of mankind, opposed this
    destructive folly. He went from house to house, and wherever he found
    a patient buried in a hot bed, dragged him out with his own hands,
    everywhere forbad that the sick should thus be tortured with heat, and
    saved by his decisive conduct, many, who but for him, must have been
    smothered like the rest<a id="FNanchor_265c" href="#Footnote_265c" class="fnanchor">[265]</a>. It often happened, at this time, that
    amidst a circle of friends, if the Sweating Sickness was only brought
    to mind by a single word, first one, and then another was seized
    with a tormenting anguish, their blood curdled, and certain of their
    destruction, they quietly slunk away home, and there actually became a
    prey to death<a id="FNanchor_266c" href="#Footnote_266c" class="fnanchor">[266]</a>. This mortal fear is a heavy addition to the scourge
    of rapidly fatal epidemics, and is, properly speaking, an inflammatory
    disease of the mind, which, in its proximate effects upon the spirits,
    bears some resemblance to the nightmare. It confuses the understanding,
    so as to render it incapable of estimating external circumstances
    according to their true relations to each other; it magnifies a gnat
    into a monster, a distant improbable danger into a horrible spectre
    which takes a firm hold of the imagination; all actions are perverted,
    and if during this state of distraction, any other disease break out,
    the patient conceives that he is the devoted <span class="pagenum" id="Page_259">259</span>victim of the much
    dreaded epidemic, like those unfortunate persons, who, having been
    bitten by a harmless animal, nevertheless become the subjects of an
    imaginary hydrophobia. Thus, during the calamitous autumn of 1529,
    many may have been seized with only an imaginary Sweating Sickness,
    and under the towering heap of clothing on their loaded beds have met
    with their graves<a id="FNanchor_267c" href="#Footnote_267c" class="fnanchor">[267]</a>. Others among these brain-sick people who had
    the good fortune to remain exempt from bodily ailments, many of them
    even boasting of their firmness, fell, through the violent commotions
    in their nerves, into a state of chronic hypochondriasis, which, under
    circumstances of this sort, is marked by shuddering, and a feeling
    of uneasiness and dread at the bare mention of the original cause of
    terror, even when there is no longer any trace of its existence<a id="FNanchor_268c" href="#Footnote_268c" class="fnanchor">[268]</a>.
    A person thus disordered in his mind, was recently seen to destroy
    himself<a id="FNanchor_269c" href="#Footnote_269c" class="fnanchor">[269]</a> on receiving false intelligence of the return of the
    late epidemic; thus betraying conduct even more dastardly than those
    cowardly soldiers, who, when the cannon begin to roar, inflict on
    themselves slight wounds that they may avoid sharing the dangers of the
    battle.</p>

  <p>To have a full notion how men’s minds were previously prepared for this
    state, we have but to think on the monstrous events which took place
    in Germany. Twelve years earlier the gigantic work of the reformation
    had been begun by the greatest German of that age, and, with the
    Divine power of the gospel, triumphantly carried through up to that
    period. The excitement was beyond all bounds. The new doctrine took
    root in towns and villages, but nevertheless the most mortal party
    hatred raged on all sides, and as usually happens in times of such
    empassioned commotion, selfishness was the animating spirit which ruled
    on both sides, and seized the torch of faith, in order, for her unholy
    purposes, to envelop the world in fire and flames.</p>

  <p>So early as the year 1521, during Luther’s concealment <span class="pagenum" id="Page_260">260</span>within the
    walls of Wartburg, false prophets<a id="FNanchor_270c" href="#Footnote_270c" class="fnanchor">[270]</a> arose, and desired, without the
    aid of their great Master, who was the soul of that age, to complete
    a work with the spirit of which they were not imbued. They brought
    the wildest passions into action, but, destitute of innate firmness,
    and incapable of curbing themselves, they became incendiaries and
    iconoclasts. Immediately upon this the unhappy peasant-war broke out—a
    consequence of the arbitrary conduct and oppression practised from
    times of old, for which the abettors of Dr. Eck’s sentiments would
    charge Luther himself as answerable; not perceiving that it was the
    excitement of the times and of the false prophets which had given
    occasion to the rebellion. Events occurred, from the recollection of
    which human feeling still recoils. Never was the fair soil of Germany
    the scene of more atrocious cruelties; and after vengeance had played
    her insane part without opposition, the melancholy result was, that
    hundreds of thousands of once peaceful, and for the most part misled
    peasants, fell by the sword of the Lansquenets and of the executioner,
    while their numerous survivors became a prey to the dearth which
    visited the country in the following years. The battle of Frankenhausen
    on the 15th of May, 1525, and Münzer’s subsequent execution, closed
    this bloody scene. The consequences of such intestine commotions
    continued however to be felt long after, and considered apart from
    their highly prejudicial influence on the prosperity of the people,
    conduced not a little to break the spirit of mankind, signs of which
    the wise men of those times have plainly pointed out<a id="FNanchor_271c" href="#Footnote_271c" class="fnanchor">[271]</a>.</p>

  <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_261">261</span></p>
  <h4 class="smcap" id="BOOK3_IV_9">Sect. 9.—Moral Consequences.</h4>

  <p>The dejection was increased by the universally active spirit of
    persecution with which it was still hoped to eradicate the new
    doctrine. Even whilst the English pestilence was raging, two
    Protestants were burnt at Cologne<a id="FNanchor_272c" href="#Footnote_272c" class="fnanchor">[272]</a>. In the same year faggots
    blazed at Mecklin, Verden, and Paris, by the flames of which the
    ancient faith was to be protected against the pestilence of freedom
    of thought. Sentences of death were also quite commonly pronounced
    against the Anabaptists in Protestant countries. The University of
    Leipzig pronounced a condemnation of this sort in the year 1529, and
    in Freistadt eleven women were drowned after a nominal trial and
    sentence, because they acknowledged that they were of this sect<a id="FNanchor_273c" href="#Footnote_273c" class="fnanchor">[273]</a>.
    Amidst these dissensions, and when the empire was in this helpless
    condition, came the fear of the barbarians of the south, who had
    already conquered Hungary under their Sultan Soliman, and, whilst the
    English Sweat was raging in the countries of the Danube, threatened to
    overwhelm Germany. It was a time of distress and lamentations, in which
    even the most undaunted could scarcely sustain their courage<a id="FNanchor_274c" href="#Footnote_274c" class="fnanchor">[274]</a>;
    but to the everlasting honour of the Germans it must be acknowledged
    that they withstood this purifying fire with unsullied honour, and in
    a manner worthy of themselves. For their noble spirits were aroused
    to unheard-of exertions of energy, and whilst the pusillanimous gave
    themselves up to despair, they impressed on the gigantic work of their
    age the stamp of imperishable truth.</p>

  <p>The siege of Vienna began on the 22d of September, after the English
    pestilence had broken out in this capital of Austria, yet nobody
    regarded this internal danger. The repeated attempts made by the
    Turks to storm the town were repulsed with great courage, and, on
    the 15th of October, Soliman raised the siege, after the Sweating
    Sickness had raged with as much violence among his troops as among the
    besieged<a id="FNanchor_275c" href="#Footnote_275c" class="fnanchor">[275]</a>. There is <span class="pagenum" id="Page_262">262</span>no accurate intelligence extant upon this
    subject, because the pestilence was less regarded here than elsewhere,
    in consequence of the great distress of the country from other causes,
    yet the mortality in Austria under such unfavourable circumstances, was
    doubtless more considerable than in the neighbouring states<a id="FNanchor_276c" href="#Footnote_276c" class="fnanchor">[276]</a>.</p>

  <p>In the north of Germany another struggle was to be decided. The
    evangelical party wished to declare their faith before the empire and
    its ruler, to reveal the object of their efforts, and to defend the
    purity of their creed against danger and assault. For this purpose
    they prepared themselves with wise discretion, and in the measures
    taken by the reformers for the fortification of the great work, not
    the slightest trace was to be observed of the anxiety which at that
    time agitated the people. In the midst of a country whose inhabitants
    trembled at the new disease, and were perhaps already severely
    afflicted with it, did Luther, whilst at Marburg<a id="FNanchor_277c" href="#Footnote_277c" class="fnanchor">[277]</a>, sketch the first
    outlines of a profession of faith, which, as filled up by Melancthon,
    has become the foundation-stone of the evangelical church; and in the
    following spring, during his stay at Cobourg, he composed his sublime
    hymn, “Eine feste burg ist unser Gott,” a strong fortress is our God.</p>

  <p>It could not but happen that, in the religious struggles which took
    place in these years, especial importance would be attributed to
    the English pestilence. Epidemics readily appear to man, in the
    narrow circle of his view, as scourges of God; and, indeed, this
    representation of them has ever been the prevailing one in all
    religions. For it is easier to estimate the ever-existing sins of
    humanity than the grand commotions comprehending both mind and body,
    of a terrestrial organism, which can only be perceived by a superior
    insight into things; and the mean selfishness of mankind and their
    delusions respecting their own qualities induce them to adopt the more
    easily the partial view, that the Supreme Being allows pestilences to
    exist only to destroy their enemies of another faith. On this account,
    not only do most contemporary writers speak of the just wrath of God,
    and of the chastisement thus prepared for the sins of the world<a id="FNanchor_278c" href="#Footnote_278c" class="fnanchor">[278]</a>,
    but the papal party took every possible <span class="pagenum" id="Page_263">263</span>pains to represent the English
    pestilence as a punishment for heresy and an evident warning against
    the triumphant doctrines of Luther. The cases in Hamburgh, where the
    eruption of the Sweating Sickness almost immediately followed the
    abolition of the monasteries, may certainly have obtained credit for
    such representations among the wavering and short-sighted, and, in a
    hundred other towns also, the Papists may have taken advantage of a
    similar occurrence of circumstances, for 1529 was a year when great
    and important questions were decided. At Lübeck, the monks in general
    preached that the English sweating fever was but a punishment which
    heaven inflicted on the Martineans, for so they called the followers
    of Luther, and the people were not undeceived until they saw with
    astonishment that Catholics also fell sick and died<a id="FNanchor_279c" href="#Footnote_279c" class="fnanchor">[279]</a>. They went,
    however, much further, and did not hesitate to employ even falsehood
    and cruel revenge to gain their ends. Thus it was asserted that the
    meeting of the reformers at Marburg, on the 2d of October, had led to
    no union among them, because a panic at the new disease had seized the
    heretics<a id="FNanchor_280c" href="#Footnote_280c" class="fnanchor">[280]</a>. Never did a dastardly fear of death enter the heart
    of Luther, who, when the plague broke out at Wittenburg in 1527,
    cheerfully and courageously remained at his post whilst all around him
    fled, and the high school was removed to Jena. Moreover, as we have
    seen, the Sweating Sickness never once came near Marburg, and the union
    of the two evangelical churches failed on totally different grounds.</p>

  <p>In Cologne the zealots were of opinion that they ought to endeavour to
    appease the visible wrath of God by the punishment of the heretics,
    and it was this sanguinary delusion, worthy of savage barbarians,
    which hastened the burning of Flistedt and Clarenbach<a id="FNanchor_281c" href="#Footnote_281c" class="fnanchor">[281]</a>. To the
    completion of this picture of the times, many other minor touches might
    be added, of which the following may be taken as an example. In the
    March of Brandenburg <span class="pagenum" id="Page_264">264</span>the evangelical faith, notwithstanding great
    obstacles, spread every day more and more, and the Catholic priests
    soon found themselves deserted. Just as the Sweating Sickness broke out
    at Friedeberg, in the Newmark, a curate there delivered a sermon full
    of enthusiasm and passion, and endeavoured to convince his apostate
    congregation that God had invented a new plague in order to chastise
    the new heresy. A solemn procession, according to ancient usage and
    orthodox prescription, was to be held on the following day, and thus
    the congregation was to be led back into the bosom of the only true
    church. But behold, in the course of the night, the zealous curate died
    of some sudden disease; and as mankind are ever ready to interpret even
    the thunders of the Eternal according to their own wishes and narrow
    notions, the Protestants, it seems, did not fail in their turn to
    represent this event as a miracle<a id="FNanchor_282c" href="#Footnote_282c" class="fnanchor">[282]</a>.</p>

  <h4 class="smcap" id="BOOK3_IV_10">Sect. 10.—The Physicians.</h4>

  <p>Under these circumstances, the faculty had a very difficult problem
    before them, for the very imperfect solution of which they cannot
    justly be reproached. A learned and active physician is certainly one
    of the noblest of the diversified forms of humanity; for he unites in
    himself the power arising from an insight into the works of nature,
    with the exercise of a pure philanthropy inseparable from his office.
    Few men, however, of this ideal perfection lived in those times, and
    their mitigating influence over the violence of the epidemic, which
    was generally past before they could closely examine their new enemy
    and give any deliberate advice, was doubtless but very inconsiderable.
    By so much the more busy were the ignorant and covetous, who, from
    time immemorial, the more numerous body in the profession, have always
    injured it in its moral dignity. They attacked the disease with bold
    assertions, alarmed the people with inconsiderate representations,
    lauded the infallibility of their remedies, and were the promulgators
    of injurious prejudices. In the Netherlands, as we are assured
    by <cite>Tyengius</cite>, a physician whom we reckon among the learned and
    benevolent, a vast number of patients died of the effects produced by
    the distribution of pernicious pamphlets, with which the <span class="pagenum" id="Page_265">265</span>Sweating
    Sickness was to be combated by those ignorant interlopers, who many
    of them gave it out that they had been in England, boasting to the
    inhabitants of their experience and skill, and with their pills and
    their “hellish electuaries,” flitting about from place to place<a id="FNanchor_283c" href="#Footnote_283c" class="fnanchor">[283]</a>,
    especially where rich merchants were to be found, from whom, should
    they be restored, they obtained the promise of mines of gold<a id="FNanchor_284c" href="#Footnote_284c" class="fnanchor">[284]</a>. The
    like occurred in Germany, where, at the commencement, the sound sense
    of the people was overcome by this officiousness, and violent remedies
    were recommended as certain means of cure, in a deluge of pamphlets,
    some of which were written by persons not in the profession.</p>

  <p>From this impure source was derived the prescription of the
    compulsory<a id="FNanchor_285c" href="#Footnote_285c" class="fnanchor">[285]</a> perspiration for twenty-four hours, which, in the
    districts of the Rhine, was called the Netherlands regimen<a id="FNanchor_286c" href="#Footnote_286c" class="fnanchor">[286]</a>; and
    it is unpardonable, that the physicians, either with blind pride
    disregarded, or were totally unacquainted with the prior experience of
    the English, which advocated discretion and the most appropriate line
    of treatment. This neglect, which was not compensated until thousands
    had already fallen, may possibly have arisen from the blameable silence
    of the English physicians, of whom, as if England had not yet been
    enlightened by the dawn of science, not an individual had written on
    the Sweating Sickness, or proposed a reasonable line of treatment,
    since the year 1485. Between England and Germany there existed,
    nevertheless, a constant intercourse; and it is incredible that that
    mode of procedure, which did not originate from a formal medical
    school, but from the sound sense of the people, should not have become
    earlier known on this side of the North Sea.</p>

  <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_266">266</span></p>

  <p>We must not here overlook the habits and domestic manners of the
    Germans, for these favoured not a little the baneful prejudice with
    regard to heat, for which we would not altogether make the physicians
    responsible. Housewives, even at that time, set far too much store
    by high beds, which annually received the feathers of the geese
    consumed at the table. The comforts of a warm feather bed were highly
    appreciated, and least of all were they disposed to deny them to the
    sick. Thus all inflammatory disorders were stimulated to much greater
    malignity, because such a bed either caused a dry heat, even to the
    extent of burning fever, or a useless debilitating perspiration. To
    this effect the very extensive misuse of hot baths conduced; and no
    less so the custom of clothing much too warmly. Upon the whole the
    notion was prevalent, as well with the people as with medical men,
    that diseases were to be combated by warmth and sudorifics. To new
    epidemics, however, the prevailing notions and customs are always
    applied; for the great mass of mankind, among whom may be included
    medical men, are entirely ruled by them; so that in this instance, the
    Sweating Sickness fell upon a country in which its utmost malignity
    would be called forth.</p>

  <p>Yet after the first few days, in which many unfortunate cases occurred,
    people became aware of the error they had committed. An advocate of the
    twenty-four hours’ sudation, who, though not a medical man, had lauded
    this practice in a pamphlet on the subject<a id="FNanchor_287c" href="#Footnote_287c" class="fnanchor">[287]</a>, died in Zwickau on the
    5th of September, the victim of his own imprudence. A few days after
    him died an apothecary, likewise treated with the heated bed. Upon
    this the physicians immediately abandoned the practice, directed that
    their patients should be sweated only for five or six hours, and in a
    more moderate degree: and the estimable anonymous writer to whom we
    have already alluded, thus seemed to meet with converts to his belief.
    In Hamburgh also, men became convinced of the pernicious effects of
    feather beds, and gave the preference to coverings of blankets<a id="FNanchor_288c" href="#Footnote_288c" class="fnanchor">[288]</a>;
    for the English plan of treatment was presently known, and intelligent
    philanthropists, who saw its curative powers, made it public<a id="FNanchor_289c" href="#Footnote_289c" class="fnanchor">[289]</a> in
    all quarters, through the medium of their correspondence. In Lübeck
    there lived at the time of the Sweating <span class="pagenum" id="Page_267">267</span>Fever a learned Protestant
    Englishman, Dr. Anthony Barns, who, with great kindness, made known
    everywhere the English treatment of the disease. He was, however, after
    the cessation of the pestilence, banished from the city, because he
    had petitioned the bigoted Catholic senate to tolerate his Protestant
    brethren. Many were saved by him; for it was the practice in this city
    also, <em>to stew to death</em><a id="FNanchor_290c" href="#Footnote_290c" class="fnanchor">[290]</a> those affected with the disease. In
    Stettin the English treatment was promulgated in good time, and two
    travelling artisans who had come thither from Hamburgh, were of the
    greatest assistance to the inhabitants of this city, by advising them
    to take the feathers out of their upper beds; they made known likewise
    how the sickness had been treated with success. They had seen cases
    themselves, and could therefore distinguish by their odour those who
    were suffering from the true sweating epidemic, from those who were
    seized with fever arising from panic. They were constantly besieged by
    persons asking questions and seeking assistance; and when the disease
    was at its greatest height, the streets were quite illuminated at
    night by the lights of the relatives of the patients<a id="FNanchor_291c" href="#Footnote_291c" class="fnanchor">[291]</a>, who were
    running in all directions in a state of distraction. The abhorrence
    of feather beds, and the hot plan, now followed so quickly the blind
    recommendation of the twenty-four hours’ sweat, that by the middle
    of September, and in many places still earlier, more correct views
    were generally adopted, and some intelligent men, after the sad
    experience which had been gained, seized the opportunity of doing more
    good to the public than their noisy predecessors, who had by this
    time so abundantly supplied the churchyards with bodies. Among these
    literally and truly <em>beneficent</em> physicians may be reckoned Peter
    Wild, at Worms<a id="FNanchor_292c" href="#Footnote_292c" class="fnanchor">[292]</a>, who warned his countrymen against the Netherlands
    practice<a id="FNanchor_293c" href="#Footnote_293c" class="fnanchor">[293]</a>; as also an anonymous person, (the names of the best
    often remain unknown in times of confusion,) who, in popular language,
    strenuously dissuaded the people against the use of feather beds<a id="FNanchor_294c" href="#Footnote_294c" class="fnanchor">[294]</a>.
    It also <span class="pagenum" id="Page_268">268</span>soon became a common saying, ”the Sweating Sickness will bear
    no medicine.”<a id="FNanchor_295c" href="#Footnote_295c" class="fnanchor">[295]</a></p>

  <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_269">269</span></p>

  <p>There is no ground for supposing that the influence of the faculty
    was much greater in the country where the Sweating Sickness originated
    than it was in Germany, for the number of learned physicians there was
    still fewer, and the knowledge of medicine not nearly so extended as it
    was in Italy, Germany, and France. The learned Linacre had already died
    in the year 1524. John Chambre<a id="FNanchor_296c" href="#Footnote_296c" class="fnanchor">[296]</a>, Edward Wotton<a id="FNanchor_297c" href="#Footnote_297c" class="fnanchor">[297]</a>, and George
    Owen<a id="FNanchor_298c" href="#Footnote_298c" class="fnanchor">[298]</a>, were the King’s body physicians about the time of the fourth
    epidemic visitation of the Sweating Sickness. William Butts<a id="FNanchor_299c" href="#Footnote_299c" class="fnanchor">[299]</a> of
    whom Shakespeare<a id="FNanchor_300c" href="#Footnote_300c" class="fnanchor">[300]</a> has made honourable mention, in all probability
    likewise held a similar office. These were certainly distinguished and
    worthy men<a id="FNanchor_301c" href="#Footnote_301c" class="fnanchor">[301]</a>, but posterity has gained nothing from them on the
    subject of the English Sweating Sickness. All these physicians were
    well informed, zealous, and doubtless also cautious followers of the
    ancient Greek school of medicine, but their merits were of no advantage
    to the people, who, when they departed from the dictates of their own
    understanding, and did not content themselves with domestic remedies,
    to which they had been accustomed, fell into the hands of a set of
    surgeons so rude and ignorant that they could only exist in the state
    of society which then prevailed<a id="FNanchor_302c" href="#Footnote_302c" class="fnanchor">[302]</a>.</p>

  <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_270">270</span></p>
  <h4 class="smcap" id="BOOK3_IV_11">Sect. 11.—Pamphlets.</h4>

  <p>Inexplicable as the silence of the learned physicians of England, on
    the Sweating Sickness, appears at first view, (for where is the use
    of learning if it fail to throw any light on the stormy phenomena
    of life?) we may yet find, perhaps, its cause in a perfectly simple
    external circumstance. The reformation had not yet begun in England,
    the Catholic Church still stood on its ancient foundations, and an
    intellectual intercourse between the learned and the people was not
    by any means among the acknowledged desiderata. The faculty would
    hence have been able to treat of the new disorder only in ponderous
    Latin works, for they wrote unwillingly in their own language, and the
    subject could not seem to them an appropriate one for this purpose,
    because they found it unnoticed and uninvestigated by their highly
    revered masters the Greeks. They were ignorant that a sweating fever
    had ever appeared among the ancients, which, otherwise, might have
    incited them to make researches of their own on the subject; for
    Aurelian, who describes it to the life, was either unknown to them, or,
    what at that time was a valid ground, was despised by them, on account
    of his bad (unclassical) language.</p>

  <p>In Germany, on the contrary, the intellectual wants of the people
    and of the educated classes had already manifested themselves very
    differently. Twelve years before, the age of pamphlets had there
    commenced. The thoughts of Luther and of his disciples, as also of
    his opposers were winged by the rapid press, and the people took an
    impassioned part in the endeavours of the learned to affect their
    conviction, and by this <span class="pagenum" id="Page_271">271</span>altogether novel and authoritative mode of
    religious instruction, became gradually educated and guided. Hence
    it is not to be wondered at that people began to investigate, in
    pamphlets, other important subjects likewise, and thus we see this
    weighty branch of intellectual commerce, with all its advantages and
    defects, also turned towards the discussion of popular diseases, and
    for the first time unfolding its numerous leaves on the subject of the
    English epidemic. In the maritime cities nothing of this kind happened,
    because the eruption of the pestilence took them by surprise, and as it
    was over again in the course of a few weeks, it seemed no longer worth
    while to instruct the people respecting it.</p>

  <p>This surprise was very plainly shewn in the answer of the doctors and
    licentiates who were assembled together at the bedside of the Duchess,
    at Stettin: “the disease was new and unknown to them: they were at a
    loss what to advise, excepting strengthening medicines.”<a id="FNanchor_303c" href="#Footnote_303c" class="fnanchor">[303]</a> In the
    central parts of Germany, on the contrary, where, as early as the
    month of August, the report of the new plague had excited the utmost
    alarm, and where an eruption of the pestilence in Zwickau had caused
    a general flight, publications on the Sweating Sickness were even
    within that month, and still more numerously in September, disseminated
    in all directions. As scientific productions, they are almost all
    of them worthless. Many of them, indeed, did harm, and but very few
    promulgated correct views. Most of them are now lost, as, for example,
    that which was published by the printer Frantz, at Zwickau, on the 3rd
    of September: but in what vast numbers they were published appears
    from the circumstance that Dr. Bayer, at Leipzig, who brought out his
    own on the 4th of September, states that he has read many of them, and
    expresses his indignation against these “new unfounded little books,”
    by which the people were misled to their own sorrow and suffering<a id="FNanchor_304c" href="#Footnote_304c" class="fnanchor">[304]</a>.
    This same Dr. Bayer writes in the style of an intelligent practical
    physician, inveighs boldly against the prejudices of mankind, and
    the ignorance of medical <em>journeymen</em>, and against their senseless
    bleedings whenever they see the barber’s basin and his pole. Some of
    his advice too is not bad, especially where he is speaking of the
    Arabian use of harmless syrups. He, however, religiously preserves
    all the rubbish of his age, and has a great opinion of preventive
    <span class="pagenum" id="Page_272">272</span>bleedings, purgatives, and powerful medicines, of which he prescribes
    so many that his reader is necessarily confused by their multiplicity.
    His precepts respecting the sweat are very appropriate, for he gives
    a caution against forcing perspiration, prescribes according to the
    circumstances, and even commences the treatment with an emetic, if the
    state of the stomach seems to indicate its employment. In order to
    guard against contagion, he recommends, at the approaching autumnal
    fair, that foreigners from “<em>dying lands</em>” <em>should be accommodated in
    distinct inns</em>, that fumigation should be carefully employed, and that
    before each booth at the fair a fire should be kept up.</p>

  <p>Another pamphlet by Caspar Kegeler, of Leipzig, is a melancholy
    monument of the credulity which, from Herophilus to the present day,
    has pervaded the whole medical art. It is a regular pharmacopœia for
    the Sweating Sickness, thrown together at a venture, without any
    insight into the nature of the disease. A mine of wonderful pills
    and electuaries composed of numberless ingredients wherewith this
    “mysterious worthy” undertakes to raise a commotion in the bodies of
    his patients. If he had but seen even a single case of the disease he
    would at least have known how impossible it would be to administer,
    within the space of four-and-twenty hours, the hundredth part of his
    pills and draughts. With what approbation this little pharmacopœia
    was received by physicians of equal penetration and understanding as
    himself, is shewn by the eight editions which it passed through<a id="FNanchor_305c" href="#Footnote_305c" class="fnanchor">[305]</a>,
    and the melancholy reflection is therefore forced upon us, that
    possibly thousands of sick persons were maltreated and sacrificed from
    the employment of Kegeler’s medicines.</p>

  <p>A third physician at Leipzig, Dr. John Hellwetter, states in his
    pamphlet, that he has become acquainted with the Sweating Fever in
    foreign countries, and on the subject of perspiration gives some very
    good advice, evidently the result of his own experience, which reminds
    us of the original English mode of treatment. His notion that fish
    is injurious seems to have originated in the fact that the continued
    employment of fish as an article of diet gives rise to offensive
    perspirations, and his admonition to his medical brethren not to flee
    from the sick, but to visit them sedulously and give them consolation,
    furnishes ground for supposing that some of them had been pusillanimous
    <span class="pagenum" id="Page_273">273</span>and dishonourable enough to withdraw themselves or to refuse their
    assistance to the poor.</p>

  <p>Almost all the medical men of those times were in possession of arcana
    which they employed either in all or at least in most diseases, in
    a very unprofessional manner, and the efficacy of which the sweet
    delusions of self-interest did not permit them to call in question. The
    severe metallic remedies of the Spagyric school, which was then in its
    infancy, were not yet introduced, but there were not wanting strong
    heating medicines from the ancient stores of the empyrics, which almost
    universally obtained the preference over the mild potions and syrups of
    the Arabians. Hellwetter sold a powder of unknown composition, and a
    number of distilled waters, which Dr. Magnus Hundt, of Leipzig, notices
    with much approbation. The pamphlet of this physician is in every
    respect of the most ordinary kind; it affords no proof that the author
    had any sound comprehension of the disease, and belongs to that class
    of low medical compositions which, in times of danger, is so easily
    derided by the public, and so much diminishes the estimation of the
    profession, to the material injury of the general welfare.</p>

  <p>It must not, however, be supposed that the people, who in such times
    of commotion often confound together the good and the bad, listened
    everywhere so readily to these pamphleteers. The composition of one
    Dr. Klump, at Ueberlingen, who, on the breaking out of the disease,
    attacked his patients with theriac and all kinds of heating plague
    powders, excited great derision<a id="FNanchor_306c" href="#Footnote_306c" class="fnanchor">[306]</a>, and it cannot be denied that the
    people had on their side, at least occasionally, the advantage of sound
    sense, as opposed to the endless prescriptions of the physicians, and
    it is gratifying to observe how this sound sense, which doubtless was
    guided by respectable medical men, operated in a great many towns to
    the advantage of those affected.</p>

  <p>This is proved by a pamphlet, written in popular language, by a
    physician in Wittenberg<a id="FNanchor_307c" href="#Footnote_307c" class="fnanchor">[307]</a>, which contains such correct medical
    views, that our highest approbation is, even now, justly due to its
    unknown author, as shewing, throughout, great judgment and a very
    competent knowledge of the Sweating Fever. His <span class="pagenum" id="Page_274">274</span>whole treatment is
    mild and cautious; he forbids the use of feather beds, but strongly
    inculcates the necessity of avoiding every kind of chill, and therefore
    recommends a practice in use at that time, called, “<em>the sewing of
    the sick</em>,” that is to say, fastening the edge of the bed clothes to
    the bed with a needle and thread. He orders his patients a moderate
    quantity of warm but not heating beverage<a id="FNanchor_308c" href="#Footnote_308c" class="fnanchor">[308]</a>, refreshes them with
    syrup of roses, and impresses upon his readers that the majority of
    those affected will recover without medicine. In order to guard against
    the stupor which was so exceedingly fatal, in addition to continual
    conversation, refreshing odours of rose water and aromatic vinegar were
    held before the patient’s nose, in a moderately damp cloth, or their
    temples were cautiously bathed with them. Convalescents were watched
    with great care, and it is not the least excellence of this very
    sterling pamphlet that it likewise combated the timidity of the sick
    with the inculcation of mild, but manly, religious principles, such as
    corresponded with the spirit of that age. The rules here laid down are,
    in essentials, the original English precepts which had already broken
    the force of the epidemic Sweating Sickness in the year 1485, and the
    author does not conceal his having in this matter received information
    from Hamburgh, so far back as the 7th of August. That by this mode of
    treatment not only individual patients<a id="FNanchor_309c" href="#Footnote_309c" class="fnanchor">[309]</a> were saved, but also that
    whole cities were protected against any very great mortality, we are
    willing with the author to believe, and on this account we cannot but
    lament the more, that the medical science of the rigid schools of those
    days so completely mistook its office as the guardian of life, and
    that it caused greater sacrifices by its hazardous remedies than the
    pestilence would otherwise have occasioned.</p>

  <p>How soon the English treatment met with the recognition which it
    deserved may be gathered from a Latin composition nearly of the same
    tenour as the above, and which appears to be an extract from some
    German pamphlets<a id="FNanchor_310c" href="#Footnote_310c" class="fnanchor">[310]</a>. Besides aromatic odoriferous waters, the
    very harmless and only remedies <span class="pagenum" id="Page_275">275</span>therein recommended are pearls and
    corals given internally by tablespoonfuls in warm rose water. As a
    prophylactic, treacle, which was in very common use, was recommended to
    be taken in the juice of roasted onions, but only in very small doses.
    Similar just views with respect to the excitement of perspiration were
    also subscribed to by other physicians<a id="FNanchor_311c" href="#Footnote_311c" class="fnanchor">[311]</a>, and finally the great
    council at Berne, on the 18th of December, published an exhortation to
    patience and unshaken courage, in which the use of feather beds, and
    of all medicines, except cinnamon water, was earnestly deprecated<a id="FNanchor_312c" href="#Footnote_312c" class="fnanchor">[312]</a>
    during the disease. The court of Holland also recommended a method
    of cure<a id="FNanchor_313c" href="#Footnote_313c" class="fnanchor">[313]</a> apparently English, these two documents being the only
    traces, on the part of any governments, of a paternal solicitude for
    their subjects.</p>

  <p>The learned and accomplished <cite>Euricius Cordus</cite><a id="FNanchor_314c" href="#Footnote_314c" class="fnanchor">[314]</a>, of Marburg, had,
    when he wrote<a id="FNanchor_315c" href="#Footnote_315c" class="fnanchor">[315]</a>, no information respecting the successful English
    mode of treatment, and, with all his celebrity, only followed in the
    ranks of ordinary advisers. He could not free himself from the medical
    precepts which he brought from Italy and gave to the only patient
    at Marburg, who was the subject of the Sweating Sickness, the very
    disagreeable, though much employed potion of “Benedetto.”<a id="FNanchor_316c" href="#Footnote_316c" class="fnanchor">[316]</a> His
    prophylactic ordinances were very burthensome, though with respect
    to the frequent employment of purgatives, which at that time almost
    all physicians recommended, it must be taken into account, that the
    intemperance so prevalent in those days, rendered them in general more
    necessary, perhaps, than they are at the present time. Bishop Ditmar of
    Merseburg, has betrayed to posterity, that this celebrated man had a
    great dread of the new disorder, and did not conceal his anxiety<a id="FNanchor_317c" href="#Footnote_317c" class="fnanchor">[317]</a>.</p>

  <p>There is still extant a very complicated prescription of <cite>Achilles
    Gasser</cite><a id="FNanchor_318c" href="#Footnote_318c" class="fnanchor">[318]</a>, the learned physician of Augsburg, which he employed
    with childish confidence<a id="FNanchor_319c" href="#Footnote_319c" class="fnanchor">[319]</a> during the prevalence of <span class="pagenum" id="Page_276">276</span>the sweating
    pestilence. We might class this with a thousand others of a similar
    character, were it not evident how little medical art, at that time in
    its ancient Greek garb, was suited to the exigency of the age, being
    dull, inefficient, and long since robbed of its original spirit; for
    thus alone was it taught in the universities.</p>

  <p>In the copious epistle of Simon Riquinus to the Count of Newenar at
    Cologne<a id="FNanchor_320c" href="#Footnote_320c" class="fnanchor">[320]</a>, traces of better principles are indeed observable,
    which were soon disseminated from Hamburgh all over Germany, yet the
    prophylactic measures recommended are not much better than those in use
    in the time of the Emperor Antoninus, when the Theriaca of Andromachus
    was among the necessaries at the Roman court. Riquinus incidentally
    tells a story of a peasant in the neighbourhood of Cleve, who, having
    become affected by the English Sweating Sickness, crept as quickly
    as he could into a baker’s oven that was still hot, and after some
    time, again made his appearance in an exhausted state<a id="FNanchor_321c" href="#Footnote_321c" class="fnanchor">[321]</a>. This very
    circumstance proves that the man laboured under only an imaginary and
    not a real sweating fever, but the belief that the bread which was
    afterwards baked in this oven was infected with the poison, can only be
    attributed to the credulity of the learned physician.</p>

  <p>The Count of Newenar<a id="FNanchor_322c" href="#Footnote_322c" class="fnanchor">[322]</a> expresses himself on the subject of the
    sweating fever, like a person well informed, and not unacquainted
    with medical subjects, and endeavours to prove the critical nature of
    the sweat by the frequent practice of the empyrics, to throw persons
    afflicted with the plague, at the very beginning of the attack, into
    a profuse perspiration<a id="FNanchor_323c" href="#Footnote_323c" class="fnanchor">[323]</a>. He takes the opportunity to relate of
    an unprincipled physician, that he freed himself in this manner from
    the plague, in a public bath, while those who came after him became
    every one of them affected with the disease and died. According to his
    account, <span class="pagenum" id="Page_277">277</span>the English Sweating Sickness was by no means fatal in and
    about Cologne<a id="FNanchor_324c" href="#Footnote_324c" class="fnanchor">[324]</a>, yet we find it with all its original malignity on
    the banks of the Scheldt, and in the maritime towns of the Netherlands.</p>

  <p>This plainly appears from the pamphlet of a physician in great practice
    at Ghent, Tertius Damianus, from Vissenaecken, near Tirlemont<a id="FNanchor_325c" href="#Footnote_325c" class="fnanchor">[325]</a>,
    whose own wife fell sick of the sweating fever, and fortunately was
    again restored<a id="FNanchor_326c" href="#Footnote_326c" class="fnanchor">[326]</a>. The cases whereof Damianus gives an account,
    are among the most marked of which any mention is made, and it also
    seems, that the disease, contrary to the opinion of many, arose from
    fear alone, and manifested in the Netherlands a much greater power
    of contagion than in Germany, to which the hot treatment may have
    contributed<a id="FNanchor_327c" href="#Footnote_327c" class="fnanchor">[327]</a>. The manner in which Damianus restrained his patients
    from indulging in their propensity to sleep, is worthy of notice. When
    the usual means failed, he directed that their hair should be torn
    out, that their limbs should be tied together in painful positions,
    and that vinegar should be dropped into their eyes<a id="FNanchor_328c" href="#Footnote_328c" class="fnanchor">[328]</a>: the danger
    justified these means, but violence does not easily attain its end. For
    the rest, the views of this physician do not differ from those commonly
    entertained, and if he complains<a id="FNanchor_329c" href="#Footnote_329c" class="fnanchor">[329]</a> of the great extortions of the
    apothecaries, this was a natural effect of the customary prescriptions,
    whereof he himself recommends many that are very objectionable.</p>

  <p>Whatever the science of medicine of the sixteenth century could oppose
    to so fearful an enemy, is set forth in the very excellent treatise of
    <cite>Joachim Schiller</cite><a id="FNanchor_330c" href="#Footnote_330c" class="fnanchor">[330]</a> of Freiburg, which, however, did not appear
    until two years later, and unfortunately does not give the wished-for
    information on the development of the pestilence in the Briesgau.
    Schiller is moderate in his views, and shews throughout, that he is a
    very well informed physician, and well versed in Greek literature: and
    although he cannot steer clear of the rubbish of clumsy remedies, yet
    the <span class="pagenum" id="Page_278">278</span>fault should not be charged on him, but on the age in which he
    lived. This, like every other, had its evils, and enveloped in clouds
    and darkness the genius of medicine, which, free, great, and elevated
    above human short-sightedness, is respected only by the intellectual
    servants of nature.</p>

  <h4 class="smcap" id="BOOK3_IV_12">Sect. 12.—Form of the Disease.</h4>

  <p>The notions of contemporary writers respecting the phenomena and
    the course of the sweating epidemic are, it is true, individually
    unsatisfactory and defective<a id="FNanchor_331c" href="#Footnote_331c" class="fnanchor">[331]</a>; yet collectively, we may gather from
    them a lively and complete picture of its effect on the human frame;
    especially from the German observers, who reported truly and honestly
    their own, as well as the general experience of their age; for the
    English had up to that period described little more than the external
    appearances of this epidemic, which had already attacked them for the
    fourth time.</p>

  <p>It is ascertained that the <em>Sweating Fever was in general very
    inflammatory</em>; and, leaving out of the account its sequel, <em>came to
    a crisis at most in four and twenty hours</em>; yet, within this narrow
    limit as to time, very various symptoms occurred<a id="FNanchor_332c" href="#Footnote_332c" class="fnanchor">[332]</a>, so that by a
    more exact observation than could be expected from the physicians of
    those days, several gradations of its development and violence might
    have been distinguished from each other. Thus one form of this disease
    appeared that was wanting in precisely that symptom which was the most
    essential, namely, the colliquative sweating<a id="FNanchor_333c" href="#Footnote_333c" class="fnanchor">[333]</a>, (as in the most
    dangerous form of cholera, neither vomiting nor purging takes place,)
    and which, by its overpowering attack, either destroyed life within a
    few hours, or perhaps took some other turn of a nature unknown to us.</p>

  <p>Premonitory symptoms were wanting altogether, unless we may reckon as
    such, first, an anguish, combined with palpitation of the heart, which
    may not have been of corporeal origin, but may <span class="pagenum" id="Page_279">279</span>have proceeded from
    the general alarm; or secondly, an irresistible sinking of the powers
    resembling a swoon, which, perhaps, preceded the disorder, in the
    same manner as it had preceded the general eruption of the plague in
    northern Germany<a id="FNanchor_334c" href="#Footnote_334c" class="fnanchor">[334]</a>: or thirdly, rheumatic pains of various kinds,
    which were frequently felt in the summer of 1529<a id="FNanchor_335c" href="#Footnote_335c" class="fnanchor">[335]</a>; or finally,
    a disagreeable taste in the mouth and foul breath, which were very
    commonly the subject of complaint at that time<a id="FNanchor_336c" href="#Footnote_336c" class="fnanchor">[336]</a>.</p>

  <p>In most instances the disease set in like the generality of fevers,
    with a <em>short shivering fit</em><a id="FNanchor_337c" href="#Footnote_337c" class="fnanchor">[337]</a> and trembling, which in very
    malignant cases even passed into convulsions of the extremities<a id="FNanchor_338c" href="#Footnote_338c" class="fnanchor">[338]</a>;
    in many it began with a moderate and constantly increasing heat<a id="FNanchor_339c" href="#Footnote_339c" class="fnanchor">[339]</a>
    either without any evident occasion, even in the midst of sleep, so
    that the patients on waking lay in a state of perspiration, or from a
    state of intoxication, and during hard work<a id="FNanchor_340c" href="#Footnote_340c" class="fnanchor">[340]</a>, especially in the
    morning at sunrise<a id="FNanchor_341c" href="#Footnote_341c" class="fnanchor">[341]</a>. Many patients experienced at the commencement
    a disagreeable <em>creeping sensation</em> or <em>formication on their hands
    and feet</em><a id="FNanchor_342c" href="#Footnote_342c" class="fnanchor">[342]</a>, which passed into pricking pains, and an exceedingly
    <em>painful sensation under the nails</em>. At times likewise it was combined
    with rheumatic cramps, and with such a weariness in the upper part of
    the body, that the sufferers were totally incapable of raising their
    arms<a id="FNanchor_343c" href="#Footnote_343c" class="fnanchor">[343]</a>. Some were seen during these attacks, especially women and
    those who were weak, with their hands and feet swollen<a id="FNanchor_344c" href="#Footnote_344c" class="fnanchor">[344]</a>.</p>

  <p>Serious affections of the brain quickly followed; many fell into a
    state of violent feverish delirium<a id="FNanchor_345c" href="#Footnote_345c" class="fnanchor">[345]</a>, and these generally died<a id="FNanchor_346c" href="#Footnote_346c" class="fnanchor">[346]</a>.
    All complained of obscure <em>pain in the head</em><a id="FNanchor_347c" href="#Footnote_347c" class="fnanchor">[347]</a>; and it was not
    <span class="pagenum" id="Page_280">280</span>long before an alarming <em>lethargy</em> supervened<a id="FNanchor_348c" href="#Footnote_348c" class="fnanchor">[348]</a>, which, if it
    was not firmly resisted, led to inevitable death by apoplexy. Thus
    the unconscious sufferers were, at least, relieved from the pain
    of separation from their friends, which would have been much more
    distressing to them in this than in any other complaint, since they
    lay, as it were, in a stinking swamp, tortured with suffering.</p>

  <p>This mortal anguish accompanied them so long as they were in possession
    of their senses, throughout the whole disease<a id="FNanchor_349c" href="#Footnote_349c" class="fnanchor">[349]</a>. <em>In many the
    countenance was bloated and livid</em>, or at least the lips and cavities
    of the eyes were of a leaden tint; whence it evidently appears, that
    the passage of the blood through the lungs was obstructed in the
    same way as in violent asthma<a id="FNanchor_350c" href="#Footnote_350c" class="fnanchor">[350]</a>; <em>hence they breathed with great
    difficulty</em>, as if their lungs were seized with a violent spasm
    or incipient paralysis; at the same time, <em>the heart trembled and
    palpitated</em> constantly under the oppressive feeling of inward burning,
    which, in the most malignant cases, flew to the head, and excited fatal
    delirium<a id="FNanchor_351c" href="#Footnote_351c" class="fnanchor">[351]</a>. In the course of a short time, and in many cases at
    the very commencement, the <em>stinking sweat</em> broke out in streams over
    the whole body, either proving salutary when life was able to obtain
    the mastery over the disease, or prejudicial when it was subdued by
    it—as is the case in every ineffectual effort of nature to produce a
    cure. And in this respect, as in diseases of less importance, great
    differences appeared according to the constitution of the patient;
    for some perspired very easily, others, on the contrary, with great
    difficulty, especially the phlegmatic, who, in consequence, were
    threatened with the greatest danger<a id="FNanchor_352c" href="#Footnote_352c" class="fnanchor">[352]</a>.</p>

  <p>In this severe struggle the <em>spinal marrow</em> was sometimes, at a later
    stage, so much affected, that even <em>convulsions</em> came on; and it
    happened not unfrequently, that, in consequence of the <span class="pagenum" id="Page_281">281</span>constriction
    of the chest, the stomach indicated its excited condition by <em>nausea</em>
    and <em>vomiting</em><a id="FNanchor_353c" href="#Footnote_353c" class="fnanchor">[353]</a>. These symptoms, however, manifested themselves
    principally in those who were attacked with the disease upon a full
    stomach.</p>

  <p>Such is the testimony of the contemporary writers of 1529, to whose
    accounts but little is added by Kaye, an English eye-witness of the
    epidemic Sweating Sickness of 1551. The observations of this perfectly
    trustworthy physician, so far as they relate to the form of the
    disorder, may be here annexed, since no essential differences between
    the diseases on these two occasions can be discovered. At the first
    onset the disease in some attacked the neck or shoulders, and in others
    one leg or one arm, with dragging pains<a id="FNanchor_354c" href="#Footnote_354c" class="fnanchor">[354]</a>; others felt at the
    same time a warm glow that spread itself over the limbs, immediately
    after which, without any visible cause, the perspiration broke out,
    accompanied by constant and increasing heat of the inward parts,
    gradually extending towards the surface. The patients suffered from
    a very <em>quick and irritable pulse</em><a id="FNanchor_355c" href="#Footnote_355c" class="fnanchor">[355]</a> and great thirst, and threw
    themselves about in the utmost restlessness. Under the violent headache
    which they suffered, they frequently fell into a talkative state of
    wandering, yet this did not generally happen before the ninth hour,
    and in very various gradations of mental aberration<a id="FNanchor_356c" href="#Footnote_356c" class="fnanchor">[356]</a>, after which
    the drowsiness commenced. In others the sweating was longer delayed,
    while, in the mean time, a slight rigor of the limbs existed: it then
    broke out profusely, but did not always trickle down the skin in equal
    abundance, but alternately, sometimes more, sometimes less. It was
    thick and of various colours, but in all cases of a very disagreeable
    odour<a id="FNanchor_357c" href="#Footnote_357c" class="fnanchor">[357]</a>, which, when it broke out again, after any interruption to
    its flow, was still more penetrating<a id="FNanchor_358c" href="#Footnote_358c" class="fnanchor">[358]</a>.</p>

  <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_282">282</span></p>

  <p>Kaye adds to what we already know of the oppression of the chest, the
    very important statement that those affected were observed to have
    a <em>whining, sighing voice</em>, whence we have every reason to conclude
    that there was a serious affection of the eighth pair of nerves. He,
    moreover, describes a very mild form of the disease, such as was
    prevalent in the south of Germany in 1529. It passed off under proper
    care, without any danger, in the very short period of <em>fifteen hours</em>,
    and was brought to a termination by moderate heat through the medium of
    a very gentle perspiration<a id="FNanchor_359c" href="#Footnote_359c" class="fnanchor">[359]</a>.</p>

  <p>It is remarkable that during this violent disorder neither the
    <em>activity of the kidneys nor the evacuation by stool was entirely
    interrupted</em>, for there passed continually turbid and dark urine,
    although, as may be conceived, in small quantity and with great
    uncertainty as to the prognosis; whereupon those physicians who judged
    by the urine were not a little perplexed<a id="FNanchor_360c" href="#Footnote_360c" class="fnanchor">[360]</a>. It was observed, too,
    sometimes in the more easily curable cases, <em>that patients at the
    moment when the perspiration broke out upon them passed urine in
    great quantity</em><a id="FNanchor_361c" href="#Footnote_361c" class="fnanchor">[361]</a>, on which account a French physician proposed to
    draw off the water in those who suffered from this disease<a id="FNanchor_362c" href="#Footnote_362c" class="fnanchor">[362]</a>; yet
    this practice has no higher therapeutical worth than the excitement
    of perspiration in diabetes or in cholera, and is, moreover, much
    less practicable. That occasionally diarrhœa supervened, and even to
    a degree which was not to be restrained, may be gathered from the
    frequent medical directions as to how it ought to be arrested, which
    Kaye also repeats<a id="FNanchor_363c" href="#Footnote_363c" class="fnanchor">[363]</a>. In some patients, likewise, nature appears to
    have effected a simultaneous crisis by the skin, the kidneys, and the
    bowels.</p>

  <p>Much more important, however, is the observation of a respectable Dutch
    physician, that <em>after the perspiration was over</em> there appeared on the
    limbs <em>small vesicles</em><a id="FNanchor_364c" href="#Footnote_364c" class="fnanchor">[364]</a>, which were not confluent, <span class="pagenum" id="Page_283">283</span>but rendered
    the skin uneven, and these were not noticed by any other medical
    observer, but are spoken of by the author of an old Hamburgh chronicle,
    and, with this addition, that they had been seen on the dead<a id="FNanchor_365c" href="#Footnote_365c" class="fnanchor">[365]</a>. By
    these it is very likely that a <em>miliary eruption</em>, and perhaps spots
    also, are to be understood; yet every thing militates against the
    supposition that this phenomenon was constant, or that the Sweating
    Fever was an eruptive disorder<a id="FNanchor_366c" href="#Footnote_366c" class="fnanchor">[366]</a>. For in that case, some mention
    would have been made of it in the numerous accounts of historians, many
    of whom, doubtless, had themselves seen the disease, and the eruptions
    would have been more evidently and decidedly formed in the numerous
    relapses of those who recovered. They certainly indicate a relationship
    with the miliary fever, but only in so far as that both diseases are
    of rheumatic origin, and this slight participation in the nature of
    an eruptive disease would seem to have been observed in the English
    Sweating Sickness only in perfectly isolated cases. What would have
    taken place under such an indication had the Sweating Sickness run a
    longer course, whether, in fact, it might not possibly have passed
    into a regular miliary fever, is a question unsolved by the past,
    since even later transitions of this kind have never been observed.
    The two diseases are, both in their course and their nature, perfectly
    distinct from each other, and the miliary fever was not developed as an
    independent epidemic until the following century, under circumstances
    altogether different, and its more decided precursors are not to be
    discovered until a period posterior to the five eruptions of the
    Sweating Sickness.</p>

  <p>The powers of the constitution were much shaken by the Sweating
    Sickness, so that a rapid recovery was observed to take place only in
    the mildest form of this disease. Those, however, whom it attacked more
    severely, remained very feeble and powerless for at least a week, and
    their restoration was but gradual, <span class="pagenum" id="Page_284">284</span>and effected only by great care and
    strengthening diet. After the perspiration had passed off, the patient
    was taken carefully from his bed, cautiously dried in a warm chamber,
    placed by the fireside, and, as a first restorative, usually fed with
    egg soup, yet the generality could not entirely get over the effects of
    the fever for a long time. Those who had recovered could seldom go out
    so early as the second or third day<a id="FNanchor_367c" href="#Footnote_367c" class="fnanchor">[367]</a>.</p>

  <p>Those patients were placed in still greater danger <em>in whom the
    perspiration was in any way suppressed</em>: most of them were consigned
    to inevitable death, (the popular voice ever since the year 1485
    confirms this.) Over those, however, in whom the powers of life were
    roused to a renewed effort, there broke out, after a short period, a
    new perspiration far more offensive than the first; so that the body
    dripped as it were with a foul fluid, and it seemed as if the inward
    parts wanted to disburthen themselves at once of their putridity by
    an immoderate effort<a id="FNanchor_368c" href="#Footnote_368c" class="fnanchor">[368]</a>. It is clear that this repetition of the
    attack must have been destructive to many who, had it not been for
    an obstruction of the crisis, would have been saved; for nothing is
    more dangerous in inflammatory diseases than when those secretions are
    interrupted which Nature has ordained as the only means of relief.</p>

  <p>Relapses were frequent, because convalescents, after the disease was
    subdued, remained for a long time very excitable. These were seen for
    the <em>third and fourth time seized with the Sweating Sickness</em><a id="FNanchor_369c" href="#Footnote_369c" class="fnanchor">[369]</a>,
    nay, later writers notice <em>a repetition of the disease even to the
    twelfth time</em><a id="FNanchor_370c" href="#Footnote_370c" class="fnanchor">[370]</a>, whereby at least the health was completely
    shattered, for dropsy or some other destructive sequelæ supervened,
    until death put a period to incurable sufferings, and it is important
    to observe that even the bowels participated in the great excitability
    of the system, for <em>too early an exposure to the air easily brought on
    diarrhœa</em><a id="FNanchor_371c" href="#Footnote_371c" class="fnanchor">[371]</a>.</p>

  <p>How great the decomposition of the organic matter was is convincingly
    proved from all the testimony hitherto adduced, <span class="pagenum" id="Page_285">285</span>but it might have
    been inferred from the very rapid putrefaction of the body, which
    rendered it necessary everywhere to use the greatest despatch in the
    performance of burials<a id="FNanchor_372c" href="#Footnote_372c" class="fnanchor">[372]</a>; and fortunately did away with all fear of
    being buried alive. Of post mortem examinations we have no information,
    and even if they could have been instituted, they would, from the
    manner of conducting researches in those times, scarcely have thrown
    any important light on the disease. Hardly any physicians but those
    who had studied in Italy knew the inward structure of the body from
    their own observation, superficial as it was; the rest learned it
    only from Galenic manuals; how could they with such slender knowledge
    have distinguished between healthy and diseased parts? Moreover, the
    Sweating Sickness could not in so short a period cause such a palpable
    and substantial destruction of the viscera as they would alone have
    sought for. Details respecting the condition of the blood in the dead
    body, which after such an enormous loss of watery fluid, such severe
    oppression at the chest, and so great an impediment to the function
    of respiration, would in all probability be thickened and darkened in
    colour, as well as respecting the condition of the lungs and of the
    heart, it would be highly desirable to obtain; but these likewise are
    wanting altogether, and after the lapse of so long a period there only
    remains room for conjectures.</p>

  <p>The observation was repeated in Germany which had been so frequently
    made since the year 1485, that the middle period of life was especially
    exposed to the Sweating Fever. Children, on the contrary, remained
    almost entirely exempt from this disease, and when the aged were
    affected by it, it was as individual exceptions to a general rule<a id="FNanchor_373c" href="#Footnote_373c" class="fnanchor">[373]</a>,
    and this as it would appear, only during the height of the epidemic; as
    for example at Zwickau, where a woman of 112 years of age was carried
    off by it<a id="FNanchor_374c" href="#Footnote_374c" class="fnanchor">[374]</a>. We have already in part discovered the cause of this
    perfectly constant phenomenon in the luxurious mode of living of robust
    young men, and if we look back to the moral condition of the Germans
    in the 16th century, we find among <span class="pagenum" id="Page_286">286</span>them the same immoderate luxury
    as among the English, the same drunkenness, the same intemperance at
    their frequent banquets, where the wine-cups and beer-jugs were emptied
    with but too eager draughts; finally, also, the same relaxation of
    skin consequent upon the use of warm baths and warm clothing. All
    contemporary writers mention these circumstances<a id="FNanchor_375c" href="#Footnote_375c" class="fnanchor">[375]</a>, and our bold
    forefathers, with respect to these matters, were not in the best repute
    with their southern neighbours.</p>

  <p>But we have, moreover, to survey the disease in another point of
    view, namely, in relation to its peculiar character. In the outset we
    designated <em>the Sweating Sickness as a rheumatic fever</em>, and if we take
    the notion of a rheumatic affection, as in propriety we ought, in its
    widest acceptation, weighty and convincing grounds have been adduced
    in the course of our whole inquiry in confirmation of this view. When
    we observe that those very nations were visited by the Sweating Fever,
    which are characterized by a fair skin, blue eyes, and light hair—the
    marks of the German race, it may with justice be assumed, that even
    this peculiarity in the structure of the body rendered it susceptible
    of this extraordinary disease. It is this which causes the proneness
    to fluxes of all kinds, and which makes these diseases endemic in the
    north of Europe, whilst the dark-haired southern nations and the blacks
    in the tropical climates remain, under similar circumstances<a id="FNanchor_376c" href="#Footnote_376c" class="fnanchor">[376]</a>, more
    free from them. If it be remembered further how overcharged with water
    were the lower strata of the atmosphere in which the pestilent Sweating
    Fevers existed, what thick and even offensive mists prepared the way
    for the disease and indicated its approach, what rapid alternations of
    freezing cold and excessive heat took place in the summer of 1529; and,
    moreover, how frequent all kinds of fluxes were in this very year, the
    complete form of the rheumatic constitution will be recognised in every
    individual feature.</p>

  <p>Did we possess in the showy systems of modern times a maturer knowledge
    of the electricity of living bodies, much light would of necessity
    hence be thrown on the great object of our research. We should not
    then be compelled to rest satisfied <span class="pagenum" id="Page_287">287</span>with the fact that a cloudy
    atmosphere abstracts electricity from the body, robs the skin and
    lungs of their electrical atmosphere, disturbs their mutual electrical
    relation with the external world, and by this disturbance prepares the
    body for rheumatic indisposition, with all that peculiar decomposition
    of the fluids, irritable tension of the nerves, fever, and painful
    affection of particular parts, with which it is accompanied. If this
    disturbance be represented according to certain new and inviting
    hypotheses, supported by some important facts<a id="FNanchor_377c" href="#Footnote_377c" class="fnanchor">[377]</a>, as being perhaps
    an accumulation of electricity in the interior of the body, owing to a
    morbid, isolating activity of the skin, we may expect a more perfect
    knowledge of the nature of rheumatism through the medium of future
    diligent researches; and until these be made, some evident signs
    of connexion between rheumatic affections and the English Sweating
    Sickness will perhaps be sufficient to demonstrate the rheumatic nature
    of this latter disease.</p>

  <p>In the first place, the very great <em>susceptibility of those affected
    with the Sweating Fever to every change of temperature</em>—the decidedly
    great danger of chill. In no known disease does this irritability of
    the skin shew itself in so prominent a degree as in rheumatic fevers
    and in those non-febrile fluxes in which there even exists a very
    evident sensitiveness to <em>metallic</em> action.</p>

  <p>Secondly, <em>The tendency of the rheumatic diathesis to come to a crisis
    through the medium of a profuse, sour and offensive perspiration</em>
    without any assistance from art<a id="FNanchor_378c" href="#Footnote_378c" class="fnanchor">[378]</a>. The English Sweating Sickness
    manifests this commotion of the organism in the most exquisite form
    hitherto known; for it admits of no kind of doubt that the sweat in
    this disease was of itself, and in itself, critical, in the fullest
    acceptation of the term.</p>

  <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_288">288</span></p>

  <p>Thirdly, <em>The peculiar alteration in the fundamental composition of
    organic matter</em> in rheumatic diseases, in consequence of which volatile
    acids of a strange odour are prevalent in the sweat, and urine, and
    animal excretions. The English Sweating Sickness exhibits also this
    result of morbid activity in a greater and more striking manner than
    any other disease. Nor can we regard the tendency to putridity, which
    has been observed, as any thing but an increased degree of this
    condition.</p>

  <p>Fourthly, <em>The shooting pains in the limbs</em>, the most decided sign of
    rheumatism, were not wanting in the English Sweating Sickness; nay,
    they became developed even to the extent of an incipient paralysis,
    and even the convulsions of those affected with this disease may not
    unjustly be attributed to the same source.</p>

  <p>Fifthly, <em>The tendency of rheumatism when it takes an unfavourable
    course to pass into regular dropsy</em>, which is a consequence of the
    peculiar decomposition, manifested itself in the Sweating Fever in so
    marked a manner that the dropsy itself gradually destroyed the patient.</p>

  <p>Should the sceptical still need another link in the comparison, we may
    adduce the miliary fever, a disease of decidedly rheumatic character.
    We must not, however, take as our standard the degenerate forms of
    miliary fever existing in modern times, but those grand and fully
    developed forms of the disease which occurred in the 17th and 18th
    centuries, and in which we find a similar odour in the perspiration,
    the same oppression, and the same inexpressible anguish, with
    palpitation and restlessness. The arms became enfeebled as if seized
    with paralysis, violent pains of the limbs set in, and unpleasant
    pricking sensations in the fingers and toes, resembling in all these
    particulars the Sweating Sickness, only pursuing a more lengthened and
    irregular course, and becoming developed altogether in a different
    manner.</p>

  <p><em>According to this representation, the English Sweating Sickness
    appears as a rheumatic fever in the most exquisite form</em> that has ever
    yet been seen in the world, violently affecting the vitality of the
    brain and spinal marrow with their nerves, without, however, at all
    molesting the plexuses of the abdomen. <em>The immoderate excretion of
    watery fluid</em>, which in the mild cases alone took place, through a
    spontaneous curative power, while in the malignant forms it betokened
    paralysis of the vessels <span class="pagenum" id="Page_289">289</span>and an actual colliquation, directs our
    attention further to the <em>consequent state of inanition</em>, which very
    probably passed into a <em>stagnation of the circulation</em>, in the same
    manner as takes place after every other sudden loss of the fluids,
    whether from sanguineous effusion or evacuations by vomit and stool.
    Hence the uncommonly rapid course of the disease, and partly, too, the
    fatal stupor<a id="FNanchor_379c" href="#Footnote_379c" class="fnanchor">[379]</a>; hence, likewise, the very pardonable misconception
    with respect to the nature of the Sweating Fever existing even in more
    modern times. The sequela was more important and more fatal than the
    original rheumatic affection itself, which in its minor forms was mild
    and easily managed.</p>

  <p>And thus is explained the wonderfully fortunate result of the old
    English treatment, which prevented this sequela, and avoided increasing
    the already too powerful efforts of nature to effect a cure. We
    have, therefore, nothing further to add to this judicious and truly
    scientific practice but our unqualified approbation; <em>for it is the
    part of the physician, in diseases which have a spontaneous power of
    curing themselves, to leave this power free scope to act, and merely
    by fostering care to remove all obstacles to its exercise</em>. Should it
    be the destiny of mankind to be again visited by the disease of the
    sixteenth century, (and it is by no means impossible that at some time
    or other similar events may recur,) we would recommend our posterity to
    bear in mind this eternal truth, and to treasure up the golden words of
    the Wittenberg pamphlet, namely, to guard the healing art from strange
    and unnatural farragos, <em>for it is only when it is subordinate to
    nature that it bears the stamp of reason—the mistress of all earthly
    things</em>.</p>

  <hr class="short" />
  <div class="chapter">
    <span class="pagenum" id="Page_290">290</span>
    <h3 class="nobreak">CHAPTER V.<br />
      <span class="small">FIFTH VISITATION OF THE DISEASE.—1551.</span></h3>
  </div>

  <hr class="xshort" />
  <div class="center small">“Ubique lugubris erat lamentatio, fletus mœrens, acerbus luctus.”<br />
    <div class="smcap right">Kaye.</div></div>
  <hr class="xshort" />

  <h4 class="smcap" id="BOOK3_V_1">Sect. 1.—Eruption.</h4>

  <p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">Full</span> three and twenty years had now elapsed; no trace of the Sweating
    Sickness had shewn itself anywhere in this long interval, and England
    had by its rapid advancement assumed quite another aspect<a id="FNanchor_380c" href="#Footnote_380c" class="fnanchor">[380]</a> when
    the old enemy of that people again, and for the last time, burst
    forth in Shrewsbury, the capital of Shropshire<a id="FNanchor_381c" href="#Footnote_381c" class="fnanchor">[381]</a>. Here, during the
    spring, there arose impenetrable fogs from the banks of the Severn,
    which, from their unusually bad odour, led to a fear of their injurious
    consequences<a id="FNanchor_382c" href="#Footnote_382c" class="fnanchor">[382]</a>. It was not long before the Sweating Sickness
    suddenly broke out on the 15th of April. To many it was entirely
    unknown or but obscurely recollected; for, amidst the commotions of
    Henry’s reign, the old malady had long since been forgotten.</p>

  <p>The visitation was so very general in Shrewsbury and the places in its
    neighbourhood, that every one must have believed that the atmosphere
    was poisoned, for no caution availed, no closing of the doors and
    windows, every individual dwelling became an hospital, and the aged
    and the young, who could contribute nothing towards the care of their
    relatives, alone remained unaffected by the pestilence<a id="FNanchor_383c" href="#Footnote_383c" class="fnanchor">[383]</a>. The
    disease came as unexpectedly and as completely without all warning
    as it had ever done on former occasions; at table, during sleep, on
    journeys, in the midst of amusement, and at all times of the day;
    and so little had it lost of its old malignity, that in a few hours
    it <span class="pagenum" id="Page_291">291</span>summoned some of its victims from the ranks of the living, and
    even destroyed others in less than one<a id="FNanchor_384c" href="#Footnote_384c" class="fnanchor">[384]</a>. <em>Four and twenty hours</em>,
    neither more nor less, <em>were decisive as to the event</em>; the disease had
    thus undergone no change.</p>

  <p>In proportion as the pestilence increased in its baneful violence, the
    condition of the people became more and more miserable and forlorn; the
    townspeople fled to the country, the peasants to the towns; some sought
    lonely places of refuge, others shut themselves up in their houses.
    Ireland and Scotland received crowds of the fugitives. Others embarked
    for France or the Netherlands; but security was nowhere to be found; so
    that people at last resigned themselves to that fate which had so long
    and heavily oppressed the country. Women ran about negligently clad, as
    if they had lost their senses, and filled the streets with lamentations
    and loud prayers; all business was at a stand; no one thought of his
    daily occupations, and the funeral bells tolled day and night, as
    if all the living ought to be reminded of their near and inevitable
    end<a id="FNanchor_385c" href="#Footnote_385c" class="fnanchor">[385]</a>. There died, within a few days, nine hundred and sixty of the
    inhabitants of Shrewsbury, the greater part of them robust men and
    heads of families; from which circumstance we may judge of the profound
    sorrow that was felt in this city.</p>

  <h4 class="smcap" id="BOOK3_V_2">Sect. 2.—Extension and Duration.</h4>

  <p>The epidemic spread itself rapidly over all England, as far as the
    Scottish borders, and on all sides to the sea coasts, under more
    extraordinary and memorable phenomena than had been observed in almost
    any other epidemic. In fact, it seemed that <em>the banks of the Severn
    were the focus of the malady</em>, and that from hence, a true impestation
    of the atmosphere was diffused in every direction. Whithersoever the
    winds wafted the stinking mist, the inhabitants became infected with
    the Sweating Sickness, and, more or less, the same scenes of horror and
    of affliction which had occurred in Shrewsbury were repeated. These
    poisonous clouds of mist were observed moving from place to place,
    with the disease in their train, affecting one town after another,
    and morning and evening <span class="pagenum" id="Page_292">292</span>spreading their nauseating insufferable
    stench<a id="FNanchor_386c" href="#Footnote_386c" class="fnanchor">[386]</a>. At greater distances, these clouds being dispersed by the
    wind, became gradually attenuated, yet their dispersion set no bounds
    to the pestilence, and it was as if they had imparted to the lower
    strata of the atmosphere a kind of ferment which went on engendering
    itself, even without the presence of the thick misty vapour, and
    being received into men’s lungs, produced the frightful disease
    everywhere<a id="FNanchor_387c" href="#Footnote_387c" class="fnanchor">[387]</a>. Noxious exhalations from dung-pits, stagnant waters,
    swamps, impure canals, and the odour of foul rushes, which were in
    general use in the dwellings in England, together with all kinds of
    offensive rubbish, seemed not a little to contribute to it; and it was
    remarked universally, that wherever such offensive odours prevailed,
    the Sweating Sickness appeared more malignant<a id="FNanchor_388c" href="#Footnote_388c" class="fnanchor">[388]</a>. It is a known fact,
    that in a certain state of the atmosphere, which is perhaps principally
    dependent on electrical conditions and the degree of heat, mephitic
    odours exhale more easily and powerfully. To the quality of the air
    at that time prevalent in England, this peculiarity may certainly be
    attributed, although it must be confessed, that upon this point there
    are no accurate data to be discovered.</p>

  <p>The disease lasted upon the whole almost half a year, namely, <em>from
    the 15th of April to the 30th of September</em><a id="FNanchor_389c" href="#Footnote_389c" class="fnanchor">[389]</a>; it thus passed
    but gradually from place to place, and we do not observe here, that
    it spread with that rapidity, which, in the autumn of 1529, had
    excited such great wonder in Germany. It is much to be regretted,
    that contemporary writers either gave no intelligence respecting the
    irruption or course of the epidemic Sweating Sickness in individual
    towns, or, if they did so, that this has not been made use of by
    subsequent writers. Doubtless, a very considerable diversity of
    circumstances would here present themselves, and the very peculiar
    manner in which the corruption of the atmosphere spread on this
    occasion, <span class="pagenum" id="Page_293">293</span>might perhaps have been estimated from certain facts, and
    not from mere suppositions. Thus the only fact that has been handed
    down is very remarkable; namely, that the Sweating Sickness required a
    whole quarter of a year to traverse the short distance from Shrewsbury
    to London; for it did not break out there until the 9th of July, and
    in a few days, according to its former mode, reached its height, so
    that the rapid increase of deaths excited terror throughout the whole
    city<a id="FNanchor_390c" href="#Footnote_390c" class="fnanchor">[390]</a>. Yet the mortality was considerably less than at Shrewsbury,
    for there died in the whole of the first week only eight hundred
    inhabitants<a id="FNanchor_391c" href="#Footnote_391c" class="fnanchor">[391]</a>, and we may consider it decided, although all the
    contemporaries are silent on this very essential question, that the
    pestilence nowhere lasted longer than fifteen days, and perhaps in most
    places, as formerly, only five or six.</p>

  <p>The deaths throughout the kingdom were very numerous, so that one
    historian actually calls it a depopulation<a id="FNanchor_392c" href="#Footnote_392c" class="fnanchor">[392]</a>. No rank of life
    remained exempt, but the Sweating Sickness raged with equal violence
    in the foul huts of the poor and in the palaces of the nobility<a id="FNanchor_393c" href="#Footnote_393c" class="fnanchor">[393]</a>.
    The piety which, in the general dejection, was displayed by the whole
    nation, giving birth to innumerable works of Christian benevolence
    and philanthropy, whereby undoubtedly many tears were dried up—many
    orphans and widows protected from distress and want, is hence
    explained: for this phenomenon, highly delightful as it is in itself,
    occurs only under great afflictions and a general fear of death, as
    we are taught by the universal history of epidemics. We are willing
    to believe, to the honour of the English, that the religious impulse
    which they derived from their ecclesiastical reformation, may have
    had no small share in its production; yet, unfortunately, such is
    the nature of human society, that no sooner is the calamity over,
    than virtue relaxes. Scarcely were the funeral obsequies performed,
    when every thing returned to the usual routine<a id="FNanchor_394c" href="#Footnote_394c" class="fnanchor">[394]</a>; in like manner,
    the Byzantines once, during a great earthquake, were seized with a
    fear of God, such as they had never before felt; day and night they
    flocked to <span class="pagenum" id="Page_294">294</span>the churches; nothing was to be seen but Christian virtue,
    self-denial, and works of benevolence, but these only lasted until the
    earth again became firm<a id="FNanchor_395c" href="#Footnote_395c" class="fnanchor">[395]</a>.</p>

  <p>The very remarkable observation was made in this year, <em>that the
    Sweating Sickness uniformly spared foreigners in England, and, on the
    other hand, followed the English into foreign countries</em>, so that those
    who were in the Netherlands and France, and even in Spain, were carried
    off in no inconsiderable numbers by their indigenous pestilence, which
    was nowhere caught by the natives.</p>

  <p>Not a single French inhabitant<a id="FNanchor_396c" href="#Footnote_396c" class="fnanchor">[396]</a> of the neighbouring town of Calais
    was affected, and neither the Scotch inhabitants of the same island,
    nor the Irish, were visited by the Sweating Sickness, so that we cannot
    get rid of the notion, that there was some peculiarity in the whole
    constitution of the English which rendered them exclusively susceptible
    of this disease. To make this out accurately would be so much the more
    difficult, because, in the original year of the Sweating Sickness,
    foreigners were the very persons among whom the English disease broke
    out; and again, because English persons who had lived a year in France,
    on their return home in the summer of 1551, became the subjects of
    Sweating Sickness<a id="FNanchor_397c" href="#Footnote_397c" class="fnanchor">[397]</a>. Contemporaries, indeed, find a cause in the
    gluttony and rude mode of life of the English. In short, in all those
    remote causes with which we have already become acquainted, and which,
    doubtless, also had their part in preparing the same scourge for the
    Germans and Flemings in 1529. Kaye, the most efficient eye-witness,
    even brings in proof of this view, that the temperate in England
    remained exempt from the Sweating Sickness, and on the contrary, that
    some Frenchmen at Calais, who were too much devoted to English manners,
    were seized with it<a id="FNanchor_398c" href="#Footnote_398c" class="fnanchor">[398]</a>. To this alone, however, this susceptibility
    cannot be attributed, unless we would <span class="pagenum" id="Page_295">295</span>be content with the antiquated
    system of giving too much weight to remote causes, opposed to which we
    are met by the striking fact, that the Germans and Netherlanders, who
    had scarcely much improved in their manners since 1529, were not again
    visited by their old enemy.</p>

  <h4 class="smcap" id="BOOK3_V_3">Sect. 3.—Causes.—Natural Phenomena.</h4>

  <p>It is easy to perceive, or rather we have no alternative but to
    suppose, an unknown something in the English atmosphere, which
    imparted to the inhabitants the rheumatic diathesis, or, if we will,
    so penetrated their bodies, overcharged as they were with crude
    juices<a id="FNanchor_399c" href="#Footnote_399c" class="fnanchor">[399]</a>, that their constitutions had the so-called <em>opportunity</em>,
    that is, were changed in such a manner as to fit them for the reception
    of the Sweating Sickness. Under such a condition, the common and more
    peculiar causes of this disease were not absolutely necessary, in order
    to induce its attack in a constitution thus long prepared for it, but
    the general causes of disease were sufficient of themselves to give it
    its last stimulus, although this should be in an entirely different
    climate, as in the present instance was the case with the English who
    were living in Spain, and with the Venetian ambassador <em>Naugerio</em>, who,
    in the year 1528, fell ill of the petechial fever, when far from Italy,
    and living in France<a id="FNanchor_400c" href="#Footnote_400c" class="fnanchor">[400]</a>.</p>

  <p>It has, no doubt, struck the reader that each of the five eruptions
    in England lasted much longer than the single one which occurred
    in Germany and the north of Europe. This, too, might well depend
    upon peculiarities in the English soil. But let us now endeavour
    to render manifest, by means of phenomena actually observed, that
    unknown something in the atmosphere of 1551, the <span lang="el">θεῖον</span> of the great
    Hippocrates, which announces its presence by the sickening of the
    people; for beyond this it is not granted that human researches should
    penetrate. The winter of 1550–51 was dry and warm in England; the
    spring dry and cold; the summer and autumn hot and moist<a id="FNanchor_401c" href="#Footnote_401c" class="fnanchor">[401]</a>. The
    weather of the whole year was uncommon in many particulars, without,
    however, influencing <span class="pagenum" id="Page_296">296</span>the lives of plants and animals so much or
    through so great a range as at the time of the fourth epidemic of
    Sweating Sickness. It was even in some places praised as fruitful<a id="FNanchor_402c" href="#Footnote_402c" class="fnanchor">[402]</a>.
    On the 10th of January a violent tempest occurred, which in Germany
    left no small traces<a id="FNanchor_403c" href="#Footnote_403c" class="fnanchor">[403]</a> of its effects on houses and towers. The
    same day brought considerable floods in the river district of the
    Lahn, which must be noticed on account of the very unusual season of
    the year<a id="FNanchor_404c" href="#Footnote_404c" class="fnanchor">[404]</a>. On the 13th of January, again at an unusual season,
    there followed a great storm with heavy rains<a id="FNanchor_405c" href="#Footnote_405c" class="fnanchor">[405]</a>, which spread over
    the north of Germany; and on the 28th of January there occurred a
    considerable earthquake in Lisbon, whereby about two hundred houses
    were overthrown, and nearly a thousand people were destroyed; whilst
    a fiery meteor appeared, which, according to the unsatisfactory
    descriptions of the time, resembled most a northern light, and
    therefore was, in all probability, of electrical origin<a id="FNanchor_406c" href="#Footnote_406c" class="fnanchor">[406]</a>. This
    was succeeded in Germany by a great frost in February<a id="FNanchor_407c" href="#Footnote_407c" class="fnanchor">[407]</a>. On the
    21st of March, at seven o’clock in the morning, two mock suns, with
    three rainbows, were seen at Magdeburg and in its vicinity, and in the
    evening two mock moons<a id="FNanchor_408c" href="#Footnote_408c" class="fnanchor">[408]</a>. The same mock suns were also observed at
    Wittenberg, but without the rainbows. A similar phenomenon with two
    rainbows was again seen on the 27th of March<a id="FNanchor_409c" href="#Footnote_409c" class="fnanchor">[409]</a>; and mock suns had
    been observed at Antwerp as early as the 28th of February<a id="FNanchor_410c" href="#Footnote_410c" class="fnanchor">[410]</a>. About
    the same time (21st of March) the Oder overflowed its banks<a id="FNanchor_411c" href="#Footnote_411c" class="fnanchor">[411]</a>,
    and floods followed after continued rains during the month of May in
    Thuringia and Franconia<a id="FNanchor_412c" href="#Footnote_412c" class="fnanchor">[412]</a>. Great tempests were not wanting<a id="FNanchor_413c" href="#Footnote_413c" class="fnanchor">[413]</a>,
    and, after considerable heat, there occurred, on the 26th of June,
    a thick summer fog in the districts of the Elbe which deprived the
    besiegers of Magdeburg of the sight of that city. It may, therefore, be
    supposed that this phenomenon took place throughout a greater extent
    of country<a id="FNanchor_414c" href="#Footnote_414c" class="fnanchor">[414]</a>. On the 22nd of September a meteor, like a northern
    light, was again seen, and on the 29th <span class="pagenum" id="Page_297">297</span>of that month, after some clear
    weather, a heavy fall of snow was followed by continued cold<a id="FNanchor_415c" href="#Footnote_415c" class="fnanchor">[415]</a>.</p>

  <p>These facts are sufficient plainly to prove that the course of the
    year 1551 was unusual, that the atmosphere was overcharged with water,
    and that the electrical conditions of it were considerably disturbed;
    nor must we omit to notice that, for the first time since 1547, mould
    spots again appeared in Germany on clothes, and red discolorations of
    water, as likewise an exuberance of the lowest cryptogamic species of
    vegetation<a id="FNanchor_416c" href="#Footnote_416c" class="fnanchor">[416]</a>.</p>

  <h4 class="smcap" id="BOOK3_V_4">Sect. 4.—Diseases.</h4>

  <p>During the years of scarcity, from 1528 to 1534, it excited general
    surprise that malignant fevers, more especially the plague, petechial
    fever, and encephalitis, which in the individual accounts we can seldom
    sufficiently distinguish from each other, were constantly recurring,
    and, creeping slowly as they did from place to place, had no sooner
    finished their wandering visitations of whole districts of country,
    than they again made their appearance where they had broken out in
    former years<a id="FNanchor_417c" href="#Footnote_417c" class="fnanchor">[417]</a>. It was <em>a century of putrid malignant affections</em>,
    in which typhous diseases were continually prevailing—a century replete
    with grand phenomena affecting human life in general, and continuing
    so, long after the period to which our researches refer.</p>

  <p>There existed also an epidemic flux which, during a cold summer<a id="FNanchor_418c" href="#Footnote_418c" class="fnanchor">[418]</a>
    in 1538, spread over a great part of Europe, and especially over
    France, so that, according to the assurance of an eminent physician,
    there was scarcely any town exempt from it<a id="FNanchor_419c" href="#Footnote_419c" class="fnanchor">[419]</a>. Of this flux we have
    unfortunately but very defective reports, <span class="pagenum" id="Page_298">298</span>among which we find a
    statement, not without importance, that there were no extraordinary
    forerunners, such as are observed in phenomena of this kind, to
    account for this epidemic<a id="FNanchor_420c" href="#Footnote_420c" class="fnanchor">[420]</a>. Two years earlier, however, (12th of
    July 1536,) Erasmus died of the flux<a id="FNanchor_421c" href="#Footnote_421c" class="fnanchor">[421]</a>. This disease seldom occurs
    sporadically, but usually as an epidemic, and thus, perhaps slighter
    visitations of this rheumatic malady may be assumed to have preceded
    that greater one which took place in 1538.</p>

  <p>A period remarkable for plague followed in the year 1540, and ended
    about 1543. The summer of the first named year is especially mentioned
    in the chronicles as having been <em>hot</em>, and throughout the whole
    century it continued to be in great repute on account of the excellent
    wine it produced<a id="FNanchor_422c" href="#Footnote_422c" class="fnanchor">[422]</a>. A spontaneous conflagration of the woods
    was frequent, and an earthquake was felt in Germany on the 14th of
    December<a id="FNanchor_423c" href="#Footnote_423c" class="fnanchor">[423]</a>. Thereupon, in 1541, there followed in Constantinople
    a great plague<a id="FNanchor_424c" href="#Footnote_424c" class="fnanchor">[424]</a> which, in the year 1542, spread by means of a
    Turkish invasion into Hungary, its superior importance being indicated
    by the presence of accompanying phenomena, among which the swarms of
    locusts that appeared this year are especially worthy of note. They
    came from the interior of Asia, and travelled in dense masses over
    Europe, passing northward over the Elbe<a id="FNanchor_425c" href="#Footnote_425c" class="fnanchor">[425]</a>, and southward as far as
    Spain<a id="FNanchor_426c" href="#Footnote_426c" class="fnanchor">[426]</a>. Kaye saw a cloud of locusts of this description in Padua;
    their passage lasted full two hours, and they extended further than the
    eye could reach<a id="FNanchor_427c" href="#Footnote_427c" class="fnanchor">[427]</a>. The plague quickly spread in Hungary and caused
    a similar destruction to the imperial army, which was fighting against
    the Turks under Joachim the Second, Elector of Brandenburg, as it had
    formerly caused the French before Naples<a id="FNanchor_428c" href="#Footnote_428c" class="fnanchor">[428]</a>. Whether this pestilence
    may have been the original oriental glandular plague, or whether we may
    assume that it had already degenerated into the <em>Hungarian Petechial
    Fever</em>, such as likewise broke out in the year 1566, in the camp near
    Komorn, during the campaign of <span class="pagenum" id="Page_299">299</span>Maximilian the Second, and thence, by
    means of the disbanded lansquenets, spread in all directions<a id="FNanchor_429c" href="#Footnote_429c" class="fnanchor">[429]</a>,
    cannot now well be determined for want of ascertained facts. In the
    following year, 1543, however, this plague broke out in Germany,
    namely, in the Harz districts in the provinces of the Saale<a id="FNanchor_430c" href="#Footnote_430c" class="fnanchor">[430]</a>, and
    still more malignantly at Metz<a id="FNanchor_431c" href="#Footnote_431c" class="fnanchor">[431]</a>, yet upon the whole it did not
    cause any considerable loss of life.</p>

  <p>In the years 1545 and 1546 we again find the <i lang="fr">Trousse-galant</i> in
    France<a id="FNanchor_432c" href="#Footnote_432c" class="fnanchor">[432]</a>. It proved fatal to the Duke of Orleans, second son of
    Francis the First, in the neighbourhood of Boulogne, and, according to
    the testimony of French historians, to ten thousand English in that
    fort, so that the garrison was obliged to pitch a camp outside the
    town, and the reluctant reinforcements felt that they were encountering
    certain death<a id="FNanchor_433c" href="#Footnote_433c" class="fnanchor">[433]</a>. The disease spread itself also among the French
    troops, and we have seen that it extended its dominion beyond the Alps
    of Savoy<a id="FNanchor_434c" href="#Footnote_434c" class="fnanchor">[434]</a>.</p>

  <p>It thus appears, that, up to the period of which we have been speaking,
    the year 1544 alone was free from great visitations of disease, but
    it would be difficult from thenceforth satisfactorily to define the
    individual groups of epidemics, if the connexion of the epidemic
    Sweating Sickness of the year 1551 with them is to be made out; for
    there was, to use an expression of the schools, a continued <em>typhous
    constitution</em>, which extended throughout this whole period, manifesting
    itself on the slightest causes by malignant diseases; so that the
    visitations of sickness which we have hitherto been describing do but
    appear as exacerbations of them, with a predominance sometimes of one
    and sometimes of another set of symptoms.</p>

  <p>The camp fever, which prevailed in the spring of 1547 among the
    imperial troops, there is good ground for considering to have been
    petechial. A great many soldiers fell sick of it, and it was so much
    the more malignant because the imperial army was composed of a variety
    of soldiery, Spaniards, Germans, Hungarians, and Bohemians. Those who
    were seized complained, as in encephalitis, of insufferable heat of
    the head, their eyes were swollen and started glistening from their
    sockets, <span class="pagenum" id="Page_300">300</span>their offensive breath poisoned the atmosphere around them,
    their tongues were covered with a brown crust, they vomited bile, their
    skin was of a leaden hue, and a deep purple eruption broke forth upon
    it. The disease, the fresh seeds of which the imperial hussars had
    brought with them out of Hungary, proved fatal as early as the second
    or third day, and it may be taken for granted, that both before and
    after the battle of Muhlberg (24th of April) it made no small ravages
    in Saxony<a id="FNanchor_435c" href="#Footnote_435c" class="fnanchor">[435]</a>; yet it did not become general.</p>

  <p>After a short interval the unusual phenomena of 1549 again increased;
    the chronicles of central Germany record blights and murrains in that
    year. They speak likewise of a northern light seen on the 21st of
    September, and of a malignant disease which, till the winter set in,
    carried off young people in no small numbers<a id="FNanchor_436c" href="#Footnote_436c" class="fnanchor">[436]</a>. According to all
    appearance this disease was a petechial fever, which in the following
    year, 1550, likewise visited the March of Brandenburg, Thuringia and
    Saxony<a id="FNanchor_437c" href="#Footnote_437c" class="fnanchor">[437]</a>. The mortality was particularly great at Eisleben, where,
    in less than four weeks from the 14th September, 257 fell a sacrifice
    to it, and after this period it happened often that from twenty to
    twenty-four bodies were buried in one day; so that the loss in this
    little town may be reckoned at least at 500<a id="FNanchor_438c" href="#Footnote_438c" class="fnanchor">[438]</a>. From this slight
    example the great malignity of the plagues of the sixteenth century
    will be perceived, and it would be still more evident if the physicians
    of those times had made more careful observations, and historians had
    more accurately recorded facts of this kind.</p>

  <p>In 1551 there prevailed in Swabia a disease of the nature of plague,
    which determined the Duke Christoph, of Würtemburg, to withdraw
    himself from Stuttgard. It did not spread, and seems to have remained
    unknown to the rest of Germany<a id="FNanchor_439c" href="#Footnote_439c" class="fnanchor">[439]</a>. In Spain, too, the plague<a id="FNanchor_440c" href="#Footnote_440c" class="fnanchor">[440]</a>
    shewed itself, and if to this be added the influenza of the same
    year<a id="FNanchor_441c" href="#Footnote_441c" class="fnanchor">[441]</a>, as well as the numerous cases of malignant fevers in Germany
    and Switzerland, which were spoken of as still existing in the two
    following years<a id="FNanchor_442c" href="#Footnote_442c" class="fnanchor">[442]</a>, it will again be seen quite evidently that <em>the
    fifth epidemic Sweating Sickness</em> <span class="pagenum" id="Page_301">301</span><em>appeared, accompanied by a group of
    various epidemic diseases, which might be considered as resulting from
    general influences</em>. The disease which is the subject of our research
    thus took its departure from Europe similarly accompanied as when it
    originally sprang up there, while in the interval it thrice repeated
    its deadly attacks.</p>

  <h4 class="smcap" id="BOOK3_V_5">Sect. 5.—John Kaye.</h4>

  <p>Let us dedicate a few moments to the observer of the fifth sweating
    pestilence, whose life presents a lively image of the peculiarities and
    tendencies of his age. He was born at Norwich on the 6th of October,
    1510, and received his education at Gonville Hall, Cambridge. He had
    early evinced by some productions his great knowledge of the Greek
    language, and his zeal for theological investigations. At a maturer
    age he went to Italy, at that time the seat of scientific learning,
    where <em>Baptista Montanus</em> and <em>Vesalius</em>, at Padua, initiated him in
    the healing art. He took his Doctor’s degree at Bologna, and in 1542 he
    lectured on Aristotle in conjunction with Realdus Columbus, with great
    approbation. The following year he travelled throughout Italy, and with
    much diligence collated manuscripts for the emendation of Galen and
    Celsus, attended the prælections of Matthæus Curtius at Pisa, and then
    returned through France and Germany to his own country.</p>

  <p>After being admitted as a doctor of medicine at Cambridge, he practised
    with great distinction at Shrewsbury and Norwich, but was soon summoned
    by Henry the Eighth to deliver anatomical lectures to the surgeons in
    London. He was much honoured at the court of Edward the Sixth, and the
    appointment of body physician, which this monarch bestowed on him, he
    retained also under Queen Mary and Elizabeth. In 1547, he became a
    Fellow of the College of Physicians, over which, at a later period,
    he presided for seven years. He constantly supported the honour of
    this body with great zeal, compiled its Annals from the period of
    its foundation by Linacre to the end of his own presidentship, and
    originated an establishment, the first of the kind in England<a id="FNanchor_443c" href="#Footnote_443c" class="fnanchor">[443]</a>, for
    annually performing two public dissections of human bodies.</p>

  <p>That he was thus established in London before the year 1551 is certain,
    yet he was present in Shrewsbury, during the <span class="pagenum" id="Page_302">302</span>Sweating Sickness. His
    pamphlet<a id="FNanchor_444c" href="#Footnote_444c" class="fnanchor">[444]</a> upon this disease, the first and last published in
    England, did not, however, appear before 1552, after all was over. It
    is written in strong language and a popular style, and with a laudable
    frankness; for Kaye blames in it, without any reserve, the gross
    mode of living of his countrymen, and does not fatigue his reader
    with too much book learning, which neither he nor his contemporaries
    could refrain from displaying on other occasions. He reserved this
    for the Latin version of his pamphlet, which was published four years
    later<a id="FNanchor_445c" href="#Footnote_445c" class="fnanchor">[445]</a>, and although, judged according to a modern standard, it is
    far from being satisfactory, yet it contains an abundance of valuable
    matter, and proves its author to be a good observer; and in this we
    can nowhere mistake that he is an Englishman of the sixteenth century,
    however numerous the terms he may borrow from Celsus. His doctrines
    are of the old Greek school throughout, of which the physicians of
    those times were staunch supporters; hence the term <em>ephemera<a id="FNanchor_446c" href="#Footnote_446c" class="fnanchor">[446]</a>
    pestilens</em>, his comparison of the disease with the similar fevers of
    the ancients<a id="FNanchor_447c" href="#Footnote_447c" class="fnanchor">[447]</a>, and his accurate appreciation of the important
    doctrine of æthereal spirits, to which he refers its chief causes,
    and, according to which, the corrupted atmosphere (spiritus corrupti)
    becomes mixed in the lungs with the spirits of blood, (spiritus
    sanguinis,) whence it at once appears explicable to him, why many
    persons may be attacked with the Sweating Sickness at the same time,
    and even in different places, and why the parts of the body in which,
    according to the ancient Greek notion, the æthereal spirits developed
    themselves, were most violently affected with this disease<a id="FNanchor_448c" href="#Footnote_448c" class="fnanchor">[448]</a>. From
    the relationship of the infected air to the æthereal spirits in the
    body, polluted by intemperance, it also appears explicable to him, why
    foreigners in England, in whom this pollution took place in a less
    degree, were, only in cases of individual exception, attacked by the
    Sweating Sickness<a id="FNanchor_449c" href="#Footnote_449c" class="fnanchor">[449]</a>, not to mention other theoretical notions.</p>

  <p>On malaria in general, as he was an observant naturalist, he was
    enabled to turn to good account his experience in Italy and his
    knowledge of the ancients, and his estimation of the <span class="pagenum" id="Page_303">303</span>subordinate
    causes, with regard to which he takes up the same position as Agricola,
    who was also a good naturalist, is likewise on the whole worthy of
    approbation<a id="FNanchor_450c" href="#Footnote_450c" class="fnanchor">[450]</a>. The immoderate use of beer, amongst the English, was
    considered by many as the principal reason why the Sweating Sickness
    was confined to this nation. On this subject he enlarges even to
    prolixity, with evident English predilection for this beverage which
    manifestly contributed to the morbid repletion of the people; and
    he himself acknowledged this as a principal cause of the Sweating
    Sickness. The injurious quality of salt-fish, as alleged by Erasmus
    and the German physician Hellwetter<a id="FNanchor_451c" href="#Footnote_451c" class="fnanchor">[451]</a>, he would not altogether have
    ventured to reject<a id="FNanchor_452c" href="#Footnote_452c" class="fnanchor">[452]</a>, for it caused constant and abundant fetid
    perspirations, and might thus have contributed to pave the way for the
    Sweating Sickness. A similar source was to be found in the dirty rush
    floors in the English houses<a id="FNanchor_453c" href="#Footnote_453c" class="fnanchor">[453]</a>, and other subordinate causes of the
    disease of which mention has been made in the course of this treatise.</p>

  <p>As a zealous advocate of temperance, it were to be wished that he had
    met with more attention; but the words of a good physician are given
    to the winds, when they are directed against vices and habits of
    sensual indulgence; people require from him an infallible preservative,
    and not a lecture on morality. His precepts on food and beverage are
    circumstantial, after the manner of the ancients, and he recommends
    such a variety, that it is difficult to make a choice; while nothing
    but the greatest simplicity can be of any avail. <em>Purifying fires</em>,
    which were kindled everywhere in times of plague, are also much
    lauded by him, and we here learn incidentally, that the smiths and
    cooks remained free<a id="FNanchor_454c" href="#Footnote_454c" class="fnanchor">[454]</a> from the Sweating Sickness. Fumigations with
    odoriferous substances of all kinds, even the most costly Indian
    spices, were everywhere employed in the houses of the rich, and no one
    stirred out without having with him some one of the thousand scents
    recommended from time immemorial during the plague. The medicines which
    he recommends are those that were then in vogue; among which Theriaca,
    Armenian Bole, and Pearls, occur in various combinations, yet most of
    the prophylactics which he advises for obviating any defect in the
    constitution are not very violent.</p>

  <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_304">304</span></p>

  <p>Kaye’s treatment of the Sweating Sickness is according to the mild old
    English plan, which is very judiciously and perspicuously laid down.
    He kept himself, on the whole, free from the influence of the schools
    in this instance, and the only remedy which he approved in case of
    necessity, was a harmless and very favourite preparation of pearls and
    odoriferous substances, which was called Manus Christi<a id="FNanchor_455c" href="#Footnote_455c" class="fnanchor">[455]</a>, or, in
    Germany, sugar of pearls. It had its origin in the fifteenth century,
    and was the invention of <cite>Guainerus</cite><a id="FNanchor_456c" href="#Footnote_456c" class="fnanchor">[456]</a>, and there were various
    receipts for compounding it<a id="FNanchor_457c" href="#Footnote_457c" class="fnanchor">[457]</a>. He also sometimes prescribed, at
    the commencement of the attack<a id="FNanchor_458c" href="#Footnote_458c" class="fnanchor">[458]</a>, bole or terra sigillata, for how
    could a physician of the sixteenth century doubt the antipoisonous
    effect of this overrated remedy? Restlessness in the patient, debility,
    a too thick skin, and thick blood, are set forth by him as the chief
    impediments to the critical sweat, and in order to remove them, he
    sets to work with great and laudable caution, ordering, according to
    circumstances, even mulled wine and greater warmth. Sometimes, too,
    he could not refrain from employing Theriac and Mithridate, but he
    did not use these remedies to any great extent. For dropsical and
    rheumatic patients who became the subjects of the Sweating Sickness,
    he prescribed a beverage of Guaiacum; he also recommended as a
    sudorific, the China root, which was at that time much in use. When
    the perspiration broke out, he positively prohibited the urging it
    beyond the proper point; all medicines were thence laid aside, and he
    trusted to aromatic vinegar and gentle succussion alone for keeping off
    the lethargy, without considering, with <cite>Damianus</cite>, that more severe
    measures were essential<a id="FNanchor_459c" href="#Footnote_459c" class="fnanchor">[459]</a>.</p>

  <p>As a learned patron of the sciences, Kaye ranks amongst the most
    distinguished men of his country. Through his interest, Gonville Hall
    was, in the reign of <em>Queen Mary</em>, elevated to the rank of a college,
    better established, and more richly endowed. To the end of his life,
    he continued to preside<a id="FNanchor_460c" href="#Footnote_460c" class="fnanchor">[460]</a> over this his favourite institution,
    and passed his old age<a id="FNanchor_461c" href="#Footnote_461c" class="fnanchor">[461]</a> there, not in <span class="pagenum" id="Page_305">305</span>Monkish contemplation,
    like Linacre, but zealously devoted to study, as the great number of
    his writings testifies. He was accused of having changed his faith
    according to circumstances. This pliability served, it is true,
    to retain him in favour with sovereigns of very opposite modes of
    thinking: it is not, however, a sign of elevation of mind, and can only
    be explained in part by the spirit of the English Reformation. <cite>Kaye</cite>
    was a reformer in fact, inasmuch as he was a promoter of instruction,
    and, perhaps, laid no stress on outward profession. His versatility
    as a scholar is extraordinary, and would be worthy of the highest
    admiration, had he entirely avoided the reproach of credulity, had
    he not been too prolix in subordinate matters, and had he shown more
    decided signs of genius. At one time he translated and illustrated the
    writings of Galen; at another, he wrote on philology or the medical
    art—it must be confessed, without much originality, for he took <cite>Galen</cite>
    and <cite>Montanus</cite> as his patterns<a id="FNanchor_462c" href="#Footnote_462c" class="fnanchor">[462]</a>. But where could physicians
    be found at that time who did not follow established doctrines?
    Some essays on History and English Archæology are found among his
    writings<a id="FNanchor_463c" href="#Footnote_463c" class="fnanchor">[463]</a>; and his works on Natural History<a id="FNanchor_464c" href="#Footnote_464c" class="fnanchor">[464]</a>, dedicated to
    Conrad Gesner, are among the best of his age, because he imparted
    his observations in them quite plainly and naturally, free from the
    trammels of any school. He died at Cambridge on the 29th of July, 1573,
    and ordered for himself the following epitaph-“Fui Caius.”</p>

  <hr class="short" />
  <div class="chapter">
    <span class="pagenum" id="Page_306">306</span>
    <h3 class="nobreak">CHAPTER VI.<br />
      <span class="small">SWEATING SICKNESSES.</span></h3>
  </div>

  <hr class="xshort" />
  <div class="center small"><span lang="el">Ἔστι γὰρ τὸ πάθος λύσις τῶν δεσμῶν τῆς εἰς ζωὴν δυνάμιος.</span><br />
    <div class="smcap right">Aretæus.</div></div>
  <hr class="xshort" />

  <h4 class="smcap" id="BOOK3_VI_1">Sect. 1.—The Cardiac Disease of the Ancients.</h4>
  <div class="center small smcap">(Morbus Cardiacus.)</div>

  <p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">Thus</span> by the autumn of 1551, the Sweating Sickness had vanished from
    the earth: it has never since appeared as it did then and at earlier
    periods; and it is not to be supposed, that it will ever again
    break forth as a great epidemic in the same form, and limited to a
    four-and-twenty hours’ course; for it is manifest, that the mode of
    living of the people had a great share in its origin; and this will
    never again be the same as in those days. Yet nature is not wanting
    in similar phenomena, which have appeared in ancient and modern
    times; and if we take into the account the great frequency of cognate
    rheumatic maladies, it is possible that isolated cases may have
    sometimes occurred, in which repletion of impure fluids, and violently
    inflammatory treatment have augmented a rheumatic fever, even to the
    destruction of nervous vitality, by means of profuse perspiration—only,
    perhaps, that they ran a longer course, (which does not constitute
    an essential difference,) and under totally different names, whereby
    attention is misled. Of all the diseases that have ever appeared
    which can in any way be compared to the English Sweating Sickness, we
    have principally three to look back upon—the <em>cardiac disease</em> of the
    ancients, the <em>Picardy sweat</em>, and the <em>sweating fever of Rötingen</em>.
    The first was, for reasons which have been already mentioned<a id="FNanchor_465c" href="#Footnote_465c" class="fnanchor">[465]</a>,
    almost unknown to the learned of the sixteenth century; and it is
    matter of surprise, that Kaye himself, who had chosen for his favourite
    the best Roman physician, we mean Celsus, could have so entirely
    overlooked <span class="pagenum" id="Page_307">307</span>his by no means unimportant statements respecting this
    disease. <cite>Houlier</cite> is the only author who ventures a comparison of the
    English Sweating Sickness with the ancient cardiac disease; his few,
    and almost lost words<a id="FNanchor_466c" href="#Footnote_466c" class="fnanchor">[466]</a>, remained however unheeded; nor are the
    differences between the two diseases small: but to return.</p>

  <p>The disease of which we are speaking appeared for a period of 500
    years, (from 300 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> to 200 after Christ,) and was a
    common, almost every day occurrence, which is often mentioned even by
    non-medical writers. It was exceedingly dangerous, and even esteemed
    fatal; and as it was far above the reach of Greek physiology, there
    were not wanting extraordinary opinions respecting its nature, and
    bold and singular modes of treatment, to which those who were attacked
    were subjected. The name <em>Cardiac disease</em> (morbus cardiacus, <span lang="el">νόσος
    καρδιακὴ</span> and probably also <span lang="el">νόσος καρδίτις</span>,) was not bestowed by medical
    men, but by the people; who, in the fourth century before Christ, for
    the name is as ancient as that period, could not know that the learned
    would dispute on that subject. Some affirmed, and among them men of
    great authority, such as <cite>Erasistratus</cite>, <cite>Asclepiades</cite>, and <cite>Aretæus</cite>,
    that the people were in the right so to call the disease; that the
    heart was actually the part affected, and that their knowledge of the
    heart’s functions was by no means small<a id="FNanchor_467c" href="#Footnote_467c" class="fnanchor">[467]</a>. Others, on the contrary,
    would only acknowledge in that name an expression indicative, not
    of the particular seat of the disease, but only of its importance,
    inasmuch as the heart is well adapted, as the centre and source of
    life, to indicate this<a id="FNanchor_468c" href="#Footnote_468c" class="fnanchor">[468]</a>. Others again, who attempted more refined
    conjectures, wished to represent the pericardium as the seat of the
    malady, because darting pains were sometimes felt<a id="FNanchor_469c" href="#Footnote_469c" class="fnanchor">[469]</a> in the region
    of the heart, or the diaphragm, or the lungs, or even the liver. The
    opinions were numerous; the actual knowledge was small<a id="FNanchor_470c" href="#Footnote_470c" class="fnanchor">[470]</a>.</p>

  <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_308">308</span></p>

  <p>The cardiac disease began with rigors and a numbness in the
    limbs<a id="FNanchor_471c" href="#Footnote_471c" class="fnanchor">[471]</a>, and sometimes even throughout the whole body. The
    pulse then took on the worst condition, was small, weak, frequent,
    empty, and as if dissolving; in a more advanced stage, unequal and
    fluttering, until it became completely extinct. Patients were affected
    with hallucinations<a id="FNanchor_472c" href="#Footnote_472c" class="fnanchor">[472]</a>; they were sleepless, despaired of their
    recovery, and were usually covered suddenly with an ill-savoured
    perspiration over the whole body, whence the disorder was likewise
    called <em>Diaphoresis</em>. Sometimes, however, a washy sweat broke out,
    first on the face and neck. This then spread itself over the whole
    body; assumed a very disagreeable odour, became clammy and like water
    in which flesh had been macerated, and ran through the bed-clothes in
    streams, so that the patient seemed to be melting away<a id="FNanchor_473c" href="#Footnote_473c" class="fnanchor">[473]</a>. The breath
    was short and panting almost to annihilation (insustentabilis). Those
    affected were in continual fear of suffocation<a id="FNanchor_474c" href="#Footnote_474c" class="fnanchor">[474]</a>; tossed to and fro
    in the greatest anguish, and with <em>a very thin and trembling voice</em>
    uttered forth only broken words. They constantly felt an insufferable
    oppression in the <em>left side</em>, or even over the whole chest<a id="FNanchor_475c" href="#Footnote_475c" class="fnanchor">[475]</a>; and
    in the paroxysms which were ushered in with <em>a fainting fit</em>, or were
    followed by one, <em>the heart was tumultuous and palpitated</em>, without
    any alteration in the smallness of the pulse<a id="FNanchor_476c" href="#Footnote_476c" class="fnanchor">[476]</a>. The countenance was
    <em>pale as death</em>, the eyes sunk in their sockets, and when the disease
    took a fatal turn, all was darkness around them. <em>The hands and feet
    turned blue</em>; and whilst the heart, notwithstanding the universal
    coldness of the body, still beat violently, they for the most part
    retained possession of their senses. A few only wandered a short
    time before death, while others were even seized with convulsions
    and endowed with the power of prophecy<a id="FNanchor_477c" href="#Footnote_477c" class="fnanchor">[477]</a>. <em>Finally, the nails
    became curved on their cold hands</em>, the skin was wrinkled, and thus
    the sufferers resigned their spirit without any mitigation of their
    miserable condition<a id="FNanchor_478c" href="#Footnote_478c" class="fnanchor">[478]</a>.</p>

  <p>A striking resemblance is plainly perceived, from this description,
    between the ancient cardiac disease and the English Sweating Sickness
    in the most exquisite cases of each. In both the same palpitation of
    the heart, the same alteration of the voice, the same anxiety, the
    same impediment to respiration, and <span class="pagenum" id="Page_309">309</span>thence the same affection of the
    nerves of the chest, the same ill-scented sweat, and, by means of
    this sweat, the same fatal evacuation; in short, all the essential
    symptoms arising from the same circle of functions. For in the sweating
    pestilences of the ancients<a id="FNanchor_479c" href="#Footnote_479c" class="fnanchor">[479]</a>, as well as the moderns, the nerves of
    the abdomen remained unaffected; the liver, intestines, and kidneys,
    took no part in the primary affection; the diaphragm, as in the English
    Sweating Sickness, formed the partition. Hence the acute <cite>Aretæus</cite> did
    not hesitate to call the cardiac disease <em>fainting</em> (syncope), with
    certainly an unusual extension of the notion implied by this term,
    which in its common acceptation excludes the turbulent commotion of the
    heart. In the affection of the brain some difference occurs, for though
    the hallucination afforded an unfavourable prognostic in both diseases,
    yet the fatal stupor was peculiar to the English Sweating Sickness, no
    observer having made mention of it in the cardiac disease.</p>

  <p>Greater and altogether essential differences between this affection
    and the English Sweating Sickness appear in another respect. There
    is every reason to suppose that the cardiac disease first appeared
    in the time of <em>Alexander</em> the Great, that is to say, at the end of
    the fourth century before Christ; for the Hippocratic physicians
    were unacquainted with it, <cite>Erasistratus</cite>, who was body physician
    to Seleucus Nicator, and was a universally celebrated professor at
    Alexandria under the first Ptolemy, being the first to mention it. If
    that age be compared even superficially with that of Henry the VIIth
    and Henry the VIIIth; and Africa, Asia Minor, and the South of Europe
    with England, we shall easily be convinced that the two diseases,
    notwithstanding the agreement in their main symptoms, could not be
    the same; moreover, much was comprehended by the ancients under the
    name of morbus cardiacus, which, on a nearer examination, proves not
    to be one and the same definite form of morbid action: for sometimes
    this affection is spoken of as an independent disease; sometimes it
    is mentioned only as a symptom superadded to others—as a kind of
    transition from other very various diseases, such as has occurred in
    modern times. <cite>Soranus</cite> mentions, as such diseases, continued fevers,
    accompanied by much heat<a id="FNanchor_480c" href="#Footnote_480c" class="fnanchor">[480]</a>; and reckons among them the “Causus,”
    that is, an inflammatory bilious fever, to which <cite>Aretæus</cite> also <span class="pagenum" id="Page_310">310</span>saw
    the cardiac disease superadded. These fevers passed, on the fifth or
    sixth day, into the cardiac disease, and such a transition occurred
    chiefly on the critical days<a id="FNanchor_481c" href="#Footnote_481c" class="fnanchor">[481]</a>. In a similar sense <cite>Celsus</cite> speaks
    even of <em>Phrenitis</em>, under which name we are here to understand all
    inflammatory fevers accompanied by violent delirium, with the exception
    of actual inflammation of the brain. Thus we see that the cardiac
    disease arose and increased on a very different soil from other
    diseases, and was, to furnish an ancient example, as far from being
    independent under these circumstances as <em>lethargy</em> was in similar
    cases.</p>

  <p>But there was doubtless an independent idiopathic form of the cardiac
    disease. Whether this was febrile or not, the most celebrated
    physicians of ancient times were not agreed. Now, how could they ever
    have differed upon the subject, if the cardiac disease had always
    appeared only as a sequela on the fifth or sixth day of inflammatory
    fevers? <cite>Apollophanes</cite>, a disciple of Erasistratus, and physician to
    <em>Antiochus the First</em>, considered it, with his master, as constantly
    febrile, and his opinion prevailed for a long time: perhaps he was
    in the right, for it is probable that in the first half of the third
    century, the disorder was much more violent than at a subsequent
    period. His celebrated contemporary, <cite>Demetrius</cite> of Apamea, disciple
    of Herophilus, affirmed, that he had recognised fever only in the
    beginning of the disease, and that it disappeared in its further
    progress. Very soon, most physicians decided that it was not febrile,
    but <cite>Asclepiades</cite> distinguished a febrile and a non-febrile form of
    the cardiac disease, and it is certain that this physician was a very
    accurate observer. <cite>Themison</cite> and <cite>Thessalus</cite> also agreed with him.
    <cite>Aretæus</cite> described, in a cursory manner, the febrile form only, and
    perhaps was not acquainted with any other. <cite>Soranus</cite> followed, in the
    essential points, <cite>Asclepiades</cite>, the founder of his school; and later
    writers generally regarded the inward heat, the hot breath, and the
    burning thirst—symptoms which were occasionally less marked, as proofs
    of the febrile nature of the disease. Numerous theoretical views,
    belonging to particular schools, of which we do not here treat, were
    intermingled with these, and upon the whole, that form seems to have
    been esteemed as non-febrile, in which the signs of feverish excitement
    appeared less marked. In all cases the cardiac <span class="pagenum" id="Page_311">311</span>disease set in with
    external coldness, and with a small contracted quick pulse, symptoms
    which with certainty indicate fever<a id="FNanchor_482c" href="#Footnote_482c" class="fnanchor">[482]</a>.</p>

  <p>Respecting the course of the cardiac disease, we are not furnished with
    sufficient information. It was no doubt very rapid, for the frame could
    not long endure symptoms of so violent a kind, and the disorder must of
    necessity soon have come to a crisis; yet from the ample directions for
    treatment, we may conclude that it lasted at least some days. If the
    perspiration was well surmounted, patients seemed to recover rapidly,
    and their sufferings appeared to them, according to the expressions of
    <cite>Aretæus</cite>, like a dream, out of which they awoke to a consciousness of
    the increased acumen of their senses<a id="FNanchor_483c" href="#Footnote_483c" class="fnanchor">[483]</a>. But the termination was not
    always so fortunate. The disease was very dangerous, and in many, after
    the occurrence of an incomplete crisis, an insidious fever remained
    behind, which ended in a consumption<a id="FNanchor_484c" href="#Footnote_484c" class="fnanchor">[484]</a>. The whole phenomenon was
    altogether peculiar, and among existing diseases there are none which
    bear any comparison with it.</p>

  <p>There must therefore have been something in the whole state of
    existence among the ancients which favoured the formation of the
    cardiac disease. That it arose oftener in summer than in winter, that
    it attacked men more frequently than women, and especially young people
    full of life, and hot-blooded plethoric persons, who used much bodily
    exercise, we learn from credible observers<a id="FNanchor_485c" href="#Footnote_485c" class="fnanchor">[485]</a>. In this respect,
    therefore, it bore a resemblance to the English Sweating Sickness. We
    may also add, that indigestion, repletion, drunkenness, as likewise
    grief and fear, but especially vomiting and the employment of the bath
    after dinner, occasioned an attack of the malady<a id="FNanchor_486c" href="#Footnote_486c" class="fnanchor">[486]</a>. Let us call to
    mind the habits of the ancients. It was in the time of <em>Alexander</em> that
    oriental luxury was first introduced. Gluttony became a part of the
    enjoyment of life, and warm baths a necessary refinement in sensuality,
    which just at this time were philosophically established by <cite>Epicurus</cite>;
    nor was this the last instance in which philosophers encouraged the
    errors and infirmities of human society.</p>

  <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_312">312</span></p>

  <p>Here, again, therefore, as in the English Sweating Sickness, we meet
    with <em>the relaxed state of skin, and the foul repletion</em> engendered by
    the same indulgence in sensuality which we have found to exist in the
    sixteenth century. How this corruption of morals increased, and to what
    a frightful height it was carried among the Romans, it is not necessary
    here further to elucidate; and we may take it for a fact, that in
    consequence of it, the general constitution of the ancients underwent a
    peculiar modification; that this relaxation of skin and gross repletion
    were propagated from generation to generation; and that, as among
    chronic diseases, those of <em>a gouty character</em> were its more frequent
    results, so among the inflammatory, <em>the cardiac disease</em> made its
    appearance as the general effect of this kind of life.</p>

  <p>Where, however, such a system of life existed among whole communities,
    the original and peculiar occasion was not needed in every individual
    case to bring the predisposition for a disease which propagated itself
    by hereditary taint, to an actual eruption. Shocks to the constitution
    of quite a different kind were often sufficient for the purpose. Thus,
    among the Romans, it was by no means always the case, that gluttony
    and relaxation of the skin immediately gave rise to the cardiac
    disease; while, on the other hand, the usual faintness, induced by too
    copious blood-letting, passed into this impetuous agitation of the
    heart, accompanied by colliquative sweats<a id="FNanchor_487c" href="#Footnote_487c" class="fnanchor">[487]</a>; and all overviolent
    perspirations in other diseases were apt to take the same dangerous
    course<a id="FNanchor_488c" href="#Footnote_488c" class="fnanchor">[488]</a>. We must here also take into account a practice among the
    Romans, which was very injurious, and yet rendered sacred by the laws;
    namely, visiting the public baths late in the evening, just after the
    principal meal, and awaiting the digestion of their food in these
    places of soft indulgence<a id="FNanchor_489c" href="#Footnote_489c" class="fnanchor">[489]</a>. How much must the tendency of sweating
    disorders have been favoured by these means!</p>

  <p>Surmises founded on the facts already stated, can alone be <span class="pagenum" id="Page_313">313</span>offered
    respecting the nature of the ancient cardiac disease. The ancients
    give us no certain intelligence upon it; for their mode of observing
    did not lead to that object at which modern medicine aims. <em>That the
    cardiac disease was not of a rheumatic character</em> seems deducible from
    several circumstances—from the quality of the atmosphere in southern
    climates, which is not so favourable to rheumatic maladies, as to give
    rise to a distinctly defined form of that complaint throughout a period
    of five hundred years; from the nature of the so-called inflammatory
    fever, which exhibited no rheumatic symptoms in its course; and
    lastly, from the treatment of the cardiac disease, for it was a common
    practice to cool down the “diaphoretic” patients in the midst of their
    perspiration, by sponging them with cold water, to expose them to
    the air, and some physicians went so far as to advise cold baths and
    affusions<a id="FNanchor_490c" href="#Footnote_490c" class="fnanchor">[490]</a>. How could they have ventured upon such remedies if the
    cardiac disease had been of a rheumatic nature?</p>

  <p>In the sweating fevers of the sixteenth century, every abrupt
    refrigeration, every exposure of the skin, was fatal. It is thence to
    be inferred, <em>that the English Sweating Sickness differed from the
    ancient cardiac disease in its rheumatic character</em>; even although
    both diseases were founded in common on an impure gross repletion and
    relaxation of skin, and the essential phenomena of both went through
    the same course: not to advert to other differences which are manifest
    from what has been stated.</p>

  <p>The remaining treatment of the cardiac disorder should not be
    altogether passed over in this place, because it shews very clearly the
    general style of thinking of the medical profession, as also certain
    metaphysical excitations which are innate in that profession, and of
    which there is therefore a repetition in all ages. For whilst some
    proceeded with commendable care and caution, and <cite>Aræteus</cite> feared<a id="FNanchor_491c" href="#Footnote_491c" class="fnanchor">[491]</a>
    a fatal result from the slightest error, others again, would fain
    render excited nature obedient to their rough command by means of
    the most violent remedies. It, therefore, occasionally happened that
    in their over hasty activity they were unable to distinguish between
    a salutary perspiration <span class="pagenum" id="Page_314">314</span>and a dangerous “diaphoresis.” This they
    suppressed at all hazards, and thus sent their patients to the shades
    of their fathers. Others forthwith flew to Chrysippic bandaging, the
    great means of suppressing profuse evacuations, and even violent
    spasms<a id="FNanchor_492c" href="#Footnote_492c" class="fnanchor">[492]</a>. Others were for obviating the debility as quickly as
    possible by means of nourishing diet; and overloaded the stomach, as
    if the recovery of strength depended entirely upon eating. Others
    allowed as much wine as possible to be drunk for twenty-four hours
    together, even to the extent of producing intoxication<a id="FNanchor_493c" href="#Footnote_493c" class="fnanchor">[493]</a>; and
    <cite>Asclepiades</cite> selected for this extraordinary death-bed carousal the
    Greek salt wine<a id="FNanchor_494c" href="#Footnote_494c" class="fnanchor">[494]</a>, for the sake of bringing on a diarrhœa, whereby
    the opened pores of the skin might again close, and the too mobile
    atoms might be carried towards the bowels. With the same object he
    ordered active clysters<a id="FNanchor_495c" href="#Footnote_495c" class="fnanchor">[495]</a>, for if they succeeded in causing a full
    evacuation, he maintained that the perspiration must necessarily be
    arrested! <cite>Endemus</cite>, of the Methodic sect, recommended even clysters
    of cold water<a id="FNanchor_496c" href="#Footnote_496c" class="fnanchor">[496]</a>, and whatever else the rashness of medical men had
    fool-hardily contrived; acting on the ancient notion, that severe
    diseases always required violent remedies. <cite>Aretæus</cite> recommended
    blood-letting, which others pronounced to be nothing short of certain
    death<a id="FNanchor_497c" href="#Footnote_497c" class="fnanchor">[497]</a>. He had, however, a notion that the Causus was the
    foundation of the cardiac disease, and perhaps he was right.</p>

  <p>A cautious employment of wine was apparently of great use<a id="FNanchor_498c" href="#Footnote_498c" class="fnanchor">[498]</a>, and
    what may excite surprise, physicians gave detailed and frivolous
    precepts on the choice and enjoyment of food. If the irritable stomach
    rejected this repeatedly, they even went so far, according to the
    Roman method, as to make the patient vomit both before and after his
    meals, in order that the organ might thus bear the repeated use of
    nourishment. It was also asserted that the stomach retained food and
    wine better if the <span class="pagenum" id="Page_315">315</span>body were previously rubbed all over with bruised
    onions<a id="FNanchor_499c" href="#Footnote_499c" class="fnanchor">[499]</a>. All this affords us an insight into the nature of this
    remarkable disease, which has now so completely vanished from the
    world. Finally, when astringent decoctions proved fruitless, particular
    confidence was placed in the application of various powders<a id="FNanchor_500c" href="#Footnote_500c" class="fnanchor">[500]</a> to the
    surface of the body, conjointly with the use of light bed-clothes and
    the avoidance of feather-beds, which the effeminacy of the ancients
    had already introduced<a id="FNanchor_501c" href="#Footnote_501c" class="fnanchor">[501]</a>. As astringents they selected pomegranate
    bark, the leaves of roses, blackberries, and myrtles, as also fullers’
    earth, gypsum, alum, litharge, slaked lime<a id="FNanchor_502c" href="#Footnote_502c" class="fnanchor">[502]</a>, and, when nothing else
    was at hand, even common road dust<a id="FNanchor_503c" href="#Footnote_503c" class="fnanchor">[503]</a>! The efficacy of some of these
    extraordinary remedies cannot be denied. At least it has been proved in
    modern times with respect to alkalies, which are of a somewhat similar
    nature, that they are of great service where there is an abundant
    determination of acid towards the skin, and it is very probable that
    the perspiration of these diaphoretic patients contained much acid.</p>

  <h4 class="smcap" id="BOOK3_VI_2">Sect. 2.—The Picardy Sweat.</h4>

  <div class="center small smcap">(Suette des Picards—Suette Miliaire.)</div>

  <p>The Picardy Sweat is a decided miliary fever, which has often
    prevailed, not only in Picardy, but also in other provinces of France,
    for more than a hundred years, and even at the present time exists
    in some places as an endemic disease<a id="FNanchor_504c" href="#Footnote_504c" class="fnanchor">[504]</a>. We have pointed out the
    affinity between the English Sweating Sickness and miliary fever. Both
    are rheumatic fevers—the former of twenty-four hours’ duration, the
    latter running a course of at least seven days. In the former there was
    no eruption, or if in isolated cases an eruption made its appearance,
    it was doubtless subordinate, not essential. In the miliary fever, on
    the contrary, the eruption is so essential, that this disease may be
    considered as a completely exanthematous form of rheumatic fever.</p>

  <p>The history of miliary fever is full of important facts, and the
    sweating fever of Picardy forms but a variety of it. The eruption
    in itself is of very ancient occurrence, and was most probably, as
    at <span class="pagenum" id="Page_316">316</span>present, observed time immemorial in conjunction with petechiæ,
    occurring as a critical metastasis in the oriental glandular plague,
    perhaps even in the ancient plague recorded by Thucydides. It also
    occasionally accompanied petechial fever, as unquestionably it did
    small-pox and many other diseases, in the same manner as we now
    see; for the miliary eruption is a very common symptom, which is
    easily induced, and increases the danger of various other accidental
    complications. This is different, however, from the <em>idiopathic miliary
    fever</em>, which did not exist either before, or even at the period of
    the English Sweating Sickness, but occurred as an epidemic, frequently
    mentioned in Saxony, a hundred years later<a id="FNanchor_505c" href="#Footnote_505c" class="fnanchor">[505]</a>, (1652.)</p>

  <p>We cannot, therefore, consider this eruptive disease as having
    proceeded from the English Sweating Sickness, in the same manner as
    the petechial fever had its probable origin in the glandular plague,
    even supposing a more decided inclination of the Sweating Sickness
    to the eruptive character could be proved than is possible from the
    facts afforded. A whole century intervened, and what vast national
    revolutions!</p>

  <p>This same separation of so long a period makes also against the
    supposition, that the English Sweating Sickness was an interrupted
    miliary fever, which exhausted its power by a too luxuriant activity
    of the skin on the first day, before the eruption made its appearance.
    Moreover, the similarity and isolation of all the five epidemic
    sweating fevers, as regards the brevity of the course of the disease,
    and the absence of all transition forms of any duration, which
    certainly would have existed had nature intended gradually to form a
    miliary fever out of the English Sweating Sickness, lead to the same
    conclusion.</p>

  <p>But to return to the miliary fever. Some forms of this disease have
    been observed, in which a profuse perspiration, in combination with
    nervous symptoms, has endangered life on the first day of the attack;
    equally often, too, the eruption has appeared fully formed on the
    very first day; and if we duly consider, as we ought, the regular
    course of miliary fever whenever it has assumed an epidemic character,
    we shall always find, even in that case, a development of symptoms
    differing fundamentally <span class="pagenum" id="Page_317">317</span>from those of the English Sweating Sickness.
    If, occasionally, instances of miliary fever occurred, in which no
    eruption came out, as was the case recently (in 1821), they were to
    be considered in the same light as other acute eruptive diseases,
    as, for example, scarlet fever, in which nature indulges in a like
    irregularity, without, however, altering the essence of those diseases.
    And since, finally, it has been observed in many cases<a id="FNanchor_506c" href="#Footnote_506c" class="fnanchor">[506]</a>, that
    the miliary eruption could be prevented by the application of cold
    at the commencement, a distinguished modern physician has attached
    great consequence to this circumstance, as showing that miliary fever
    and the English Sweating Sickness were the same disease<a id="FNanchor_507c" href="#Footnote_507c" class="fnanchor">[507]</a>; but a
    check of this kind is, at all events, impossible in those miliary
    fevers where the eruption breaks forth on the first or second day; and
    moreover, experience tells us, that many other diseases also, such as
    inflammations, rheumatisms, gastric fevers, and even abdominal typhus,
    may be arrested in their course, and confined within narrower bounds,
    so as not to manifest all their symptoms.</p>

  <p>We are, therefore, completely entitled to consider the appearance of
    the miliary sweating fevers as altogether a novelty, originating in
    the middle of the 17th century, and having no discoverable connexion
    with the English Sweating Sickness. There have been in Germany, since
    the year 1652, many visitations of miliary fever; but this disease did
    not increase much in extent until about the year 1715, when it spread
    into France and the neighbouring countries, particularly Piedmont<a id="FNanchor_508c" href="#Footnote_508c" class="fnanchor">[508]</a>,
    whilst England remained almost entirely free from it. The French
    <span class="pagenum" id="Page_318">318</span>epidemics were, upon the whole, much more severe than the German; and
    on this account we select one of the most ancient, and also the most
    recent of them, in order to give a general view of miliary fever, as
    compared with the English Sweating Sickness.</p>

  <p>The miliary fever first appeared in Picardy, in the year 1718, in le
    Vimeux (Vinnemacus pagus), a district on the north of the Somme and
    on the south of the Bresle and the department of the Lower Seine. It
    increased annually in extent; most places in Picardy were visited by
    it, and it was not long before it was seen in Flanders<a id="FNanchor_509c" href="#Footnote_509c" class="fnanchor">[509]</a>.</p>

  <p>We are still in possession of a very distinct account, which we will
    here detail, of an epidemic at Abbeville in the year 1733, where the
    miliary fever had existed fifteen years previously. There were scarcely
    any premonitory symptoms, but the disease commenced at once with
    pinching pains in the stomach, extreme prostration of strength, dull
    headache, and difficulty of breathing, interrupted by sighing. Patients
    complained of violent heat, and were bathed in a pungent sweat of foul
    odour, while nausea was occasionally felt. Sparks appeared before the
    eyes, and <em>the countenance became flushed</em>. Patients were tormented
    with burning thirst; and yet the tongue was as moist as in perfect
    health. The pulse was frequent and undulating, without hardness; and
    in the course of <em>a few hours</em>, an insufferable itching came on over
    the whole body, accompanied by distressing jactitation: upon this,
    thickly studded, <em>red, round pustules</em>, not bigger than mustard-seeds,
    broke out, wherefrom patients emitted an extremely disagreeable urinous
    odour, which was imparted to those who were about their persons.
    Sometimes they had evacuations, at other times they suffered from
    constipation, but all complained of want of sleep; and when they felt
    an inclination to doze, they were again aroused by fresh chilliness.
    Many bled at the nose till they fainted; and with women, the menstrual
    discharge often appeared, though not at the proper time. The urine was
    at times deficient in quantity, at others discharged in abundance,
    and without any critical signs; if pale and plentiful, it betokened
    delirium; then the eyelids twitched convulsively, a humming noise
    commenced in the ears, and the patient tossed about <span class="pagenum" id="Page_319">319</span>restlessly. The
    pulse became strong, irregular, and, like the breathing, very quick.
    The countenance grew redder and redder; and soon after, the sufferers,
    as though struck by lightning, were seized with lethargy, and expired,
    generally in the act of coughing and spitting blood.</p>

  <p>Such was the nature of the disease when it attacked many at once: there
    were, however, several varieties. With some the miliary vesicles broke
    out on the <em>second</em> day, with others not before the <em>third</em>; and if
    all went on favourably, they lost their redness on the <em>seventh day</em>,
    and <em>the skin all over the body scaled off like bran</em>. The fever was
    sometimes extremely violent; at others, without apparent cause, very
    mild; at least one might be deceived at the commencement of the attack,
    by the apparently favourable symptoms; for those who in the morning
    had scarcely any notable degree of fever, who neither suffered from
    any anxious sensation nor violent heat, in whom no subsultus tendinum
    was perceptible, no want of perspiration, nor any retrocession of the
    eruption, were sometimes towards evening seized with phrenzy, and died
    in a state of lethargy. Evacuations, which alleviate other diseases,
    made this miliary fever worse. Favourable symptoms could never be
    depended on. In the midst of profuse perspiration the patient died,
    either from constipation or diarrhœa. A copious discharge of urine
    was a bad sign; composure was succeeded by delirium, cheerfulness by
    lethargy: the disease was throughout treacherous and disguised. It
    was particularly necessary for those suffering from pleurisy or any
    inflammatory fevers to be guarded against its approach. Many fell
    sacrifices to this epidemic who thought themselves in a state of
    convalescence; and with such it was easier to foretell than to prevent
    the consequences. In cases of this kind the miliary vesicles were less
    red and grew pale sooner; but if the disease attacked a healthy person,
    then they were redder, and continued longer. Of those who recovered,
    not a few suffered for many months, nay, even for a whole year, from
    night perspirations, without fever or sleeplessness, but with an
    eruption of little miliary vesicles, which disappeared<a id="FNanchor_510c" href="#Footnote_510c" class="fnanchor">[510]</a> again on
    the slightest exposure to cold. The later miliary epidemic fevers in
    France, which are distinguished by the name of the Picardy <span class="pagenum" id="Page_320">320</span>Sweating
    Sickness, are generally very well described<a id="FNanchor_511c" href="#Footnote_511c" class="fnanchor">[511]</a>; so much so, that we
    have few epidemics of modern times whose course and succession we can
    trace so well. But the epidemic of 1821, which raged in the departments
    of the Oise, and of the Seine and Oise, from March to October, has been
    observed by all with the greatest care, including men of distinguished
    talent<a id="FNanchor_512c" href="#Footnote_512c" class="fnanchor">[512]</a>.</p>

  <p>We shall give the description of this disease. There were no constant
    premonitory symptoms; it often broke out quite suddenly, but many
    complained some days before of debility, despondency, want of appetite,
    nausea, headache; sometimes also of giddiness and slight chilliness.
    Many retired to rest in health, and awoke during the night with the
    disease, covered with a perspiration, which ceased only with death or
    recovery. With some the sweating was preceded for some hours, or even
    only for some moments, by a scarcely perceptible feverish commotion,
    accompanied with burning heat, or with a <em>sensation of pain</em> which ran
    through every limb, and nearly always with spasms in the stomach. With
    others the disease announced itself by lacerating rheumatic pains,
    which gradually increasing, they became bed-ridden. The mouth was
    foul, the taste at times bitter, the tongue white, more rarely tinged
    with yellow, and thus it remained till the patient was restored. The
    sufferer was shortly covered with <em>a thick, peculiarly fetid sweat</em>,
    that certainly produced alleviation, but became very intolerable to
    him from its unpleasant stench, which was even communicated to the
    clothes of the bystanders. In the mean time it was discovered by the
    pulse, that the fever had considerably abated; but, on the third day,
    the patient was seized with convulsive <em>spasms in the stomach</em>, great
    <em>oppression at the chest</em>, and a sensation of suffocation—symptoms
    which caused him insupportable anguish. These attacks accompanied by
    hiccup and eructation, continued for several hours, and returned from
    time to time, an eruption, partly papular, simultaneously breaking out
    first on the neck, then on the shoulders down to the hands and breast,
    less frequently on the thighs and face. The little pimples were of a
    pale red colour and conical, with glistening heads, and between them
    appeared innumerable small miliary pustules, <span class="pagenum" id="Page_321">321</span>filled with transparent
    serous fluid, which soon thickened and assumed a whiter hue. At the
    time and previous to the breaking out of the exanthem, the patient
    experienced a very severe <em>burning and pricking sensation in the skin</em>,
    which nevertheless sometimes occurred on the second or fourth day, and
    which increased sometimes in one part, sometimes in another, when the
    sweating declined.</p>

  <p>Towards the fifth day, however, after the sweating had entirely ceased,
    the complaint grew worse again. The spasms and paroxysms of suffocation
    returned, and they were succeeded by renewed eruptions of the exanthem;
    a decided improvement, however, shortly took place; the little pimples
    lost their redness, the miliary vesicles dried away, and at a period
    from the seventh to the tenth day recovery commenced under <em>a general
    exfoliation of the cuticle</em>. Sometimes the eruption did not appear,
    whether the patients were under medical treatment, or left to their own
    guidance, but with those few in whom there was an absence of miliary
    vesicles, that peculiar pricking and itching of the skin did not take
    place.</p>

  <p>Between the fifth and seventh day the patients usually complained of
    great weakness, and had a desire to eat. A few tablespoonfuls of wine
    then agreed with them very well; for the rest, neither thirst nor
    lethargy was observable, but it was particularly remarkable that the
    urine was clear and abundant. Up to the seventh day a confined state
    of bowels was usual, and, with the exception of the already mentioned
    attacks of tightness and oppression, the breathing remained free,
    though with great sleeplessness, during the whole malady. Nothing
    morbid was to be observed in the chest, and the patients lay stretched
    out at full length, so that there was no occasion at any time to raise
    their heads.</p>

  <p>Such was the regular course of this miliary fever, but its progress
    was often accelerated by very dangerous symptoms, and occasionally it
    proved fatal within a very few hours. If at the time of the attack the
    patients were very restless and talkative, the eyes glistening, the
    pulse, without being hard, tumultuous, and the edges of the tongue
    reddened, delirium soon succeeded and then convulsions and death.
    Great depression of the spirits was a very bad symptom; bleeding was
    never of any avail, yet the menstrual discharge did not interrupt
    the course of the disease. There was in general a great degree of
    malignancy perceptible in the malady, as was also rendered apparent<span class="pagenum" id="Page_322">322</span>
    by the course of the epidemic. If the miliary Sweating Fever broke out
    in a fresh place, two or three persons only were thereupon attacked,
    and that favourably, which led to a supposition that the evil had all
    passed away, for during the next fifteen or twenty days, not any fresh
    attacks were heard of. Suddenly, however, the epidemic reappeared
    with increased virulence. The great number of the sufferers spread
    consternation and terror amongst the inhabitants, and the cases of
    death became frequent. After this first burst of fury, the epidemic
    grew more mild again, so that many patients were not confined to
    their beds at all. This mitigation of the miliary fever was likewise
    manifested<a id="FNanchor_513c" href="#Footnote_513c" class="fnanchor">[513]</a> by the prolongation of its course beyond the seventh
    day.</p>

  <p>If we compare this epidemic with the one observed at Abbeville in 1773,
    we shall find between them but very trifling differences, which would
    appear still more clearly in some of the intermediate visitations,
    thus conforming to what has been observed in other eruptive maladies.
    It is consequently evident that the miliary fevers<a id="FNanchor_514c" href="#Footnote_514c" class="fnanchor">[514]</a> which have
    appeared in France in recent times, do not differ in any essential
    point from those of more ancient date. The surest proof of their
    identity is, their persistence for nearly two centuries; and from the
    manner in which they have presented themselves to observation, they
    are to be considered as distinct from the English Sweating Sickness,
    though certainly allied to it. It would exceed our limits to pursue
    this inquiry further, but it may be as well to give the following short
    catalogue<a id="FNanchor_515c" href="#Footnote_515c" class="fnanchor">[515]</a> of the most important miliary epidemics.</p>

  <table summary="Miliary epidemics">
    <tbody>
      <tr>
        <td class="vat">1652.</td>
        <td>Leipzig.</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td class="vat">1660.</td>
        <td>Augsburg.</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td class="vat">1666.</td>
        <td>Bavaria.</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td class="vat">1672.</td>
        <td>Hungary.</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td class="vat">1675.</td>
        <td>Hamburgh.</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td class="vat">1680.</td>
        <td>Germany to a great extent.</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td class="vat">1689.</td>
        <td>Philippsburg.</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td class="vat">1690.</td>
        <td>Stuttgard.<br />Düsseldorf.<br />Erfurt.<br />Jena.</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td>1694.</td>
        <td>Berlin.</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td><span class="pagenum" id="Page_323">323</span>1700.</td>
        <td>Breslau.</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td class="vat">1709.</td>
        <td>Dantzic, Marienburg.</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td class="vat">1712.</td>
        <td>Mümpelgart.</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td class="vat">1713.</td>
        <td>Saint Valery. (Somme.)</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td class="vat">1714, 15.</td>
        <td>Laybach.</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td class="vat">1715.</td>
        <td>Breslau.<br />Turin.</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td class="vat">1718.</td>
        <td>Tübingen.<br />Abbeville. (Somme.)</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td class="vat">1720.</td>
        <td>Canton de Bray. (Lower Seine.)</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td class="vat">1723.</td>
        <td>Francfort on the Maine.</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td class="vat">1724.</td>
        <td>Turin.<br />Vercelli.</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td class="vat">1726.</td>
        <td>Acqui.<br />Guise. (Aisne.)</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td class="vat">1728.</td>
        <td>Chambéry, Annecy, St. Jean de Maurienne. (Savoy.)<br />Carmagnola.<br />
          Vercelli.<br />Ivrea.<br />Biella.</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td class="vat">1729.</td>
        <td>Vienna. (Austria.)</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td class="vat">1730.</td>
        <td>Pignerol.</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td class="vat">1731.</td>
        <td>Fossano.</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td class="vat">1732.</td>
        <td>Nizza.<br />Rivoli.</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td class="vat">1733.</td>
        <td>Fossano.<br />Asti.<br />Lanti.<br />Acqui.<br />Basle.<br />Silesia.</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td class="vat">1734.</td>
        <td>Strasburg. (Lower Rhine.)<br />Acqui.<br />Lanti.</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td class="vat">1735.</td>
        <td>Trino.<br />Lanti.<br />Fresneuse. (Lower Seine.)<br />Vimeux. (Seine et Oise.)<br />
          Orleans. (Loiret.)<br />Pluviers. (Loiret.)<br />Meaux. Villeneuve.<br />
          Saint George. (Seine et Marne.)<br />Bohemia.<br />Denmark.<br />Sweden.<br />Russia.</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td class="vat">1738.</td>
        <td>Luzarches, Royaumont. (Seine et Oise.)<br />Susa.<br />Crescentino.</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td class="vat">1740.</td>
        <td>Caen. (Calvados.)<br />Provins. (Seine et Marne.)<br />Vire. (Calvados.)<br />
          Berthonville. (Eure.)<br />Falaise. (Calvados.)</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td class="vat">1741.</td>
        <td>Rouen. (Lower Seine.)<br />Tartana.<br />Valencia.<br />Alexandria.<br />London.</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td class="vat">1742.</td>
        <td>Caudebec. (Lower Seine.)<br />Ceva.<br />Turin.<br />Sorillano.<br />
          Alba.<br />Ivrea.<br />Cherasco.<br />Fossano.</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td class="vat">1743.</td>
        <td>Villafranca.</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td class="vat">1744.</td>
        <td>Acqui.</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td class="vat">1746.</td>
        <td>Zurich.</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td class="vat">1747.</td>
        <td>Paris. (Seine.)<br />Beaumont. (Seine et Oise.)<br />Chambly. (Oise.)<br />
          Modena.<br />Lodi.<br />Mantua.<br />Piacenza.</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td class="vat">1750.</td>
        <td>Schaffhausen.<br />Bern.<br />Geneva.<br />Beauvais. (Oise.)</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td class="vat">1751.</td>
        <td>Villafranca.</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td class="vat"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_324">324</span>1752.</td>
        <td>Fernaise. (Seine et Oise.)</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td class="vat">1753.</td>
        <td>Susa.</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td class="vat">1754.</td>
        <td>Valepuiseux. (Seine et Oise.)</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td class="vat">1755.</td>
        <td>Novara.</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td class="vat">1756.</td>
        <td>Cusset. (Allier.)<br />Boulogne. (Pas de Calais.)</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td class="vat">1757.</td>
        <td>Montaigu les Combrailles. (Puy de Dôme.)</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td class="vat">1758.</td>
        <td>Amiens, environs. (Somme.)</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td class="vat">1759.</td>
        <td>Paris. (Seine.)<br />Guise. (Aisne.)<br />Caudebec. (Lower Seine.)</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td class="vat">1760.</td>
        <td>Alençon. (Orne.)</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td class="vat">1763.</td>
        <td>Vire. (Calvados.)</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td class="vat">1763, 64.</td>
        <td>Bayeux. (Calvados.)</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td class="vat">1765.</td>
        <td>Balleroy, Basoques. (Calvados.)<br />Saint-George, Saint-Quentin. (Calvados.)</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td class="vat">1766.</td>
        <td>Campagny. (Calvados.)</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td class="vat">1767.</td>
        <td>Thinchebray, Truttemer. (Orne.)</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td class="vat">1768, 69.</td>
        <td>St. Quentin. (Aisne.)</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td class="vat">1770.</td>
        <td>Louviers. (Eure.)</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td class="vat">1771.</td>
        <td>Montargis. (Loiret.)</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td class="vat">1772.</td>
        <td>Hardivilliers, environs.</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td class="vat">1773.</td>
        <td>Hardivilliers. (Oise.)</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td class="vat">1776.</td>
        <td>Laigle. (Orne.)</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td class="vat">1777.</td>
        <td>Jouy. (Seine et Oise.)</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td class="vat">1782.</td>
        <td>Castelnaudary. (Aude.)<br />Boissy Saint-Léger. (Seine et Oise.)</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td class="vat">1783.</td>
        <td>Beaumont. (Seine et Oise.)</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td class="vat">1791.</td>
        <td>Méru. (Oise.)</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td class="vat">1810.</td>
        <td>Nourare, Villotran. (Oise.)</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td class="vat">1812.</td>
        <td>Rosheim, and many other places. (Lower Rhine.)</td>
      </tr>
      <tr>
        <td class="vat">1821.</td>
        <td>La Chapelle, Saint-Pierre and sixty places around. (Oise; Seine et Oise.)</td>
      </tr>
    </tbody>
  </table>

  <h4 class="smcap" id="BOOK3_VI_3">Sect. 3.—The Roettingen Sweating Sickness.</h4>

  <p>We now come to a phenomenon which, notwithstanding its short duration
    and very limited extension, is one of the most memorable of this
    century. Up to the present time, its real importance has not been
    recognised, because the clouds of self-sufficient ignorance have
    prevented our taking a survey of the formation of diseases, throughout
    long periods of time. It has been sunk for an age in the sea of
    oblivion, from whence we will now draw it forth to the light of day.</p>

  <p>In November, 1802, a very hot and dry summer had been succeeded by
    incessant rain. Thick fogs spread over the country, and enveloped such
    places in central Germany as were inaccessible to ventilation. Amongst
    others, the small Franconian town of Roettingen, situated on the river
    Tauber, and surrounded by mountains<a id="FNanchor_516c" href="#Footnote_516c" class="fnanchor">[516]</a>. Scarcely had a few weeks
    elapsed, <span class="pagenum" id="Page_325">325</span>when unexpectedly, towards the 25th of November, an extremely
    fatal disease broke out in the town, which was without example in the
    memory of its inhabitants, and totally unknown to the physicians of the
    country.</p>

  <p>Strong vigorous young men were suddenly seized with <em>unspeakable
    dread</em>; the heart became <em>agitated</em> and <em>beat violently against</em> the
    ribs, a <em>profuse, sour, ill-smelling perspiration</em> broke out over
    the whole body, and at the same time, they experienced a <em>lacerating
    pain</em> in the nape of the neck, as if a violent rheumatic fever had
    taken possession of the tendinous tissues. This pain ceased sometimes
    very quickly, and if it then shifted to the chest, the distressing
    palpitation of the heart recommenced; a spasmodic trembling of the
    whole body ensued; the sufferers fainted, their limbs became rigid,
    and thus they breathed their last. <em>In most cases, all this occurred
    within four and twenty hours.</em> They did not all, however, succumb under
    the first attack, but as soon as the accelerated pulse had sunk to the
    lowest ebb of smallness and feebleness, a corresponding effect being
    observable in the respiration, the violent pain would in some cases
    return to the outward parts. The patient then felt a benumbing pressure
    and stiffness in the nape of the neck; and the pulse and respiration
    became restored again as in health, but the perspiration continued to
    pour incessantly down the skin.</p>

  <p>This apparent safety was, however, very deceptive, for a renewed
    palpitation of the heart unexpectedly commenced, accompanied by a
    feeble pulse; and then death was often inevitable. It was remarkable,
    that the patients, though bathed in perspiration, had very little
    thirst, and the tongue was not dry, nor ever even foul, but retained
    its natural moisture. With most, however, the urine was scanty; as
    the skin, under the increasing debility, permitted too much fluid to
    stream forth through its pores. <em>If the disease passed off without
    heating sudorifics, then in general no eruption made its appearance.</em>
    The malady then continued till the sixth day, but on the first only,
    did it display its malignant symptoms, for by the second, the sweating
    diminished and lost every unfavourable quality, so that increased
    transpiration of the skin, without any other symptoms of importance,
    alone remained, and on the sixth day the patient was perfectly
    restored.</p>

  <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_326">326</span></p>

  <p>Had there been in Roettingen a physician at hand from the commencement,
    <em>well skilled in medical history</em>, and who would have adopted the old
    English treatment of the Sweating Sickness, this new fever would have
    appeared but as a perfectly mild disease, and would certainly have
    carried off but few of the inhabitants of this peaceful little town.
    As it was, however, the scenes of Lübeck and Zwickau were renewed,
    and it seemed as if the innumerable victims to the hot treatment, and
    to <cite>Kegeler’s</cite> truculent medical work, had descended to the grave in
    vain. <em>The sufferers were, as in the sixteenth century, literally
    stewed to death!</em> for the moment the people imagined that they knew
    how nature meant to escape, they ordered feather-beds to be heaped
    on the perspiring patient, so that the mouth and nose alone remained
    uncovered. Doors and windows were tightly closed, and the stove emitted
    a glowing heat, whilst a most intolerable odour of perspiration
    streamed forth from beneath the broad and lofty beds; added to which,
    that two and even more patients were often lying in the same room;
    nay, even stowed together under the same mountain of feathers, and in
    order that inward heat might not be wanting, pots of theriaca were
    swallowed, and the patient was incessantly plied with elder electuary.
    Thus the bad humours were expelled together with the perspiration;
    and whether the sufferers were suffocated, or surmounted, as by a
    miracle, this mal-treatment of nature, a conviction was felt, that the
    most salutary remedies had been employed, and when at last, eruptions
    of various colours broke out, it was considered as certain, that the
    poison had been carried off in them. The citizens of Roettingen,
    therefore, fell into the same erroneous opinion, which, upheld by
    medical schools, had, time immemorial, increased inflammatory diseases,
    particularly the exanthematous, and caused them to become malignant.
    The above-mentioned eruptions were of various sorts; miliary vesicles
    of every form and colour, filled with an acrid fluid; actual blistery
    eruptions, (pemphigus,) and even petechiæ; and it is to be observed,
    that the patients, during the first days of the sweating fever, never
    suffered from that peculiar pricking sensation over the whole body,
    which precedes the eruption of miliaria, but complained only, and that
    not always, of a local itching, where the eruption had broken out. It
    was equally rare to observe a regular desquamation of the skin,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_327">327</span> and it
    is therefore to be assumed, that <em>the eruptions were only symptomatic</em>,
    and not by any means necessarily connected with the disease, as in the
    decidedly miliary fevers.</p>

  <p>The disease excited, from its very commencement, the greatest
    consternation; and as it was increased, even from the first days of
    its appearance, by the sudorific system of treatment, deaths were
    multiplied; the continual peal of funeral bells struck mortal terror,
    as of old at Shrewsbury, into the hearts of both sick and healthy; and
    this oppressed little town was shunned as a pesthole by the inhabitants
    of the surrounding neighbourhood. At the commencement of the disease,
    they were entirely without medical advice, till a skilful physician
    arrived from the vicinity<a id="FNanchor_517c" href="#Footnote_517c" class="fnanchor">[517]</a>, and as <em>most of the inhabitants</em> were
    already attacked with the sweating fever, he immediately prescribed
    the proper treatment. But the powers of one man are not sufficient,
    amid such confusion, to contend with the deeply rooted prejudices of
    the people, and so they continued in most houses to expel by heat and
    theriaca both perspiration and life together; till at last, on the
    third of December, <cite>Dr. Sinner</cite> of Würzburg arrived, without whom the
    remembrance of this remarkable disease would have been obliterated, and
    conjointly with his gallant colleague, like the anonymous physician
    formerly in Zwickau, subdued the destructive prejudices of the people.
    He found eighty-four patients<a id="FNanchor_518c" href="#Footnote_518c" class="fnanchor">[518]</a> under piles of feather-beds, who,
    when pure air was admitted, breathed once more freely, and by a prudent
    cooling system, all recovered easily, and without danger, one only
    excepted. His method reminds us of the old English treatment<a id="FNanchor_519c" href="#Footnote_519c" class="fnanchor">[519]</a>.
    The disease was confined entirely to Roettingen, it did not make its
    appearance anywhere beyond the gates of this little town. On the fifth
    of December, however, clear, frosty weather set in; from that time no
    new cases occurred, and all traces of this Roettingen sweating fever,
    which was never either <span class="pagenum" id="Page_328">328</span>preceded or followed by miliary fever in any
    part of Franconia, have from that time disappeared.</p>

  <p>The resemblance of this fever to the English Sweating Sickness is
    manifest, and is proved even by the short (<em>only ten days’</em>) duration
    of the visitation, which, as we have stated, is a most essential
    characteristic of the English sweating epidemic, at least as it
    appeared in Germany, the miliary epidemics always having lasted a much
    longer period. But if we confine ourselves merely to the symptoms of
    the disease, we shall find, that in the Roettingen sweating fever,
    there are, throughout, none that can be considered essential, except
    the <em>palpitation of the heart, accompanied with anguish</em>, the <em>profuse
    perspiration</em>, and the <em>rheumatic pains in the nape of the neck</em>,
    which never were wanting in any case; and the very same symptoms are
    clearly and perceptibly to be discerned in like proportion as compared
    with others, in the representation of the English Sweating Sickness;
    whereas, the eruptions were altogether as unessential as in the
    epidemic of the sixteenth century. The irritability of the skin, and
    tendency to dangerous metastases, were less marked in the Roettingen
    fever than in the English Sweating Sickness; for the patients could,
    without injury, change their linen in the midst of the perspiration,
    which, in the English Sweating Sickness, could not have been done
    without fatal consequences; but this difference can easily be accounted
    for, from the greater degree of suffering in the latter disease than in
    the former. It only now remains to examine the duration of the disease,
    and here we plainly perceive that the principal paroxysm was over in
    the Roettingen epidemic within the first four and twenty hours, at
    least when it was undisturbed by treatment; and the sole symptom which
    continued until the sixth day—the increased perspiration, (we speak
    here only of perfectly pure cases,) could only reasonably be regarded
    as a sequela. The crisis did not occur all on a sudden, as in the
    English Sweating Sickness, but this cannot constitute any essential
    difference.</p>

  <p>We do not hesitate, therefore, to pronounce <em>the Roettingen fever to
    have been the same disease as the English Sweating Sickness</em>. To give,
    however, this phenomenon its proper interpretation—to have a clear
    conception of the causes which again drew down from the clouds, into
    the midst of Germany, this mist-born spectre of 1529, and allowed it
    to expend its brief fury upon<span class="pagenum" id="Page_329">329</span> a single place, is beyond the power
    of human wisdom. Science is not comprehensive enough to discover, in
    the crossings of these unknown comet-paths, the moving causes of this
    visitation of disease. But as all insight into the works of nature must
    be preceded by a strict investigation and search after phenomena in all
    countries, at all times, and under all circumstances of development, so
    an improved knowledge of diseases and of the whole human system, will
    not fail to follow, when the investigations of epidemics throughout
    extensive periods have increased in number and success.</p>

  <p><em>The present age demands such a knowledge of medical men, whose
    vocation it is to investigate life minutely in all its bearings. It
    demands of them an historical pathology, and to this branch of the
    study of nature is the present work intended to contribute.</em></p>

  <hr class="page" />
  <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_330">329</span></p>
  <h4 class="xlarge" id="BOOK3_Survey">CHRONOLOGICAL SURVEY.</h4>
  <hr class="short" />

  <div>
    <div class="col50">
      <div class="center small smcap">Political Events.</div>
      <p class="hang1">1461–1483. Louis XI.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1485–1509. Henry VII.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1493–1519. Maximilian I.<br />Mercenary troops are introduced.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1483–1498. Charles VIII.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1483–1485. Richard III.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1483, October. First abortive attempt of the Earl of Richmond, (who had fled to France
        in 1471,) against Richard III.<br />The Duke of Buckingham executed.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1485. Richmond obtains support from Charles VIII.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1485, 25th July. Richmond’s departure from Havre.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1485, 1st August. Landing at Milford Haven.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1485. From the 1st to the 22d of August, march from Milford Haven to Lichfield and Bosworth.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1485, 22d August. The battle of Bosworth. Richard III.falls. The Earl of Richmond
        becomes king, under the name of Henry VII.</p>
      <p class="hang1"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_331">331</span>1485, 28th August. Henry’s
        entry into London.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1485, 30th October. Henry’s coronation.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1481–1492. The wars of Ferdinand the Catholic, against the Saracens.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1495. Useless war for the succession of Charles VIII. against Alfonso II., (who died
        in 1495,) and Ferdinand II. of Naples. The conquest of the kingdom was again immediately relinquished.</p>
    </div>
    <div class="col50">
      <div class="center small smcap">First Visitation of the Sweating Sickness.</div>
      <p class="hang">1472–1482. Swarms of locusts in the south of Europe.</p>
      <p class="hang">1480–1485. Wet years.</p>
      <p class="hang">1483. Overflow of the Severn, (the <em>great water</em> of the Duke of Buckingham.)</p>
      <p class="hang">1480 and 1481. Famine in Germany and France.</p>
      <p class="hang">1477–1485. Glandular plague in Italy.</p>
      <p class="hang">1480, 1481. Encephalitis in Germany.</p>
      <p class="hang">1482. Febrile cerebritis in France, and epidemic pleuritis in Italy.</p>
      <p class="hang">1483. Glandular plague in Spain.</p>
      <p class="hang">1484 and 1485. Malignant fever in Germany and Switzerland.<br />Plague in Spain.</p>
      <p class="hang">1485. <em>In the beginning of August: eruption of the English Sweating Sickness, probably
        amongst Richmond’s mercenary troops. It spread from west to east, and then in a contrary direction.</em></p>
      <p class="hang">1485. <em>The end of August, in Oxford.</em></p>
      <p class="hang">1485. <em>21st September till the early part of October, in London.</em></p>
      <p class="hang">1485. <em>The middle of November, in Croyland.</em></p>
      <p class="hang">1486. <em>1st January. Termination of the first epidemic Sweating Sickness.</em></p>
      <p class="hang">1486. Epidemic scurvy in Germany. Plague in Spain.</p>
      <p class="hang">1488–1490. Plague in Spain.</p>
      <p class="hang">1490. First eruption of petechial fever in Granada, in the army of Ferdinand the Catholic.</p>
      <p class="hang">1495. Eruption of the syphilitic pestilence at Naples, among the mercenary army of Charles VIII.</p>
      <p class="hang">1499. Great plague in London.</p>
    </div>
  </div>

  <div class="mt3">
    <div class="col50">
      <div class="center small smcap">Political Events.</div>
      <p class="hang1">1485–1509. Henry VII.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1501. His eldest son, Arthur, marries Catherine of Arragon,
        daughter of Ferdinand the Catholic.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1502. Prince Arthur dies. Prince Henry (VIII.), second son of Henry VII., is affianced
        to Catherine of Arragon.</p>
      <p class="hang1">The internal condition of England is altered by Henry VII.The towns begin to rise
        importance, and the sciences to become diffused. A rigorous and unjust financial system.</p>
      <p class="hang1"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_332">332</span>1498–1515. Louis XII.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1501. conquers Naples in conjunction with the Spaniards, and is by the</p>
      <p class="hang1">1504. expelled thence. He establishes his power in Upper Italy.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1511. Pope Julius II. (1503–1513) forms the sacred league against France, into which
        enters likewise, in 1512, Henry VIII. The French lose their power in Italy.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1504. Isabella of Castile dies. Philip I. of Austria, her daughter Johanna’s
        husband, succeeds her, his son, Charles V., having been born in 1500.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1506. Philip I. dies.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1516. Ferdinand the Catholic dies.</p>
    </div>
    <div class="col50">
      <div class="center small smcap">Second Visitation.</div>
      <p class="hang">1500–1503. Mould-spots (signacula) in Germany and France.</p>
      <p class="hang">1500. Comet.</p>
      <p class="hang">1500. Mortality among cattle in Germany.</p>
      <p class="hang">1502. Very extensive destruction of cultivation in Germany by blights of caterpillars.</p>
      <p class="hang">1503. Glandular plague, and destructive epidemics in Germany and France.</p>
      <p class="hang">1504. Plague in Spain.</p>
      <p class="hang">1504 and 1505. Encephalitis, putrid fever, and malignant pneumonia in Germany.</p>
      <p class="hang">1505. Plague in Portugal.</p>
      <p class="hang">1505. First epidemic petechial fever in Italy. The morbid activity of the organism
        shewed a decided determination towards the skin during all this period.</p>
      <p class="hang">1505. Moist summer. Lamentable moral state of England.</p>
      <p class="hang">1506. <em>The summer: the Sweating Sickness breaks out in London, and continues to a
        moderate extent, being confined to England, until the autumn. This second visitation is the mildest
        of all, and the old English method of treatment proves effectual everywhere.</em></p>
      <p class="hang">1506–1508. Pestilential epidemics in Spain.</p>
      <p class="hang">1508. Swarms of locusts in Spain.</p>
    </div>
  </div>

  <div class="mt3">
    <div class="col50">
      <div class="center small smcap">Political Events.</div>
      <p class="hang1">1509–1547. Henry VIII.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1515–1547. Francis I. immediately attacks Milan again, and conquers.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1515. the Swiss, in the battle of Marignano. Keeps possession of Milan, and establishes
        the French dominion in Italy until the year 1522.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1516. Cardinal Wolsey changes the policy of England in favour of Francis I.,</p>
      <p class="hang1">1520. then of Charles V.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1513–1522. Leo X., against France. Promotes, by a new<span class="pagenum" id="Page_333">333</span>
        bull of indulgences, the outbreak of the Reformation.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1517. 31st of October, Luther commences the Reformation.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1519. 12th January, the Emperor Maximilian I. dies.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1519–1556. Charles V.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1521. Imperial diet at Worms.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1517. May: Insurrections of the operatives in London.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1517. In the autumn and winter, Henry VIII. frequently changes the residence of his
        Court in consequence of the Sweating Sickness and the Plague.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1518. 11th February, Queen Mary is born.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1518. The College of Physicians in London is founded by Linacre.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1521. Henry VIII. opposes Luther, and obtains the title of “Defender of the Faith.”
        (<cite>Thomas More.</cite>)</p>
    </div>
    <div class="col50">
      <div class="center small smcap">Third Visitation.</div>
      <p class="hang">1515. Pestilential epidemics in Spain.</p>
      <p class="hang">1516. Comet.</p>
      <p class="hang">1517. Unproductive, but not moist summer.</p>
      <p class="hang">1510. Great influenza (Coqueluche) throughout France, and probably to a still further
         extent. Plague in the north of Europe.</p>
      <p class="hang">1517. In the early months epidemic trachæitis and œsophagitis (diphtheritis) in Holland,
         lasting only eleven days. This epidemic extends towards the south, and appears in the same summer at Bâsle.</p>
      <p class="hang">1517. On the 16th June, earthquake in Swabia (and Spain).</p>
      <p class="hang">1517. Encephalitis and other inflammatory fevers in Germany.</p>
      <p class="hang">1517 <em>In July, outbreak in London of the third visitation of epidemic sweating sickness;
        it spreads with great malignity all over England, and among the English at Calais; in the sixth week
        it attains its greatest violence, and terminates in December. Ammonius, of Lucca, and many distinguished and
        learned persons in Oxford and Cambridge are carriedoff by it.</em></p>
      <p class="hang">1517. In December, immediately after the Sweating Sickness, a plague occurs in
         England and lasts all the winter.</p>
      <p class="hang">1517. Small-pox breaks out in Hispaniola.</p>
    </div>
  </div>

  <div class="mt3">
    <div class="col50">
      <div class="center small smcap">Political Events.</div>
      <p class="hang1">1524. October, Francis I. passes Mont Cenis, and is</p>
      <p class="hang1">1525. beaten at Pavia and captured.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1526. 14th January. Peace of Madrid.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1526. Clement VII. (1523–1534) becomes the head of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_334">334</span>
        the Holy League against the Emperor.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1527. 6th May. Rome is vanquished by the imperial army and sacked.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1528. A French army, under Lautrec, conquers the greatest part of Italy, and commences</p>
      <p class="hang1">1528. 1st May, the siege of Naples. Lautrec dies in August.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1528. 29th August, the siege of Naples is raised. The remains
        of the French army are made prisoners.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1528. Charles V. challenges Francis I. to single combat.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1529. 5th August, Francis I. concludes the unfavourable peace of Cambray. Termination
        of the French dominion in Italy. The Reformation in England is retarded.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1527. Scruples of Henry VIII. respecting his marriage with Catherine of Arragon. Various
        negotiations on the subject in the following years. Cardinal Wolsey falls into disgrace.
        Thomas More becomes chancellor.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1528. Henry VIII. retires to Tytynhangar in consequence of the Sweating Sickness.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1532. Separation of the king from Catherine. Mary is excluded from the government.</p>
      <p class="hang1"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_335">335</span>1533. January, Anna Boleyn
        becomes queen. The Reformation is introduced.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1535. Thomas More and Fisher are executed.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1536. Anna Boleyn is executed. Jane Seymour becomes queen. Dies 1537.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1537. Anne of Cleves becomes queen. Separation after six months.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1541. Catherine Howard, queen, and executed one year and six months afterwards.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1544. Catherine, queen.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1547. 13th December, Henry VIII. dies.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1521. Plots of the Iconoclasts in Zwickau and Wittenberg.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1523–1525. Peasant war. On the 15th May, battle ofFrankenhausen.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1529. Imperial Diet at Spires.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1529. 22d September-16th October, the Turks before Vienna.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1529. 2d October, assemblage of the Reformers in Marburg.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1530. 25th June, surrender of the Augsburg confession. Severe decrees against the Protestants.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1531. League of the Protestant princes at Schmalkalden. Continued danger from the Turks.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1532. Imperial Diet at Nuremberg. The Protestants obtain security.</p>
      <p class="hang1"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_336">336</span>1333–1535. Excesses of the
        Anabaptists at Münster.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1536. The Schmalkaldic league is strengthened.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1538. The Catholic States establish the sacred league at Nuremberg</p>
      <p class="hang1">1540. Paul III. (1534–1550) confirms the order of the Jesuits, founded in 1534 by Ignatius Loyola.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1519–1541. Conquest of Mexico, Peru, Chili, &amp;c.</p>
    </div>
    <div class="col50">
      <div class="center small smcap">Fourth Visitation.</div>
      <p class="hang">1524. Great plague at Milan,</p>
      <p class="hang">1527. Inundations in Upper Italy.</p>
      <p class="hang">1527. 11th August, a comet.</p>
      <p class="hang">1527. Plague in the imperial army in Italy, after the sacking of Rome; and in Wittenberg.</p>
      <p class="hang">1528–1534. Years of famine, with a prevalence of moisture and heat.</p>
      <p class="hang">1528. Repeated inundations. Continual south winds and summer fogs in Italy. Second
        great epidemic petechial fever there.</p>
      <p class="hang">1528. Destruction of the French army before Naples by a pestilential Spotted Fever.</p>
      <p class="hang">1528. Cold spring and moist summer in France.</p>
      <p class="hang">1528–1532. Warm winters, moist summers. Repeated failures of harvest, and great famines in that country.</p>
      <p class="hang">1528. The Trousse-galant carries off a fourth part of the inhabitants of France in this
        and the following years.</p>
      <p class="hang">1528. Wet and mild winter. Moist summer with fogs. Failure in crops, and famine in England.</p>
      <p class="hang">1528. <em>At the end of May: outbreak in London of the Fourth epidemic Sweating Sickness.
        It spreads with great malignity, and with much disturbance of social life, all over England; carries off many
        distinguished persons, and terminates in the winter. This year it remains confined to England, and does
        not return in the following year.</em></p>
      <p class="hang">1528. Continual south-east winds. Great drought. Swarms of locusts and fiery meteors in the north of Germany.</p>
      <p class="hang">1529. Earthquake in Upper Italy. Sanguineous rain at Cremona. A comet in July and August.</p>
      <p class="hang">1529. Mild winter in Germany. The spring begins in February. Great moisture
        throughout the summer. General dearth in March. Disease among the porpoises in the Baltic. Unwholesomeness
        of the river fish in the north of Germany. Disease among birds. Languor resembling syncope in Pomerania.
        Frequent suicides in the March. In the middle of June a flood of rain lasting four days (torrent of
        St. Vitus) in the south of Germany. On the 10th of August, a universal tempest.
        24th of August, and the following days great heat.</p>
      <p class="hang">1529. <em>25th July, outbreak of the epidemic Sweating Sickness in Hamburgh. Termination
        on the 5th August. On the 29th July in Lübeck. On the 14th August in Zwickau. About the 1st September
        the English Sweating Sickness appears to spread universally all over Germany. On the 31st August in
        Stettin; termination on the 8th September. On the 1st September in Dantzic; termination on the 6th
        September. On the 24th August in Strasburg. On the 5th, 6th and 7th September in Cologne, Augsburg
        and Francfort on the Maine. About the 20th September in Vienna and among the besieging Turks. On the
        27th September in Amsterdam. Termination on the 1st October in Antwerp and the rest of the Netherlands;
        simultaneously, at the end of September, in Denmark, Sweden and Noway. At the commencement of November
        a universal cessation of the epidemic Sweating Sickness.</em></p>
      <p class="hang">1530. In October, overflow of the Tiber. Bursting of the dykes, and sudden inundations
        in Holland, which were repeated in 1532.</p>
      <p class="hang">1531. 1st of August to 3d September, the comet of Halley.</p>
      <p class="hang">1532. From 2d October to 8th November, and</p>
      <p class="hang">1533. From the middle of June to August, comets.</p>
      <p class="hang">1534. Termination of the years of scarcity, during which malignant fevers prevailed
        in circumscribed localitiesthroughout Europe.</p>
    </div>
  </div>

  <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_337">337</span></p>
  <div class="mt3">
    <div class="col50">
      <div class="center small smcap">Political Events.</div>
      <p class="hang1">1542. Maurice Duke of Saxony renounces the league of Schmalkalden.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1542. The imperial army which opposes the Turks in Hungary, under Joachim II. of
        Brandenburg, is destroyed by sickness.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1546. The 18th of February, Luther dies.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1546. Charles V. takes the field against the Protestants, proclaimsthe Elector,
        John Frederick, and Landgrave Philip of Hesse, outlaws. Gains</p>
      <p class="hang1">1547. 24th April, the battle of Muhlberg. Raises</p>
      <p class="hang1">1548. Duke Maurice to the electorate of Saxony, and prescribes the <em>interim</em>,
        which is not accepted by Magdeburg.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1551. Magdeburg declared to be under the imperial ban, and besieged in vain by the Saxons.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1552. Henry II. of France (1547–1559), in alliance with the Protestant princes, takes
        Metz, Toul, and Verdun.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1552. The treaty of Passau secures to the Protestants equal rights with the Catholics.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1547–1553. Edward VI. nine years old. The Duke of Somerset governs the kingdom
        as Protector. The Reformation<span class="pagenum" id="Page_338">338</span> is favoured, and makes progress.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1553. Mary persecutes the Protestants, and in 1558 loses Calais.</p>
      <p class="hang1">1556. Charles V. abdicates, and dies on the 11th of September, 1558, in Spain.</p>
    </div>
    <div class="col50">
      <div class="center small smcap">Fifth Visitation.</div>
      <p class="hang">1538. Epidemic dysentery in France.</p>
      <p class="hang">1540. The hot summer. The forests take fire spontaneously.</p>
      <p class="hang">1541. Plague in Constantinople.</p>
      <p class="hang">1542. Swarms of locusts in the south of Europe, and plague in Hungary during the war
        of the Turks in that kingdom.</p>
      <p class="hang">1543. Plague and petechial fever in Germany. Metz.</p>
      <p class="hang">1545 and 1546. Trousse-galant in France, of which 10,000 English die at Boulogne.</p>
      <p class="hang">1546. Plague in the Netherlands and France.</p>
      <p class="hang">1547. Petechial fever in the imperial army.</p>
      <p class="hang">1547–1551. Mould spots and red water in the north of Germany.</p>
      <p class="hang">1549. Caterpillars destroy the herbage, and a mortality occurs among cattle in Germany.
        The 21st of September an aurora borealis.</p>
      <p class="hang">1549 and 1550. Malignant fever (petechial fever?) in the north of Germany.</p>
      <p class="hang">1551. Dry and cold spring; hot and wet summer. Inundations, earthquakes, meteors,
        mock suns, great tempests, summer fogs.</p>
      <p class="hang">1551. Malignant fever in Swabia: plague in Spain. Influenza.</p>
      <p class="hang">1551. In the spring, stinking mists on the banks of the Severn.</p>
      <p class="hang">1551. <em>On the 15th of April outbreak of the fifth epidemic Sweating Fever in
        Shrewsbury on the Severn. It gradually spreads with stinking mists all over England, and
        on the 9th of July reaches London. The mortality is very considerable. Foreigners are unaffected,
        but Englishmen in foreign countries sicken with the English Sweating Sickness. The epidemic
        terminates on the 30th of September.</em></p>
      <p class="hang">1552 and 1553. Malignant fever in Germany and Switzerland.</p>
    </div>
  </div>

  <hr class="page" />

  <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_339">339</span></p>

  <h4 class="xlarge" id="BOOK3_Catalogue">CATALOGUE OF WORKS<a id="FNanchor_520c" href="#Footnote_520c" class="fnanchor"><span class="small">[520]</span></a></h4>

  <div class="center small">REFERRED TO BY THE AUTHOR.</div>
  <hr class="short" />

  <p class="hang">Adelung (Wolffgang Heinrich) Kurtze historische Beschreibung
    der uralten u. s. w. Stadt Hamburg. Hamburg, 1696, 4to.</p>

  <p class="hang">Agricolæ; (Georgii) De peste Libri tres. Basileæ, 1554, 8vo.</p>

  <p class="hang">Aikin (John) Biographical Memoirs of Medicine in Great Britain,
    from the revival of literature to the time of Harvey. London, 1780, 8vo.</p>

  <p class="hang">Allionii (Caroli) Tractatio de miliarium origine, progressu, natura
    et curatione. Augustæ Taurinorum, 1758, 8vo.</p>

  <p class="hang">Angelus (Andreas, Struthiomontanus) Annales Marchiæ Brandenburgicæ,
    das ist: Ordentliches Verzeichniss und Beschreibung
    der fürnemsten und gedenckwirdigsten Märckischen
    Jahrgeschichten u. s. w.&nbsp; Franckfurt a. O. 1598, fol.</p>

  <p class="hang">Annales Berolino Marchici, ab anno 965 ad annum 1740.
    Deutsche Handschrift. Berliner Königl. Bibl. MS. boruss. fol. 29.</p>

  <p class="hang">Antwerpsch Chronykje, sedert den jare 1500 tot het jaar 1574,
    door F. G. V. Te Leyden, 1743, 4to.</p>

  <p class="hang">Aretæi Cappadocis Ætiologica, Simeiotica et Therapeutica
    morborum acutorum et diuturnorum, etc. Ed. Georg. Henisch.
    Augustæ Vindelicorum, 1603, fol.</p>

  <p class="hang">Astruc (Johann.) De morbis venereis Libri novem. 2 Tomi.
    Lutetiæ Parisiorum, 1740, 4to.</p>

  <p class="hang">Autenrieth (Hermann Friedrich) Ueber das Gift der Fische, mit
    vergleichender Berücksichtigung des Giftes von Muscheln,
    Käse, Gehirn, Fleisch, Fett und Würsten, so wie der sogenannten
    mechanischen Gifte. Tübingen, 1833, 8vo.</p>

  <p class="hang">Baccii (Andreæ) De Thermis Libri VII. Patavii, 1711, 4to.</p>

  <p class="hang">Bacon, see Verulam.</p>

  <p class="hang">Baker (Sir Richard) A Chronicle of the Kings of England,
    <span class="pagenum" id="Page_340">340</span>
    from the time of the Romans Government unto the death of King James.
    London, 1665, fol.</p>


  <p class="hang">Balæi (Joannis, Sudovolcæ) Illustrium maioris Britanniæ scriptorum, hoc
    est Angliæ, Cambriæ et Scotiæ Summarium, ad annum d. 1548. Londini,
    1548, 4to.</p>

  <p class="hang">Bayer (Wencesslaus—von Elbogen, genannt Cubito) Richtiger rathschlag
    und bericht der ytzt regierenden Pestilentz, so man den Engelischen
    Schweyss nennet. Leyptzigk, d. 4. September, 1829, 8vo. (Im Besitz des Verf.)</p>

  <p class="hang">Bell (George Hamilton) A Treatise on the diseases of the liver, and on
    bilious complaints, etc. Edinburgh and London, 1833, 8vo.</p>

  <p class="hang">Bonn (M. Hermann) Lübecksche Chronica. s. 1. 1634, 8vo.</p>

  <p class="hang">Brown (Robert) Vermischte botanische Schriften. Ins Deutsche übersetzt
    und mit Anmerkungen versehen von C. G. Nees von Esenbeck. Schmalkalden,
  1825, 2 Bde. 8vo.</p>

  <p class="hang">Burserii de Kanilfeld (Joann. Baptist.) Institutionum medicinæ
    practicæ, quas auditoribus suis prælegebat, Voll. IV. Recudi cur. J. F.
    C. Hecker. Lipsiæ, 1826, 8vo.</p>

  <p class="hang">Cælii Aureliani Siccensis, De morbis acutis et chronicis Libri VIII.
    Ed. Jo. Conrad. Amman. Amstelædami, 1755, 4to.</p>

  <p class="hang">Caii (Johannis, Britanni) De Ephemera Britannica Liber. Recudi cur. J.
    F. C. Hecker. Berolini, 1833, 12mo.</p>

  <p class="hang">Joannis Caii Britanni, De canibus Britannicis Liber unus; De rariorum
    animalium et stirpium historia Liber unus; De libris propriis Liber
    unus; De pronunciatione Græcæ et Latinæ linguæ, cum scriptione nova,
    Libellus. Ad optimorum exemplarium fidem recogniti a S. Jebb, M.D.
    Londini, 1729, 8vo.</p>

  <p class="hang">Caius (John) A Boke or Counseill against the Disease commonly called
    the Sweate or Sweatyng Sicknesse. Imprinted at London, A. D. 1552,
    12mo. (Ist in Deutschland nicht vorhanden. Einen Abdruck des grössten
    Theiles dieser merkwürdigen Schrift hat Babington in seiner Englischen
    Uebersetzung vom “schwarzen Tode” des Verf. geliefert.) See Appendix.</p>

  <p class="hang">Campo (Antonio) Cremona, fedelissima citta et nobilissima colonia de
    Romani, rappresentata in disegno col suo contato et illustrata d’una
    breve historia, etc. Milano, 1645, 4to.</p>

  <p class="hang">Auli Cornelii Celsi, Medicinæ Libri octo. Ex recensione Leonardi Targæ.
    Patavii, 1769, 4to.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_341">341</span></p>

  <p class="hang">Du Chesne (André) Histoire générale d’Angleterre d’Ecosse et d’Irlande.
    Paris, 1614, fol.</p>

  <p class="hang">Kurzgefasste Hamburgische Chronica, u. s. w. Hamburg, 1725, 8vo.</p>

  <p class="hang">Chronici chronicorum politici Libri duo. Francoforti, 1614, 8vo.</p>

  <p class="hang">Chronik von Erfurt, bis 1574. Handschrift, 4to. Ohne Seitenzahlen.
    Durch die Güte des Herrn Regierungs- und Medicinalraths Dr. Fischer in
    Erfurt im Besitz des Verfassers.</p>

  <p class="hang">Mémoires de Messire Philippe de Comines, où l’on trouve l’histoire des
    Rois de France Louis XI. et Charles VIII. 4 Volumes. Paris, 1747, 4to.</p>

  <p class="hang">Cordus (Euricius) Eyn Regiment, wie man sich vor der newen Plage, der
    Englisch schweiss genannt, bewaren, und so man damit ergriffen wird,
    darinn halten soll. Marburg, 1529, 4to. Die zweite Auflage ist bald
    nach der ersten erschienen, und dieser in dem Exemplar der Königl.
    Bibl. zu Berlin angebunden.</p>

  <p class="hang">Cramer (D. Daniel) Das grosse Pomrische Kirchen-Chronicon, u. s. w.
    Alt-Stettin, 1676, fol.</p>

  <p class="hang">Curicke (Reinhold) Der Stadt Dantzigk historische Beschreibung.
    Amsterdam und Dantzigk, 1688, fol.</p>


  <p class="hang">Dalin (Olof) Svea Rikes Historia. 3 Delen. Stockholm, 1747–60, 4to.</p>

  <p class="hang">Damiani (Tertii—Vissenaci Decicopolitani) Theoricæ medicinæ, totam rem
    miro compendio complectentes, non modo medicis aut chirurgis, verum
    et omnibus, quibus sanitatis divitiæ cordi sunt, accommodæ, atque
    adeo necessariæ. His accessit Libellus <span lang="el">περὶ τοῦ ἱδρωνούσου</span>,
    tempore, quo hoc malum sæviret ab eodem concinnatus. Antwerpiæ, 1541,
    4to. (Bibliothek der Universität Jena.)</p>

  <p class="hang">Ditmari (Episcopi Mersepurgii) Chronici Libri VII. nunc primum in lucem
    editi. Francofurti, 1580, fol.</p>

  <p class="hang">Erasmi (Desiderii, Roterodami) Epistolarum Libri XXXI. et Melanchthonis
    Libri IV. etc. Londini, 1642, fol.</p>

  <p class="hang">Erasmi (Desiderii) Roterodamensis <span lang="el">Μωρίας ἐγκώμιον</span> sive Stultitiæ laus.
    Ed. Guil. Gottl. Becker. Basil. 1780, 8vo.</p>

  <p class="hang">Fabyan (Robert) The new Chronicles of England and France, named by
    himself the Concordance of Histories. London, 1811, 4to.</p>

  <p class="hang">Fallopii (Gabrielis) Opera quæ adhuc extant omnia. Francofurti, 1584,
    fol.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_342">342</span></p>

  <p class="hang">Fell (Joannes) Rerum Anglicarum Scriptores veteres, Oxon. 1684, fol.</p>

  <p class="hang">Fernelii (Joannis, Ambiani) Universa medicina, tribus et viginti Libris
    absoluta. Lutetiæ Parisiorum, 1567, fol.</p>

  <p class="hang">Foderé (Fr. Emm.) Leçons sur les épidémies et l’hygiène publique,
    faites à la faculté de médecine de Strasbourg. 4 Voll. Paris, 1822–24, 8vo.</p>

  <p class="hang">Foresti (Petri, Alcmariani) Observationum et curationum medicinalium,
    sive Medicinæ theoricæ et practicæ Libri XXVIII. Francofurti, a. M.
    1614, fol.</p>

  <p class="hang">Fracastorii (Hieronymi) Veronensis, Opera II. partt. Lugdun. 1591, 8vo.</p>

  <p class="hang">Franck von Wörd, Chronica, Zeytbuch und Geschychtbibel von anbegyn biss
    inn diss gegenwertig 1531. jar. Strassburg, 1531, fol.</p>

  <p class="hang">Konning Friderich den Forstis, Danmarckis, Norgis, Wendis oc Gothis
    Konning, etc. Histori. Kiobenhaffn, 1597, 4to.</p>

  <p class="hang">Fuhrmann (Matthias) Alt -und neues Wien, oder dieser Kayserl. und
    Ertz-Lands-fürstlichen Residentz-Stadt chronologisch- und historische
    Beschreibung. 2 Theile. Wien, 1739, 8vo.</p>


  <p class="hang">Gemma (Cornelius) De Naturæ divinis characterismis, seu raris et
    admirandis spectaculis, causis, indiciis, proprietatibus rerum in
    partibus singulis universi. Libri II. Antverpiæ, 1575, 8vo.</p>

  <p class="hang">(Godwin) Rerum Anglicarum Henrico VIII. Eduardo VI. et Maria
    regnantibus Annales, nunc primum editi. Ex officina Nortoniana, 1616, fol.</p>

  <p class="hang">Godwyn (Francis, Bishop of Hereford) Annals of England, containing the
    reigns of Henry VIII., Edward VI., Queen Maria. Englished, corrected
    and enlarged by Morgan Godwyn. London, 1675, fol.</p>

  <p class="hang">Grafton’s Chronicle, or History of England, from the year 1189 to 1558.
    In two volumes. London, 1809, 4to.</p>

  <p class="hang">Le Grand d’Aussy, Histoire de la vie privée des Français, depuis
    l’origine de la nation jusqu’à nos jours. 3 Voll. Paris, 1782, 8vo.</p>

  <p class="hang">Gratiolo (Andrea—di Salò) Discorso di peste, nel quale si contengono
    utilissime speculazioni intorno alla natura, cagioni, curazione della
    peste, con un catologo di tutte le pesti piu notabili dei tempi
    passati. Venezia, 1546, 4to.</p>

  <p class="hang">Gratoroli (Guilielmi) Collectio. Der vollständige Titel dieser
    sonderbar zusammengewürfelten Sammlung ist: Clarissimi<span class="pagenum" id="Page_343">343</span> philosophi et
    medici Petri de Abano de Venenis corumque remediis. Item Consilium
    de præservatione a venenis D. Guilielmi Gratoroli. Item generosi
    Hermanni a Nuenare Comitis <span lang="el">περὶ τοῦ ἱδροπυρετοῦ</span>, id est sudatoria
    febri. Item Curatio sudoris Anglici in Germania experta. Item Joachimi
    Schilleri de Peste Britanica Commentariolus aureus. Omnia opera D.
    Guilielmi Gratoroli ex manu scriptis exemplaribus collata, aucta atque
    illustrata, 8vo. Sine loco et anno.</p>

  <p class="hang">Gruner (Christianus Gottfridus) Itinerarium Sudoris Anglici ex actis
    designatum. Jenæ, 1805, 8vo.</p>

  <p class="hang">Gruner (Christianus Gottfridus) Scriptorum de Sudore Anglico
    superstitum editio hactenus desiderata et adornata. Jenæ, (1805,) 8vo.</p>

  <p class="hang">Practica celeberrimi viri Antonii Guainerii Papiensis medicinæ
    Doctoris, etc. Lugduni, 1517, 4to.</p>

  <p class="hang">Guicciardini (Francesco) Della Istoria d’Italia Libri XX. Venez. 1738, fol.</p>


  <p class="hang">Haftitz (Peter) Microchronologicum Marchicum, das ist ein kurtz
    Zeitbüchlein u. s. w. Handschrift. Berliner Königl. Bibl. Ms. boruss. Fol. 23.</p>

  <p class="hang">Hall’s Chronicle, containing the History of England, during the reign
    of Henry IV. and the succeeding monarchs, to the end of the reign of
    Henry VIII. London, 1809, 4to.</p>

  <p class="hang">Haræi (Francisci) Annales ducum seu principum Brabantiæ totiusque
    Belgii. Tomi III. Antverpiæ, 1623, fol.</p>

  <p class="hang">Hartmann (Petrus Immanuel) De sudore unius lateris. Diss. Halæ, 1751, 4to.</p>

  <p class="hang">Hecker (Justus Friedrich Karl) Geschichte der Heilkunde, nach den
    Quellen bearbeitet. 2 Bände. Berlin, 1822–29, 8vo.</p>

  <p class="hang">Hecker (Just. Fred. Ch.) The Black Death in the fourteenth century.
    Translated by B. G. Babington. London, 1833, 8vo.</p>

  <p class="hang">Hellwetter (Johann) Vor die Engelische kranckheyt, die Schweifssucht
    genandt, ein Regiment. Leiptzick. (Im Besitz des Verf.)</p>

  <p class="hang">Herbert of Cherbury (Lord Edward) The life and raigne of King Henry the
    eighth. London, 1649, fol.</p>

  <p class="hang">Hermanni Contracti Chronicon, ex inedito hucusque codice Augiensi, etc.
    Ed. Æmilian. Ussermann. 1790, 4to. s. 1.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_344">344</span></p>

  <p class="hang">Magni Hippocratis Coaca præsagia, etc. Cum interpretatione et
    commentariis Jacobi Hollerii Stempani, nunc primum Desiderii Jacotii
    Vandoperani opera in lucem editis. Lugduni, 1576, fol.</p>

  <p class="hang">Holinshed’s Chronicles of England, Scotland and Ireland. In six
    volumes. London, 1808, 4to.</p>

  <p class="hang">Hollerii (Jacobi, Stempani) medici Parisiensis cel. De Morbis internis
    Libri II. Lugduni, 1578, 8vo.</p>

  <p class="hang">Hosack (David) Essays on various subjects of medical science. 3 Voll.
    New York, 1824–30, 8vo.</p>

  <p class="hang">Huitfeld (Arrild) Danmarckis Rigis Kronicke, fra Kong Dan den forste oc
    indtil Kong Knud den 6. Kiobenhaffn, T. I. 1650, T. II. 1652, fol.</p>

  <p class="hang">V. Humboldt (Friedrich Alexander) Versuche über die gereizte Muskel-
    und Nervenfaser, nebst Vermuthungen über den chemischen Process des
    Lebens in der Thier- und Pflanzenwelt, 2 Bde. Berlin, 1797, 8vo.</p>

  <p class="hang">Hume (David) The History of England, from the invasion of Julius Cæsar
    to the revolution in 1688. In 8 Voll. London, 1782, 8vo.</p>

  <p class="hang">Hundt (Magnus, von Magdeburgk) Eyn kurtzes und sehr nutzbarlichs
    Regiment wider dye schwynde und erschreckliche kranckheit der
    Pestilentz auss bewerten und geübten Ertzten tzusamen getragen, sampt
    einem kurtzen bericht der schweysskranckheit. Meher eyn nutzlichs
    Regiment wider die weltleuftige und unsauber kranckheit der Frantzosen,
    u. s. w. Leyptzigk, am 7. October, 1529, 8vo. (Im Besitz des Verf.)</p>


  <p class="hang">Jordani (Thomæ) Pestis phænomena, seu de iis, quæ circa febrem
    pestilentem apparent, exercitatio. Francofurti, 1576, 8vo.</p>

  <p class="hang">Jovii (Pauli, Novocomensis, Episcopi Nucerini) Historiarum sui temporis
    Tomi II. Basil. 1567. 3 Voll. 8vo.</p>


  <p class="hang">Kegler (Casparus) Eyn nutzlichs und trostlichs Regiment wider dy
    Pestilentz und gifftigk pestilentzisch Feber die Schweyssucht genant,
    und sust mancherley gifftig und tödtlich kranckheit, u. s. w.
    Leyptzigk, 1529, 8vo. (Im Besitz des Verf. Ist die zweite Auflage. Eine
    andere ist von Kegler’s Sohn, Melchior, vermehrt in Breslau, 1568,
    erschienen, und im Besitz des Hrn. Reg. R. Lorinser in Oppeln.)<span class="pagenum" id="Page_345">345</span></p>

  <p class="hang">Kircheri (Athanasii) Scrutinium physico-medicum contagiosæ luis quæ
    dicitur Pestis. Ed. Chr. Lange. Lipsiæ, 1671, 4to.</p>

  <p class="hang">Kirchring (Gottschalck) und Müller (Gottschalck) Compendium Chronicæ
    Lubecensis, oder Auszug und historischer Kern Lübischer Chronicken;
    aus verschiedenen Authoribus, als Alb. Crantio, Herm. Bonno, Chytreo,
    Reimaro Kock, Reckmann, Helmoldo, Rehbeen, Angelo, Petersen u. s. w.
    zusammengetragen. Hamburg, 1678, 8vo.</p>

  <p class="hang">Klemzen (Nicolaus) Vom Pommer-Lande und dessen Fürsten
    Geschlecht-Beschreibung, in vier Büchern, nach einer alten Handschrift
    herausgegeben. Stralsund, 1771, 4to.</p>

  <p class="hang">Kronica der Preussen, 1553, fol. Handschrift der K. Bibl. zu Berlin.
    Ms. boruss. Fol. 176.</p>


  <p class="hang">Lemnii (Levini, medici Zirizæi) De habitu et constitutione corporis,
    quam Græci <span lang="el">κρᾶσιν</span>, triviales complexionem vocant, Libri II. Jenæ, 1587, 8vo.</p>

  <p class="hang">Lilie (George) Chronicon, sive brevis enumeratio regum et principum,
    in quos variante fortuna Britanniæ imperium diversis temporibus
    translatum. Francofurti, 1565, 4to. Abgedruckt bei Jo. Gualterus,
    Chronicon chronicorum politicum. Francofurti, 1614, 8vo, welche Ausgabe
    hier benutzt ist.</p>


  <p class="hang">Marsolier (de) Histoire de Henry VII., Roy d’Angleterre, surnommé le
    Sage, et le Salomon d’Angleterre. Paris, 1700, 8vo.</p>

  <p class="hang">Massæ (Nicolai, Veneti) Liber de Febre pestilentiali, ac de pestichiis,
    morbillis, variolis et apostematibus pestilentialibus, ac eorundem
    omnium curatione, etc. Venetiis, 1556, 4to.</p>

  <p class="hang">Menckenii (Joannis Burchardi) Scriptores rerum Germanicarum, præsertim
    Saxonicarum. 3 Voll. Lipsiæ, 1728–30. fol.</p>

  <p class="hang">Mezeray (Comte de) Histoire de France. 3 Voll. Paris, 1685, fol.</p>

  <p class="hang">Moore (James) The History of the Small Pox. London, 1815, 8 vo.</p>

  <p class="hang">Mori (Thomæ) Opera omnia. Francofurti a. M. et Lipsiæ, 1689, fol.</p>


  <p class="hang">Omodei (Annibale) Del governo politico medico del morbo petechiale,
    etc. Milano, 1822, 8vo.</p>

  <p class="hang">Osorii (Hieronymi, Lusitani Silvensis, in Algarbiis Episcopi) <span class="pagenum" id="Page_346">346</span>De Rebus
    Emmanuelis, regis Lusitaniæ gestis Libri XII. Coloniæ Agrippinæ, 1576, 8vo.</p>

  <p class="hang">Ozanam (J. A. F.) Histoire médicale générale et particulière des
    maladies épidémiques, contagieuses et epizootiques, etc. 5 Voll. Paris,
    1817–23, 8vo.</p>


  <p class="hang">Paré (Ambroise) Œuvres. 7ème édition. Paris, 1614, fol.</p>

  <p class="hang">Pasquier (Estienne) Les Recherches de la France. Paris, 1565, fol.</p>

  <p class="hang">Le Petit (Jean François) La grande Chronique ancienne et moderne de
    Hollande, Zelande, West-Frise, Utrecht, Frise, Overyssel et Groeningue,
    jusqu’à la fin de l’an 1600. Dordrecht, 1601. 2 Voll. fol.</p>

  <p class="hang">Petri Martyris Anglerii Mediolanensis, De orbe novo Decades octo.
    Labore et industria Rich. Hakluyti, Oxoniens. Paris, 1587, 8vo.</p>

  <p class="hang">Pez (Hieronymus) Scriptores rerum Austriacarum veteres et genuini. 2
    Voll. Lipsiæ, 1721–25, fol.</p>

  <p class="hang">Pfeufer (Karl) Beiträge zur Geschichte des Petechial-typhus. (Diss.)
    Bamberg, 1831, 8vo.</p>

  <p class="hang">Pilgram (Antonii) Calendarium chronologicum medii potissimum ævi
    monumentis accommodatum. Viennæ, 1781, 4to.</p>

  <p class="hang">Pingré, Cométographie ou Traité historique et théorique des Comètes. 2
    Voll. Paris, 1783, 84, 4to.</p>

  <p class="hang">Pomarius (M. Johannes) Chronika der Sachsen und Nidersachsen.
    Wittenberg, 1589, fol.</p>

  <p class="hang">Pontani (Johannis Isaci) Historiæ Gelricæ Libri XIV. Hardervici
    Gelrorum, 1639, fol.</p>

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  <hr class="page" />
  <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_351">351</span></p>
  <div class="xxxlarge center gespertt1 mt20 mb20">APPENDIX.</div>
  <hr class="page" />

  <div class="titlepage chapter" id="BOOK3_Appendix">
    <span class="pagenum" id="Page_353">353</span>
    <h3 class="nobreak" title="THE BOKE OF JHON CAIUS AGAINST THE SWEATYNG SICKNES"></h3>
    <div class="xlarge mt10">A BOKE, OR COUNSEILL</div>
    <div class="xsmall mt3">AGAINST</div>
    <div class="large mt3">THE DISEASE</div>
    <div class="xsmall mt3">COMMONLY CALLED</div>
    <div class="xxlarge mt3"><span class="gespertt3">THE SWEATE</span>,</div>
    <div class="xsmall mt3">OR</div>
    <div class="xlarge gespertt1 mt3">SWEATYNG SICKNESSE.</div>

    <div class="mt5"><span class="large">MADE BY JHON CAIUS</span><br />
      <span class="xsmall">DOCTOUR IN PHISICKE.</span></div>

    <div class="mt5">
      UERY NECESSARY FOR EUERYE PERSONNE, AND MUCHE<br />
      REQUISITE TO BE HAD IN THE HANDES OF AL<br />
      SORTES, FOR THEIR BETTER INSTRUCTION,<br />
      PREPARACION AND DEFENCE, AGAINST<br />
      THE SOUBDEIN COMYNG, AND FEARFUL<br />
      ASSAULTING OF THE SAME<br />
      DISEASE.
    </div>

    <div class="mt2">1552.</div>
  </div>

  <hr class="page" />
  <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_355">355</span></p>

  <div class="center mt10">
    <div class="small lh3">TO THE RIGHTE HONOURABLE<br />
      <span class="xlarge gespertt1">WILLIAM EARLE OF PENBROKE,</span><br />
      LORDE HARBERT OF CARDIFE, KNIGHT OF THE<br />
      HONOURABLE ORDRE OF THE GARTER, AND<br />
      PRESIDENT OF THE KYNGES HIGHNES<br />
      COUNSEILL IN THE MARCHES<br />
      OF WALES:<br />
      <span class="large gespertt">JHON CAIUS</span><br />
      WISHETH HELTH AND HONOUR.
    </div>
  </div>
  <hr class="short" />

  <p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">In</span> the fereful tyme of the sweate (ryghte honourable) many resorted
    vnto me for counseil, among whōe some beinge my frendes &amp; aquaintance,
    desired me to write vnto them some litle counseil howe to gouerne
    themselues therin: saiyng also that I should do a greate pleasure to
    all my frendes and contrimen, if I would deuise at my laisure some
    thīg, whiche from tyme to tyme might remaine, wherto men might in such
    cases haue a recourse &amp; present refuge at all nedes, as thē they had
    none. At whose requeste, at that tyme I wrate diuerse counseiles so
    shortly as I could for the present necessite, whiche they bothe vsed
    and dyd geue abrode to many others, &amp; further appoynted in my self to
    fulfill (for so much as laye in me) the other parte of their honest
    request for the time to come. The whiche the better to execute and
    brynge to passe, I spared not to go to all those that sente for me,
    bothe poore, and riche, day and night. And that not only to do thē that
    ease that I could, &amp; to instructe thē for their recouery: but to note
    also throughly, the cases and circumstaunces of the disease in diuerse
    persons, and to vnderstande the nature and causes of the same fully,
    for so much as might be. Therefore as I noted, so I wrate as laisure
    then serued, and finished one boke in Englishe, onely for Englishe mē
    not lerned, one other in latine for men of lerninge more at large, and
    generally for the help of thē which hereafter should haue nede, either
    in this or other coūtreis, that they may lerne by our harmes. This I
    had thoughte to haue set furth before christmas, &amp; to haue geuē to your
    lordshippe at new-yeres tide, but that<span class="pagenum" id="Page_356">356</span> diuerse other businesses letted
    me. Neuertheles that which then coulde not be done cometh not now out
    of season, although it be neuer so simple, so it may do ease hereafter,
    which as I trust this shal, so for good wil I geue and dedicate it
    vnto your good Lordshippe, trustyng the same will take this with as
    good a mind, as I geue it to your honour, whiche our Lorde preserue and
    graunt long to continue.</p>

  <div class="center mt2 lh3">At London the first of Aprill.<br />
    1552.</div>

  <hr class="page" />

  <div class="center vlarge">
    <span class="pagenum" id="Page_357">357</span>
    <div class="nobreak lh3"><b><span class="small">THE</span><br />BOKE OF JHON CAIUS<br />
      <span class="small">AGAINST</span><br /><span class="large gespertt1">THE SWEATYNG SICKNES.</span></b></div>
  </div>

  <p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">Man</span> beyng borne not for his owne vse and cōmoditie alone, but also
    for the commō benefite of many, (as reason wil and al good authoures
    write) he whiche in this world is worthy to lyue, ought al wayes to
    haue his hole minde and intente geuen to profite others. Whiche thynge
    to shewe in effecte in my selfe, although by fortune some waies I haue
    ben letted, yet by that whiche fortune cannot debarre some waies again
    I haue declared. For after certein yeres beyng at cambrige, I of the
    age of xx. yeres, partly for mine exercise and profe what I coulde do,
    but chefely for certein of my very frēdes, dyd translate out of Latine
    into Englishe certein workes, hauyng nothynge els so good to gratifie
    theim w<sup>t</sup>. Wherof one of <i lang="la">S. Chrysostome de modo orandi deum</i>, that
    is, of y<sup>e</sup> manner to praye to god, I sent to one my frende then beyng
    in the courte. One other, a woorke of <cite>Erasmus de vera theologia</cite>,
    the true and redy waye to reade the scripture, I dyd geue to Maister
    Augustine Stiwarde Alderman of Norwiche, not in the ful as the authore
    made it, but abbreuiate for his only purpose to whome I sent it, Leuyng
    out many subtile thinges, made rather for great &amp; learned diuines, thē
    for others. The thirde was the paraphrase of the same Erasmus vpon the
    Epistle of S. Jude, whiche I translated at the requeste of one other my
    deare frende.</p>

  <p>These I did in Englishe the rather because at that tyme men ware not
    so geuen all to Englishe, but that they dyd fauoure &amp; maȳteine good
    learning conteined in tongues &amp; sciences, and did also study and apply
    diligently the same thē selues. Therfore I thought no hurte done. Sence
    y<sup>t</sup> tyme diuerse other thynges I haue written, but with entente neuer
    more to write in the Englishe tongue, partly because the cōmoditie of
    that which is so written, passeth not the compasse of Englande, but
    remaineth enclosed within the seas, and partly because I thought that
    labours so taken should be halfe loste among them whiche sette not by
    learnyng. Thirdly for that I thought it beste to auoide the iudgement
    of the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_358">358</span> multitude, from whome in maters of learnyng a man shalbe forced
    to dissente, in disprouyng that whiche they most approue, &amp; approuyng
    that whiche they moste disalowe. Fourthly for that the common settyng
    furthe and printīg of euery foolishe thyng in englishe, both of
    phisicke vnperfectly, and other matters vndiscretly diminishe the grace
    of thynges learned set furth in thesame. But chiefely, because I wolde
    geue none example or comforte to my countrie men, (whō I wolde to be
    now, as here tofore they haue bene, comparable in learnyng to men of
    other countries) to stonde onely in the Englishe tongue, but to leaue
    the simplicite of thesame, and to procede further in many and diuerse
    knoweleges bothe in tongues and sciences at home and in vniuersities,
    to the adournyng of the cōmon welthe, better seruice of their kyng, &amp;
    great pleasure and commodite of their owne selues, to what kinde of
    life so euer they shold applie them. Therfore whatsoeuer sence that
    tyme I minded to write, I wrate y<sup>e</sup> same either in greke or latine.
    As firste of all certein commentaries vpon certein bokes of William
    framinghā, maister of art in Cambrige, a man of great witte, memorie,
    diligence and learnyng, brought vp in thesame scholes in Englande that
    I was, euer frō his beginnyng vntil his death. Of the which bokes,
    ij. of <em>cōtinētia</em> (or cōtinence) wer in prose, y<sup>e</sup> reste in metre
    or verse of diuerse kindes. One a comforte for a blinde mā, entitled
    <i lang="la">ad Aemilianum cæcum consolatio</i>, one other <i lang="la">Ecpyrosis, seu incendiū
    sodomorū</i>, the burnyng of Sodome. The thirde <cite>Laurentius</cite>, expressyng
    the tormentes of Saincte Laurence. The fourthe, <i lang="la">Idololatria</i>,
    Idolatrie, not after the trade and veine of scripture (wherein he
    was also very well exercised) but conformable to scripture and after
    the ciuile and humane learnyng, declaryng them to worshippe <em>Mars</em>,
    that warre, or fight: <em>Venus</em>, that lyue incontinently: <em>Pluto</em>, that
    folowe riches couetousely; and so forth through all vices vsed in his
    time. The fineth boke <em>Arete</em>, vertue: the sixth, Epigrāmes, conteined
    in two bokes, whiche by an epistle of his owne hand before y<sup>e</sup> boke
    yet remainyng, he dedicated vnto me, purposyng to haue done many more
    prety thynges, but that cruell death preuēted, and toke him away wher
    he and I was borne at Norwiche, in the yere of our Lord M.d.xxxvij.
    the xxix. daie of September, beynge then of the age of xxv. yeres,
    vij. Monethes, and vj. daies, a greate losse of so notable a yonge
    man. These workes at his death he willed to comme to my handes, by
    which occasion after I had viewed thē, and perceiued them ful of al
    kyndes of learnyng, thinkyng thē no workes for all mē to vnderstande
    with out helpe, but such as were wel sene in all sortes of authours: I
    endeuoured my selfe partely for the helpe of others, &amp; partly for mine
    owne exercise, to declare vpon theim the profite of my studie in ciuile
    and humane learnynge, and to haue before mine eyes as in a worke (which
    was alwaies my delyght) how muche I had profited in the same.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_359">359</span> Thys so
    done, I ioyned euery of my commentaries to euery of hys saied bokes,
    faier written by Nicolas Pergate puple to the saied Maister Framyngham,
    myndyng after the iudgement of learned men had in thesame, to haue set
    theim furthe in prynte, if it had ben so thought good to theim. For
    whyche cause, at my departynge into Italie, I put an Epistle before
    theym dedicatorye to the right Reuerend father in God Thomas Thirlbye,
    now Bishoppe of Norwiche, because thesame maister Framyngham loued
    hym aboue others. He after my departure deliuered the bokes to the
    reuerende father in god Jhō Skippe, late bishop of Hereforde, then to
    D. Thirtle, tutor to the sayd maister framynhā, frō him to syr Richard
    Morisine, now ambassadoure for y<sup>e</sup> kinges maiestie with thēperour, then
    to D. Tailour Deane of Lincolne, and syr Thomas Smithe, secretarie
    after to y<sup>e</sup> kynges Maiestie, all great learned men. Frō these to
    others they wente, among whome the bokes died, (as I suppose,) or els
    be closely kept, that after my death they may be setfurthe in the names
    of them which now haue thē, as their workes. Howe soeuer it be, wel I
    knowe that at my returne out of Italie (after vj. yeres continuance
    ther) into Englād, I coulde neuer vnderstand wher they wer, although I
    bothe diligently and desirousely sought thē. After these I translated
    out of Greke into Latine a litle boke of <cite>Nicephorus</cite>, declarynge howe
    a man maye in praiynge confesse hym selfe, which after I dyd geue
    vnto Jhō Grome bacheler in arte, a yong man in yeres, but in witte
    &amp; learnyng for his tyme, of great expectatiō. That done I beganne a
    chronicle of the citie of Norwiche, of the beginninge therof &amp; thinges
    done ther frō time to time. The matere wherof yet rude and vndigested
    lyeth by me, which at laisure I minde to polishe, and to make an
    end of that I haue begunne. And to be shorte, in phisicke diuerse
    thynges I haue made &amp; settefurth in print bothe in Greke and Latine,
    not mindyng to do other wise, as I haue before said, al my life: For
    which cause al these thinges I haue rehersed, els superfluous in this
    place. Yet see, meaning now to counseill a litle agaynst the sweatyng
    sickenes for helpe also of others, notwithstandyng my former purpose,
    two thynges compell me, in writynge therof, to returne agayne to
    Englishe, Necessite of the matter, &amp; good wyl to my countrie, frendes,
    &amp; acquaintance, whiche here to haue required me, to whome I thinke my
    selfe borne.</p>

  <p>Necessite, for that this disease is almoste peculiar vnto vs Englishe
    men, and not common to all men, folowyng vs, as the shadowe the body,
    in all countries, albeit not at al times. Therfore compelled I am to
    vse this our Englishe tongue as best to be vnderstande, and moste
    nedeful to whome it most foloweth, most behoueth to haue spedy remedie,
    and often tymes leaste nyghe to places of succource and comforte at
    lerned mennes handes: and leaste nedefull to be setfurthe in other
    tongues to be vnderstand generally of all persons, whome it either
    haunteth not<span class="pagenum" id="Page_360">360</span> at all, or els very seldome, as ones in an age. Thinkynge
    it also better to write this in Englishe after mine own meanyng,
    then to haue it translated out of my Latine by other after their
    misunderstandyng.</p>

  <p>Good wyll to my countrie frendes and acquaintance, seynge them wyth
    out defence yelde vnto it, and it ferefully to inuade thē, furiousely
    handle them, spedily oppresse them, vnmercyfully choke them, and that
    in no small numbers, and such persons so notably noble in birthe,
    goodly conditions, graue sobrietie, singular wisedōe, and great
    learnynge, as Henry Duke of Suffolke, and the lorde Charles his
    brother, as fewe hath bene sene lyke of their age: an heuy &amp; pitifull
    thyng to here or see. So that if by onely learned men in phisicke &amp;
    not this waye also it should be holpen, it were nedeful almost halfe
    so many learned men to be redy in euery toune and citie, as their
    should be sweatynge sicke folkes. Yet this notwithstandynge, I wyll
    euery man not to refuse the counseill of the present or nighe physicen
    learned, who maie, accordyng to the place, persone, cause, &amp; other
    circūstances, geue more particular counseil at nede, but in any wise
    exhorte him to seke it with all diligence. To this enterprise also
    amonge so many learned men, not a litle stirreth me the gentilnes and
    good willes of al sortes of men, which I haue well proued heretofore by
    my other former bokes. Mindynge therefore with as good a will to geue
    my counseil in this, and trusting for no lesse gentlenes in the same, I
    wyll plainly and in English for their better vnderstandynge to whome I
    write, firste declare the beginnynge, name, nature, and signes of the
    sweatynge sickenes. Next, the causes of the same. And thirdly, how to
    preserue men frō it, and remedy them whē they haue it.</p>

  <p><em>The beginnyng of the disease.</em>—In the yere of our Lorde God
    M.CCCC.lxxxv. shortly after the vij. daye of august, at whiche tyme
    kynge Henry the seuenth arriued at Milford in walles, out of Fraunce,
    and in the firste yere of his reigne, ther chaunced a disease among
    the people, lastyng the reste of that monethe &amp; all september, which
    for the soubdeine sharpenes and vnwont cruelnes passed the pestilence.
    For this commonly geueth iij. or iiij. often vij. sumtyme ix. as that
    firste at Athenes whiche <cite>Thucidides</cite> describeth in his seconde boke,
    sumtyme xj. and sumtyme xiiij. dayes respecte, to whome it vexeth.
    But that immediatly killed some in opening theire windowes, some in
    plaieng with children in their strete dores, some in one hour, many in
    two it destroyed, &amp; at the longest, to thē that merilye dined, it gaue
    a sorowful Supper. As it founde them so it toke them, some in sleape
    some in wake, some in mirthe some in care, some fasting &amp; some ful,
    some busy and some idle, and in one house sometyme three sometime fiue,
    sometyme seuen sometyme eyght, sometyme more some tyme all, of the
    whyche, if the haulfe in euerye Towne escaped, it was thoughte great
    fauour. How, or wyth what maner it<span class="pagenum" id="Page_361">361</span> toke them, with what grieffe, and
    accidentes it helde theym, herafter thē I wil declare, whē I shal come
    to shewe the signes therof. In the mene space, know that this disease
    (because it most did stand in sweating from the beginning vntil the
    endyng) was called here, the Sweating sickenesse: and because it firste
    beganne in Englande, it was named in other countries, the englishe
    sweate. Yet some coniecture that it, or the like, hath bene before
    seene among the Grekes in the siege of Troie. In thēperor Octauius
    warres at <em>Cantabria</em>, called nowe Biscaie, in Hispaine: and in the
    Turkes, at the Rhodes. How true that is, let the aucthours loke: how
    true thys is, the best of our Chronicles shewith, &amp; of the late begonne
    disease the freshe memorie yet confirmeth. But if the name wer now to
    be geuen, and at my libertie to make the same: I would of the maner and
    space of the disease (by cause the same is no sweat only, as herafter
    I will declare, &amp; in the spirites) make the name <em>Ephemera</em>, which is
    to sai, a feuer of one natural dai. A feuer, for the feruor or burning,
    drieth &amp; sweating feure like. Of one naturall day, for that it lasteth
    but the time of xxiiij. houres. And for a distinction from the commune
    <em>Ephemera</em>, that Galene writeth of, comming both of other causes,
    and wyth vnlike paines, I wold putte to it either Englishe, for that
    it followeth somoche English menne, to whō it is almoste proper, and
    also began here: or els pestilent, for that it cōmeth by infection &amp;
    putrefaction, otherwise then doth the other <em>Ephemera</em>. Whiche thing I
    suppose may the better be done, because I se straunge and no english
    names both in Latine and Greke by commune vsage taken for Englishe.
    As in Latin, Feure, Quotidiā, Tertian, Quartane, Aier, Infection,
    Pestilence, Uomite, Person, Reines, Ueines, Peines, Chamere, Numbre,
    &amp;c. a litle altered by the commune pronunciation. In Greke, Pleuresie,
    Ischiada, Hydrops, Apostema, Phlegma, and Chole: called by the vulgare
    pronunciatiō, Schiatica, Dropsie, Impostume, Phleume, &amp; Choler: Gyne
    also, and Boutyre, Sciourel, Mouse, Rophe, Phrase, Paraphrase, &amp; cephe,
    wherof cometh Chaucers couercephe, in the romant of the Rose, writtē
    and pronoūced comōly, kerchief in y<sup>e</sup> south, &amp; courchief in the north.
    Thereof euery head or principall thing, is comonlye called cephe,
    pronoūced &amp; writtē, chief. Uery many other there be in our commune
    tongue, whiche here to rehearse were to long. These for an example
    shortelye I haue here noted. But for the name of this disease it maketh
    now no matter, the name of Sweat beyng cōmōly vsed. Let vs therfore
    returne to the thing, which as occasiō &amp; cause serued, came againe in
    the M.D.vi. the xxii. yeare of the said Kyng Henry the seuenth. Aftre
    that, in the yeare M.D.xvii. the ix. yeare of Kyng Henry the viii,
    and endured from July, vnto y<sup>e</sup> middest of Decēbre. The iiii tyme, in
    the yeare M.D.xxviii. the xx. yeare of thesaied Kyng, beginning in
    thende of May, &amp; continuing June and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_362">362</span> July. The fifth tyme of this
    fearful <em>Ephemera</em> of Englande, and pestilent sweat, is this in the
    yeare M.D.LI. of oure Lorde GOD, and the fifth yeare of oure Souereigne
    Lorde king Edwarde the sixth, beginning at Shrewesbury in the middest
    of April, proceadinge with greate mortalitie to Ludlowe, Prestene, and
    other places in Wales, then to Westchestre, Couentre, Drenfoorde, and
    other tounes in the Southe, and suche as were in and aboute the way
    to London, whether it came notablie the seuenth of July, and there
    continuing sore, with the losse of vii. C. lxi. from the ix. day vntil
    the xvi. daye, besides those that died in the vii. and viii. dayes, of
    whō no registre was kept, frō that it abated vntil the xxx. day of the
    same, with the losse of C. xlii. more. Then ceassing there, it wente
    from thence throughe al the east partes of England into the Northe
    vntill the ende of Auguste, at whiche tyme it diminished, and in the
    ende of Septembre fully ceassed.</p>

  <p>This disease is not a Sweat onely, (as it is thought &amp; called) but a
    feuer, as I saied, in the spirites by putrefaction venemous, with a
    fight, trauaile, and laboure of nature againste the infection receyued
    in the spirites, whervpon by chaunce foloweth a Sweate, or issueth an
    humour compelled by nature, as also chanceth in other sicknesses whiche
    consiste in humours, when they be in their state, and at the worste
    in certein dayes iudicial, aswel by vomites, bledinges, &amp; fluxes, as
    by sweates. That this is true, the self sweates do shewe. For as in
    vtter businesses, bodies yˆt sore do labour, by trauail of the same are
    forced to sweat, so in inner diseases, the bodies traueiled &amp; labored
    by thē, are moued to the like. In which labors, if nature be strōg &amp;
    able to thrust out the poisō by sweat (not otherwise letted) yˆe persō
    escapeth: if not, it dieth. That it is a feuer, thus I haue partly
    declared, and more wil streight by the notes of the disease, vnder
    one shewing also by thesame notes, signes, and short tariance of the
    same, that it consisteth in the spirites. First by the peine in the
    backe, or shoulder, peine in the extreme partes, as arme, or legge,
    with a flusshing, or wind, as it semeth to certeine of the pacientes,
    flieng in the same. Secondly by the grief in the liuer and the nigh
    stomacke. Thirdely, by the peine in the head, &amp; madnes of the same.
    Fourthly by the passion of the hart. For the flusshing or wynde comming
    in the vtter and extreame partes, is nothing els but the spirites of
    those same gathered together, at the first entring of the euell aire,
    agaynste the infection therof, and flyeng thesame from place to place,
    for theire owne sauegarde. But at the last infected, they make a
    grief where thei be forced, whiche cōmonly is in tharme or legge (the
    fartheste partes of theire refuge) the backe or shulder: trieng ther
    first a brūt as good souldiers, before they wil let their enemye come
    further into theire dominion. The other grefes be therefore in thother
    partes aforsaid &amp; sorer, because the spirites be there most plētuous
    as in their founteines, whether alwaies thinfection desireth <span class="pagenum" id="Page_363">363</span>to go.
    For frō the liuer, the nigh stomack, braine, and harte, come all the
    iij. sortes, and kyndes of spirites, the gouernoures of oure bodies,
    as firste spronge there. But from the hart, the liuish spirites. In
    putrifieng wherof by the euel aier in bodies fit for it, the harte is
    oppressed. Wherupon also foloweth a marueilous heauinesse, (the fifthe
    token of this disease,) and a desire to sleape, neuer contented, the
    senses in al partes beynge as they were bounde or closed vp, the partes
    therfore left heuy, vnliuishe, and dulle. Laste foloweth the shorte
    abidinge, a certeine Token of the disease to be in the spirites, as wel
    may be proued by the <em>Ephemera</em> that Galene writethe of, whiche because
    it consistethe in the Spirites, lasteth but one natural day. For as
    fire in hardes or straw, is sone in flambe &amp; sone oute, euen so heate
    in the spirites, either by simple distemperature, or by infection and
    putrefaction therin conceyued, is sone in flambe &amp; sone out, and soner
    for the vehemencye or greatnes of the same, whiche without lingering,
    consumeth sone the light matter, contrary to al other diseases restyng
    in humoures, wherin a fire ones kindeled, is not so sone put out, no
    more then is the same in moiste woode, or fat Sea coles, as well by
    the particular Example of the pestilence, (of al others most lyke
    vnto this) may be declared, whyche by that it stādeth in euel humors,
    tarieth as I said, sometyme, from iiij. vii. ix. &amp; xj. vntill xiiij.
    dayes, differentlie from this, by reason therof, albeit by infection
    most lyke to this same. Thus vnder one laboure shortelie I haue
    declared—both what this disease is, wherein it consisteth, howe and
    with what accidentes it grieueth and is differente from the Pestilence,
    and the propre signes, and tokens of the same, without the whiche,
    if any do sweate, I take theym not to Sweate by this Sickenesse, but
    rather by feare, heate of the yeare, many clothes, greate exercise,
    affection, excesse in diete, or at the worst, by a smal cause of
    infection, and less disposition of the bodi to this sicknes. So that,
    insomoche as the body was nat al voide of matter, sweate it did when
    infection came: but in that the mattere was not greate, the same coulde
    neyther be perilous nor paineful as in others, in whom was greater
    cause.</p>

  <p><em>The causes.</em>—Hetherto I haue shewed the beginning, name, nature, &amp;
    signes of this disease: nowe I will declare the causes, which be ij.:
    infectiō, &amp; impure spirites in bodies corrupt by repletiō. Infection,
    by thaire receiuing euel qualities, distēpring not only y<sup>e</sup> hete, but
    the hole substāce therof, in putrifieng thesame, and that generally ij.
    waies. By the time of the yere vnnatural, &amp; by the nature &amp; site of the
    soile &amp; region—wherunto maye be put the particular accidentes of this
    same. By the time of the yeare vnnaturall, as if winter be hot &amp; drie,
    somer hot and moist: (a fit time for sweates) the spring colde and
    drye, the fall hot &amp; moist. To this mai be ioyned the euel disposition
    by constellation, whiche hath a great power &amp; dominion in al erthly
    thinges. By the site &amp; nature of the soile &amp; regiō, many wayes. First
    &amp;<span class="pagenum" id="Page_364">364</span> specially by euel mistes &amp; exhalatiōs drawen out of the grounde
    by the sūne in the heate of the yeare, as chanced amōg the Grekes in
    the siege of Troy, wherby died firste dogges &amp; mules, after, mē in
    great numbre: &amp; here also in Englād in this m.d.lj. yeare, the cause
    of this pestilent sweate, but of dyuers nature. Whiche miste in the
    countrie wher it began, was sene flie frō toune to toune, with suche
    a stincke in morninges &amp; eueninges, that mē could scarcely abide it.
    Thē by dampes out of the earth, as out of Galenes <cite>Barathrū</cite>, or the
    poetes <em>auernū</em>, or <em>aornū</em>, the dampes wherof be such, that thei kil
    y<sup>e</sup> birdes fliēg ouer them. Of like dampes, I heard in the north coūtry
    in cole pits, wherby the laboring mē be straight killed, except before
    the houre of coming therof (which thei know by y<sup>e</sup> flame of their
    cādle) thei auoid the groūd. Thirdly by putrefactiō or rot in groūdes
    aftre great flouddes, in carions, &amp; in dead men. After great fluddes,
    as happened in y<sup>e</sup> time of Gallien thēperor at rome, in <em>Achaia</em> &amp;
    <em>Libia</em>, wher the seas sodeinly did ouerflow y<sup>e</sup> cities nigh to y<sup>t</sup>
    same. And in the xi. yeare of <em>Pelagius</em>, when al the flouddes throughe
    al Italye didde rage, but chieflye <em>Tibris</em> at Rome, whiche in many
    places was as highe as the walles of the citie.</p>

  <p>In cariōs or dead bodies, as fortuned here in Englande vpon the sea
    banckes in the tyme of King Alured, or Alfrede; (as some Chroniclers
    write) but in the time of king Ethelred after Sabellicus, by occasion
    of drowned Locustes cast vp by the Sea, which by a wynde were driuen
    oute of Fraunce thether. This locust is a flie in bignes of a mānes
    thumbe, in colour broune, in shape somewhat like a greshopper, hauing
    vi. fiete, so many wynges, two tiethe, &amp; an hedde like a horse, and
    therfore called in Italy <em>Caualleto</em>, where ouer y<sup>e</sup> city of <em>Padoa</em>,
    in the yeare m.d.xiij. (as I remembre,) I, with manye more did see a
    swarme of theim, whose passage ouer the citie, did laste two hours,
    in breadth inestimable to euery man there. Here by example to note
    infection by deadde menne in Warres, either in rotting aboue the
    ground, as chaunced in Athenes by theim of Ethiopia, or els in beyng
    buried ouerly as happened at Bulloigne, in the yere M.D.xlv. the
    yeare aftre king Henrye theight had conquered the same, or by long
    continuance of an hoste in one place, it is more playne by dayly
    experience, then it neadeth to be shewed. Therefore I wil now go to
    the fourth especial cause of infectiō, the pent aier, breaking out of
    the ground in yearthquakes, as chaunced at Uenice in the first yeare
    of <cite>Andrea Dandulo</cite>, then Duke, the xxiiij. day of Januarye, and xx.
    hour after their computacion. By which infectiō mani died, &amp; many were
    borne before their time. The v. cause is close, &amp; vnstirred aire, &amp;
    therfore putrified or corrupt, out of old welles, holes in y<sup>e</sup> groūd
    made for grain, wherof many I did se in &amp; about <em>Pesaro</em> in Italy, by
    openīg thē aftre a great space, as both those coūtrimē do cōfesse, &amp;
    <span class="pagenum" id="Page_365">365</span>also by exāple is declared, for y<sup>e</sup> manye in openīg thē vnwarely be
    killed. Out of caues, &amp; tōbes also, as chaūced first in the country of
    <em>Babilonia</em>, proceding aftre into Grece, and so to Rome, by occasion
    that y<sup>e</sup> souldiers of themperour <em>Marcus Antoninus</em>, vpon hope of
    money, brake up a golden coffine of <em>Auidius Cassius</em>, spiēg a litle
    hole therin, in the tēple of <em>Apollo</em> in <em>Seleucia</em>, as <cite>Ammianus
    Marcellinus</cite> writeth. To these mai be ioyned the particular causes of
    infectiō, which I cal the accidentes of the place, augmenting thesame.
    As nigh to dwelling places, merishe &amp; muddy groundes, puddles or
    donghilles, sinkes or canales, easing places or carions, deadde ditches
    or rotten groundes, close aier in houses or ualleis, with suche like.
    Thus muche for the firste cause.</p>

  <p>The second cause of this Englyshe <em>Ephemera</em>, I said were thimpure
    spirites in bodies corupt by repletiō. Repletion I cal here, abundance
    of humores euel &amp; maliciouse, from long time by litle &amp; litle gathered
    by euel diete, remaining in the bodye, coming either by to moche
    meate, or by euel meate in qualitie, as infected frutes, meates of
    euel iuse or nutrimēt; or both ioyntly. To such spirites when the aire
    infectiue cometh cōsonant, thē be thei distēpered, corrupted, sore
    handled; &amp; oppressed, thē nature is forced, &amp; the disease engendred.
    But while I doe declare these impure spirites to be one cause, I must
    remoue your myndes frō spirites to humours, for that the spirites
    be fedde of the finest partes therof, &amp; aftre bringe you againe to
    spirites where I toke you. And forsomuche as I haue not yet forgotten
    to whome I write, in this declaration I will leaue a part al learned
    &amp; subtil reasōs, as here void &amp; vnmiete, &amp; only vse suche as be most
    euident to whom I write, &amp; easiest to be vnderstanden of the same:
    and at ones therwith shew also why it haūteth vs English men more thē
    other nations. Therfore I passe ouer the vngētle sauoure or smell of
    the sweate, grosenes, colour, and other qualities of the same, the
    quantitie, the daunger in stopping, the maner in coming furthe redily,
    or hardly, hot or cold, the notes in the excremētes, the state longer
    or sorer, with suche others, which mai be tokēs of corrupt humours &amp;
    spirites, &amp; onli wil stād upō iii. reasōs declaring y<sup>e</sup> same swet by
    gret repletiō to be in vs not otherwise for al the euel aire apt to
    this disease, more thē other natiōs. For as hereaftre I wil shew, &amp;
    Galē cōfirmeth, our bodies cā not suffre any thīg or hurt by corrupt
    &amp; infectiue causes, except ther be in thē a certeī mater prepared apt
    &amp; like to receiue it, els if one were sick, al shuld be sick, if in
    this countri, in al coūtres wher the infection came, which thīg we
    se doth not chāce. For touching the first reasō, we se this sweting
    sicknes or pestilēt <em>Ephemera</em>, to be oft in Englād, but neuer entreth
    Scotland, (except the borders) albeit thei both be ioinctly within
    the cōpas of on sea. The same begining here, hath assailed Brabant &amp;
    the costes nigh to it, but neuer, passed Germany, where ones it was
    in like faciō as here, with great<span class="pagenum" id="Page_366">366</span> mortalitie, in the yere m.d.xxix.
    Cause wherof none other there is naturall, then the euell diet of
    these thre contries whiche destroy more meates and drynckes withoute
    al ordre, cōueniēt time, reasō, or necessite, thē either Scotlande,
    or all other countries vnder the sunne, to the greate annoiance of
    their owne bodies and wittes, hinderance of theim which have nede,
    and great dearth and scarcitie in their cōmon welthes. Wherfore if
    <cite>Esculapius</cite> the inuentour of phisike, y<sup>e</sup> sauer of mē from death, and
    restorer to life, should returne again īto this world, he could not
    saue these sortes of men, hauing so moche sweatyng stuffe, so many
    euill humoures laid vp in store, frō this displeasante, feareful, &amp;
    pestilent disease: except thei would learne a new lesson, &amp; folowe a
    new trade. For other wise, neither the auoidyng of this countrie (the
    seconde reason) nor fleyng into others, (a commune refuge in other
    diseases) wyll preserue vs Englishe men, as in this laste sweate is by
    experience well proued in Cales, Antwerpe, and other places of Brabant,
    wher only our contrimen ware sicke, &amp; none others, except one or ii.
    others of thenglishe diete, which is also to be noted. The cause hereof
    natural is onely this, that they caried ouer with thē, &amp; by lyke diete
    ther incresed that whiche was the cause of their disease. Wherefore
    lette vs asserteine our selues, that in what soeuer contrie lyke cause
    and matter is, there commyng like aier and cause efficient, wil make
    lyke effecte and disease in persōs of agreable complexions, age, and
    diete, if the tyme also doe serue to these same, and in none others.
    These I putte, for that the tyme of the yere hote, makethe moche to
    the malice of the disease, in openynge the pores of the body, lettynge
    in the euill aier, resoluynge the humores and makynge them flowable,
    and disposing therfore the spirites accordyngly, besyde, that (as I
    shewed in the first cause of this pestilente sweate) it stirreth and
    draweth out of the erthe euill exhalations and mistes, to thinfection
    of the aier and displeasure of vs. Diet I put, for that they of the
    contrarie diete be not troubled with it at all. Age and complexion,
    for this, that although it spareth nō age of bothe kyndes, nor no
    complexion but some it touchethe, yet for the most parte (wherby rules
    and reasones be alwayes to be made) it vexed theim of the middle age,
    beste luste, and theim not moch vnder that, and of complexions hote &amp;
    moiste, as fitteste by their naughty &amp; moche subtiltie of blode to fede
    the spirites: or nigh and lyke to thesame in some one of the qualities,
    as cholerike in hete, phlegmatike in moister, excepte thother their
    qualities, as drinesse in cholerike, &amp; cold in phlegmatike, by great
    dominion ouer thother, did lette. For the clene contrarie complexiōs
    to the infected aier, alwaies remaine helthful, saulfe and better then
    tofore, the corrupte and infected aier notwithstandyng. Therfore cold
    and drie persones either it touched not at all, or very fewe, and that
    wyth no danger: such I say as beside their complexion, (whiche<span class="pagenum" id="Page_367">367</span> is so
    harde to finde in any man exacte and simple, as exacte helthes) were
    annoied with some corrupt humoures &amp; spirites, and therfore mete by so
    moch to receiue it, &amp; that by good reasō. For nothing can naturally
    haue power to do ought against any thing, excepte the same haue in
    it selfe a disposicion by like qualities to receiue it. As the cause
    in the fote cānot trouble the flanke and leue the knee (the mean
    betwixte) except there were a greater consent and likenes of nature in
    sufferance (whiche we call <em>sympathian</em>) betwixte those then thother.
    Nor fire refusynge stones, canne burne hardes, strawe, stickes and
    charcole, oile, waxe, fatte, and seacole, except these same first of
    al wer apte, and by conuenient qualities disposed to be enflamed and
    burned. Nor any man goeth about to burne water, because the qualities
    thereof be contrary, and the body vndisposed to the like of fire. By
    whiche reason it may also be perceiued, that y<sup>e</sup> venemouse qualitie
    of this corrupt aire is hote and moiste, for it redily enfectethe the
    lyke complexions, and those nigh vnto theim, and the contrary not
    at all, or hardly: &amp; easely doth putrify, as doe the Southe wyndes.
    Therfore next vnto those colde and drie cōplexions, olde men escaped
    free, as like to theim by age: and children, as voide of replecion
    consumed by their great hete, and therefore alwaies redy to eate. But
    in this disease the subtile humour euill and abundant in full bodies
    fedyng y<sup>e</sup> spirites, is more to be noted then the humour complexional,
    whiche notwithstanding, as an helper or hinderer to y<sup>e</sup> same, is not
    to be neglected. For els it should be in all contries and persones
    indifferently, wher all complexiones be. The thirde and laste reason
    is, y<sup>t</sup> they which had thys sweat sore with perille or death, were
    either men of welthe, ease, &amp; welfare, or of the poorer sorte such as
    wer idle persones, good ale drinkers, and Tauerne haunters. For these,
    by y<sup>e</sup> great welfare of the one sorte, and large drinkyng of thother,
    heped vp in their bodies moche euill matter: by their ease and idlenes,
    coulde not waste and consume it. A comfirmacion of this is, that the
    laborouse and thinne dieted people, either had it not, because they dyd
    eate but litle to make the matter: or with no greate grefe and danger,
    because they laboured out moche thereof. Wherefore vpon small cause,
    necessarily must folowe a smal effecte. All these reasones go to this
    ende, that persones of all contries of moderate and good diete, escape
    thys Englishe <em>Ephemera</em>, and those be onely vexed therewith, whiche
    be of immoderate and euill diete. But why? for the euill humores and
    corrupte aier alone? No, for thē the pestilence and not the swet should
    rise. For what then? For y<sup>e</sup> impure spirites corrupte in theim selues
    and by the infectiue aier. Why so? for that of impure and corrupte
    humores, whether thei be blode or others, can rise none other then
    impure spirites. For euery thynge is suche as that whereof it commeth.
    Now, that of the beste and fineste of the blode, yea in corrupte bodies
    (whyche beste is nought) these spirites be ingendred and fedde, I
    before expressed. Therfor who wyl haue them pure and cleane,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_368">368</span> and him
    selfe free from sweat, muste kepe a pure and cleane diete, and then he
    shalbe sure.</p>

  <p><em>The preseruacion.</em>—Infection by the aier, and impure spirites by
    repletion thus founde and declared to be the causes of this pestilente
    sweate or Englishe <em>ephemera</em>, lette vs nowe see howe we maye preserue
    our selues from it, and howe it may be remedied, if it chaunce, wyth
    lesse mortalitie. I wyll begynne wyth preseruation. That most of all
    dothe stande in auoidyng the causes to come of the disease, the thinges
    helping forward the same, and remouyng that whiche is alredy had &amp;
    gotten. Al be done by the good order of thynges perteynyng to the
    state of the body. Therfore I will begin with diete where I lefte, &amp;
    then go furth with aier where I beganne in treatyng the causes, and
    declare the waie to auoide infection, and so furthe to the reste in
    order. Who that lustethe to lyue in quiete suretie, out of the sodaine
    danger of this Englishe <em>ephemera</em>, he aboue all thynges, of litle and
    good muste eate &amp; spare not, the laste parte wherof wyl please well
    (I doubt not) vs Englishe men: the firste I thinke neuer a deale. Yet
    it must please theim that entende to lyue without the reche of this
    disease. So doyng, they shall easely escape it. For of that is good,
    can be engendred no euill: of that is litle, can be gathered no great
    store. Therfore helthful must he nedes be and free from this disease,
    that vsethe this kinde of liuynge and maner in dietynge. An example
    hereof may the wise man <cite>Socrates</cite> be, which by this sorte of diete
    escaped a sore pestilence in Athenes, neuer fleynge ne kepyng close him
    selfe from the same. Truly who will lyue accordynge to nature and not
    to lust, may with this diete be well contented. For nature is pleased
    with a litle, nor seketh other then that the mind voide of cares and
    feares may be in quiete merily, and the body voide of grefe, maye be in
    life swetly, as <cite>Lucretius</cite> writeth. Here at large to ronne out vntill
    my breth wer spent, as vpon a common place, against y<sup>e</sup> intemperāce
    or excessiue diete of Englande, thincommodities &amp; displeasures of
    the same many waies: and contrarie, in commēdation of meane diete
    and temperance (called of <em>Plato sophrosyne</em>, for that it cōserneth
    wisdome) and the thousande commodities therof, both for helthe, welthe,
    witte, and longe life, well I might, &amp; lose my laboure: such be our
    Englishe facions rather then reasones. But for that I purpose neither
    to wright a longe work but a shorte counseill, nor to wery the reders
    with that they luste not to here, I will lette that passe, and moue thē
    that desire further to knowe my mynde therin, to remember that I sayd
    before, of litle &amp; good eate and spare not, wherby they shall easely
    perceiue my meanyng. I therefore go furth with my diete, wherin my
    counseill is, that the meates be helthfull, and holsomly kylled, swetly
    saued, and wel prepared in rostyng, sethyng, baking, &amp; so furth. The
    bred, of swet corne, well leuened, and so baked. The drinke of swete
    malte and good water kyndly brued,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_369">369</span> without other drosse nowe a daies
    vsed. No wine in all the tyme of sweatyng, excepte to suche whose
    sickenes require it for medicin, for fere of inflamynge &amp; openynge,
    nor except y<sup>e</sup> halfe be wel soden water. In other tymes, old, pure, &amp;
    smal. Wishīg for the better executiō hereof &amp; ouersight of good and
    helthsome victalles, ther wer appointed certein masters of helth in
    euery citie and toune, as there is in Italie, whiche for the good order
    in all thynges, maye be in al places an example. The meates I would to
    be veale, muttone, kidde, olde lambe, chikyn, capone, henne, cocke,
    pertriche, phesane, felfare, smal birdes, pigeon, yong pecockes, whose
    fleshe by a certeine natural &amp; secrete propertie neuer putrefie, as
    hath bene proued. Conies, porke of meane age, neither fatte nor leane,
    the skynne takē awaye, roste, &amp; eatē colde: Tartes of prunes, gelies
    of veale &amp; capone. Yong befe in this case a litle poudered is not to
    be dispraised, nor new egges &amp; good milke. Butter in a mornyng with
    sage and rewe fastynge in the sweatynge tyme, is a good preseruatiue,
    beside that it nourisheth. Crabbes, crauesses, picrel, perche, ruffe,
    gogion, lampreis out of grauelly riuers, smeltes, dace, barbell,
    gornerd, whityng, soles, flunders, plaice, millers thumbes, minues, w<sup>t</sup>
    such others, sodde in water &amp; vinegre w<sup>t</sup> rosemary, time, sage, &amp; hole
    maces, &amp; serued hote. Yea swete salte fishe and linge, for the saltes
    sake wastynge y<sup>e</sup> humores therof, which in many freshe fishes remaine,
    maye be allowed well watered to thē that haue none other, &amp; wel lyke
    it. Nor all fishes, no more then al fleshes be so euil as they be takē
    for: as is wel declared in physik, &amp; approued by the olde and wise
    romaines moche in their fisshes, lusty chartusianes neuer in fleshes,
    &amp; helthful poore people more in fishe then fleshe. But we are nowe a
    daies so vnwisely fine, and womanly delicate, that we may in no wise
    touch a fisshe. The olde manly hardnes, stoute courage, &amp; peinfulnes of
    Englande is vtterly driuen awaye, in the stede wherof, men now a daies
    receive womanlines, &amp; become nice, not able to withstande a blaste of
    wynde, or resiste a poore fishe. And children be so brought vp, that if
    they be not all daie by the fire with a toste and butire, and in their
    furres, they be streight sicke.</p>

  <p>Sauces to metes I appoint firste aboue all thynges good appetite, and
    next Oliues, capers, iuse of lemones, Barberies, Pomegranetes, Orenges
    and Sorel, veriuse, &amp; vineigre, iuse of vnripe Grapes, thepes or
    Goseberies. After mete, quinces, or marmalade, Pomegranates, Orenges
    sliced eaten with Suger, Succate of the pilles or barkes therof, and
    of pomecitres, olde apples and peres, Prunes, Reisons, Dates &amp; Nuttes.
    Figges also, so they be taken before diner, els no frutes of that yere,
    nor rawe herbes or rotes in sallattes, for that in suche times they be
    suspected to be partakers also of the enfected aire.</p>

  <p>Of aire so much I haue spoken before, as apperteinethe to the
    declaration of enfection therby. Nowe I wyl aduise and counseill howe
    to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_370">370</span> kepe the same pure, for somoche as may be, or lesse enfected, and
    correcte the same corrupte. The first is done in takynge a way y<sup>e</sup>
    causes of enfectiō. The seconde, by doynge in all pointes the contrary
    thereto. Take awaye the causes we maye, in damnyng diches, auoidynge
    cariōs, lettyng in open aire, shunning suche euil mistes as before I
    spake of, not openynge or sturrynge euill brethynge places, landynge
    muddy and rottē groundes, burieng dede bodyes, kepyng canelles cleane,
    sinkes &amp; easyng places sweat, remouynge dongehilles, boxe and euil
    sauouryng thynges, enhabitynge high &amp; open places, close towarde the
    sowthe, shutte toward the winde, as reason wil &amp; thexperience of <cite>M.
    varro</cite> in the pestilēce at <em>Corcyra</em> confirmethe. Correcte in doyng
    the contrary we shall, in dryenge the moiste with fyres, either in
    houses or chambers, or on that side the cities, townes, &amp; houses,
    that lieth toward the infection and wynde commyng together, chefely
    in mornynges &amp; eueninges, either by burnyng the stubble in the felde,
    or windfallynges in the woodes, or other wise at pleasure. By which
    policie skilful <em>Acron</em> deliuered Athenes in <em>Gretia</em>, and diuine
    <cite>Hippocrates abderā in Thratia</cite> frō y<sup>e</sup> pestilēce, &amp; preserued frō
    the same other the cities in <em>Grece</em>, at diuerse times cōyng with the
    wynde frō <em>æethiopia</em>, <em>illyria</em> &amp; <em>pŒonia</em>, by putting to the fires
    wel smelling garlādes, floures &amp; odoures, as <cite>Galene</cite> and <cite>Soranus</cite>
    write. Of like pollicie for purgyng the aier were the bonfires made
    (as I suppose) frō long time hetherto vsed in y<sup>e</sup> middes of sommer,
    and not onely for vigiles. In cōfortyng the spirites also, and by
    alterynge the aier with swete odoures of roses, swet perfumes of the
    same, rosemary leaues, baies, and white sanders cutte, afewe cloues
    steped in rose water and vinegre rosate, the infection shalbe lesse
    noious. With the same you maye also make you a swete house in castynge
    it abrode therin, if firste by auoidynge the russhes and duste, you
    make the house clene. Haue alwaies in your handcercher for your nose
    and mouth, bothe with in your house and without, either the perfume
    before saide, or vinegre rosate: and in your mouth a pece either of
    setwel, or of the rote of <i lang="la">enula campana</i> wel steped before in vinegre
    rosate, a mace, or berie of Juniper. In wante of suche perfumes as is
    beforesaide, take of mirrhe &amp; drie rose leues of eche a lyke quantite,
    with a little franke encense, for the like purpose, and caste it
    vpon the coles: or burne Juniper &amp; their beries. And for so moche as
    clenelines is a great help to helthe, mine aduise is, that all your
    clothes be swete smellynge and clene, and that you wasshe your handes
    and face not in warme water, but with rose water and vinegre rosate
    colde, or elles with the faire water and vinegre wherein the pilles
    or barkes of orenges and pomegranates are sodden: or the pilles of
    pomecitres &amp; sorel is boiled: for so you shalle close the pores ayenst
    the ayre, that it redily entre not, and cole and tempre those partes so
    wasshed, accordynge to the right entente in curynge this disease. For
    in al the discurse, preseruatiō, <span class="pagenum" id="Page_371">371</span>and cure of thys disease, the chefe
    marke &amp; purpose is, to minister suche thynges as of their nature haue
    the facultie by colyng dryenge and closyng, to resiste putrefaction,
    strength and defende the spirites, comforte the harte, and kepe all
    the body ayenst the displeasure of the corrupte aire. Wherfor it shal
    be wel done, if you take of this cōposition folowyng euery mornyng
    the weight of ij. d. in vi. sponefulles of water or iuleppe of Sorel,
    &amp; cast it vpon your meate as pepper. ℞ seīs citri. acetos. ros. rub.
    sādal. citrin. ān. ʒ i boli armeni oriētal. ʒ i. s, terr. sigil. ʒ s,
    margarit. ʒ i, fol. auri puri. n<sup>o</sup>. iiij, misce. &amp; f. pul. diuidatur
    ad pōd. ʒ s. Or in the stede of this, take fasting the quantitie of a
    small bene of <em>Mithridatum</em> or Uenice triacle in a sponeful of Sorel,
    or Scabious water, or by the selfe alone. And in goyng abrode, haue
    in youre hande either an handekercher with vinegre and rose water, or
    a litle muske balle of nutmegges, maces, cloues, saffrō, &amp; cinamome,
    of eche the weight of ij. d. finely beatē; of mastike the weight
    of ij. d. ob. of storax, v. d. of ladane x. d. of Ambre grise vi.
    graines, of Muske iii. graines dissolued in ryght Muscadel: temper
    al together, &amp; make a balle. In want of <em>Mithridatum</em> or suche other
    as I haue before mencioned, vse dayly the Sirupes of Pomegranates,
    Lemones, and Sorell, of eche half an vnce, with asmuche of the watres
    of Tormentille, Sorell, and Dragones, fasting in the morning, and one
    houre before supper. A toste in vinegre or veriuse of Grapes, with a
    litle poulder of Cinamome and Settewelle caste vppon it. Or two figges
    with one nutte carnelle, and tenne leaues of rue in eche, and a litle
    salt. Or boutire, rue, and sage, with breade in a morning eaten nexte
    your harte, be as good preseruatiues, as theie be easye to be hadde.
    These preseruatiues I here appoincte the more willingly among many
    others further to be fetched, because these maye easelier be hadde, as
    at hande in niede, which now to finde is my most endeuour, as moste
    fruictfulle to whome I write. And this to be done I counsaille in the
    sickenesse tyme, when firste you heare it to be comming and begonne,
    but not in the fitte. Alwayes remembryng, not to go out fastinge. For
    as <cite>Cornelius Celsus</cite> wrytethe, Uenime or infection taketh holde muche
    soner in a bodye yet fasting, then in the same not fastinge. Yet this
    is not so to be vnderstande, that in the mornynge we shal streight as
    our clothes be on, stuffe our bellies as fulle as Englishe menne, (as
    the Frenche man saieth to our shames,) but to be contente with oure
    preseruatiues, or with a little meate bothe at breakefaste (if custome
    and nede so require) dynner and supper. For other wise nature, if the
    disease shoulde take vs. shoulde haue more a doe againste the full
    bealy and fearce disease, then it were able to susteyne.</p>

  <p>Aftre diete and ayer followethe filling or emptieng. Of filling in the
    name of repletiō I spake before. Of ēptieng, I will now shortely write
    as of a thing very necessary for the conseruation of mannes healthe.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_372">372</span>
    For if that whiche is euel within, be not by good meanes &amp; wayes wel
    fet oute, it often times destroyeth the lyfe. Good meanes to fet out
    the euelle stuffe of the body be two, abstinence, &amp; auoydance.</p>

  <p>Abstinence, in eatynge and drinckynge litle, as a lytle before I sayed,
    and seldome. For so, more goeth awaie then comethe, and by litle and
    litle it wasteth the humours &amp; drieth. Therfore (as I wiene) throughe
    the counseil of Phisike, &amp; by the good ciuile, &amp; politique ordres,
    tēdring the wealth of many so much geuē to their bellies to their own
    hurtes &amp; damages, not able for wāt of reasō to rule thē selues, &amp;
    therby enclined to al vices and diseases: for thauoiding of these same,
    increase of vertue, witte and health, sauing victualles, making plenty,
    auoyding lothesomenesse or wearinesse, by chaunge, in taking sometime
    of that in the sea, and not alwaies destroieng y<sup>t</sup> of the lande, an
    ordre (without the whiche nothing can stand) and comon wealth, dayes of
    abstinence, and fasting were firste made, and not for religion onely.</p>

  <p>Auoidance, because it cānot be safely done withoute the healpe of a
    good Phisicien, I let passe here, expressing howe it shoulde bee done
    duelye accordinge to the nature of the disease and the estate of the
    personne, in an other booke made by me in Latine, vppon this same
    matter and disease. Who therfore lusteth to see more, let him loke
    vpon that boke. Yet here thus much wil I say, that if after euacuation
    or auoiding of humors, the pores of the skinne remaine close, and y<sup>e</sup>
    sweating excrement in the fleshe continueth grosse (whiche thinge howe
    to know, hereafter I will declare) then rubbe you the person meanly
    at home, &amp; bathe him in faire water sodden with Fenel, Chamemil,
    Rosemarye, Mallowes, &amp; Lauendre, &amp; last of al, powre water half colde
    ouer al his body, and so dry him, &amp; clothe him. Al these be to be don
    a litle before y<sup>e</sup> end of y<sup>e</sup> spring, that the humours may be seatled,
    and at rest, before the time of the sweting, whiche cometh comonly
    in somer, if it cometh at al. For the tormoiling of the body in that
    time when it ought to be most quiete, at rest, and armed against his
    enemy, liketh me not beste here, no more then in the pestilence. Yet
    for the presente nede, if it be so thoughte good to a learned and
    discrete Phisicien, I condescend the rather. For as in thys, so in
    alle others before rehearsed, I remytte you to the discretion of a
    learned manne in phisike, who maye iudge what is to be done, and how,
    according to the present estate of youre bodies, nature, custome, and
    proprety, age, strength, delyghte and qualitie, tyme of the yeare, with
    other circumstaunces, and thereafter to geue the quantitie, and make
    diuersitie of hys medicine. Other wise loke not to receiue by this boke
    that good which I entend, but that euel which by your owne foly you
    vndiscretelye bring. For good counseil may be abused. And for me to
    write of euery particular estate and case, whiche be so manye as there
    be menne, were so great almost a busines, as to numbre the sandes in
    the sea.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_373">373</span> Therfore seke you out a good Phisicien, and knowen to haue
    skille, and at the leaste be so good to your bodies, as you are to your
    hosen or shoes, for the wel making or mending wherof, I doubt not but
    you wil diligently searche out who is knowē to be the best hosier or
    shoemaker in the place where you dwelle: and flie the vnlearned as a
    pestilence in a comune wealth. As simple women, carpenters, pewterers,
    brasiers, sopeballesellers, pulters, hostellers, painters, apotecaries
    (otherwise then for their drogges,) auaunters thē selues to come from
    Pole, Constantinople, Italie, Almaine, Spaine, Fraunce, Grece and
    Turkie, Inde, Egipt or Jury: from y<sup>e</sup> seruice of Emperoures, kinges &amp;
    quienes, promising helpe of al diseases, yea vncurable, with one or
    twoo drinckes, by waters sixe monethes in continualle distillinge, by
    <em>Aurum potabile</em>, or <em>quintessence</em>, by drynckes of great and hygh
    prices, as though thei were made of the sūne, moone, or sterres,
    by blessynges and Blowinges, Hipocriticalle prayenges, and foolysh
    smokynges of shirtes Smockes and kerchieffes, wyth suche others theire
    phantasies, and mockeryes, meaninge nothinge els but to abuse your
    light belieue, and scorne you behind your backes with their medicines
    (so filthie, that I am ashamed to name theim) for your single wit and
    simple belief, in trusting thē most, whiche you know not at al, and
    vnderstād least: like to them whiche thinke, farre foules haue faire
    fethers, althoughe thei be neuer so euel fauoured &amp; foule: as thoughe
    there coulde not be so conning an Englishman, as a foolish running
    stranger, (of others I speake not) or so perfect helth by honest
    learning, as by deceiptfull ignorance. For in the erroure of these
    vnlerned, reasteth the losse of your honest estimation, diere bloudde,
    precious spirites, and swiete lyfe, the thyng of most estimation and
    price in this worlde, next vnto the immortal soule.</p>

  <p>For consuming of euel matter within, and for making our bodies lustye,
    galiard, &amp; helthful, I do not a litle cōmende exercise, whiche in vs
    Englishe men I allowe quick, and liuishe: as to runne after houndes
    and haukes, to shote, wrastle, play at Tēnes and weapons, tosse the
    winde balle, skirmishe at base (an exercise for a gentlemanne, muche
    vsed among the Italianes,) and vaughting vpon an horse. Bowling, a
    good excercise for women: castinge of the barre and camping, I accompt
    rather a laming of legges, then an exercise. Yet I vtterly reproue
    theim not, if the hurt may be auoyded. For these a conueniente tyme
    is, before meate: due measure, reasonable sweatinge, in al times of
    the yeare, sauing in the sweatinge tyme. In the whiche I allow rather
    quietnesse then exercise, for opening the body, in suche persons
    specially as be liberally &amp; freely brought vp. Others, except sitting
    artificers, haue theire exercises by daily labours in their occupatiōs,
    to whom nothing niedeth but solace onely, a thing conuenient for euery
    bodye that lusteth to liue in helth. For els as nō other thing, so
    not healthe canne be longe durable. Thus I speake of solace, that I
    meane<span class="pagenum" id="Page_374">374</span> not Idlenesse, wisshing alwayes no man to be idle, but to be
    occupied in some honest kinde of thing necessary in a cōmon welth.
    For I accompt thē not worthi meate &amp; drink in a cōmō welth, y<sup>t</sup> be
    not good for some purpose or seruice therin, but take thē rather as
    burdennes vnprofitable and heauye to the yearth, men borne to fille a
    numbre only, and wast the frutes whiche therthe doeth grue, willing
    soner to fiede the Lacedemonians old &amp; croked asse, whiche labored for
    the liuing so long as it coulde for age, then suche an idle Englisshe
    manne. If the honestye and profite of honeste labour and exercise,
    conseruation of healthe, preseruation from sickenesse, maintenaunce
    of lyfe, aduancement, safety from shamefull deathes, defence from
    beggerye, dyspleasures by idlenesse, shamefulle diseases by the same,
    hatefulle vices, and punishemente of the immortalle soule, canne not
    moue vs to reasonable laboure and excercise, and to be profitable
    membres of the commune welthe, let at the least shame moue vs, seyng
    that other country menne, of nought, by their owne witte, diligence,
    labour and actiuitie, can picke oute of a cast bone, a wrethen strawe,
    a lyghte fether, or an hard stone, an honeste lyuinge: Nor ye shal
    euer heare theym say, alas master, I haue nō occupaciō, I must either
    begge or steale. For they can finde other meanes betwene these two.
    And forsomuche as in the case that nowe is, miserable persons are
    to be relieued in a cōmon welth, I would wisshe for not fauouring
    the idle, the discretion of <cite>Marc. Cicero</cite> the romaine were vsed in
    healping them: Who wolde compassion should be shewed vpon them, whome
    necessitie compelled to do or make a faute: &amp; no cōpassion vpon them,
    in whome a faulte made necessitie. A faulte maketh necessitie, in this
    case of begging, in them, whyche might laboure and serue, &amp; wil not
    for idlenes: and therfore not to be pitied, but rather to be punished.
    Necessitie maketh a fault in thē, whiche wold labor and serue, but
    cānot for age, īpotēcy, or sickenes, and therfore to be pitied &amp;
    relieued. But to auoyde punishmente &amp; to shew the waye to amendmente,
    I would again wishe, y<sup>t</sup> forsomuch as we be so euel disposed of our
    selfes to our own profites and comodities with out help, this old law
    were renued, which forbiddeth the nedy &amp; impotent parentes, to be
    releued of those their welthi chyldren, that by theym or theire meanes
    were not broughte vppe, eyther in good learning and Science, or honeste
    occupation. For so is a man withoute science, as a realme withoute a
    kyng. Thus muche of exercise, and for exercise. To the which I wolde
    now ioyne honeste companye betwene man and woman, as a parte of natural
    exercise, and healpe to y<sup>e</sup> emptieng &amp; lightning the bodye in other
    tymes allowed, in this sweating tyme for helthes sake, &amp; for feare of
    opening the bodye, and resoluing the spirites, not approued, but for
    dout, that w<sup>t</sup> lengthing the boke, I shold wery y<sup>e</sup> reader. Therfore I
    let y<sup>t</sup> passe &amp; come to sleping &amp; waking, whiche without good ordre,
    be gretly hurtful to the bodie. For auoiding <span class="pagenum" id="Page_375">375</span>the whiche, I take the
    meane to be best, and against this sweat moste commendable. But if by
    excesse a man must in eyther part offend, I permit rather to watch to
    muche, then to lie in bedde to longe: so that in watchinge, there be no
    way to surfetting. Al these thinges duely obserued, and well executed,
    whiche before I haue for preseruation mencioned, if more ouer we can
    sette a parte al affections, as fretting cares &amp; thoughtes, dolefull
    or sorowfull imaginations, vaine feares, folysh loues, gnawing hates,
    and geue oure selues to lyue quietly, frendlie, &amp; merily one with an
    outher, as men were wont to do in the old world, whē this countrie
    was called merye Englande, and euery man to medle in his own matters,
    thinking theim sufficient, as thei do in Italye, and auoyde malyce and
    dissencion, the destruction of commune wealthes, and priuate houses: I
    doubte not but we shall preserue oure selues, bothe from this sweatinge
    syckenesse, and other diseases also not here purposed to be spoken of.</p>

  <p><em>The cure or remedy.</em>—But if in leauinge a parte these or some of them,
    or negligently executing them, it chaunceth the disease of sweating
    to trouble our bodies, then passinge the bondes and compasse of
    preseruation, we must come to curation, the way to remedie the disease,
    &amp; the third and last parte (as I first sayed) to be entreated in this
    boke. The principalle entente herof, is to let out the venime by sweate
    accordinge to the course of nature. This is brought to passe safely
    two waies, by suffring and seruing handsomly nature, if it thruste it
    oute readily and kindely: and helping nature, if it be letted, or be
    weake in expellinge. Serue nature we shall, if in what time so euer
    it taketh vs, or what so euer estate, we streyghte lay vs downe vppon
    oure bedde, yf we be vp and in oure clothes, not takyinge them of:
    or lie stille, if we be in bed out of our clothes, laiyng on clothes
    both wayes, if we wante, reasonably, and not loadinge vs therewith
    vnmeasurably. Thus layed and couered, we must endeuoure our selues so
    to continue wyth al quietnes, &amp; for so much as may be without feare,
    distruste, or faintehartednesse, an euel thinge in al diseases. For
    suche surrendre and geue ouer to the disease without resistence. By
    whiche occasion manye more died in the fyrste pestilence at <em>Athenes</em>,
    that I spake of in the beginnynge of thys boke, then other wyse should.
    Oure kepers, friendes and louers, muste also endeuoure theym selues
    to be handesome and dilygente aboute vs, to serue vs redilye at al
    turnes, and neuer to leaue vs duringe foure and twentie houres, but
    to loke welle vnto vs, that neyther we caste of oure clothes, nor
    thruste out hande or foote, duryng the space of the saide foure and
    twenty houres. For albeit the greate daungere be paste after twelue
    houres, or fourtene, the laste of trial, yet many die aftre by to muche
    boldenes, when thei thinke theim selues most in suretye, or negligence
    in attendaunce, when they thinke no necessitie. Wherby it is proued
    that without dout, the handsome diligence, or carelesse negligence, <span class="pagenum" id="Page_376">376</span>is
    the sauing, or casting awaye of many. If ij. be taken in one bed, let
    theym so continue, althoughe it be to their vnquietnesse. For feare
    wherof, &amp; for the more quietnesse &amp; safetye, very good it is duryng all
    the sweating time, that two persones lye not in one bed. If with this
    quietnes, diligēce, and ordre, the sicke do kindelye sweate, suffre
    them so to continue, without meate all the xxiiij. houres: withoute
    drincke, vntil the fifth houre, if it maie be. Alwayes taking hede to
    theim in the fourth, seuenth, nineth, &amp; eleuenth houres speciallye, and
    fourteenth also, as the laste of triall and daungier, but of lesse in
    bothe. For these be most perilous, as I haue obserued this yere in this
    disease, hauing y<sup>e</sup> houres iudicial, as others haue theire dayes, and
    therfore worse to geue anye thinge in, for troublyng nature standyng
    in trialle. Yet wher more daunger is in forbearyng then in takyng, I
    counseill not to spare in these howres to do as the case requireth with
    wisdome &amp; discretion, but lesse then in other howres. In the fifthe
    howre geue theim to drinke clarified ale made only doulcet with a litle
    suger, out of a cruet, or glasse made in cruet facion, with a nebbe,
    for feare of raisynge theim selues to receiue the drinke offered, &amp; so
    to let the sweat, by the ayer strikyng in. But if the sicke on this
    wise beforesaid cānot sweate kyndly, then nature must be holpen, as I
    sayd before. And for so moch as sweat is letted in this disease fower
    waies, by disorder, wekenes of nature, closenes of the pores in the
    skinne, &amp; grosnes of the humoures: my counseil is to auoide disorder by
    suche meanes as hetherto I haue taught, and next to open the pores if
    they be close, and make thinne the matter, if it be grosse, and prouoke
    sweat, if nature be weke. Those you shal doe by gentle rubbynges,
    this by warme drinckes as hereafter streight I will declare. And for
    that euery man hath not the knowlege to discerne which of these is
    the cause of let in sweatyng, I wil shewe you plainly howe to do with
    moste suretie and leste offense. I wyll beginne with wekenes of nature.
    Therefore remember well that in treatynge the causes of this disease, I
    sayed that this sweate chauncethe cōmonly in theim of the mydde age and
    beste luste, the infection hauyng a certein concordance, or conuenience
    with the corrupte spirites of theim more then others. Knowe agayne that
    nature is weke, ij. waies, either in the selfe, or by the annoiance of
    an other. In the selfe, by wante of strength consumed by sicknes or
    other wise. By annoiaunce of an other, when nature is so ouerlaid with
    the quantitie of euill humours that it can not stirre. Betwene thes two
    set youre witte, and se whether the persō be lustye or sickly. If he
    be lustye, vnderstande that the sweat doth not stoppe for wekenes of
    nature in it selfe. Then of necessitie it must be for some of thother
    causes. But for whiche, thus knowe. Consider whether the lusty person
    were in foretyme geuen to moche drynkyng, eatyng and rauenyng, to moch
    ease, to no exercise or bathinges in his helth, or no. If all these you
    finde in<span class="pagenum" id="Page_377">377</span> him, knowe that bothe nature is wekened by the annoiance of
    the humoures, and that the skinne is stopped, and the humoure grosse,
    and that for thys the sweate is letted. If you finde onely some of
    these, and that rauenynge, annoiance is the cause. If want of exercise
    or bathinges, stoppinges of the pores and closenesse, or grosenes of
    humours, or bothe, be the cause of not sweatying. On the othersyde, if
    the persō be sickely, it is easely knowē that his wekenes consisteth in
    nature the self. And for so moche as weke folkes and sicke shal also
    by other causes not sweate, consider if in his sickenes he hath swette
    moche or no, or hath bē disposed to it and coulde not. If he neither
    hath swette, nor coulde sweat disposed, knowe that closenes of the
    skinne, and grosenes of the humour is the cause. Therfore euery thing
    in his kynde muste be remedied, Wekenes of nature, by drinkes prouokyng
    sweate: closenes, &amp; grosenes, by rubbynge, as I said. But be ware
    neither to rubbe or geue drinkes, excepte you see cause as beforesayd.
    For other wise, the one hindrethe nature, and thother letteth out the
    spirites &amp; wasteth y<sup>e</sup> strength. Therefore accordyngly, if rubbe you
    must, geue to the sicke in to their beddes a newe and somewhat harde
    kerchefe, well warmed but not hote, and bydde theim rubbe all their
    bodies ouer therewith vnder the clothes, neither to moche neither to
    litle, nor to harde or to softe, but meanely betwene, takyng you hede
    whiche be aboute them, that by stirrynge their armes they raise not
    the clothes to let in the ayer. This done, if case so require, geue
    thē a good draught of hote possette ale made of swiete milke turned
    with vinegre, in a quarte wherof percely, and sage, of eche haulfe one
    litle handfull hath been sodden, wyth iii. sliftes of rosemary, ii.
    fenel rootes cutte, and a fewe hole maces. Alwaies remembrynge here,
    as in other places of this boke, to heate the herbes in a peuter dishe
    before the fyre, or washe theim in hote water, before you putte them
    in to the posset ale, and that you putte their to no colde herbes
    at any tyme durynge the hole fitte. Or geue theim posset ale hote
    with rosemary, dittane, &amp; germander. Or baie beries, anise seades, &amp;
    calamintes with claret wine sodden and dronke warme. Or white wine with
    hore and wilde tansy growen in medes sodden therin, and ii. d. weight
    of good triacle, dronke hote, or in y<sup>e</sup> stede of that, wilde tanesy,
    mogwort or feuerfue. These prouoke sweat, may easely be hadde, &amp; be
    metest for thē which haue al y<sup>e</sup> causes beforesayde of lettyng thesame.
    But specially if for colde and grose humoures, or for closenes of the
    skinne, the sweate commethe not furthe. If with one draught they sweate
    not, geue theim one other, or ij. successiuely, after halfe one houre
    betwene, and encrease the clothes, first a litle aboue the meane,
    after, more or lesse as the cause requireth, &amp; make a litle fire in the
    chamber of clene woode, as ashe &amp; oke, with the perfume of bdellium: or
    swiet woode, as Juniper, fyrre, or pine, by theimselues: remembrynge
    to withdrawe the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_378">378</span> fire, when they sweat fully, and the clothes aboue
    the meane, by litle and litle as you laide theim on, when they firste
    complaine of faintyng. And after xii. or xiiii. houres, some also of
    the meane, but one after an other by halfe one houre successiuely with
    discrecion, alwaies not lokyng so moche to the quantitie of the sweat,
    as what the sicke may saufely beare. And in suche case of faintynge,
    suffer competent open aier to come into the chamber, if the same and
    the wether be hote, for smoderynge the pacient, by suche windowes as
    the wynde liethe not in, nor openeth to the south. Put to their noses
    to smell vinegre and rose water in an handkercher, not touchynge theim
    there with so nighe as maye be. Cause theim to lie on their right side,
    and bowe theim selues forward, call theim by their names, and beate
    theim with a rosemary braunche, or some other swete like thynge. In the
    stede of posset ale, they whiche be troubled with gowtes, dropsies,
    reumes, or suche other moiste euill diseases, chauncing to sweat, may
    drinke a good draught of the stronger drinke of <em>Guaiacum</em> so hote as
    they can, for the lyke effecte, as also others may, not hauynge these
    deseases, if it be so redy to theim as the other. After they ones sweat
    fully, myne aduise is not to geue any more posset ale, but clarified
    ale with suger, duryng the hole fitte, neither vnreasonably, nor so
    ofte as they call for it, neither yet pinchyng theym to moche when they
    haue nede, alwayes takynge hede not to putte any colde thynge in their
    mouthe to cole and moiste them with, nor any colde water, rose water,
    or colde vinegre to their face duryng the sweat and one daie after
    at the leaste, but alwaies vse warmeth accordynge to nature, neuer
    contrariyng thesame so nighe as may be. If they raue or be phrenetike,
    putte to their nose thesame odour of rose water &amp; vinegre, to lette the
    vapoures from the headde. If they slepe, vse theim as in the case of
    faintyng I said, with betyng theim and callynge theim, pullyng theim
    by the eares, nose, or here, suffering them in no wise to slepe vntil
    suche tyme as they haue no luste to slepe, except to a learned mā in
    phisicke the case appere to beare the contrary. For otherwise the
    venime in slepe continually runneth inward to y<sup>e</sup> hart. The contrary
    hereof we muste alwaies intende, in prouokyng it outwarde by all meanes
    duryng the fitte, whyche so longe lasteth in burnynge and sweatyng, as
    the matter thereof hath any fyrie or apte partes therfore. For as great
    &amp; strong wine, ale, or bere, so longe do burne as there is matter in
    theim apte to be burned, and then cesse when that whiche remainethe
    is come againe to hys firste nature: that is, to suche water clere &amp;
    vnsauery, as either the bruer receiued of the riuer, or vine of the
    earth: euen so the body so longe continuethe burnynge and sweatynge,
    as their is matter apte therefore in the spirites, and then leaueth,
    when the corrupcion taken of the finest of the euill blode is consumed,
    and the spirites lefte pure and cleane as they were before the tyme of
    their corruption.</p>

  <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_379">379</span></p>

  <p>This done, and the body by sufficient sweate discharged of the venime,
    the persone is saulfe. But if he by vnrulines &amp; brekyng his sweate,
    sweateth not sufficiently, thē he is in daunger of death by y<sup>t</sup> venime
    that doth remaine, or at the leaste to sweat ones againe or oftener, as
    many hath done, fallynge in thrise, sixe tymes, yea, xii. tymes some.
    If sufficiently the sweate be come, you shal know by the lightnes &amp;
    cherefulnes of the body, &amp; lanckenes in all partes, by the continuall
    sweatyng the hole daie and out of all partes, whyche be the beste and
    holsome sweates. The other which come but by tymes and onely in certein
    partes, or broken, be not sufficient nor good, but very euill, of
    whose insufficiency, ij. notes learne: a swellyng in y<sup>e</sup> partes with
    a blackenes, &amp; a tinglyng or prickyng in the same. Suche I aduise to
    appointe theim selues to sweat againe to ridde their bodies of that
    remaineth, &amp; abide it out vntill they fele their bodies lanke &amp; light,
    and to moue the sweat as before I said, if thesame come not kyndly
    by the selfe. If they cānot forbeare meate during y<sup>e</sup> space of their
    fitte, and faste out their xxiiij. houres, without danger, geue theim a
    litle of an alebrie onely, or of a thinne caudel of an egge sodden with
    one hole mace or ij. If they be forced by nature to ease them selues
    in the meane time, let them do it rather in warme shetes put into them
    closely, then to arise. After they haue thus fully swette, conuey
    closely warme clothes into theyre beddes, and bid them wipe themselues
    there with in al partes curiouslye: and be ware that no ayer entre into
    theire open bodies (and speciallye their arme holes, the openest &amp;
    rarest parte therof) to let the issue of that whych doeth remaine. The
    lyke may be done in the reste of their fitte, with lyke warenes, for
    that clenlinesse comfortethe nature, and relieueth the pacient. If in
    duringe oute the foure and twentye houres there be thought daungiere
    of death without remouing, rather warme well the other side of the
    bedde, and wil hym to remoue himself into it, thē to take him vp &amp;
    remoue hym to an other bed, which in no case mai be done. For better
    is a doubtful ware hope, then a certeine auentured death. The foure
    and twenty houres passed duly, they may putte on theire clothes warme,
    aryse, and refresshe theym selues with a cawdle of an egge swietelye
    made, or such other meates and sauces reasonably and smally taken, as
    before I mencioned. And if their strength be sore wasted, let theym
    smelle to an old swiet apple (as Aristotle did by his reporte in the
    boke <i lang="la">de pomo</i>) or hotte new bread, as <cite>Democritus</cite> did, by the record
    of <cite>Laertius</cite> in his life, either by it self alone, or dipped in wel
    smelling wyne, as Maluesey or Muscadelle, &amp; sprinckled with the pouder
    of mintes. Orenges also and Lemones, or suche muske balles as I before
    described, be thinges mete for this purpose. For as I saied in my ij.
    litle bokes in Latine <i lang="la">de medendi methodo</i>, of deuise to cure diseases,
    there is no thinge more comfortable to the spirites then good and swiet
    odoures. On this wise aduised how to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_380">380</span> order your selues in al the time
    of the fitte, now this remaineth, to exhorte you not to go out of your
    houses for iij. dayes, or ij. at the least after the fitte passed, and
    then wiselye, warely, and not except in a faire bright daye, for feare
    of swouning after great emptinesse, and vnwont ayer, or for forcyng
    nature by soubdaine strikyng in of thesame aier, colde, or euil, in
    to the open body. For nature so forced, maketh often tymes a sore and
    soubdaine fluxe, as wel after auoidaunce of these humores by sweate,
    (as was this yere well sene in many persones in diuerse contries of
    Englande for none other cause) as of others by purgation.</p>

  <p>Thus I haue declared the begynning, name, nature, accidentes, signes,
    causes, preseruations, and cures naturall of this disease the sweatynge
    sickenes, English <em>Ephemera</em>, or pestilent sweate, so shortly &amp; plainly
    as I could for y<sup>e</sup> cōmune saufty of my good countrimen, help, relieue,
    &amp; defence of thesame against y<sup>e</sup> soubdaine assaultes of the disease,
    &amp; to satisfie the honeste requeste of my louynge frendes and gentleὣ
    acquaintance. If other causes ther be supernatural, theim I leue to the
    diuines to serche, and the diseases thereof to cure, as a matter with
    out the compasse of my facultie.</p>

  <hr class="page" />

  <div class="footnotes mt10">
    <div class="footheader"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_1c" href="#FNanchor_1c" class="label">[1]</a> The author seems to me here to allude to what Sydenham
      calls the “constitutio epidemica,” as if he would say, “The epidemic
      constitution as it exists at any one time, is but a step,” &amp;c.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_2c" href="#FNanchor_2c" class="label">[2]</a> <cite>Grafton</cite>, Vol. II. pp. 147. 155.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_3c" href="#FNanchor_3c" class="label">[3]</a> <cite>Hall</cite>, p. 425.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_4c" href="#FNanchor_4c" class="label">[4]</a> For suddenlie a deadlie burning sweat so assailed their
      bodies and distempered their blood with a most ardent heat, that
      <em>scarce one amongst an hundred</em> that sickened did escape with life; for
      all in maner as soone as the sweat tooke them, or within a short time
      after, yeelded the ghost. <cite>Holinshed</cite>, Vol. III. p. 482. <cite>Godwin</cite>, p.
      98. <cite>Polydor.</cite> <cite>Vergilius</cite>, L. XXVI. p. 567. <cite>Wood</cite>, T. I. A. 1485. p.
      233. <cite>Wood</cite> takes his testimony respecting the symptoms of the disease
      at third hand from <cite>Carol</cite>. <cite>Valesius</cite>, (Cap. XIV. p. 226,) a French
      physician at Rome, about 1650, who employs <cite>P. Foreest’s</cite> words. This
      last author, however, did not himself observe the English sweating
      sickness.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_5c" href="#FNanchor_5c" class="label">[5]</a> <cite>Bacon</cite>, p. 36.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_6c" href="#FNanchor_6c" class="label">[6]</a> <cite>Fabian</cite>, p. 673.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_7c" href="#FNanchor_7c" class="label">[7]</a> <em>Swetynge sykenesse</em> in the Chronicles.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_8c" href="#FNanchor_8c" class="label">[8]</a> The Mayors’ names were <cite>Thomas Hylle</cite> and <cite>William
      Stocker</cite>. <cite>Fabian</cite>, loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_9c" href="#FNanchor_9c" class="label">[9]</a> Until the 30th of October. <cite>Grafton</cite>, p. 158.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_10c" href="#FNanchor_10c" class="label">[10]</a> <cite>Wood</cite>, loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_11c" href="#FNanchor_11c" class="label">[11]</a> <cite>Phil. de Comines</cite>, Tom. I. p. 344. Compare the English
      chronicles quoted. The history of Croyland Abbey states that the 1st
      of August was the day of <cite>Richmond’s</cite> arrival at Milford Haven. There
      exists no reason for departing from this statement with some modern
      writers, namely, <cite>Kay, du Chesne</cite>, p. 1192; <cite>Lilie</cite>, p. 382, and
      <cite>Marsolier</cite>, who assert the landing of the army to have taken place on
      the 7th of August. Historia Croylandensis, p. 573, in <cite>Jo. Fell</cite>.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_12c" href="#FNanchor_12c" class="label">[12]</a> <cite>Grafton</cite>, p. 147.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_13c" href="#FNanchor_13c" class="label">[13]</a> <cite>Stow</cite>, p. 779.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_14c" href="#FNanchor_14c" class="label">[14]</a> According to the unanimous statements of the
      chroniclers.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_15c" href="#FNanchor_15c" class="label">[15]</a> Histor. Croylandens, p. 573. <cite>Fell</cite>.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_16c" href="#FNanchor_16c" class="label">[16]</a> <cite>Bacon</cite>, p. 7. <cite>Marsolier</cite>, p. 142. Yet in the autumn
      of that same year <em>Henry</em> established, what no prior king of England
      ever had, a body-guard. It consisted of only 50 “Yomen of the Crowne,”
      to each of whom there were appointed two men on foot—an archer and
      a demi-lance, and a groom to attend to his three horses. The first
      commander of this body-guard, which formed the most ancient stock
      whence sprang the English standing army, was <em>Henry Bourchier</em>, Earl
      of Essex. <cite>Herbert of Cherbury</cite>, p. 9. <cite>Grafton</cite>, and the other
      chroniclers, loc. cit. <cite>Baker</cite>, p. 254.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_17c" href="#FNanchor_17c" class="label">[17]</a> <cite>Bacon</cite>, <cite>Stow</cite>, <cite>Baker</cite>, loc. cit. Rapin considered the
      middle of September as the period of the outbreak. T. IV. p. 386.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_18c" href="#FNanchor_18c" class="label">[18]</a> “Infinite persons.” <cite>Bacon.</cite> “A wonderful number.”
      <cite>Stow.</cite> “Many thousands.” <cite>Baker</cite>, loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_19c" href="#FNanchor_19c" class="label">[19]</a> The plague can scarcely be said to furnish this
      immunity, for though a second attack is an exception to a pretty
      general rule, it is one of by no means unfrequent occurrence.—<i>Transl. note.</i></div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_20c" href="#FNanchor_20c" class="label">[20]</a> <cite>Holinshed</cite>, Vol. III. p. 482.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_21c" href="#FNanchor_21c" class="label">[21]</a> <cite>Wood</cite>, p. 233.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_22c" href="#FNanchor_22c" class="label">[22]</a> Histor. Croyland. p. 569. <cite>Fell.</cite></div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_23c" href="#FNanchor_23c" class="label">[23]</a> No physick afforded any cure. <cite>Baker</cite>, p. 254.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_24c" href="#FNanchor_24c" class="label">[24]</a> Henry VII., and Henry VIII. Compare the excellent
      biographical account of this learned man by <cite>Aikin</cite>.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_25c" href="#FNanchor_25c" class="label">[25]</a> <cite>Erasmus</cite> expresses himself on this subject in his
      usual manner. He was on terms of strict friendship with <em>Linacre</em>,
      whom on other occasions he greatly lauds. This, however, does not
      prevent him from lashing him with his satire as a philological pedant.
      “Novi quendam <span lang="el">πολυτεχνότατον</span>, græcum, latinum, mathematicum,
      philosophum, medicum, <span lang="el">καὶ ταῦτα βασιλικὸν</span>, jam sexagenarium, (he was
      born in 1460, and died in 1524,) qui <em>ceteris rebus omissis</em>, annis
      plus viginti se torquet ac discruciat in grammatica, <em>prorsus felicem
      se fore ratus, si tamdiu liceat vivere, donec certo statuat, quomodo
      distinguendæ sint octo partes orationis</em>, quod hactenus nemo Græcorum
      aut Latinorum ad plenum præstare valuit.” Laus Stultitiæ, p. 200. That
      <cite>Linacre</cite> is here meant is quite plain; the passage applies to no other
      contemporary.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_26c" href="#FNanchor_26c" class="label">[26]</a> See the author’s History of Medicine, Book II. p. 311.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_27c" href="#FNanchor_27c" class="label">[27]</a> <cite>Grafton</cite>, p. 161, and the other chroniclers.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_28c" href="#FNanchor_28c" class="label">[28]</a> <cite>Wood</cite>, loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_29c" href="#FNanchor_29c" class="label">[29]</a> The luscious Greek wines were at this time the most in
      vogue, especially Cretan wine, Malmsey, and Muschat. <cite>Lemnius</cite>, de
      compl. L. II. fol. 111. b. <cite>Reusner</cite>, p. 70.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_30c" href="#FNanchor_30c" class="label">[30]</a> <cite>Werlich</cite>, p. 248.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_31c" href="#FNanchor_31c" class="label">[31]</a> <cite>Spangenberg</cite>, Mansf. Chr. fol. 395. f.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_32c" href="#FNanchor_32c" class="label">[32]</a> <cite>Werlich</cite>, p. 236. <cite>Spangenberg</cite>, loc. cit. Overflow of
      the Lech, 1484. <cite>Werlich</cite>, p. 239.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_33c" href="#FNanchor_33c" class="label">[33]</a> <cite>Frank von Wörd.</cite> fol. 211. a.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_34c" href="#FNanchor_34c" class="label">[34]</a> <cite>Grafton</cite>, p. 133, and all the other chroniclers.
      <cite>Short</cite>, Vol. I. p. 201, and several others, even <cite>Schnurrer</cite>,
      erroneously asserted this inundation to have taken place in the year
      1485.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_35c" href="#FNanchor_35c" class="label">[35]</a> <cite>Campo</cite>, p. 132. <cite>Pfeufer</cite>, p. 32.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_36c" href="#FNanchor_36c" class="label">[36]</a> <cite>Frank v. Wörd</cite>, fol. 211. a. In the plague which
      followed, about 20,000 people died in Brixen, and 30,000 in Venice.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_37c" href="#FNanchor_37c" class="label">[37]</a> <cite>Fracastor</cite>, p. 182. Morb. Contag. L. II.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_38c" href="#FNanchor_38c" class="label">[38]</a> <cite>Wurstisen</cite>, p. 474. cap. 15. <cite>Fracastor</cite>, p. 136.
      <cite>Spangenberg</cite> (Pestilentz) calls this Epidemic of 1482, which spread
      all over Germany, Switzerland and France, “<i>das phrenitische,
      schwerhitzig Pestilentzfieber</i>”, the phrenitic, intensely ardent,
      plague-fever. Compare <cite>Stumpff.</cite> fol. 742. b.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_39c" href="#FNanchor_39c" class="label">[39]</a> The so called <i>Hauptkrankheit</i>.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_40c" href="#FNanchor_40c" class="label">[40]</a> <cite>Spangenberg</cite>, Mansfeld. Chr. fol. 396. a.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_41c" href="#FNanchor_41c" class="label">[41]</a> In many places women and children were obliged to draw
      the plough, from the want of draught cattle; they were obliged too to
      carry on the cultivation by night, that they might not be observed by
      the king’s inhuman revenue officers.—<cite>Mezeray</cite>, Tom. II. p. 750.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_42c" href="#FNanchor_42c" class="label">[42]</a> “Il couroit alors (1482) dans la France une dangereuse
      et mortelle maladie, qui affligeoit indifferemment les grands et les
      petits, bien qu’elle ne fut pas contagieuse. C’étoit une espèce de
      <em>fièvre chaude et frenetique, qui s’allumoit tout d’un coup dans le
      cerveau, et le brûloit avec de si cruelles douleurs, que les uns s’en
      cassoient la teste contre les murailles, les autres se précipitoient
      dans les puits</em>, ou se tuoient à force de courir çà et là. On en
      attribu la cause à quelque maligne influence des astres et à la
      corruption, que la mauvaise nourriture de l’année précédente avoit
      formé dans le corps; d’autant que les vins et les bleds n’étant point
      venus à maturité, la disette avoit été si grande, principalement dans
      les provinces de delà la Loire, que les peuples n’avoient vécu que de
      racines et d’herbes.” <cite>Mezeray</cite>, Tom. II. p. 746.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_43c" href="#FNanchor_43c" class="label">[43]</a> It is expressly affirmed by the historians that many of
      the higher classes were sleepless from <em>the constant alarm and fear of
      Tristan’s sword</em>. How greatly must such a condition have predisposed
      the mind to receive this destructive fever!</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_44c" href="#FNanchor_44c" class="label">[44]</a> <cite>Jacques Cotier.</cite> He extorted from his patients 10,000
      dollars a month, but, after his master’s death, was obliged to refund
      to <cite>Charles</cite> VIII., 100,000 dollars. <cite>Comines</cite>, L. VI. c. 12. p. 400.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_45c" href="#FNanchor_45c" class="label">[45]</a> <cite>Mezeray</cite>, loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_46c" href="#FNanchor_46c" class="label">[46]</a> <cite>Spangenberg</cite>, Mansfeld. Chron. fol. 379. a. Pestilentz,
      1485.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_47c" href="#FNanchor_47c" class="label">[47]</a> Compare <cite>Webster</cite>, T. I. p. 147.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_48c" href="#FNanchor_48c" class="label">[48]</a> <cite>Spangenberg</cite>, Mansfeld. Chron. fol. 398. a., and many
      other chroniclers. The reader will have the goodness to observe, here
      and in similar places, that the text is not stating the opinion of the
      author, but the way in which these events were viewed in that age.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_49c" href="#FNanchor_49c" class="label">[49]</a> —Il y avoit seulement en Normandie quelque troupes de
      franc-archers, de ceux, que <em>Louis XI</em>. avoit licenciez, qui couroit
      la campagne: et plusieurs faineants s’étant joints avec eux, ils
      detruisoient tout le païs, et on devoit même craindre, que ce mal ne
      se communiquât aux provinces voisines. Mais il se présenta alors une
      belle occasion de delivrer la France de ces pillards ... et lui donna
      (<em>Charles VIII.</em>) tout ces francs-archers et <em>brigands</em> de Normandie
      jusqu’au nombre de 3000. <cite>Mezeray</cite>, T. II. p. 762.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_50c" href="#FNanchor_50c" class="label">[50]</a> “La milice estoit plus cruelle et plus desordonnée que
      jamais.” So says <cite>Mezeray</cite> of the French soldiers in general. T. II. p.
      750.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_51c" href="#FNanchor_51c" class="label">[51]</a> <cite>Schiller</cite>, Sect. II. c. 1. p. 131. b.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_52c" href="#FNanchor_52c" class="label">[52]</a> <cite>Angelus</cite>, p. 253. <cite>Spangenberg</cite>, M. Chr. fol. 398. b.
      The scurvy affected society far more in the 15th and 16th centuries
      than it does at present, and made its appearance on several occasions
      as an epidemic. Compare, in particular, <cite>Reusner</cite>, whose work on the
      history of epidemics is one of general importance. <cite>Sennert</cite>, <cite>Wier</cite>,
      and others.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_53c" href="#FNanchor_53c" class="label">[53]</a> <cite>Schiller</cite>, loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_54c" href="#FNanchor_54c" class="label">[54]</a> It was conceived not to bee an epidemicke disease, but
      to proceed from a malignity in the constitution of the aire, gathered
      by the predispositions of seasons: and the speedie cessation declared
      as much. <cite>Bacon</cite>, p. 9.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_55c" href="#FNanchor_55c" class="label">[55]</a> The name passed into the French, English, and Italian
      languages—Lansquenet, Lancichinecho.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_56c" href="#FNanchor_56c" class="label">[56]</a> ——“flock together like flies in summer, so that any one
      would wonder where all these swarms have sprung from, and how they are
      maintained during the winter; and truly they are such a miserable crew,
      that one ought rather to pity than envy the kind of life they lead and
      their precarious fortune.” <cite>Franck’s</cite> Chronicle. “<em>On the destructive
      Lansquenets</em>,” fol. 217. b.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_57c" href="#FNanchor_57c" class="label">[57]</a> 1518. “This year there was a great gathering of the
      Landsknechts, who, as soon as they had assembled, went forth from
      Friesland, committed great ravages and made an incursion into the
      country at Gellern, and were beaten by <em>Vernlow</em>.” <cite>Wintzenberger</cite>,
      fol. 23. a.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_58c" href="#FNanchor_58c" class="label">[58]</a> “Not to mention too the curtailment of life, for one
      <em>seldom meets with an old Landsknecht</em>.” <cite>Franck</cite>, loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_59c" href="#FNanchor_59c" class="label">[59]</a> Those Moors were so called who, in order to remain in
      Spain after the conquest of Granada, embraced Christianity.—<i>Transl. note.</i></div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_60c" href="#FNanchor_60c" class="label">[60]</a> The petechial fever which will be spoken of further on.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_61c" href="#FNanchor_61c" class="label">[61]</a> <cite>Grafton</cite>, p. 220. <cite>Webster</cite>, Vol. I. p. 149.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_62c" href="#FNanchor_62c" class="label">[62]</a> <cite>Stow</cite>, p. 809. <cite>Fabian</cite>, p. 689. <cite>Hall</cite>, p. 502.
      <cite>Grafton</cite>, p. 230. <cite>Holinshed</cite>, p. 536. <cite>Bacon</cite>, p. 225.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_63c" href="#FNanchor_63c" class="label">[63]</a> <cite>Spangenberg</cite>, M. Chr. fol. 403. a. Pestilenz, A. 1505.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_64c" href="#FNanchor_64c" class="label">[64]</a> <cite>Webster</cite>, Vol. I. p. 151. <cite>Franck</cite>, fol. 219. a.
      <cite>Pingré</cite>, T. I. p. 481.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_65c" href="#FNanchor_65c" class="label">[65]</a> <cite>Bacon</cite>, p. 225. <cite>Stow</cite>, p. 809. Compare the other
      chroniclers, who most of them notice this event in great detail.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_66c" href="#FNanchor_66c" class="label">[66]</a> <cite>Bacon</cite>, p. 231.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_67c" href="#FNanchor_67c" class="label">[67]</a> <cite>Empson</cite> and <cite>Dudley</cite>, ministers of Henry VII., who
      left behind him treasure to the amount of £1,800,000 sterling.
      Compare <cite>Hume</cite>, Hist. of Eng. Vol. III., <cite>Bacon</cite>, and almost all the
      chroniclers. Both ministers were executed in the following reign, in
      the year 1509. <cite>Grafton</cite>, p. 236.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_68c" href="#FNanchor_68c" class="label">[68]</a> <cite>Villalba</cite>, T. I. pp. 69. 99.—<em>Ferdinand’s</em> conflicts
      with the Saracens began in 1481, and ended with the fall of Granada
      in 1492. The disease is called in Spanish <i lang="es">Tabardillo</i>, which name,
      however, <cite>Villalba</cite> has not quoted at so early a period as 1490.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_69c" href="#FNanchor_69c" class="label">[69]</a> <cite>Villalba</cite>, loc. cit. p. 66.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_70c" href="#FNanchor_70c" class="label">[70]</a> Ibid. p. 69—<cite>Fracastor</cite>, de morbis contagios. L. II. c.
      6. p. 155.—<cite>Schenck von Grafenberg</cite>, L. VI. p. 553. T. II.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_71c" href="#FNanchor_71c" class="label">[71]</a> Besides those already named, the writings of <cite>Omodei</cite>
      and <cite>Pfeufer</cite>. Compare <cite>Schnurrer</cite>, Book II. p. 27.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_72c" href="#FNanchor_72c" class="label">[72]</a> It was called Puncticula or Peticulæ, also Febris
      stigmatica, Pestis petechiosa. <cite>Reusner</cite>, p. 11. For later synonimes,
      see <cite>Burserius</cite>, Vol. II. p. 293.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_73c" href="#FNanchor_73c" class="label">[73]</a> Consimilem ergo <em>infectionem in aëre</em> primum fuisse
      censendum est, quæ mox in nos ingesta tale febrium genus attulerit, quæ
      tametsi pestilentes veræ non sunt, in limine tamen earum videntur esse.
      Analogia vero ejus contagionis ad sanguinem præcipue esse constat, quod
      et maculæ illæ, quæ expelli consuevere, demonstrant, etc. p. 161.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_74c" href="#FNanchor_74c" class="label">[74]</a> Compare the whole of the sixth and seventh chapters of
      <cite>Fracastor.</cite> loc. cit. What was the general judgment of the Italian
      physicians respecting the spotted fever, may be gathered from <cite>Nic.
      Massa</cite>, whose confused work, however, contributes nothing to the
      history of the disease. Cap. IV. fol. 67, seq. Compare <cite>Schenck von
      Grafenberg’s</cite> excellent and very copious treatise, de febre stigmatica.
      L. VI. p. 553, Tom. II.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_75c" href="#FNanchor_75c" class="label">[75]</a> <cite>Osorio</cite>, fol. 113. b., 114. a.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_76c" href="#FNanchor_76c" class="label">[76]</a> See further on.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_77c" href="#FNanchor_77c" class="label">[77]</a> <cite>Villalba</cite>, p. 78, et seq.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_78c" href="#FNanchor_78c" class="label">[78]</a> <cite>Spangenberg</cite>, M. Chr. fol. 402. a. <cite>Angelus</cite>, p. 261.
      <cite>Pingré</cite>, T. I. p. 479.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_79c" href="#FNanchor_79c" class="label">[79]</a> Compare <cite>Webster</cite>, who has collected together whatever
      could be found on this subject. Vol. II. p. 82.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_80c" href="#FNanchor_80c" class="label">[80]</a> <cite>Spangenberg</cite>, M. Chr. fol. 402. a.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_81c" href="#FNanchor_81c" class="label">[81]</a> The same. <cite>Franck</cite>, fol. 219. a.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_82c" href="#FNanchor_82c" class="label">[82]</a> Author’s History of Medicine. Book II. p. 146.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_83c" href="#FNanchor_83c" class="label">[83]</a> <cite>Sigebert. Gembl.</cite> fol. 58. a. <cite>Spangenberg</cite>, M. Chr.
      fol. 66. b.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_84c" href="#FNanchor_84c" class="label">[84]</a> <cite>Sigebert. Gembl.</cite> fol. 82. a. <cite>Hermann. Contract</cite>, p.
      186. <cite>Witichind.</cite> p. 34.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_85c" href="#FNanchor_85c" class="label">[85]</a> Compare on this subject <cite>Nees v. Esenbeck’s</cite> Supplement
      to <cite>R. Brown’s</cite> Miscellaneous Botanical Writings, Book I. p. 571; and
      <cite>Ehrenberg’s</cite> New Observations on Blood-like Appearances in Egypt,
      Arabia, and Siberia, together with a review and critique on what was
      earlier known, in <cite>Poggendorff’s</cite> Annalen, 1830; the two best works
      on this subject; wherein is also contained a criticism on <cite>Chladni’s</cite>
      Hypermeteorological Views.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_86c" href="#FNanchor_86c" class="label">[86]</a> <cite>Crusius</cite> is the most circumstantial on this point,
      for he gives the names of many persons on whose clothes crosses were
      visible. On a maiden’s shawl the instruments of Christ’s martyrdom
      were supposed to have been seen marked. In the vicinity of Biberach,
      a miller’s lad made rude sport of the painting of crosses, but he was
      seized and burned. Book II. p. 156.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_87c" href="#FNanchor_87c" class="label">[87]</a> <cite>Mezeray</cite>, T. II. p. 819.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_88c" href="#FNanchor_88c" class="label">[88]</a> <cite>Angelus</cite>, p. 261.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_89c" href="#FNanchor_89c" class="label">[89]</a> Perhaps Sporotrichum vesicarum, or a kind of Mycoderma.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_90c" href="#FNanchor_90c" class="label">[90]</a> <cite>Vincenzo Sette</cite> describes a kind of red mould, which in
      the year 1819 coloured vegetable and animal substances in the province
      of Padua, and excited superstitious apprehensions among the people. See
      his work on this subject.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_91c" href="#FNanchor_91c" class="label">[91]</a> “Autumnali vero tempore, cum jam vestes, lintea,
      culcitræ, panes, omnis generis obsonia, sub dio, vel in conclavibus
      patentibus locata talem situ <em>mucorem</em> contraxerunt, qualis oritur in
      penore, in opacis domus cellis collocato, aut etiam in ipsis cellis diu
      non repurgatis, pestis præsentes ad nocendum vires habet.” L. I. p. 45.
      <cite>Agricola’s</cite> Treatise on the Plague is among the cleverest which the
      sixteenth century produced.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_92c" href="#FNanchor_92c" class="label">[92]</a> For example, at the time of the Justinian Plague, and of
      the Black Death.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_93c" href="#FNanchor_93c" class="label">[93]</a> <cite>Mezeray</cite>, T. II. p. 828.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_94c" href="#FNanchor_94c" class="label">[94]</a> See above, p. 189.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_95c" href="#FNanchor_95c" class="label">[95]</a> The former mortality was so far from having ceased, yea,
      rather in the great heat (of summer) was still more vehement, that in
      some places a third part, and in some even the half of the people were
      snatched away by death, and that not by one only, <em>but by various and
      hitherto unheard of diseases</em>. Men caught the burning fever so rapidly
      and violently, that they thought they must be totally consumed. Some
      were seized with such <em>severe and insupportable headache</em> that they
      were deprived of their senses, some with such <em>a violent cough</em> that
      they <em>expectorated blood</em> incessantly—some with such a very rapid flux,
      that it broke their hearts: the bodies of some putrefied, and were so
      offensive that no one could remain near them. And by reason of such
      extraordinary diseases, it was a most sorrowful and troublous year,
      and there followed a hard winter, in the which, the cold lasted for
      three months. <cite>Spangenberg</cite>, M. Chr. fol. 402. b. Compare <cite>Angelus</cite>, p.
      263, who, following some contemporaries, mentions a comet (doubted by
      <cite>Pingré</cite>, I. 479) as having appeared in the year 1504.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_96c" href="#FNanchor_96c" class="label">[96]</a> From a Poem on Henry VIII. in <cite>Herbert of Cherbury</cite>.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_97c" href="#FNanchor_97c" class="label">[97]</a> They found grazing more profitable, and converted large
      tracts of arable land into pasture. <cite>Hume</cite>, T. IV. p. 277.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_98c" href="#FNanchor_98c" class="label">[98]</a> <cite>Lemnius</cite>, fol. III. b.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_99c" href="#FNanchor_99c" class="label">[99]</a> <cite>Grafton</cite>, p. 294. This insurrection is called by the
      Chroniclers, “Insurrection of Evill May-day.”—<cite>Hume</cite>, T. IV. 274.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_100c" href="#FNanchor_100c" class="label">[100]</a> “Of the common sort they were numberless, that perished
      by it.” <cite>Godwyn</cite>, p. 23.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_101c" href="#FNanchor_101c" class="label">[101]</a> Is valde sibi videbatur adversus contagionem victus
      moderatione munitus: qua factum putavit, ut quum in nullum pene
      incideret, cujus non tota familia laboraverat, neminem adhuc e suis
      id malum attigerit, <em>id quod et mihi et multis præterea jactavit,
      non admodum multis horis antequam extinctus est</em>.“-<cite>Erasm.</cite> Epist.
      L. VII. ep. 4. col. 386. The date of the year of this letter from
      Sir <cite>Thomas More</cite> to <cite>Erasmus</cite>, 1520, is clearly erroneous, as is
      that of many other letters in this collection, for at that time the
      Sweating Sickness did not prevail in London; it is also sufficiently
      well known from other researches (Biographie Universelle—General
      Biographical Dictionary), that Ammonius died in 1517. The date of the
      month, however, 19th August, seems to be correct. <cite>Sprengel</cite> has, in
      consequence of this false date of the year, been misled to assume a
      specific epidemic Sweating Sickness as having taken place in the year
      1520, (Book II. p. 686,) which is wholly unconfirmed.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_102c" href="#FNanchor_102c" class="label">[102]</a> <cite>Grafton</cite>, p. 294, is very detailed. Compare
      <cite>Holinshed</cite>, p. 626. <cite>Baker</cite>, p. 286. <cite>Hall</cite>, p. 592.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_103c" href="#FNanchor_103c" class="label">[103]</a> <cite>Godwyn</cite>, p. 23. <cite>Stow</cite>, p. 849.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_104c" href="#FNanchor_104c" class="label">[104]</a> This, from the foregoing remark upon the death of
      <cite>Ammonius</cite>, may be concluded with the greatest probability.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_105c" href="#FNanchor_105c" class="label">[105]</a> —“omnibus fere intra paucos dies decumbentibus, amissis
      plurimis, optimis atque honestissimis amicis.” <cite>Th. More</cite> in <cite>Erasmus’s
      Epist.</cite> L. VII. ep. 4. col. 386.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_106c" href="#FNanchor_106c" class="label">[106]</a> Ibid. The only place where the disease is spoken of as
      having spread across the channel.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_107c" href="#FNanchor_107c" class="label">[107]</a> <cite>Spangenberg.</cite> M. Chr. fol. 408. a.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_108c" href="#FNanchor_108c" class="label">[108]</a> <cite>Crusius.</cite> T. II. p. 187.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_109c" href="#FNanchor_109c" class="label">[109]</a> <cite>Wintzenberger</cite>, fol. 21. a. <cite>Angelus</cite>, p. 282.
      <cite>Spangenberg</cite>, loc. cit. <cite>Pingré</cite>, T. I. p. 483.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_110c" href="#FNanchor_110c" class="label">[110]</a> Such was the name given in Germany to the already
      oft-mentioned pernicious fever with inflammation of the brain. We
      recognise it for the first time, as an epidemic, in France, in the year
      1482. (See above, p. 189.) It frequently made its appearance throughout
      the whole of the sixteenth century.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_111c" href="#FNanchor_111c" class="label">[111]</a> <cite>Crusius</cite>, T. II. p. 187.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_112c" href="#FNanchor_112c" class="label">[112]</a> On the 16th of June, 1517, there was a great earthquake,
      and a tremendous storm of wind at Nördlingen, so that the parish church
      at St. Emeran was completely forced out of the ground and thrown
      down, and it was reckoned that there were 2000 houses and stables in
      that place which, for a space of two miles long, were overthrown and
      rent, and there were few houses there which were not, like the church,
      damaged and shaken to pieces. <cite>Wintzenberger</cite>, fol. 21. b.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_113c" href="#FNanchor_113c" class="label">[113]</a> In Xativa. <cite>Villalba</cite>, T. I. p. 83.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_114c" href="#FNanchor_114c" class="label">[114]</a> “<i lang="la">Il est saoul comme un Angloys.</i>”—<cite>Rondelet</cite>, de dign.
      morb. fol. 35. b.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_115c" href="#FNanchor_115c" class="label">[115]</a> <cite>Elyot</cite>, in his “Castell of Health,” quoted by <cite>Aikin</cite>,
      p. 64. <cite>Rondelet</cite>, loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_116c" href="#FNanchor_116c" class="label">[116]</a> In 1724, which was a great fruit year, there arose in
      this very county, from the immoderate use of cyder, an epidemic cholic;
      the Colica Damnoniorum. Vide <cite>Huxham</cite>, Opera. (Lips. 1764.) Tom. III.
      p. 54.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_117c" href="#FNanchor_117c" class="label">[117]</a> <cite>Elyot</cite>, in <cite>Aikin</cite>, p. 63.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_118c" href="#FNanchor_118c" class="label">[118]</a> <cite>Le Grand d’Aussy</cite>, T. I. p. 143.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_119c" href="#FNanchor_119c" class="label">[119]</a> <cite>Hume</cite>, T. IV. p. 273. <cite>Aikin</cite>, p. 59.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_120c" href="#FNanchor_120c" class="label">[120]</a> “Now-a-days, if a boy of seven years of age, or a young
      man of twenty years, have not two caps on his head, he and his friends
      will think that he may not continue in health; and yet, if the inner
      cap be not of velvet or satin, a serving-man feareth to lose his
      credence.” <cite>Elyot</cite>, in <cite>Aikin</cite>, p. 64.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_121c" href="#FNanchor_121c" class="label">[121]</a> ——“ubi homines perpetuo in hypocaustis degunt, multoque
      carnium esu se ingurgitant, et alimentis piperatis continuo utuntur.
      Quare factum est, ut continua hypocaustorum æstuatione meatuum cutis
      relaxatio consequeretur, quæ sudoris promptissima et potentissima
      causa esse solet, <em>cuius materia in humorum exsuperantia consistebat,
      quam frequens alimentorum multum nutrientium et piperatorum usus
      colligerat</em>.” <cite>Rondelet</cite>, loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_122c" href="#FNanchor_122c" class="label">[122]</a> The floors of the houses generally are made of nothing
      but loam, and are strewed with rushes, which being constantly put
      on fresh, without a removal of the old, remain lying there, in some
      cases for twenty years, with fish-bones, broken victuals and other
      filth underneath, and impregnated with the urine of dogs and men.
      <cite>Erasm.</cite> Epist. L. xxii. ep. 12. col. 1140. This description is in all
      probability overdrawn, and applicable only to the poorest huts. It is,
      however, certainly not fictitious, and is not refuted by <cite>Kaye</cite>.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_123c" href="#FNanchor_123c" class="label">[123]</a> <cite>Fracastoro</cite>, <cite>Fernel</cite>, <cite>Valleriola</cite>, <cite>Houlier</cite>, and
      most of the other learned physicians of the sixteenth century.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_124c" href="#FNanchor_124c" class="label">[124]</a> ——“<em>quod, vulgaria diversoria parum tuta sunt a contagio
      sceleratæ pestis</em>, quæ nuper ab Anglis—in nostras regiones demigravit,”
      speaking of the English Sweating Sickness in Germany (1529). <cite>Erasm.</cite>
      Epist. L. xxvii. ep. 16. col. 1519. c.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_125c" href="#FNanchor_125c" class="label">[125]</a> <cite>Brown’s</cite> “Opportunity.”</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_126c" href="#FNanchor_126c" class="label">[126]</a> <cite>Erasm.</cite> Epist. L. vii. ep. 4. col. 386.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_127c" href="#FNanchor_127c" class="label">[127]</a> <cite>Mezeray</cite>, T. II. p. 853. <cite>Paré</cite>, p. 823. <cite>Holler</cite>,
      Comm. II. in secund. sect. Coac. Hippocrat. p. 323.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_128c" href="#FNanchor_128c" class="label">[128]</a> “Un étrange rhûme qu’on nomma coqueluche, lequel
      tourmenta toute sorte de personnes, et leur rendit la voix si enrouée,
      que le barreau et les collèges en furent muets.”—<cite>Mezeray.</cite> Compare
      <cite>Diderot</cite> et <cite>d’Alembert</cite>, Encyclopédie ou Dictionnaire raisonné des
      Sciences, etc. T. IV. p. 182.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_129c" href="#FNanchor_129c" class="label">[129]</a> <cite>Pasquier</cite>, Livr. IV. Ch. 28, pp. 375, 376. The
      following is the passage. “En l’an 1411, y eut une autre sorte de
      maladie, dont <em>une infinité de personnes</em> furent touchez, par laquelle
      on perdoit le boire, le manger et le dormir, et toutefois et quantes
      que le malade mangeoit, il auoit une forte fievre; ce qu’il mangeoit
      luy sembloit amer ou puant, tousiours trembloit, et auec ce estoit si
      las et rompu de ses membres, que l’on ne l’osoit toucher en quelque
      part que ce fust: Aussi estoit ce mal accompagné <em>d’une forte toux</em>,
      qui tourmentoit son homme iour et nuit, laquelle maladie dura trois
      semaines entieres, <em>sans qu’une personne en mourust</em>. Bien est vray
      que par la vehemence de la toux plusieurs hommes se rompirent par
      les genitoires, et plusieurs femmes accoucherent avant le terme. Et
      quand venoit au guerir, ils iettoient grande effusion de sang par la
      bouche, le nez et le fondement, <em>sans qu’aucun médecin peust iuger
      dont procedoit ce mal, sinon d’une generale contagion de l’air, dont
      la cause leur estoit cachée</em>. Cette maladie fut appellée le <em>Tac</em>: et
      tel autrefois a souhaité par risée ou imprecation le mal du Tac à son
      compagnon, qui ne sçavoit pas que c’estoit.—L’an 1427, vers la S. Remy
      (1. Oct.) cheut un autre <em>air corrompu</em> qui engendra une très mauvaise
      maladie, que l’on appelloit <em>Ladendo</em> (dit un auteur de ce temps là) e
      n’y auoit homme ou femme, qui presque ne s’en sentist durant le temps
      qu’elle dura. <em>Elle commençoit aux reins, comme si on eust eu une forte
      gravelle</em>, en après venoient les frissons, et estoit en bien huict
      ou dix iours qu’on ne pouvoit bonnement boire, ne manger, ne dormir.
      Après ce venoit une toux si mauvaise, que quand on estoit au Sermon, on
      ne pouvoit entendre ce que le Sermonateur disoit par la grande noise
      des tousseurs. Item elle eust une très forte durée jusques après la
      Toussaincts (1. Nov.) bien quinze iours ou plus. Et n’eussiez gueres
      veu homme ou femme qui n’eust la bouche ou le nez tout esseué de grosse
      rongne, et s’entre-mocquoit le peuple l’un de l’autre, disant: As tu
      point eu Ladendo?”</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_130c" href="#FNanchor_130c" class="label">[130]</a> <cite>Reusner</cite>, p. 75.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_131c" href="#FNanchor_131c" class="label">[131]</a> <cite>Valleriola</cite>, Loc. med. Comm. Append. p. 45. <cite>Schenck a
      Grafenberg</cite>, Lib. VI. p. 552. Compare <cite>Short</cite>, T. I. p. 221.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_132c" href="#FNanchor_132c" class="label">[132]</a> <cite>Reusner</cite>, p. 72. Some of the synonymes here adduced
      will shew the medical views of the period respecting these diseases:
      Catarrhus febrilis. Febris catarrhosa. Ardores suffocantes. Febris
      suffocativa. Catarrhus epidemicus. Tussis popularis. <em>Cephalæa
      catarrhosa.</em> Cephalalgia contagiosa. <em>Gravedo anhelosa</em>, <cite>Fernel</cite>. Der
      böhmische Ziep (the Bohemian pip). Der Schafhusten (the sheep-cough).
      Die Schafkrankheit (the sheep disease). Die Lungensucht (phthisis). Das
      Hühnerweh (the poultry cough, or chicken contracted to chin-cough),
      and many others. In the influenza of 1580, violent perspiration was
      occasionally observed, so that some physicians thought that the English
      sweating sickness was about to return, just as in the Gröninger
      intermittent (1826), and in the cholera of 1831, without any knowledge
      on the subject, they talked of the Black Death.—<cite>Schneider</cite>, L. IV. c.
      6. p. 203.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_133c" href="#FNanchor_133c" class="label">[133]</a> That the physicians of the sixteenth century were
      familiar with this observation, is proved by the following quotation
      from <cite>Houlier</cite>. “Nulla fere corporis humani ægritudo est, quæ non
      defluxione humoris alicuius e capite aut excitari aut incrementum
      accipere possit.” Morb. int. L. I. fol. 68. b.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_134c" href="#FNanchor_134c" class="label">[134]</a> <cite>Hvitfeldt</cite>, Danmarks Riges Kronike.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_135c" href="#FNanchor_135c" class="label">[135]</a> <cite>Forest</cite>, Lib. VI. Obs. IX. p. 159.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_136c" href="#FNanchor_136c" class="label">[136]</a> <cite>Webster</cite>, vol. I. p. 157. 165. <cite>Villalba</cite>, T. I. p.
      102. 117., and <cite>Schnurrer</cite>.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_137c" href="#FNanchor_137c" class="label">[137]</a> <cite>Spangenberg</cite>, M. Chr. fol. 408. b.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_138c" href="#FNanchor_138c" class="label">[138]</a> <cite>Tyengius</cite>, in <cite>Forest</cite>: Lib. VI. Obs. II. Schol. p.
      152.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_139c" href="#FNanchor_139c" class="label">[139]</a> <cite>Forest</cite> availed himself of the unprinted and probably
      lost works of this distinguished physician, of whom, but for him, we
      should have known nothing.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_140c" href="#FNanchor_140c" class="label">[140]</a> The moderns, who prefer powerful remedies, employ for
      this purpose, without any better effect, the lunar caustic.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_141c" href="#FNanchor_141c" class="label">[141]</a> <cite>Wurstisen</cite>, p. 707. In this seventeenth year there
      arose an unknown epidemic. The patients’ tongues and gullets were
      white, as if coated with mould; they could neither eat nor drink,
      but suffered from headache together with a pestilential fever which
      rendered them delirious. By this disease 2000 persons perished in Basle
      within the space of eight months. Besides other means, it was found
      very efficacious to cleanse the mouth and gullet every two hours, even
      to the extent of making the surface bleed, and then to soften them with
      honey of roses.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_142c" href="#FNanchor_142c" class="label">[142]</a> <cite>Bretonneau’s</cite> Diphtheritis. Compare <cite>Naumann’s</cite>
      treatise on the subject in the author’s Wissenschaftlichen Annalen der
      ges. Heilkunde, Vol. XXV. II. 3. p. 271.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_143c" href="#FNanchor_143c" class="label">[143]</a> <cite>Forest.</cite> Lib. VI. obs. ix. p. 159.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_144c" href="#FNanchor_144c" class="label">[144]</a> <cite>Petr. Martyr.</cite> Dec. IV. cap. 10. p. 321. Compare
      <cite>Moore</cite>, p. 106.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_145c" href="#FNanchor_145c" class="label">[145]</a> 24th of Feb. 1525.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_146c" href="#FNanchor_146c" class="label">[146]</a> <cite>Lautrec.</cite></div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_147c" href="#FNanchor_147c" class="label">[147]</a> At first under <em>Hugo de Moncada</em>; afterwards under the
      Prince of <em>Orange</em>.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_148c" href="#FNanchor_148c" class="label">[148]</a> 1495, the year of the epidemic Lues.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_149c" href="#FNanchor_149c" class="label">[149]</a> Among them some regiments of Swiss.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_150c" href="#FNanchor_150c" class="label">[150]</a> Two hundred knights under Sir <em>Robert Jerningham</em>, and
      afterwards under <em>Carew</em>: both died of the Camp Fever. <cite>Herbert of
      Cherbury</cite>, p. 212. seq.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_151c" href="#FNanchor_151c" class="label">[151]</a> The 6th of May, 1527.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_152c" href="#FNanchor_152c" class="label">[152]</a> <cite>Jovius</cite>, L. XXVI. Tom. II. p. 129.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_153c" href="#FNanchor_153c" class="label">[153]</a> Ibid. p. 114.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_154c" href="#FNanchor_154c" class="label">[154]</a> According to <cite>Mezeray</cite>, the pestilence was at its height
      at the end of July. This is in accordance with <cite>Jovius</cite>, who fixes the
      termination of the great mortality, with rather too much precision
      perhaps, on the 7th of August.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_155c" href="#FNanchor_155c" class="label">[155]</a> With reference to this seemingly inflammatory state of
      excitement, it is, perhaps, worthy of notice, that the commander in
      chief himself is stated to have been twice bled. <cite>Jovius</cite>, loc. cit. p.
      125.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_156c" href="#FNanchor_156c" class="label">[156]</a> <cite>Jovius</cite>, loc. cit. p. 116–118.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_157c" href="#FNanchor_157c" class="label">[157]</a> <cite>Mezeray</cite>, T. II. p. 963.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_158c" href="#FNanchor_158c" class="label">[158]</a> <cite>Fracastor.</cite> Morb. Contag. L. II. c. 6. p. 155, 156.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_159c" href="#FNanchor_159c" class="label">[159]</a> It broke out in the beginning of February, and prevailed
      throughout the following month. <cite>Campo</cite>, p. 151.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_160c" href="#FNanchor_160c" class="label">[160]</a> <cite>Guicciardini</cite>, p. 1054.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_161c" href="#FNanchor_161c" class="label">[161]</a> <cite>Mezeray</cite>, T. II. p. 957.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_162c" href="#FNanchor_162c" class="label">[162]</a> <cite>Guicciardini</cite>, p. 1276.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_163c" href="#FNanchor_163c" class="label">[163]</a> Ibid. p. 1315.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_164c" href="#FNanchor_164c" class="label">[164]</a> See above, p. 201.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_165c" href="#FNanchor_165c" class="label">[165]</a> It was also observed, as is well known, in the summer of
      1831, before the breaking out of the cholera.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_166c" href="#FNanchor_166c" class="label">[166]</a> <cite>Gratiol.</cite> p. 129, 130.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_167c" href="#FNanchor_167c" class="label">[167]</a> See above, p. 204.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_168c" href="#FNanchor_168c" class="label">[168]</a> <cite>Jovius</cite>, loc. cit. p. 115.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_169c" href="#FNanchor_169c" class="label">[169]</a> <cite>Mezeray</cite>, p. 963.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_170c" href="#FNanchor_170c" class="label">[170]</a> The Spanish name for the lues venerea, which it obtained
      in consequence of the prevailing eruptions. It corresponds with the
      French “la vérole,” and with the German “französische Pocken.” We must
      not, therefore, think that it means “buboes.” <cite>Sandoval</cite>, Part II. pp.
      12. 14. Compare <cite>Astruc</cite>, T. I. p. 4.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_171c" href="#FNanchor_171c" class="label">[171]</a> In the Madrid edition of the same work, 1675. fol. L.
      XVII. p. 232. b.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_172c" href="#FNanchor_172c" class="label">[172]</a> “Auster namque ventus per eos dies perflare et
      mortiferum crassioris nebulæ vaporem ex palustri ortum uligine, per
      castra dissipare et circumferre ita cœperat, ut <em>aliis ex causis
      conceptæ febres</em> in contagiosum morbum verterentur.” <cite>Jovius</cite>, L. XXVI.
      p. 127.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_173c" href="#FNanchor_173c" class="label">[173]</a> In Torgau where, in 1813 and 1814, 30,000 Frenchmen
      found their graves, there prevailed two diseases, typhus and diarrhœa,
      altogether distinct from one another. See <cite>Richter</cite>.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_174c" href="#FNanchor_174c" class="label">[174]</a> <cite>Schwelin</cite>, p. 143.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_175c" href="#FNanchor_175c" class="label">[175]</a> See page 189.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_176c" href="#FNanchor_176c" class="label">[176]</a> Trousser, in an obsolete sense, signifies to cause
      speedy death.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_177c" href="#FNanchor_177c" class="label">[177]</a> <cite>Mezeray</cite>, T. II. p. 965, where the best notices of it
      are to be found.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_178c" href="#FNanchor_178c" class="label">[178]</a> His account applies to the town of Puy in the Auvergne,
      where he seems himself to have seen the disease. Livr. XXII. c. 5. p.
      823.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_179c" href="#FNanchor_179c" class="label">[179]</a> <cite>Forest.</cite> L. VI. obs. 7. p. 156. <cite>Sander</cite> writes from
      numerous observations which he made in and about Cambray.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_180c" href="#FNanchor_180c" class="label">[180]</a> <cite>Sauvages</cite>, T. I. p. 487, hence calls the Trousse-galant
      “Cephalitis verminosa,” although neither inflammation of the brain nor
      worms existed in all cases, and takes his description from <cite>Sander</cite>, as
      again <cite>Ozanam</cite> has taken it from <cite>Sauvages</cite>, T. III. p. 27.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_181c" href="#FNanchor_181c" class="label">[181]</a> <cite>Forest.</cite> p. 157. Schol.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_182c" href="#FNanchor_182c" class="label">[182]</a> <cite>Paré</cite>, loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_183c" href="#FNanchor_183c" class="label">[183]</a> So small-pox and measles, it is well known, are the
      forerunners of plague.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_184c" href="#FNanchor_184c" class="label">[184]</a> <cite>Fabian</cite>, p. 699.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_185c" href="#FNanchor_185c" class="label">[185]</a> <em>Sir William Compton</em>, and <em>William Carew</em>, besides many
      other distinguished persons who are not named.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_186c" href="#FNanchor_186c" class="label">[186]</a> <cite>Grafton</cite>, p. 412, the principal passage. Compare
      <cite>Holinshed</cite>, p. 735. <cite>Baker</cite>, p. 293. <cite>Hall</cite>, p. 750. <cite>Herbert of
      Cherbury</cite>, p. 215.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_187c" href="#FNanchor_187c" class="label">[187]</a> During <em>Henry</em> the Eighth’s reign (1509 to 1547),
      72,000 malefactors were, according to Harrison, executed for theft and
      robbery, making nearly 2000 for each year. <cite>Hume</cite>, T. IV. p. 275.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_188c" href="#FNanchor_188c" class="label">[188]</a> <cite>Stow</cite>, p. 885.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_189c" href="#FNanchor_189c" class="label">[189]</a> <cite>Fabian</cite>, loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_190c" href="#FNanchor_190c" class="label">[190]</a> ——“it seeming to be but the same contagion of the aire,
      varied according to the clime.” <cite>Herbert of Cherbury</cite>, loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_191c" href="#FNanchor_191c" class="label">[191]</a> <cite>Stow</cite>, loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_192c" href="#FNanchor_192c" class="label">[192]</a> <cite>Campo</cite>, pp. 150, 151.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_193c" href="#FNanchor_193c" class="label">[193]</a> <cite>Grafton</cite>, p. 431. <cite>Wagenaar</cite>, Vol. II. p. 516.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_194c" href="#FNanchor_194c" class="label">[194]</a> <cite>Haftitz</cite>, p. 130.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_195c" href="#FNanchor_195c" class="label">[195]</a> Annales Berolino-Marchici, (no numbers to the pages.)</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_196c" href="#FNanchor_196c" class="label">[196]</a> <cite>Magnus Hundt</cite>, fol. 4. b., and many others.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_197c" href="#FNanchor_197c" class="label">[197]</a> <cite>Bonn</cite>, p. 143. A girl in Lübeck died of fright at this
      meteor.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_198c" href="#FNanchor_198c" class="label">[198]</a> <cite>Haftitz.</cite> p. 131. <cite>Angelus</cite>, p. 317.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_199c" href="#FNanchor_199c" class="label">[199]</a> It must not be thought that the author, because he has
      brought forward these notices, has any pre-formed opinions whatever
      respecting the import of these heavenly bodies. The historian cannot
      pass over contemporaneous occurrences, whatever may be the conclusion
      which the limited extent of our knowledge enables us to draw from them.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_200c" href="#FNanchor_200c" class="label">[200]</a> <cite>Pingré</cite>, T. I. p. 485. <cite>Spangenberg</cite>, M. Chr. fol. 410.
      a.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_201c" href="#FNanchor_201c" class="label">[201]</a> <cite>Pingré</cite>, p. 486. <cite>Angelus</cite>, p. 318. <cite>Crusius</cite>, Vol. II.
      p. 223.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_202c" href="#FNanchor_202c" class="label">[202]</a> <cite>Pingré</cite>, p. 487. <cite>Campo</cite>, p. 154. <cite>Angelus</cite>, p. 320,
      and numerous other accounts. It performs its revolution in 76 years,
      and was observed in 1456, 1531, 1607, 1682, and 1759.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_203c" href="#FNanchor_203c" class="label">[203]</a> <cite>Pingré</cite>, p. 491. <cite>Spangenberg</cite>, M. Chr. fol. 433. b.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_204c" href="#FNanchor_204c" class="label">[204]</a> <cite>Pingré</cite>, p. 496. <cite>Angelus</cite>, p. 322. <cite>Spangenberg</cite>, M.
      Chr. fol. 435. a.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_205c" href="#FNanchor_205c" class="label">[205]</a> Erfurt Chronicle. <cite>Spangenberg</cite>, who has availed himself
      frequently of this chronicle, makes use of the same words, M. Chr. fol.
      431. b.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_206c" href="#FNanchor_206c" class="label">[206]</a> They called the sour wine of this year den
      <i lang="de">Wiedertäufer-Wein</i>; the Anabaptist wine. <cite>Schwelin</cite>, p. 144.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_207c" href="#FNanchor_207c" class="label">[207]</a> <cite>Crusius</cite>, Vol. II. p. 323. St. Vitus’s day is on the
      15th of June. On the river Neckar, at Heidelberg, they took out a child
      which had floated down the stream in its cradle unharmed for a distance
      of six (German) miles. <cite>Franck</cite>, fol. 252. b.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_208c" href="#FNanchor_208c" class="label">[208]</a> <cite>Spangenberg</cite>, M. Chr. fol. 432. a.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_209c" href="#FNanchor_209c" class="label">[209]</a> <cite>Klemzen</cite>, p. 254.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_210c" href="#FNanchor_210c" class="label">[210]</a> <cite>Schwelin</cite>, p. 144. <cite>Newenar</cite>, fol. 69. a. “fecit tamen
      huius anni, ac fortasse etiam præcedentium intemperies, fluminum
      exundationes, frigora cum humiditate perpetuo coniuncta, <em>ut jam in
      Germania Britannicus quidam aër suscitatus videri possit</em>.” Similar
      accounts are met with in almost all the chronicles.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_211c" href="#FNanchor_211c" class="label">[211]</a> <cite>Leuthinger</cite>, p. 90. see “Scriptorum,” etc.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_212c" href="#FNanchor_212c" class="label">[212]</a> Compare <cite>Autenrieth’s</cite> excellent work on this subject.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_213c" href="#FNanchor_213c" class="label">[213]</a> <cite>Schiller</cite>, sect. I. cap. 2. fol. 3. b.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_214c" href="#FNanchor_214c" class="label">[214]</a> <cite>Franck</cite>, fol. 243. b.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_215c" href="#FNanchor_215c" class="label">[215]</a> Basle among others was particularly distinguished.
      <cite>Stettler</cite>, part II. p. 34.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_216c" href="#FNanchor_216c" class="label">[216]</a> <cite>Spangenberg</cite>, loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_217c" href="#FNanchor_217c" class="label">[217]</a> <cite>Leuthinger</cite>, p. 89.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_218c" href="#FNanchor_218c" class="label">[218]</a> From Whitsuntide till towards St. James’s day, the 25th
      of July. <cite>Klemzen</cite>, p. 254.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_219c" href="#FNanchor_219c" class="label">[219]</a> Two masters of vessels, who had quitted the helm from a
      sudden attack of this kind, were in danger of grounding upon the Mole.
      Their situation was, however, noticed, and they were saved. <cite>Klemzen.</cite></div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_220c" href="#FNanchor_220c" class="label">[220]</a> <cite>Spangenberg</cite>, M. Chr. fol. 432. a.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_221c" href="#FNanchor_221c" class="label">[221]</a> Ibid. fol. 433. a. 435. b. <cite>Schwelin</cite>, pp. 149, 150.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_222c" href="#FNanchor_222c" class="label">[222]</a> A Chronicler of the Marches even assures us that it
      lasted until 1546. Annales Berol. Marchic: but the other contemporary
      writers contradict this.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_223c" href="#FNanchor_223c" class="label">[223]</a> <cite>Spangenberg</cite>, fol. 432. a.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_224c" href="#FNanchor_224c" class="label">[224]</a> <cite>Newenar</cite> indeed maintains that the Sweating Fever used
      to break out in England every year, fol. 68. b., but such general and
      unsupported assertions coming from foreigners (the Graf <em>Hermann von
      Newenar</em> was provost of Cologne) are wholly unworthy of credence.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_225c" href="#FNanchor_225c" class="label">[225]</a> About the 25th of July.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_226c" href="#FNanchor_226c" class="label">[226]</a> From St. James’s day, the 25th of July, until the
      Assumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary on the 15th of August.
      <cite>Staphorst.</cite></div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_227c" href="#FNanchor_227c" class="label">[227]</a> It appears, for instance, somewhere in the second volume
      of <cite>Leibnitz</cite>, Scriptores rerum Brunsvicensium, that 8000 people had
      died of the Sweating Fever in Hamburgh. An unknown Chronicler in
      <cite>Staphorst</cite>, Part II vol. I. p. 85, states 2000.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_228c" href="#FNanchor_228c" class="label">[228]</a> “Moreover in the year 1529, about St. James’s day,
      Almighty God sent a terrible disease upon the city of Hamburgh; it was
      the Sweating Sickness, which showed itself in a different manner, and
      began when Captain <em>Hermann Evers</em> came from England on St. James’s
      day with many young companions, of whom, in the course of two days,
      twelve died of this disease, which was unknown as well in Hamburgh as
      in other countries, so that the oldest person did not recollect to have
      seen a similar disease.” An unknown eye-witness, quoted in <cite>Staphorst</cite>,
      Part II. Vol. I. p. 83. Another person expresses himself to the same
      effect, p. 85. “The disease had its origin in England, for the people
      were there attacked in the street when they came on shore, and those
      who came in contact with them, many of whom were of the lower class,
      took it.” Notices of uncertain date to be found in <cite>Adelung</cite>, at p. 77.
      <cite>Steltzner</cite>, Part II. p. 219. In the abbrev. Hamb. Chron. p. 45, and
      elsewhere.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_229c" href="#FNanchor_229c" class="label">[229]</a> “As soon as the ship arrived in Hamburgh people began to
      die throughout the city, and in the morning it was rumoured that four
      persons had died of it.” From <cite>Reimar Koch’s</cite> MS. Chron. of Lübeck. For
      the extract from it the author is indebted to the kindness of Professor
      <cite>Ackermann</cite> of Lübeck.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_230c" href="#FNanchor_230c" class="label">[230]</a> <cite>Klemzen</cite>, p. 254. It was thought that the waters of the
      Baltic were poisoned.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_231c" href="#FNanchor_231c" class="label">[231]</a> <cite>Reimar Kock’s</cite> Chronicle of Lübeck.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_232c" href="#FNanchor_232c" class="label">[232]</a> “In the year 1529, this violent disease passed in a
      very short time all over Germany, and in Lübeck many of its most
      distinguished citizens died on the vigil of St. Peter in Vinculis.”
      <cite>Regkman</cite>, p. 135. Compare <cite>Kirchring</cite>, p. 143. <cite>Bonn</cite>, p. 144.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_233c" href="#FNanchor_233c" class="label">[233]</a> <cite>Reimar Kock.</cite></div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_234c" href="#FNanchor_234c" class="label">[234]</a> <cite>Schmidt</cite>, p. 307.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_235c" href="#FNanchor_235c" class="label">[235]</a> See above, p. 243; and <cite>Klemzen</cite>, p. 254.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_236c" href="#FNanchor_236c" class="label">[236]</a> <cite>Euric. Cordus.</cite></div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_237c" href="#FNanchor_237c" class="label">[237]</a> <cite>Gruner</cite>, It. p. 23.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_238c" href="#FNanchor_238c" class="label">[238]</a> Namely, on the Tuesday after the Beheading of John the
      Baptist (29th Aug.), which fell on a Sunday, for S. Ægidius was on the
      Wednesday. The dates are given throughout according to <cite>Pilgrim’s</cite>
      Calendarium chronologicum.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_239c" href="#FNanchor_239c" class="label">[239]</a> <cite>Klemzen</cite>, p. 255.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_240c" href="#FNanchor_240c" class="label">[240]</a> <cite>Curicke</cite>, p. 271.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_241c" href="#FNanchor_241c" class="label">[241]</a> Kronica der Preussen, fol. 191. b.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_242c" href="#FNanchor_242c" class="label">[242]</a> <cite>Stettler</cite>, II. p. 33.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_243c" href="#FNanchor_243c" class="label">[243]</a> In <cite>Gratorol.</cite> fol. 74. b.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_244c" href="#FNanchor_244c" class="label">[244]</a> <cite>Gruner</cite>, It. p. 25, according to MS. Chronicles.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_245c" href="#FNanchor_245c" class="label">[245]</a> <cite>Franck</cite>, fol. 253. a.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_246c" href="#FNanchor_246c" class="label">[246]</a> By <cite>Joseph Franck</cite>, in the latest edition of his Praxeos
      Medicæ Universæ Præcepta. Compare <cite>Gruner</cite>, It. p. 28.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_247c" href="#FNanchor_247c" class="label">[247]</a> <cite>Klemzen</cite>, p. 254.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_248c" href="#FNanchor_248c" class="label">[248]</a> This appears from a letter of <cite>Euricius Cordus</cite> to the
      Hessian private secretary, <em>Joh. Rau von Nordeck</em>, at the end of the 2d
      edition of his <cite>Regimen</cite>.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_249c" href="#FNanchor_249c" class="label">[249]</a> <em>Magnus Hundt</em> closed his on the 7th October.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_250c" href="#FNanchor_250c" class="label">[250]</a> <cite>Bayer von Elbogen</cite>, cap. 7.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_251c" href="#FNanchor_251c" class="label">[251]</a> It was called there the <i lang="de">Ingelsche Sweetsieckte</i>, or the
      Sweating Sickness.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_252c" href="#FNanchor_252c" class="label">[252]</a> <cite>Forest.</cite> L. VI. Obs. VII. Schol. p. 157. Obs. VIII. c.
      Schol. p. 158. <cite>Wagenaar</cite>, T. II. p. 508.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_253c" href="#FNanchor_253c" class="label">[253]</a> <cite>Pontan.</cite> p. 762. <cite>Haraeus</cite>, T. I. p. 581. Antwerpsch
      Chronykje, p. 31. <cite>Ditmar</cite>, p. 473.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_254c" href="#FNanchor_254c" class="label">[254]</a> “Laquelle (sa suette) s’estendit par le pays
      d’Oostlande, de Hollande, Zeelande, et autres des pays bas, on en
      étoit endedens vingt et quatre heures mort ou guarry, elle ne dura in
      Zeelande pour le plus que 15 jours, dont plusieurs en moururent.” <cite>Le
      Petit</cite>, T. I. Livr. VII. p. 81.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_255c" href="#FNanchor_255c" class="label">[255]</a> <cite>Forest</cite>, loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_256c" href="#FNanchor_256c" class="label">[256]</a> <cite>Erasm.</cite> Epist. Lib. XXVI. ep. 58. col. 1477. b. At
      <cite>Zerbst</cite> the Sweating Fever lasted, in like manner, only five days.
      <cite>Gruner</cite>, It. p. 29.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_257c" href="#FNanchor_257c" class="label">[257]</a> It was called there “den engelske Sved.”</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_258c" href="#FNanchor_258c" class="label">[258]</a> <cite>Frederick I.</cite> Histor. p. 181. The same words in
      <cite>Huitfeld</cite>, T. II. p. 1315.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_259c" href="#FNanchor_259c" class="label">[259]</a> <cite>Boesens</cite> Beskrivelse over Helsingöer. For this
      statement the author has to thank Dr. <cite>Mansa</cite>, regimental physician at
      Copenhagen.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_260c" href="#FNanchor_260c" class="label">[260]</a> Dr. <em>Baden</em>, D. C. L., took much pains, at the request
      of <cite>Gruner</cite>, in making researches, but has elicited nothing more than
      <cite>Huitfeld</cite> has given. A copy of his Latin letter to <cite>Gruner</cite> on this
      subject, has likewise reached the author through Dr. <cite>Mansa</cite>.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_261c" href="#FNanchor_261c" class="label">[261]</a> <cite>Dalin</cite>, D. III. p. 221. <cite>Engelske Svetten.</cite> In
      <cite>Tegel’s</cite> History of king Gustavus I. Part I. p. 267, general notices
      only are to be found respecting the English Sweating Sickness in
      Sweden, without any exact date (autumn of 1529) or description of the
      disease, such as are met with without number in the German Chronicles.
      <cite>Sven Hedin</cite> clearly estimates the mortality in the epidemic sweating
      fever too highly, when he compares it, p. 27, with the depopulation
      caused by the Black Death. He gives (p. 47) a striking passage on
      the Sweating Sickness from Linneus’s pathological prælections. The
      great naturalist has, however, allowed free scope to his imagination,
      and, like all the physicians of modern times who have delivered their
      sentiments on the English Sweating Sickness, knows far too little
      of the facts to be able to form a right judgment on the subject.
      (Supplement till Handboken för Praktiska Läkare-vetenskapen, rörande
      epidemiska och smittosamma sjukdomar i allmänhet, och särdeles de
      Pestilentialiska. 1 sta St. Stockholm, 1805. 8vo.)</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_262c" href="#FNanchor_262c" class="label">[262]</a> From <cite>Reimar Kock’s</cite> MS. Chronicle of Lübeck, and
      <cite>Forest</cite>, loc. cit. Compare <cite>Gruner’s</cite> Itinerarium, which is prepared
      throughout with laudable and even tedious diligence, but which met with
      so little acknowledgment in the Brunonian age, that it has already
      become a rare work.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_263c" href="#FNanchor_263c" class="label">[263]</a> “According to which it was given out by some, that a
      sweat must be kept up for twenty-four hours in succession, and in
      the mean time, that no air should be admitted to the patient. This
      treatment sent many to their graves.”—Erfurt Chronicle.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_264c" href="#FNanchor_264c" class="label">[264]</a> Erfurt Chronicle, and in the same strain <cite>Spangenberg</cite>,
      M. Chr. fol. 402. b. <cite>Pomarius</cite>, p. 617. and <cite>Schmidt</cite>, p. 305. <cite>Gemma</cite>
      writes of the Netherlands, L. I. c. 8. p. 189, having received his
      account from his father, who was himself the subject of the Sweating
      Sickness: “Consuti (sewn up) et violenter operti clamitabant misere,
      obtestabantur Deum atque hominum fidem, sese dimitterent, se <em>suffocari
      iniectis molibus, sese vitam in summis angustiis exhalare</em>, sed
      assistentes has querelas ex rabie proficisci, <em>medicorum opinione
      persuasi</em>, urgebant continue usque ad 24 horas,” etc.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_265c" href="#FNanchor_265c" class="label">[265]</a> <cite>Schmidt</cite>, loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_266c" href="#FNanchor_266c" class="label">[266]</a> ——“<i lang="la">Animos omnium terrore perculit adeo ut multis metus
      et imaginatio morbum conciliarit.</i>” <cite>Erasm.</cite> Epist. L. XXVI. ep. 56. c.
      1476. a. <cite>Spangenberg</cite>, loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_267c" href="#FNanchor_267c" class="label">[267]</a> “Many an one sweats for fear and thinks he has the
      English sweat, and when he afterwards hath slept it off, acknowledges
      that it was all nonsense.” <cite>Bayer v. Elbogen</cite>, cap. 8.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_268c" href="#FNanchor_268c" class="label">[268]</a> The author could adduce some extraordinary instances of
      this kind which have occurred in his own practice.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_269c" href="#FNanchor_269c" class="label">[269]</a> It was a greengrocer in Paris. <cite>Berliner Vossische
      Zeitung</cite>, Sept. 2, 1833.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_270c" href="#FNanchor_270c" class="label">[270]</a> <cite>Carlstadt</cite>, <cite>Nic. Storch</cite>, <cite>Marcus Thomii</cite>, <cite>Marus
      Stubner</cite>, <cite>Marlin Cellarius</cite> and <cite>Thomas Münzer</cite>.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_271c" href="#FNanchor_271c" class="label">[271]</a> “For all love hath grown cold in all nations; the axe
      lieth at the root of the tree, the rope is already applied, no one
      observeth it. For the world is stricken with thick blindness, faith is
      extinguished. All singleness and Godly fear hath withdrawn from the
      land for ever, and nothing but false hypocritical make-believe work
      is to be found among the Baptists, and at most a false, fictitious,
      fruitless, dead, tottering faith in the other sects, and yet the world
      thinks, notwithstanding, that she sees and sits in light. In short, for
      the one devil of the Baptists whom she has driven out, she is beset
      with seven more subtle and wickeder spirits, though she think that she
      be freed, and that they all be gone forth.” <cite>Franck</cite>, fol. 248, a. This
      same Chronicle contains a very lively description of the Peasant-war.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_272c" href="#FNanchor_272c" class="label">[272]</a> <cite>Ad. Clarenbach</cite> and <cite>Peter Flistedt</cite>.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_273c" href="#FNanchor_273c" class="label">[273]</a> <cite>Schmidt</cite>, p. 308.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_274c" href="#FNanchor_274c" class="label">[274]</a> Nusquam pax, nullum iter tutum est, rerum charitate,
      penuria, fame, pestilenti laboratur ubique, sectis dissecta sunt omnia:
      ad tantam malorum lernam accessit letali sudor, multos intra horas octo
      tolleus e medio, etc. <cite>Erasm.</cite> Epist. L. XXVI. ep. 58. c. 1477. b.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_275c" href="#FNanchor_275c" class="label">[275]</a> <cite>Fuhrmann</cite>, Part II. p. 745.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_276c" href="#FNanchor_276c" class="label">[276]</a> Chronicon Monasterii Mellicensis. In <cite>Pez</cite>, T. I. col.
      285.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_277c" href="#FNanchor_277c" class="label">[277]</a> The Assembly of the Reformers began there on the 2nd of
      October.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_278c" href="#FNanchor_278c" class="label">[278]</a> The pamphlet written by <cite>Magnus Hundt</cite> is ornamented
      with a wood-cut, where, under the throne of God, and seated on lions
      who are spitting forth fire, a great host of angels, armed with swords,
      are hovering round men, whom they treat worse than Herod’s soldiers
      treated the children of Bethlehem.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_279c" href="#FNanchor_279c" class="label">[279]</a> <cite>Reimar Kock’s</cite> Chronicle of Lübeck.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_280c" href="#FNanchor_280c" class="label">[280]</a> <cite>Kersenbroick</cite> in Sprengel, II. p. 687. Compare
      <cite>Sleidan</cite>, L. VI. Tom. I. p. 380, who plainly and simply states the
      fact.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_281c" href="#FNanchor_281c" class="label">[281]</a> Culpam eius rei plerique conferebant in theologos
      concionatores, qui suppliciis impiorum placandam esse clamabant iram
      Dei, novo morbi genere nos verberantis. <cite>Sleidan</cite>, loc. cit. p. 380.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_282c" href="#FNanchor_282c" class="label">[282]</a> <cite>Haftitz</cite>, p. 131. <cite>Angelus</cite>, p. 319. <cite>Cramer</cite>, Book
      III. p. 76, and many others.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_283c" href="#FNanchor_283c" class="label">[283]</a> “Verum quamplurimi, tam nobiles quam populares viri ac
      mulieres, hoc morbo misere suffocati sunt, <em>ob libellos erroneos</em>, ab
      indoctissimis hominibus in vulgus emissos, qui in eiusmodi lue curanda
      peritiam et experientiam jactabant, multosque in Angliâ aliisque
      regionibus sese curasse dicebant, cum omnia falsa essent. Tales inquam
      minima pietate fulti erga ægrotos, <em>illorum loculos tantum expilabant</em>,
      ac in sui commodum convertebant, nullam de aliorum damnis nec morte
      ipsa curam gerentes, sed quæ sua sunt tantum curantes, nulla arte
      instructi miseros ægros, passim sua ignorantia trucidabant.” <cite>Forest.</cite>
      L. VI. obs. 8. p. 158. a.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_284c" href="#FNanchor_284c" class="label">[284]</a> “Ditissimi negociatores, lectis adfixi medicos ad se
      vocabant, montes auri promittentes, si curarentur.” <cite>Ditmar</cite>, p. 473.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_285c" href="#FNanchor_285c" class="label">[285]</a> “Nam occlusis rimis omnibus, et excitato igne copioso,
      opertisque stragulis, quo magis tutiusque suderent, æstu præfocati
      sunt.” <cite>Forest.</cite> loc. cit. p. 157. b.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_286c" href="#FNanchor_286c" class="label">[286]</a> <cite>Wild</cite>, in <cite>Baldinger</cite>, p. 278.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_287c" href="#FNanchor_287c" class="label">[287]</a> The printer <em>Frantz</em>. <cite>Schmidt</cite>, p. 307.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_288c" href="#FNanchor_288c" class="label">[288]</a> <cite>Stelzner</cite>, Part II. p. 219.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_289c" href="#FNanchor_289c" class="label">[289]</a> This appears from the Wittenberg regimen.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_290c" href="#FNanchor_290c" class="label">[290]</a> <cite>Reimar Kock’s</cite> Chronicle of Lübeck.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_291c" href="#FNanchor_291c" class="label">[291]</a> <cite>Klemzen</cite>, p. 255.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_292c" href="#FNanchor_292c" class="label">[292]</a> In <cite>Gratoroli</cite>: <cite>Petrus</cite>, proto medicus, fol. 90.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_293c" href="#FNanchor_293c" class="label">[293]</a> See his pamphlet.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_294c" href="#FNanchor_294c" class="label">[294]</a>
      <p class="noindent">I here give the whole pamphlet, which only occupies five
      pages. It is entitled, “The Remedy, Advice, Succour and Consolation
      against the dreadful, and as yet by us Germans unheard-of, speedy, and
      mortal Disease, called the English Sweating Sickness, from which may
      Almighty God mercifully protect us.”</p>
      <p class="noindent">“When the disease and sweating sets in, ask what o’clock it is, and
      note it. “If any one be afflicted with this pestilence (may God protect
      us from it!) it attacks him either with heat or with cold, and he will
      sweat violently; and this will take place all over his body. Some take
      the disease with sudden eructations, and do not sweat; and to those who
      do not sweat, a flower of mace with warm beer is given, and then they
      sweat.</p>
      <p class="noindent">“But if the pestilence and disease, from which may God preserve us!
      attack any one after he has lain down in bed, he must be left there;
      but if he has a feather bed, though a thin one, over him, cut it open
      and take the feathers out, that it may consist only of the ticking or
      covering. If it be too thin, add a cool coverlet, and let the patient
      lie under that, covered up to the neck, and take care that the air do
      not touch or strike upon his breast, or under his arms, and the soles
      of his feet, and let him not toss about.</p>
      <p class="noindent">“Item. Two men should attend the patient, to prevent him from
      uncovering himself, and from going to sleep.</p>
      <p class="noindent">“Item. The same two men must watch the patient, and guard him against
      sleeping: if they neglect this, and do not so prevent him, and the
      patient sleep, he will lose his senses, and go raving mad.</p>
      <p class="noindent">“In order, however, that he may be prevented from sleeping, take a
      little rosewater, and by means of a sponge or clean napkin, bathe his
      temples with it between the eyes and the ears, and by means of a sponge
      or napkin, apply pungent wine or beer vinegar to his nose, and talk
      constantly to him so that he fall not asleep.</p>
      <p class="noindent">“If he would drink, give him a thin beverage, which should be a little
      warm; and he ought not to be given more than two spoonfuls at a time.</p>
      <p class="noindent">“Item. On the patient’s head should be placed a linen night-cap, and a
      woollen one over it.</p>
      <p class="noindent">“Item. A warm towel should be taken, and with it the sweat wiped from
      the face.</p>
      <p class="noindent">“Item. Whoever is attacked in the day-time must be put to bed: if it be
      a man, in his stockings and breeches; if a woman, in her clothes; and
      let them be covered over with not more than two thin coverings; and,
      above all things, no feather bed; and then treat them as above written.</p>
      <p class="noindent">“Item. The disease attacks most people from great dread and from
      irregular living, from which a man should guard himself with great pains.</p>
      <p class="noindent">“Once for all, the patient must not have his own way; what he would
      have you do for him, that must not be done.</p>
      <p class="noindent">“Item. With respect to those whom it attacks in the night, and who lie
      naked, if they will not lie still, let them be sewn up in the sheets,
      and let the sheets be sewn to the bed, so that no air can come from
      beneath; and then cover them as before.</p>
      <p class="noindent">“Summa. Whoever can thus endure for twenty-four hours, by the blessing
      of God, will be cured of the sickness, and get well.</p>
      <p class="noindent">“If a man has held out for twenty-four hours, let him be taken up, and
      wrapped in a warm sheet lest he become cold, and throw something over
      his feet, and bring him to the fire; and above all things, let him not
      go into the air for four days, and let him avoid much and cold drink.</p>
      <p class="noindent">“If he would sleep, provided twenty-four hours have been passed, let
      him sleep freely; and may God preserve him!</p>
      <p class="noindent">“The Lord is Almighty over us! Amen.”</p>
      <p class="noindent">The place of publication is wanting. It was, probably, either Leipzig
      or Wittenberg.</p>
    </div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_295c" href="#FNanchor_295c" class="label">[295]</a> <cite>Magnus Hundt</cite>, fol. 27. a. “Nullis vero aliis
      medicamentis utuntur adversus ipsam, quam expectatione sudoris, nam
      quibus advenit, omnes fere evadunt, quibus autem retinctur, maxima pars
      perit.” <cite>Forest.</cite> loc. cit. p. 159. a. Schol.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_296c" href="#FNanchor_296c" class="label">[296]</a> Born about 1483; died 1549.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_297c" href="#FNanchor_297c" class="label">[297]</a> Born 1492; died 1555.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_298c" href="#FNanchor_298c" class="label">[298]</a> Died 1558.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_299c" href="#FNanchor_299c" class="label">[299]</a> Died 1545. “Vir gravis; eximia litterarum cognitione,
      singulari judicio, summa experientia, et prudenti consilio Doctor.”
      <cite>Aikin</cite>, p. 47.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_300c" href="#FNanchor_300c" class="label">[300]</a> In <em>Henry VIII.</em></div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_301c" href="#FNanchor_301c" class="label">[301]</a> See their biography, in <cite>Aikin</cite>.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_302c" href="#FNanchor_302c" class="label">[302]</a>
      <p class="noindent"><cite>Thomas Gale’s</cite> description of this class of medical
      practitioners gives the best notion of their abilities. “I remember,”
      says he, “when I was in the wars at Montreuil, (1544,) in the time of
      that most famous Prince, Henry VIII., there was a great rabblement
      there, that took upon them to be surgeons. Some were sow gelders,
      and some horse gelders, with tinkers and cobblers. This noble sect
      did such great cures, that they got themselves a perpetual name; for
      like as Thessalus’ sect were called Thessalions, so was this noble
      rabblement, for their notorious cures, called dog-leaches; for in two
      dressings they did commonly make their cures whole and sound for ever,
      so that they neither felt heat nor cold, nor no manner of pain after.
      But when the Duke of Norfolk, who was then general, understood how the
      people did die, and that of small wounds, he sent for me and certain
      other surgeons, commanding us to make search how these men came to
      their death, whether it were by the grievousness of their wounds, or
      by the lack of knowledge of the surgeons, and we, according to our
      commandment, made search through all the camp, and found many of the
      same good fellows which took upon them the names of surgeons, not
      only the names, but the wages also. We asking of them whether they
      were surgeons or no, they said they were; we demanded with whom they
      were brought up, and they, with shameless faces, would answer, either
      with one cunning man, or another, which was dead. Then we demanded
      of them what chirurgery stuff they had to cure men withal; and they
      would show us a pot or a box, which they had in a budget, wherein was
      such trumpery as they did use to grease horses’ heels withal, and laid
      upon scabbed horses’ backs, with verval and such like. And others that
      were cobblers and tinkers, they used shoemakers’ wax, with the rust
      of old pans, and made therewithal a noble salve, as they did term it.
      But in the end this worthy rabblement was committed to the Marshalsea,
      and threatened by the Duke’s Grace to be hanged for their worthy
      deeds, except they would declare the truth, what they were and of what
      occupations, and in the end they did confess, as I have declared to you
      before.”
      </p>
      <p class="noindent">In another place Gale says, “I have, myself, in the time of King Henry
      VIII., holpe to furnish out of London, in one year, which served by sea
      and land, three score and twelve surgeons, which were good workmen, and
      well able to serve, and all English men. At this present day there are
      not thirty-four, of all the whole company, of Englishmen, and yet the
      most part of them be in noblemen’s service, so that if we should have
      need, I do not know where to find twelve sufficient men. What do I say?
      sufficient men: nay, I would there were ten amongst all the company,
      worthy to be called surgeons.”</p>
    </div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_303c" href="#FNanchor_303c" class="label">[303]</a> <cite>Klemzen</cite>, p. 255.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_304c" href="#FNanchor_304c" class="label">[304]</a> Part I. cap. 8.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_305c" href="#FNanchor_305c" class="label">[305]</a> <cite>Gruner</cite>, Script, p. 11.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_306c" href="#FNanchor_306c" class="label">[306]</a> “Vix malevolorum <em>cachinnos</em> morsusque præteriit.”
      <cite>Schiller</cite>, Epist. nuncupator. the title which <cite>Gruner</cite>, Script. p. 12,
      gives to the original work, still existing in the library at Strasburg,
      and a Latin extract from it. <cite>Gratoroli</cite>, fol. 39.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_307c" href="#FNanchor_307c" class="label">[307]</a> See the Catalogue in the Appendix, “Ein Regiment,” &amp;c.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_308c" href="#FNanchor_308c" class="label">[308]</a> Any kind of weak beer with the chill off. Warm beer
      was a beverage in general use in the north of Germany. The beer of
      <em>Eimbeck</em> and <em>Bernau</em> was stronger, and was recommended by medical men
      during the convalescence.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_309c" href="#FNanchor_309c" class="label">[309]</a> “I had in my house seven lying ill with the same
      disease, of which, thank God, none died.” From the letter of an
      inhabitant of Hamburgh, given in the same pamphlet, “Ein Regiment,” &amp;c.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_310c" href="#FNanchor_310c" class="label">[310]</a> <cite>Gratorol.</cite> fol. 87. b.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_311c" href="#FNanchor_311c" class="label">[311]</a> <cite>Gratorol.</cite> fol. 90.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_312c" href="#FNanchor_312c" class="label">[312]</a> <cite>Stettler</cite>, Part II. p. 33.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_313c" href="#FNanchor_313c" class="label">[313]</a> <cite>Wagenaar</cite>, op. cit. p. 509.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_314c" href="#FNanchor_314c" class="label">[314]</a> His proper name was <em>Henry Spaten</em>, (German <i lang="de">Spät</i>, in
      English <em>late</em>,) whereof <em>Cordus</em> (the last born or late-born) seems to
      have been a translation.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_315c" href="#FNanchor_315c" class="label">[315]</a> The second of September.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_316c" href="#FNanchor_316c" class="label">[316]</a> ℞ Pulveris cardiaci, (very complex, containing precious
      stones and many other ingredients,) Ʒij; Pulveris cornu cervi Ʒj;
      Seminis Santonici, Myrrhæ, aā Ʒſs ♏️. ft. Pulv. Sum<sup>t</sup>. Ʒj; in warm
      wine-vinegar.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_317c" href="#FNanchor_317c" class="label">[317]</a> Chronicle, p. 473.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_318c" href="#FNanchor_318c" class="label">[318]</a> Born 1505; died 1577.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_319c" href="#FNanchor_319c" class="label">[319]</a> It is the <i lang="la">Electuarium liberans Gasseri</i>:—℞ Spec.
      liberant. Galen, Spec. de gemm. aā Ʒj, Pulveris Dictamn., Tormentill,
      Serpentinæ, aā ℈iv, Pimpinell. Zedoariæ. aā Ʒſs, Bol. Armen, lot.;
      Terr. sigillat. aā ℈ij Rasur. Cornu cervin. ℈j, Zingiber. Ʒſs, Conserv.
      Rosar, rec. ℥ſs, Theriac. veteris ℥j, Syrup. acetositatis citri. q. s.
      ut ft. electuar. spiss.—Velsch, p. 19.—<cite>Gasser</cite> states in his Augsburg
      Chronicle, that there were more than 3000 cases of the disease there,
      but that not more than 600 died. See <cite>Mencken</cite>, Scriptores rerum
      Germanicarum.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_320c" href="#FNanchor_320c" class="label">[320]</a> <cite>Gratorol.</cite> fol. 74. b.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_321c" href="#FNanchor_321c" class="label">[321]</a> <cite>Gratorol.</cite> fol. 85. Probably this epistle does not
      differ essentially from the Latin work of this author on the sweating
      fever which appeared separately. (De <span lang="el">ἱδροπυρετοῦ</span> <span lang="la">seu sudatoræ febris
      curatione Liber. Coloniæ</span>, 1529. 4.)</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_322c" href="#FNanchor_322c" class="label">[322]</a> <cite>Gratorol.</cite> fol. 64.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_323c" href="#FNanchor_323c" class="label">[323]</a> <cite>Gratorol.</cite> fol. 69. b.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_324c" href="#FNanchor_324c" class="label">[324]</a> Videmus, quam multi de sudore convalescant, fol. 66. a.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_325c" href="#FNanchor_325c" class="label">[325]</a> This town is called in Flemish Tienen, (Thenæ in
      Montibus,) translated by <cite>Damianus</cite> Decicopolis.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_326c" href="#FNanchor_326c" class="label">[326]</a> Fol. 117. a.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_327c" href="#FNanchor_327c" class="label">[327]</a> Fol. 109. a.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_328c" href="#FNanchor_328c" class="label">[328]</a> Fol. 116. b.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_329c" href="#FNanchor_329c" class="label">[329]</a> Fol. 118. a. <cite>Damianus</cite> wrote his, by no means
      unimportant, treatise, during the prevalence of the epidemic sweating
      fever in Ghent.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_330c" href="#FNanchor_330c" class="label">[330]</a> He styles himself <cite>Schiller von Herderen</cite>, from an
      estate in the village of that name close to Freiburg.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_331c" href="#FNanchor_331c" class="label">[331]</a> <cite>Schiller</cite> says with great naïveté, “that the symptoms
      of the disease are evident, and that those which he has not indicated
      must be imagined.” Sect. II. c. 1. fol. 206.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_332c" href="#FNanchor_332c" class="label">[332]</a> <span lang="la">“Habet inconstantes notas morbus.”</span> <cite>Schiller.</cite> <span lang="la">“Diversos
      diversimode adoritur.”</span> <cite>Damian.</cite> fol. 115. b.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_333c" href="#FNanchor_333c" class="label">[333]</a> See above, the remedium, p. 267, note e. Sudoris
      absentia plurimum nocebat.—<cite>Forest.</cite> p. 158. Schol.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_334c" href="#FNanchor_334c" class="label">[334]</a> See above, p. 245. <cite>Klemzen</cite>, p. 254.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_335c" href="#FNanchor_335c" class="label">[335]</a> <cite>Bayer</cite>, cap. 6. <cite>M. Hundt</cite>, fol. 5. a.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_336c" href="#FNanchor_336c" class="label">[336]</a> <cite>Bayer</cite>, loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_337c" href="#FNanchor_337c" class="label">[337]</a> <cite>Angelus</cite>, p. 319. <cite>Schiller</cite>, <cite>Stettler</cite>, locis cit.:
      and many others.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_338c" href="#FNanchor_338c" class="label">[338]</a> <cite>Damian.</cite> fol. 115. b.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_339c" href="#FNanchor_339c" class="label">[339]</a> <cite>Schiller</cite>, loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_340c" href="#FNanchor_340c" class="label">[340]</a> The Regimen of Wittenberg.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_341c" href="#FNanchor_341c" class="label">[341]</a> <cite>Damian.</cite> fol. 115. b.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_342c" href="#FNanchor_342c" class="label">[342]</a> <cite>Klemzen</cite>, p. 255.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_343c" href="#FNanchor_343c" class="label">[343]</a> “Ungues potissimum excruciat, alas ita comprimit,
      ut etiam si velis, non posses attollere.” <cite>Forest.</cite> p. 157. Schol.
      “In extremitatibus puncturis retorquentur dolorosis—extremitates
      obstupefiunt, dolet orificium ventriculi, nervorum contractiones
      nascuntur, plantarum pedumque dolores.”—<cite>Damian.</cite> fol. 116. a.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_344c" href="#FNanchor_344c" class="label">[344]</a> <cite>Damian.</cite> loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_345c" href="#FNanchor_345c" class="label">[345]</a> <cite>Klemzen</cite>, loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_346c" href="#FNanchor_346c" class="label">[346]</a> “Nec quenquam vidimus ita delirantem restitutum
      incolumitati.”—<cite>Damian.</cite> fol. 116. a.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_347c" href="#FNanchor_347c" class="label">[347]</a> <cite>Schiller</cite>, <cite>Stettler</cite>.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_348c" href="#FNanchor_348c" class="label">[348]</a> Somnolentia et <em>inevitabilis sopor</em>, <cite>Schiller</cite>; <em>a deep
      sleep</em>, in almost all the chroniclers.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_349c" href="#FNanchor_349c" class="label">[349]</a> <cite>Schiller.</cite></div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_350c" href="#FNanchor_350c" class="label">[350]</a> “Aliis mox tument manus et pedes, aliis facies, quæ
      et in pluribus livet; nonnullis sola labia et superciliorum loca:
      mulieribus etiam inguina inflantur.”—<cite>Damian.</cite> fol. 116. a.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_351c" href="#FNanchor_351c" class="label">[351]</a> “Maximus denique calor haud procul a corde
      sentitur, qui ad cerebrum devolans delirium adducit, internecionis
      nuncium.”—<cite>Damian.</cite> loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_352c" href="#FNanchor_352c" class="label">[352]</a> <cite>Damian.</cite> loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_353c" href="#FNanchor_353c" class="label">[353]</a> <cite>Schiller</cite>, loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_354c" href="#FNanchor_354c" class="label">[354]</a> “Primo insultu aliis cervices aut scapulas, aliis
      crus aut brachium <em>occupavit</em>,” p. 15. <cite>Kaye</cite> does not state what he
      precisely means by this “occupare.” From an analogous more modern
      observation, it appears, however, that by it are meant tearing
      rheumatic pains. “Add to this, that the patients complained one and
      all, some more some less, of a tearing pain in the neck.” <cite>Sinner</cite>, p.
      10.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_355c" href="#FNanchor_355c" class="label">[355]</a> Pulsus concitatior, frequentior. The only remark upon
      the pulse which is to be found in all the writers. <cite>Caius</cite>, p. 16.
      Probably most of the physicians were afraid of contagion, and, on this
      account, omitted to examine the pulse.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_356c" href="#FNanchor_356c" class="label">[356]</a> Page 252.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_357c" href="#FNanchor_357c" class="label">[357]</a> Odoris teterrimi. <cite>Tyengius</cite> in <cite>Forest.</cite>, p. 158.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_358c" href="#FNanchor_358c" class="label">[358]</a> <cite>Newenar</cite>, fol. 72. b.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_359c" href="#FNanchor_359c" class="label">[359]</a> Page 190.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_360c" href="#FNanchor_360c" class="label">[360]</a> <cite>Schiller</cite>, <cite>Kaye</cite>, loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_361c" href="#FNanchor_361c" class="label">[361]</a> —— “cum alvi solutione ac lotii haud modica eiectione,
      in ea morbi specie, quæ curatum itura est.” <cite>Damian.</cite> fol. 116. a.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_362c" href="#FNanchor_362c" class="label">[362]</a> <cite>Rondelet</cite>, de dignosc. morbis, loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_363c" href="#FNanchor_363c" class="label">[363]</a> To avoid exposure to cold, they preferred allowing the
      patient to pass his evacuations in bed. Bed-pans were unknown. <cite>Kaye</cite>,
      p. 110, and most of the other writers.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_364c" href="#FNanchor_364c" class="label">[364]</a> <cite>Tyengius</cite> in <cite>Forest.</cite>, p. 158. b. “Febrem sudor
      finiebat, <em>post se relinquens</em> in extremitatibus corporis, <em>pustulas
      parvas</em>, admodum <em>exasperantes</em> diversas et malignas secundum humorum
      malignitatem.”</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_365c" href="#FNanchor_365c" class="label">[365]</a> When care was not taken that the hands and feet were
      kept under the clothes they died, and <em>their bodies became as black as
      a coal all over, and were covered with vesicles</em>, and stunk so, that it
      was necessary to bury them deep in the earth by reason of the stench.
      <cite>Staphorst</cite>, Part II. Vol. I. p. 83.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_366c" href="#FNanchor_366c" class="label">[366]</a> Spots, (maculæ quas ronchas (?) vocant,) which were on
      other occasions considered as signs of approaching death, or which did
      not come out until death had occurred, broke out, after a return of
      sweating which had been repressed, all over the body of the learned
      <em>Margaretha Roper</em>, the eldest daughter of <em>Thomas More</em>, who was
      the subject of sweating fever in 1517 or 1528, and recovered. <cite>Th.
      Stapleton</cite>, Vita et obitus Thomæ Mori, c. 6, p. 26. See <cite>Mori</cite> Opera.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_367c" href="#FNanchor_367c" class="label">[367]</a> And certainly only after very appropriate and careful
      treatment. See the Wittenberg Regimen, <cite>Kaye</cite>, loc. cit. <cite>Schmidt</cite>, p.
      307, and <cite>Klemzer</cite>, p. 256.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_368c" href="#FNanchor_368c" class="label">[368]</a> <cite>Newenar</cite>, fol. 72. b.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_369c" href="#FNanchor_369c" class="label">[369]</a> <cite>Erasm.</cite> Epist. L. XXVI. Ep. 58. p. 1477. b. “Et crebro
      quos reliquit brevi intervallo repetens, nec id semel, sed bis,
      ter, quater, donec in hydropem aut aliud morbi genus versus, tandem
      extinguat miseris excarnificatum modis.”</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_370c" href="#FNanchor_370c" class="label">[370]</a> <cite>Kaye</cite>, p. 110.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_371c" href="#FNanchor_371c" class="label">[371]</a> Idem. p. 113.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_372c" href="#FNanchor_372c" class="label">[372]</a> <cite>Staphorst</cite>, Part II. vol. I. p. 83.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_373c" href="#FNanchor_373c" class="label">[373]</a> “Immunes erant pueri et senes ab hoc malo.”
      <cite>Ditmar</cite>, p. 473. “Pueri infra decem annos rarissime hac febre
      corripiuntur.” <cite>Newenar</cite>, fol. 72. a. “Senibus solis quandoque
      pepercit,—præternavigavit etiam magna ex parte atrabilarios et
      emaciatos corpore, quoniam et horum corpora putris succi expertia
      erant.” <cite>Schiller</cite>, fol. 4. a.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_374c" href="#FNanchor_374c" class="label">[374]</a> <cite>Schmidt</cite>, p. 307.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_375c" href="#FNanchor_375c" class="label">[375]</a> As for instance, <cite>Schiller</cite>, to name but one among
      thousands. “Juvit etiam auxitque malum frequens multaque crapula, et in
      potationibus otiosa vita nostra,” fol. 3. b.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_376c" href="#FNanchor_376c" class="label">[376]</a> Let it be observed <em>under similar circumstances</em>. It
      ought not to be affirmed that they are free from rheumatic diseases,
      but only that they are less disposed to be affected by them.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_377c" href="#FNanchor_377c" class="label">[377]</a> That <em>a rheumatic state makes the body an isolator</em>,
      <em>A. von Humboldt</em> discovered as early as 1793, and he found that the
      observation was confirmed by subsequent experiments. “I have observed
      in myself that, when labouring under a severe attack of catarrhal
      fever, I was unable, by the most powerful metals, to excite the
      galvanic flash before my eyes; that I interrupted every connecting link
      between the muscular and nervous apparatus. As the rheumatic malady
      lessens the irritability of organs, so also it seems to diminish their
      conducting power. How is this? As yet nothing is known about it. I
      have every now and then met with isolating persons who were in perfect
      health, but can we not yet, amidst such an ocean of uncertainty,
      discover a condition by which we may determine every case?” <cite>Versuche</cite>
      in Vol. I. p. 159. <cite>Pfaff</cite> believes that, during the existence of
      rheumatic diseases, the proper electricity of the body sinks down to
      nothing. See his Essay on the peculiar Electricity of the Human Body in
      <cite>Mechel’s</cite> Archiv. Vol. III. No. 2. p. 161.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_378c" href="#FNanchor_378c" class="label">[378]</a> The author has at times made extraordinary experiments
      of this kind upon himself.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_379c" href="#FNanchor_379c" class="label">[379]</a> This phenomenon may justly be compared with the very
      similar but more enduring morbid sequelæ of cholera. Paralysis and a
      repletion of the returning vessels must be regarded in the same light
      in both.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_380c" href="#FNanchor_380c" class="label">[380]</a> After <em>Henry</em> VIIIth’s death in 1547, <em>Edward</em> VI., who
      was only nine years old, came to the throne. He died in 1553.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_381c" href="#FNanchor_381c" class="label">[381]</a> <cite>Caius</cite>, p. 2.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_382c" href="#FNanchor_382c" class="label">[382]</a> Ibid. p. 28.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_383c" href="#FNanchor_383c" class="label">[383]</a> <cite>Godwyn</cite>, p. 142. <cite>Stow</cite>, p. 1023.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_384c" href="#FNanchor_384c" class="label">[384]</a> <cite>Caius</cite>, p. 3.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_385c" href="#FNanchor_385c" class="label">[385]</a> Ibid. p. 7.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_386c" href="#FNanchor_386c" class="label">[386]</a> “Which miste in the countrie wher it began, was sene
      flie from toune to toune, with suche a stincke in morninges and
      evenings, that men could scarcely abide it.”—<cite>Kaye.</cite> See Appendix, also
      Lat. edit. pp. 28, 29. It is to be remarked here, that in the year
      1529, <cite>Damianus</cite> observed in Ghent, that more people sickened in the
      morning at sunrise than at any other time. p. 115. b.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_387c" href="#FNanchor_387c" class="label">[387]</a> <cite>Hosack</cite> admits in cases of this kind, a “<em>fermentative
      or assimilating process</em>” in the atmosphere. T. I. p. 312. Laws of
      Contagion. <cite>Lucretius</cite> had already expressed the same thought in
      poetry. L. VI. v. 1118. to 1123.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_388c" href="#FNanchor_388c" class="label">[388]</a> <cite>Caius</cite>, p. 29.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_389c" href="#FNanchor_389c" class="label">[389]</a> Ibid. pp. 2–8.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_390c" href="#FNanchor_390c" class="label">[390]</a> <cite>Holinshed</cite>, p. 1031, and others.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_391c" href="#FNanchor_391c" class="label">[391]</a> <cite>Stow</cite>, p. 1023. <cite>Baker</cite>, p. 332.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_392c" href="#FNanchor_392c" class="label">[392]</a> <cite>Godwyn</cite>, p. 142.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_393c" href="#FNanchor_393c" class="label">[393]</a> Among others, the Duke of <em>Suffolk</em> and his brother.
      <cite>Godwyn</cite>, loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_394c" href="#FNanchor_394c" class="label">[394]</a> “And the same being whote and terrible, inforced the
      people greatly to call upon God and to do many deedes of charity: but
      <em>as the disease ceased, so the devotion quickly decayed</em>.” <cite>Grafton</cite>,
      p. 525.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_395c" href="#FNanchor_395c" class="label">[395]</a> History of Medicine, Vol. II. p. 136.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_396c" href="#FNanchor_396c" class="label">[396]</a> <cite>Caius</cite>, p. 30, and at other places quoted. “And it so
      folowed the Englishmen, that such marchants of England, as were in
      Flaunders and Spaine, and other countries beyond the sea, were visited
      therewithall, and none other nation infected therewith.” <cite>Grafton</cite>,
      loc. cit. Compare <cite>Baker</cite>, p. 332. <cite>Holinshed</cite>, p. 1031.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_397c" href="#FNanchor_397c" class="label">[397]</a> <cite>Caius</cite>, p. 48.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_398c" href="#FNanchor_398c" class="label">[398]</a> See Appendix, “these thre contryes (England, the
      Netherlands, and Germany) whiche destroy more meates and drynckes
      without al order, convenient time, reason, or necessitie then either
      Scotlande, or all other countries under the sunne, to the great
      annoiance of their owne bodies and wittes,” &amp;c. Compare p. 46 of the
      Lat. edit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_399c" href="#FNanchor_399c" class="label">[399]</a> <cite>Godwyn</cite>, loc. cit., expressly assures us, that gluttons
      who were taken with the disease when their stomachs were full, fell
      victims to it; and <cite>Kaye</cite> states, that besides aged persons and
      children, the poor, who from necessity lived frugally, and endured
      hardships, either remained free, or bore the disease more easily, p.
      51.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_400c" href="#FNanchor_400c" class="label">[400]</a> See above, pp. 231, 232.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_401c" href="#FNanchor_401c" class="label">[401]</a> <cite>Caius.</cite> See Appendix.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_402c" href="#FNanchor_402c" class="label">[402]</a> <cite>Schwelin</cite>, p. 177.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_403c" href="#FNanchor_403c" class="label">[403]</a> <cite>Spangenberg</cite>, fol. 463. a.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_404c" href="#FNanchor_404c" class="label">[404]</a> Chron. Chron. p. 401.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_405c" href="#FNanchor_405c" class="label">[405]</a> Ibid, and <cite>Spangenberg</cite>, loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_406c" href="#FNanchor_406c" class="label">[406]</a> Chron. Chron. loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_407c" href="#FNanchor_407c" class="label">[407]</a> <cite>Spangenberg</cite>, fol. 463. b.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_408c" href="#FNanchor_408c" class="label">[408]</a> <cite>Angelus</cite>, p. 344. <cite>Spangenberg</cite>, fol. 464. a. Chron.
      Chron. p. 401.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_409c" href="#FNanchor_409c" class="label">[409]</a> <cite>Spangenberg</cite>, fol. 464. a.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_410c" href="#FNanchor_410c" class="label">[410]</a> Chron. Chron. p. 402.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_411c" href="#FNanchor_411c" class="label">[411]</a> <cite>Haftitz</cite>, p. 167. <cite>Angelus</cite>, p. 344.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_412c" href="#FNanchor_412c" class="label">[412]</a> Chron. Chron. p. 403. <cite>Leuthinger</cite>, p. 248.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_413c" href="#FNanchor_413c" class="label">[413]</a> <cite>Angelus</cite>, loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_414c" href="#FNanchor_414c" class="label">[414]</a> <cite>Spangenberg</cite>, fol. 465. a. Magdeburg was besieged at
      this time for having refused to accept the “Interim.”</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_415c" href="#FNanchor_415c" class="label">[415]</a> <cite>Wurstisen</cite>, p. 624. <cite>Spangenberg</cite>, fol. 466. a.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_416c" href="#FNanchor_416c" class="label">[416]</a> In the March of Brandenburg, crosses, as they were
      called, were seen upon clothes in the year 1547 (<cite>Leuthinger</cite>, p.
      216); red water was seen at Zörbig, in the year 1549, (Ibid. p. 231,)
      and frequently likewise in the year 1551. (Chron. Chron. p. 402.)
      <cite>Agricola</cite> seems to point to these connected phenomena in the passage
      already quoted; see p. 206, note e.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_417c" href="#FNanchor_417c" class="label">[417]</a> “Pestis insuper in certis sæviebat Germaniæ provinciis
      (1533,) præsertim Nurenbergæ et Babenbergæ, et villis oppidisque per
      girum. Et est stupenda res, quod hæc plaga nunquam totaliter cessat,
      sed omni anno regnat, jam hic, nunc alibi, de loco in locum, de
      provincia in provinciam migrando, et si recedit aliquamdiu, tamen post
      paucos annos et circuitum revertitur, et juventutem interim natam in
      ipso flore pro parte majore amputat.”—<cite>Jo. Lange</cite>, Chron. Nuremburgens.
      eccles., in <cite>Mencken</cite>, T. II. col. 88.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_418c" href="#FNanchor_418c" class="label">[418]</a> <cite>Spangenberg</cite>, fol. 369. b.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_419c" href="#FNanchor_419c" class="label">[419]</a> <cite>Fernel</cite>, de abditis rerum causis, L. II. p. 107.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_420c" href="#FNanchor_420c" class="label">[420]</a> See <cite>Fernel</cite>. <cite>Wurstisen</cite>, (p. 613,) however, states
      that the preceding winter had been very warm. Thus Aph. 12. sect. III.
      would hold good.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_421c" href="#FNanchor_421c" class="label">[421]</a> <cite>Wurstisen</cite>, loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_422c" href="#FNanchor_422c" class="label">[422]</a> L’année des vins rostis, of the French. <cite>Stettler</cite>, p.
      119.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_423c" href="#FNanchor_423c" class="label">[423]</a> <cite>Spangenberg</cite>, fol. 439. a. Chron. Chron. p. 375.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_424c" href="#FNanchor_424c" class="label">[424]</a> <cite>Kircher</cite>, p. 147.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_425c" href="#FNanchor_425c" class="label">[425]</a> <cite>Spangenberg</cite>, fol. 439. b.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_426c" href="#FNanchor_426c" class="label">[426]</a> <cite>Villalba</cite>, T. I. p. 93. They committed great ravages in
      Spain.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_427c" href="#FNanchor_427c" class="label">[427]</a> See Appendix, and p. 25. of the Latin edition.—Compare
      <cite>Haftitz</cite>, p. 149, and others.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_428c" href="#FNanchor_428c" class="label">[428]</a> <cite>Spangenberg</cite>, fol. 439. b.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_429c" href="#FNanchor_429c" class="label">[429]</a> <cite>Jordan</cite>, Tr. I. c. 19. p. 220.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_430c" href="#FNanchor_430c" class="label">[430]</a> <cite>Spangenberg</cite>, fol. 440. b.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_431c" href="#FNanchor_431c" class="label">[431]</a> <cite>Villaba</cite>, T. I. p. 94. The author has not been able
      to obtain the work of Sixtus Kepser, an observer of this disease.
      (Consultatio saluberrima de causis et remediis epidemiæ sive pestiferi
      morbi Bambergensium civitatem tum infestantis.) Bambergæ, 1544. 4to.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_432c" href="#FNanchor_432c" class="label">[432]</a> See p. 236.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_433c" href="#FNanchor_433c" class="label">[433]</a> <cite>Mezeray</cite>, p. 1036.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_434c" href="#FNanchor_434c" class="label">[434]</a> See p. 236.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_435c" href="#FNanchor_435c" class="label">[435]</a> <cite>Thuan.</cite> L. IV. p. 73.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_436c" href="#FNanchor_436c" class="label">[436]</a> <cite>Spangenberg</cite>, fol. 458. a. b. 459. a.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_437c" href="#FNanchor_437c" class="label">[437]</a> <cite>Leuthinger</cite>, p. 241.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_438c" href="#FNanchor_438c" class="label">[438]</a> <cite>Spangenberg</cite>, fol. 460. a.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_439c" href="#FNanchor_439c" class="label">[439]</a> <cite>Crusius</cite>, p. 280.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_440c" href="#FNanchor_440c" class="label">[440]</a> <cite>Villalba</cite>, T. I. p. 95.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_441c" href="#FNanchor_441c" class="label">[441]</a> See above, p. 221.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_442c" href="#FNanchor_442c" class="label">[442]</a> <cite>Wurstisen</cite>, (1552, pestilential epidemic in Basle,) p.
      627.—<cite>Spangenberg</cite>, fol. 467. b., 468. a. (Pestilence and Phrenitis.)</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_443c" href="#FNanchor_443c" class="label">[443]</a> <cite>Aikin</cite>, p. 103, et seq.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_444c" href="#FNanchor_444c" class="label">[444]</a> See Appendix.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_445c" href="#FNanchor_445c" class="label">[445]</a> 1556.—This edition is very rare, and is probably not to
      be found in Germany. The edition brought out by the author, (1833,) is
      taken from a very good London reprint of 1721.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_446c" href="#FNanchor_446c" class="label">[446]</a> In the German, sometimes called “eines Tags
      pestilentziches Fieber.”</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_447c" href="#FNanchor_447c" class="label">[447]</a> P. 15. Lat. edit.—II. <span lang="el">ἑλώδης τυφώδης, ἱδρώδης.</span></div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_448c" href="#FNanchor_448c" class="label">[448]</a> Ibid. p. 17. seq.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_449c" href="#FNanchor_449c" class="label">[449]</a> Ibid. p. 49.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_450c" href="#FNanchor_450c" class="label">[450]</a> P. 31. Lat. edit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_451c" href="#FNanchor_451c" class="label">[451]</a> See above, p. 272.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_452c" href="#FNanchor_452c" class="label">[452]</a> P. 43. Lat. edit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_453c" href="#FNanchor_453c" class="label">[453]</a> P. 44. Lat. edit. See above, p. 214.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_454c" href="#FNanchor_454c" class="label">[454]</a> Ibid. p. 74.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_455c" href="#FNanchor_455c" class="label">[455]</a> P. 94. Lat. edit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_456c" href="#FNanchor_456c" class="label">[456]</a> Practica, fol. 43. a. 263. a.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_457c" href="#FNanchor_457c" class="label">[457]</a> <cite>Fallop.</cite> de compos. medic. cap. 41. p. 208.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_458c" href="#FNanchor_458c" class="label">[458]</a> P. 102. Lat. edit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_459c" href="#FNanchor_459c" class="label">[459]</a> P. 106, 7. Ibid.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_460c" href="#FNanchor_460c" class="label">[460]</a> Shortly before his death he resigned the Mastership, but
      continued to reside in the College as a fellow-commoner. See <cite>Aikin</cite>,
      p. 109.—<i>Transl. note.</i></div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_461c" href="#FNanchor_461c" class="label">[461]</a> He gave for a new building to this establishment, more
      than 1,800<i>l.</i>, a very considerable sum for those times.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_462c" href="#FNanchor_462c" class="label">[462]</a> De medendi methodo, ex Cl. Galeni Pergameni, et
      Joh. Bapt. Montani, Veronensis, principum medicorum, sententia,
      Libri duo. Basil. 1554. 8. He dedicated this frivolous book to the
      <em>court-physician in ordinary</em>, <cite>Butts</cite>. See <cite>Balæus</cite>, fol. 232. b.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_463c" href="#FNanchor_463c" class="label">[463]</a> Compare his own work, “De Libris Propriis,” in <cite>Jebb</cite>,
      which is a similar imitation of Galen, and is written in nearly the
      same spirit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_464c" href="#FNanchor_464c" class="label">[464]</a> De canibus Britannicis et de rariorum animalium et
      stirpium historia, in <cite>Jebb</cite>.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_465c" href="#FNanchor_465c" class="label">[465]</a> See p. 270.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_466c" href="#FNanchor_466c" class="label">[466]</a> “Sudor anglicus fere similis ei sudori, quem cardiacum
      dicebamus.” De morb. int. L. II. fol. 60. a.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_467c" href="#FNanchor_467c" class="label">[467]</a> “Est autem <em>cor</em> præstans atque salutaris corpori
      particula, præministrans omnibus sanguinem membris, atque spiritum.”
      <cite>Cæl. Aurel.</cite> Acut. L. II. c. 34. p. 154. Compare <cite>the Author’s</cite>
      “Doctrine of the circulation, before <cite>Harvey</cite>,” Berlin, 1831. 8.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_468c" href="#FNanchor_468c" class="label">[468]</a> <cite>Cæl. Aurel.</cite> cap. 30. p. 146.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_469c" href="#FNanchor_469c" class="label">[469]</a> Ibid. cap. 34. p. 156.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_470c" href="#FNanchor_470c" class="label">[470]</a> The whole 34th chapter, loc. cit. <cite>Aurelian</cite> gives,
      from the 30th to the 40th cap., the fullest information respecting the
      Morbus cardiacus.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_471c" href="#FNanchor_471c" class="label">[471]</a> Torpor frigidus, C. 35. p. 157.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_472c" href="#FNanchor_472c" class="label">[472]</a> Hallucinatio.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_473c" href="#FNanchor_473c" class="label">[473]</a> <cite>Cæl. Aurel.</cite> p. 157.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_474c" href="#FNanchor_474c" class="label">[474]</a> Spiratio præfocabilis.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_475c" href="#FNanchor_475c" class="label">[475]</a> C. 34. p. 154. Thoracis gravedo.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_476c" href="#FNanchor_476c" class="label">[476]</a> C. 35. p. 156.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_477c" href="#FNanchor_477c" class="label">[477]</a> <cite>Aretæus</cite>, L. II. c. 3. p. 30.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_478c" href="#FNanchor_478c" class="label">[478]</a> <cite>Cæl. Aurel.</cite> loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_479c" href="#FNanchor_479c" class="label">[479]</a> Diaphoretici, cardiaci.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_480c" href="#FNanchor_480c" class="label">[480]</a> Febres continuæ flaminatæ. <cite>Cæl. Aurel.</cite> c. 31. p. 147.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_481c" href="#FNanchor_481c" class="label">[481]</a> <cite>Aretæus</cite>, Cur. ac. L. II. c. 3. p. 188.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_482c" href="#FNanchor_482c" class="label">[482]</a> <cite>Cæl. Aurel.</cite> c. 33. p. 150.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_483c" href="#FNanchor_483c" class="label">[483]</a> L. II. c. 3. p. 30.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_484c" href="#FNanchor_484c" class="label">[484]</a> <cite>Aret.</cite> Cur. ac. L. II. c. 3. p. 193.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_485c" href="#FNanchor_485c" class="label">[485]</a> <cite>Cæl. Aurel.</cite> c. 31. p. 146.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_486c" href="#FNanchor_486c" class="label">[486]</a> <cite>Cæl. Aurel.</cite> c. 31. p. 146.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_487c" href="#FNanchor_487c" class="label">[487]</a> <cite>Cæl. Aurel.</cite> c. 33. p. 153. A perfectly similar
      observation is made in the present day, on the increasing frequency of
      liver complaints in England. Parents who have been a long time in the
      East Indies, entail the predisposition to these diseases, which are
      altogether foreign to the temperate zones, on their posterity, among
      whom there is no need of a tropical heat, but merely common causes
      acting in their own country, to call forth various liver complaints.
      See <cite>Bell</cite> (<cite>George Hamilton</cite>).</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_488c" href="#FNanchor_488c" class="label">[488]</a> <cite>Cæl. Aurel.</cite> c. 36. p. 159.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_489c" href="#FNanchor_489c" class="label">[489]</a> On this subject, read the classical work of <cite>Baccius</cite>.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_490c" href="#FNanchor_490c" class="label">[490]</a> <cite>Celsus</cite>, L. III. c. 19. p. 140. <cite>Cæl. Aurel.</cite> from c.
      37. on.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_491c" href="#FNanchor_491c" class="label">[491]</a><span lang="el">Ἢν γὰρ ἐπὶ συγκοπῇ καὶ σμικρὸν ἁμαρτῴη, ῥηϊδίως εἰς ἅδου
      τρέπει.</span> Cur. ac. L. II. c. 3. p. 188.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_492c" href="#FNanchor_492c" class="label">[492]</a> <cite>Cæl. Aurel.</cite> c. 37. p. 169.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_493c" href="#FNanchor_493c" class="label">[493]</a> <cite>Cæl. Aurel.</cite> c. 38. p. 171.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_494c" href="#FNanchor_494c" class="label">[494]</a> Græcum salsum, <span lang="el">οἶνος τεθαλασσωμένος</span>, a mixture of wine
      and sea-water which was very much in use.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_495c" href="#FNanchor_495c" class="label">[495]</a> <cite>Cæl. Aurel.</cite> c. 39. pp. 174, 175.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_496c" href="#FNanchor_496c" class="label">[496]</a> <cite>Cæl. Aurel.</cite> c. 38. p. 171.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_497c" href="#FNanchor_497c" class="label">[497]</a> “nihil jugulatione differre.” Ibid.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_498c" href="#FNanchor_498c" class="label">[498]</a> <cite>Celsus</cite> recommended a sextarium and a half a-day, which
      is about 42 cubic inches, loc. cit. Cardiacorum morbo unicam spem in
      vino esse, certum est. <cite>Plin.</cite> Hist. Nat. L. xxiii. c. 2. T. II. p.
      303. Bibere et sudare vita cardiaci est. <cite>Senec.</cite> Epist. 15. T. II. p.
      68. Ed. Ruhkopf. Cardiaco cyathum nunquam mixturus amico. <cite>Juvenal.</cite>
      Sat. v. 32.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_499c" href="#FNanchor_499c" class="label">[499]</a> <cite>Celsus.</cite></div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_500c" href="#FNanchor_500c" class="label">[500]</a> Aspergines, sympasmata, diapasmata. <cite>Cæl. Aurel.</cite> c. 38.
      p. 171.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_501c" href="#FNanchor_501c" class="label">[501]</a> <cite>Cæl. Aurel.</cite> c. 37. p. 161.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_502c" href="#FNanchor_502c" class="label">[502]</a> <cite>Aretæus</cite>, p. 192.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_503c" href="#FNanchor_503c" class="label">[503]</a> <cite>Celsus</cite>, loc. cit.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_504c" href="#FNanchor_504c" class="label">[504]</a> For instance, in the villages of Rue-Saint-Pierre and
      Neuville-en-Hez, between Beauvais and Clermont. <cite>Rayer</cite>, Suette, p. 74.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_505c" href="#FNanchor_505c" class="label">[505]</a> <cite>Godofredi Welschii</cite> Historia medica novum puerperarum
      morbum continens. Disp. d. 20. April. 1655. Lipsiæ, 4to. The principal
      work upon the first visitation of miliary fever in Germany.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_506c" href="#FNanchor_506c" class="label">[506]</a> For example, in the epidemic of 1782, which, during the
      course of a few months, carried off in Languedoc upwards of 30,000
      people. <cite>Pujol</cite> observed in that epidemic four forms of exanthem. 1.
      A Purpura urticata—elevated rose-like spots, or papulæ of smaller
      circumference: it was very favourable, and sometimes passed off without
      fever. 2. Spots consisting of very small miliary vesicles and pustules
      which ran into each other: less favourable. 3. Small hemispherical
      pimples, from the size of a mustard seed to that of a corn of maize.
      They were surmounted by a white point before they died away, and the
      large kind became converted into pustules, filled with matter or
      greyish semitransparent phlyctænæ, with red inflamed bases. This form
      was the commonest, and extended, mixed with the others, over the whole
      surface, especially the trunk. 4. An exanthem resembling flea-bites, of
      a bright red, with a small grey miliary vesicle in the middle, almost
      invisible, except through a lens: this form was the worst. <cite>Pujol</cite>,
      Œuvres diverses de Médecine Pratique, 4 vols. <cite>Castres</cite>, 1801. 8vo.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_507c" href="#FNanchor_507c" class="label">[507]</a> <cite>Foderé</cite>, III. p. 222.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_508c" href="#FNanchor_508c" class="label">[508]</a> On this point see <cite>Allioni</cite>, who drew his classical
      description of miliary fever from the Piedmont epidemics.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_509c" href="#FNanchor_509c" class="label">[509]</a> <cite>Bellot</cite>, An febri putridæ, Picardis Suette dictæ
      sudorifera? Diss. præs. <cite>Ott. Cas. Barfeknecht</cite>. Paris, 1733. 4to.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_510c" href="#FNanchor_510c" class="label">[510]</a> <cite>Rayer</cite>, Suette, p. 426, where the principal passage of
      <cite>Bellot’s</cite> dissertation is reprinted word for word.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_511c" href="#FNanchor_511c" class="label">[511]</a> Best in <cite>Rayer</cite>, p. 421. Not so well in <cite>Ozanam</cite>, T.
      iii. p. 105. The writers are very numerous.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_512c" href="#FNanchor_512c" class="label">[512]</a> <cite>Rayer</cite>, <cite>Mazet</cite>, <cite>Bally</cite>, <cite>François</cite>, <cite>Pariset</cite>, and
      many others.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_513c" href="#FNanchor_513c" class="label">[513]</a> <cite>Bally</cite> and <cite>François</cite>, in the Journal Général de
      Médecine, T. LXXVII. p. 204. Compare <cite>Foderé</cite>, T. III. p. 227.
      <cite>Ozanam</cite>, T. III. p. 116. <cite>Rayer</cite>, Suette, p. 148. Mal. d. l. p. T. I.
      p. 320.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_514c" href="#FNanchor_514c" class="label">[514]</a> We may add to them also those observed in the south
      of Germany, in the œtiology of which <cite>Schönlein</cite> lays much stress
      on the contamination of the air in the process of steeping hemp.
      <cite>Vorlesungen</cite>, II. p. 324.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_515c" href="#FNanchor_515c" class="label">[515]</a> It is not complete, but may render apparent the power
      and extent of the disease. See <cite>Rayer</cite>, Suette, p. 465.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_516c" href="#FNanchor_516c" class="label">[516]</a> At that time inhabited by about two hundred and fifty
      country people. <cite>Sinner</cite>, p. 7.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_517c" href="#FNanchor_517c" class="label">[517]</a> <em>Dr. Thein</em>, government physician of the town of Aub.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_518c" href="#FNanchor_518c" class="label">[518]</a> The whole number of cases and of deaths is not stated.
      <em>Dr. Sinner</em> found nine bodies, none of which had been opened, shortly
      before the cessation of the disease.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_519c" href="#FNanchor_519c" class="label">[519]</a> Everything heating was avoided; the air was cautiously
      purified, cooling beverage was given, and contrary to the method
      of Brown, at that time in vogue, few medicines, such as valerian,
      spirits of hartshorn, Hoffman’s drops, &amp;c., were employed. Blisters
      were of service, and likewise, under some circumstances, camphor. The
      convalescents were well nourished.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_520c" href="#FNanchor_520c" class="label">[520]</a> Those works only which have been consulted by the author
      himself are here enumerated.</div>

    <div class="footnote"><a id="Footnote_521c" href="#FNanchor_521c" class="label">[521]</a> He treats only of petechial fevers, and that very
      superficially.</div>
  </div>

  <div class="transnote mt10">
    <div class="large center mb2"><b>Transcriber’s Notes:</b></div>
    <ul class="spaced">
      <li>The source for the cover image is public domain per Wikimedia.</li>
      <li>Blank pages have been removed.</li>
      <li>Obvious typographical errors have been silently corrected, otherwise spelling has been left as is.</li>
    </ul>
  </div>








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