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| author | Roger Frank <rfrank@pglaf.org> | 2025-10-14 18:07:33 -0700 |
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| committer | Roger Frank <rfrank@pglaf.org> | 2025-10-14 18:07:33 -0700 |
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} + + div.clearpage, div.cleardoublepage + { margin: 10% 0; border: none; border-top: 1px solid gray; } + + .vfill { margin: 5% 10% } +} + +@media print { + div.clearpage { page-break-before: always; padding-top: 10% } + div.cleardoublepage { page-break-before: right; padding-top: 10% } + + .vfill { margin-top: 20% } + h2.title { margin-top: 20% } +} + +/* DIV */ +pre { font-family: monospace; font-size: 0.9em; white-space: pre-wrap } +</style> +<title>cii.rst</title> +<meta name="PG.Title" content="Castes In India" /> +<meta name="PG.Id" content="63231" /> +<meta name="PG.Released" content="2020-09-18" /> +<meta name="PG.Rights" content="Public Domain" /> +<meta name="PG.Producer" content="Joseph Koshy" /> +<meta name="PG.Credits" content="Transcribed from The Indian Antiquary, Vol. 46, pp. 81–95." /> +<meta name="DC.Title" content="Castes In India" /> +<meta name="DC.Creator" content="Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar" /> +<meta name="DC.Language" content="en" /> +<meta name="DC.Created" content="1917" /> + +<link rel="schema.DCTERMS" href="http://purl.org/dc/terms/" /> +<link rel="schema.MARCREL" href="http://id.loc.gov/vocabulary/relators/" /> +<meta name="DCTERMS.title" content="Castes in India" /> +<meta name="DCTERMS.source" content="file:///htdocs/ebookmaker/cache/20200918105821/cii.rst" /> +<meta name="DCTERMS.language" content="en" scheme="DCTERMS.RFC4646" /> +<meta name="DCTERMS.modified" content="2020-09-18T17:58:25.061708+00:00" scheme="DCTERMS.W3CDTF" /> +<meta name="DCTERMS.publisher" content="Project Gutenberg" /> +<meta name="DCTERMS.rights" content="Public Domain in the USA." /> +<link rel="DCTERMS.isFormatOf" href="http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/63231" /> +<meta name="DCTERMS.creator" content="Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar" /> +<meta name="DCTERMS.creator" content="Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar" /> +<meta name="DCTERMS.created" content="2020-09-18" scheme="DCTERMS.W3CDTF" /> +<meta name="viewport" content="width=device-width" /> +<meta name="generator" content="Ebookmaker 0.9.7 by Project Gutenberg" /> +</head> +<body> +<div class="document"> + + +<!-- this is the default PG-RST stylesheet --> +<!-- figure and image styles for non-image formats --> +<!-- default transition --> +<!-- default attribution --> +<!-- -*- encoding: utf-8 -*- --> +<!-- -*- encoding: utf-8 -*- --> +<div class="docutils container language-en pgheader" id="pg-header" xml:lang="en" lang="en"> +<p class="noindent pfirst"><span>This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States +and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no +restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it +under the terms of the </span><a class="reference internal" href="#project-gutenberg-license">Project Gutenberg License</a><span> included with +this ebook or online at </span><a class="reference external" href="https://www.gutenberg.org/license">https://www.gutenberg.org/license</a><span>. If you +are not located in the United States, you'll have to check the laws +of the country where you are located before using this ebook.</span></p> +<p class="noindent pnext"></p> +<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em"> +</div> +<div class="docutils container" id="pg-machine-header"> +<p class="noindent pfirst"><span>Title: Castes In India +<br /> +<br />Author: Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar +<br /> +<br />Release Date: September 18, 2020 [EBook #63231] +<br /> +<br />Language: English +<br /> +<br />Character set encoding: UTF-8</span></p> +</div> +<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em"> +</div> +<p class="noindent pfirst" id="pg-start-line"><span>*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK </span><span>CASTES IN INDIA</span><span> ***</span></p> +<div class="vspace" style="height: 4em"> +</div> +<p class="noindent pfirst" id="pg-produced-by"><span>Produced by Joseph Koshy.</span></p> +<div class="vspace" style="height: 1em"> +</div> +<p class="noindent pfirst"><span>Transcribed from The Indian Antiquary, Vol. 46, pp. 81–95.</span></p> +</div> +<div class="clearpage"> +</div> +<div class="docutils container"> +<p class="center pfirst"><span class="small">THE</span></p> +<div class="vspace" style="height: 1em"> +</div> +<p class="center pfirst"><span class="xx-large">INDIAN ANTIQUARY</span></p> +<div class="vspace" style="height: 1em"> +</div> +<p class="center pfirst"><span class="large">A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH</span></p> +<div class="vspace" style="height: 1em"> +</div> +<p class="center pfirst"><span class="small">IN</span></p> +<div class="vspace" style="height: 1em"> +</div> +<div class="line-block outermost"> +<div class="center line"><span class="medium">ARCHÆOLOGY, EPIGRAPHY, ETHNOLOGY, GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY, FOLKLORE, LANGUAGES,</span></div> +<div class="center line"><span class="medium">LITERATURE, NUMISMATICS, PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION, </span><em class="italics medium">&c</em><span class="medium">., </span><em class="italics medium">&c</em><span class="medium">.</span></div> +</div> +<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em"> +</div> +<p class="center pfirst"><span class="small">EDITED BY</span></p> +<div class="vspace" style="height: 1em"> +</div> +<p class="center pfirst"><span class="medium">SIR RICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE, BART, C.B., C.I.E., F.S.A.</span></p> +<div class="line-block outermost"> +<div class="center line"><span class="small">HON. FELLOW, TRIN. HALL, CAMBRIDGE,</span></div> +<div class="center line"><span class="small">FORMERLY LIEUT.-COLONEL, INDIAN ARMY.</span></div> +</div> +<p class="center pfirst"><span class="small">AND</span></p> +<div class="vspace" style="height: 1em"> +</div> +<p class="center pfirst"><span class="medium small-caps">Prof. DEVADATTA RAMKRISHNA BHANDARKAR, M.A.</span></p> +<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em"> +</div> +<p class="center pfirst"><span>⸻</span></p> +<p class="center pnext"><span>VOL. XLVI.—1917.</span></p> +<div class="vspace" style="height: 3em"> +</div> +<p class="center pfirst"><span class="bold medium">BOMBAY:</span></p> +<div class="vspace" style="height: 1em"> +</div> +<p class="center pfirst"><span class="small small-caps">Printed and Published at the BRITISH INDIA PRESS, Mazgaon, Bombay.</span></p> +<div class="vspace" style="height: 1em"> +</div> +<p class="center pfirst"><span class="medium">LONDON:</span></p> +<div class="line-block outermost"> +<div class="center line"><span class="medium">BERNARD QUARITCH LIMITED, 11 GRAFTON STREET,</span></div> +<div class="center line"><span class="medium">NEW BOND STREET, W.</span></div> +</div> +<p class="center pfirst"><span class="medium">[</span><em class="italics medium">All Rights Reserved</em><span class="medium">.]</span></p> +</div> +<div class="clearpage"> +</div> +<p class="pfirst"><span>[pg 81]</span></p> +<div class="level-2 section" id="castes-in-india"> +<h2 class="level-2 pfirst section-title title"><span>CASTES IN INDIA.</span></h2> +<p class="center pfirst"><strong class="bold">Their mechanism, genesis and development.</strong><a class="footnote-reference" href="#id2" id="id1"><sup>1</sup></a></p> +<div class="vspace" style="height: 1em"> +</div> +<p class="center pfirst"><span class="small">BY BHIMRAO R. AMBEDKAR, M. A.</span></p> +<div class="vspace" style="height: 1em"> +</div> +<p class="pfirst"><span>Many of us, I dare say, have witnessed local, national, or +international expositions of material objects that make up the sum +total of human civilization. But few can entertain the idea of there +being such a thing as an exposition of human institutions. Exhibition +of human institutions is a strange idea; some might call it the +wildest of ideas. But as students of Ethnology I hope you will not be +hard on this innovation, for it is not so, and to you at least it +should not be strange.</span></p> +<p class="pnext"><span>You all have visited, I believe, some historic place like the ruins of +Pompeii, and listened with curiosity to the history of the remains as +it flowed from the glib tongue of the guide. In my opinion a student +of Ethnology, in one sense at least, is much like the guide. Like his +prototype, he holds up (perhaps with more seriousness and desire of +self instruction) the social institutions to view, with all the +objectiveness humanly possible, and inquires into their origin and +function.</span></p> +<p class="pnext"><span>Most of our fellow students in this Seminar, which concerns itself +with Primitive </span><em class="italics">versus</em><span> Modern Society, have ably acquitted themselves +along these lines by giving lucid expositions of the various +institutions, modern or primitive, in which they are interested. It +is my turn now, this evening, to entertain you, as best I can, with a +paper on “Castes in India: their mechanism, genesis and development.”</span></p> +<p class="pnext"><span>I need hardly remind you of the complexity of the subject I intend to +handle. Subtler minds and abler pens than mine have been brought to +the task of unravelling the mysteries of Caste; but unfortunately it +still remains in the domain of the “unexplained,” not to say of the +“un-understood.” I am quite alive to the complex intricacies of a +hoary institution like Caste, but I am not so pessimistic as to +relegate it to the region of the unknowable, for I believe it can be +known. The caste problem is a vast one, both theoretically and +practically. Practically, it is an institution that portends +tremendous consequences. It is a local problem, but one capable of +much wider mischief, for “as long as caste in India does exist, Hindus +will hardly intermarry or have any social intercourse with outsiders; +and if Hindus migrate to other regions on earth, Indian caste would +become a world problem.”</span><a class="footnote-reference" href="#id4" id="id3"><sup>2</sup></a><span> Theoretically, it has defied a great +many scholars who have taken upon themselves, as a labour of love, to +dig into its origin. Such being the case, I cannot treat the problem +in its entirety. Time, space and acumen, I am afraid, would all fail +me, if I attempted to do otherwise than limit myself to a phase of it, +namely, the genesis, mechanism and spread of the caste system. I will +strictly observe this rule, and will dwell on extraneous matters only +when it is necessary to clarify or support a point in my thesis.</span></p> +<p class="pnext"><span>To proceed with the subject. According to well-known ethnologists, +the population of India is a mixture of Aryans, Dravidians, Mongolians +and Scythians. All these stocks of people came into India from +various directions and with various cultures, centuries ago, when they +were in a tribal state. They all in turn elbowed their entry into the +country by fighting with their predecessors, and after a stomachful of +it settled down as peaceful neighbours. Through constant contact and +mutual intercourse they evolved a common [pg 82] culture that +superseded their distinctive cultures. It may be granted that there +has not been a thorough amalgamation of the various stocks that make +up the peoples of India, and to a traveller from within the boundaries +of India the East presents a marked contrast in physique and even in +colour to the West, as does the South to the North. But amalgamation +can never be the sole criterion of homogeneity as predicated of any +people. Ethnically all peoples are heterogeneous. It is the unity of +culture that is the basis of homogeneity. Taking this for granted, I +venture to say that there is no country that can rival the Indian +Peninsula with respect to the unity of its culture. It has not only a +geographic unity, but it has over and above all a deeper and a much +more fundamental unity—the indubitable cultural unity that covers the +land from end to end. But it is because of this homogeneity that +Caste becomes a problem so difficult to be explained. If the Hindu +Society were a mere federation of mutually exclusive units, the matter +would be simple enough. But Caste is a parcelling of an already +homogeneous unit, and the explanation of the genesis of Caste is the +explanation of this process of parcelling.</span></p> +<p class="pnext"><span>Before launching into our field of enquiry, it is better to advise +ourselves regarding the nature of a caste. I will therefore draw upon +a few of the best students of caste for their definitions of it.</span></p> +<p class="pnext"><span>(1) M. Senart, a French authority, defines a caste as “a close +corporation, in theory at any rate rigorously hereditary: equipped +with a certain traditional and independent organisation, including a +chief and a council, meeting on occasion in assemblies of more or less +plenary authority and joining together at certain festivals: bound +together by common occupations, which relate more particularly to +marriage and to food and to questions of ceremonial pollution, and +ruling its members by the exercise of jurisdiction, the extent of +which varies, but which succeeds in making the authority of the +community more felt by the sanction of certain penalties and, above +all, by final irrevocable exclusion from the group.”</span></p> +<p class="pnext"><span>(2) Mr. Nesfield defines a caste as “a class of the community which +disowns any connection with any other class and can neither intermarry +nor eat nor drink with any but persons of their own community.”</span></p> +<p class="pnext"><span>(3) According to Sir H. Risley, “a caste may be defined as a +collection of families or groups of families bearing a common name +which usually denotes or is associated, with specific occupation, +claiming common descent from a mythical ancestor, human or divine, +professing to follow the same professional callings and are regarded +by those who are competent to give an opinion as forming a single +homogeneous community.”</span></p> +<p class="pnext"><span>(4) Dr. Ketkar defines caste as “a social group having two +characteristics: (1) membership is confined to those who are born of +members and includes all persons so born; (2) the members are +forbidden by an inexorable social law to marry outside the group.”</span></p> +<p class="pnext"><span>To review these definitions is of great importance for our purpose. +It will be noticed that taken individually the definitions of three of +the writers include too much or too little: none is complete or +correct by itself and all have missed the central point in the +mechanism of the Caste system. Their mistake lies in trying to define +caste as an isolated unit by itself, and not as a group within, and +with definite relations to, the system of caste as a whole. Yet +collectively all of them are complementary to one another, each one +emphasising what has been obscured in the other. By way of criticism, +therefore, I will take only those points common to all Castes in each +of the above definitions which are regarded as peculiarities of Caste +and evaluate them as such.</span></p> +<p class="pnext"><span>[pg 83] To start with M. Senart, He draws attention to the “idea of +pollution” as a characteristic of Caste. With regard to this point it +may be safely said that it is by no means a peculiarity of Caste as +such. It usually originates in priestly ceremonialism and is a +particular case of the general belief in purity. Consequently its +necessary connection with Caste may be completely denied without +damaging the working of Caste. The “idea of pollution” has been +attached to the institution of Caste, only because the Caste that +enjoys the highest rank is the priestly Caste: while we know that +priest and purity are old associates. We may therefore conclude that +the “idea of pollution” is a characteristic of Caste only in so far as +Caste has a religious flavour. Mr. Nesfield in his way dwells on the +absence of messing with those outside the Caste as one of its +characteristics. In spite of the newness of the point we must say +that Mr. Nesfield has mistaken the effect for the cause. Caste, being +a self-enclosed unit, naturally limits social intercourse, including +messing etc., to members within it. Consequently this absence of +messing with outsiders is not due to positive prohibition, but is a +natural result of Caste, </span><em class="italics">i.e.</em><span>, exclusiveness. No doubt this absence +of messing, originally due to exclusiveness, acquired the prohibitory +character of a religious injunction, but it may be regarded as a later +growth. Sir H. Risley, makes no new point deserving of special +attention.</span></p> +<p class="pnext"><span>We now pass on to the definition of Dr. Ketkar, who has done much for +the elucidation of the subject. Not only is he a native, but he has +also brought a critical acumen and an open mind to bear on his study +of Caste. His definition merits consideration, for he has defined +Caste in its relation to a system of Castes, and has concentrated his +attention only on those characteristics which are absolutely necessary +for the existence of a Caste within a system, rightly excluding all +others as being secondary or derivative in character. With respect to +his definition it must, however, be said that in it there is a slight +confusion of thought, lucid and clear as otherwise it is. He speaks +of </span><strong class="bold">Prohibition of Intermarriage</strong><span> and </span><strong class="bold">Membership by Autogeny</strong><span> as +the two characteristics of Caste. I submit that these are but two +aspects of one and the same thing, and not two different things as +Dr. Ketkar supposes them to be. If you prohibit inter-marriage the +result is that you limit, membership to those born within the group. +Thus the two are the obverse and the reverse sides of the same medal.</span></p> +<p class="pnext"><span>This critical evaluation of the various characteristics of Caste +leaves no doubt that prohibition, or rather the absence of +intermarriage—endogamy, to be concise—is the only one that can be +called the essence of Caste when rightly understood. But some may +deny this on abstract anthropological grounds, for there exist +endogamous groups without giving rise to the problem of Caste. In a +general way this may be true, as endogamous societies, culturally +different, making their abode in localities more or less removed, and +having little to do with each other, are a physical reality. The +negroes and the whites and the various tribal groups that go by the +name of American Indians in the United States may be cited as more or +less appropriate illustrations in support of this view. But we must +not confuse matters, for in India the situation is different. As +pointed out before, the peoples of India form a homogeneous whole. +The various races of India occupying definite territories have more or +less fused into one another and do possess a cultural unity, which is +the only criterion of a homogeneous population. Given this +homogeneity as a basis, Caste becomes a problem altogether new in +character and wholly absent in the situation constituted by the mere +propinquity of endogamous social or tribal [pg 84] groups. Caste in +India means an artificial chopping off of the population into fixed +and definite units, each one prevented from fusing into another +through the custom of endogamy. Thus the conclusion is inevitable +that </span><strong class="bold">endogamy is the only characteristic that is peculiar to +Caste</strong><span>, and if we succeed in showing how endogamy is maintained, we +shall practically have proved the genesis and also the mechanism of +Caste.</span></p> +<p class="pnext"><span>It may not be quite easy for you to anticipate why I regard endogamy +as a key to the mystery of the Caste system. Not to strain your +imagination too much, I will proceed to give you my reasons for it.</span></p> +<p class="pnext"><span>It may not also be out of place to emphasize at this moment that no +civilized society of to-day presents more survivals of primitive times +than does the Indian society. Its religion is essentially primitive +and its tribal code, in spite of the advance of time and civilization, +operates in all its pristine vigour even to-day. One of these +primitive survivals, to which I wish particularly to draw your +attention, is the </span><strong class="bold">custom of exogamy</strong><span>. The prevalence of exogamy in +the primitive world is a fact too well known to need any explanation. +With the growth of history, however, exogamy has lost its efficacy +and, excepting the nearest blood-kins, there is usually no social bar +restricting the field of marriage. But regarding the peoples of India +the law of exogamy is a positive injunction even to-day. Indian +society still savours of the clan system, even though there are no +clans: and this can be easily seen from the law of matrimony which +centres round the principle of exogamy, for it is not that </span><em class="italics">sapindas</em><span> +(blood-kins) cannot marry, but a marriage even between </span><em class="italics">sagotras</em><span> (of +the same class) is regarded as a sacrilege.</span></p> +<p class="pnext"><span>Nothing is therefore more important for you to remember than the fact +that endogamy is foreign to the people of India. The various </span><em class="italics">gotras</em><span> +of India are and have been exogamous: so are the other groups with +totemic organization. It is no exaggeration to say that with the +people of India exogamy is a creed and none dare infringe it, so much +so that, in spite of the endogamy of the Castes within them, exogamy +is strictly observed and that there are more rigorous penalties for +violating exogamy than there are for violating endogamy. You will, +therefore, readily see that with exogamy as the rule there could be no +Castes, for exogamy means fusion. But we </span><em class="italics">have</em><span> Castes; consequently +in the final analysis creation of Castes, so far as India is +concerned, means the superposition of endogamy on exogamy. However, +in an originally exogamous population an easy working out of endogamy +(which is equivalent to the creation of Caste) is a grave problem, and +it is in the consideration of the means utilized for the preservation +of endogamy against exogamy that we may hope to find the solution of +our problem.</span></p> +<p class="pnext"><span>Thus the </span><strong class="bold">superposition of endogamy on exogamy means the creation of +Caste</strong><span>. But this is not an easy affair. Let us take an imaginary +group that desires to make itself into a Caste and analyse what means +it will have to adopt to make itself endogamous. If a group desires +to make itself endogamous a formal injunction against intermarriage +with outside groups will be of no avail, especially if prior to the +introduction of endogamy, exogamy had been the rule in all matrimonial +relations. Again, there is a tendency in all groups lying in close +contact with one another to assimilate and amalgamate, and thus +consolidate into a homogenous society. If this tendency is to be +strongly counteracted in the interest of Caste formation, it is +absolutely necessary to circumscribe a circle outside which people +should not contract marriages.</span></p> +<p class="pnext"><span>Nevertheless, this encircling to prevent marriages from without +creates problems from within which are not very easy of solution. +Roughly speaking, in a normal group the [pg 85] two sexes are more or +less evenly distributed, and generally speaking there is an equality +between those of the same age. The equality is, however, never quite +realized in actual societies. At the same time to the group that is +desirous of making itself into a caste the maintenance of equality +between the sexes becomes the ultimate goal, for without it endogamy +can no longer subsist. In other words, if endogamy is to be preserved +conjugal rights from within have to be provided for, otherwise members +of the group will be driven out of the circle to take care of +themselves in any way they can. But in order that the conjugal rights +be provided for from within, it is absolutely necessary to maintain a +numerical equality between the marriageable units of the two sexes +within the group desirous of making itself into a Caste. It is only +through the maintenance of such an equality that the necessary +endogamy of the group can be kept intact, and a very large disparity +is sure to break it.</span></p> +<p class="pnext"><strong class="bold">The problem of Caste, then, ultimately resolves itself into one of +repairing the disparity between the marriageable units of the two +sexes within it</strong><span>. Left to nature, the much needed parity between the +units can be realized only when a couple dies simultaneously. But +this is a rare contingency. The husband may die before the wife and +create a </span><em class="italics">surplus woman</em><span>, who must be disposed of, else through +intermarriage she will violate the endogamy of the group. In like +manner the husband may survive his wife and be a </span><em class="italics">surplus man</em><span>, whom +the group, while it may sympathise with him for the sad bereavement, +has to dispose of, else he will marry outside the Caste and will break +the endogamy. Thus both the </span><em class="italics">surplus man</em><span> and the </span><em class="italics">surplus woman</em><span> +constitute a menace to the Caste if not taken care of, for not finding +suitable partners inside their prescribed circle (and left to +themselves they cannot find any, for if the matter be not regulated +there can only be just enough pairs to go round) very likely they will +transgress the boundary, marry outside and import offspring that is +foreign to the Caste.</span></p> +<p class="pnext"><span>Let us see what our imaginary group is likely to do with this </span><em class="italics">surplus +man</em><span> and </span><em class="italics">surplus woman</em><span>. We will first take up the case of the +</span><em class="italics">surplus woman</em><span>. She can be disposed of in two different ways so as +to preserve the endogamy of the Caste.</span></p> +<p class="pnext"><span>First: burn her on the funeral pyre of her deceased husband and get +rid of her. This, however, is rather an impracticable way of solving +the problem of sex disparity. In some cases it may work, in others it +may not. Consequently every </span><em class="italics">surplus woman</em><span> cannot thus be disposed +of, because it is an easy solution but a hard realization. And so the +</span><em class="italics">surplus woman</em><span> (＝ widow), if not disposed of, remains in the group: +but in her very existence lies a double danger. She may marry outside +the Caste and violate endogamy, or she may marry within the Caste and +through competition encroach upon the chances of marriage that must be +reserved for the potential brides in the Caste. She is therefore a +menace in any case, and something must be done to her if she cannot be +burned along with her deceased husband.</span></p> +<p class="pnext"><span>The second remedy is to enforce widowhood on her for the rest of her +life. So far as the objective results are concerned, burning is a +better solution than enforcing widowhood. Burning the widow +eliminates all the three evils that a </span><em class="italics">surplus woman</em><span> is fraught with. +Being dead and gone she creates no problem of remarriage either inside +or outside the Caste. But compulsory widowhood is superior to burning +because it is more practicable. Besides being comparatively humane it +also guards against the evils of remarriage as does burning: but it +fails to guard the morals of the group. No doubt under compulsory +widowhood the woman remains, and just because she is deprived of her +natural right of being a legitimate wife in future, the incentive to +immoral conduct is increased. But [pg 86] this is by no means an +insuperable difficulty. She can be degraded to a condition in which +she is no longer a source of allurement.</span></p> +<p class="pnext"><span>The problem of </span><em class="italics">surplus man</em><span> (＝ widower) is much more important and +much more difficult than that of the </span><em class="italics">surplus woman</em><span> in a group that +desires to make itself into a Caste. From time immemorial man as +compared with woman has had the upper hand. He is a dominant figure +in every group and of the two sexes has greater prestige. With this +traditional superiority of man over woman his wishes have always been +consulted. Woman, on the other hand, has been an easy prey to all +kinds of iniquitous injunctions, religious, social or economic. But +man as a maker of injunctions is most often above them all. Such +being the case, you cannot accord the same kind of treatment to a +</span><em class="italics">surplus man</em><span> as you can to a </span><em class="italics">surplus woman</em><span> in a Caste.</span></p> +<p class="pnext"><span>The project of burning him with his deceased wife is hazardous in two +ways: first of all it cannot be done, simply because he is a man. +Secondly, if done, a sturdy soul is lost to the Caste. There remain +then only two solutions which can conveniently dispose of him. I say +conveniently, because he is an asset to the group.</span></p> +<p class="pnext"><span>Important as he is to the group, endogamy is still more important, and +the solution must assure both these ends. Under these circumstances +he may be forced, or I should say induced, after the manner of the +widow, to remain a widower for the rest of his life. This solution is +not altogether difficult, for without any compulsion some are so +disposed as to enjoy self-imposed celibacy, or even to take a further +step of their own accord and renounce the world and its joys. But, +given human nature as it is, this solution can hardly be expected to +be realized. On the other hand, as is very likely to be the case, if +the </span><em class="italics">surplus man</em><span> remains in the group as an active participator in +group activities, he is a danger to the morals of the group. Looked +at from a different point of view celibacy, though easy in cases where +it succeeds, is not so advantageous even then to the material +prospects of the Caste. If he observes genuine celibacy and renounces +the world, he would not be a menace to the preservation of Caste +endogamy or Caste morals as he undoubtedly would be if he remained a +secular person. But as an ascetic celibate he is as good as burned, +so far as the material well-being of his Caste is concerned. A Caste, +in order that it may be large enough to afford a vigorous communal +life, must be maintained at a certain numerical strength. But to hope +for this and to proclaim celibacy is the same as trying to cure +atrophy by bleeding.</span></p> +<p class="pnext"><span>Imposing celibacy on the </span><em class="italics">surplus man</em><span> in the group, therefore, fails +both theoretically and practically. It is in the interest of the +Caste to keep him as a </span><em class="italics">grahastha</em><span> (one who raises a family), to use a +Sanskrit technical term. But the problem is to provide him with a +wife from within the Caste. At the outset this is not possible, for +the ruling ratio in a caste has to be one man to one woman and none +can have two chances of marriage, for in a Caste thoroughly +self-enclosed there are always just enough marriageable women to go +round for the marriageable men. Under these circumstances the +</span><em class="italics">surplus man</em><span> can be provided with a wife only by recruiting a bride +from the ranks of those not yet marriageable in order to tie him down +to the group. This is certainly the best of the possible solutions in +the case of the </span><em class="italics">surplus man</em><span>. By this, he is kept within the Caste. +By this means numerical depletion through constant outflow is guarded +against, and by this endogamy and morals are preserved.</span></p> +<p class="pnext"><span>It will now be seen that the four means by which numerical disparity +between the two sexes is conveniently maintained are: (1) Burning the +widow with her deceased [pg 87] husband; (2) Compulsory widowhood—a +milder form of burning; (3) Imposing celibacy on the widower; (4) +Wedding him to a girl not yet marriageable. Though, as I said above, +burning the widow and imposing celibacy on the widower are of doubtful +service to the group in its endeavour to preserve its endogamy, all of +them operate as </span><em class="italics">means</em><span>. But means, as forces, when liberated or set +in motion create an end. What then is the end that these means +create? They create and perpetuate endogamy, while caste and +endogamy, according to our analysis of the various definitions of +caste, are one and the same thing. Thus the existence of these means +is identical with caste and caste involves those means.</span></p> +<p class="pnext"><span>This, in my opinion, is the general mechanism of a caste in a system +of castes. Let us now turn from these high generalities to the castes +in Hindu society and inquire into their mechanism. I need hardly +promise that there are a great many pitfalls in the path of those who +try to unfold the past, and caste in India to be sure is a very +ancient institution. This is especially true where there exist no +authentic or written records, or where the people, like the Hindus, +are so constituted that to them writing history is a folly, for the +world is an illusion. But institutions do live, though for a long +time they may remain unrecorded and as often as not customs and morals +are like fossils that tell their own history. If this is true, our +task will be amply rewarded if we scrutinize the solution the Hindus +arrived at to meet the problems of the </span><em class="italics">surplus man</em><span> and </span><em class="italics">surplus +woman</em><span>.</span></p> +<p class="pnext"><span>Complex though it be in its general working the Hindu Society, even to +a superficial observer, presents three singular uxorial customs, +namely:—</span></p> +<ol class="lowerroman simple"> +<li><p class="first pfirst"><em class="italics">Sati</em><span> or the burning of the widow on the funeral pyre of her +deceased husband.</span></p> +</li> +<li><p class="first pfirst"><span>Enforced widowhood by which a widow is not allowed to remarry.</span></p> +</li> +<li><p class="first pfirst"><span>Girl marriage.</span></p> +</li> +</ol> +<p class="pfirst"><span>In addition, one also notes a great hankering after </span><em class="italics">sannyasa</em><span> +(renunciation) on the part of the widower, but this may in some cases +be due purely to psychic disposition.</span></p> +<p class="pnext"><span>So far as I know, no scientific explanation of the origin of these +customs is forthcoming even to-day. We have plenty of philosophy to +tell us why these customs were honoured, but nothing to tell us the +causes of their origin and existence. </span><em class="italics">Sati</em><span> has been honoured +(</span><em class="italics">Cf</em><span>. A. K. Coomaraswamy, </span><em class="italics">Sati: a Defence of the Eastern Woman</em><span> in +the </span><em class="italics">British Sociological Review</em><span>, Vol. VI. 1913) because it is a +“proof of the perfect unity of body and soul” between husband and wife +and of “devotion beyond the grave;” because it embodied the ideal of +wifehood, which is well expressed by Umâ when she said “Devotion to +her Lord is woman's honour, it is her eternal heaven: and O +Maheshvara,” she adds with a most touching human cry, “I desire not +paradise itself if thou art not satisfied with me!” Why compulsory +widowhood is honoured I know not, nor have I yet met with any one who +sang in praise of it, though there are a great many who adhere to it. +The eulogy in honour of girl marriage is reported by Dr. Ketkar to be +as follows: “A really faithful man or woman ought not to feel +affection for a woman or a man other than the one with whom he or she +is united. Such purity is compulsory not only after marriage, but +even before marriage, for that is the only correct ideal of chastity. +No maiden could be considered pure if she feels love for a man other +than the one to whom she might be married. As she does not know to +whom she is going to be married, she must not feel affection for any +man at all before marriage. If she does so, it is a sin. So it is +better for a girl to know whom she has to love, before any sexual +consciousness has been awakened in her.”</span><a class="footnote-reference" href="#id6" id="id5"><sup>3</sup></a><span> Hence girl marriage.</span></p> +<p class="pnext"><span>This high-flown and ingenious sophistry indicates why these +institutions were honoured, but does not tell us why they were +practised. My own interpretation is that they were honoured because +they were practised. Any one slightly acquainted with rise of +individualism in the 18th century will appreciate my remark. At all +times, it is the movement that is most important; and the philosophies +grow around it long afterwards to justify it and give it a moral +support. In like manner I urge that the very fact that these customs +were so highly eulogized proves that they needed eulogy for their +prevalence. Regarding the question as to why they arose, I submit +that they were needed to create the structure of caste and the +philosophies in honour of them were intended to popularize them, or to +gild the pill, as we might say, for they must have been so abominable +and shocking to the moral sense of the unsophisticated that they +needed a great deal of sweetening. These customs are essentially of +the nature of </span><em class="italics">means</em><span>, though they are represented as ideals. But +this should not blind us from understanding the </span><em class="italics">results</em><span> that flow +from them. One might safely say that idealization of means is +necessary and in this particular case was perhaps motivated to endow +them with greater efficacy. Calling a means an end does no harm, +except that it disguises its real character; but it does not deprive +it of its real nature, that of a means. You may pass a law that all +cats are dogs, just as you can call a means an end. But you can no +more change the nature of means thereby than you can turn cats into +dogs; consequently I am justified in holding that, whether regarded as +ends or as means, </span><em class="italics">Sati</em><span>, </span><em class="italics">enforced widowhood</em><span> and </span><em class="italics">girl marriage</em><span> are +customs that were primarily intended to solve the problem of the +</span><em class="italics">surplus man</em><span> and </span><em class="italics">surplus woman</em><span> in a caste and to maintain its +endogamy. Strict endogamy could not be preserved without these +customs, while caste without endogamy is a fake.</span></p> +<p class="pnext"><span>Having explained the mechanism of the creation and preservation of +Caste in India, the further question as to its genesis naturally +arises. The question of origin is always an annoying question and in +the study of Caste it is sadly neglected: some have connived at it, +while others have dodged it. Some are puzzled as to whether there +could be such a thing as the origin of caste and suggest that “if we +cannot control our fondness for the word ‘origin’, we should better +use the plural form, </span><em class="italics">viz.</em><span>, ‘origins of caste’.” As for myself I do +not feel puzzled by the Origin of Caste in India, for, as I have +established before, endogamy is the only characteristic of Caste and +when I say </span><strong class="bold">origin of caste</strong><span> I mean </span><strong class="bold">the origin of the mechanism +for endogamy</strong><span>.</span></p> +<p class="pnext"><span>The atomistic conception of individuals in a Society so greatly +popularised—I was about to say vulgarized—in political orations is the +greatest humbug. To say that individuals make up society is trivial; +society is always composed of classes. It may be an exaggeration to +assert the theory of class-conflict, but the existence of definite +classes in a society is a fact. Their basis may differ. They may be +economic or intellectual or social, but an individual in a society is +always a member of a class. This is a universal fact and early Hindu +society could not have been an exception to this rule, and, as a +matter of fact, we know it was not. If we bear this generalization in +mind, our study of the genesis of caste would be very much +facilitated, for we have only to determine what was the class that +first made itself into a caste, for class and caste, so to say, are +next door neighbours, and it is only a span that separates the two. +</span><strong class="bold">A caste is an enclosed class</strong><span>.</span></p> +<p class="pnext"><span>The study of the origin of caste must furnish us with an answer to the +question—what is the class that raised this “enclosure” around itself? +The question [pg 89] may seem too inquisitorial, but it is pertinent, +and an answer to this will serve us to elucidate the mystery of the +growth and development of castes all over India. Unfortunately a +direct answer to this question is not within my power. I can answer +it only indirectly. I said just above that the customs in question +were current in the Hindu society. To be true to facts it is +necessary to qualify the statement, as it connotes universality of +their prevalence. These customs in all their strictness are +obtainable only in one caste, namely the Brahmans, who occupy the +highest place in the social hierarchy of the Hindu society; and as +their prevalence in Non-Brahman castes is derivative their observance +is neither strict nor complete. This important fact can serve as a +basis of an important observation. If the prevalence of these customs +in the non-Brahman Castes is derivative, as can be shown very easily, +then it needs no argument to prove what class is the father of the +institution of caste. Why the Brahman class should have enclosed +itself into a caste is a different question, which may be left as an +employment for another occasion. But the strict observance of these +customs and the social superiority arrogated by the priestly class in +all ancient civilizations are sufficient to prove that they were the +originators of this “unnatural institution” founded and maintained +through these unnatural means.</span></p> +<p class="pnext"><span>I now come to the third part of my paper regarding the question of the +growth and spread of the caste system all over India. The question I +have to answer is: How did the institution of caste spread among the +rest of the non-Brahman population of the country? The question of +the spread of the castes all over India has suffered a worse fate than +the question of genesis. And the main cause, as it seems to me, is +that the two questions of spread and of origin are not separated. +This is because of the common belief among scholars that the caste +system has either been imposed upon the docile population of India by +a law-giver as a divine dispensation, or that it has grown according +to some law of social growth peculiar to the Indian people.</span></p> +<p class="pnext"><span>I first propose to handle the law-giver of India. Every country has +its lawgiver, who arises as an incarnation (</span><em class="italics">avatar</em><span>) in times of +emergency to set right a sinning humanity and give it the laws of +justice and morality. Manu, the law-giver of India, if he did exist, +was certainly an audacious person. If the story that he gave the law +of caste be credited, then Manu must have been a dare-devil fellow and +the humanity that accepted his dispensation must be a humanity quite +different from the one we are acquainted with. It is unimaginable +that the law of caste was </span><em class="italics">given</em><span>. It is hardly an exaggeration to +say that Manu could not have outlived his law, for what is that class +that can submit to be degraded to the status of brutes by the pen of a +man, and suffer him to raise another class to the pinnacle? Unless he +was a tyrant who held all the population in subjection it cannot be +imagined that he could have been allowed to dispense his patronage in +this grossly unjust manner, as may be easily seen by a mere glance at +his “Institutes.” I may seem hard on Manu, but I am sure my force is +not strong enough to kill his ghost. He lives, like a disembodied +spirit and is appealed to, and I am afraid will yet live long. One +thing I want to impress upon you is that Manu did not </span><em class="italics">give</em><span> the </span><em class="italics">law</em><span> +of Caste and that he could not do so. Caste existed long before Manu. +He was an upholder of it and therefore philosophised about it, but +certainly he did not and could not ordain the present order of Hindu +Society. His work ended with the codification of existing caste rules +and the preaching of Caste </span><em class="italics">Dharma</em><span>. The spread and growth of the +Caste system is too [pg 90] gigantic a task to be achieved by the +power or cunning of an individual or of a class. Similar in argument +is the theory that the Brahmans created the caste. After what I have +said regarding Manu, I need hardly say anything more, except to point +out that it is incorrect in thought and malicious in intent. The +Brahmans may have been guilty of many things, and I dare say they are, +but the imposing of the caste system on the non-Brahman population was +beyond their mettle. They may have helped the process by their glib +philosophy, but they certainly could not have pushed their scheme +beyond their own confines. To fashion society after one's own +pattern! How glorious! How hard! One can take pleasure and eulogize +its furtherance, but cannot further it very far. The vehemence of my +attack may seem to be unnecessary: but I can assure you that it is not +uncalled for. There is a strong belief in the mind of orthodox Hindus +that the Hindu Society was somehow moulded into the frame work of the +Caste System, and that it is an organization consciously created by +the </span><em class="italics">Shâstras</em><span>. Not only does this belief exist, but it is being +justified on the ground that it cannot but be good, because it is +ordained by the </span><em class="italics">Shâstras</em><span> and the </span><em class="italics">Shâstras</em><span> cannot be wrong. I have +urged so much on the adverse side of this attitude, not because the +religious sanctity is grounded on scientific basis, nor to help those +reformers who are preaching against it. Preaching did not make the +caste system, neither will it unmake it. My aim is to show the +falsity of the attitude that has exalted religious sanction to the +position of a scientific explanation.</span></p> +<p class="pnext"><span>Thus the great man theory does not help us very far in solving the +spread of castes in India. Western scholars, probably not much given +to hero-worship, have attempted other explanations. The nuclei, round +which have “formed” the various castes in India, are, according to +them:—(1) occupation; (2) survivals of tribal organizations, etc.; (3) +the rise of new belief; (4) cross-breeding and (5) migration.</span></p> +<p class="pnext"><span>The question may be asked whether these nuclei do not exist in other +societies and whether they are peculiar to India. If they are not +peculiar to India, but are common to the world, why is it that they +did not “form” caste on other parts of this planet? Is it because +those parts are holier than the land of the Vedas, or that the +professors are mistaken? I am afraid that the latter is the truth.</span></p> +<p class="pnext"><span>Inspite of the high theoretic value claimed by the several authors for +their respective theories, based on one or other of the above nuclei, +one regrets to say that on close examination they are nothing more +than filling illustrations—what Matthew Arnold means by “the grand +name without the grand thing in it.” Such are the various theories of +caste advanced by Sir Denzil Ibbetson, Mr. Nesfield, M. Senart and +Sir H. Risley. To criticise them in a lump would be to say that they +are a disguised form of the </span><em class="italics">Petitio Principii</em><span> of formal logic. To +illustrate: Mr. Nesfield says that “function and function only … was the +foundation upon which the whole system of castes in India was built +up.” But he may rightly be reminded that he does not very much +advance our thought by making the above statement, which practically +amounts to saying that castes in India are functional or occupational, +which is a very poor discovery! We have yet to know from Mr. Nesfield +why is it that an occupational group turned into an occupational +caste? I would very cheerfully have undertaken the task of dwelling on +the [pg 91] theories of other ethnologists, had it not been for the +fact that Mr. Nesfield's is a typical one.</span></p> +<p class="pnext"><span>Without stopping to criticize those theories that explain the caste +system as a natural phenomenon occurring in obedience to the law of +disintegration, as explained by Herbert Spencer in his formula +of evolution, or as natural as “the structural differentiation within +an organism”—to employ the phraseology of orthodox apologists—, or as +an early attempt to test the laws of eugenics—as all belonging to the +same class of fallacy which regards the caste system as inevitable, or +as being consciously imposed in anticipation of these laws on a +helpless and humble population, I will now lay before you my own view +on the subject.</span></p> +<p class="pnext"><span>We shall be well advised to recall at the outset that the Hindu +society, in common with other societies, was composed of classes and +the earliest known are the (1) Brahmans or the priestly class: (2) the +Kshatriya, or the military class: (3) the Vaiśya, or the merchant +class: and (4) the Sudra, or the artisan and menial class. Particular +attention has to be paid to the fact that this was essentially a class +system, in which individuals, when qualified, could change their +class, and therefore classes did change their personnel. At some time +in the history of the Hindus, the priestly class socially detached +itself from the rest of the body of people and through a closed-door +policy became a caste by itself. The other classes being subject to +the law of social division of labour underwent differentiation, some +into large, others into very minute groups. The Vaiśya and Sudra +classes were the original inchoate plasm, which formed the sources of +the numerous castes of to-day. As the military occupation does not +very easily lend itself to very minute sub-division, the Kshatriya +class could have differentiated into soldiers and administrators.</span></p> +<p class="pnext"><span>This sub-division of a society is quite natural. But the unnatural +thing about these sub-divisions is that they have lost the open door +character of the class system and have become self-enclosed units +called castes. The question is, were they compelled to close their +doors and become endogamous, or did they close them of their own +accord? I submit that there is a double line of answer: </span><strong class="bold">Some closed +the door: others found it closed against them</strong><span>. The one is a +psychological interpretation and the other is mechanistic, but they +are complementary and both are necessary to explain the phenomena of +caste formation in its entirety.</span></p> +<p class="pnext"><span>I will first take up the psychological interpretation. The question +we have to answer in this connection is: Why did these sub-divisions +or classes, if you please, industrial, religious or otherwise, become +self-enclosed or endogamous? My answer is because the Brahmans were +so. Endogamy, or the closed-door system, was a fashion in the Hindu +Society, and as it had originated from the Brahman caste it was +whole-heartedly imitated by all the non-Brahman sub-divisions or +classes, who, in their turn, became endogamous castes. It is “the +infection of imitation” that caught all these sub-divisions on their +onward march of differentiation and has turned them into castes. The +propensity to imitate is a deep-seated one in the human mind and need +not be deemed an inadequate explanation for the formation of the +various castes in India. It is so deep-seated that Walter Bagehot +argues that “we must not think of … imitation as voluntary, or even +conscious. On the contrary it has its seat mainly in very obscure +parts of the mind, whose notions, so far from being consciously +produced, are hardly felt to exist; so far from being conceived +beforehand, are not even felt at the time. The main seat of the +imitative part of our nature is our belief, and the causes +predisposing us to believe this or disinclining us to believe that are +among the obscurest parts of our nature. But as to the imitative +nature [pg 92] of credulity there can be no doubt.”</span><a class="footnote-reference" href="#id10" id="id7"><sup>4</sup></a><span> This +propensity to imitate has been made the subject of a scientific study +by Gabriel Tarde, who lays down three laws of imitation. One of his +three laws is that imitation flows from the higher to the lower or, to +quote his own words, “Given the opportunity, a nobility will always +and everywhere imitate its leaders, its kings or sovereigns, and the +people likewise, given the opportunity, its nobility.”</span><a class="footnote-reference" href="#id11" id="id8"><sup>5</sup></a><span> Another of +Tarde's laws of imitation is: that the extent or intensity of +imitation varies inversely in proportion to distance, or in his own +words “the thing that is most imitated is the most superior one of +those that are nearest. In fact, the influence of the model's example +is efficacious inversely to its </span><em class="italics">distance</em><span> as well as directly to its +superiority. Distance is understood here in its sociological meaning. +However distant in space a stranger may be, he is close by, from this +point of view, if we have numerous and daily relations with him and if +we have every facility to satisfy our desire to imitate him. This law +of the imitation of the nearest, of the least distant, explains the +gradual and consecutive character of the spread of an example that has +been set by the higher social ranks.”</span><a class="footnote-reference" href="#id12" id="id9"><sup>6</sup></a></p> +<p class="pnext"><span>In order to prove my thesis—which really needs no proof—that some +castes were formed by imitation, the best way, it seems to me, is to +find out whether or not the vital conditions for the formation of +castes by imitation exist in the Hindu Society. The conditions for +imitation, according to this standard authority are: (1) That the +source of imitation must enjoy prestige in the group and (2) that +there must be “numerous and daily relations” among members of a group. +That these conditions were present in India there is little reason to +doubt. The Brahman is a semi-god and very nearly a demi-god. He sets +up a mode and moulds the rest. His prestige is unquestionable and is +the fountain-head of bliss and good. Can such a being, idolised by +Scriptures and venerated by the priest-ridden multitude, fail to +project his personality on the suppliant humanity? Why, if the story +be true, he is believed to be the very end of creation. Such a +creature is worthy of more than mere imitation, but at least of +imitation; and if he lives in an endogamous enclosure, should not the +rest follow his example? Frail humanity! Be it embodied in a grave +philosopher or a frivolous housemaid, it succumbs. It cannot be +otherwise. Imitation is easy and invention is difficult.</span></p> +<p class="pnext"><span>Yet another way of demonstrating the play of imitation in the +formation of castes is to understand the attitude of non-Brahman +classes towards those customs which supported the structure of caste +in its nascent days until, in the course of history, it became +embedded in the Hindu mind and hangs there to this day without any +support—for now it needs no prop but belief—like a weed on the surface +of a pond. In a way, but only in a way, the status of a caste in the +Hindu Society varies directly with the extent of the observance of the +customs of </span><em class="italics">sati</em><span>, enforced widowhood, and girl marriage. But +observance of these customs varies directly with the </span><em class="italics">distance</em><span> (I am +using the word in the Tardian sense) that separates the caste. Those +castes that are nearest to the Brahmans have imitated all the three +customs and insist on the strict observance thereof. Those that are +less near have imitated enforced widowhood and girl marriage; others, +a little further off, have only girl marriage, and those furthest off +have imitated only the belief in the caste principle. This imperfect +imitation, I dare say, is due partly to what Tarde calls “distance” +and partly to the barbarous character of these customs. This [pg 93] +phenomenon is a complete illustration of Tarde's law and leaves no +doubt that the whole process of caste-formation in India is a process +of imitation of the higher by the lower. At this juncture I will turn +back to support a former conclusion of mine, which might have appeared +to you as too sudden or unsupported. I said that the Brahman class +first raised the structure of caste by the help of those three customs +in question. My reason for that conclusion was that their existence +in other classes was derivative. After what I have said regarding the +rôle of imitation in the spread of these customs among the non-Brahman +castes, as means or as ideals, though the imitators have not been +aware of it, they exist among them as derivatives; and, if they are +derived, there must have been prevalent one original caste that was +high enough to have served as a pattern for the rest. But in a +theocratic society, who could be the pattern but the servant of God?</span></p> +<p class="pnext"><span>This completes the story of those that were weak enough to close their +doors. Let us now see how others were closed in as a result of being +closed out. This I call the mechanistic process of the formation of +caste. It is mechanistic because it is inevitable. That this line of +approach, as well as the psychological one, to the explanation of the +subject has escaped my predecessors is entirely due to the fact that +they have conceived Caste as a unit by itself and not as one within a +System of Caste. The result of this oversight or lack of sight has +been very detrimental to the proper understanding of the subject +matter and therefore its correct explanation. I will proceed to offer +my own explanation by making one remark which I will urge you to bear +constantly in mind. It is this: that </span><strong class="bold">caste in the singular number +is an unreality</strong><span>. </span><strong class="bold">Castes exist only in the plural number</strong><span>. There +is no such thing as </span><em class="italics">a</em><span> caste: there are always castes. To illustrate +my meaning: while making themselves into a caste, the Brahmans, by +virtue of this, created a non-Brahman caste; or, to express it in my +own way, while closing themselves in they closed others out. I will +clear my point by taking another illustration. Take India as a whole +with its various communities designated by the various creeds to which +they owe allegiance, to wit, the Hindus, Muhammadans, Jews, Christians +and Parsis. Now, barring the Hindus, the rest within themselves are +non-caste communities. But with respect to each other they are +castes. Again, if the first four enclose themselves, the Parsis are +directly closed out, but are indirectly closed in. Symbolically, if +group A. wants to be endogamous, group B. has to be so by sheer force +of circumstances.</span></p> +<p class="pnext"><span>Now apply the same logic to the Hindu society and you have another +explanation of the “fissiparous” character of caste, as a consequence +of the virtue of self-duplication that is inherent in it. Any +innovation that seriously antagonises the ethical, religious and +social code of the Caste is not likely to be tolerated by the Caste, +and the recalcitrant members of a Caste are in danger of being thrown +out of the Caste, and left to their own fate without having the +alternative of being admitted into or absorbed by other Castes. Caste +rules are inexorable and they do not wait to make nice distinctions +between kinds of offence. Innovation may be of any kind, but all +kinds will suffer the same penalty. A novel way of thinking will +create a new Caste for the old ones will not tolerate it. The noxious +thinker respectfully called Guru (Prophet) suffers the same fate as +the sinners in illegitimate love. The former creates a caste of the +nature of a religious sect and the latter a type of mixed caste. +Castes have no mercy for a sinner who has the courage to violate the +code. The penalty is excommunication and the result is a new caste. +It is not peculiar Hindu psychology that induces the excommunicated to +form themselves into a caste: far from it. On the contrary, very +often they have been quite [pg 94] willing to be humble members of +some caste (higher by preference) if they could be admitted within its +fold. But castes are enclosed units and it is their conspiracy with +clear conscience that compels the excommunicated to make themselves +into a caste. The logic of this obdurate circumstance is merciless, +and it is in obedience to its force that some unfortunate groups find +themselves enclosed, because others in enclosing, themselves have +closed them out, with the result that new groups (formed on any basis +obnoxious to the caste rules) by a mechanical law are constantly being +converted into castes to a bewildering multiplicity. Thus is told the +second tale in the process of Caste formation in India.</span></p> +<p class="pnext"><span>Now to summarise the main points of my thesis. In my opinion there +have been several mistakes committed by the students of Caste, which +have misled them in their investigations. European students of Caste +have unduly emphasised the rôle of colour in the caste-system. +Themselves impregnated by colour prejudices, they very readily +imagined it to be the chief factor in the Caste problem. But nothing +can be farther from the truth, and Dr. Ketkar is correct when he +insists that “All the princes whether they belonged to the so-called +Aryan race, or the so-called Dravidian race, were Aryas. Whether a +tribe or a family was racially Aryan or Dravidian was a question which +never troubled the people of India, until foreign scholars came in and +began to draw the line. The colour of the skin had long ceased to be +a matter of importance.”</span><a class="footnote-reference" href="#id14" id="id13"><sup>7</sup></a><span> Again, they have mistaken mere +descriptions for explanation and fought over them as though they were +theories of origin. There are occupational, religious, etc. castes, +it is true, but it is by no means an explanation of the origin of +Caste. We have yet to find out why occupational groups are castes; +but this question has never even been raised. Lastly they have taken +Caste very lightly as though a breath had made it. On the contrary, +Caste, as I have explained it, is almost impossible to be sustained: +for the difficulties that it involves are tremendous. It is true that +Caste rests on belief, but before belief comes to be the foundation of +an institution, the institution itself needs to be perpetuated and +fortified. My study of the Caste problem involves four main +points: (1) That in spite of the composite make-up of the Hindu +population, there is a deep cultural unity. (2) That Caste is a +parcelling into bits of a larger cultural unit. (3) That there was one +Caste to start with. (4) That classes have become Castes through +imitation and excommunication.</span></p> +<p class="pnext"><span>Peculiar interest attaches to the problem of Caste in India to-day, as +persistent attempts are being made to do away with this unnatural +institution. Such attempts at reform, however, have aroused a great +deal of controversy regarding its origin, as to whether it is due to +the conscious command of a Supreme Authority, or is an unconscious +growth in the life of a human society under peculiar circumstances. +Those who hold the latter view will, I hope, find some food for +thought in the standpoint adopted in this paper. Apart from its +practical importance the subject of Caste is an all absorbing problem +and the interest aroused in me regarding its theoretic foundations has +moved me to put before you some of the conclusions, which seem to me +well founded, and the grounds upon which they may be supported. I am +not, however, so presumptuous as to think them in any way final, or +anything more than a contribution to a discussion of the subject. It +seems to me that the car has been shunted on wrong lines, and the +primary object of the paper is to indicate what I regard to be the +right path of investigation, with a view to arrive at a serviceable +truth. We must, however, guard against approaching the subject with a +bias.</span></p> +<p class="pnext"><span>[pg 95] Sentiment must be outlawed from the domain of science and +things should be judged from an objective standpoint. For myself I +shall find as much pleasure in a positive destruction of my own +ideology, as in a rational disagreement on a topic, which, +notwithstanding many learned disquisitions is likely to remain +controversial for ever. To conclude, while I am ambitious to advance +a Theory of Caste, if it can be shown to be untenable I shall be +equally willing to give it up.</span></p> +<div class="clearpage"> +</div> +<div class="docutils container footnotes"> +<div class="footnote-group"> +<table class="docutils footnote" frame="void" id="id2" rules="none"> +<colgroup><col class="label" /><col /></colgroup> +<tbody valign="top"> +<tr><td class="label"><a class="fn-backref" href="#id1">[<span class="smaller">1</span>]</a></td><td><p class="first last pfirst"><span class="smaller">A paper read before the Anthropology Seminar (9th May 1916) of +Dr. A. A. Goldenweiser, Columbia University, New York.</span></p> +</td></tr> +</tbody> +</table> +<table class="docutils footnote" frame="void" id="id4" rules="none"> +<colgroup><col class="label" /><col /></colgroup> +<tbody valign="top"> +<tr><td class="label"><a class="fn-backref" href="#id3">[<span class="smaller">2</span>]</a></td><td><p class="first last pfirst"><span class="smaller">Ketkar, </span><em class="italics smaller">Caste</em><span class="smaller">, p. 4.</span></p> +</td></tr> +</tbody> +</table> +<table class="docutils footnote" frame="void" id="id6" rules="none"> +<colgroup><col class="label" /><col /></colgroup> +<tbody valign="top"> +<tr><td class="label"><a class="fn-backref" href="#id5">[<span class="smaller">3</span>]</a></td><td><p class="first last pfirst"><em class="italics smaller">History of Caste in India</em><span class="smaller">, 1909, pp. 32–33.</span></p> +</td></tr> +</tbody> +</table> +<table class="docutils footnote" frame="void" id="id10" rules="none"> +<colgroup><col class="label" /><col /></colgroup> +<tbody valign="top"> +<tr><td class="label"><a class="fn-backref" href="#id7">[<span class="smaller">4</span>]</a></td><td><p class="first last pfirst"><em class="italics smaller">Physics and Politics</em><span class="smaller"> 1915, p. 60.</span></p> +</td></tr> +</tbody> +</table> +<table class="docutils footnote" frame="void" id="id11" rules="none"> +<colgroup><col class="label" /><col /></colgroup> +<tbody valign="top"> +<tr><td class="label"><a class="fn-backref" href="#id8">[<span class="smaller">5</span>]</a></td><td><p class="first last pfirst"><em class="italics smaller">Laws of Imitation</em><span class="smaller">, Tr. by E. C. Parsons, 2nd ed. p. 217.</span></p> +</td></tr> +</tbody> +</table> +<table class="docutils footnote" frame="void" id="id12" rules="none"> +<colgroup><col class="label" /><col /></colgroup> +<tbody valign="top"> +<tr><td class="label"><a class="fn-backref" href="#id9">[<span class="smaller">6</span>]</a></td><td><p class="first last pfirst"><em class="italics smaller">Ibid</em><span class="smaller">. p. 224.</span></p> +</td></tr> +</tbody> +</table> +<table class="docutils footnote" frame="void" id="id14" rules="none"> +<colgroup><col class="label" /><col /></colgroup> +<tbody valign="top"> +<tr><td class="label"><a class="fn-backref" href="#id13">[<span class="smaller">7</span>]</a></td><td><p class="first last pfirst"><em class="italics smaller">History of Caste</em><span class="smaller"> p. 82.</span></p> +</td></tr> +</tbody> +</table> +</div> +</div> +<!-- -*- encoding: utf-8 -*- --> +<div class="backmatter"> +</div> +<p class="pfirst" id="pg-end-line"><span>*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK </span><span>CASTES IN INDIA</span><span> ***</span></p> +<div class="cleardoublepage"> +</div> +<div class="language-en level-3 pgfooter section" id="a-word-from-project-gutenberg" xml:lang="en" lang="en"> +<span id="pg-footer"></span><h3 class="level-3 pfirst section-title title"><span>A Word from Project Gutenberg</span></h3> +<p class="pfirst"><span>We will update this book if we find any errors.</span></p> +<p class="pnext"><span>This book can be found under: </span><a class="reference external" href="https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/63231"><span>https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/63231</span></a></p> +<p class="pnext"><span>Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright +law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, +so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United +States without permission and without paying copyright royalties. +Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this +license, apply to copying and distributing Project Gutenberg™ +electronic works to protect the Project Gutenberg™ concept and +trademark. 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