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diff --git a/old/62754-0.txt b/old/62754-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 2e6da2c..0000000 --- a/old/62754-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,13912 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of Mussolini as revealed in his political -speeches, November 1914-August 1923, by Benito Mussolini - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: Mussolini as revealed in his political speeches, November 1914-August 1923 - -Author: Benito Mussolini - -Translator: Bernardo Quaranta di San Severino - -Release Date: July 25, 2020 [EBook #62754] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK MUSSOLINI--POLITICAL SPEECHES--1914-1923 *** - - - - -Produced by Richard Tonsing and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - - - - - - - - - - MUSSOLINI - AS REVEALED IN HIS POLITICAL SPEECHES - - -[Illustration] - - - - - MUSSOLINI - AS REVEALED IN HIS POLITICAL SPEECHES - (NOVEMBER 1914–AUGUST 1923) - - SELECTED, TRANSLATED AND EDITED BY - BARONE BERNARDO QUARANTA di SAN SEVERINO - -[Illustration] - - 1923 - LONDON & TORONTO - J. M. DENT & SONS LTD. - NEW YORK: E. P. DUTTON & CO. - - - - - ONLY AUTHORISED EDITION - - _All rights reserved_ - - PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN - - - - - To - - THE PRESIDENT OF THE ITALIAN SENATE - - TOMMASO TITTONI - - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - -[Illustration] - -[Illustration] - -[Illustration: The most limpid waters in the world appear turbid when -compared to the purity of the waters of the Lethe.] - - - - - INTRODUCTION - A NOTE ON ITALIAN FASCISMO - - -In an interesting article published last year in our Press, Ettore -Ciccotti shows that Italian Fascismo does not represent an absolutely -new political event, but is part of the general historic development of -nations. In the first years of its appearance it was compared to the -“krypteia” of Sparta, to the “eterie” of Athens, and to similar -phenomena, which are repeated as a manifestation of self-defence of -strong and active groups or classes, uniting and forming centres of -resistance; exercising thus, by their extended action, general functions -of State in a period in which its protection is weak or inefficient, and -shows signs of disintegration or degeneration. Other examples of this -phenomenon can be found in the history of the Church and in the Italian -Communes, in England, Germany, in the Clubs of the French Revolution, -and in the rest of Europe. When in a nation which shows such signs this -form of vitality does not exist, we witness the general collapse of that -nation, as in Russia at this moment, where only the radical uprooting of -Bolshevism might lead to the general resurrection of the country. - -The after-war period in Italy, as elsewhere, had caused complete apathy, -slackness and disorder in Parliamentary State functions, characterised -by many elaborate programmes, but few facts. The Italian working -classes, moreover, had been hypnotised by the nefarious gospel of Lenin, -which had powerfully contributed to bring about the grave state of -affairs in Italy in 1920, when the Communist peril had reached its acute -stage. The continued strikes in all industries had caused prices to rise -at a tremendous pace; the production of commodities had been reduced to -a minimum; the enormous deficit in the railway and postal departments, -the debt and the general budget of the State were alarming, while -foreign exchanges had reached fantastic figures. The arrogance of the -Communist elements had become unbearable, and officers at times were -obliged to dress in plain clothes in order not to be attacked by -Bolshevists, while soldiers, Carabineers and Guardie Regie were -frequently insulted and in some instances even killed by Communists. - -But the gallant fighters of the Trentino, of the Carso and of the -Grappa, the volunteers who had saved Italy and arrested the advance of -the enemy on the Piave could not reconcile themselves to this state of -affairs, to the idea of watching with folded arms the complete loss of -the fruits of victory for which half a million men had left their lives -on the battlefields. These brave youths, with an indomitable courage, -ready to face all, full of the purest ideals and passionate love for our -country, representing a new force and a new Italy, had already in April -1919 grouped themselves together in a “fascio” (bundle), as the “Fascio -Nazionale dei Combattenti” (National Fasces of Combatants), under the -leadership of Benito Mussolini, who was the inspirer and organiser of -the movement and had himself been their comrade at the front. - -They became stronger every day and dealt the initial blow to Communism -in 1921, when the first encounter took place between Fascisti and -Communists at Bologna, which marks the waning of Bolshevism and the rise -of Fascismo. - -But it was not an easy matter for the new movement to make its way, as -in its laborious progress it met with endless difficulties, and above -all had to fight the apathy of the people and the general scepticism -regarding it. Fascismo had to deal with peculiar mentalities, to fight -various organisations, including the State, which felt itself being -undermined by this new political group, while its chief enemy, the -Bolshevist faction, had made endless victims among its rank and file -during the past. - -It was not possible, however, for the Fascisti to deal with the -Communists otherwise than by using violence, as normal means would have -been entirely inadequate against the seditious elements (made all the -more arrogant by the manifest impotence of the State and the _laisser -faire_ attitude of public opinion), in view of the daily increasing -number of crimes committed against property and peaceful individuals. - -Fascisti, moreover, started a strong movement against the composition of -the Chamber, maintaining that it no longer represented the nation, that -it had grown prematurely old and must, therefore, be quickly dissolved -and a new appeal to the electors be made as soon as possible. They had -been deeply concerned, on the other hand, with the Italian economic -crisis, which, according to Edmondo Rossoni, the able organiser and -Secretary-General of the Syndicalist Corporations, could not be overcome -without an increase in the production of commodities to be obtained by a -more rigorous discipline in the labour question; thus an economic -victory followed the victory on the battlefields. The masses of the -working classes, many of them previously Socialists and Communists, -enrolled themselves among the Fascisti syndicates scattered all over -Italy and were able to settle various important disputes. - -The alleged dissension between Fascismo and the Italian Monarchy had -always been a favourite weapon in the hands of the anti-Fascisti -elements. The Hon. Mussolini, in his speech at the great Fascista Mass -Meeting at Naples on 24th October of last year, clearly manifested his -party feeling in the matter, as can be gathered by his own words uttered -there (see Part IV. page 171, of this collection). The attitude of -Fascismo towards Monarchy clearly defined by its leader was very -opportune, and contributed to the greater popularity of the movement -throughout the country, where this institution rests on a solid base, -represents Italian unity, and is to-day associated with its illustrious -representative, King Victor Emmanuel III., an example of domestic virtue -in private life, one of the most cultured men of our times, beloved by -all classes, who at the front proved himself the first soldier among -soldiers and gained the popularity of the whole nation. - -The Army was secretly or openly greatly in favour of Fascismo, the -successful efforts of which to save the country from the -Social-Communist factions it could not forget. The soldiers could, -therefore, never have marched against the Fascisti—who represented -Italian patriotism. The very generals of the regular Army, such as -Generals Fara, Ceccherini, Graziani, de Bono, and others, in black -shirts, themselves directed the famous “March to Rome.” - -With reference to religion, Mussolini’s Government promised to respect -all creeds, especially Catholicism. At Ouchy he said to the Press: “My -spirit is deeply religious. Religion is a formidable force which must be -respected and defended. I am, therefore, against anti-clerical and -atheistic democracy, which represents an old and useless toy. I maintain -that Catholicism is a great spiritual power, and I trust that the -relations between Church and State will henceforward be more friendly.” -And while the Minister for Public Instruction, Senator Gentile, has -introduced compulsory religious instruction in the elementary public -schools, the Under-Secretary of the same Ministry, Hon. Dario Lupi, one -of Mussolini’s closest friends, issued, as one of his first acts, a -timely and peremptory order to the school authorities requesting the -immediate replacement of the Crucifix and the picture of the King. - -Fascismo, which during the last months of 1922 had seen its membership -increasing by leaps and bounds, finally won with a note of fanaticism -the very heart of the country from the Alps to the southern shores of -Sicily. Latterly it had exercised the functions of State almost -undisturbed, and did not spare either institutions or individuals in the -pursuit of its end. It had demanded and successfully obtained the -dismissal of the Pangermanist Mayor of Bolzano, Herr Perathoner; it had -occupied the Giunta Provinciale of Trento, causing the removal of the -Italian Governor, maintaining that he had been too weak in his attitude -towards arrogant Pangermanists in that region; and had acted -successfully as arbitrator in the labour dispute between Cantiere -Orlando of Leghorn and the Government itself. It was no wonder, then, if -after the big October meeting of last year at Naples and the “March to -Rome” with the famous Quadrumvirate formed by General Cesare de Bono, -Hon. Cesare Maria de Vecchi, Italo Balbo, and Michele Bianchi, then -Secretary-General of the Party, Mussolini, the creator of this mighty -movement, was summoned by the King to form the new Fascista Cabinet. - -It might be a cause of surprise to the superficial observer, this sudden -ascent to power of a party which, a few days before it took the -government into its hands, had been threatened with martial law, an -order which the King wisely refused to sign, thus avoiding civil war. -But whoever has followed the development and progress of Fascismo during -the last four years, considers its great strength and power in the -country, its formidable membership (now over a million strong) compared -with that of any other party (the Socialists are reduced to seventy -thousand), and takes into account the high and patriotic principles on -which this movement is founded will not wonder that the party got to -power through an extra-parliamentary crisis. We cannot and must not -forget that these “black shirts”—as the Fascisti are called—have really -saved Italy from Bolshevism, which was sucking her very life-blood, and -that they are thereby entitled to the gratitude of our country and of -the world at large. “The Moscow conspirators, whose object was the -overthrow of Western civilisation, swept with a wide net,” writes Lord -Rothermere in his recent article, _Mussolini: What Europe owes to him_. -“They made great headway in Germany, especially in Berlin; they seized -Budapest under the direction of a convicted thief, but it was upon Italy -they counted most, and when Mussolini struck against them in Italy, he -was fighting a battle for all Europe.” - -I do not think—and the Hon. Mussolini agreed with me in one of the -conversations I had with him—that people abroad, especially in England -and the United States, know much about Fascismo. It had been diagnosed -as a sporadic revolutionary movement, which sooner or later would be put -down by drastic measures. Not many have realised that in this after-war -period there is no more important historical phenomenon than Fascismo, -which, as our Prime Minister said, “is at the same time political, -military, religious, economic and syndicalist, and represents all the -hopes, the aspirations and requirements of the people.” The popular air -“Giovinezza” (Youth), the official song of the Fascisti, with its -thrilling notes, which magnetised the heart of the people, the -characteristic black shirts with the shield of the “fascio” on their -breasts, the “gagliardetti” (Fascisti standards)—all these have largely -contributed towards rousing a delirium of enthusiasm among the masses -for the great cause. - -But three other important elements account for the success of the -“National Fascista Party” (as it is now officially constituted, with its -“Great National Council”), namely its military organisation, its -powerful Press, and, above all, the personality of Mussolini himself, -the “Duce,” as he is called. The military organisation is entirely on -Roman lines, with Roman names of “legion,” “Consul,” “cohort,” “Senior,” -“Centurion,” “Decurion,” “Triari,” etc. The symbol of Fascismo is the -same as that of the lictors of Imperial Rome—a bundle of rods with an -axe in the centre—and the Fascista salute is that of the ancient -Romans—by outstretched arm. The coins which are being struck bear on one -side the King’s head and on the other the Roman “fascio;” in the same -way special gold coins of one hundred lire will be issued shortly, to -celebrate the first anniversary of the “March to Rome.” There is the -most rigorous discipline, and the motto: “No discussion, only -obedience,” has proved of immense value in all the sudden mobilisations -and demobilisations carried out, often at a few hours notice, which -could give points to the best organised army in the world. On the -occasion of the mass meeting preceding the “March to Rome,” which was -attended by over half a million men, in less than twenty-four hours -forty thousand left the town in perfect order and without the slightest -hitch. - -Fascismo possesses a large Press, which comprises five dailies and a -large number of weekly, fortnightly and monthly publications and a -publishing house in Milan. - -But the decisive factor in the great victory of Fascismo is due to the -personality of the great leader of this army of Italy’s salvation, the -very soul of this mighty movement. - -Few public men of our time have had a more rapid, brilliant and -interesting career than Benito Mussolini, the son of a blacksmith. He is -the youngest of his predecessors in this office, as he was born only -forty years ago at Predappio, in the province of Forli, where the -villagers still call him simply “Our Benit.” He was deeply attached to -his mother, Rosa Maltoni, and her death caused him intense sorrow. He -has one sister, Edvige, and a younger brother, Arnaldo, who, since the -elder one has become Prime Minister, has taken his place as editor of -_Il Popolo d’Italia_. Mussolini first worked in his father’s forge and -then, having occupied for a time the position of village schoolmaster, -emigrated to Switzerland, from which country he was, however, expelled -on account of articles he had written advocating the Marxist doctrines. -Returning once more to Italy, he became an active member of the -Socialist Party and finally editor of its organ, the _Avanti_. Upon the -outbreak of war in 1914, with his keen political insight, Mussolini saw -the necessity of Italian intervention, and in consequence was forced to -leave the official Socialist Party, giving up all the positions he held -in it. He founded his _Popolo d’Italia_, and began fiercely to sound the -trumpets of war, inciting his country to abandon her neutral attitude -and to throw in her lot with the Allies. He gained his end, and in 1915 -he went to the front as a simple soldier in the 11th Bersagliere -Regiment. In 1917, as the result of the bursting of a shell, he received -thirty-eight simultaneous wounds; he was obliged to go to hospital, was -promoted on the field, and invalided out of the Army. He then returned -to Milan, and having resumed the editorship of his paper, the _Popolo -d’Italia_, began his political battles, and continued to fight through -its columns, spurring his countrymen on to final victory. - -With no exaggeration it can be stated that since the advent to power of -Mussolini every day has seen a steady advance in the direction of the -rebuilding of the country within and a notable enhancement of our -prestige abroad. His strenuous everyday work is inspired by an -indomitable determination to make Italy worthy of the glories of -Vittorio Veneto, strengthened and disciplined, and he will spare neither -himself nor those around him in his attempt to bring about its -realisation. - -He wishes to secure Italy’s rightful position in the world. Mussolini’s -foreign policy of dignity, honesty and justice has already been outlined -in his opening speech before the Chamber, and can be summarised thus: -“No imperialism, no aggressions, but an attitude which shall do away -with the policy of humility which has made Italy more like the -Cinderella and humble servant of other nations. Respect for -international treaties at no matter what cost. Fidelity and friendship -towards the nations that give Italy serious proofs of reciprocating it. -Maintenance of Eastern equilibrium, on which depends the tranquillity of -the Balkan States and, therefore, European and world peace.” - -It is enough to cast an eye on the numerous legislative and -administrative work accomplished by Mussolini’s Government in these -first eleven months to convince oneself that he is in deep earnest as to -the vast programme of reconstruction he means to carry through. With -reference to domestic matters, the Fascista Government has passed a -great number of bills and projects of laws concerning the Electoral -Reform Bill approved by the Chamber last July, radical reform of the -entire school system, institution of the National Militia, and abolition -of the Guardie Regie (which was a poor substitute for the Carabineers), -industrialisation of Public Services (Posts, Telegraphs, Railways), -abolition of Death Duties between near relations, enactment of Decree on -the Eight Hours Work Bill, reformation of the Civil Law Codes, reduction -of Ministerial departments, now only nine, which formerly were sixteen, -and formation of the recent Ministry of National Economy, under which -are grouped various others: Industry, Agriculture, Labour, etc., -reduction of the National Debt by over a milliard, a comforting -contribution towards the balance of the Budget, as is gathered by the -speech delivered in June, at Milan, by the Minister of Finance, Hon. De -Stefani. - -Mussolini, besides having established a real discipline (there are no -more strikes since the Fascista Government is in power), and having -fully restored the authority of the State, has shown himself to be the -most practical anti-waste advocate which the world has yet known. As to -foreign policy, besides adhering to the Washington Disarmament -Conference, and having signed conventions relative to the laying of -cables for a direct telegraphic communication with North, Central and -South America, negotiated important commercial treaties with Canada, -Russia, Spain, Lithuania, Poland, Siam, Finland, Esthonia, etc., and -having exercised beneficial influence in the Ruhr conflict and in the -Lausanne Conference, has been an element of equilibrium for the new -after-war international policy in the world. - -The selection of his speeches contained in this volume is not a mere -translation, since, in fact, the exact equivalent of this book as it has -been arranged, classified and edited is not to be found in any other -language. These speeches, illustrated by the valuable prefatory notes, -almost all of which have been supplied to me by one who has been closely -associated with Mussolini during the whole of his political career, -serve, in my opinion, as could no biography, to reveal the mind, -character and personality of Mussolini himself. Delivered at intervals -throughout the various stages of his career, from Socialist to Fascista -Prime Minister, they enable the reader to follow intimately the events -which led up to the Fascista Revolution and its leader’s attainment of -his present strong position. The forcible and sober style of his -character, shorn of every unnecessary word, betrays the dynamic force -and intense earnestness of this man, who has been compared to Cromwell -for his drastic and dictatorial methods in the Chamber, and to Napoleon -for his eagle-like perception, for his decisiveness and his marvellous -power of leadership. - -Mussolini is a volcanic genius, a bewitcher of crowds. He seems a -regular warrior, with an indomitable daring, great physical and moral -courage, and he has seen death near him without wavering. He is the real -type of Roman Emperor, with a severe bronzed face, but which hides a -kind and generous heart. He is what people call a real “self-made man,” -and is a great lover of the violin and of all kinds of sport: fencing, -cycling, flying, riding and motoring. Mussolini gets all he wants and -quickly, and, as all his party do, knows exactly what he _does_ want. - -Apart from all that has been said, the present collection of speeches, -besides showing Mussolini’s strong hand in the difficult art of -statesmanship, displays clearly in almost every page (and so, possibly, -the book may also appeal to others than politicians), additional -important elements which are not usually found in a volume of political -speeches, namely a richness of sympathy for mankind, a blunt -straightforwardness, a gentleness of soul together with exceptional -moral strength, pure idealism, which lift him not only above party -politics, but also high above the average of mankind. - -Such is the builder of New Italy, and the enthusiasm and deep confidence -which Mussolini has inspired in our country, and the unanimous approval -his work has prompted abroad, are a good omen for Italy’s future -fortunes and for the welfare of the world at large. - - BERNARDO QUARANTA di SAN SEVERINO. - - SIENA, Via S. Quirico, N.1. - _October 1923._ - -[Illustration: REPRODUCTION OF THE ORIGINAL OF THE MANIFESTO ISSUED BY -THE HON. MUSSOLINI AFTER HE AND HIS PARTY SUCCEEDED TO THE GOVERNMENT] - - - - - (_English Translation_) - - - FASCISTA NATIONAL PARTY - - FASCISTI OF ALL ITALY! - - Our movement has been crowned with success. The leader of our -Party now holds the political power of the State for Italy and abroad. -While this New Government represents our triumph, it celebrates, at the -same time, our victory in the name of those who by land and by sea -promoted it; and it accepts also, for the purpose of pacification, men -from other parties, provided they are true to the cause of the Nation. -The Italian Fascisti are too intelligent to wish to abuse their victory. - - - FASCISTI! - - The supreme Quadrumvirate, which has resigned its powers in -favour of the Party, thanks you for the magnificent proof of courage and -of discipline which you have given, and salutes you. You have proved -yourselves worthy of the fortunes and of the future of your Fatherland. - -Demobilise in the same perfectly orderly manner in which you assembled -for this great achievement, destined—as we firmly believe—to open a new -era in the history of Italy. Return now to your usual occupations, as, -in order to arrive at the summit of her fortunes, Italy needs to work. -May nothing disturb the glory of these days through which we have just -passed—days of superb passion and of Roman greatness. - - Long live Italy! - Long live Fascismo! - - THE QUADRUMVIRATE. - - - - - ERRATA - - -Page 133, last line, _for_ wars _read_ stars. - -Page 140, line 24, _for_ times _read_ temples. - -Page 143, This Speech was delivered 20th September 1922. - -Page 208, line 1, _for_ Council of Munitions _read_ Council of -Ministers. - -Page 351, line 21, _for_ 1885 _read_ 1855. - - - - - CONTENTS - - - PAGE - FACSIMILE LETTER vi - - INTRODUCTION: A NOTE ON ITALIAN FASCISMO ix - - REPRODUCTION OF THE ORIGINAL OF THE MANIFESTO ISSUED BY THE HON. - MUSSOLINI AFTER HE AND HIS PARTY SUCCEEDED TO THE GOVERNMENT xx - - ENGLISH TRANSLATION xxi - - - PART I - - MUSSOLINI THE “SOCIALIST” - - “DO NOT THINK THAT BY TAKING AWAY MY MEMBERSHIP CARD YOU WILL TAKE - AWAY MY FAITH IN THE CAUSE” 3 - (_Speech delivered at Milan, 25th November 1914._) - - - PART II - - MUSSOLINI THE “MAN OF THE WAR” - - FOR THE LIBERTY OF HUMANITY AND THE FUTURE OF ITALY 9 - (_Speech delivered at Parma, 13th December 1914._) - - “EITHER WAR OR THE END OF ITALY’S NAME AS A GREAT POWER” 18 - (_Speech delivered at Milan, 25th January 1915._) - - “TO THE COMPLETE VANQUISHING OF THE HUNS” 25 - (_Speech delivered at Sesto San Giovanni, 1st December 1917._) - - “NO TURNING BACK!” 30 - (_Speech delivered at Rome, 24th February 1918._) - - THE FATAL VICTORY 37 - (_Speech delivered at Bologna, 24th May 1918._) - - “IN HONOUR OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE” 49 - (_Speech delivered at Milan, 8th April 1918._) - - THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS 52 - (_Speech delivered at Milan, 20th October 1918._) - - IN CELEBRATION OF VICTORY 58 - (_Speech delivered at Milan, 11th November 1918._) - - - PART III - - MUSSOLINI THE “FASCISTA FRIEND OF THE PEOPLE” - - WORKMEN’S RIGHTS AFTER THE WAR 63 - (_Speech delivered at Dalmine, 20th March 1919._) - - SACRIFICE, WORK, AND PRODUCTION 67 - (_Speech delivered at Milan, 5th February 1920._) - - “WE ARE NOT AGAINST LABOUR, BUT AGAINST THE SOCIALIST PARTY, IN AS - FAR AS IT REMAINS ANTI-ITALIAN” 71 - (_Speech delivered at Milan, 24th May 1920._) - - FASCISMO’S INTERESTS FOR THE WORKING CLASSES 75 - (_Speech delivered at Ferrara, 4th April 1921._) - - “MY FATHER WAS A BLACKSMITH AND I HAVE WORKED WITH HIM; HE BENT - IRON, BUT I HAVE THE HARDER TASK OF BENDING SOULS” 79 - (_Speech delivered at Milan, 6th December 1922._) - - LABOUR TO TAKE THE FIRST PLACE IN NEW ITALY 82 - (_Speech delivered at Rome, 6th January 1923._) - - - PART IV - - MUSSOLINI THE “FASCISTA” - - THE THREE DECLARATIONS AT THE FIRST FASCISTA MEETING 87 - (_Speech delivered at Milan, 23rd March 1919._) - - OUTLINE OF THE AIMS AND PROGRAMME OF FASCISMO 92 - (_Speech delivered at Milan, 22nd July 1919._) - - FASCISMO AND THE RIGHTS OF VICTORY 103 - (_Speech delivered at Florence, 9th October 1919._) - - THE TASKS OF FASCISMO 108 - (_Speech delivered at Trieste, 20th September 1920._) - - FASCISMO AND THE PROBLEMS OF FOREIGN POLICY 121 - (_Speech delivered at Trieste, 6th February 1921._) - - HOW FASCISMO WAS CREATED 134 - (_Speech delivered at Bologna, 3rd April 1921._) - - THE ITALY WE WANT WITHIN, AND HER FOREIGN RELATIONS 143 - (_Speech delivered at Udine._) - - “THE PIAVE AND VITTORIO VENETO MARK THE BEGINNING OF NEW ITALY” 158 - (_Speech delivered at Cremona, 25th September 1922._) - - THE FASCISTA DAWNING OF NEW ITALY 161 - (_Speech delivered at Milan, 6th October 1922._) - - “THE MOMENT HAS ARRIVED WHEN THE ARROW MUST LEAVE THE BOW OR THE - CORD WILL BREAK” 171 - (_Speech delivered at Naples, 26th October 1922._) - - - PART V - - MUSSOLINI THE “FASCISTA MEMBER OF - PARLIAMENT” - - FASCISMO AND THE NEW PROVINCES 183 - (_Speech delivered in the Chamber, 21st June 1921._) - - THE QUESTION OF MONTENEGRO’S INDEPENDENCE 189 - (_Same speech delivered in the Chamber, 21st June 1921._) - - D’ANNUNZIO AND FIUME 192 - (_Same speech delivered in the Chamber, 21st June 1921._) - - ITALY, SIONISM, AND THE ENGLISH MANDATE IN PALESTINE 194 - (_Same speech delivered in the Chamber, 21st June 1921._) - - THE ATTITUDE OF FASCISMO TOWARDS COMMUNISM AND SOCIALISM 196 - (_Same speech delivered in the Chamber, 21st June 1921._) - - THE ATTITUDE OF FASCISMO TOWARDS THE POPULAR PARTY. THE VATICAN - AND SOCIAL DEMOCRACY 201 - (_Same speech delivered in the Chamber, 21st June 1921._) - - - PART VI - - MUSSOLINI THE “FASCISTA PRIME MINISTER” - - A NEW CROMWELL IN THE PARLIAMENT 207 - (_Speech delivered in the Chamber, 16th November 1922._) - - THE FOREIGN POLICY OF THE FASCISTA GOVERNMENT 210 - (_Same speech delivered in the Chamber, 16th November 1922._) - - THE POLICY OF FASCISMO FOR ITALY: ECONOMY, WORK AND DISCIPLINE 215 - (_Same speech delivered in the Chamber, 16th November 1922._) - - “CONSCIENTIOUS GENERAL DIAGNOSIS OF THE CONDITIONS OF THE COUNTRY - AND ITS FOREIGN POLICY” 219 - (_Speech delivered before the Senate, 27th November 1922._) - - “I REMAIN THE HEAD OF FASCISMO, ALTHOUGH THE HEAD OF THE ITALIAN - GOVERNMENT” 227 - (_Speech delivered in London, 12th December 1922._) - - “OUR TASK IN HISTORY IS TO MAKE A UNITED STATE OF THE ITALIAN - NATION” 228 - (_Speech delivered at Rome, 2nd January 1923._) - - THE ADVANCE IN THE RUHR DISTRICT 230 - (_Speech delivered at Rome, 15th January 1923, before the Cabinet._) - - THE GOVERNMENT OF SPEED 234 - (_Speech delivered at Rome, 19th January 1923, at the headquarters of - Motor Transport Company._) - - THE MARCH OF EVENTS ON THE RUHR. THE POSITION OF ITALY 235 - (_Speech delivered at Rome, 23rd January 1923, before the Cabinet._) - - THE RUHR, THE CONFERENCE OF LAUSANNE, AND THE PORT OF MEMEL 240 - (_Speech delivered at Rome, 1st February 1923, before the Cabinet._) - - RATIFICATION OF THE WASHINGTON TREATY OF NAVAL DISARMAMENT 243 - (_Speech delivered before the Chamber of Deputies, 6th February 1923._) - - MESSAGE FROM THE HON. MUSSOLINI TO THE ITALIANS IN AMERICA UPON - THE OCCASION OF THE SIGNING OF THE CONVENTION FOR THE LAYING OF - CABLES BETWEEN ITALY AND THE AMERICAN CONTINENT 245 - (_Rome, 6th February 1923._) - - FOR THE CARRYING OUT OF THE TREATY OF RAPALLO 247 - (_Prefatory remarks to the Deputies, 8th February 1923, accompanying - the Project of Law presented by the Hon. Mussolini, Minister for - Foreign Affairs and Prime Minister._) - - THE AGREEMENTS OF SANTA MARGHERITA. ITALY AND YUGOSLAVIA 251 - (_Speech delivered before the Chamber of Deputies, 10th February - 1923._) - - QUESTIONS OF FOREIGN POLICY BEFORE THE SENATE. THE RUHR; FIUME; - ZARA AND DALMATIA 258 - (_Speech delivered before the Senate, 16th February 1923._) - - A REVIEW OF EUROPEAN POLITICS IN THEIR RELATION WITH ITALY 264 - (_Speech delivered before the Cabinet, 2nd March 1923._) - - THE ITALO-YUGOSLAV CONFERENCE FOR THE COMMERCIAL TREATY 271 - (_Speech delivered at Rome, 6th March 1923._) - - “HISTORY TELLS US THAT STRICT FINANCE HAS BROUGHT NATIONS TO - SECURITY” 272 - (_Speech delivered at the Ministry of Finance, 7th March 1923._) - - “IT IS NOT THE ECONOMIC SYSTEM OF EUROPE ALONE THAT WE HAVE TO - RESTORE TO ITS FULL EFFICIENCY” 274 - (_Speech delivered at Rome, 18th March 1923._) - - “ONLY THOSE WHO PROFITED BY THE WAR GRUMBLED AND STILL GRUMBLE, - CURSED AND STILL CURSE AT THE WAR” 276 - (_Speech delivered at Milan, 29th March 1923._) - - “PATRIOTISM IS NOT FORMED BY MERE WORDS” 277 - (_Speech delivered at Arosio, near Milan, 30th March 1923._) - - QUESTIONS OF FOREIGN POLICY BEFORE THE CABINET 278 - (_Speech delivered before the Cabinet, 7th April 1923._) - - “MINE IS NOT A GOVERNMENT WHICH DECEIVES THE PEOPLE” 284 - (_Speech delivered at Rome, 2nd June 1923._) - - “IN TIME PAST AS IN TIME PRESENT, WOMAN HAD ALWAYS A PREPONDERANT - INFLUENCE IN SHAPING THE DESTINIES OF HUMANITY” 286 - (_Speech delivered at Padua, 2nd June 1923._) - - “SO LONG AS THESE STUDENTS AND THESE UNIVERSITIES EXIST, THE - NATION CANNOT PERISH AND BECOME A SLAVE, BECAUSE UNIVERSITIES - SMASH FETTERS WITHOUT ALLOWING THE FORGING OF NEW ONES” 289 - (_Speech delivered at the University of Padua, 3rd June 1923._) - - ITALY’S FOREIGN POLICY REGARDING GERMAN REPARATIONS, HUNGARY, - BULGARIA, AUSTRIA, YUGOSLAVIA, TURKEY, RUSSIA POLAND AND OTHER - COUNTRIES 293 - (_Speech delivered before the Senate, 8th June 1923._) - - “THE INTERNAL POLICY” 306 - (_Speech delivered before the Senate, 8th June 1923._) - - “AS SARDINIA HAS BEEN GREAT IN WAR, SO LIKEWISE WILL SHE BE GREAT - IN PEACE” 320 - (_Speech delivered at Sassari (Sardinia), 10th June 1923._) - - “MEN PASS AWAY, MAYBE GOVERNMENTS TOO, BUT ITALY LIVES AND WILL - NEVER DIE” 323 - (_Speech delivered at Cagliari (Sardinia), 12th June 1923._) - - “FASCISMO WILL BRING A COMPLETE REGENERATION TO YOUR LAND” 326 - (_Speech delivered at Iglesias (Sardinia), 13th June 1923._) - - “AS WE HAVE REGAINED THE MASTERY OF THE AIR, WE DO NOT WANT THE - SEA TO IMPRISON US” 328 - (_Speech delivered at Florence, 19th June 1923._) - - “I PROMISE YOU—AND GOD IS MY WITNESS—THAT I SHALL CONTINUE NOW AND - ALWAYS TO BE A HUMBLE SERVANT OF OUR ADORED ITALY” 330 - (_Speech delivered at Florence, 19th June 1923._) - - “THE VICTORY OF THE PIAVE WAS THE DECIDING FACTOR OF THE WAR” 331 - (_Speech delivered at Rome, 25th June 1923._) - - THE RELATIONS BETWEEN ITALY AND THE UNITED STATES 335 - (_Speech delivered by the American Ambassador at Rome, 28th June 1923, - and the Italian Prime Minister’s reply._) - - “THE GREATNESS OF THE COUNTRY WILL BE ACHIEVED BY THE NEW - GENERATIONS” 343 - (_Speech delivered at Rome, 2nd July 1923._) - - THE SITUATION ON THE RUHR AND OTHER QUESTIONS OF FOREIGN POLICY 345 - (_Speech delivered 3rd July 1923, at the Council of Ministers._) - - THE ELECTORAL REFORM BILL 347 - (_Speech delivered before the Chamber of Deputies, 16th July 1923._) - - THE MASSACRE OF THE ITALIAN DELEGATION FOR THE DELIMITATION OF THE - GRECO-ALBANIAN FRONTIER 363 - (_Rome, 27th August 1923._) - - - INDEX 365 - - - - - PART I - - MUSSOLINI THE “SOCIALIST” - - - - -“DO NOT THINK THAT BY TAKING AWAY MY MEMBERSHIP CARD YOU WILL TAKE AWAY - MY FAITH IN THE CAUSE” - - Speech delivered on 25th November 1914, at Milan, before the meeting - of the Milanese Socialist Section, which had decreed Mussolini’s - expulsion from the official Socialist Party. - - In the fearless militarism of the dramatic speech with which this - volume begins, the Socialistic activity of Benito Mussolini ends—of - Benito Mussolini, who from the autumn of 1914 could have been - considered the recognised and acclaimed leader of the Italian - Socialist Party. He had attained with giant strides the highest rank - in the party’s hierarchy, namely the editorship of the _Avanti_, the - chief organ of the political and syndicalist movement. He had been a - clever and aggressive writer in a weekly provincial paper of Forli, - called _La lotta di classe_,[1] and an ardent Sunday orator for the - “ville” of Romagna. He had revealed himself a “comrade” of - tremendous power at the Congress of Reggio Emilia, held in the - summer of 1912, where he delivered a memorable speech bitterly - criticising the flaccid mentality of Reformism then dominating the - party. - -Footnote 1: - - Class struggle. - - It was within two months of his success at Reggio Emilia that the - revolutionary leaders, feeling the need of strong men, entrusted to - Benito Mussolini the editorship of the _Avanti_, which was the most - powerful weapon of the party. - - The following speech was delivered before a furious crowd of not - less than three thousand holders of membership cards, who hastened - from other centres adjacent to Milan, amid a diabolical tumult in an - atmosphere of organised hostility, which was the more violent by - contrast with the fanatical devotion which Benito Mussolini had - evoked during the two years in which he had been the undisputed - mouthpiece of the party. - - This atmosphere of intolerance and hatred had been fostered by the - neutralist adversaries who had succeeded to the management of the - _Avanti_ after the present head of the Italian Government had left - the party. - - As is known, the excited meeting held in the spacious hall of the - Casa del Popolo closed with a resolution for the expulsion of the - new heretic, which was passed, except by a negligible minority of - about fifty supporters, who afterwards stood by Mussolini in the - victorious campaign for intervention. - - -My fate is decided, and it seems as if the sentence were to be executed -with a certain solemnity. (Voices: “Louder! Louder!”) - -You are severer than ordinary judges who allow the fullest and most -exhaustive defence even after the sentence, since they give ten days for -the production of the motives of appeal. If, then, it is decided, and -you still think that I am unworthy of fighting any longer for your -cause—(“Yes! yes!” is shouted by some of the most excited among the -audience.)—then expel me. But I have a right to exact a legal act of -accusation, and in this meeting the public prosecutor has not yet -intervened with regard either to the political or to the moral issues. I -shall, therefore, be condemned by an “order of the day” which means -nothing. In a case like this, I ought to have been told that I was -unworthy to belong any longer to the party for definite reasons, in -which case I should have accepted my fate. This, however, has not been -said, and a great many of you—if not all—will leave this room with an -uneasy conscience. (Deafening voices: “No! no!”) - -With reference to the moral question, I repeat once more that I am ready -to submit my case to any Committee which cares to make investigations -and to issue a report. - -As regards the question of discipline, I should say that this has not -been examined, because there are just and fitting precedents for my -changed attitude, and if I do not quote them it is because I feel myself -to be secure and have an easy conscience. - -You think to sign my death warrant, but you are mistaken. To-day you -hate me, because in your heart of hearts you still love me, because.... -(Applause and hisses interrupt the speaker.) - -But you have not seen the last of me! Twelve years of my party life are, -or ought to be, a sufficient guarantee of my faith in Socialism. -Socialism is something which takes root in the heart. What divides me -from you now is not a small dispute, but a great question over which the -whole of Socialism is divided. Amilcare Cipriani can no longer be your -candidate because he declared, both by word of mouth and in writing, -that if his seventy-five years allowed him, he would be in the trenches -fighting the European military reaction which was stifling revolution. - -Time will prove who is right and who is wrong in the formidable question -which now confronts Socialism, and which it has never had to face before -in the history of humanity, since never before has there been such a -conflagration as exists to-day, in which millions of the proletariat are -pitted one against the other. This war, which has much in common with -those of the Napoleonic period, is not an everyday event. Waterloo was -fought in 1814; perhaps 1914 will see some other principles fall to the -ground, will see the salvation of liberty, and the beginning of a new -era in the world’s history—(Loud applause greets this fitting historical -comparison.)—and especially in the history of the proletariat, which at -all critical moments has found me here with you in this same spot, just -as it found me in the street. - -But I tell you that from now onwards I shall never forgive nor have pity -on anyone who in this momentous hour does not speak his mind for fear of -being hissed or shouted down. (This cutting allusion to the many -prominent absentees is understood and warmly applauded by the meeting.) - -I shall neither forgive nor have pity on those who are purposely -reticent, those who show themselves hypocrites and cowards. And you will -find me still on your side. You must not think that the middle classes -are enthusiastic about our intervention. They snarl and accuse us of -temerity, and fear that the proletariat, once armed with bayonets, will -use them for their own ends. (Mingled applause, and cries of “No! no!”) - -Do not think that in taking away my membership card you will be taking -away my faith in the cause, or that you will prevent my still working -for Socialism and revolution. (Hearty applause follows these last words -of Mussolini, uttered with great energy and profound conviction. He -descends from the platform and makes his way down the great hall.) - - - - - PART II - - MUSSOLINI THE “MAN OF THE WAR” - - - - - FOR THE LIBERTY OF HUMANITY AND THE FUTURE OF ITALY - - Speech delivered at the Scuole Mazza, Parma, 13th December 1914. - - This speech was delivered under the stress of great excitement. The - most ardent supporters of active neutrality were assembled at Parma, - a citadel of revolutionary Syndicalism, which opposed Party - Socialism, and the majority of whose members, after the outbreak of - the European War, sided against the Central Empires and in defence - of intervention. Among these we remember Giacinto Menotti Serrati, - then Editor-in-chief of the _Avanti_, and Fulvio Zocchi, a - ridiculous and malignant demagogue, now removed from political life. - - But, notwithstanding this pressure from outside, the people of - Parma, mindful of their Garibaldian and anti-Austrian traditions, - sided enthusiastically with Mussolini and Alcesto De Ambris, the - leader of Syndicalism and member of Parliament for the city, who had - been the first to support the section of the extremists. - - -Citizens,—It is in your interest to listen to me quietly and with -tolerance. I shall be brief, precise and sincere to the point of -rudeness. - -The last great continental war was from 1870 to 1871. Prussia, guided by -Bismarck and Moltke, defeated France and robbed her of two flourishing -and populous provinces. The Treaty of Frankfurt marked the triumph of -Bismarck’s policy, which aimed at the incontestable hegemony of Prussia -in Central Europe and the gradual Slavisation of the Balkan zones of -Austria-Hungary. One recalls these features of Bismarck’s policy in -trying to understand the different international crises which took place -in Europe from ’70 up to the bewildering and extremely painful situation -of to-day. From ’70 onwards there were only remoter wars among the -peoples of Eastern Europe, such as those between Russia and Turkey, -Serbia and Bulgaria, Greece and Turkey, or wars in the colonies. There -was, in consequence, a widespread conviction that a European or world -war was no longer possible. The most diverse reasons were put forward to -maintain this argument. - - -_Illusions and Sophisms._ It was suggested, for example, that the -perfecting of the instruments for making war must destroy its -possibility. Ridiculous! War has always been deadly. The perfecting of -arms is relative to the progress—technical, mechanical and military—of -the human race. In this respect the warlike machines of the ancient -Romans are the equivalent of the mortars of 420 calibre. They are made -with the object of killing, and they do kill. The perfecting of -instruments of war is no hindrance to warlike instincts. It might have -the opposite effect. - -Reliance was also placed on “human kindness” and other sentiments of -humanity, of brotherhood and love, which ought, it was maintained, to -bind all the different branches of the species “man” together regardless -of barriers of land or sea. Another illusion! It is very true that these -feelings of sympathy and brotherliness exist; our century has, in truth, -seen the rapid multiplication of philanthropic works for the alleviation -of the hardships both of men and of animals; but along with these -impulses exist others, profounder, higher and more vital. We should not -explain the universal phenomenon of war by attributing it to the -caprices of monarchs, race-hatred or economic rivalry; we must take into -account other feelings which each of us carries in his heart, and which -made Proudhon exclaim, with that perennial truth which hides beneath the -mask of paradox, that war was of “divine origin.” - -It was also maintained that the encouragement of closer international -relations—economic, artistic, intellectual, political and sporting—by -causing the peoples to become better acquainted, would have prevented -the outbreak of war among civilised nations. Norman Angell had founded -his book upon the impossibility of war, proving that all the nations -involved—victors and vanquished alike—would have their economic life -completely convulsed and ruined in consequence. Another illusion laid -bare! Lack of observation. The purely economic man does not exist. The -story of the world is not merely a page of book-keeping; and material -interests—luckily—are not the only mainspring of human actions. It is -true that international relations have multiplied; that there is, or -was, freer interchange—political and economic—between the peoples of the -different countries than there was a century ago. But parallel with this -phenomenon is another, which is that the people, with the diffusion of -culture and the formation of an economic system of a national type, tend -to isolate themselves psychologically and morally. - - -_Internationalism._ Side by side with the peaceful middle-class -movement, which is not worth examination, flourished another of an -international character, that of the working classes. At the outbreak of -war this class, too, gave evidence of its inefficiency. The Germans, who -ought to have set the example, flocked as a man to the Kaiser’s banner. -The treachery of the Germans forced the Socialists of the other -countries to fall back upon the basis of nationality and the necessity -of national defence. The German unity automatically determined the unity -of the other countries. It is said, and justly, that international -relations are like love; it takes two to carry them on. Internationalism -is ended; that which existed yesterday is dead, and it is impossible to -foresee what form it will take to-morrow. Reality cannot be done away -with and cannot be ignored, and the reality is that millions and -millions of men, for the most part of the working classes, are standing -opposite one another to-day on the blood-drenched battlefields of -Europe. The neutrals, who shout themselves hoarse crying “Down with -war!” do not realise the grotesque cowardice contained in that cry -to-day. It is irony of the most atrocious kind to shout “Down with war!” -while men are fighting and dying in the trenches. - - -_The Real Situation._ Between the two groups, the Triple Entente and the -Austro-German Alliance, Italy has remained—neutral. In the Triple -Entente there is heroic Serbia, who has broken loose from the Austrian -yoke; there is martyred Belgium, who refused to sell herself; there is -republican France who has been attacked; there is democratic England; -there is autocratic Russia, though her foundations are undermined by -revolution. On the other side there is Austria, clerical and feudal, and -Germany, militarist and aggressive. At the outbreak of war Italy -proclaimed herself neutral. Was the “exception” contemplated in the -treaties? It seems as if it were so, especially in view of the recent -revelations made by Giolitti. If the neutrality of the Government meant -indifference, the neutrality of the Socialists and the economic -organisations had an entirely different character and significance. The -Socialist neutrality intended a general strike in the case of alliance -with Austria; no practical opposition in the case of a war against her. -A distinction was made, therefore, between one war and another. Further, -the classes were allowed to be called up. - -If the Government had mobilised, all the Socialists would have found it -a natural and logical proceeding. They admitted, therefore, that a -nation has the right and duty to defend itself by recourse to arms, in -case of attack from outside. Neutrality understood in this way had -necessarily to lead—with the progress of events, especially in -Belgium—to the idea of intervention. - - -_The Bourgeoisie is Neutral._ It is controversial whether Italy has a -bourgeoisie in the generally accepted sense of the word. Rather than the -bourgeoisie and lower classes, there are rich and poor. In any case, it -is untrue that the Italian middle classes are, at the moment, jingoist. -On the contrary they are neutral and desperately pacifist. The banking -world is neutral, the industrial classes have reorganised their -business, and the agrarian population, small and great, are pacifists by -tradition and temperament; the political and academic middle classes are -neutral. Look at the Senate! There are perhaps exceptions, young men who -do not wish to stagnate in the dead pool of neutrality; but the middle -classes, taken as a whole, are hostile to war and neutral. As a -conclusive proof, compare the tone of the middle-class papers to-day -with that shown at the time of the Libyan campaign, and note the -difference. The trumpet-call which then sounded for war is muffled now. -The language of the middle-class Press is uncertain, wavering and -mysterious, neutral in word but, in effect, in favour of the Allies. -Where are the trumpets that summoned us in the September of 1911? The -secret is out, and ought to make the Socialists, who are not stupid, -stop and think. On the one side are all the conservative and stagnant -elements, and on the other the revolutionary and the living forces of -the country. It is necessary to choose. - - -_We want the War!_ But _we_ want the war and we want it _at once_. It is -not true that military preparation is lacking. What does this waiting -for the spring to come mean? - -Socialism ought not, and cannot, be against all wars because in that -case it would have to deny fifty years of history. Do you want to judge -and condemn in the same breath the war in Tripoli and the result of the -French Revolution of 1793? And Garibaldi? Is he, too, a jingoist? You -must distinguish between one war and another, as between one crime and -another, one case of bloodshed and another. Bovio said: “All the water -in the sea would not suffice to remove the stain from the hands of Lady -Macbeth, but a basinful would wash the blood from the hands of -Garibaldi.” - -Guesde, in a congress of French Socialists held a few weeks before the -outbreak of war, declared that, in case of a conflagration, the nation -that was most Socialist would be the victim of the nation that was -least. To prove this, notice the behaviour of the Italian Socialists. -Look at them in Parliament. Treves lost time by quibbling. At one moment -he exclaimed, “We shall not deny the country.” In fact the country -cannot be denied. One does not deny one’s mother, even if she does not -offer one all her gifts, even if she does force one to earn one’s living -in the alluring streets of the world. (Great applause.) - -Treves said more: “We shall not oppose a war of defence.” If this is -admitted, the necessity of arming ourselves is admitted. You will not -open the gates of Italy yet to the Austrian army, because they will come -to pillage the houses and violate the women! I know it well. There are -base wretches who blame Belgium for defending herself. She might have -pocketed the money of the Germans, they say, and allowed them a free -passage; while resistance meant laying herself open to the scientific -and systematic destruction of her towns. But Belgium lives, and will -live, because she refused to sell herself ignobly. If she had done so, -she would be dead for all time. (Great applause, and cries of “Long live -Belgium!” The cheering lasts for some minutes.) - - -_The War of Defence._ When do you want to begin to defend yourselves? -When the enemy’s knee is on your chest? Wouldn’t it be better to begin a -little earlier? Wouldn’t it be better to begin to-day when it would not -cost so much, rather than wait until to-morrow when it might be -disastrous? Do you wish to maintain a splendid isolation? But in that -case we must arm; arm and create a colossal militarism. - -The Socialists, and I am still one, although an exasperated one, never -brought forward the question of irredentism, but left it to the -Republicans. We are in favour of a national war. But there are also -reasons, purely socialist in character, which spur us on towards -intervention. - - -_The Europe of To-morrow._ It is said that the Europe of to-morrow will -not be any different from the Europe of yesterday. This is the most -absurd and alarming hypothesis. If you accept it, there is some absolute -meaning for your neutrality. It is not worth while sacrificing oneself -in order to leave things as they were before. But both mind and heart -refuse to believe that this spilling of blood over three continents will -lead to nothing. Everything leads one to believe, on the contrary, that -the Europe of to-morrow will be profoundly transformed. Greater liberty -or greater reaction? More or less militarism? Which of the two groups of -Powers, by their victory, would assure us of better conditions of -liberty for the working classes? There is no doubt about the answer. And -in what way do you wish to assist in the triumph of the Triple Entente? -Perhaps with articles in the papers and “orders of the day” in -committee? Are these sentimental manifestations enough to raise up -Belgium again? To relieve France? This France which bled for Europe in -the revolutions and wars from ’89 to ’71 and from ’71 to ’14? Do you -then offer to the France of the “Rights of Man” nothing but words? - - -_Against Apathy._ Tell me—and this is the supreme reason for -intervention—tell me, is it human, civilised, socialistic, to stop -quietly at the window while blood is flowing in torrents, and to say, “I -am not going to move, it does not matter to me a bit”? Can the formula -of “sacred egoism” devised by the Hon. Salandra be accepted by the -working classes? No! I do not think so. The law of solidarity does not -stop at economic competition; it goes beyond. Yesterday it was both fine -and necessary to contribute in aid of struggling companions; but to-day -they ask you to shed your blood for them. They implore it. Intervention -will shorten the period of terrible carnage. That will be to the -advantage of all, even of the Germans, our enemies. Will you refuse this -proof of solidarity? If you do, with what dignity will you, Italian -proletarians, show yourselves abroad to-morrow? Do you not fear that -your German comrades will reject you, because you betrayed the Triple -Entente? Do you not fear that those in France and Belgium, showing you -their land still scarred by graves and trenches, and pointing out with -pride their ruined towns, will say to you: “Where were you, and what did -you do, O Italian Proletarians, when we fought desperately against the -Austro-German militarism to free Europe from the incubus of the hegemony -of the Kaiser?” In that day you will not know how to answer; in that day -you will be ashamed to be Italian, but it will be too late! - - -_The People’s War._ Let us take up again the Italian traditions. The -people who want the war want it without delay. In two months’ time it -might be an act of brigandage; to-day it is a war to be fought with -courage and dignity. - -War and Socialism are incompatible, understood in their universal sense, -but every epoch and every people has had its wars. Life is relative; the -absolute only exists in the cold and unfruitful abstract. Those who set -too much store by their skins will not go into the trenches, and you -will not find them even in the streets in the day of battle. He who -refuses to fight to-day is an accomplice of the Kaiser, and a prop of -the tottering throne of Francis Joseph. Do you wish mechanical Germany, -intoxicated by Bismarck, to be once more the free and unprejudiced -Germany of the first half of last century? Do you wish for a German -Republic extending from the Rhine to the Vistula? Does the idea of the -Kaiser, a prisoner and banished to some remote island, make you laugh? -Germany will only find her soul through defeat. With the defeat of -Germany the new and brilliant spring will burst over Europe. - -It is necessary to act, to move, to fight and, if necessary, to die. -Neutrals have never dominated events. They have always gone under. It is -blood which moves the wheels of history! (Frantic bursts of applause.) - - - - - “EITHER WAR OR THE END OF ITALY’S NAME AS A GREAT POWER” - - Speech delivered at Milan, 25th January 1915. - - The progress of Milanese, which is to say of Italian - interventionalism, thanks to the authority and the influence of the - Lombard metropolis, the throbbing heart of the country, begins with - the meeting held in the great hall of the Istituto Tecnico Carlo - Cattaneo. At this meeting there were present forty-five “fasci,” - called “fasci di azione rivoluzionaria,” formed almost entirely in - the principal regional and provincial centres. Among the most - notable supporters were a group of soldiers of the 61st and 62nd - Infantry, the poet Ceccardo Roccatagliata Ceccardi, and the old - Garibaldian patriot Ergisto Bezzi, called the “Ferruccio” of the - Trentino. - - -I thank you for your greeting, and am happy and proud to be present at -this meeting which represents, perhaps, in these six months of a -neutrality of commercialism and smuggling, branded with Socialism, a new -fact of the utmost importance and significance. - -While listening to the reports which were made here, my mind carried me -back to the first Congresses of the International, when the -representatives of the various sections of the different countries -prepared written reports which gave full details as to the situations of -the respective peoples. This was a splendid means of coming to a closer -understanding. I pass now to speak of the international state of -affairs. - -The diplomatic and political situation cannot be spoken of without the -military. The military situation is stationary, although, to-day, it is -clearly in favour of the Germans, who occupy the whole of Belgium, with -the exception of 880 square kilometres, who hold ten rich and populous -departments of France, and a great part of Russian Poland. Besides, the -recent attack upon Dunkirk and the activity of the submarines and -dirigibles show that the Germans are still full of fight, and wish to -carry the war on literally to the utmost limits of their powers of -attack and defence. Thus the intervention of Italy is not late. I think -the right moment has come now, when the military situation hangs in the -balance. There is neither advance nor retreat on either side, for which -reason it would be a good thing to decide the game by the introduction -of a new factor, the intervention of Italy and Roumania. - -The principal international events of this week have been the Berchtold -resignations, the consideration of intervention by Roumania, and the -treaty of the Triple Entente for the regulation of Russia’s financial -difficulties. - - -_Russia._ It really seems to me that there was a moment of slackness in -the pursuit of the war on the part of Austria and Russia. It is enough -to call to mind a short paragraph in an official Russian paper, the -_Ruskoie Slovo_, in order to realise that there was a time when Russia -wavered. - -“It is true,” says the paper, “that on the 4th September, Russia, -France, England, Belgium and Serbia undertook not to make peace -individually; but this pledge brings with it the necessity of supporting -the expenses of war in common, especially now that Turkey has come to -the help of the Central Powers. Our treasury is empty. Where can we -obtain that money which is more important than men? If England refuses, -we shall be obliged to end the war in any way convenient to Russia.” -Really threatening words these, of which England, however, understood -the meaning, and immediately took steps to prevent their realisation by -launching the loan of fifteen milliards in favour of Russia to be -subscribed to in the capitals of the Triple Entente. And, in fact, -immediately after the announcement of the loan the tone of the official -papers changed, and there was no more talk of making a separate peace. - - -_Austria._ There were other symptoms of restlessness in Austria. -Clearly, up to the present, Austria has been sacrificed the most. She -has lost Galicia and been defeated by the Russians and Serbs. - -It may be then that the resignation of Berchtold is an indication that -Austrian politics are taking a new direction. In what sense? I do not -think in the pacifist sense. Austria is tied to Germany, and Germany -leans upon Austria and Hungary. Burian’s journey to the German General -Staff was made, I think, with the object of obtaining military aid for -Hungary. Austria and Hungary are preparing themselves against Roumania, -because this nation will probably intervene before Italy. - - -_Roumania._ Roumania has four million men concentrated in Transylvania -under the rule of Austria-Hungary; she is a young nation with a perfect -army of 500,000 men, and she will be obliged to end her hesitation, -probably owing to the fact that the Russians are at her frontier. -Nothing would embarrass the Roumanians as much as this, since they -remember that in 1878 the Russians occupied Bessarabia. When the -Russians, therefore, are in Transylvania, the intervention of Roumania -will be decided at once. - - -_Valona._ One fact that has a certain importance where Italy is -concerned is the occupation of Valona, which has come about in curious -circumstances with the occupation of Sasseno, and the landing of the -marines before the Bersaglieri. I do not think that there are really -rebels in Albania; and I think that Italy will stop at Valona. I do not -think either that Valona will run any serious risk, because the -Albanians have rifles but no artillery. Albania does not exist in the -true sense of the word, as the Albanians are divided both by race and -tribe, and I do not think that an organised movement is to be feared. - - -_Switzerland._ One point that we must take into consideration is the -position of Switzerland—a point, to my mind, rather obscure. It is true -that we can feel, to a certain extent, reassured by the fact that the -President of Switzerland at the moment is an Italian. But without doubt -a restless state of mind prevails among the German element there. The -voice of race calls louder than the voice of political union; the German -Swiss lay down laws; they circulate pamphlets which say “Let us remain -Swiss”; they go in search of the Swiss spirit, but I think that it would -be difficult to find it. In any case, it is certain that they make acid -comments on the articles in the _Popolo d’Italia_! Taken as a whole it -can be said that a Pan-German movement has developed in German -Switzerland, which manifests open sympathy towards the Central Powers. - -Zahn, a Swiss writer, in this way published an ode and sent money to the -German Red Cross. A political personality of Basel sent information -about the troops and the Swiss defence to the _Frankfurter Zeitung_. The -novelist Schapfer, of Basel, went to Berlin to extol Germany and to sing -_Deutschland über Alles_ at a public meeting. The journalist Schappner -advocated in the _Neues Deutschland_ that Switzerland should abandon her -neutral position in order to help Germany, and have as compensation -Upper Savoy, the Gex region and a part of Franche-Comté so that she -might form an advanced post of Germany towards the south, declaring at -the same time an alliance with Austria-Hungary which would enable -Switzerland to extend her boundaries also towards Italy. - -The _Neue Zurcher Nachrichten_ has even gone to the extent of taunting -Belgium with her unhappy fate, saying that the neutrality of Belgium -would have been violated by her own Government, and calling her the -betrayer of Germany, and saying that Germany had every right to punish -her. - -These are all documents which are worth while knowing about, because -they denote a state of mind that might have a surprise in store for us. -Switzerland is made up of twenty-four cantons, in one of which the -Italian language is spoken; but I don’t think that much reliance can be -placed on that fact. For the rest, I know that the General Staff -preoccupies itself a good deal with the possibility that, either through -love or fear, Switzerland will allow the Kaiser’s troops to pass through -Swiss territory, in which case they would then find themselves at once -in Lombardy. - - -_The Dilemma of Italy._ This meeting, therefore, asks for the -repudiation of the Treaty of the Triple Alliance as the first step to -mobilisation and war. Otherwise, if the treaty is still in force, you -can see how it can be interpreted in any sense. At first it bound us to -intervene on the side of Austria and Germany, and we were taxed with -being traitors when we declared ourselves neutral. To-day it proves that -it is our duty to remain neutral. Treaties then are interpreted -according to the letter, according to the spirit and according to the -convenience of those who have to interpret them! Necessity demands, -therefore, the explicit repudiation of the Treaty of the Triple -Alliance. Perhaps this can be made the _casus belli_. We are not -diplomats, but it is certain that if Italy repudiates the Treaty of the -Triple Alliance, Germany will ask for explanations, and if, at the same -time, there was mobilisation against Austria and Germany, we should be -able to reach the stage in which a solution by arms would be forced upon -us. For us the _casus belli_ was magnificent and solemn; it was that -created by the violation of the neutrality of Belgium. Italy ought to -intervene in the name of _jus gentium_, in the name of her own national -security. She has not been able to do so then; but now we must decide. -“Either war, or the end of our name as a great power.” Let us build -gambling-houses and hotels and grow fat. A people can have this ideal -also, which is shared by the lower zoological species! - -In reality the German working classes have embraced the cause of -Prussian militarism, and so, my friends, the chief reason for remaining -neutral falls to the ground. You Italian Socialists are preparing to -commit the same crime of which you accuse the German Socialists. We, in -the meantime, question the right of the German Socialists to call -themselves Socialists any more. The International compact is only of -value when it is signed and respected by all the contracting parties. -Since the Germans are the first to have broken it, the Italians are no -longer under obligation to hold by a contract which might mean their -ruin. - -It is a fact, however, that Italy is “still bound to the Triple -Alliance.” This Government of ours is pusillanimous, because the -repudiation of the Triple Alliance does not mean a declaration of war or -even mobilisation. But, meanwhile, this would prove that the Italian -people vindicate their right to independence of action in this period of -history. - - -_The Revolutionary War._ To say that we are causing a revolution in -order to obtain war, is to say something which we cannot maintain. We -have not the strength. We find ourselves face to face with formidable -coalitions, but the _fasci_ of action have this object, to create that -state of mind which will impose war upon the country. - -To-morrow, if Italy does not make war, a revolutionary position will be -inevitably decided, and discontent will spring up everywhere. Those same -men who to-day are in favour of neutrality, when they feel themselves -humiliated as men and Italians, will ask the responsible powers to -account for it, and then will be our chance. Then we shall have our war. -Then we shall say to the dominant classes: “You have not proved -yourselves capable of fulfilling your task; you have deceived us and -destroyed our aspirations. Your first care should have been the -completion of the unity of the country, and you have ignored it. You -have been warned about it by democracy in general and by the Republican -Party particularly.” This will be a case which will surely end in -condemnation; in condemnation which cannot be other than capital. And -then perhaps we shall issue from this harassing period of history. Every -day we feel that there is something in Italy which does not work, that -there is a cog missing in the gear, or a wheel that does not go round. -The country is young, but its institutions are old; and when—if I may be -allowed to quote once more from Karl Marx, the old Pangermanist—a -conflict between new forces and old institutions begins to shape itself, -that means that the new wine cannot any longer be kept in the old skins, -or the inevitable will occur. The old forces of the political and social -life of Italy will fall into fragments. (Loud applause.) - - - - - “TO THE COMPLETE VANQUISHING OF THE HUNS” - - Speech delivered at Sesto San Giovanni, 1st December 1917. - - After the Caporetto disaster the patriotic organisations of Milan - had consolidated their union, previously undermined by the opponents - of war, who, thanks to the leniency of the Government, had been able - to work in the interest of the enemy. They developed the existing - sphere of propaganda, advocating resistance within the country. One - of the centres most infected by neutralist opposition was - undoubtedly Sesto San Giovanni, a large borough of the working - classes at the gates of Milan, completely controlled by - Social-Communist administration. - - Mussolini, having just left the military hospital, where he had been - lying ill as a result of many wounds received when a “bersagliere” - of the 11th Regiment, spoke in this hostile citadel as only he could - speak; and it is certainly beyond question that his frank and - incisive eloquence was mainly instrumental in dispersing the bitter - anti-war feelings fomented by stubborn and impudent Socialist - neutralism. - - -Workmen and citizens! The other evening, after three years’ silence, I -spoke to the audience of the Scala; an imposing audience and a large -hall; but I prefer this friendly gathering of workmen and soldiers, -because, in spite of everything, I am, and shall always remain, one with -the masses which produce and work, and the implacable adversary of every -parasite. - - -_The International Illusion._ I am here to talk to you of the war, and -to remind you of an article, which some of you will still remember, in -which, in a certain degree, I foresaw this truce. “A truce of arms” I -called it then, and I repeat these words to-day. When one speaks of war, -one must do so with a clear conscience and without all those useless -ornaments of speech typical of an old, artificial style of literature. -We must remember that while we stand together here to think of them, the -best among our men, our brothers, your sons and your husbands are -consuming themselves, suffering and perhaps dying for us, for our -country and for our civilisation! We wished for the war, it is true, but -because the arrogance of other men imposed it upon us. We had -entertained the illusion that it was possible to realise the -international dream among the peoples, but, while we were sincerely -putting our faith in this beautiful chimera, the German -“Internationals,” with Bebel at their head, were declaring themselves to -be first Germans, and afterwards Socialists! And in the International -Congresses the Germans always systematically refused to bind themselves -to decisive action with the Socialists of other countries, under the -specious pretext that the retrograde constitution of their country did -not allow them, without jeopardising their organisation, to conclude -international agreements. They held too much by their organisations, by -their hundred and one deputies and by the fat and swollen purse of -marks, which is the only thing which has been saved from German -Socialism. (Loud applause.) - -While Germany was preparing for war by organising formidable means of -dominion and massacre, nobody in England, France, Italy or Russia -dreamed of the imminence of the terrible scourge. - - -_The True Germany._ We had a very wrong idea of Germany. We only knew -the Germany of the flaxen-haired Gretchens and of home-sick novels, and -not that of Von Bernhardi, Harden and the Hohenzollerns. - -It was Germany who wanted the war. Harden said so in an ill-considered -outburst of sincerity. The Socialists, who claimed more land for the -expansion of the German people, wanted it; spectacled professors -incapable of synthesis, but terrible in analysis, prepared it; the -military caste imposed it. The pretext for the unchaining of these -forces was soon found. Two revolver shots in 1914; some bombs thrown; -two imperial corpses hurried away in a court coach were the pretext. The -war, for which the Central Powers were prepared, blazed up on all sides. - - -_The Socialist Intervention._ We Socialists who were in favour of -intervention advocated war, because we divined that it contained within -it the seeds of revolution. It is not the first instance of -revolutionary war. There were the Napoleonic wars, the war of 1870, the -enterprises of Garibaldi, in which, had we lived in those days, we -should have joined in the same spirit and the same faith. - -Karl Marx, too, was a jingoist. In 1855 he wrote that Germany would have -been obliged to declare war against Russia; and in 1870 he said of the -French: “They must be defeated! They will never be sufficiently beaten.” -And when in 1871 the Socialists of France, with Latin ingenuousness, -after declaring the Republic, sent a passionate appeal to the Germans -for peace, Karl Marx said: “These imbeciles of Frenchmen claim that for -their rag of a republic we should renounce all the advantages of this -war.” - - -_One does not deny one’s Country._ It is possible to remain a Socialist -and be in favour of certain wars. When the country is in danger, it is -not possible to remain pacifist. A man cannot ignore his country any -more than a tree can ignore the earth which provides it with sustenance. -(Applause.) Our people have understood it, and you, who carry in your -veins some drops of the warrior-blood of those men of Legnano who drove -away Barbarossa, of the people of the Cinque Giornate, join with me -to-day in inciting our soldiers to free our land from the shame of -servitude. (Applause.) To deny one’s country, especially in a critical -hour of her existence, is to deny one’s mother! - -It was thought that the soldiers’ strike would bring peace. But, when -our soldiers found that the enemy, instead of throwing down their -rifles, mounted cannons and field-guns, instead of fraternising, -massacred old men, women and children, and far from returning to their -own country, advanced into ours, they only waited until a large enough -river divided them from the adversary to place before them once again -the impassable barrier of the Italian forces. (Loud applause.) - -Our set-back is not due to fear of the Germans. The victors of eleven -battles, the soldiers of the Carso, Bainsizza, Monte Santo, Cucco and of -Sabotino do not fear spiked helmets. The armies of all the combatant -countries have had moments of bewilderment, but not one recovered itself -as quickly as we have. After only one week of retreat, our troops faced -the enemy again and forced them back. - - -_A Resolute Resistance._ We have skirted the abyss; we might have been -lost, but we have saved ourselves. While the Germans were hoping for -still further revolution, the soldiers re-established the force of -resistance which had been weakened; and now at the front the only -fraternity is that of rifle shots. (Applause.) - -When the storm is passed we shall be proud of having done our duty. -Wilson, convinced pacifist, was drawn into the war by an elevated -humanitarian motive, which made him feel that to prolong the war was an -act of intolerable complicity with the Germans, and he gives us an -example. - -The war will end with our victory; but in order to win, you, workmen, -must produce more. We must have guns, shells, rifles and bombs in great -quantities. Arms and munitions, at this moment, represent our salvation. -To-morrow, when our factories again produce ploughs and spades and -instruments for agriculture, we shall have the joy of a duty done. -To-day, and until the barbarians are defeated for ever, instruments of -war must increase in number under the impulse of your decisive will to -win. (Loud applause and demonstration of affection and sympathy.) - - - - - “NO TURNING BACK!” - - Speech delivered in the Augusteo at Rome, 24th February 1918. - - The speech delivered at the Augusteo in Rome may be included among - those made by the most fervent patriots to rouse the country to a - resolute effort after the Caporetto disaster. It was a summons to - resistance, and a strong indictment against the heads of the - Government in Italy which was responsible for the moral collapse - which took place in the Army, due to the evil influences of - blackmail and neutralist Parliamentarism at work in the country. The - salient feature of this meeting was the leaving of the hall by the - generals representing the “Corpo d’Armata” and the Ministry of War. - But it was entirely owing to this meeting of exasperated patriots - that the general policy of the then Prime Minister ceased to be - lenient to the enemy’s sympathisers and that active resistance paved - the way to the victory of the country in arms. - - -I wonder if there is anyone among you who remembers a meeting in favour -of intervention in the war, that we held three years ago in one of the -squares in Rome? We were dispersed by the police, but we were in the -right. We moved on, and history moved on with us. - -Three cities created history. But it does not matter. It is always the -cities which create history; the villages are content to endure it. We, -after three years of war, notwithstanding Caporetto, solemnly and truly -reaffirm all that was deep, pure and immortal in those days in May. - -Remember! It was just in the May of 1915 that Italy was not afraid of -knowing how to live, because she was not afraid of knowing how to die! - - -_The Mistake of May._ But we made a great mistake then, that we have -since paid for bitterly. We, who wished for the war, ought to have taken -command of the situation. (Loud applause.) The Italian people—which is -not the plebeian crowd which gets drunk in taverns, for twenty centuries -of history have not civilised us for nothing—the Italian people had, -even then, a vague apprehension of the dangers which threatened its -mission. - -In the May of 1915 the nation as a whole presented a marvellous -concentration of human force. We men of ’84, when we forded the Upper -Isonzo, thought that it was never again to be crossed by the Germans. -When we gained the other side, with one accord we shouted: “Long live -Italy!” (Loud applause from the whole assembly, who echo the cry.) It -was fine human material which we handed over to those men who carried on -war as if it were a tiresome task more tedious than the rest. We gave it -over—for a war which, after twenty centuries of history, was the first -war of the Italian people—to men who did not understand it; to men who -represented the past; to bureaucrats who have spilled much too much ink -over the trials and sufferings of the people. - -But we are here to say to you: Gentlemen! the Germans are on the Piave, -the Germans have broken down one gate of the Veneto and are in the -process of breaking down the other. The moment has come to see if our -hearts are made of steel. (Enthusiastic applause.) - -I know these soldiers, because, as a simple soldier myself, I have lived -among them, leading the life of a simple soldier. I have seen them under -all the different aspects of military life. I have seen them in the -barracks, in the hard, bare military transports while going to the -front, in the trenches, in the dugouts under ceaseless bombardment when -the shells rained down death; I have seen them when every heart has -stopped beating, awaiting the command of the officer, “Over the top”; I -know them, these sons of Italy, and I tell you, they have not been -merely soldiers, they have been saints and martyrs! (Loud burst of -applause.) - - -_The Causes of Caporetto._ How then did Caporetto happen? Let us search -our consciences courageously as a great people. - -Ah! yes! At first, it may have had a military reason, not later. Later -we were face to face with a gigantic hallucination. (Applause.) Great -words were flashed across the horizon. The formulæ of “salvation” had -come from Russia, and from Rome came a fierce outcry against the war, -saying that it was “a useless massacre.” You cannot conceive the -profound disturbance this outcry caused in the minds of the multitude. -And, as if that were not enough, without anyone having the courage to -take summary proceedings against the authors, another sacrilegious -message came from Parliament: “No more trenches next winter.” And, it is -true, we are not any longer in the trenches beyond the Isonzo; we are on -_this_ side of the Piave. - - -_Justice for All._ All this was the result of a falsehood that lay at -the bottom of our national life. The words “political liberty” had been -said. Ah! liberty to betray, to murder the country, to pour out more -blood, as said the man in France. (General applause. Cries of “Long live -Clémenceau!”) This political liberty is a paradox. It is criminal to -think that men are requisitioned, dressed, armed and sent to be killed, -whilst every liberty of speech and power of protest is denied them; that -they are terribly punished for the slightest act or word not in keeping -with given orders, while at the same time, behind, in the secret -meeting-places, in the club-houses of brutalised drunkards, plans are -allowed to be matured and words to be spoken which are death to the war. -(Loud general applause.) - -But did you not feel, after 24th October, that there was a great change -in us, both collectively and individually? Did you not feel that the -vultures had torn away the flesh and fixed their claws in the open -wounds? Did you not understand that we were going back to ’66? Did you -not take into account the danger that the military system of ’66 would -be accompanied by the same diplomatic manœuvring which we have not yet -expiated? One does not deny one’s country, one conquers it! (Warm -applause.) - - -_The Example of Russia._ Take a lesson from what has happened in Russia. -The Latin sages used to say that Nature does not work by sudden leaps. I -think, on the contrary, that she does sometimes. But in Russia they -wanted to make things move too fast. They got rid of Czarism in order to -form the democratic republic of Rodzianko and Miliukoff. That was in -itself a big step, and I pass over the intermediate action of the Grand -Duke Michael. But, not satisfied with this republic, they wished to -become more Socialist and called for Kerensky. Kerensky went, because he -was a mere figurehead—(Laughter.)—and now there are other people who -still want to make things move too fast. But now the Germans, under the -pretence of a future pseudo-democracy, have unmasked their brutal and -barbarous annexationist projects. At Petrograd, it is said, all citizens -must dig trenches, and those falling under suspicion of vagabondage or -espionage will be shot immediately. - - -_An Iron Policy._ But meanwhile the Germans advance, and I think they -are impelled by three motives: military, political and dynastic. I think -that the Hohenzollerns propose to put the Romanoffs back on the throne. -Well! I don’t care if they do! As the Russian people have proved that -they don’t know how to live under a régime of liberty, let them live in -slavery. But, in the meantime, the defection of the Russians increases -our task. - -It is not the moment to bewail idly or to follow a weak policy. I seek -ferocious men! I want the fierce man who possesses energy—the energy to -smash, the inexorable determination to punish and to strike without -hesitation, and the higher the position of the culprit the better. (Loud -applause from the assembly which understands the allusion.) - -You send the simple soldier, burdened with a family, full of cares, and -whom you have never taught anything about the country, to court-martial -because he has disobeyed some order. If you put this soldier with his -back against the wall, I approve of what you do, because I am a believer -in rigid discipline. But you must not have two kinds of law. If there is -a general who infringes the Sacchi decree, strike him too. If there is a -deputy who, after the experience of Caporetto, says again that war is a -“useless massacre,” I tell you that he, too, ought to be arrested and -punished! (Ovation.) - -Whoever has been to the front and lived in the trenches, knows what an -effect the reading of certain speeches and Parliamentary reports had -upon the minds of the soldiers. The poor man in the trenches asked -himself: “Why must I suffer and die, if they are still discussing at -Rome whether there ought to be war, if those who are at the head of -affairs there do not know whether or not it is a good thing to be -fighting?” That is deplorable and criminal talk, gentlemen! And now, -even after Caporetto, after defeat, irresponsible people are allowed to -make public anti-war demonstrations. (Loud applause.) - - -_Ghosts!_ After Caporetto men showed themselves again whom we thought to -have swept away for ever. But we have driven them back into their holes, -because we are still on our legs. - -Yes! Many of our comrades have not come back from the Carso and from -among the Alps. But we carry their sacred memory in our hearts. I think -of the indescribable torture of mind of those men of the Third Armata, -when they had to abandon the Carso. I think they must have cried out, -“For what reason, as the result of what unexpected catastrophe, are we -forced to abandon these rocks?” Because in the end one loves the tracks, -the stones, the trenches and the dugouts among which men have lived and -suffered. We love the Carso, this heap of stones dotted with little -crosses which mark the graves of those fallen in the cause of the -liberty of our country. (Applause.) We love the Carso, from which we can -view the coveted coast-line, the riviera of our Trieste. We still carry, -alive and splendid, the torch of the dead; the torch of those who fell -in the face of the enemy. And we are not moved by motives of gain. We -want clear and explicit recognition of the fact that we have done our -duty. And we find ourselves still in the breach, that we may tell this -people, in case they have forgotten, that there is no turning back. -There is no possibility of choosing. Worry your brains as you will, -there is nothing else to be done, nothing else can be thought of! - - -_Until Victory._ The game is such that we must go on, because there is -no other solution than this; victory or defeat! And it is the life or -death of the nation that is at stake. Also those who assumed power with -different ideas, with the intention of mending the situation, have had -to change their minds. There is no turning back; we must win! - -The warning has come from Russia. The Russian rulers tried to turn back -and make peace. They have talked for days, weeks and months without -coming to any conclusions, because if Massimalism had sent lawyers more -or less smart, Prussia had sent armed generals who from time to time -tapped the pavement with their swords so that German rights might be the -better understood. Then they accepted peace. But Prussia, thirsty for -land, the Prussia of the Hohenzollerns, insatiable and implacable, -marches into Russia and occupies territory. - -If there is anybody to-day who does not wish for peace, who prevents -talk of peace, who wants to continue the war, you must not seek him -among the people, but at Berlin in the company of Hindenburg and -Ludendorff. These are the enemies of mankind and to these one does not -kneel. No! The Latin race holds itself upright! (Ovation.) - -We who desired the war and make it our boast that we did so, we who do -not go humbly soliciting electoral divisions, we shall not follow the -cowardly demagogic example of those who wish to ingratiate themselves -with the people. Democracy does not signify descent. It means ascent. It -means raising up those who are down. And so for all the sacred and -youthful blood that has been shed, and that we have not forgotten, and -for the sake of all that is still to be shed, let us renew the solemn -pact of our faith in the certainty of victory. - -No! Italy will not die, because Italy is immortal! (Frantic applause.) - - - - - THE FATAL VICTORY - - Speech delivered at the Teatro Comunale, Bologna, 24th May 1918. - - On this occasion the principal speaker was the Editor of _Il Popolo - d’Italia_, who had recovered his physical efficiency after severe - wounds received on the Carso, and had a real influence in securing - victory because of the encouragement he gave to the spirit of - resistance within the country. - - Bologna was then a stronghold of the opponents of war, on account of - the net of political and syndicalist organisation stretching - throughout the province, and of Socialist supremacy in the communes - and dependent administrations. It is, unfortunately, well known that - the State had by then ceased exercising any authority other than - merely formal in this province. - - A mark of Socialist power, which proves also the profound - anti-national feeling of the defeated politicians who to-day stammer - so many lying excuses, is offered by the absolute prohibition of - manifestations calculated to glorify the Italian Army. - - Mussolini’s speech at the “Comunale” temporarily reunited the sane - sections of Bologna to the rest of Italy, then in great anxiety for - her fate and future. - - -Combatants and Citizens! Will you allow me to pass over without -unnecessary delay the polemics which preceded my coming to this city? -If, as says our great poet Carducci, “one does not seek for butterflies -beneath the arch of Titus,” one does not seek for them either beneath -the arches of this, our ancient and magnificent town of Bologna, -especially as one would probably not find butterflies at all, but bats -dazed and frightened by this glorious May sunshine. - -The form of my speech will not surprise you. In those days, three years -ago, all the Italy that was conscious of life and possessed of -will-power, the only Italy which has a right to transform her chaotic -succession of events into history, burned with an intense ardour—our -ardour. I have noticed now for some time that there are opportunists who -are trying to open a door for eventual responsibilities and who are -carefully and laboriously cataloguing the reasons why Italy could not -remain neutral. - - -_Destiny and Will._ Very well! I admit that there has been fatality, I -admit this compulsion, which was the result of a number of causes which -it is useless to dwell upon, but I add that at a certain moment we -imprinted the mark of our will upon this concatenation of events, and -to-day, after three years, we are not penitent of what we have done. We -leave this weak, spiritual attitude to those who seek applause, seats in -Parliament, and personal satisfaction; those who thoroughly despise, as -I do, all parliamenteering and demagogism, are far away from all this. - -What Machiavelli says in chapter vi. of the _Principe_, about those who, -by their own inherent qualities, attained the position of princes, -Moses, Cyrus, Romulus and Theseus, can be applied not only to the -individual, but to the nation. “And examining,” says the Florentine -Secretary, “their lives and actions, one does not see that they had -other fortune than that of the opportunity which gave them the material -and enabled them to shape it as seemed best to them; and without that -opportunity the virtue of their souls would have been lost, and without -that virtue the opportunity would have come in vain.” - -As to the Italian people in that glorious May, it can be said that -without the opportunity of the war the virtue of our people would have -been lost; but without this virtue the opportunity of the war would have -come in vain. - -I have found an echo of the thought of Machiavelli in the book of -Maeterlinck, the great Belgian poet, the poet who, perhaps, more than -any of his contemporaries, has given expression to the most delicate and -complex movements of the human soul. Maeterlinck in his book _Wisdom and -Destiny_ admits the existence of a mechanical, external fate, but says -that a human being can react against it. “An event in itself,” he says -in chapter viii. of this book, “is pure water which the fountain pours -out over us, and which has not generally in itself either taste, colour -or perfume. It becomes beautiful or sad, sweet or bitter, life-giving or -mortal, according to the soul which receives it. Thousands of -adventures, all of which seem to contain the seeds of heroism, -continually happen to those who surround us, whilst no heroism arises -when the adventure is over. But Christ met a group of children in his -path, an adulteress, a Samaritan, and three times in succession humanity -rose to divine heights.” The war has been as a jet of pure water for our -nation. It has been deadly for Spain, for instance, but life-giving to -us. We desired it. We chose. Before making our choice we argued and -struggled, and the struggle sometimes assumed the aspect of violence; -but we won, and now we are proud of those days, and are glad to think -that the memory of the crowds which filled the streets and squares of -our cities disturbs those who were defeated and those who even to-day, -by the most insidious means, try to extinguish the sacred flame and the -faith of our people. They accepted this war as one accepts a heavy -burden, and their leader, followed by the curses of the people, -withdrew, like an old feudal lord, to his remote native country, and we -can only wish that he will always remain there. - - -_Enough of Old Age!_ But, as I am never tired of repeating, we young men -made one fatal mistake then, which we have paid for bitterly; we -entrusted this ardent youth of ours to the most grievous old age. When I -say old age, I do not establish merely a chronological fact. I think -some people are born old, that there are those at twenty who are in a -mental and physical decline, whereas some men—the marvellous Tiger of -France, for instance—at seventy have all the vibration and fire of -virile youth. I speak of the old men who are old men, who are behind the -times, who are encumbrances. They neither understood nor realised the -fundamental truths underlying the war. - -Besides the people, the meaning of this war in its historical aspect and -development has been perceived by two classes of men: the poets and the -industrial world. By the poets, because with their extreme sensitiveness -they grasp truths which remain half veiled to the ordinary person; and -by the industrial world, because it understands that this war is a war -of machines. Between the two let us also put the journalists, who have -enough of the poet in them not to belong to the industrial world, and -are enough of the industrial world not to be poets. And the journalists -have often forestalled the Government. I speak of the great journalists -who keep their ears open, on the alert to catch vibrations from the -outside world. The journalist has sometimes foreseen what those -responsible, alas! have recognised too late. - - -_Quality versus Quantity._ This war has so far been one of quantity. -Now, it is realised that the masses do not beat the masses, an army does -not vanquish an army, quantity does not overcome quantity. The problem -must be faced from another point of view—that of quality. This war, -which began by being tremendously democratic, is now tending to become -aristocratic. Soldiers are becoming warriors. A selection is being made -from the armed mass. The struggle, now carried on almost exclusively in -the air, has lost the characteristics it had in 1914. - -The first novelist who foresaw the problems of the war of quality was -Wells. Read his book _The War on Three Fronts_. It is in this book that -he advised the exploitation of the “quality” of the Latin and -Anglo-Saxon races. Because, whereas the Germans only work in close -formation, only give good results through the automatism of the masses, -the Latin feels the joy of personal audacity, the fascination of risk, -and has the taste for adventure; which taste, says Wells, is limited in -Germany to the descendants of the feudal nobility, while with us it is -to be found also among the people. - -Another truth which those responsible realised late was that, in order -to win the armies, the people must be won, that is to say, that the -armies must be taken in the rear. This would be difficult where Germany -was concerned, as she is ethnically, politically and morally compact. -But we are face to face with an enemy against whom we could have acted -in this way from the very first. We ought to have penetrated the mosaic -of the Austrian State. - - -_A Great People._ Among the peoples who cannot be taken in the rear by -surprise, is ours. My praise is sincere. The people in the trenches are -great, and those who have not fought are great. For deficiency you must -look among those old men of whom I spoke just now. - -I have lived among our brave soldiers in the trenches and listened to -them talking in their little groups. I have seen them during their bad -times and in epic moments of enthusiasm. And when, after the sad 24th -October, there was a certain distrust of them, I would not allow it, -because it seemed to me impossible that the soldiers, who had won -battles in circumstances more difficult than those prevailing in any -other theatre of war, had become all at once weak cowards, who fled at -the mere crackling of a machine-gun. And it was not so, because if it -had been, no river would have stopped the invading forces, and if we -stopped them on the Piave, it means we could have resisted also on the -Isonzo. (Applause.) - -I was reading in the train last night a book of poems written in the -trenches by a Captain Arturo Arpigati. The literature of the war is the -only readable literature, but it must have been written by men who have -really been at the front. In this verse I recognised my one-time -fellow-soldiers, the humble and great soldiers of our war. Here it is: - - Col vecchio suo magico sguardo - il Dovere, nume d’acciaio - gli inconsci anche soggioga. - benché ne balbettino il nome, - ecco, essi, la madre difendono - ed è la madre di tutti; - e sono essi la Guerra, - e sono essi la Fronte, - sono essi la Vittoria; - dai loro elmetti ferrei - spicca il volo la gloria: - essi martiri e santi, - sono l’eroica Patria, essi. I Fanti![2] - -But the highest praise of the people in arms is contained in the -thousand bulletins of the Supreme Command. The unarmed also deserve -praise, both those in cities—inevitably nervous and restless by reason -of the association of thousands of human beings and the contact of -thousands of temperaments—and those in the country. From the Valle -Padana to the Tavoliere delle Puglie, from the vine-clad hills of -Montferrat to the plains of the Conca d’Oro, the houses of the peasants -stand empty, and with the houses the stables. The women have seen the -father and the son depart together, the thoughtful territorial of over -forty and the adventurous youth. It is useless to expect from the humble -people of the proletariat a highly developed sense of nationality. It -cannot possess what we have never done anything to cultivate. From the -people who have exchanged the spade for the gun we simply ask for -obedience, and the Italian people, the people of the country and of the -factories, obey. A sad episode, some signs of restlessness are not -enough to spoil this picture. It had been said that we should not hold -out six months; that at the announcement of the names of the dead the -families would rebel; that the sight of the maimed at the street corners -would rouse the people to action. Three years have now passed—three long -years. The mothers of the fallen take a sacred pride in their grief. The -maimed do not ask to be called “glorious,” and refuse to be pitied. Food -is scarce, but the people still resist. The troop trains go to the front -adorned with flowers as in the May of 1915. The dignity and peace in the -towns and in the country is simply marvellous! The national crisis, -which lasted from August to October of 1917, and which is summed up in -the two names of Turin and Caporetto, has been in a certain sense -salutary. It was the repercussion of the great crisis which hurled -Russia into the abyss. - -Footnote 2: - - As of old, Duty, of the steel hand, enchains even the ignorant by the - magic of her glance. While as yet they can barely stutter her name, - lo! they defend their mother, who is the mother of all. - - And they are the war, and they are the battle front, and they are the - victory. Glory is reflected from their steel helmets. - - They, the soldiers, are the martyrs and saints and the heroic country. - - -_The Russian Tragedy._ Was there any definite motive in the Leninist -policy which led Russia to make the “painful, forced and shameful Peace -of Brest”? Yes! there was. The massimalists really believe in the -possibility of revolution by “contagion.” They hoped to infect the -Germans with the massimalist bacillus. They did not succeed; Germany is -refractory. The very “minoritaries” are far from proclaiming themselves -Bolshevists. And more, these “minoritaries,” who ought to represent the -fermenting yeast, are continually losing ground. In three elections -there have been three overwhelming defeats. The “majoritaries” triumph. -They are the same now as in the August of 1914, accomplices of -Pangermanism. They want to win. After Brest-Litowsk the Socialists lay -low; after the Peace of Bucharest they kept silence. - -We have seen what have been the results in Russia of the Leninist -gospel, we have seen how the German Socialists, who accepted “neither -annexations nor indemnities and the right of the people to decide their -own fate,” have interpreted this doctrine. The Germans took possession -of 540,000 square kilometres of territory in Russia with a population of -fifty-five millions; then they went on to Roumania and plundered her. If -the Peace of Brest-Litowsk was shameful for Russia, the Peace of -Bucharest was not. The Roumanians were taken in the rear, and could not -resist. - -In the meantime, Cicerin, the Commissioner of Foreign Affairs, made the -wireless work. A cynic might remark that if the Roman Republic had a -Cicero in a critical hour of her history, Russia has a Cicerin, whom, -contrary to the former, nobody takes seriously, because it is impossible -to take seriously those who do not know how to take up arms in the -defence of their own rights. - -The Russian experiment has helped us enormously, both from the socialist -and the political points of view. It has opened many eyes which had -persistently remained closed. It must be realised that if Germany wins, -complete and certain ruin awaits us. Germany has not changed her -fundamental instincts. They are the same as those which Tacitus -describes to perfection in his _Germania_ in these words: “The Germans -do not live in villages, but in separate houses, set wide apart the -better to protect them against fire. To shield themselves from the cold, -they live in underground dwellings covered with manure or clothe -themselves in the skins of small animals, of which they have a great -number. Strong in war, but persistent drunkards and gamblers, armed with -spears and well supplied with horses, they prefer to gain wealth, when -it suits them, by violence rather than by the working of their lands.” - -In his _De Vita Julii Agricolæ_ this Roman writer notes a contrast -between the Germans and the Britons nineteen centuries ago which is -still the same to-day, that is, that while the Britons fight for the -defence of their country and their homes, the Germans fight for avarice -and lust. These same tribes, driven once to Legnano, have resumed their -march beyond the Rhine and are preparing once more to take up the -offensive against us. But the “lust” of which Kuhlmann speaks will not -carry the Germans beyond the Piave. - - -_We are on our Feet._ According to German calculations, the Italian -nation, as the result of Caporetto, ought to fall into a state of chaos. -Instead, it is on its feet. What vicissitudes may not this last phase of -the war bring with it? Will Germany, who has not been able to beat us by -ourselves, beat the formidable combination of nations which faces her? - -We are one with France, whose soldiers have performed wonders of -heroism. And this France, which we knew so little, because we had looked -for her only in the cabarets of Montmartre, not frequented by Frenchmen -at all but by adventurers from all over the world, has written for us -the most splendid pages of heroic deeds. She has known how to rid -herself of insidious dangers, to give the death-blow to the plotters of -treachery, both great and small, and to make the rifles of the -executionary squadrons crackle, a sound which, to one who loves his -country, is sweeter than the harmonies of a great opera. Also we, in -Italy, must act inexorably where traitors are concerned, if we are to -defend our soldiers from attack from behind. Where the existence of the -nation and of millions of men is involved, there cannot and must not be -a moment’s hesitation about sacrificing the lives of one, ten or a -hundred men. - -We are one with England, who repeats the words of Nelson, “England -expects that every man this day will do his duty.” - -And we are one with the United States. This is Internationalism, the -real, true and lasting Internationalism, even if it has not got the -formulas, dogmas and chrism of Socialism made official. It is in the -trenches, where soldiers of different nationalities have crossed six -thousand leagues of ocean to come and die in Europe. - -You must allow me to be optimistic about the outcome of the war. We -shall win because the United States cannot lose, England cannot lose, -France cannot lose. The United States has a population of 110 millions; -one single levy can produce a million recruits. America, like England, -knows that the wealth of society is at stake. - -As long as we are in this company there is no danger of a ruinous peace. -Not to arrive at the goal of peace means to be crushed; but when we -arrive there, we, too, can look the enemy in the face and say that we, -too, small, despised people, army of mandolinists, have held out to the -end, wept, suffered, but resisted, and have thus the right to a just and -lasting peace! - - -_Convalescence._ I am an optimist, and see the Italy of to-morrow -through rose-coloured spectacles. Enough of the Italy of the -hotel-keeper, goal of the idle with their odious Baedekers in their -hands; enough of dusting old plaster-work; we are and we wish to be a -nation of producers. - -We are a people who will expand without aiming at conquest. We shall -gain the world’s respect by means of our industries and our work. It -will be the august name of Rome which will still guide our forces in the -Adriatic, the Gulf of the Mediterranean, and in the Mediterranean, which -forms the communication between three continents. - -Those who have been wounded know what convalescence means. There comes a -day when the surgeon no longer takes his ruthless but life-giving knife -from the tray, no longer tortures the suffering flesh. The danger of -infection is over, and you feel yourself re-born. A second youth begins. -Things, men, the voice of a woman, the caress of a child, the flowering -of a tree—everything gives you the ineffable sensation of a return. New -blood surges through your veins, and fills you with a feverish desire to -work. - -The Italian people too will have its convalescence, and it will be a -competition for reconstruction after destruction. The flag of the -disabled is a symbol of a change in their moral and spiritual life. Just -think that certain rascals thought to take advantage of them for their -infamous speculations. But the disabled answered: “We will not lend -ourselves to this shameful game, we do not intend to accept from your -charity and sympathy help which would humiliate us.” And they do not -curse their fate, they do not complain, even if they are without an arm -or a leg; even those who have lost the divine light of their eyes hold -their peace. In vain the enemy hoped to profit by the state of mind of -these people. They reply to this by saying that all they had they gave -for their country, and to-day they do not wish to be a burden upon her, -and so they work and train themselves, and give further proof of their -devotion to the sacred cause. - - -_The Returning Battalions._ I no longer see relegated to some far future -time the day upon which the banners of the disabled will precede the -torn and glorious standards of the regiments. And around the standards -will be collected the veterans and the people. And there will be the -shadow of our dead, from those who fell on the Alps to those who were -buried beyond the Isonzo, from those who stormed Gorizia to those who -were mowed down between Hermada and the mysterious Timavo, or upon the -banks of the Piave. All this sacred phalanx we sum up in three names: -Cesare Battisti, who wished deliberately to face martyrdom, and who was -never so noble as when he offered his neck to the Hapsburg executioner; -Giacomo Venezian, who left the austere halls of your Athenæum in order -to go and meet his death upon the road to Trieste; and Filippo -Corridoni, born of the people, a fighter for the people, and who died -for the people on the first rocky ridges of the Carso. - -The returning battalions will move with the slow and measured tread of -those who have lived and suffered much and who have seen innumerable -others suffer and die. They will say, we shall say: - -“Here upon the track which leads back to the harvest field, here in the -factory which now forges the instruments of peace, here in the -tumultuous city and the silent country, now that the duty was done and -the goal reached, let us set up the symbol of our new right. Away with -shadows! We, the survivors—we, the returned, vindicate our right to -govern Italy, not to her destruction and decay, but in order to lead her -ever higher, ever on, to make her—in thought and deed—worthy to take her -place among the great nations which will build up the civilisation of -the world to-morrow.” - - - - - “IN HONOUR OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE” - - Speech delivered at Milan on the occasion of the popular - demonstration of 8th April 1918. - - The exaggerated welcome lavished upon President Wilson during his - visit to Italy is well known; and of all cities Milan accorded him - the most generous hospitality. Benito Mussolini, who on that - occasion was specially entrusted with the task of addressing the - President of the United States on behalf of the Lombard Association - of Journalists, had prepared the mind of the Milanese eight months - before, by a speech delivered in Piazza Cordusio, extolling the - generous and brotherly effort of the great and vigorous American - people. - - -Citizens! Time does not allow long speeches. I do not speak of time by -the clock, but of historical time, which for some few weeks has -quickened its beat. To-day throughout Italy demonstrations are taking -place worthy of this unique moment in the history of humanity. -(Applause.) - -The people of Bergamo go to Pontida to renew the vows made by the League -of the Lombard Communes seven centuries ago, when they took the field -against Barbarossa; at Rome an imposing demonstration is in progress -beneath the shadow of the imperial walls of the Coliseum; while here the -people of Milan, by their numbers and enthusiasm, express the keen -sympathy they feel for the noble American Democracy. It was a year ago -to-day that America, having loyally waited for the Germans to come to -their senses, unsheathed her sword and joined the battle. (Applause.) - -Six thousand leagues of ocean have not prevented the United States from -fulfilling her definite duty. The importance of her intervention does -not consist only in the fact that America gives us, and will give us, -men, ammunition and provisions. There is something deeper in the -intimate reassurance given us as men and civilised people, as America -would never have embraced our cause if she had not been firmly convinced -of the right and justice of it. (Applause.) - -Citizens! It is for us a source of pride and satisfaction to be -associated with twenty-three other nations in this war against Prussian -militarism. But it must also be a satisfaction for the United States to -fight side by side with a great and powerful England which does not -tremble before the varying chances of war; beside a France which is -almost sublime in her heroism—(Applause.)—and beside the new Italy, -which has now definitely taken her place in the world struggle. -(Applause.) - -As Italy discovered America, so America and the rest of the New World -must discover Italy, not only in the great towns, pulsating with life -and humming with industry, but also in the country, where the humble -labourers wait with quiet resignation for the dawn of a victorious and -just peace to appear on the horizon. - -There cannot be anybody now, even the most ignorant, who can sincerely -believe that Germany did not want the war, and that Germany does not -wish to continue the war in order that she may turn the world into a lot -of horrible Prussian barracks. (Applause and cries of “Death to -Germany!”) - -This is our conviction, and also the conviction of the Americans, a -great people numbering more than a hundred million, who have a vast -wealth at their command and who have already submitted themselves to the -magnificent discipline of war. - -An old story comes into my mind. When Christopher Columbus turned the -prows of his three poor little ships towards unknown lands and far-off -shores, there were those who called him mad and moonstruck; and -certainly sometimes during those three months of wandering a sense of -despair invaded the hearts of those men lost in the midst of the unknown -ocean. But one morning the crew up aloft saw something new upon the -horizon. It was a dark, vague line. They shouted “Land! Land!” and three -months of misery were forgotten in one delirious moment. - -The day will come when from our blood-stained trenches will arise -another such cry; the cry of “Victory! Victory!” And there will be the -right and just peace for all the nations! - -Citizens! On behalf of the Committee of the Wounded and Disabled -Soldiers, I thank you for your solemn demonstration and I ask you to -join with me in giving three cheers for America and for Italy. (Warm -applause and cheers.) - - - - - THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS - - Speech delivered at Milan, 20th October 1918. - - Immediately after the end of the war a group of journalists and - politicians, belonging for the most part to the Republican and - Radical democracy, took the initiative in a movement supporting the - future work of the League of Nations. Later, however, this - initiative had to be abandoned by those who were loyal to victory, - because it seemed clear to them that the pseudo-idealism of the - Allies would prejudice the legitimate interests of the Italian - nation. The following speech, however, shows clearly the generosity - of Italian ex-soldiers disappointed by the realism of other - countries’ national aspirations. - - -The Executive Committee of the Wounded and Disabled Soldiers has asked -me to speak on the order of the day expressing support of the idea of -the League of Nations, which, already preconceived in Italy, is now so -nobly advocated by President Wilson, and which proclaims the -determination of the Italian people to co-operate effectively in -bringing about its realisation. I shall do so shortly, as the question -is not new, but is already understood throughout the country. - -The disabled soldiers have taken the initiative, and it is significant, -as only those who have suffered most from the war have the right to say -what the peace ought to be, not those who have wilfully opposed it and -would have led us to defeat or—not wishing that the people should suffer -defeat—to continuous war. - -This is the hour particularly suited to the discussion of these -problems. Already a League of Nations seems to be in the process of -realisation; in the trenches the different peoples are mixed up and are -associating with each other. The humblest peasant, dreaming of return to -his native village after the hard experiences of the trenches, has -widened his spiritual horizon and, for a time, breathes a world -atmosphere. - -In the other nations, the question has already come under discussion in -the papers, the universities and the Parliaments. It could be said that -Italy was behindhand, but we might reply that in a certain sense we have -forestalled the others. There have been epochs in our history when -Italian thought has been almost too universal, but I think perhaps at -those times the universality of our literature, our philosophy, our art, -of our spirit, in fact, was our highest and noblest title to greatness. - -But, without returning to the Middle Ages, two men of the nineteenth -century, Cattaneo and Mazzini, prove that Italian thought led, and that -the other nations followed the furrow we were the first to plough. - -This war may be divided into two periods: the first, from the outbreak -of hostilities to the American intervention; the second, from the -American intervention up to to-day. In the first, the war has a national -and territorial character. The names of Metz, Trento, Fiume and Zara -occur frequently, and can be said to sum up our aims. The territorial -questions come first. The systemised jurisdiction of the world is not -yet spoken of; the war is world-wide in its direct and indirect -repercussion in as far as England has already made use of her colonies, -since Australians and Indians came to fight in Europe, but it is not yet -world-wide in its extension and aims. The second period began with the -April of ’17. Already, in the first period, English politicians had -begun to disregard the territorial problems; but this process was -shaped, hurried on and definitely settled by the intervention of -America. But in my modest opinion, the national and territorial -questions must not be underrated too much; that would be to play into -the hands of the anti-war agitators and the Germans. These are questions -of justice. It is a good thing to remember that Wilson, in all his -messages, though he certainly made a transposition of values, never -failed to establish that vindication of national rights, without which -the settlement of Europe and the world of to-morrow in general could -have no definite meaning. - -When we speak of a League of Nations we must take into account certain -dispositions. Cesare Lombroso used to divide men into two categories: -the “misoneists” and the “philoneists”: the misoneists, who accept the -revealed truths, lean upon them and sleep upon them; the philoneists, -who are restless, impatient spirits and as necessary to the world as the -wheels and shafts to a cart. For the first the so-called kingdom of the -impossible has always extensive boundaries, but the war has enormously -reduced that kingdom. That which yesterday was a misty, fantastic -Utopia, to-day has become reality and fact. - -Our enemies talk too much about the League of Nations. There are furious -“Wilsonites” of the latest kind in Austria and in Germany. Now I must -say that seeing this kind of people bleating like lambs makes a certain -impression on me. (The simile is that of a Republican German paper -printed at Berne.) They are the same who burnt the cities of Belgium, -who sank ships without leaving a trace, or gave orders to that effect; -they are the same who carried off men and women in their retreat. They -shout “League of Nations,” but we cannot be mixed up with them. There is -evidently an underlying motive. But they will be unmasked by the -victorious armies of the Entente. - -Some people say, Would not this League of Nations be a substitute for -victory? No! on the other hand, it presupposes victory. Wilson has -talked of absolute victory. - -It is said, in a Socialist review, that a League of Nations is -impossible if the Allies gain a military victory, because the desire for -revenge would lurk in the depths of the German mind. Now there are three -hypotheses as regards the way in which the conflict may end. The first -is the victory of the enemy, and this has already fallen through. If -this had come about, there would not have been a League of Nations, but -a master at Berlin and slaves in the rest of Europe, which would then -have become a German colony. The second is a war which ends in neither -victory nor defeat; and this is the most repugnant and inhuman of all, -as it would leave all the problems unsolved, and give a peace which was -only a truce. The third is the solution which is now shaping itself -gloriously upon the horizon—our victory. There is no danger of the -spirit of revenge being fostered by the Germans to-morrow, because we -allies in war would remain allies in peace. Germany will find herself -face to face with the same coalition which defeated her, and will have -to resign herself to the _fait accompli_. The League of Nations will be -formed without Germany, against Germany, or with Germany when she has -expiated her crime by being defeated. - -Some people say: “Does it not seem very dangerous to go back to -universality, after the experiences of the past?” Ernest Renan must have -been up against this problem when he wrote: “The nation which entertains -problems of the religious and social order is always weak. Every country -which dreams of a kingdom of God, lives on general ideas and carries out -work in the interests of the universe, sacrifices through this its own -particular destiny and weakens and destroys its efficiency as a -territorial power. It was thus with Judea, Greece and Italy. It will, -perhaps, be thus with France.” - -Renan was a great man, but his prophecy has not been fulfilled. France -during the nineteenth century entertained universal ideas, but with the -outbreak of war she recovered her national spirit. Internationalism may -be dangerous when a single nation advocates it, but to-day all the -nations of the world are seeking each other, in order to lay the -foundations of a lasting and pacific means of co-existence. Besides -this, the racial, historical and moral sense of every nation has been -developed by the war. It is not a paradox but a reality that the war, -while it has made us find ourselves and exalted the national spirit, -has, at the same time, carried us beyond those boundaries which we have -defended and conquered. - -There is no danger of the levelling of the national spirit as the result -of contact with other nations. Solid foundations are needed for national -unity, and for this reason the condition of the working classes must be -raised. No nation can become greater in which there are enormous masses -condemned to the conditions of life of prehistoric humanity. - -Another paradox of this war is that the nations fighting against the -Germans have not yet formed a peace alliance. The peace manifesto to the -peoples of the world ought to have come from Versailles. This could -help, among other things, to make the German crisis more acute. It has -not been done yet. The people intuitively felt the necessity. Sometimes -truths are arrived at more quickly by intuition than by reasoning, and -the people felt that that was the path to follow. And we are upon that -path to-day. Not long ago Clémenceau said that the liberation of France -must be the liberation of humanity. - -It is true that to put the idea of the League of Nations into practice -would present difficulties, especially at first. According to me the -problems which will have to be faced and solved are of a political, -economic, military and colonial order. In a month’s time you will have -reports upon these subjects, and I do not wish to tire you with hasty -anticipations. - -We have arrived at a decisive point in history. While we are gathered -here the battle is raging; there are millions and millions of men who -are fighting their last fight. Let us swear that all this has not been -in vain, but that these sacrifices must mark a new phase in the history -of humanity. Let us say to ourselves that all that can be tried will be -tried, in order to make the purple flower of liberty spring from the -blood shed in the cause of freedom, and that justice shall reign -sovereign over all the peoples of the renewed world! - - - - - IN CELEBRATION OF VICTORY - - Speech delivered at Milan, 11th November 1918, before the Monument - of the “Cinque Giornate.” - - Milan, notwithstanding its multi-coloured local Socialism, had ever - remained the burning heart of the country’s resistance and spent - herself lavishly for the war. On the morrow of the memorable day of - Vittorio Veneto she gave herself up to unrestrained manifestations - of patriotic joy. - - Benito Mussolini—the ardent advocate of intervention in the - harassing times gone by, the indomitable fighter in the Carso - trenches, and the fervent advocate of resistance in the hour in - which the enemy’s friends were crying for “peace at any - price”—Benito Mussolini may well be considered as one of the - principal artificers of victory. - - The people of Milan felt this in the triumphant rejoicings and the - Editor of _Il Popolo d’Italia_ was acclaimed by public gratitude for - his part in the union of hearts. - - -My brothers of the trenches, Citizens! I have never before felt my -inefficiency as an orator as deeply as I do now in the face of the -greatness of the events and your memorable and imposing manifestation. -What can I say to you, when this manifestation is already more than a -speech, a hymn—more than a hymn, an epos? - -We have arrived at this day after many hardships. I see here, gathered -round the monument of the Cinque Giornate, which is the altar of Milan, -those who fought first and last, those of the trenches who are the -survivors of the sacrifice of devotion, who marked with their blood the -destinies of the country, and the disabled who feel themselves no longer -maimed since Italy has become great. I see beside them the refugees, who -will soon return to their lands and deserted hearths. I remember what I -said last year; we must love these brothers of ours, warm them by our -firesides, and still more in our hearts. And I see the people of Milan -joined together like all the Italian people in a superb act of love. - -How many different events in the course of a year! Do you remember these -days a year ago? Do you remember last year at the Scala when we swore -that the Germans should not pass the Piave? And they did not pass, and -the then line of resistance became afterwards the line of advance -towards victory. Even in the darkest hours I did not despair, and paid -homage to the fighters. We saw in those days the first “poilus” and -“tommies”; it was the Entente coming to cement the Alliance in our -trenches. After a year of faith and sacrifice has come victory. - -We think with gratitude of the fine leaders who led us on to victory, -but also, still more, of the anonymous mass of soldiers, our marvellous -people, who resisted the invasion on the Piave, and from the Piave -sprang forward to rout the enemy. - -Remember it here—here where we held the first meeting for war—here, with -Filippo Corridoni. (The crowd give a prolonged ovation to the memory of -Filippo Corridoni.) We wanted the war, because we were obliged to want -it, because it was imposed by historical necessity. To-day we have -realised all our ideals; we have secured our national aims; the Italian -flag to-day flies from the Brenner to Trieste and Fiume and Italian -Zara. We did not know then that there were Italian infantry on the other -side of the Adriatic. Now, in all the cities and villages on the eastern -shore, the Italians have planted the flag of their country, because that -shore, which is Italian, must remain Italian. - -We have also accomplished the international aims of our war. When we -said, four years ago, that the red flag must wave over the castle at -Potsdam, the dream appeared madness. To-day the Kaiser has fled, and -with the passing of the Hohenzollerns passes militarism. - -The most magnificent political panorama which history records unfolds -itself before the eyes of the astonished world. Empires, kingdoms and -autocracies crumble like castles built with cards. Austria no longer -exists; to-morrow there will no longer be Imperialist Germany. We, with -the sacrifice of our blood, have given the German people liberty, while -the German people have made a holocaust of their blood in order to -deliver us over to the chain of imperialism and military slavery. Upon -the ruins of the old world is outlined the dream of a League of Nations. - -Victory must also see the realisation of the aims of war within the -country—that is to say, the redemption of labour. From now onwards the -Italian people must be the arbiters of their destinies, and labour must -be redeemed from speculation and misery. - -Citizens! At Trento there is the statue of Dante with his hand -outstretched towards the Alps. It seemed before that the reproach of the -great poet: - - Ahi! serva Italia, di dolore ostello, - Nave senza nocchiero in gran tempesta,[3] - -rang out admonishing the country. But Italy to-day is no longer a slave, -she is the mistress of herself and her future. She is no longer a -rudderless ship in a storm, because a glorious horizon has been opened -up by her victory. - -Footnote 3: - - Alas! Slave Italy, the home of all griefs, - A ship without rudder in a great storm. - -And the people are the rudder of this ship, which, between three seas -and three continents, sails serenely and securely towards the port of -supreme justice in the light of the redeemed humanity of to-morrow. -(Prolonged applause.) - - - - - PART III - - MUSSOLINI THE “FASCISTA FRIEND OF THE PEOPLE” - - - - - WORKMEN’S RIGHTS AFTER THE WAR - - Speech delivered 20th March 1919 before the workmen of Dalmine. - - The episode of Syndicalist strife, during which the present Prime - Minister addressed a crowded meeting of ironworkers, is often - recalled as a kind of reproach by Italian Socialists. They would - like to attribute to Mussolini and to Fascista Syndicalism the - initial responsibility for that dark period in our national life - which had its dramatic expression in the occupation of the - factories. - - But the methods of protest adopted by the patriotic Italian workmen - of Dalmine (Bergamo), although primitive on account of the moral - immaturity and technical incapacity of the proletariat at that time, - were provoked by the insolence of employers. For the rest, the - protest was kept within the bounds of correct and calm expression. - - A significant item in the story, which reveals the state of mind of - the workers, is the following: tricolour flags, which were then - frequently insulted by organisations of workmen under the thumb of - the Socialist Party, flew from all chimney-tops during the - occupation of Dalmine works, while in the workshops below the work - itself throbbed cheerfully and briskly. - - -I have often asked myself if, after the four years of terrible though -victorious war in which our bodies and minds have been engaged, the -masses of the people would return to move in the same old tracks as -before, or whether they would have the courage to change their -direction. Dalmine has answered. The order of the day voted by you on -Monday is a document of enormous historical importance, which will and -must give a general direction to the line taken by all Italian labour. - -The intrinsic significance of your action is clearly set forth in the -order of the day. You have acted on the grounds of class, but you have -not forgotten the nation. You have spoken for the Italian people, and -not only for those of your class of metal-workers. In the immediate -interests of your category you might have caused a strike in the old -style, the negative and destructive style; but, thinking of the -interests of the people, you have inaugurated the creative strike which -does not interrupt production. You could not deny the nation after -having fought for her, when half a million men have given their lives -for her. The nation, for which this sacrifice has been made, cannot be -denied, because she is a glorious and victorious reality. You are not -the poor, the humiliated, the rejected, as the old rhetorical sayings of -the Socialists would have you be; you are the producers, and it is in -this capacity that you vindicate your right to treat the industrial -owners as equals. You are teaching some of them, especially those who -have ignored all that has occurred in the world in the last four years, -that for the figure of the old industrial magnate, odious and grasping, -must be substituted that of the industrial captain. - -You have not been able to prove your capacity for creation, on account -of shortness of time and of the conditions made for you by the -industrial leaders; but you have proved your good-will, and I tell you -that you are on the right road, because you are freed from your -protectors, and have chosen from among yourselves the men who are to -direct you and represent you, and to them only you have entrusted the -guardianship of your rights. - -The future of the proletariat is a question of will-power and capacity; -not of will-power only and not of capacity only, but of both together. -You are free from the yoke of political intrigue. Your applause tells me -that it is true. I am proud of having fought for intervention. If it -were necessary, I would carve in capital letters upon my forehead, so -that all cowards might see, that I was among those in the glorious May -of ’15 who demanded that the shame of the neutral Italy of those days -should cease. - -Now that the war is over, I, who have been in the trenches, and -witnessed daily for long months the revelation, in every sense, of the -valour of the sons of Italy—I say, to-day, that it is necessary to go -out and meet the returning workers and those, who were no shirkers, who -laboured in the factories with minds open to the necessities of the -hour. And those who do not see this necessity, involved by the new order -of things, or deny it, are either stupid or deluded. - -I have never asked, and to-day less than ever, anything from you or -anybody. And so I have no anxiety or misgivings as to the effect that my -words will have upon you. I tell you that your action has been original, -and is worthy, on account of the motives of sympathy which inspired it. - -Another observation. Upon the flagstaff of your building you have run up -your flag, which is the tricolour, and around it you have fought your -battle. You have done well. The national flag is not merely a rag, even -if it has been dragged in the mud by the bourgeoisie, or by their -representatives; it still remains the symbol of the sacrifice of -thousands and thousands of men. For its sake from 1821 to 1918 -innumerable bands of men suffered privation, imprisonment and the -gallows. Around it during these years, while it was the rallying-point -of the nation, was shed the blood of the flower of our youth, of our -sons and brothers. It seems to me that I have said enough. - -As regards your rights, which are just and sacred, I am with you. I have -always distinguished the mass which works from the party which assumes -the right, nobody knows why, of representing it. I have sympathy with -all the working classes, not excluding the “General Federation of -Labour,” though I feel myself more drawn towards the “Italian Union of -Workmen.” But I say that I shall not cease fighting against the party -which during the war was the instrument of the Kaiser. They wish at your -expense to try their monkey-like experiments, which are only an -imitation of Russia. But you will succeed, sooner or later, in -exercising essential functions in modern society, though the political -dabblers of the bourgeoisie and semi-bourgeoisie must not make -stepping-stones of your aspirations so as to arrive at winning their -little games. - -They may have said what they liked to you about me, I do not mind. I am -an individualist, who does not seek companions on his journey. I find -them, but I do not seek them. While this despicable speculation of the -jackals rages, you, obscure workers of Dalmine, have cleared the way. It -is labour which speaks in you, and not an idiotic dogma or an intolerant -creed. It is that labour which in the trenches established its right to -be no longer considered as labour, necessarily accompanied by poverty -and despair, because it must bring joy, pride in creation, and the -conquest of free men in the great and free country of Italy within and -without her boundaries. (Enthusiastic applause.) - - - - - SACRIFICE, WORK, AND PRODUCTION - - Speech delivered at Milan, 5th February 1920, before the Fascio - Milanese Combattimento. - - -If it were possible, before voting on the orders of the day, to put into -practice the system of democracy, we ought to have summoned the -Assembly. But when events follow one another with lightning speed, it is -not possible to carry out this system of absolute Democracy. - -We have, therefore, voted the orders of the day, and wait for you to -ratify them. We have brought forward three, and done so from a point of -view essentially Fascista. I dare to say that one is born a Fascista, -and that it is difficult to become one. All the other parties and -associations argue on a basis of dogmas and from the standpoint of -definite preconceptions and infallible ideals. We, being an anti-party, -have no preconceptions. We are not like the Socialists, who always think -that the working masses are in the right, and we are not like the -Conservatives, who think that they are always in the wrong. We have got -above all this and have the privilege of moving on the ground of pure -objectivity. Voting these “orders of the day,” after a serious and -elaborate discussion, we have kept before us three classes of facts or -elements. First, we have kept in mind the general interests of the -nation, particularly as regards the recent strikes. Secondly, we have -considered the subject of production, because if we kill production, if -to-day we render sterile the fount of economic activity, to-morrow there -will be universal poverty. Thirdly, we have been guided, in voting these -orders of the day, by our disinterested love for the working classes. - - -_All must sacrifice themselves._ I agree with those who recommend the -spirit of sacrifice also to the working classes; I agree, because we do -not only say to the working men that they must wait, while still -working, for better times to come in order to break the vicious circle -in which they move; we also say that, generally speaking, capital must -be controlled. In this connection I announce to you that in a short time -a manifesto will be issued in which it will be once more asserted that, -in order to solve the financial problem, it is necessary to resort to a -threefold measure: first, the partial confiscation of all wealth over a -certain amount; secondly, the heavy taxation of inheritance, and -thirdly, the confiscation of super war profits. - - -_No Pessimism._ I am not a bit pessimistic about the future of the -Italian nation. If I were, I should retire from public life. But as I am -profoundly optimistic, I think that with the January strikes over we -have passed the critical period of our social crisis. - -You will tell me that February has not brought much light; we have the -strike of 50,000 textile workers belonging to the Popular Party, which -shows that black Bolshevism has the same destructive and anti-social -character as the other Bolshevism. But it seems to me that the social -crisis is stabilising itself while awaiting solution. If we can get over -these next six or eight months without catastrophe, if we can increase -our trade with the East, if the workmen can be made to understand that -we cannot take our money there but must send our manufactured goods, and -that only thus will the high rate of living be diminished, because only -from the East come those raw materials of which we stand in need, it is -certain that the workmen will repudiate the more destructive than -constructive weapon of strikes and settle down to serious work. - - -_Sure Repentance._ Our position as regards the syndicalist movement is -not reactionary, as has been said by some purposely malicious adversary. -I wrote some very bitter articles during the strikes, but these -articles, which were so incriminating, brought me approval which was -very significant. If there is a man in the Italian Union of Workmen who -has worked seriously, it is the republican Carlo Bazzi, who has recently -founded the Syndicate of Co-operation, which is the necessary -counterwork to the Socialist co-operative movement. Now Bazzi wrote my -brother[4] a letter which contained these words: “I fully subscribe to -Mussolini’s article ‘You are immortal, Cagoia.’” This is enough for me. -But, at the same time, I do not require that everybody shall agree with -me, and that there shall be no one who differs. I am always ready to -persuade myself of my mistake when I am in the wrong. But I do not think -that our work can be valued now. I think that within five or six months’ -time there will be quite a few Socialists who will recognise that I am -the only Socialist that there has been in Italy for the last five years; -and I am not being paradoxical, even if I add that the Socialist Party -on the whole is detestable. I think, too, that a great many elements of -the Centre and followers of Turati are beginning to recognise it even -now, and that in a short time the working classes will admit that the -days of 15th April and 20th–21st July, with all our violent opposition, -were providential and miraculous, because, having put the stake between -the wheels of the runaway coach, we prevented that what has happened in -Hungary should happen in Italy. - -Footnote 4: - - Arnaldo Mussolini, Editor of _Il Popolo d’Italia_. - - -_Production necessary._ To-day it is said that poverty should not be -socialised, but that is what we said two years ago, just as to-day it is -said that there must be increased production, as we said two years ago. -And when history comes to be written, as it will be shortly, then our -work will be judged very differently from that of the Socialists and the -responsible elements in the working classes. - -The discussion of this evening, I think, might end with a declaration -upon these four points: - -1. The meeting ratifies the “orders of the day” voted by the Executive -Committee and the Central Committee. - -2. The meeting reaffirms its solidarity with the just demands of the -postal telegraphists and the railway men and all the State employees -(because I have never been tired of repeating that we are against the -strike, but not against the demands of the staff). - -3. The meeting votes a warning to the Government that the working of the -State services must be made really efficient, whether it be by removing -the bureaucratic management or by industrialisation. (And I think that -autonomous organisations can be formed of the postal, telephone and -railway services, in which the agents would have a large direct -representation.) - -4. Finally, the meeting votes its sympathy with all the working-class -elements who are agitating against the Socialist Party and urges them to -gather together in a compact body so that, though hitherto it has not -been possible, from to-day onwards it may be possible, even in Italy, to -live and work and struggle without being slaves to the new tyrannies, -without the necessity of being compelled to become a mere member in a -flock of membership cardholders like a flock of sheep. - - - - - “WE ARE NOT AGAINST LABOUR, BUT AGAINST THE SOCIALIST PARTY, IN AS FAR - AS IT REMAINS ANTI-ITALIAN” - - Speech delivered at Milan, 24th May 1920, at the second National - Fascista meeting. - - The following is not a conventional speech, but represents a sincere - act of faith, made in the darkest hour through which Italy passed, - the hour which followed upon the sweeping electoral and political - triumphs of 1919, when communal and provincial administrations were - divorced from the Liberal policies. - - The subversive newspapers of the day regarded that second Fascista - meeting as a useless attempt at galvanisation, since the movement - which was destined later to conquer the State seemed then merely to - lead to a blind alley. Such is the futility of newspaper prophecies! - - -Words, at certain times, can be facts. Let us act, then, in such a way -that all the words we utter now may be potential facts to-day, and -reality to-morrow. - -Five years ago, at this time, popular enthusiasm burst forth in all the -streets and squares of the towns of Italy. Looking back now and studying -the documents of those times, I can state, with certainty and a clear -conscience, that the cause of intervention was not taken up by the -so-called middle classes, but by the best and healthiest part of the -Italian people. And when I say the people, I mean also the proletariat, -because nobody could imagine that the thousands and thousands of -citizens who followed Corridoni were all from the middle class. I -remember that one Agricultural Chamber of Labour, that of Parma, -declared in favour of intervention on the part of Italy with a great -majority. And even admitting that the war was a mistake, which I do not -admit, he who scorns the sacrifice which has been made is despicable. - -If you want to go back and make a critical examination, I am ready to -argue with anybody and to maintain: First, that the war was desired by -the Central Powers, as has been confessed by the politicians of the -German Republic and confirmed by the imperial archives. Secondly, that -Italy could not have remained neutral, and thirdly, that if she had, she -would find herself, to-day, in a worse condition than she actually does. - -On the other hand, we who intervened must not be surprised if the sea is -tempestuous. It would be absurd to expect that a nation which had just -passed through so grave a crisis would recover itself in twenty-four -hours. And when you think that after two years we have not yet got our -peace, when you think of the weakness of those who govern us, you will -realise that certain crises of doubt are inevitable. But the war gave -that which we required of it—it gave us victory. - - -_Let us idealise Labour._ When, not long ago, you hissed the song of the -sickle and the hammer, you certainly did not mean to disdain these two -instruments of human labour. There is nothing more beautiful and noble -than the sickle, which gives us our bread, and nothing finer than the -hammer, which shapes metals. We must not despise manual work. We must -understand that if it is overrated to-day, it is because mankind, as a -whole, is suffering from a lack of material goods. It is natural, -therefore, that those who produce these necessaries are excessively -overrated. We do not represent a reactionary element. We tell the masses -not to go too far, and not to expect to transform society by means of -something which they do not understand. If there is to be -transformation, it must come when the historical and psychological -elements of our civilisation have been taken into account. - - -_Let us unmask the Deceivers._ We do not intend to oppose the movement -of the working classes, only to unmask the work of mystification which -is carried on by a horde of middle-class, lower-middle-class and -pseudo-middle-class men, who think that they have become the saviours of -humanity by the mere fact of being possessed of a card of membership. -“We are not against the proletariat, but against the Socialist Party in -as far as it continues to be anti-Italian.” The Socialist Party -continued, after the victory, to abuse the war, to fight against those -who had been in favour of intervention, threatening reprisals and -excommunication. Well, I, for my part, shall not give way. I laugh at -excommunication, and as for reprisals, we shall answer with sacred -reprisals. But we cannot go against the people, because the people made -the war. We cannot look askance at the peasants, who to-day are -agitating for the solution of the land question. They commit excesses, -but I ask you to remember that the backbone of the infantry was the -peasantry. - - -_Repentance._ We do not deceive ourselves by thinking that we shall -succeed in sinking completely the now wrecked ship of Bolshevism. But I -already note signs of repentance. I think that some day the working -classes, tired of letting themselves be duped, will turn to us, -recognising that we have never flattered them, but have always told them -the brutal truth, working really in their interests. If, to-day, Italy -has not fallen into the Hungarian abyss, it is due to us, because we -have saved them by active interposition and by our life. - -We have then one clear duty, which is to understand the social -phenomenon which is developing before our eyes, and to fight the -deceivers of the people and maintain a sure and immovable faith in the -future of the nation. - - -_Towards Equilibrium._ There has been a period of lassitude on the -morrow of all great historical crises. But afterwards, little by little, -the tired muscles recover. All that which before was neglected and -despised becomes once more honoured and admired. To-day nobody wants to -talk of war, and it is natural. But when a certain period of time has -elapsed, things will change, and a large part of the Italian people will -recognise the moral and material value of victory, they will honour -those who fought and will rebel against those Governments which do not -guarantee the future of the nation. All the people will honour the great -“arditi.” It was the “arditi” who went to the trenches singing, and if -we returned from the Piave and the Isonzo, if we still hold Fiume, and -are still in Dalmatia, it is due to them. - -Three martyrs, among the thousands who were consecrated to the war, -clearly defined what were to be the destinies of the nation. Battisti -tells us that the boundary of Italy should be at the Brenner; Sauro that -the Adriatic must be an Italian sea and commercially Italo-Slav; while -Rismondo tells us that Dalmatia is Italian. Very well! Let us swear upon -the standard which bears the sign of death, of that death which gives -life, and the life which does not fear death, to keep faith to the -sacrifice of these martyrs! (Loud applause.) - - - - - FASCISMO’S INTERESTS FOR THE WORKING CLASSES - - Speech delivered at Prato della Marfisia in Ferrara, 4th April 1921. - - The manifestations of enthusiasm culminating in the meeting at the - Prato della Marfisia solemnly confirmed the triumphant development - of Fascismo at Ferrara, the red province _par excellence_. On that - occasion some fifty thousand _contadini_, who had come on foot from - the remotest centres of the vast province, spent the day acclaiming - the “leader of the black shirts” and the new faith in Italy. A - noteworthy feature was that many red flags belonging to the - disbanded and defeated Socialist leagues were deposited before - Mussolini and thereupon trampled underfoot by the crowd. - - -People of Ferrara! and I say _people_ intentionally, because that which -I see before me now is a marvellous gathering of the people, in both the -Roman and Italian sense of the word. I see among you children who are -upon the threshold of life, and not long ago I shook hands with an old -Garibaldian, a survivor of that heroic Italy which was born at Nola in -1821, when two cavalry officers hoisted the flag of liberty against the -Bourbons, and which triumphed at Vittorio Veneto with the great and -magnificent victory of the Italian people. I see also among you factory -hands and their brothers of the fields. - -We, Fascisti, have a great love for the working classes. But our love, -in as far as it is pure, is seriously disinterested and intransigent. -Our love does not consist in burning incense and creating new idols and -new kings, but in telling upon every occasion and in every place the -plain truth, and the more this truth is unpalatable the greater the need -to speak it out. - -We, Fascisti, hitherto slandered and maligned, wished to continue the -war in order to obtain freedom of movement in Italy, and although not -giving way to a sense of weak demagogism, we are the first to recognise -that the rights of the labouring classes are sacred, and even more so -the rights of those who work the soil. And here I can give hearty praise -to the Fascisti of Ferrara, who have undertaken with facts, and not with -the useless words of the politicians, that agrarian revolution which -must gradually give the peasants the possession of the soil. I strongly -encourage the Fascisti of Ferrara to go on as they have begun, and to -become the vanguard of the Fascista agrarian movement in all Italy. - -How does it come about that we are said to be sold to the middle -classes, capitalism and the Government? But already our enemies dare no -longer continue this accusation, so false and ridiculous is it. This -impressive meeting would move a heart harder than mine, and shows me -that you have done justice to those base calumnies put into circulation -by people who believed in the eternity of their fortunes, while in -reality they had barricaded themselves in a castle which must fall with -the first breath of a Fascista revolt. And this Fascista revolt, and we -could also use the more sacred and serious word _revolution_, is -inspired by indestructible and moral motives and has nothing to do with -incentives of a material nature. We, Fascisti, say that above all the -competition and those differences which divide men—and which might -almost be called natural and inevitable, since life would be -extraordinarily dull if everybody thought in the same way—above all this -there is a single reality, common in all, and it is the reality of the -nation and of the country to which we are bound, as the tree is bound by -its roots to the soil which nourishes it. - -Thus, whether you like it or not, the country is an indestructible, -eternal and immortal unity, which, like all ideas, institutions and -sentiments in this world, may be eclipsed for a time, but which revives -again in the depths of the soul, as the seed thrown in the soil bursts -into flower with the coming of the warmth of spring. We have thus, by -our furious blows, broken the unworthy crust beneath which lay -imprisoned the soul of the proletariat. There were those among the -proletariat who were ashamed to be Italian; there were those who, -brutalised by propaganda, shouted “Welcome to the Germans!” and also -“Long live Austria!” They were for the most part irresponsible but -sometimes wicked! Well we, Fascisti, want to bring into every city, into -every part of the country, even the most remote, the pride and passion -of belonging to the most noble Italian race; the race which has produced -Dante, which has given Galileo, the greatest masterpieces of art, Verdi, -Mazzini, Garibaldi and d’Annunzio to the world, and which has produced -the people who won Vittorio Veneto. - -And not this only. We do not intend to push the working classes -backwards. All that which they have won and which they will win is -sacred. But they must acquire these conquests by material and moral -improvement. We, Fascisti, do not speak only of rights, we speak also of -duty, as Mazzini would have wished. We have not only the verb “to take,” -we have also the verb “to give,” because sometimes when our country -calls, whether she be threatened by an internal or external enemy, we -exact both from our adherents and from those who sympathise with us -readiness even for the supreme sacrifice. And you, Fascisti of Ferrara, -have consecrated the Fascista ideals with martyrdom. - -If the idea of Fascismo had not contained in itself great potentiality, -nobility and beauty, do you think that it would have spread with this -tremendous impetus! Do you think that seven lives would have been given -for it, lives which point out to us the path of perseverance and -victory? A short time ago I went to your cemetery. One by one we visited -the graves and threw our flowers upon them. Those seconds of silence -which we passed there were pregnant with feeling. Each one of us felt -that within those graves were the bodies of young men in the flower of -their days, men who were certainly loved and who had before them all the -possibilities of life. They are dead; they have fallen. But we, in this -great hour of your history, O people of Ferrara, will recall them one by -one in the orders of the day; and since they are not dead, because their -mortal clay is transformed in the infinite play of the possibilities of -the universe, we ask of the pure, bright blood of the youth of Ferrara -the inspiration to be true to our ideals, to be faithful to our nation. -And so we are content that our flags, after having saluted the dead, -smile on life, because the working people of Ferrara, and of all Italy, -have found the true path that had been forgotten, have cast off all -those ignoble politicians who had filled their heads with lying fables. - -We, O Italians of Ferrara, have no need to go beyond our boundaries, -beyond the seas, in order to find the word of wisdom and of life. We do -not need to go to Russia in order to see how a great people may be -massacred. We do not need to turn the pages of the Muscovite gospels; -gospels which the prophets themselves are reviling since, overwhelmed by -the reality of life, they are denying them. We have no need to imitate -others, because brilliant original minds are to be found in Italy in all -branches of civilisation and learning. And if there is to be Socialism, -it cannot be the bestial, tyrannical Socialism of yesterday, it can only -be the Socialism of Carlo Pisacane, of Giuseppe Ferrari and Giuseppe -Mazzini. - -Here, O people of Ferrara, is your history, your life and your future. -And we, who have undertaken this hard battle, which has cost us tens and -hundreds of lives, we do not ask you for salaries, we do not ask you for -votes. We only ask you for one thing, and that is that you shall shout -with us “Long live Italy!” (Loud applause.) - - - - - “MY FATHER WAS A BLACKSMITH AND I HAVE WORKED WITH HIM; HE BENT IRON, - BUT I HAVE THE HARDER TASK OF BENDING SOULS” - - Speech delivered at Milan, 6th December 1922, before the workmen of - the iron foundries, in answer to Engineer Vanzetti, the manager. - - On the occasion of his first visit to Milan after assuming the - Premiership of the Council, the city where he had lived and the - centre of his victorious political strife, Mussolini was urgently - summoned to the works of the Lombard Iron Foundries (Acciaierie - Lombarde), where he was welcomed with enthusiastic demonstrations of - support and appreciation. During the stormy years of 1919–20 these - very works were the scene of extraordinary events. - - -I am particularly glad to have seen these works, already known to me by -what has been accomplished in them in the last five strenuous years. I -am not going to make a speech, but, as has always been—and always will -be—my way, I shall tell you things clearly as they are, things that will -interest you. - -The Government over which I have the honour of presiding is not, cannot -and does not wish to be anti-proletariat. The workmen are a vital part -of the nation; they are Italians and, like all Italians, when they work, -when they produce and when they live orderly lives, must be protected, -respected and defended. My Government is very strong and does not need -to seek a great deal of outside support; it neither asks for it nor -refuses it. If the workmen’s organisations choose to give me support, I -shall not reject it. But we shall have to come to a clear understanding -and to make definite agreements in order to avoid dissension later. - -I was deeply moved just now while I was visiting the factory, and seemed -for an instant to be living again the bygone days of my youth. Because I -do not come of an aristocratic and illustrious family. My ancestors were -peasants who tilled the earth, and my father was a blacksmith who bent -red-hot iron on the anvil. Sometimes, when I was a boy, I helped my -father in his hard and humble work, and now I have the infinitely harder -task of bending souls. At twenty I worked with my hands—I repeat, with -my hands—first as a mason’s lad and afterwards as a mason. And I do not -tell you this in order to arouse your sympathy, but to show you how -impossible it is for me to be against the working class. I am, however, -the enemy of those who, in the name of false and ridiculous ideologies, -try to dupe the workmen and drive them towards ruin. - -You will have the opportunity of realising that more valuable than my -words will be the acts of my Government, which, in all that it does, -will be inspired by and keep before it these three fundamental -principles: - -First: The NATION, which is an undeniable reality. - -Secondly: The necessity of PRODUCTION, because greater and better -production is not only the interest of the capitalist but also of the -workman; since the workman, together with the capitalist, loses his -livelihood and falls into poverty if the productions of the nation do -not find a market in the trade-centres of the world. - -Thirdly: THE PROTECTION OF THE LEGITIMATE RIGHTS OF THE WORKING CLASSES. - -Keeping these three essential principles in sight, I intend to give -peace to Italy and to make her more respected at home and abroad. - -Nobody wants to go in search of adventures which will imperil the lives -and wealth of the citizens; but, on the other hand, neither do we wish -to follow a policy of renunciation nor allow Italy to be the last -considered among the nations. In order that we may be listened to in -international conferences—conferences which are of the greatest -importance to you workmen—it is necessary that the most rigid discipline -be maintained at home, as no one will listen to us if we have a -disturbed and unsettled country behind us. - -You, workmen, must not think that it is only the head of the Government -who is speaking to you now, but a man who knows you well and who is -known by you; a man who understands your value and what you can and what -you cannot do. But, as the head of the Government, I tell you that this -one over which I preside is serious, strong and sure of itself, and no -slow-moving bureaucracy; it is a Government that wishes to act in the -interests of the working classes, interests which will always be -recognised when they are just. - -The workmen thought that they could, and ought to, disassociate -themselves from the life of the nation; and this has been a great -mistake. They ought, instead, to be a most intimate part of the nation, -so that all our long and laborious toiling may not be miserably lost. - -This is the message which comes from our dead, who, hovering above us, -repeat this command. - -The Italian people must somehow find that medium of harmony necessary -for the reconstruction and development of civilisation; and if there be -rebellious and seditious minorities they must be inexorably stamped out. - -Treasure up these words in your hearts and remember the motto of the -Fascista Syndicates: - - The country must not be denied but conquered. - -I raise my glass with you and drink to the future and the fortunes of -Italian industry, that it may take a glorious place in the eyes of the -whole world. - - - - - LABOUR TO TAKE THE FIRST PLACE IN NEW ITALY - - Speech delivered at Rome, 6th January 1923, before a representative - gathering of Fascisti dock-workers from Genoa who had presented him - with an illuminated address. - - -You must certainly be aware of the fact that I take a great interest in -your city—an interest which dates from 1915 when Genoa, together with -Milan and Rome, led the way to revolution; because the revolution which -has brought the Fascisti into power began in the May of 1915, was -continued in the October of 1922, and goes on still, and will go on for -some time. I am very pleased to accept your message, and I thank you -with sincere cordiality. - -I must tell you that the Government over which I have the honour of -presiding never has had, never can and never will have the intention of -following a so-called antilabour policy. On the contrary, I want to -praise the working classes, who do not put obstacles in the way of the -Government, who work, and who have practically abolished strikes. They -have redeemed themselves, because they no longer believe in the Asiatic -Utopia which came from Russia; they believe in themselves, in their -work; they believe in the possibility, which for me is a certainty, of a -prosperous Italian nation. - -You have been directly interested in this greatness of the nation, and -you, who come from such a live centre as Genoa, are the most suited to -feel this ferment of new life, all this active preparation for a new -destiny. - -The Government, as you see, governs for all, over the heads of all, and, -if necessary, against all. It governs for all, because it takes into -account all general interests; it governs against all, when any group, -whether of the middle class or of the proletariat, tries to put its -interests before the general interests of the nation. I am sure that if -the working classes—of which you are the aristocratic minority—continue -to give this noble exhibition of tranquillity and discipline, the -nation, which was upon the verge of ruin, will recover itself -completely. - -I do not say things which have not been well considered and thought -over; and, after two months of government, I tell you that if the -Fascista revolution had been postponed for another few months or perhaps -only another few weeks, the nation would have fallen into a state of -chaos. All that we are performing now is really work in arrears; we are -freeing the citizens from the weight of laws which were the result of a -foolish demagogic policy; we are freeing the State from all those -superstructures which were suffocating it, from all the economic -functions which it was unfitted to perform; we are working to balance -the budget, which means re-establishing the value of the lira, which -means taking a position of dignity and influence in the international -world. - -The Italy which we wish to make, which we are building up day by day, -which we shall succeed in making, as it is our aim and our immovable -determination to do, will be a magnificent creation of power and of -wisdom. You can rest assured that in this Italy the workman—and all -labour both of the brain and of the hands—will take, as is right, the -first place. - - - - - PART IV - - MUSSOLINI THE “FASCISTA” - - - - - THE THREE DECLARATIONS AT THE FIRST FASCISTA MEETING - - Speech delivered at Milan, 23rd March 1919, at the first Fascista - meeting. - - In the spring of 1919, the most critical period through which Italy - has passed, the attempt initiated by Benito Mussolini to summon the - men prepared to fight Bolshevism, that apparently triumphant beast, - seemed absolute madness. A handful of bold spirits, for the most - part ex-soldiers coming from the extreme interventionist sections, - responded to the appeal. But the gravity of the moment and the - danger of physical sacrifice to which they exposed themselves were - not sufficient to lessen their ardour and determination for an - immediate counter-offensive. This had its conclusive expression in - the assault upon and the burning of the offices of the newspaper - _Avanti_, which took place on a day of general strike, when two - hundred thousand workmen marched defiantly through the streets of - Milan. - - -First of all, a few words about the proceedings. Without too much -formality or pedantry, I will read you three declarations which seem to -me worthy of being discussed and voted upon. Then in the afternoon we -will resume the discussion of the declaration of our programme. I tell -you at once that we cannot go into detail. Wishing to act, we must take -salient facts as they exist. - -The first declaration is as follows: - - The Meeting of the 23rd March first salutes with reverence and - remembrance the sons of Italy who have fallen for the cause of the - greatness of the country and the liberty of the world, the maimed - and disabled, and all the fighters and ex-prisoners who fulfilled - their duty, and declares itself ready to uphold strongly the - vindication of rights, both material and moral, advocated by the - “Association of Fighters.” - -As we do not wish to form a Party of ex-soldiers, because something in -that line has already been done in various cities in Italy, we cannot -say exactly what this programme of vindications will be; those -interested will do so. We declare simply that we will uphold them. We do -not wish to classify the dead, to look into their pockets to find out to -which party they belonged; we leave this sort of occupation to the -Official Socialists. We include in one single loving thought all the -fallen, from the general to the humblest soldier, from the most -intelligent to the most ignorant and uncultured. But you must allow me -to remember with special, if not exclusive, affection our dead, those -who were with us in the glorious May: the Corridoni, Reguzzoni, Vidali, -Deffenu, and our Serrani—all that marvellous youth which went to fight -and remained to die. Certainly when one speaks of the greatness of the -country and the liberty of the world, there may be someone who will -sneer and smile ironically, because it is the fashion now to run down -the war, but war must be either wholly accepted or wholly rejected. If -this line is to be taken up, it will be for us to do so and not the -others. Besides, wishing to examine the situation in the light of facts, -we say that the active and passive sides of so immense an undertaking -cannot be established with cut-and-dried figures. One cannot put on one -side the “quantum” of that which has been accomplished and that which -has not; the “qualifying” element must be taken into account. - -From this point of view we can, with complete certainty, maintain that -the country is greater to-day, not only because it extends as far as -the Brenner—reached by Ergisto Bezzi, to whom my thoughts -turn—(Applause.)—not only because it extends as far as Dalmatia; Italy -is greater, even if small minds try their little experiments, because -we feel ourselves greater inasmuch as we have the experience of the -war, inasmuch as we willed it, it was not forced upon us and we could -have avoided it. The choosing of this path was a sign that there are -elements of greatness in our history and our blood, because if it were -not so, we, to-day, should be the least important people in the world. -The war has given us that for which we asked. It has yielded its -negative and positive advantages: negative, in as far as it has -prevented the Houses of Hapsburg and Hohenzollern from dominating the -world—and this result, which all can see, is enough in itself to -justify the war; and positive, because in no nation has reaction -triumphed. Everything moves towards a stronger political and economic -Democracy. In spite of certain details which may injure the more or -less intelligent elements, the war has given all that we asked. - -And why do we speak of ex-prisoners also? It is a burning question. -Evidently there were those who surrendered themselves, but those are -called deserters. The large majority of the mass which fell prisoner did -so after having fought and done their duty. If this were not so, we -could begin to brand Cesare Battisti and many brave and brilliant -officers and men who had the misfortune to fall into the hands of the -enemy. - - -_The National Vindications._ Second declaration: - - The Meeting of the 23rd March declares that it will oppose - Imperialism in other peoples which would be prejudicial to Italy, - and any eventual Imperialism in Italy which would be prejudicial to - other nations, and accepts the fundamental principle of the League - of Nations, which presupposes the geographical integrity of every - nation. This, as far as Italy is concerned, must be realised on the - Alps and the Adriatic with the annexation of Fiume and Dalmatia. - -We have forty million inhabitants and an area of 287,000 square -kilometres, divided by the Apennines, which reduce still further the -availability of the land capable of cultivation. In ten or twenty years’ -time we shall be sixty millions, and we have a bare million and a half -square kilometres of land in the way of colonies, which to a large -extent is barren, and to which we certainly can never send the surplus -of our people. But, if we look round, we see England, with forty-seven -million inhabitants, and a colonial empire of fifty-five million square -kilometres, and we see France, with a population of thirty-eight -millions, and a colonial empire of fifteen million square kilometres. -And I could prove to you with figures that all the nations of the world, -not excluding Portugal, Holland and Belgium, have colonies which they -cling to, and are not in the least disposed to relinquish for all the -ideologies which come from the other side of the ocean. Imperialism is -at the base of the life of every people which desires economic and -spiritual expansion. That which distinguishes the different kinds of -imperialism is the method adopted in its pursuit. Now the method which -we choose, and shall choose, will never resemble the barbaric -penetration of the Germans. And we say, either everybody idealist or -nobody. One cannot understand how people who are well off can preach -idealism to those who suffer, because that would be very easy. We want -our place in the world because we have a right to it. I reaffirm the -principle of the Society of Nations, but we must beware lest this -principle mean only protection of the material interests of wealthy -nations. - - -_In View of the Elections._ Third declaration: - - The Meeting of the 23rd March pledges the Fascisti to prevent by - every means in their power the candidature of neutralists of any - party. - -You see I pass from one subject to another, but there is logic in it, an -underlying thread. I am not an enthusiast for ballot-paper battles, so -much so that for some time I have abolished the chronicles of the -Chamber, and nobody is sorry. My example, too, has caused other papers -to do the same, within the limits of strict necessity. It is clear in -any case that the elections will take place before the end of the year. -The date and the system to be followed are not yet known, but this year -these electoral campaigns and ballot-paper battles will take place. - -Now, whether one likes it or not, the war having been of late the -dominant event of our national life, it is clear that in these elections -the subject of the war cannot be avoided. We shall accept the battle -precisely on the topic war, because not only have we not repented of -that which we have done, but we go further and say, with that courage -which is the result of our individuality, that if the same condition of -things which existed in 1915 were repeated in Italy, we should demand -war again as in 1915. - -Now it is very sad to think that there are those who formerly were in -favour of intervention and who now have changed. Only a few have done -so, and it has not always been for political reasons. Some have changed -for those reasons, and this I do not wish to discuss, but there has also -been defection due to physical fear. “In order to pacify these people -let us cede Dalmatia, let us renounce something!” But their calculations -have piteously failed. We shall not only refuse to take up this -political line, but we shall not give way to that physical fear which is -simply absurd. One life is of the same value as another, and one -barricade is as good as another. If there is to be a fight, we shall -engage also in that of the elections. - -There have been neutralists also among the official Socialists and the -Republicans. We shall go and examine the passports of all these people, -both the ultra-neutralists and those who accepted the war as a painful -burden; we shall go to their meetings, we shall present candidates and -find every possible means of routing them. (Prolonged applause.) - - - - - OUTLINE OF THE AIMS AND PROGRAMME OF FASCISMO - - Speech delivered at Milan, 22nd July 1919, at the Liceo Beccaria. - - The evening before the general international strike of the 20th - and 21st of July 1919, called by the federal organisations as a - reaction to the rash movement, the National Socialists, the - Republicans, the Democrats and the Fascisti met in order to share - the responsibilities for possible complications and to demonstrate - the inconsistency of so-called revolutionary attitudes. - - This manifestation, according to the intention of its organisers, - had also the object of marking the beginning of a political - concentration of the Left, composed of ex-interventionists. But the - attempt afterwards failed, chiefly on account of want of - understanding on the part of the Republican Party, and because of - the development of the spiritual crisis within the mass of Italian - Fascismo. - - -I think that it will depend upon the sincerity and loyalty with which we -join in this meeting whether it will become an historical event, or a -little fact of everyday life destined to pass without leaving any trace. - -This being the case, it will not surprise you if I speak with a -frankness almost brutal. I add at once that the friendly confusion of -this moment of reunion after schisms and separations will not eliminate -the necessity of settling certain personal and political questions, -otherwise this union, which we wish to be eminently fruitful, cannot be -other than painfully sterile. - -What are we looking for, we who are members of U.S.M., the Fascio of -Fighters, the Association of Fighters, the Association of Arditi, the -Union of Demobilised, the Association of Volunteers, the Association of -Garibaldians, the Republican Party, the Italian Socialist Union, the -Corridoni Club, etc.—we who are together represented in the Committee of -Intesa e Azione[5] which was formed at the time of the movement against -the high cost of living? We are looking for the least common denominator -for this understanding and action. Shall we find it? Yes! We come from -different schools; we have different temperaments, and temperaments -divide men more widely than ideas; we belong to an individualist people; -but all this does not prevent something else bringing us together and -binding us both in these present contingencies and in that which has to -do with the action of to-morrow. - -Footnote 5: - - Understanding and Action. - - -_The Basis of Unity._ There can be a thousand shades of ideas among us, -but upon one important point we are all agreed, and that is in regarding -the Socialist manifestation as a bluff, a comedy, a speculation and -blackmail. Also we are all agreed in making a differentiation between -the Socialist Party and the mass of the workmen. The Socialist Party has -usurped up to yesterday the name of being a pure revolutionary -organisation, of being the protector and the exclusive, genuine -representative of the working masses. This is all nonsense and must be -cleared up. Referring to statistics, we find that out of forty-two -millions of Italians, hardly sixty thousand were enrolled in the -Socialist Party in the August of 1919, and the dominating element is a -group composed of lower-middle-class people in the most philistine sense -of the word. - -In the unlikely and absurd event of a triumph on the part of the -Leninist revolutionaries, ten of these idiots would be, to-morrow, the -ten Ministers of the Italian nation. The Socialist Party is one thing, -and the organised mass of working men another, and the disorganised mass -yet another and seven times larger than the rest put together. - -We must not allow ourselves to approach the working classes in the -sometimes unctuous, sometimes theatrical, manner of the demagogues. The -masses must be educated and for this reason must have the straight -truth. Many of the crowds which the Socialists sway are not worthy of -blandishments, because they consist of masses of brutes infected and -barbarised by the “Red” gospel. Our working-class colleagues know all -about it, because they have had to leave certain factories. We must not -present ourselves to the masses as charlatans, promising Paradise within -a short time, but as educators who do not seek either success, -popularity, salaries or votes. - - -_Produce! Produce! Produce! The Admonition of Merrheim._ The way in -which the working masses should and must be spoken to has been shown us -by Merrheim, one of the thinking heads of French Syndicalism. Last -January he made a very important speech, and it would be a good thing to -run over those parts of it which are now of most importance, especially -those touching upon the relations between economics and politics and the -necessity of production. - -“The militant Socialists must tell the truth, and all the truth, to the -masses, even if the truth brings hatred and slander. Now the truth is -for all those who reflect, that the bad conditions of life, which are -the trouble of the masses, are not going to be remedied by a solution -based on an increase of wages which is not only inoperative, but -entirely in opposition to economic laws. The masses must be told that -the régime of production and distribution of commodities must undergo a -transformation, if efficacious and lasting remedies are to be found for -existing bad conditions, and that this can be arrived at by means of the -force of organisation.” - -“... It is pleasant to provoke loud applause by telling the audience at -meetings that we are overstocked with commodities, and that they can -consume without limit and enjoy comfort by imposing wages proportionate -to their desires without increasing production.” - -“Courage lies in repeating to the masses that each man is at the same -time a producer and consumer, and that the continued increase of -production is necessary and indispensable.” - -“Courage lies in saying that it is not only impossible to satisfy those -normal needs, natural to everyone, without normal production, but that -it is absolutely impossible to obtain general comfort for everyone if at -the same time individual production in the general interest is not -increased.” - -“Courage lies in proclaiming that the purely political revolution, which -inflames the people’s minds, would not solve the social problem, the -solution of which has been precipitated and rendered essential by the -war.” - -“Courage lies in repeating untiringly to the masses that the revolution -which must be brought about must be economic, and that it is not to be -brought about in the streets by a delirious crowd destroying for the -sake of destruction.” - -“Courage lies in saying that an economic revolution draws its substance -from labour, and that it is strengthened, advanced, and carried out by -the intensification of production whether in the fields or in the -factories, and by a further utilisation of scientific processes and -methods of production.” - - -_The Italian Situation._ We agree upon a third point, in connection with -existing circumstances, that is in maintaining that our national -situation is critical, though far from being desperate. Briefly, it is -this. From the 1st July we have been defaulting debtors of England. -Since the 31st July other financial agreements with the United States -must be faced. To save the situation a loan of one milliard dollars -(seven to eight milliard lire) must be arranged. The railways have a -coal supply for only fifteen more days. There are enough provisions for -another twenty days, that is to say until the end of the month. Two -million tons of food must be imported to save us from immediate hunger. -But these financial and economic agreements depend upon the political -ones at Paris. - -The possibility, almost a certainty, has presented itself to us of -obtaining large concessions in Asia Minor, with the coal mines of -Heraclea. Clémenceau has made difficulties about it, but Lansing told -him that he could not see any obstacle, given that Italy approved of the -exploitation of the Saar mines on the part of France. We may also obtain -oil wells in Armenia. - -But these acquisitions in the East are in their turn subordinate to the -Adriatic agreements. The solution of the problem of Fiume is already -compromised by the work of the preceding Delegation, which had already -accepted the principle of a Free State. But the project of Tardieu -presented future dangers as far as the safeguarding of the Italian -character of Fiume is concerned, because the Italian majority in the -city would be overwhelmed by the mass of Slavs in the country. It is a -question, then, of reducing these dangers to the smallest possible -limits by the introduction of another plan which would substitute for -the idea of a Free State that of a Free City with limited boundaries. - -In Dalmatia it is only possible for us to save the centres which have an -Italian majority, with guarantees for the safeguarding of those Italian -minorities scattered in the other centres. The eventual loss of -Sebenico, which had strategic and not national value, would be -compensated for by some other strategic point to be given to Italy. -Lansing said that this would be eventually sought for in the -Mediterranean. - -Given this situation, it is no exaggeration to say that the general -Socialist strike is a real attempted crime against the nation. And note: -I could understand a strike which had as its object the setting up of -the Soviet in Italy, but I do not understand or admit this one, which is -without aim, object or justification. It must and will fail, because the -leaders themselves are in the _cul de sac_ of this dilemma: either -tragedy, because the State at this moment has its repressive machinery -in full working order; or comedy, in the event of a revolt on the part -of the workmen already outlined, and due to their being tired of serving -a Socialist Party mostly composed of middle-class elements. - -Perhaps it is worth while in passing to confute the objection in the -_Stampa_ of Portogruaro, which would like to deny our right of rising up -against the strike on the ground that we were in favour of war. “What,” -it says, “is the damage done in two days of strike compared with that -done in four years of war?” We crush these gentlemen with the reply that -four years of neutrality would have damaged us more, besides having been -to our lasting and ineffaceable moral shame. - - -_Reactionaries and vice versâ._ For me revolution is not an attack of -St. Vitus’ dance or an unexpected fit of epilepsy. It must have force, -aims, and above all, method. In 1913, when the Socialist Party was -already rotten, it was I who put into circulation the words which made -the pulses of the big men of Italian Socialism beat: “This proletariat -is in need of a bath of blood,” I said. It has had it, and it lasted for -three years. “This proletariat is in need of a day of history.” And it -has had a thousand. - -It was necessary then to shake up the masses, because they had fallen -into a state of weakness and insensibility. To-day this situation exists -no longer. To-day the only way not to live in fear of a revolution is to -think that we are now in the full swing of one, that it began in the -August of 1914 and that it is still going on. It is not a question, as -some think, of entering into a revolution as one passes from a state of -tranquillity to a state of action. The task of really free spirits is -different. If this great and immense process of changing the world -stagnates or becomes confused, we can hasten it on; but if it is already -progressing at a frantic rate, then our task is to apply the brakes and -slow it down, in order to avoid disintegration and ruin. To be -revolutionaries, in certain circumstances, time and place, can be the -pride of a lifetime, but when those who speak of revolution are a lot of -parasites, then one must not be afraid, in opposing them, to pass as a -reactionary. One is always a reactionary and revolutionary for somebody. -Fritz Adler, revolutionary in the time of Sturck, is a reactionary -to-day compared with the Communists. I am not afraid of the word. I am a -revolutionary and a reactionary. Really, life is always like this. I am -afraid of the revolution which destroys and does not create. I fear -going to extremes, the policy of madness, at the bottom of which may lie -the destruction of this our fragile mechanical civilisation, robbed of -its solid moral basis, and the coming of a terrible race of dominators -who would reintroduce discipline into the world and re-establish the -necessary hierarchies with the cracking of whips and machine-guns. - - -_The Compass._ At the same time, as regards reaction and revolution, I -have a compass in my pocket which guides me. All that which tends -towards making the Italian people great finds me favourable, and—_vice -versâ_—all that which tends towards lowering, brutalising and -impoverishing them finds me opposed. - -Now Socialism comes into the second category. I find it odd that my -friend Carli, the founder of the National Association of Fighters and a -valiant soldier, puts the Socialists among the advanced parties, -storming them with a succession of “whys,” as he did in the last number -of the _Roma Futurista_. - -I deny the title of vanguard to Socialism. I deny the use and timeliness -of any co-operation with this party. I maintain that a reactionary party -in 1914, ’15, ’16, ’17, and ’18 cannot become revolutionary in ’19. I -maintain that this serenading of the Socialists is useless, and this -making of advances not clean. One day, in the culminating moment of the -history of humanity, they embraced the cause of reaction represented by -the Germany of the Hohenzollerns and Sudekum. Besides, it is idiotic and -dangerous to lavish blandishments upon the official Socialists; we -cannot reconcile ourselves with these people. There have been those who -have attached themselves to the movement of to-day, but the Socialists -have disdained that help, because they are megalomaniacs and nourish, -among other things, the fatuous vanity of splendid isolation. - - -_The Revision of the Treaty of Versailles._ The Peace of Versailles is -not a sufficient motive for the courted collaboration. Things must be -made clear. The Socialists talk of annulling the peace; we wish simply -to revise it. We do not condemn wholesale a peace which a German, and -not one of the most insignificant, Edward Bernstein, has called nine -parts just. The revision of the peace must not mean condemnation of the -war. The Florentine Republican Union has published a manifesto which -defines the limits of protest against the Treaty of Versailles. - -“We do not wish to conceal,” say the Florentine Republicans, “that, -although requiring radical amendments, the Treaty is, after all, the -consecration of the fall of four Imperial autocracies, the fall of -numerous dynasties, the creation of as many republics, the -re-establishment of Poland, the reconquest of Alsace and Lorraine, and -of Trento and Trieste by Italy, and of Jerusalem by civilised Europe. -All this would suffice, as long as emendations were made, to bear -witness to the supreme sanctity of the Italian intervention in the -atrocious war let loose by the brutal German Hohenzollerns and -Hapsburgs.” - -“We do not approve, however, of the proposed general strike as a form of -protest, because—and we say so with the traditional sincerity of our -party—the country is thirsty for fruitful work, and this deluge of -strikes certainly does not help in that.” - -“The Peace of Versailles must be corrected and brought into keeping with -the progress of humanity.” - -This is also our idea. Rather than seek or beg for useless co-operation, -let us outline a programme of our own of understanding and action. I -refuse, after having got rid of the old, to accept the new dogmas. I -think that it is possible to create a strong economic organisation in -Italy based upon these principles:— - -1. Absolute independence from all parties, groups and sets. - -2. Federation and autonomy. - -3. Abolition, as far as possible, of all paid officials. - -4. No steps to be taken without having consulted regularly, by means of -a referendum, the masses interested. - -The means of obtaining this end may be altered according to time and -place. The organisation will promote at times co-operation, and at times -war between the classes and the expropriation of class. It will not -always be for co-operation, but neither will it always be in favour of -class preservation; and when it expropriates, it will not be to make all -poor, but to make all rich. In the conquest of a colonial market and in -certain questions connected with the customs, the middle classes and the -proletariat can work together. When there is division of booty, then -class war; but class war in times of under-production is destructive -nonsense. - - -_In the Political Field._ The Electoral Reform will pass. The scrutiny -of lists and proportional representation will pass. That will determine, -for obvious reasons, the great coalitions—the Socialist-Leninist, the -Clerical-Popular, and, lastly, ours, which might be called the “Alliance -for the Constituent,” the Republican Alliance or the group of the -“interveners” of the Left. - -Our programme is to present candidates who pledge themselves to place -the problem of constitutional revision before the new Chamber in the -first session. - -This is the Constituent as I understand it. This is the lowest -denominator to which all of us can pledge ourselves and around which we -can all form a union. The moment is particularly propitious for such an -organisation. I think that all we who are represented in this Milanese -Committee of Intesa e Azione can follow this path. - -It is a case of “nationalising” this attempt, of making it general all -over Italy. We could, if we wished, number not thousands, but millions -of followers. I myself refuse, in the actual delicate economic situation -in Italy, to adhere to any movement which makes the path clear for -Bolshevism and ruin. The victory cannot and must not be destroyed. I -understand a certain impatience, but I beg you to reflect that if the -lives of individuals are counted in years, the lives of nations are -counted in centuries, and we must not refer egoistically to ourselves -that which is of a general nature. Good strategy is calculation and -audacity. We do not wish to govern by recourse to the bayonet alone, -because that would be dictatorship, which we condemn. We wish first to -sound the masses by the coming elections. Once having had our principles -accepted, we will spring to action. - -The revolution which we desired and obtained in 1915 will be ours again -by the victorious peace in its conclusive phase, and it will be called -“Well-being,” “Liberty” and, above all, “Italy.” (Loud applause.) - - - - - FASCISMO AND THE RIGHTS OF VICTORY - - Speech delivered at Florence, 9th October 1919, at the first - Congress of the Fascisti. - - At Florence was held the first Congress of the “Fasci Italiani di - Combattimento,” which was the name originally given to the Fascista - movement. This Congress succeeded the improvised, unorganised - meeting of 19th March at Milan, and was held in an atmosphere of - isolation and hostility, amid continuous tumult and interruption; so - much so, that the members of the Congress were repeatedly obliged to - suspend their proceedings and go out into the streets to defend - themselves against hostile demonstrations. - - At that time Florence, the cradle of art, and famed for courtesy and - hospitality, had been temporarily submerged under waves of - Bolshevism; Serrati and Lenin, referring to the Italian situation, - could point to the capital of Tuscany as “the most fertile soil for - the imminent revolutionary harvest.” - - But even on that occasion Italian Fascismo was able to hold the - centre successfully, in spite of the numbers of the adversary. - - -Fascisti comrades! I do not know if I shall succeed in giving you a very -connected speech, as I have not had the opportunity of preparing it, as -is my habit. I had intended to make a Fascista speech to-morrow morning -for a personal reason which might also interest you, and which gave me -the right to ask some hours of rest. - -The other day I left Novi Ligure in a “S.V.A.” with a magnificent pilot, -and, having crossed the Adriatic, came down at Fiume, where D’Annunzio -gave us a great welcome. Returning yesterday, we were caught in a storm -on the Istrian tablelands, and were obliged to go out of our course and -to come down at Aiello. - -At Fiume I lived in what D’Annunzio justly calls “an atmosphere of -miracles and prodigies.” In the meantime, I bring you his message; he -was thinking of writing one especially for our meeting. (Applause.) My -arrival at Fiume coincided with the capture of the ship _Persia_, about -which Captain Giulietti of the “Federation of the Sea” was so agitated. - -The situation at Fiume is splendid from every point of view. There are -supplies for three months. The Yugoslavs have no intention of moving. -Not only that; the Croats, to a certain extent, are supplying the town, -which shows how inappropriate and insidious the movement was which tried -to stir up the people and make them believe that we were on the verge of -a war against the Yugoslavs. Nothing of this exists. D’Annunzio has not, -so far, fired a single shot against those who are on the other side of -the line of the armistice; on the contrary, he has issued a proclamation -to the Croats, which is a magnificent document both from the political -and the human point of view. It ends with these words: “Long live the -Italian-Croat brotherhood! Long live the brotherhood on the sea!” - -Now, as regards international relations, the position of Fiume is -perfectly clear. D’Annunzio will not move, because everything is in his -favour. What can the plutocratic powers of Western capitalism do against -him? Nothing! Absolutely nothing, because to strive against a _fait -accompli_ would be to let loose a still greater calamity which nobody -thinks of either in France or England. In France—and we can say so with -tranquillity—there is a sacred horror of further bloodshed; and as for -the English, they have made war very well and brilliantly, but now all -their ideas are contrary to any warlike undertakings and any adventures -of even a slightly complicated nature. To-morrow Fiume would be a _fait -accompli_ for everybody, because nobody would have the strength to -modify it. If the Government had been less cowardly, the problem of -Fiume would be settled by now, and the Allies would have had to accept -it. - - -_The Forces of the Socialist Party._ And now we come to our affairs. We -must keep the Socialist Party within sight. Let us look a little closer -at their forces. They have had lately to number their forces, and 14,000 -of its 80,000 members have disappeared. They are the disbanded. As many -as 500 sections were not represented in what they call the Assizes of -the Italian Proletariat. Nothing of very great importance was said or -done during the congress. Bordiga is not a great general. He is only a -little above mediocrity. What he said to the tribune was what I told the -crowd in 1913. Only Turati’s speech was of any real significance. All -the other unlimited speeches did not, in the end, give practical -indications of that which the Socialists wish or ought to do. - -Our statements are much more definite than theirs, and we tell you at -once that we must present an ultimatum to the Government, saying that, -if the censor is not abolished, we Fascisti will not take part in the -elections. It is necessary to protest against an enforced censorship -during the period of the elections, otherwise we shall seem to show that -we are ready to accept an arbitrary act. To this we can add another -positive and effective protest. As for the Socialists, the larger part -of them are distinguished by physical cowardice. They do not like -fighting, they do not wish to fight; fire and steel frighten them. - -On the other hand, and I want to draw your attention to this, we must -not confuse this creation, which is for the most part artificial, with a -party of which the proletariat is a lowest minority, while those members -abound who want a seat in Parliament, or in the communal councils and in -the organisations. It is really a political clique which wishes to -substitute itself for the ruling clique. We must not confuse this group -of mediocre politicians with the immense movement of the proletariat -which has a reason for its existence, development and brotherhood. - - -_Against every Idol._ I repeat here what I said before. No demagogism. -Work-worn hands are not yet enough to show that a man is capable of -upholding a State or a family. We must react against these “cajolers” -and these new semi-idols, in order to uplift these people from the moral -and mental slavery into which they have fallen. We must not approach -them in the attitude of partisans. We are syndicalists, because we think -that by means of the mass it may be possible to determine an economic -readjustment, but this readjustment involves long and complicated -consideration. A political revolution is accomplished in twenty-four -hours, but the economic constitution of a nation, which forms part of -the world system, is not overturned in twenty-four hours. - -But we do not, by this, mean to be considered as a kind of “bodyguard” -of the bourgeoisie, which, especially where it is composed of the new -rich, is simply unworthy and cowardly. If these people do not know how -to defend themselves, they must not hope for protection from us. We -defend the nation and the people as a whole. We desire the moral and -material welfare of the people. - -I think that, with this as our attitude, it will be possible to approach -the masses. In the meantime, the Federation of Seamen has separated -itself from the General Federation of Labour; the railwaymen have proved -in the big strike that they are Italian and wish to be Italian; and -while the upper bureaucracy of the public administration is, on the -whole, in favour of Nitti and Giolitti, the proletariat of the same -administration tends to sympathise with us. For fifty years generals, -diplomats, and bureaucrats have been taken from the upper classes and -from a certain limited number of persons of rank and position. It is -time to put an end to all this, if we want to infuse new energy and new -blood into the body of the nation. - - -_For the Elections._ And now we come to the elections. We must deal with -them, because whatever happens it is always a good thing to keep -together and not to burn one’s boats. It may happen that in this month -of October events may be hurried on at such a rate that the elections -may be side-tracked. It may be, on the other hand, that they will take -place. We must be ready also for the second contingency. And then we -Fascisti must do our utmost by ourselves, we must come out clearly -marked and numbered, and if we are few, we must remember that we have -only been in the world six months. Where there is no probability of -isolated success, a union with the “interveners” of the Left might -possibly be formed, which must vindicate, on the one hand, the utility -of the Italian intervention in the name of humanity and the nation -against all those who opposed it, whether followers of Giolitti, -Socialists or Clericals. On the other hand, this programme cannot -exhaust our action; and we shall then have to present to the masses the -fundamental principles upon which we wish to build up a new Italy. Where -the situation may prove more complicated we might also be able to -identify ourselves with a group of “interveners” in a wider and fuller -sense of the word. - - -_After Vittorio Veneto._ But we wish, above all, to reaffirm solemnly at -this meeting of ours the great Italian victory, vindicating it before -all those who wish to deny and forget it. - -We have subdued an Empire which was our enemy, which had advanced to the -Piave, and whose leaders had endeavoured to overthrow Italy. We now -possess the Brenner, the Julian Alps and Fiume, and all the Italians of -Dalmatia. We can say that between the Piave and the Isonzo we have -destroyed that Empire and determined the fall of four autocracies. -(Enthusiastic applause.) - - - - - THE TASKS OF FASCISMO - - Speech delivered at the Politeama Rossetti at Trieste, 20th - September 1920. - - The following speech may be considered as the first of the series of - those which belong to the period of elaboration of the Fascista - programme. The moment chosen was not the most favourable, because it - coincided with two manifestations equally critical both with regard - to internal and to foreign policy. We refer to the occupation of the - factories, then at an acute and threatening stage, and to the - Legionary occupation of Fiume, the first anniversary of which was - celebrated at this time. - - Benito Mussolini, although taking into due account these two - important events, destined not to be ignored by history, could and - did rise above the circumstances of the moment. As a far-seeing - statesman looking forward to resistance and final victory, he drew - the attention of his hearers to a sane conception of the problems of - foreign policy, not included in the enterprise of Ronchi, and, at - the same time, heartening all Italians who were panic-stricken under - the arrogant tyranny of Social-Bolshevism. - - -I do not consider you, men of Trieste, as Italians to whom the whole -truth cannot yet be spoken, because I think of you as among the best in -the country, and your enthusiasm to-day has confirmed me in my opinion. -The event, which had its counterpart in Rome on the 20th September 1870, -was a magnificent picture in a poor frame, but upon this I am not going -to dwell. - - -_A Comforting Balance._ After a lapse of fifty years since the breach of -Porta Pia, we must undertake the examination of our consciences. A -nation like ours, which had issued from many centuries of disunion, -which had barely achieved unity, had not then muscles strong enough to -bear the weight of a world policy. A great Italian thinker[6] broke this -tradition. In fifty years Italy has made marvellous progress. In the -first place she has a sure foundation, and that is the vitality of our -race. There are nations which every year scan the birth-rates with a -certain preoccupation, because, gentlemen, it is just the want of -balance in this sphere which produces the great crises—you know to what -I allude. But Italy is not thus preoccupied. Italy had twenty-seven -million inhabitants in 1870, she has now fifty million; forty million of -whom live in the Peninsula, and represent the most homogeneous block in -Europe, because, compared with Bohemia, for instance, where five -millions of the Czecho race govern seven millions of other races, Italy -has only 180,000 German subjects on the Upper Adige and 360,000 Slavs, -all the rest forming one compact whole. And besides these forty -millions, there are ten millions who have emigrated to all the -continents and beyond all the oceans; there are 700,000 Italians in New -York alone, another 400,000 in the state of San Paulo, 900,000 in the -Argentine and 120,000 in Tunis. - -Footnote 6: - - Francesco Crispi. - - -_National Discipline._ It is a pity that foreigners know us so little, -but it is still more serious that Italians know Italy so little. If they -knew her a little better, they would realise that there are peoples -beyond her boundaries who are more retrograde than she is; they would -learn, for instance, that Italy possesses the most powerful -hydro-electric plant in the world. - -Do not speak to me of reactionary forces in Italy. Those who talk to me -of a reactionary Government make me laugh, especially if they are -immigrants or renegades from Trieste. Because if there is a country in -the world where liberty is in danger of degenerating into licence, and -where it is the inviolable patrimony of every citizen, it is Italy. -There has not yet been seen in our country that which has been seen in -France, where, as the result of a political strike, the Republic -dissolved the General Confederation of Labour, locked up the leaders and -keeps them still in prison. Nor have we seen that which has been -witnessed in England, where so-called undesirable elements are sent over -to the other side of the Channel; or in the ultra-democratic republic of -the United States, where, in one single night, five hundred rebels were -seized and sent over the Atlantic. If there is something to say, it is -this: it is time to impose an iron discipline upon the individual and -upon the masses, because social renovation is one thing—and this we are -not against—but the destruction of the country quite another. As long as -transformation is spoken of we are all agreed, but when instead it is a -question of a leap in the dark, then we put our veto upon it. You will -pass, we say, but it will be over our bodies; you will have to overcome -our resistance first. - - -_The Greatness of Victory._ Now, after this half-century of the life of -Italy which I have thus roughly sketched, Trieste is Italian and the -tricolour waves over the Brenner. If it were possible to pause one -moment to measure the greatness of the event, you would find that the -fact of the tricolour on the Brenner is of capital importance, in the -history not only of Italy, but also of Europe. The tricolour on the -Brenner means that the Germans will no longer descend with impunity upon -our lands. Glaciers have now been placed between us and them, and on -these glaciers are the magnificent Alpine soldiers who went to the -assault of Monte Nero, who were sacrificed at Ortigara, and who have on -their flag the motto “No passage this way.” (Loud applause.) - -Now it is a most important fact that Trieste has come to Italy after a -great victory. If we were not so occupied with the daily material -necessities of life and the solution of commonplace and banal problems, -we should know how to appreciate all that which took place on the banks -of the Piave and at Vittorio Veneto. An Empire was destroyed in an hour, -an Empire which had outlasted a century, an Empire in which necessity -had developed a superfine art of government which consisted in the -eternal “Divide et impera,” according to the wisdom of Budapest and -Vienna. This Empire had an army, a traditional policy, a bureaucracy, -and had bound all its citizens together in a universal suffrage. This -Empire, which seemed so powerful and invincible, fell before the -bayonets of the Italian people. - -The Italian Risorgimento is only a struggle between a people and a -State, between the Italian people on one side and the Hapsburg State on -the other, between the live forces of the future and the dead past. It -was inevitable that, having passed the Mincio in 1859, and the Upper -Adige in 1866, we had, in 1915, to pass the Isonzo and get beyond; it -was so far inevitable that the neutralists themselves have had to -acknowledge that Italy could not, under pain of death, and what is -worse, dishonour, have remained neutral. - -This vindication of our intervention is the fact which gives us the -greatest satisfaction. And what does it matter if I read in a gloomy and -pessimistic book that the acquisition of Trento, Trieste and Fiume still -represents a deficit in the balance of the war? This way of arguing is -ridiculous. In the first place, historical events cannot be regulated -like a page of book-keeping with receipts and payments, debit and -credit. It is impossible to make out an estimate of historical facts and -expect it to agree with the final balance. - -All this is the result of a melancholy philosophy which was widespread -over Italy after the war. But let us hope it will soon pass to leave -room for a little optimism and pride. This after-war period is certainly -critical; I fully recognise the fact. But who can expect that a gigantic -crisis like that of five years of a world-war will be settled at once, -that the world will return to its previous tranquil state in less than -two years? The crisis is not limited to Trieste, Milan or Italy, it is -world-wide and is not yet over. - - -_The Necessity of Struggle._ Struggle is at the bottom of everything, -because life is full of contrasts. There is love and hate, black and -white, night and day, good and evil, and until these contrasts are -balanced, struggle will always be at the root of human nature, as the -supreme fatality. And it is a good thing that it is so. To-day there may -be war, economic rivalry and conflicting ideas, but the day in which all -struggle will cease will be a day of melancholy, will mean the end of -all things, will mean ruin. Now this day will not come, because history -presents itself as a changing panorama. An attempt to return to peace -and tranquillity would mean fighting against the existing dynamic -period. It is necessary to prepare ourselves for other surprises and -struggles. “There will not be a period of peace,” they say, “unless the -nations indulge in a dream of universal brotherhood and stretch out -their hands beyond the mountains and the oceans.” I, for my part, do not -put too much faith in these ideals, but I do not exclude them, because I -never exclude anything; everything is possible, even the impossible and -absurd. But to-day, being to-day, it would be fallacious, criminal and -dangerous to build our houses on the quicksands of international -Christian-Socialist-Communism. These ideas are very respectable, but a -long way from the truth. (Applause.) - - -_The Patriotism of Fascismo._ What is the position of Fascismo in this -difficult post-war period? The foundation-stone of Fascismo is -patriotism; that is to say, we are proud of being Italian. Now it is -just this which separates us from a great many other people, who are so -ridiculous and small and hide their patriotism, because eighty per cent. -of the Italian population was once illiterate. This does not mean -anything, for narrow, poor, elementary education may be worse than pure -and simple illiteracy. It is an outworn idea that one who knows how to -write must needs be more intelligent than one who does not know how to. - -Now we vindicate the honour of being Italian, because in our wonderful -Peninsula—wonderful, although there are inhabitants who are not always -wonderful—there has been enacted the most marvellous story of humanity. -Do you think that a man who lives in far Japan or in America or in any -other far-off spot can be counted educated if he does not know the -history of Rome? It is not possible. - - -_Rome._ Rome is the name which filled history for twenty centuries. Rome -gave the lead to universal civilisation, traced the roads and assigned -the boundaries; Rome gave the world the laws of its immutable rights. -But if this was the universal task of Rome in ancient times, we have now -another universal task. Our destiny cannot become universal unless it is -transplanted to the pagan ground of Rome. By means of Paganism Rome -found her form and found the means of upholding herself in the world. - -Note that the task of Rome is not yet completed. No! Because the story -of Italy of the Middle Ages—the most brilliant story of Venice, which -lasted for ten centuries, with her ships in all seas and her ambassadors -and her government, the like of which is no longer to be found to-day—is -not closed. The story of the Italian communes is full of wonders, -grandeur and nobility. Go to Venice, Pisa, Amalfi, Genoa and Florence, -and you will find in the palaces and in the streets the signs and -vestiges of this marvellous and not yet decayed civilisation. - -Now, my friends, after this period, in the beginning of 1800, when Italy -was divided into seven little States, there arose a generation of poets. -Poetry also has its task to perform in history, in arousing enthusiasm -and in kindling faith, and not for nothing the greatest modern Italian -poet—whether second-rate writers, who do not know how to express the -smallest idea, recognise it or not—Gabriele d’Annunzio, represents in a -magnificent union of thought and sentiment, the power of action which is -characteristic of the Italian people. - - -_The Dolomites of Italian Thought._ We are proud of being Italians, and -not only for reasons of exclusivism. The modern spirit reaches out -towards beauty and truth. One cannot think of a modern man who has not -read Cervantes, Shakespeare, Goethe and Tolstoy. But all this must not -make us forget that we were great when the others were not yet born, -that while German Klopstock was writing his verbose _Messiade_, Dante -Alighieri had been a giant for centuries. And we have also the sculpture -of Michelangelo, the painting of Raffaello, the astronomy of Galileo, -and the medicine of Morgagni, and with these the mysterious Leonardo da -Vinci who excelled in all fields. And then, if you want to pass to -politics and war, there is Napoleon and, above all, Garibaldi, most -Italian of all. - -These are the Dolomites of Italian thought and spirit; but beside these -almost inaccessible peaks are lower summits in great numbers, which show -that it is quite impossible to think of human civilisation without the -gigantic contribution made by Italian thought. And this must be repeated -at our boundaries, where there are tribes chattering incomprehensible -languages who would pretend, simply on account of their numbers, to -supplant our marvellous civilisation which has endured two millenniums -and is ready for a third. - - -_The Sincerity of Fascismo._ The second foundation-stone of Fascismo is -represented by anti-demagogism and pragmatism. We have no preconceived -notions, no fixed ideas and, above all, no stupid pride. Those who say, -“You are unhappy, here is the receipt for happiness,” make me think of -the advertisement “Do you want health?” We do not promise men happiness -either here or in the next world; differing thus from the Socialists, -who pretend that they can set the Russian mask on the face of the -Mediterranean. - - -Once there were courtiers who burned incense before the king and the -popes; now there is a new breed, which burns incense, without sincerity, -before the proletariat. Only those who hold Italy in their hands have -the right to govern her, they say, while these do not know even how to -control their own families. We are different. We use another language, -more serious, unprejudiced and worthy of free men. We do not exclude the -possibility that the proletariat may be capable of using its present -forces to other ends, but we say that before it tries to govern the -nation it must learn to govern itself, must make itself worthy, -technically and, still more, morally, because government is a -tremendously difficult and complicated task. The nation is composed of -millions and millions of individuals whose interests clash, and there -are no superior beings who can reconcile all these differences and make -a union of life and progress. - - -_Fascismo is not Conservative._ But we are not, on the other hand, -traditionalists, bound hand and foot to the stones and débris. -Everything must be changed in the modern city. The ancient streets will -no longer stand the wear and tear of the trams and motor traffic, -because through them passes the whole of civilisation. It is possible to -destroy in order to create anew in a form more beautiful and great, for -destruction must never be carried out in the method of a savage, who -breaks open a machine in order to see what is inside. We do not refuse -to make changes in our spiritual life just because the spirit is a -delicate matter. No social transformation which is necessary, is -repugnant to me. In this way I accept the famous control of the -factories and also their co-operative management by companies; I only -ask that there shall be a clear conscience and technical capacity, and -that there shall be increased production. If this is guaranteed by the -workmen’s unions, instead of by the employers, I have no hesitation in -saying that the former have the right to substitute the latter. - - -_The Bolshevist Mask._ That which we Fascisti are opposing is the -Bolshevist element in Italian Socialism. It is strange that a race which -has produced Pisacane and Mazzini should go in search of gospels first -to Germany and then to Russia. Pisacane and Mazzini ought to be studied, -and then it would be seen that some of the truths which it is pretended -have been revealed in Russia, are only truths already consecrated in the -books of our great Italian thinkers. - -How can Communism be thought possible in the most individualistic -country in the world? It is only possible where every man is a number, -not in Italy where every man is an individual, and more, has -individuality. But after all, my dear friends, does Bolshevism exist in -Russia? It does not any longer. There are no longer councils of the -factories, but dictators of the factories; no longer eight hours of -work, but twelve; no longer equal salaries, but thirty-five different -categories, not according to need, but according to merit. There is not -in Russia even that liberty which there is in Italy. Is there a -dictatorship of the proletariat? No! Is there a dictatorship of the -Socialists? No! There is a dictatorship of a few intelligent men, not -workmen, who belong to a section of the Socialist Party, and their -dictatorship is opposed by all the other sections. - -This dictatorship of a few men is what is called Bolshevism. Now we do -not want this in Italy. The Socialists themselves, realising what they -have seen in Russia, recognise, when you question them, that that which -has gone badly in Russia cannot be transplanted into Italy. Only they -are wrong in not saying so openly; they are wrong in playing with -equivocations and deceiving the masses. We repeat, we are not against -the working classes, because they are necessary to the nation, sacredly -necessary. The twenty million Italians who work with their hands have -the right to defend their interests. What we oppose is the deceitful -action of politicians to the detriment of the working classes; we fight -these new priests who promise, in bad faith, a paradise they do not -believe in themselves. Those who are the most ardent advocates of -Bolshevism here in Trieste take up this attitude in order to make -themselves popular with the Slav masses who live near. And if I have a -profound lack of esteem for the Bolshevist leaders in Italy, and despise -many of them, it is because I know them all well and have been in -contact with them. I know perfectly well that when they play the lion -they are rabbits, and that they are like certain monks in Heinrich Heine -who openly preach the drinking of water and drink wine themselves in -secret. We wish to see this shameful speculation finish, because it is -against the interests of the nation. - - -_Always against Italy._ Can you tell me by what curious chance the -Socialists are always against Italy in all questions? Can you tell me -why they always side with those who are against Italy? With the -Albanians, the Croats, the Germans and others? Can you tell me why they -shout “Long live Albania!” who is fighting for Valona, which is -Albanian, and do not shout “Long live Italy!” who is fighting for Trento -and Trieste, which are Italian? By what criterion are they always -against Italy, shouting, “Down, down!” Four Arabs revolt in Libya and -they shout, “Down with Libya!” Six thousand Albanians attack Valona and -it is, “Down with Valona!” And if to-morrow the Croats of Dalmatia -attack us it will be, “Down with Dalmatia!” And if, upon the burning -mountain of the Carso, an insurrectional movement develops against -Trieste, I am afraid the Italian Socialists would cry, “Down with -Trieste!” But there are Italians here and elsewhere who would strangle -the fratricidal cry in their throats. - -It was the same with their opposition to the war. War is a horrible -thing in itself. Those who have been through it know. But it is -necessary to explain. If they say, “War in itself and for itself, for -whatever reason, in whatever latitude, under whatsoever pretext, must -not be made,” then I respect these humanitarians and Tolstoyans. If they -say, “I abhor that blood shall be spilled under any pretext,” then I -respect them and admire them, although I find this impracticable. But -when they cry, “Down with the war!” when Italy makes it, and “Long live -the war!” when Russia makes it, it is a different matter. They had a -paper which was very happy when the so-called Bolshevists were marching -towards Warsaw, and employed the military style: “While we are writing -the cannons....” etc.; we know it all by heart. Is not this war then the -same thing? Does not the Russian war make widows and orphans? Is it not -made with guns, aeroplanes and all the innumerable instruments which -tear and kill human bodies? Either they must be contrary to _all_ wars, -in which case we can discuss together, or if they make distinctions -between war and war, between the war which can be made and the war which -cannot—well, we can tell them that their humanitarianism is simply -horrible. And if they have reason to make war, we had reason to make it -for the destinies of the country in 1915. (Applause.) - - -_The Epic of D’Annunzio._ What, then, is to be the task of Fascismo? It -is this: to bridle Demagogism with courage, energy and impetuosity. -Fascismo is called the Fascio of Fighters, and the word “fighters” does -not leave any doubts about its aims, which are, to fight with peaceful -arms, but also with the arms of warriors. And this is normal in Italy, -because all the world is arming itself, and so it is absolutely -necessary that we Italians arm ourselves in our turn. - -But the task of Fascismo here is more delicate, more difficult, and more -necessary. Fascismo here has a reason for existence, and finds a natural -field for development. I have unlimited faith in the future of the -Italian nation. Crises will succeed crises, there will be pauses and -parentheses, but we shall arrive at a settlement, and the history of -to-morrow cannot be thought of without the participation of Italy. - -There have been many orders of the day, many articles in the papers, -much more or less senseless talk, but the only man who has achieved a -real revolutionary stroke, the only man who for twelve or thirteen -months has held in check all the forces ranged against him is Gabriele -d’Annunzio with his legionaries. Against this man, of pure Italian -blood, are leagued all the cowards, and it is for this reason that we -are proud to be with him, even if all this tribe turn against us too. -This man also represents the possibility of victory and resurrection. -And this possibility exists because we have made war and won. It is -ridiculous that those who most profited by it in wages, votes and -honours are those who, to-day, turn round and revile it. In any case I -think, as indeed this meeting of yours bears witness, that the hour of -the vindication of our national efficiency has struck. While on the one -hand there is a vast world of wretched, poor creatures, there is also a -world which does not forget and does not ignore our victory. (Applause.) - - -_The Re-birth of Ideals._ Just as I was leaving Milan, I received from -the mayor of Cupra Marittima, a little town of Central Italy, an -invitation to be present at their commemoration of the fallen. I did not -accept, because I do not like making speeches. But this episode, like -the pilgrimage of the Ortigara, the pilgrimage to the Grappa, the -pilgrimage of the 24th October to the rocky Carso, tells you that all -ideals are not lost, but are, on the contrary, being re-born. We wish to -assist this spiritual re-birth in every way possible. - -Yesterday, I experienced a moment of great emotion when passing over the -Isonzo. Every time that I have passed that river with my pack on my -back, I have stooped to drink of its crystal waters. If we had not -reached the other side of that river, the tricolour would not to-day be -flying from San Giusto. - -This is the real and true meaning of the war. If the tricolour flies -from San Giusto, it is because twenty years ago a man of Trieste was the -forerunner; it is there because in 1915 Italian soldiers threw -themselves upon the Austrian defences, and all Italy took part in that -act, from the Alpine detachments of the mountains of Piedmont, Lombardy -and Friuli to the magnificent infantry of the Abruzzi, Puglie and Sicily -and the soldiers of the generous island of Sardinia, too much neglected -by the Government! And these generous sons have not yet risen up to take -reprisals against the demagogues of Italy, because they are always ready -to fulfil their duty. - -Men of Trieste! The tricolour of San Giusto is sacred, the tricolour on -the Nevoso is sacred, and still more so is that on the Dinaric Alps. The -tricolour will be protected by our dead heroes, but let us swear -together that it will be defended also by the living. (Prolonged -applause.) - - - - - FASCISMO AND THE PROBLEMS OF FOREIGN POLICY - - Speech delivered at the Politeama Rossetti, Trieste, 6th February - 1921. - - Just as, a few months before, at the time of Italy’s darkest hour, - when the Bolshevist movement was at its zenith, Mussolini had - addressed to the people of Trieste wise words of faith, so in the - spring of 1921, the spring famous for anti-Socialist reaction, - Trieste was once more the city he chose as the place best suited for - the exposition of his analysis of the problems of foreign policy. On - that occasion the patriotic and liberated town, which gave the first - impulse of assault in the energetic offensive against the local - Austrian Bolshevists, accorded to the leader of the new Italy hearty - manifestations of general assent. - - -In order to indicate the direction which Italian foreign policy should -take in the immediate future, it is a good thing to give a glance first -at the general situation in the world, and at the forces and currents -which are at work, with a view to finding out what may be the possible -developments and results. - -All the States of the world are in a condition of fatal interdependence. -The period for splendid isolation is passed for everyone. It can well be -said, that with the war the story of mankind has acquired a world -movement. While Europe, severely weakened, struggles to recover her -economic, political and spiritual balance, already beyond the boundaries -of the old Continent a formidable clash of interests is shaping itself. -I allude to the conflict between the United States and Japan, and to the -accounts of recent episodes, from the Affair of the Cable to the Bill -against the Yellow Immigration in California, which have occupied the -papers. Japan has a population of 77 millions, and the United States 110 -millions. That it was known that a struggle between these two States was -inevitable is proved by the very significant fact that the book which -had the widest circulation among all classes in Tokio was called _Our -Next War with the United States_, a book which outlined the war between -the continents for the dominion of the Pacific. The centre of world -civilisation is tending to alter its position. Up to about 1500 it was -in the Mediterranean; after the discovery of America, it shifted to the -Atlantic; to-day its passage to the biggest ocean of the planet is -indicated. I said, last time I spoke here, that we were approaching the -“Asiatic” century. Japan is destined to be the fermenting element of all -the Yellow world. - -As the result of shifting the centre of civilisation from London to New -York (which has already seven million inhabitants and will soon be the -largest agglomeration of human beings on the earth), and from the -Atlantic to the Pacific, there are those who foresee a gradual economic -and spiritual decay of our old Europe, and of our wonderful little -continent, which has been, hitherto, the guiding light of all the world. -Shall we live to see the eclipse of the European rôle in the history of -mankind? - - -_The European Situation._ To this disquieting and depressing question we -answer, “It is possible.” The life of Europe, especially that of Central -Europe, is at the mercy of the Americans. Europe presents a troubled -political and economic panorama, a thorny maze of national and social -questions, and it happens that Communism is sometimes the mask of -Nationalism and _vice versâ_. European “unity” does not seem to be any -nearer realisation. Egoism and the interests of nations and classes -exist in proud contrast. Russia is no longer an enigma from the economic -point of view. In Russia there is neither Communism nor Socialism, but -an agrarian revolution of the democratic lower-middle-class kind. She -only remains an enigma from the political point of view. What foreign -policy does Russia follow? Is it a policy of peace or war? The variety -of facts which reach our ears make us continually waver between one -opinion and another. Perhaps under the emblem of the sickle and the -hammer is hidden—or not hidden—the old Panslavism, which to-day is -dominated, besides, by the immediate necessity of extending the -revolution to the rest of Europe, in order to save the Government of the -Soviet in Russia. If Russia adopts a policy of war, the fate of the -Baltic States (Lithuania, Lettonia and Esthonia) will be sealed. The -fate of Poland would also be uncertain, and she might find herself -driven against the unfriendly German wall by an eventual breaking loose -of the Russian forces. There are serious conflicting interests between -the different States of those north-east shores. There is a disagreement -between Poland, Lithuania and Russia as regards Wilna and Grodno. The -rights on the basis of history and statistics are with Poland. There are -263,000 Poles in the district of Wilna as compared with 118,000 -Lithuanians, 8000 White Ruthenians and 83,000 Jews. The same figures, -proportionately, are found in Grodno. As for Upper Silesia, which keeps -the Polish and German worlds in a state of continuous agitation, the -German statistics give these returns: 1,348,000 Poles, 588,000 Germans. -Upper Silesia is, therefore, Polish, but its final destiny will be -decided by the plebiscite summoned for the 15th March. - - -_The Treaties of Peace._ The Great War has resulted in six treaties of -peace up to the present: Versailles, St. Germain, Trianon, Neuilly, -Sèvres, Rapallo. Not one of these treaties has wholly satisfied the -victors; not one, even the Treaty of Rapallo, which was supposed to be a -masterpiece of friendly and peaceful negotiation, has been accepted by -the vanquished. As far as the Treaty of Versailles, the greatest of all, -is concerned, even at this moment the important question of the -indemnity which Germany ought to pay is still under discussion. It is a -figure which makes us feel giddy and the last word has not yet been -said. All the settlements, especially those made by diplomats, have an -ironically provisional character. - -The Germans, who have formed the “sacred union” of non-payment, announce -that they will make counterproposals by the same representatives who -will speak at London in a few weeks’ time. Our opinion is, that if the -Germans can pay they ought, as far as it is possible, and the experts -must ascertain the truth of this possibility. We must not forget, before -allowing ourselves to pity the Germans—who had already fixed our -indemnity at 500 milliards of gold, in the case of their victory—that it -was the Germans who began the war, and that the first Irredentism was -directed against Italy, on account of those minorities which had -descended, without right, into the Upper Adige. - - -_German Austria, Macedonia and Smyrna._ The present Austrian Republic -was the result of the Treaty of St. Germain. Can it continue to live, -formed as it is at present? It is generally thought not. There remains -the alternative of a Danube Confederation with its centre at Vienna and -Budapest, but the “Little Entente” sees to it that there shall be no -return, under any form, of the old régime. We think that, by the force -of events, an economic Danube Confederation will be formed sooner or -later, in which case the conditions of Austria, and especially of -Vienna, would improve until she had arrived at the point of lessening -the pro-German annexationist movement. From the standpoint of justice, -and whenever there was a clear manifestation of the will of the people, -Austria would have the right of separating herself from Germany. This -possible eventuality cannot leave us indifferent, because of the -boundaries of the Brenner, which is a question of life or death for the -Paduan valley. A hungry and pauper Austria cannot organise a dangerous -Irredentism against us; but as the result of union with Germany the -question of the Upper Adige would certainly become more acute. - -As for Hungary, she can certainly expect a revision of the treaty which -mutilates her on every side. It must be added, however, that the chapter -of Fiume is definitely closed in Hungarian history. - -Centres of infection for another war exist all over the Balkan world. -Let us quote Montenegro and Albania, for example. We are in favour of -the independence of both these States, provided that they show -themselves capable of enjoying it. Bulgaria has a right to Macedonia[7] -and also to a port on the Ægean. And this is of capital importance for -the economic expansion of Italy in Bulgaria. The Treaty of Sèvres -crushed Turkey in order to exalt the Greece of Venizelos and -Constantine, which gave the European war the sacrifice of 787 “euzoni.” -We consider, as far as the Eastern Mediterranean is concerned, that -Italy, on the whole, should follow a pro-Turkish policy. - -Footnote 7: - - Population: 1,181,000 Bulgarians, 499,000 Turks, and 228,000 Greeks. - - -_The Treaty of Rapallo._ Immediately after the signing of the Treaty of -Rapallo, the Central Committee of the Fascio passed its judgment upon -it, finding it “acceptable for the Eastern boundaries, inacceptable and -deficient as regards Fiume, and insufficient and to be rejected as -regards Zara and Dalmatia.” At three months’ distance this judgment does -not seem to be contradicted by successive events. The Treaty of Rapallo -is an unhappy compromise, against which pages of criticism were printed -in the _Popolo d’Italia_, which it is now useless to repeat. - -It must be explained why victorious Italy ever arrived at the point of -signing the Peace of Rapallo. And the explanations do not need much -mental exertion. Rapallo was the logical consequence of the line of -foreign policy followed by us or imposed upon us before, during and -after the war. It is explained by Wilson and his so-called experts and -the absolute lack of Italian propaganda abroad and the dead-tiredness of -the people. Rapallo is explained by the meeting of the oppressed -nationalities held at Rome in April 1918, which meeting can be directly -connected with the ill-fated story of Caporetto. Everything is paid for -in this life. On 12th November 1920, we paid at Rapallo for the -breakdown of 24th October 1917. Had there been no Caporetto, there would -have been no Pact of Rome. In that congress the Yugoslavs threw dust in -our eyes because in reality they did nothing towards breaking up the -Dual Monarchy from within, of which they were the faithful slaves to the -last, with traditional Croat loyalty. Not for nothing did the Hapsburg -monarchy, upon its decease, try to present the Jugoslavs with its navy. -But it was in the April of 1918 that the irreparable was committed, with -the consent of all currents of Italian public opinion, including ours -and the Nationalists—that is to say, our worst enemies were raised to -the rank of effectual and powerful allies, and naturally, when the -victory was obtained, there was no accepting of the rôle of vanquished, -but they adopted that of co-operators with a relative share in the -common booty. After the Pact of Rome it was no longer possible to place -our knee on the chest of Yugoslavia—this is the truth. And so it -happened that the Italian people—tired, impoverished and unnerved by two -long years of useless negotiations, demoralised by the policy of the -Government and the tremendous wave of after-war sabotage (against which -only the Fascisti reacted powerfully)—accepted, or rather suffered, the -Treaty of Rapallo, without manifestations of grief or joy. And, in order -to finish it once and for all, many people would also have accepted the -terrible line of Montemaggiore. All the parties of all the grades of -Left and Right accepted the treaty as a lesser evil. We, too, submitted -to it, considering it merely as a transitory and ephemeral act (has -there ever been anything definite in the world, much less upon the -moving sands of diplomacy?), and with the intention of gathering our -forces to be ready for the revision which, sooner or later, would -improve the treaty and not make it worse, would carry our boundaries to -the Dinaric Alps, but never again allow the boundaries of Yugoslavia to -reach the Isonzo. - -The fate meted out to Dalmatia makes us very sad. But the fault does not -lie wholly with the negotiators of the eleventh hour; the renunciation -had already been made in Parliament, in the papers and in the -universities themselves, where a professor printed a book, which was -naturally translated at Zagabria, in which he proved, in his own way, -that Dalmatia is not Italian. The Dalmatian tragedy lies in this -ignorance, bad faith and want of understanding; faults which we hope to -repair with our work by making Dalmatia known, loved and defended. - -The treaty, once signed, could be annulled in one of two ways: by -outside war or internal revolution. Both equally absurd. You do not make -the people throng the squares in order to change a peace treaty after -five years of bloodshed. Nobody is capable of working such prodigies. It -was possible to cause a revolution in Italy in order to obtain -intervention; but to cause a revolution in November 1920, in order to -annul a peace treaty which, good or bad, had been accepted by -ninety-nine per cent. of the Italian people, could not be considered. I -do not mind much about coherence, but there are stenographic records -which bear witness to the fact that I steadily refused to go against the -treaty either by promoting outside war or internal revolution. I -considered that it was also dangerous to get mixed up in an armed -resistance to the treaty. - - -_The Tragedy of Fiume._ Two months of polemics and daily articles during -November and December bear witness to my support of the cause of Fiume, -and my open and strong opposition to the Parliament. - -It is a pity that oblivion falls so quickly on the words of a daily -paper; and I have not the melancholy habit of unearthing what I publish. -But the undeniable truth is this: that day after day I fought so that -the Government at Rome should recognise the Government at Fiume; so that -the representatives of the Regency should be invited to Rapallo; and so -that the Government at Rome should avoid any armed attack on Fiume. At -the outset I called the attack of Christmas Eve an enormous crime, and I -always upheld the spirit of justice, liberty and free-will which were -the inspiration of the legions of Ronchi. - - -_The Audience in the Gallery._ It sometimes happens in history as in the -theatre, that there is an audience in the gallery, which, having paid -for its tickets, demands that the performance shall run to a close at -all costs. Thus in Italy to-day there are two types of individuals: -those who blame D’Annunzio for having lived to see the end of the Fiume -tragedy, and those who blame Mussolini for not having brought about that -easy, pretty little thing which is called a revolution! I have always -disdained the cowardly method by which, in Italy, impotence, anger and -misery are laid upon the heads of real or imaginary scapegoats. The -Fasci had never promised to bring about revolution in the event of an -attack on Fiume, nor have I ever written or made known to D’Annunzio -that revolution depended upon my caprice. Revolution is not a -Jack-in-the-box which can be worked at will. I do not carry it in my -pocket, any more than those who fill their noisy mouths with its name -and in practice do not get beyond disorders in the squares after -unimportant demonstrations accompanied by a providential arrest to avoid -any more serious complications. I know the breed. I have been in -politics for twenty years. In the war between Caviglia and Fiume, either -great things should have been accomplished, or else, for reasons of -self-respect, excessive shouting and raising of smoke, which vanished at -once without trace and without bloodshed, should have been avoided. - - -_With Whom and Where?_ History learned from far-off events teaches men -little; but that which we see written daily under our eyes ought to be -more successful. Now these chronicles of every day tell us that -revolution is made with an army and not against an army; with arms, not -without arms; with movements of trained squadrons, not with the -untrained masses called to meetings in the squares. They succeed when -they are made in an atmosphere of sympathy on the part of the majority; -if this is lacking they die down and fail. Now in Fiume the army and -navy did not fail. A certain revolutionary spirit of the eleventh hour -did not take definite shape; it was the work sometimes of anarchists and -sometimes of Nationalists. According to some emissaries it was possible -to put the devil and holy water together, the nation and that which was -against the nation: Misiano and Del Croix. Now I reject all forms of -Bolshevism, but if I were obliged to choose one, I should choose that of -Moscow and Lenin, if for no other reason because at least it has -gigantic, barbaric and universal proportions. What revolution was it to -be, then? National or Bolshevist? A great uncertainty, complicated by a -great many minor considerations, confused men’s minds, while the nation, -in a mood of revolt against that which had happened round Fiume, -abandoned itself to an attitude of grief, in which the only bright spot -was the hope that the episode would retain its local character and come -quickly to a peaceful conclusion. - - -_Hypotheses and Certainties._ If there had been an insurrection on our -part—and this was not possible owing to the armed forces which the -Government had at its disposal—there must have been one of two results: -defeat or victory. In the first case, everything would have been -irretrievably lost in the abyss of civil war. Let us, for the sake of -argument, presuppose the second hypothesis: that of victory with the -fall of the Government and of the régime. After the more or less easy -period of demolition, what form would the revolution take? Social, as -some Bolshevists wish—those with the motto “Always further Left,” the -equivalent of the grotesque “Go to the reddest”—or national, Dalmatian -and reactionary, as others desire? - -There is no possibility of reconciliation between the two currents. In a -revolution of the social order, what importance would the territorial -questions, and more precisely that of Dalmatia, have had? In the other -event of a national revolution against the Treaty of Rapallo, everything -would have been limited to a formal annulment of the treaty and to a -substitution of men; to be followed later by another treaty in another -Rapallo, in order that one day or another the nation might have her -peace. An episode of civil war was not remedied by letting loose a -bigger war in times like these through which we are passing, and nobody -is capable of prolonging and creating artificially historical situations -which are over and done with. Only the man who knows how to lift himself -above common passions, who knows how to draw conclusions from -conflicting elements and how to distinguish the pure grain from the -equivocal chaff, is able to understand that Fiume Christmas, which can -be called the tragic crossroads between the reasons of the State and of -the ideal: the meeting-place of all our deficiencies and all our -greatness. - - -_Suspended Problems._ The first is that of Fiume. We do not feel the -necessity of reaffirming our sympathy for the sacrificed city. We have -given the most tangible proofs, recently, of our solidarity with the -Fascio of Fiume, in order to put it in a position to undertake the -struggle against the Croats, who are now beginning to show signs of -life. The action of the Fascisti must tend, for the moment, towards -economic annexation of Fiume to Italy, to arousing the interest of the -Government and private individuals, and at the same time keeping alive, -by every means, the torch of Italy, so that in due time economic will be -followed by political annexation. We shall achieve this in spite of -everything. All the Fascista force, national and parliamentary, must be -concentrated on Zara, so that the little city shall be able to -accomplish her important and delicate mission in history. There must be -efficacious education for the Italians who have remained in the -principal cities of Dalmatia, and no separate constituencies for the -Slavs in Istria and the Germans in the Upper Adige. It is not possible -to establish such a precedent, as it would carry us far. The French of -the Val d’Aosta, who are in reality excellent Italians, have no special -constituencies and privileges of that sort. These duplicate -constituencies would be a grave mistake. It is up to the Fascisti of -Trento and Trieste to prevent this happening at any cost. - - -_Old and New Directions._ The lines of the programme laid down at the -meeting at Milan in May last year have not become out of date or in need -of revision. Fascismo has the name of being “imperialist.” This -accusation goes together with that of being reactionary. Fascismo is -against renunciations when they mean humiliation and diminution. - -Given these general premises—_first_, that Fascismo does not believe in -the principles of the so-called League of Nations nor in its vitality; -_secondly_, that Fascismo does not believe in the Red Internationals, -which die, reproduce themselves, multiply and die again: for they are -small, artificial organisations, small minorities compared to the masses -of the population, which, living, dying, progressing or retrogressing, -finishes by deciding those changes of interests before which the -international organisations of the first, second and third order crumble -to pieces; _thirdly_, that Fascismo does not believe in the immediate -possibility of general disarmament, and _fourthly_, considers that -Italy, in the present historical period, should follow a policy of -European equilibrium and conciliation—it follows that the Italian Fascio -of Fighters demands:— - -1. That the treaties of peace shall be revised and modified in those -parts which have proved inapplicable, or which might prove in -application the cause of formidable hatred and new wars. - -2. The economic annexation of Fiume to Italy, or the care of the -Italians resident in Dalmatia. - -3. The gradual economic emancipation of Italy from abroad by the -development of her productive forces. - -4. The renewal of relations with the enemy countries—Austria, Germany, -Bulgaria, Turkey and Hungary—but with dignity and holding fast to the -supreme necessity of maintaining our northern and eastern boundaries. - -5. The creation and intensification of friendly relations with the -peoples of the East, not excluding those governed by the Soviet and -South-eastern Europe. - -6. The vindication of the rights and interests of the nation as regards -the colonies. - -7. The abandonment of the old systems and the replacement of all our -diplomatic representatives with others from the special university -faculties. - -8. The furtherance of the Italian colonies in the Mediterranean and -beyond the Atlantic by economic and educational means and by rapid -communications. - - -_Towards a New Italy._ I have enormous faith in the future greatness of -the Italian people. Ours is the most numerous and homogeneous of the -peoples of Europe. - -The war has enormously increased the prestige of Italy. “Long live -Italy!” is now cried in far-off Lettonia and still more distant Georgia. - -Italy is the tricolour wing of Ferrarin, the magnetic wave of Marconi, -the baton of Toscanini, the revival of Dante, in the sixth centenary of -his departure. Let us prepare ourselves by energetic everyday work for -the Italy of to-morrow of which we dream; an Italy free and rich, -resounding with song, with her skies and seas populated with her fleets, -and her earth fruitful beneath her ploughs. And may the coming citizens -be able to say what Virgil said of ancient Rome: “Imperium oceano, famam -terminavit astris” (The Empire ended with the ocean, but her fame -reached the stars.) - - - - - HOW FASCISMO WAS CREATED - ITS EVOLUTION AND ESSENCE - - Speech delivered at the Teatro Comunale of Bologna, 3rd April 1921. - - Bologna, the capital of the so-called red region of Emilia, a region - thought to be lost to the Italian State as far as laws and authority - were concerned, from the 2nd to the 4th of April passed through - truly memorable days. - - The learned and noble city, with its fine patriotic traditions, - whose very walls recall the popular and patrician insurrection - against the Austrians, welcomed Benito Mussolini with manifestations - of solidarity and veneration such as were accorded to Giuseppe - Garibaldi. For if the latter was a liberator from foreign tyranny, - the former had been no less a liberator from an equal tyranny, - arising from similar causes, although materialised through different - means and by different agents living in our midst. - - All who witnessed those enthusiastic manifestations instantly - perceived that the problem of Italian internal politics was now - solved by the definite defeat of that parasitic, anti-National - Socialism, the enemy of liberty, which had chosen the Valle Padana - as the most suitable experimental field for the fecundation of the - microbes of Collectivist Utopia, and incidentally for the - exploitation of the masses of the proletariat. - - -Fascisti of Emilia and Romagna—Citizens of Bologna! I feel that I might -be carried out of that sphere of eloquence which is mine by all the -circumstances of this meeting, beginning with the welcomes of yesterday -evening and the songs of last night, and ending with this magnificent -sea of heads and the greeting which I received with the greatest -veneration from the widow of our unforgettable Giulio Giordani, and the -presence of two heroic women, the widows of the two heroes, Battisti and -Venezian. (Applause.) But as I hope, and am almost certain, that you do -not expect eloquence from me, but a short abrupt speech as is my habit, -I will proceed to speak clearly in the Fascista manner. - - -_How Fascismo was born._ I thank my friend Grandi for having presented -me to you and with such flattering words. I do not think, however, that -I am guilty of the sin of pride if I accept them. I think I may say, in -accordance with Socrates, that I know myself. (Applause.) - -How then was this Fascismo born; amid what conflicting passions, -sympathy, hatred, and lack of comprehension? It was not only born in my -mind and heart, in that meeting held in March 1919 in the little hall at -Milan, it was born of the profound and perennial need of this our -Mediterranean and Aryan race, which felt the essential foundations of -its existence threatened by a tragic folly which will crumble to pieces, -to-day, upon the ground on which it was raised. - -We felt then—we, who were not penitent Magdalens; we, who had always had -the courage to uphold intervention and reason in those days of 1915; we, -who were not ashamed of having barred the way to Austria on the Piave -and having crushed her at Vittorio Veneto; we, who wished for a -victorious peace, felt at once, almost before the exultation of victory -had passed, that our task was not ended, and I, myself, felt that my -work was not done. As a matter of fact, at every turn of events it was -said that my task and the task of the forces I lead was accomplished. In -May 1915, when the Fascismo of Revolutionary Action had swept away all -neutralists from the streets and squares of Italy, even in the smallest -villages, it was said: “Mussolini has no more to say to the nation.” But -when the tragic days of Caporetto came and Milan was grey and ghastly -for those who felt that if the Austrians passed and came to the city of -the Cinque Giornate it would be the end of Italy, then we felt that we -still had a word to say. And again, after victory, when there arose the -more or less democratic school of renunciation which was intent upon -mutilating the victory, we Fascisti had the supreme and unprejudiced -courage to proclaim ourselves Imperialists and against all renunciation. - -That was the first battle, fought in the theatre of the Scala in January -1919. But how did it happen? We had won; we had sacrificed the flower of -our youth, and they came to us with bills of usury and extortion! They -disputed with us the sacred boundaries of the country, and there were -Democrats in Italy, whose democracy consisted in Imperialism for others -and no Imperialism for us, who threw this ridiculous accusation at us, -because we intended that Italy should be bounded on the north by the -Brenner, as she shall be while there is Italian blood in Italy! We -intended that the eastern boundaries should be at the Nevoso, because -that is the just and natural confine of our country; and they accused us -because we did not turn deaf ears to the appeal of Fiume, because we -feel in our hearts the sufferings of our brothers in Dalmatia, because, -in fact, we feel those bonds of race to be alive and vital which bind -us, not only to the Italians of Zara, Ragusa and Cattaro, but also to -those of the Canton Ticino and Corsica, to those beyond the oceans, to -all that great family of fifty million men whom we wish to unite in the -same pride of race. (Applause.) - -Already we have noticed the first signs of the Socialist offensive. On -16th February, Milan was the witness—to the fear and terror of the -trembling middle classes—of a procession of 20,000 Bolshevists, who, -after having hymned Lenin from the top of the castle towers, proclaimed -that the Bolshevist revolution was imminent. - - -_The Pride of Victory._ On the morrow of that day I issued an -article,[8] which made an impression also among some friends, and which -was entitled, “The Return of the Triumphant Beast.” In it was said: “We -are ready to dig trenches in the squares of Italy and set up barbed -wire, in order to win and fight to the last against the enemy.” And the -sabotage, begun with that parade, lasted all the summer. - -Footnote 8: - - _Popolo d’Italia_, 17th Feb. 1919. - -Also, in those days, we Fascisti had the courage to defend certain -actions which, measured by the standard of current morals, perhaps were -indefensible. But, gentlemen, war is like revolution, it must be taken -as a whole; detail cannot and must not be gone into. But, meanwhile, the -campaign had its results upon the elections. One million eight hundred -and fifty thousand electors registered their vote with the symbol of the -sickle and the hammer. One hundred and fifty-six deputies were returned -to the Chamber. The catastrophe seemed imminent. Then I was fished out, -a suicide(!) of the waters—not by any means too limpid—of the old -Naviglio! - -But one thing had been forgotten—our tenacious spirit and sometimes -indomitable will. I, proud of my four thousand votes—and those who saw -me in those days know how immovably I accepted that electoral -response—said, “The battle goes on!” Because I firmly believed that the -day would come in which the Italians would be ashamed of the elections -of 16th November, that the day would come in which the Italians would no -longer elect in two cities that ignoble deserter whom I do not wish to -name. And it has proved true, because this man to-day, not being able to -maintain his part in the drama, has descended from the stage and, having -despised the Guardie Regie, now asks them for protection. - -But has the growth of this movement of Fascismo, this young ardent and -heroic movement, finished yet? I, who vindicate the paternity of this, -my creature so overflowing with life, feel sometimes that it has already -overstepped the modest boundaries I laid down for it. Now we Fascisti -have a clear programme; we must move on led by a pillar of fire, because -we are slandered and not understood. And, however much violence may be -deplored, it is evident that we, in order to make our ideas understood, -must beat refractory skulls with resounding blows. - - -_Necessary Violence._ But we do not make a school, a system or, worse -still, an æsthetic of violence. We are violent when it is necessary to -be so. But I tell you at once that this necessary violence on the part -of the Fascisti must have a character and style of its own, definitely -aristocratic, or, if you prefer, surgical. - -Our punitive expeditions, all those acts of violence which figure in the -papers, must always have the character of a just retort and legitimate -reprisal; because we are the first to recognise that it is sad, after -having fought the external enemy, to have to fight the enemy within, -who, whether they like it or not, are Italians. But it is necessary, and -as long as it is necessary, we shall continue to carry out this hard and -thankless task. - -Now the Democrats, the Republicans and the Socialists accuse us of -various things. The Socialists, hitherto, have said that we were sold to -the profiteers and the agrarians. Now there are not enough profiteers in -the whole of Italy to support a movement like ours, and in any case I -must say that they would be rather stupid profiteers, because from the -March of 1919 we, in our Fascista programmes, have laid down fiscal -provisions which are pretty heavy and in any case anti-profiteer. The -accusations of the Democrats are equally ridiculous, and also those of -the Republicans. I cannot explain to myself why the Republicans are -against a movement which has republican tendencies like ours. I could -understand them being against us if we were in favour of the monarchy. -They say to us: “You have no preconceptions.” We have not, and we are -proud of it. But you must explain the phenomenon of the anger and the -incomprehension of the Socialists. The Socialists had formed a State -within a State. If this new State had been more liberal, more modern, -nearer the old type, there would have been nothing against it. But this -State, and you know it by direct experience, is more tyrannical, -illiberal and overbearing than the old one; and for this reason that -which we are causing to-day is a revolution to break up the Bolshevist -State, while waiting to settle our accounts with the Liberal State which -remains. (Applause.) - - -_The Socialist Crisis and the Fascista Attitude to the Elections._ There -are those who think that the Socialist crisis is only a crisis limited -to a few men; but it goes deeper, my dear friends, and it represents a -general upheaval. - -Among other absurd things, there has been that of baptising Socialism as -scientific. Now there is nothing scientific in the world. Science -explains the “how” of things, but does not explain the “why.” If, then, -there is nothing scientific in what are called the exact sciences, what -is more absurd than to try and pass off as scientific a vast, uncertain, -underground and dark movement such as Socialism has been, even though it -may have had a useful function at first, when it directed the oppressed -peoples towards new ways of life, because you will agree with me that -there is no turning back? Foolish reactionary and Conservative -contraband practices must not be carried on under the Fascista flag. To -wrench from the masses the conquests, they have obtained through -sacrifice would be impossible. We are the first to recognise that a -State law should grant the eight-hour day, and that there should be a -social legislation corresponding to the exigencies of the new times. And -this is not because we recognise the importance of the proletariat. We -look at the question from another point of view. We realise that there -cannot be a great nation, capable of doing great things, if the working -masses are constrained to live under brutalising conditions. It is -necessary, then, that by preaching and practising the reconciliation of -right and duty, which I call Mazzinian, this enormous mass of tens of -millions of people who work shall be raised to an ever higher level of -life. - - -_Brothers, not Enemies!_ It is absurd to depict us as the enemies of the -working classes. We feel ourselves to be brothers in spirit of all those -who work; but we do not make distinctions, we do not put work-worn hands -into the first rank. We do not place the new divinity, manual labour, -upon the altar. For us all work—the astronomer who in his observatory -consults the trajectory of the stars, the lawyer, the archæologist, the -student of religion and the artist, if they are increasing by their work -the sum total of spiritual wealth which is at the disposal of mankind. -We wish to see the realisation of a communion between spirit and matter, -between the arm and the brain, the realisation of the solidarity of the -race. - -Fascismo is then the blast of heresy which beats at the doors of all the -churches and says to the old and more or less tearful priest: “Get out -of the way of these temples which threaten ruin to you, for our -triumphant heresy is destined to bring light to all brains and all -souls!” And we say to all men, great and small, upon the national -political scene: “Make way for the youth of Italy which wishes to affirm -its faith and passion. And if you do not make way spontaneously, you -will be overwhelmed in our universal punitive expedition, which is to -collect all the free spirits of Italy and bind them together in a -Fascio.” (Applause.) - -We are now face to face with a fact, which is that of the elections. The -Chamber being old, and more than old, worn out, the protagonists of this -semi-tragedy being tired and misled, it is time to make that new appeal -to the electors which is imperative. Do you not feel that, if the -elections of 1919 had the character of sabotage, the elections of 1921 -will be definitely Fascista? Do you not feel that the helm of State will -never return to the old men of the old Italy? - -I received a message to-day on the strength of which I feel I can state -that the difference, more or less artificially created, which existed -between the defenders of Fiume—to whom we pay the homage of our -gratitude—and us, her defenders at home, has no more _raison d’être_. -And this difference, which, rather than by the legionaries, was created -by certain politicians who were not even at Fiume when it was attacked -seriously, will be put an end to by Gabriele d’Annunzio. - - -_The Day consecrated to Fascismo._ Another characteristic of Fascismo is -pride of nationality. And, in connection with this, I am pleased to tell -you that we have already decided the Fascista day. If the Socialists -have May Day, if the Popular Party have 15th May, and other parties -other days, we Fascisti will have one, too, and it shall be the day of -the birth of Rome, 21st April. Upon that day, in token of the eternity -of Rome, in memory of that city which gave two civilisations to the -world and will give a third, we Fascisti will gather together, and the -regional legions will file past in the Fascista order, which is neither -military nor German, but simply Roman. We have abolished the procession -and substituted this ancient form of manifestation, which imposes -individual control on each participator and order and discipline upon -all. For we wish to introduce strict national discipline, without which -Italy cannot become the Mediterranean and world nation of which we -dream. And those who blame us for marching like the Germans must -remember that it is not we who imitate the Germans, but they who imitate -the Romans, for which reason it is we who go back to the original, who -return to the Roman style, the Latin and Mediterranean style. - -We have no prejudices, because we are not a church, we are a movement. -We are not a party, we are a band of free men. If anyone is tired of -being Fascista, there are twenty shops, twenty churches at whose doors -to knock and ask for hospitality. We have not institutions either, we -consider them superfluous. Ours is an army characterised by enthusiasm -and voluntary discipline, and known, above all, not in the light of -guardian of some party or faction, but as guardian of the nation. We are -known for the love we bear to Italy, to her history and her -civilisation, as well as to her inhabitants and geographical -constitution. - -Yesterday, while the train carried me to Bologna, I felt myself in -harmony with all things and all men. I felt bound to this earth; I felt -myself an infinitesimal part of that great river which flows from the -Alps to the Adriatic; I recognised my brothers in the peasants, those -peasants with the grave attitudes of those who work the soil; I saw -myself in the blue sky, which awakened my inextinguishable passion for -flight; I recognised myself in all the aspects of nature and man. And a -profound prayer arose in my heart. It is the prayer that every Italian -should make, when the sunrise illumines the sky and the twilight -descends over the earth. “We, Italians of the twentieth century, who -have witnessed the great tragedy which has brought about the fulfilment -of our nationality; we, who carry in the depths of our souls the memory -of the dead, who are our religion; we, citizens of Italy, shall make one -oath, one single resolution: that we only shall be the modest but -persevering builders of her present and future fortunes.” (Applause.) - - - - - THE ITALY WE WANT WITHIN, AND HER FOREIGN RELATIONS - - This Speech was delivered 20th September 1922. - - The four following speeches are undoubtedly the most important of - this collection, because they depict Mussolini as the polemic, the - agitator, the warrior, the leader, travelling to his political - maturity. In reading them one recognises the _condottiero_ who is - quite sure of himself, who is near the end of his march, and is - certain of reaching his final goal. - - Except for a gradually accelerated rhythm, proportionate to the - precipitation of events, the tone of the four speeches is almost the - same. There is no pause, no perplexity, nothing which might induce - the reader to think of a change of direction, of a truce, of the - relinquishing of the struggle. But rather one notices the close - march of a compact and well-equipped army, determined to struggle on - and to win at whatever cost. - - At UDINE, that strong old town, the sentinel of the country, dear to - the heart of all Italian soldiers, the leader of Fascismo initiates - the spiritual and physical mobilisation of the “black shirts,” while - he hurls the first challenge at the old political caste and lays - down the fundamental points of the imminent national revolution. - - -The speech which I intend to make to-day is going to be an exception to -the rule which I have imposed upon myself of limiting my speeches, as -far as I can. Oh! if it were only possible to do as the poets advise and -strangle the verbose, inconclusive oratory which has side-tracked us for -so long! I am certain, or at any rate I hope, that you do not expect -anything from me in a speech which is not eminently Fascista, that is to -say straightforward, hard, bare facts. - - -_The Unity of the Country._ Do not expect a commemoration of the 20th -September. Certainly the subject would be tempting and there would be -ample material for reflection in re-examining by what prodigies of -immeasurable force, and through how many and how great sacrifices, Italy -has been able to achieve her not yet complete unity. I say not yet -complete, because perfect unity cannot be spoken of until Fiume and -Dalmatia and the other territories have come back to us, thus fulfilling -the proud dream which we carry in our hearts. Instead, I ask you to -consider that throughout the Risorgimento—which began with the first -attempt at rebellion on the part of a small section of a cavalry -regiment at Nola, and ended with the breach of Porta Pia in ’70—two -forces were brought into play: one, the traditional and conservative -force, of necessity rather stationary and sluggish, the force of the -Savoy and Piedmont tradition; the other, the rebellious and -revolutionary force which sprang from the best elements among the -bourgeoisie especially. And it was only as the result of the -reconciliation and balancing of these two forces that we were able to -realise the unity of the Country. Perhaps something of the sort can be -found to-day, and of this I shall go on to speak later. - - -_Rome!_ Have you ever asked yourselves why the unity of the country is -summed up in the symbol and the name of Rome? We Fascisti must forget -the more or less ungrateful welcome we received at Rome in the October -of last year, otherwise we should show ourselves to be mean-spirited, -and we must have the courage to own that part of the responsibility for -what happened belongs to us, on account of some elements among us which -were not on the high level the situation required. - -And Rome must not be confused with the Romans; with those hundreds of -so-called “fugitives of Fascismo” which are to be found at Rome, Milan -and other centres in Italy, who effectively arouse harmful anti-Fascista -feeling in the country. But if Mazzini and Garibaldi tried three times -to arrive at Rome, and if Garibaldi gave his “red shirts” the tragic and -inexorable alternative of “Rome or death,” this means that, to the best -men of the Risorgimento, Rome already had an essential function of the -first importance to perform in the new history of the Italian nation. - -Let us then, with minds pure and free from animosity, lift up our -thoughts towards Rome, which is one of the few spiritual cities which -exist in the world; because at Rome, among those seven hills so pregnant -with history, occurred one of the greatest spiritual miracles which have -ever taken place—that is, the transformation of an Eastern religion, not -understood by us, into a universal one, and which has succeeded, under -another form, to the Empire that the Roman legions had carried to the -extreme ends of the earth. And we want to make Rome the city of our -ideals, a city cleaned and purified of all those elements which corrupt -and defile her; we wish to make Rome the throbbing heart, the living -spirit of the Italy of which we dream. - -Somebody might object, saying: “Are you worthy of Rome? Are you capable -of inheriting and transmitting the ideals and glories of an Empire?” And -then surly critics busy themselves with trying to find signs of -uncertainty in our young, exuberant organisation! - - -_Fascista Discipline._ People speak to us of Fascista _autonomy_. I tell -the Fascisti and citizens that this autonomy has no importance -whatsoever. It is not an autonomy of ideas and prejudice. Fascismo has -no prejudices; they are the sad privilege of the old parties, -associations scattered over all countries, whose members, having nothing -better to do or to say, end by imitating those sordid priests of the -East who discussed all the questions of the world while the Byzantine -Empire perished. The few and sporadic attempts on the part of Fascisti -to establish autonomy are either frustrated or nearly so, because they -represent only revenge of a personal nature. - -We come to another question: _discipline_. I am in favour of the most -rigid discipline. We must first sternly discipline ourselves, otherwise -we shall not have the right to discipline the nation. And it is only by -the discipline of the nation that Italy can make herself heard in the -councils of the other countries. Discipline must be accepted. If it is -not, it must be imposed. We put aside the democratic dogma that one must -for ever proceed by sermonising and lecturing in a more or less liberal -manner. At a given moment discipline must show itself under the form of -a command or of an act of force. - -I exact discipline, and I do not speak to the men of the Friulian -district, who are—let me say—perfect as regards sobriety and -correctness, austerity and quiet living, but I speak to the Fascisti of -all Italy, who, if they must have a dogma, must have one which bears the -clear name of discipline. Only by obedience, by the humble and sacred -pride in obedience, can the right to command be conquered. And only when -it is conquered can it be imposed upon others; otherwise, no! The -Fascisti of Italy must take note of this. They must not interpret -discipline as a call to order of the administrative kind or as the fear -of shepherds who foresee the scattering of their flock. This cannot be, -because we are not shepherds and our forces cannot be called, by any -means, a flock. We are an army, and it is just because we have this -special organisation that we must make discipline the supreme pivot of -our life and action. - - -_Violence!_ I come now to the question of violence. Violence is not -immoral. On the contrary it is sometimes moral. We dispute the right of -our enemies to bewail our violence, because, compared with that which -was committed in the unlucky years of ’19 and ’20 and with that of the -Bolshevists in Russia—where two million people have been executed and -another two million still pine in prison—our violence is child’s-play. -On the other hand violence is decisive, because at the end of July and -August, after having made use of it systematically for forty-eight -hours, we got results which we should not have obtained in forty-eight -years of sermons and propaganda. When, therefore, violence removes a -gangrene of this sort, it is morally sacred and necessary. - -But, my Fascista friends, and I speak to the Fascisti of all Italy, our -violence must have certain Fascista characteristics. The violence of ten -to one is to be disowned and condemned. There is a violence that frees -and a violence that binds; there is moral violence and stupid, immoral -violence. Violence must be proportionate to the necessities of the -moment, and not made a school, a doctrine or a sport. The Fascisti must -be careful not to spoil with sporadic, individual and unjustifiable acts -of violence, the brilliant and splendid victories of August. - -This is what our enemies are waiting for. As the result of certain -episodes—let us frankly admit disagreeable episodes—such as that at -Taranto, they have been led to believe and to hope that violence has -become a sort of second habit, and that when we no longer have a target -upon which to practise, we shall turn against ourselves and against each -other, or the Nationalists. Now the Nationalists differ from us on -certain questions, but the truth is this, that in all the battles we -have fought we have had them by our side. It may well be that among them -there are leaders who do not see Fascismo as we see it, but it must be -recognised and proclaimed that the “blue shirts”[9] at Genoa, Bologna -and Milan, and in another hundred centres, were with the “black shirts.” -In consequence the occurrence at Taranto was most displeasing, and I -hope that the leaders of Fascismo will act in such a way that it remains -an isolated incident to be forgotten in a local reconciliation and in a -national manifestation of sympathy and solidarity. - -Footnote 9: - - The Nationalists. - - -_Our Syndicalism._ Another argument which raises the hopes of our -enemies is the existence of the masses. You know that I do not worship -the new divinity, the masses. It is a creation of Democracy and -Socialism. Just because they are numerous, they must be right. Not a bit -of it, the opposite has often proved to be true that the masses are -against the right. In any case history proves that it has always been -the minorities, a handful from the first, that have produced profound -changes in human society. We do not adore the masses, even if they have -got work-worn hands and brains. We shall bring, instead, into our -examination of social life, ideas and elements new at any rate in -Italian circles. We could not turn away the masses; they came to us. -Ought we to have received them with kicks on the shins? Are they -sincere? Do they come to us as the result of conviction or fear, or -because they hope to get from us what they failed to obtain from the -Socialists? These questions are really superfluous, as no one yet has -found the way to penetrate into their inmost minds. - -We have, therefore, had to adopt syndicalism, and we are doing so. They -say: “Your syndicalism will end by being in every way exactly like that -of the Socialists, and you will have, of necessity, to promote class -war.” The democracy, or a section of them, that section which does not -seem to have any better object than stirring up the mud, continue from -Rome (where they print too many papers, many of which do not represent -anybody or anything) to work in this direction. But our syndicalism -differs from that of the others, because we do not allow strikes in -public services under any pretext, and we are in favour of co-operation -among the classes, especially in a period like the present one of acute -economic crisis. We try to make this conception penetrate the brains of -our syndicates. But it must be made equally clear that the industrial -workers and their employers must not blackmail us, because there is a -limit which must not be passed; and these workers and their masters—the -bourgeoisie in a word—must take into account that the nation also -consists of the people, a mass which labours, and one cannot think of -the greatness of the nation if this portion is restless and idle. The -task of Fascismo is to make the people organically one with the nation, -so that they may be ready to-morrow when the nation has need of them, as -the artist takes his raw material in order to create his masterpiece. -Only with the masses forming an intimate part of the life and history of -the nation can we have a foreign policy. - - -_Foreign Policy._ And now I come to the subject which, at the present -moment, is of the greatest positive importance. It is evident that at -the end of the war it was not understood how to make peace. There were -two alternatives: the peace of the sword, and the peace of approximate -justice. But, under the influence of a pernicious democratic mentality, -the peace of the sword was not made by occupying Berlin, Vienna and -Budapest, and neither has the approximate peace of justice been -accomplished. - -Men, many of whom were ignorant of history and geography (and it seems -that these famous experts who thus disarrange and rearrange the map of -Europe at their will really know as little about it as their masters), -have said: “The moment the Turks give trouble to the English, we will -suppress Turkey; but the moment that Italy, in order to become a -Mediterranean power, ought to have the Adriatic as her inland gulf, we -deny Italy her Adriatic rights.” What is the result? The result is that -this kind of treaty naturally falls to pieces before the others. But, -since everything depends upon the making up of these treaties, since -they are all connected with each other, so the failure of the Treaty of -Sèvres may possibly involve the failure of all the others. Moreover, if -the position becomes more involved, you will see the indestructible -Russian Cossack, who changes his name but not his nature, coming forward -again. Who armed the Turkey of Kemal Pasha? France and Russia. Who may -possibly arm Germany to-morrow? Russia. Considering what we aim at in -our foreign policy, it is very fortunate that besides our national army, -of glorious tradition, there is the Fascista army. - -Our Ministers for foreign affairs ought to know how to play this card -too, with the warning: “Be careful; Italy no longer follows a policy of -renunciation and cowardice, cost what it may!” So it has come about that -while in other countries men are beginning to realise the force -represented by Italian Fascismo, in the field of foreign policy our -Ministers still remain in a yielding attitude. We are asked what is our -programme. I have already answered this question, which was meant to be -insidious, at a little meeting held at Levanto in the presence of thirty -or forty Fascisti, and I did not think that a little homely speech would -have such a vast echo. - - -_Our Programme. The Crisis of the Liberal State._ Our programme is -simple: we wish to govern Italy. They ask us for programmes, but there -are already too many. It is not programmes that are wanting for the -salvation of Italy, but men and will-power. - -There is not an Italian who does not think that he possesses the one -sure method by which the most acute problems of our national life may be -solved. But I think you are all convinced that our political class is -deficient. The crisis of the Liberal State has proved it. We have made a -splendid war from the point of view of collective and individual acts of -heroism. From having been soldiers, the Italians, in 1918, became -warriors. I beg you to note the essential difference. But our political -class carried on the war as if it had been work of ordinary -administration. These men whom we all know, and whose very features are -familiar to every one of us, now appear men of the past, ruined, tired -and beaten. - -I do not deny, in my absolute objectivity, that this middle class, which -might, with a world-wide title, be called Giolittian, has its merits. It -certainly has. But to-day, when Italy is still under the influence of -Vittorio Veneto—to-day, when Italy is bursting with life, vigour and -passion, these men, who are above all accustomed to Parliamentary -mystification, do not appear to us to be big enough for the situation. -It is necessary, therefore, to consider how to replace this political -class which has of late consistently surrendered to that swollen-headed -puppet, Italian Socialism. - -I think that this replacement has become necessary, and that the more -complete it is the better. Certainly Fascismo, in taking the entire -forty-seven millions of Italians under its care, will assume a great -responsibility. It is to be foreseen that many will be disappointed, -because, in any case, there is always disappointment sooner or later, -whether things are accomplished or not. - -Friends! Like the life of the individual, the life of the nation brings -with it a certain amount of risk. One cannot hope to run for ever on the -Decauville track of daily regularity. At a given moment both men and -parties must have the courage to shoulder heavy responsibility and to -adopt a daring policy. They may succeed; they may fail. But there are -also unsuccessful attempts that suffice to ennoble and uplift for all -time the soul of a movement such as Italian Fascismo. - - -_The Question of Régime. The Monarchy and Fascismo._ I had intended to -repeat this speech at Naples, but I think that I shall have other things -to deal with there. Do not let us delay, therefore, about entering on -the delicate subject of régime. - -Many of the controversies which were raised by the question of the -nature of my tendencies are forgotten, and everybody is convinced that -they were not formed suddenly, but represented a settled idea. It is -always like that. Certain attitudes appear improvised to the general -public, which is neither fitted nor obliged to follow the slow changes -which take place in a restless spirit desirous of making a profound -examination of certain problems. But there is inward pain and toil, -which is sometimes tragic. You must not think that the heads of Fascismo -do not know what this individual, and above all national, travail is. - -The much-talked-of republican tendency had to be a kind of attempt at -separation from the many elements which had come to us simply because we -had won. These elements do not please us. These people who always side -with the victor, and who are ready to change their flag with a change of -fortune, must be looked upon with suspicion and carefully watched by the -Fascisti. Is it possible—here is the question—to bring about a profound -transformation in our political régime and to create a new Italy without -touching the monarchic system? What is the general attitude of the -Fascisti as regards political institutions? Our attitude does not commit -us in any sense. In truth, perfect régimes are only to be found in books -of philosophy. I think that it would have been disastrous for the Greek -city if the theories of Plato had been literally applied. A people -content under a republic never dreams of having a king. A people not -accustomed to a republic longs to return to a monarchy. - -It was in vain that the Germans tried to make the Phrygian cap fit their -square heads. The Germans hate a republic, and the fact that it was -imposed by the Entente and that it has been a kind of _ersatz_, is -another reason for their hating it. So that, generally speaking, -political forms cannot be approved of or condemned for ever, but must be -examined from the point of view of their direct relation with the -mentality, the economic condition and the spiritual force of any -particular people. (A voice cries: “Long live Mazzini!”) - -Now, I think that the régime can be largely modified without interfering -with the monarchy. In reality—and I refer to the cry of my friend—the -same Mazzini, republican and advocate of republicanism, did not consider -his doctrines incompatible with the monarchic aspect of Italian unity. -He resigned himself to it and accepted it. It was not his ideal, but the -ideal cannot always be realised. - -We shall, then, leave the monarchic institution outside our field of -action, which will have other great objects, because we think that a -great part of Italy would regard with suspicion a change in the régime -which was carried thus far. We should have regional separatism, perhaps, -because it is always so. To-day there are many indifferent to the -monarchy who to-morrow would be its supporters, and who would find -highly respectable and sentimental reasons for attacking Fascismo, if it -had dared to aim at this target. - -I do not think that the monarchy has really any object in opposing what -must now be called the Fascista revolution. It is not in its interests, -because by doing so it would immediately make itself an object of -attack, in which case we could not spare it, because it would be a -question of life or death for us. - -Those who sympathise with us must not withdraw into the shade; they must -stay in the light. They must have the courage to remain monarchists. The -monarchy would represent the historical continuity of the nation; a -splendid task and one of incalculable importance. - -On the other hand, the Fascista revolution must also avoid risking -everything. Some firm ground must be left, so that the people shall not -feel that everything is falling to pieces, that everything must be begun -again, because in that case the first wave of enthusiasm would be -followed by a wave of panic. Now everything is very plain. The -social-democratic superstructure must be destroyed. - - -_The State we want._ We must have a State which will simply say: “The -State does not represent a party, it represents the nation as a whole, -it includes all, is over all, protects all, and fights any attempt made -against her inviolable sovereignty.” - -This is the State which must arise from the Italy of Vittorio Veneto. A -State which does not acknowledge that the strongest power is right; -which is not like the Liberal State, which, after fifty years of life, -was unable to install a temporary printing press so as to issue its -paper when there was a general strike of printers; a State which does -not fall under the power of the Socialists; which does not think that -problems can be settled only from the political point of view, as -machine-guns do not suffice if there is not the spirit behind to keep -them going. The whole armoury of the State falls to pieces like the old -scenery in an operatic theatre when it is not inspired by the most -deep-rooted sense of the necessity of the fulfilment of duty—nay, of a -mission. - -That is why we want to remove from the State all its economic -attributes. We have had enough of the State railwayman, the State -postman and the State insurance official. We have had enough of the -State administration at the expense of Italian tax-payers, which has -done nothing but aggravate the exhausted financial condition of the -country. It still controls the police, who protect honest men from the -attacks of thieves, the masters responsible for the education of the -rising generations, the army which must guarantee the inviolability of -the country and our foreign policy. - -It must not be said that the State thus shorn will remain very small. -No! It will remain very great, because it will still have all the -spiritual dominion, having given up only material power. - -Citizens, I have placed my ideas before you as a whole, it is enough, to -my mind, for you to individualise them. - - -_To Friends and Enemies._ If this mentality of ours was not sufficient, -there are our methods, there is our daily activity, which we do not mean -to give up, though watching at the same time that it is not carried to -extremes, that it does not over-reach itself and so harm Fascismo. But -when I say these words, I say them with intention, because if Fascismo -was a movement like all the rest, the attitude of the individual or of -the group would have a relative importance. But blood has been shed for -our movement, and this must be remembered when there are attempts at -autonomy and lack of discipline. The recent dead must be thought of -before all things. It must be remembered that such autonomy and lack of -discipline serve to arouse the miserable instincts of the Socialists, -who, though subdued, still secretly hatch plots for revenge, a revenge -which we shall prevent by collective action and the avoidance of -bloodshed. - -After all, the Romans were really right; if you want peace you must show -yourself prepared for war. Those who are not prepared for war do not -have peace, and are defeated into the bargain. So we say to all our -enemies: “It is not enough for you to go planting the tricolour all over -the place. We wish to see you put to the proof. You will have for a -little while to undergo a sort of spiritual and political quarantine. -Your leaders, who might again infect us, must be sent where they can do -no harm.” Only by thus avoiding the lure of the mistaken idea of -quantity shall we succeed in saving the quality and the spirit of our -movement, which is no ephemeral one, since it has already lasted four -years, equal in this tempestuous century to forty. Our movement is still -in its prehistoric period and in process of formation; its real history -begins to-morrow. All that Fascismo has accomplished thus far has been -negative. Now it must begin to reconstruct. In this way its force, its -spirit and its nobility will appear. - -Friends, I am sure that the Fascisti officers will do their duty. I am -sure, too, that the men will do theirs. Before proceeding to the great -task we must make an inexorable selection from the rank and file. We -cannot carry useless impedimenta; we are an army of _velites_, with a -rearguard of solid territorials. We do not wish to have untrustworthy -elements amongst us. - -I salute Udine, this dear old Udine to which I am bound by so many -memories. Many generations of Italians who were the flower of our race -have passed by its broad ways. Many of its young men now sleep their -last sleep in the little isolated cemeteries of the Alps or beside the -Isonzo, now once again the sacred river of Italy. - -Men of Udine! Fascisti! Italians! Take upon yourselves the spirit of -these our unforgettable dead and make of it the burning emblem of our -immortal country! (Loud applause.) - - - - - “THE PIAVE AND VITTORIO VENETO MARK THE BEGINNING OF NEW ITALY” - - Speech delivered at Cremona, 25th September 1922. - - Before forty thousand _contadini_ set free from the Social-Clerical - yoke, who march past in military order in closely-following - battalions, the leader’s eloquence is roused and elated, so that one - seems to hear the very sound of joy bells ringing in his speech. - - -Fascisti and working men of Cremona and the provinces! As so often -happens, reality has surpassed the most brilliant expectations. Your -meeting, Fascisti of Cremona, is the most impressive that I have yet -attended. I have come among you to tell you how completely I am with -you, from your fine leader Roberto Farinacci to the last man in your -ranks. (Prolonged applause.) - -Here in times long past great ideas were conceived. This was the -birthplace of Democracy, which had a period of glory before it became -crippled and enfeebled by the influence of Socialism. And in spite of -the profound differences of opinion which divided us after the war, I -must call to remembrance another noble figure of your fruitful land—I -speak of Leonida Bissolati. (Frantic applause.) - -Those who, as the result of being led into false ideas by incorrect -information, talk about agrarian slavery, ought to come here and see -with their own eyes this crowd of genuine workers, people with shoulders -broad enough and arms strong enough to bear the weight of the increasing -fortunes of the nation. (Applause.) - -Only the rabble could accuse us of being the enemies of the people, for -we are the sons of the people; we have known what manual labour is; we -have always lived among the working classes, who are infinitely superior -to the false prophets who pretend to represent them. (Unanimous and -prolonged applause.) But just because we are the sons of the people, we -do not wish to deceive them, we do not wish to mystify them or promise -them the unattainable, although we solemnly and formally pledge -ourselves to protect them and to vindicate their just rights and their -legitimate interests. - -As I watched your procession passing—disciplined, ardent and exulting—as -I watched the little Balillas, who represent the still immature spring -of life, followed by the squadrons in the full flush of youth, and -finally the men in the vigour of manhood and even old men, I said to -myself that the series was complete since all phases of life, from the -first to the last, were represented. - -Fascisti! Great tasks await us. That which we have accomplished is -nothing compared to that which awaits us. There is already a strong and -manifest contrast between the Italy of the cowardly politicians and the -vigorous healthy Italy which is preparing to give the death-blow to all -inefficiency and egoism and to clear away the infected strata of the -Italian community. (Loud applause, and cries of “Rome! Rome!”) - -Our adversaries must not delude themselves. They thought in the -unfortunate year of 1919, when we here in Cremona and all over Italy -were no more than a handful of men, that Fascismo would only be a -passing phenomenon. Fascismo has now been alive four years, and it has -tasks enough to fill a century. Nor must our enemies deceive themselves -by thinking that they can break up our organisation, because we intend -to make it more compact, more solid, better equipped against all -emergencies; since, my friends, if a decisive blow is necessary, every -man from the first to the last will do his exact duty. In a word, we -want Italy to become Fascista. (Clamorous applause.) - -That is simple and clear. We want Italy to become Fascista, because we -are tired of seeing her governed by men whose principles are continually -wavering between indifference and cowardice. And, above all, we are -tired of seeing her looked upon abroad as a negligible quantity. - -What is that feeling which stirs you when you hear the song of the -Piave? It is that the Piave does not mark an end, it marks a beginning. -(Hear, hear!) It is from the Piave, it is from Vittorio Veneto, it is -from our victory—even if it was mutilated by a mistaken diplomacy—that -our standards move on! - -It was on the banks of the Piave that the march was begun that cannot -stop until Rome is reached. (Enthusiastic applause.) And there are no -obstacles, either of men or things, that can prevent us from arriving -there. - -I wish to thank you, Fascisti of Cremona and people of this city, for -your reception. I know and like to think that it is not to me personally -that you pay this honour, but to the ideal, our cause, which has been -sanctified by so much blood shed by the flower of Italian youth. And -embracing my old friend Farinacci I mean to embrace all the Fascisti of -Cremona, to the cry of Long live Italy! Long live Fascismo! -(Enthusiastic applause.) - - - - - THE FASCISTA DAWNING OF NEW ITALY - - Speech delivered at Milan at the “Sciesa” on 6th October 1922. - - At the seat of the local Fascista group “Antonio Sciesa,” Mussolini - pays his tribute to the memory of her two dead who fell, as - Garibaldi fell, during the days of August, and then devotes himself - to the analysis of a well-matured plan, strategic and tactical, for - the coming battle. - - -I agreed to come and speak to the “Sciesa” group this evening for three -reasons—first sentimental, second personal, and third political. For the -sentimental reason, because I wished to pay the tribute of my admiration -and profound devotion to our unforgettable and magnificent -fallen—Melloni, Tonoli and Crespi; the first two of your squad and the -last of the “Sauro.” I remember them perfectly. Then I agreed also -because of the way in which this group has interpreted this meeting. -Lastly, in view of the general attitude of suspense all over Italy at -this moment, I did not wish to let the opportunity slip for defining -certain points, a definition which is necessary in these difficult times -through which we are passing. - -You feel, to judge from your silent and austere bearing, that if the -flesh is corruptible, the spirit is immortal. You feel that here in this -little hall this evening the spirits of our fallen are still with us. We -feel their presence, because the soul cannot die, and they fell in the -most heroic action yet accomplished by Fascismo in the four years of its -history. Many times when the Fascisti have gone forth to destroy with -fire and sword the haunts of the cowardly Social-Communist delinquents, -they have only seen the backs of the flying enemy, but the members of -the “Sciesa” squad and the two fallen, whom we remember, and all the -squadrons of the Milanese Fascio, went to the assault of the offices of -the _Avanti_ as they would have attacked an Austrian trench. They had to -scale the walls, break through barbed wire, burst open doors and face -the leaden hail which the enemy poured forth from their weapons. This is -heroism. This is violence. This is the violence of which I approve and -which I uphold, and which Fascismo—and I speak to the Fascisti of all -Italy—ought to make hers. Not little, individual, sporadic acts of -violence, but the great, wonderful, relentless violence of the decisive -hour. It is necessary, when the moment comes, to strike with the utmost -decision and without pity. You must not think that I wish to hide the -very strong sympathy I have for the Milanese Fascio, because my love, -above all, is for the cause. When a cause has been sanctified by so much -pure young blood, it must not, at any cost, become defiled in any way. -Our friends have been heroes, their action has been that of warriors, -their violence saintly and moral. We exalt them, we remember them, and -we will avenge them. We cannot accept the humanitarian, Tolstoyan moral -standard, the moral standard of slavery. In times of war we adopt the -formula of Socrates: “Overcome friends with kindness, overcome enemies -with evil.” - - -_Nation and State._ Our line of conduct is perfectly correct. Those who -do good to us will have good; those who do ill, ill. Our enemies cannot -complain, if being such, they are treated hardly, as enemies must be -treated. We are in an historical period of crisis which every day -becomes more acute. The general strike, which was averted by the -sacrifice of blood of the Fascisti, was an episode in this crisis. -Dissension lies between the State and the nation. Italy is not a State, -she is a nation, because from the Alps to Sicily there is the -fundamental unity of our race, our customs, our language and our -religion. The war fought from 1915 to 1918 consecrates this unity, and -if this is enough to characterise the nation, the Italian nation exists, -full of power and resource and impelled towards a glorious destiny. - -But the nation must create for itself the State. And there is no State. -To-day the paper which represents Liberalism in Italy, the paper with -the largest circulation—and which, for this reason, by upholding absurd -arguments has done a great deal of harm at times—stated that there are -two Governments in Italy, and if there are two, there is one too many. -There is the Liberal Government and the Fascista Government; the State -of to-day and the State of to-morrow. “Wanted, a Government,” said the -_Corriere della Sera_. We agree, a Government _is_ wanted. - - -_The Lesson of Two Episodes._ Two occurrences during these last days—one -characteristic of our activity in the cause of humanity, the other of -our activity in the cause of national rights—have proved the superiority -of the Fascista over the Liberal State, and have shown that Fascismo is -capable and worthy to succeed that State. - -At San Terenzo of Spezia, if all the dead were buried and the wounded -taken to the hospital, if the country was cleared of débris, and the -furniture and belongings safeguarded from the base attempts of human -jackals, if the soldiers had their supplies in good time, it was by the -activity of the Fascista State. And the mayor of Lerici—who is not a -Fascista—telegraphed his great gratitude, not to the Prime Minister, but -to us, as you learnt in the _Popolo d’Italia_. - -This is a question of mercy, humanity and national solidarity. Let us -transfer our attention to Bolzano. Here it is a question of our rights -and the Italian law. Who stood up for those rights and imposed the -Italian nationality in a city which ought to be Italian? Fascismo. Who -banished Perathoner who for five years held in check five Italian -Ministers? Fascismo. It has been Fascismo that has given a school and a -church to the Italians in the Upper Adige and inspired them with the -sense of their own dignity. Who placed the bust of the king in the -Council Hall? The Fascisti. The Germans are astonished at seeing before -them all these young Fascisti, splendid physically and morally. -Inhabiting as they do without right our Italian soil, they seem to -wonder: “What Italy is this?” And we answer: “By the action of the -defeatist ministers and as a result of the unfortunate peace, you -Germans are accustomed to the Italy of Abba Garima; now you must -accustom yourselves to the Italy of Vittorio Veneto, which has force and -energy, and which says: ‘We are at the Brenner, and there we mean to -stay! We do not wish to go to Innsbruck, but do not imagine that Germany -and Austria can ever return to Bolzano!’” - -This is the Fascista State which reveals itself to Italian eyes in two -typical moments of everyday history, the disaster of San Terenzo and the -occupation of Bolzano. - - -_For the Italy of To-morrow._ The citizens wonder which State will end -by dictating its law upon the nation. We have no hesitation in answering -that it will be the Fascista State. The _Corriere della Sera_ says that -something must be done quickly, and we agree. A nation cannot live -nursing in its bosom two States, two Governments, one in action and the -other in power. But what is the way to give the nation a Government? I -say Government, because when we say State we mean something more. We -mean the spirit and not merely the inert and transitory form. There are -two ways, gentlemen. If the whole of Rome was not suffering from -softening of the brain, they would summon Parliament at the beginning of -November, and having passed the Bill for Electoral Reform, make an -appeal to the electors in December. Because the crisis for which the -_Corriere_ asks could not alter the situation. Thirty crises in the -Italian Parliament as it is to-day would mean thirty reincarnations of -Signor Facta. If the Government does not follow this path, gentlemen, we -shall be obliged to take the other. You see our tactics are now clear. -When it is a question of assaulting the State it is no longer possible -to have recourse to little plots, of which the “to be or not to be” -remains a secret to the last. We must give orders to hundreds and -thousands of men, and it would be merely absurd to try to keep it -secret. We play an open game. We leave our cards on the table until it -is necessary to lift them; and we say: “There is an Italy which you -Liberal leaders no longer understand. You do not understand it because -your mind works on old-fashioned lines, you do not understand it because -Parliamentary policy has killed your spirit. The Italy which has come -from the trenches is strong, and full of life.” - - -_Fascismo, the Bourgeoisie and the Proletariat._ It is an Italy which -deserves to begin a new period of history. There exists, therefore, a -dramatic contrast between the Italy of yesterday and our Italy. The -conflict appears inevitable. It is a question now of developing our -forces, summoning all our energies and strength, so that the conflict -shall end in victory for us—and, as a matter of fact, upon that score -there can be no doubt. - -Now the Liberal State is a mask behind which there is no face, it is a -scaffolding behind which there is no building. There is force but there -is no spirit behind them. All those who ought to uphold it feel that it -is approaching the extreme limits of incompetence, impotence and -absurdity. - -On the other hand, as I said at Udine, we do not wish to stake -everything on the game, because we do not present ourselves as the -saviours of humanity, nor do we promise anything special to the people. -We may even impose greater discipline and more sacrifices upon them. And -we shall make no difference between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, -because there is an infected proletariat just as there is a bourgeoisie -still more infected. There is a part of the proletariat that must be -chastised in order that it may be redeemed afterwards, and there is a -part of the middle class which detests us and tries to throw our lines -into confusion, which finances anti-Fascista slander, which has hitherto -ignobly courted the anti-national forces, and for which I do not feel -one ounce of pity. We are surrounded by enemies, and those who are our -open foes, and who belong to the Bolshevist parties, have now perfected -themselves in the art of ambush and assassination. - - -_A Warning!_ But there are other insidious enemies who try to harm -Fascismo under cover of the tricolour and other similar emblems, who try -to insinuate themselves into our movement and to create simulacra of -organisations in order to weaken us just at the time when it is most -necessary for us to remain united. Now I must say that if we do not have -mercy upon those who attack us from behind hedges, neither shall we have -mercy upon those who attack us thus insidiously. When the clock of -history strikes the hours, we must speak as the peasants do, simply, -sincerely and loyally. - -We have no great obstacles to overcome, as the nation is waiting for us, -the nation hopes in us and feels itself represented in us. Certainly we -cannot promise to plant the tree of liberty in the squares. We cannot -give liberty to those who would profit by it to assassinate us. The -shortsightedness of the Free State lies in this, that it gives freedom -to all, including those who use this freedom to overthrow it. We shall -not give this universal liberty, not even if it assumes the garb of -immortal principles. Finally, it is not electoral subterfuges which -divide us from Democracy. If people wish to vote, let them vote. Let us -all vote until we are sick of it! Nobody wants to suppress universal -suffrage. - - -_Policy needed._ But we shall carry out a severe and reactionary policy; -we are not afraid of doing so. If the representative organs of Democracy -say that we are reactionary it does not offend us, because what -distinguishes us from the Democrats is mentality and spirit. History -does not follow a given itinerary; it is made up of contrasts and all -kinds of vicissitudes, there are no centuries which are all light and no -centuries which are all darkness. It is not possible to transport -Fascismo out of Italy, as Bolshevism has been transported out of Russia. - -The Italians can be divided into three categories: the indifferent, who -will stay at home; the sympathetic, who will have freedom of movement; -and the antagonistic, who will have their freedom restricted. We shall -make no promises. We shall not give ourselves out as missionaries who -bring the revealed truth. - -But I do not think that our enemies will place serious obstacles in our -way. Bolshevism is defeated. Look at the Congress of Rome. What a -pitiful sight! When the leader of a congress behaves like the lawyer of -Busto, then you understand that we are upon the bottom rung of the -ladder. There was one Socialism, to-day there are four, and there is a -tendency towards further divisions. And not only this, but each of these -divisions claims to represent the authentic party. It is no wonder that -the proletariat scatters, discouraged and disgusted by the attitude of -Socialism. As I have already said, the day of Socialism is not only past -as a party, its philosophies and doctrines no longer stand. The Italians -and the Western peoples in general must burst with logical criticism the -grotesque bubble of international Socialism. Perhaps, looking at things -from an historical point of view, it is a struggle between the East and -the West, between the chaotic, fatalistic East (look at Russia) and us, -we people of the West, who cannot be carried away by flights of -metaphysics and require hard concrete realities. - - -_Let us flee from Imitations._ Italians cannot be mystified for long by -Asiatic doctrines, which are absurd and criminal in their practical -application. This is the essence of Italian Fascismo, which represents a -reaction against the Democrats who would have made everything mediocre -and uniform and tried every way to conceal and to render transitory the -authority of the State, from the supreme head to the last usher in the -law courts; consequently everybody from the King to the lowest official -has suffered from this false conception of life. Democracy thought to -make itself indispensable to the masses, and did not understand that the -masses despise those who have not the courage to be what they ought to -be. Democracy has taken “elegance” from the lives of the people, but -Fascismo brings it back; that is to say, it brings back colour, force, -picturesqueness, the unexpected, mysticism, and in fact all that counts -in the souls of the multitude. We play upon every cord of the lyre, from -violence to religion, from art to politics. We are politicians and we -are warriors. We are syndicalists and we also fight battles in the -streets and the squares. That is Fascismo as it was conceived at Milan, -and as it was and is realised. And, my friends, we must maintain this -privilege, and Fascismo must be kept up to this level of strength and -wisdom. We must not abandon ourselves to imitations, because that which -is possible in a particular agricultural region in a given time and -place is not possible here in Milan. Here the situation has been -dominated more by the spontaneous maturing of events than by men’s -violence or by circumstances. Here our domination becomes more and more -decided. - -But, my friends, we must prepare ourselves with hearts free from -preoccupation for the tasks which await us. To-morrow it is probable, -almost certain, that the formidable burden of the direction of a modern -State will be on our shoulders. And it will be on the shoulders not only -of a few men, it will be on the shoulders of the whole of Fascismo. - - -_Towards a more Glorious Destiny._ And millions of eyes, many of them -malicious, and millions of men, many of them beyond our frontiers, will -be looking at us. They will want to see how we are organised, how -justice is administered in the Fascista State, how honest people are -protected, how we deal with the problems of the school and the army. And -the wrong-doing of any man, his error and his shame will react upon the -whole organisation of the State and of necessity upon Fascismo. Have -you, my friends, realised how formidable is the task which awaits you? -Are you spiritually prepared for it? Do you think that enthusiasm alone -is enough?—because it is not enough. It is necessary, because it is a -primitive and fundamental force in human nature, it is impossible to do -anything not inspired by intense passion or religious mysticism; but -that is not enough. Together with these must work the reasoning forces -of the brain. I think that in the case of a general crisis Fascismo -would have all that was necessary to impose itself and to govern, not -according to the ideas of demagogism, but according to the ideas of -justice. And then, by ruling the nation well, by leading her towards a -more glorious destiny, by conciliating the interests of all classes -without increasing the hatred of one and the selfishness of another, by -uniting the Italian people to face the world-task, by fulfilling with -patience this hard and cyclopean task, we shall inaugurate, thus, a -really great period in Italian history. Thus will our dead be made -immortal and their names written in the gold book of the Fascista -aristocracy. We shall point them out to the rising generation, to the -children who are growing up and who represent the eternal spring of -life. We shall say: “Great was the effort and hard the sacrifice, and -pure was the blood that was shed; and it was not shed to safeguard the -interests of individuals, class or caste, it was not shed in the name of -materialism, it was shed in the name of an ideal, of all that is most -noble, beautiful and generous in the human soul.” With the example of -our dead before you, I ask you to remember to be worthy of their -sacrifice and to examine daily your own activity. Friends, I have faith -in you. You have faith in me. In this mutual trust is the guarantee and -certainty of our victory. Long live Italy! Long live Fascismo! Honour -and glory to the martyrs of our cause! (Loud applause.) - - - - - “THE MOMENT HAS ARRIVED WHEN THE ARROW MUST LEAVE THE BOW OR THE CORD - WILL BREAK!” - - Speech delivered at Naples, 26th October 1922. - - At this, the final stage of the pilgrimage of the ever-swelling - ranks of Italian youth, where the first trench is dug in preparation - for the imminent assault of the “black shirts,” Mussolini in the - morning, as politician, hurls his vehement reproach against “the - three black souls,” the ministerial exponents of anti-Fascista - reaction. In the afternoon he shows himself in the guise of a - warrior, and, wearing the colours of Rome on his breast, - contemplates thoughtfully his fifty thousand faithful crusaders in - Piazza Plebiscito, who shout with one insistent voice, “To Rome! To - Rome!” - - -Fascisti and citizens! It may be, or rather it is almost certain, that -my eloquence will disappoint you, accustomed as you are to the -impetuosity and rich imagery of your own orators. But since I realise my -incapacity for rhetoric, I have decided to limit myself, when speaking, -to plain necessity. - -We have gathered together here at Naples from every part of Italy to -perform an act of brotherhood and love. We have with us our brothers -from the borderland of betrayed Dalmatia, men who do not mean to yield. -(Applause, and cries of “Long live Italian Dalmatia!”) There are also -the Fascisti from Trieste, Istria and Venezia Tridentina, Fascisti from -all parts of Northern Italy, even from the islands, from Sicily and -Sardinia, all come together to affirm quietly and positively the -indestructibility of our united faith, which means to oppose strongly -every more or less masked attempt at autonomy or separatism. - -Four years ago the Italian infantry, made great through twenty years of -work and hardship, the Italian infantry in which the sons of your -country were so largely represented, burst from the Piave and, having -defeated the Austrians, surged on towards the Isonzo, and only the -foolish democratic conception of the war prevented our victorious -battalions from marching through the streets of Vienna and the highways -of Budapest. (Applause.) - - -_From Rome to Naples._ A year ago at Rome, at one time, we found -ourselves surrounded by a secret hostility, which had its origin in the -misunderstandings and infamies characteristic of the uncertain political -world of the capital. (Hear, hear!) We have not forgotten all this. - -To-day we are happy that all Naples—this city which I call the big -safety-reserve of the nation—(Applause.)—welcomes us with a sincere and -frank enthusiasm, which does our hearts good, both as men and Italians. -For this reason I request that not the smallest incident of any kind -shall disturb this meeting, for that would be a mistake, and a foolish -one. I demand also, as soon as the meeting is over, that every Fascista -not belonging to Naples shall leave the town immediately. - -All Italy is watching this meeting, because—and let me say this without -false modesty—there is not a post-war phenomenon of greater interest and -originality in Europe or the world than Italian Fascismo. - -You certainly cannot expect from me what is usually called a big speech. -I made one at Udine, another at Cremona, a third at Milan, and I am -almost ashamed to speak again. But in view of the extremely grave -situation in which we find ourselves to-day, I consider this an -appropriate opportunity to establish the different points of the problem -in order that individual responsibilities may be settled. The moment has -arrived, in fact, when the arrow must leave the bow, or the cord, too -far stretched, will break. (Applause.) - - -_The Solving of the Problem._ You remember that my friend Lupi and I -placed before the Chamber the alternatives of this dilemma, which is not -only Fascista but also national; that is to say, legality or illegality; -Parliamentary conquest or revolution. By which means is Fascismo to -become the State? For we wish to become the State! Well! By 3rd October -I had already settled the question. - -When I ask for the elections, when I ask that they shall take place -soon, and be regulated by a reformed electoral law, it is clear to -everyone that I have chosen my path. The very urgency of my request -shows that the tension of my spirit has arrived at breaking point. To -have, or not to have, understood this means to hold, or not to hold, the -key to the solution of the whole Italian political crisis. - -The request came from me; but it also came from a party consisting of a -formidably organised mass, which includes the rising generations in -Italy and all the best, physically and morally, of the youth of the -country; and from a party, too, which had a tremendous following among -the vague and unstable public. - -But, gentlemen, there is more. This request was made upon the morrow of -the incidents of Bolzano and Trento, which had made plain to all eyes -the complete paralysis of the Italian State, and revealed, at the same -time, the no less complete efficiency of the Fascista State. - -Well! In spite of all this, the inadequate Government at Rome puts the -question on the footing of public safety and public order! - - -_What we have asked the Government._ The whole question has been -approached in a fatally mistaken manner. Politicians ask what we want. -We are not people who beat about the bush. We speak clearly. We do good -to those who do good to us, and evil to those who do evil. What do we -want, Fascisti? We have answered quite simply: the dissolution of the -present Chamber, electoral reform, and elections within a short time -from now. We have demanded that the State shall abandon the ridiculous -neutral position that it occupies between the national and the -anti-national forces. We have asked for severe financial measures and -the postponement of the evacuation of the third Dalmatic zone; we have -asked for five portfolios as well as for the Commission of Aviation. We -have, in fact, asked for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the War -Office, the Admiralty, the Ministries of Labour and of Public Works. I -am sure none of you will find our requests excessive. But to complete -the picture, I will add that I shall not take part with the Government -in this legal solution of the problem, and the reason is obvious when -you remember that to keep Fascismo still under my control I must of -necessity have an unrestricted sphere of action both for journalistic -and polemic purposes. - - -_A Ridiculous Answer._ And what has been the Government’s reply? -Nothing! No; worse than that, it has given a ridiculous answer. In spite -of everything, not one of the politicians has known how to pass the -threshold of Montecitorio in order to look the problem of the country in -the face. A miserable calculation of our strength has been made; there -has been talk of Ministers without portfolios, as if this, after the -more or less miserable experiences of the war, was not the culmination -of human and political absurdity. There has been talk of sub-portfolios, -too; but that is simply laughable! We Fascisti do not intend to arrive -at government by the window; we do not intend to give up this -magnificent spiritual birthright for a miserable mess of ministerial -pottage. (Loud and prolonged applause.) Because we have what might be -called the historical vision of the question as opposed to the merely -political and Parliamentary view. - -It is not a question of patching together a Government with a certain -amount of life, but of including in the Liberal State—which has -accomplished a considerable task which we shall not forget—all the -forces of the rising generation of Italians which issued victorious from -the war. This is essential to the welfare of the State, and not of the -State only, but to the history of the nation. And then...? - - -_A Question of Strength._ Then, gentlemen, the question, not being -understood within its historical limits, asserts itself and becomes a -question of strength. As a matter of fact, at turning-points of history -force always decides when it is a question of opposing interests and -ideas. This is why we have gathered, firmly organised and strongly -disciplined our legions, because thus, if the question must be settled -by a recourse to force, we shall win. We are worthy of it. It is the -right and duty of the Italian people to liberate their political and -spiritual life from the parasitic incrustation of the past, which cannot -be prolonged indefinitely in the present, as it would mean the death of -the future. (Applause.) - -It is then quite natural that the Government at Rome should try to -divert and counteract the movement; that it should try to break up the -Fascista organisation, and to surround us with problems. - -These problems have the names of the Monarchy, the Army and -Pacification. - - -_The Acceptance of the Monarchy._ I have already said that the -discussion, abstract or concrete, of the good and evil of the monarchy -as an institution is perfectly absurd. Every people in every epoch of -history, given the time, place and conditions necessary, has had its -régime. There is no doubt that the unity of Italy is soundly based upon -the House of Savoy. (Loud applause.) There is equally no doubt that the -Italian Monarchy, both by reason of its origin, development and history, -cannot put itself in opposition to the new national forces. It did not -manifest any opposition upon the occasion of the concession of the -Charter, nor when the Italian people—who, even if they were a minority, -were a determined and intelligent minority—asked and obtained their -country’s participation in the war. Would it then have reason to be in -opposition to-day, when Fascismo does not intend to attack the régime, -but rather to free it from all those superstructures that overshadow its -historical position and limit the expansion of our national spirit? Our -enemies in vain try to keep this alleged misunderstanding alive. - - -_Fascismo and Democracy._ The Parliament, gentlemen, and all the -paraphernalia of Democracy have nothing in common with the monarchy. Not -only this, but neither do we want to take away the people’s toy—the -Parliament. We say “toy” because a great part of the people seem to -think of it in this way. Can you tell me else why, out of eleven -millions of voters, six millions do not trouble themselves to vote? It -might be, however, that if to-morrow you took their “toy” away from -them, they would be aggrieved. But we will not take it away. After all, -it is our mentality and our methods that distinguish us from Democracy. -Democracy thinks that principles are unchangeable when they can be -applied at any time or in any place and situation. - -We do not believe that history repeats itself, that it follows a given -path; that after Democracy must come super-Democracy. If Democracy had -its uses and served the nation in the nineteenth century, it may be that -some other political form would be best for the welfare of the nation in -the twentieth. (Well said!) So that not even fear of our anti-Democratic -policy can influence the decision in favour of that continuity of which -I spoke just now. - - -_The Army._ As regards the other institution in which the régime is -personified—the army—the army knows that when the Ministry advised the -officers to go about in civilian clothes to escape attack, we, then a -mere handful of bold spirits, forbade it. (Prolonged applause.) We have -created our ideal. It is faith and ardent love. It is not necessary for -it to be brought into the sphere of reality. It is reality in so far as -it is a stimulus for faith, hope and courage. Our ideal is the nation. -Our ideal is the greatness of the nation, and we subordinate all the -rest to this. - -For us the nation has a soul and does not consist only in so much -territory. There are nations that have had immense possessions and have -left no traces in the history of humanity in spite of them. It is not -only size that counts, because, on the other hand, there have been tiny, -microscopic States that have left indelible marks in the history of art -and philosophy. The greatness of a nation lies in the aggregation of all -these virtues and all these conditions. A nation is great when its -spiritual force is transferred into reality. Rome was great when, from -her small rural democracy, little by little, her influence spread over -the whole of Italy. Then she met the warriors of Carthage and fought -them. It was one of the first wars in history. Then, bit by bit, she -extended the dominion of the Eagle to the furthermost boundaries of the -known world, but still, as ever, the Roman Empire is a creation of the -spirit, as it was the spirit which first inspired the Roman legions to -fight. (Applause.) - - -_Our Syndicalism._ What we want now is the greatness of the nation, both -materially and spiritually. That is why we have become syndicalist, and -not because we think that the masses by reason of their number can -create in history something which will last. These myths of the lower -kind of Socialist literature we reject. But the working people form a -part of the nation; and they are a great part of the nation, necessary -to its existence both in peace and in war. They neither can nor ought to -be repulsed. They can and must be educated and their legitimate -interests protected. (Applause.) We ask them: “Do you wish this state of -civil war to continue to disturb the country?” No! For we are the first -to suffer from the ceaseless Sunday wrangling with its list of dead and -wounded. I was the first to try to bridge over the gap which exists -between us and what is called the Italian Bolshevist world. - - -_How Peace can be obtained._ To prove this, I have just recently signed -an agreement most gladly; in the first place because it was Gabriele -d’Annunzio who asked me to, and in the second place because it was, as I -thought, another step towards a national peace. - -But we are no hysterical women who continually worry themselves by -thinking of what might happen. We have not the catastrophic, apocalyptic -view of history. The financial problem which is so much talked about is -a question of will-power. Millions and millions would be saved if there -were men in the Government who had the courage to say “No” to the -different requests. But until the financial question is brought on to a -political basis it will not be solved. We are all for pacification, and -we should like to see all Italians find the common ground upon which it -is possible for them to live together in a civilised way. But, on the -other hand, we cannot give up our rights and the interests and the -future of the nation for the sake of measures of pacification that we -propose with loyalty but which are not accepted in the same spirit by -the other side. We are at peace with those who ask for peace, but for -those who ensnare us and, above all, ensnare the nation, there can be no -peace until after victory. - - -_A Hymn to the Queen of the Mediterranean._ And now, Fascisti and -citizens of Naples, I thank you for the attention with which you have -listened to me. - -Naples gives a fine display of strength, discipline and austerity. It -was a happy idea that led to our coming here from all parts of Italy, -that has allowed us to see you as you are, to see your people who face -the struggle for life like Romans, and who, with the desire to rebuild -their lives and to gain wealth through hard work, carry ever in their -hearts the love of this their wonderful town, which is destined to a -great future, especially if Fascismo does not deviate from its path. - -Nor must the Democrats say that there is no need for Fascismo here, as -there has been no Bolshevism, for here there are other political -movements no less dangerous than Bolshevism and no less likely to hinder -the development of the public conscience. - -I already see the Naples of the future endowed with an even greater -splendour as the metropolis of the Mediterranean; and I see it together -with Bari (which in 1805 had sixteen thousand inhabitants and now has -one hundred and fifty thousand) and Palermo forming a powerful triangle. -And I see Fascismo concentrating all these energies, purifying certain -circles, and removing certain members of society, gathering others under -its standards. - -And now, members of the Fascio of all Italy, lift up your flags and -salute Naples, the capital of Southern Italy and the Queen of the -Mediterranean. - - - - - PART V - MUSSOLINI THE “FASCISTA MEMBER OF PARLIAMENT” - - - - - FASCISMO AND THE NEW PROVINCES - - Speech delivered in the Chamber, 21st June 1921. - - -_Hon. Mussolini._ I am not displeased, gentlemen, to make my speech from -the benches of the Extreme Right, where formerly no one dared to sit. - -I may say at once, with the supreme contempt I have for all nominalism, -that I shall adopt a reactionary line throughout my speech, which will -be, I do not know how Parliamentary in form, but anti-Socialist and -anti-Democratic in substance. (Approval.) In spite of this I am -audacious enough to affirm that I shall be listened to with advantage by -all sections of the Chamber. In the first place by the Government, which -will notice our position with regard to it. In the second place by the -Socialists, who, after seven years of changing fortunes, see before -them, in the proud attitude of a heretic, the man they excommunicated -from their orthodox church. They will listen to me, too, because, having -held their fortunes in the palm of my hand for two years, there may -still be some secret longings for me in the depths of their hearts! - -I may also be listened to with interest by the Popular Party and the -other groups and sections. In fact, since I hope to define some -political aspects, and I may add some historical ones, of this extremely -powerful and complicated movement Fascismo, perhaps what I have to say -may have political consequences worthy of note. - -I beg you not to interrupt me, because I shall never interrupt anybody, -and I add that from this moment I shall make sparing use of my freedom -of speech in this Assembly. - -And now to the argument. - - -_Italophobia on the Upper Adige._ In the speech from the throne, the -Hon. Giolitti made the Sovereign say that the barrier of the Alps was -entirely in our hands. I dispute the geographical and political -exactness of this statement. We have not yet, at a few kilometres from -Milan, the barrier of the Alps as the defence of Lombardy and the valley -of the Po. - -I am touching on a delicate subject, but it is well known, both in this -Chamber and elsewhere, that in the Canton Ticino, which is being -Germanised and bastardised, there is springing up a nationalist vanguard -whom the Fascisti look on with favour. - -What is the present Government doing to defend the Alpine barrier of the -Brenner and the Nevoso? Its policy, as regards the Upper Adige, is -simply lamentable and, though its representatives would doubtless be -extremely capable of running a kindergarten, I absolutely deny that they -have the necessary qualifications for governing a region where several -languages are spoken and the rivalry between the races is very bitter. -The Governor of Venezia Tridentina, for instance, has made a present of -the constituency of Gorizia to the Slovaks and of four German deputies -to the Italian Chamber; while the other belongs to that category of more -or less respectable people who are slaves to one so-called immortal -principle, which consists in maintaining that there is only one form of -good government in the world, and that it is applicable to all peoples, -at all times, and in all quarters of the globe. - -Allow me to put before the Chamber the results of a few personal -enquiries I have made into the situation on the Upper Adige. - -The political anti-Italian movement on the Upper Adige is monopolised by -the Deutscher Verband, an offspring of the Andreas Hoferbund, which has -its centre at Munich, and claims that the German frontier is not at the -Pass of Salorno but at the Bern Clause or Chiusa di Verona. - -Now the representative of whom I have just spoken is responsible for -this German propaganda, because he has written the preface to a book -which states that the natural boundaries of Germany are at the foot of -the Alps towards the valley of the Po. In the first days of the military -occupation, immediately after the Armistice, this Italophobia was not -possible; but when, by a great misfortune, this governor was appointed, -the attitude of the people changed immediately and the submission -previously shown was succeeded by an insolent arrogance, which denied -the Austrian reverses and kept alive the desire for the return of the -Hapsburgs. - -At the sample fair organised by the Chamber of Commerce of Bolzano, a -nest of Pangermanism, all Italian firms were excluded, so much so that -the invitations were issued in German, and a Bavarian band played for -the whole duration of the fair! - -I come now to the events of 24th April, when a Fascista bomb, justly -administered by way of reprisal, and for which I take upon myself the -moral responsibility—(Loud applause and comments.)—marked the limit to -which Fascismo intended that the German movement should go. - -The demonstration of 24th April in the Tyrol was only a simultaneous -manifestation to the plebiscite which had been summoned that day beyond -the Brenner, because the Germans in the Upper Adige resort to these -subtle tricks of making the same manifestations under different guises. -In this way, when they publicly mourned the loss of the Upper Adige on -this side of the Brenner, on the other they did the same for the fallen -Austrian soldiers. When the Fascisti presented themselves at Bolzano, -they found the police helmeted and tasselled, and when they were -arrested, the enquiry was entrusted to Count Breitemburg, a notorious -member of the Deutscher Verband. - -I will not linger over the cases of Malmeter, because they are more like -the chapters of a novel. But I cannot help mentioning one most curious -episode. - -The Commissioner of Merano went to the commune of Maja Alta and was -received, not in the town hall, but in an old mansion house, where were -gathered the mayor and the councillors. The commissioner read the form -of the oath, and the mayor and the councillors, sitting down -immediately, put on their hats and burst out laughing. The commissioner -had hardly recovered from his surprise when the mayor rose to his feet -and began a storm of abuse against the King, Italy and the commissioner, -who, returning to Merano, requested the dismissal of this council. But -the Deutscher Verband interceded with the governor, who returned the -commissioner’s report, writing at the same time that it was not a good -thing to practise irredentism. And the representatives of the commune -remained as they were! - -Since the period of mismanagement the Upper Adige is no longer -bi-lingual. The mayor himself refused to accept the evidence he had -asked for concerning the events of 24th April, because they were written -in Italian. These are small individual cases, but they serve to give an -idea of the whole situation. - -At Megré the Italophobe president of the Young Catholics’ Club turned -out two young men because they presented their demands in Italian, -saying that that language would not do for his office and telling them -to keep it for themselves. And among all those competing for the office -of President of the Court of Appeal of redeemed Italian Trento, the one -selected was a man who in 1915 had resigned his magistracy in order to -serve as a “Kaiser-Jäger” volunteer under the Austrian flag. To-day this -man administers justice in the name of Italy! (Comments.) - -If you imagine that the postal and telegraphic services in the Upper -Adige are in Italian hands, you are much mistaken. The Deutscher Verband -has control of all the communications and disposes of them at its -pleasure. Although 24th April was a holiday, the Pangermans and the -heads of the movement at Innsbruck were kept informed all along of the -development of events at Bolzano, while all communications with the -civil and military authorities were cut and the town completely isolated -from Trento and the rest of Italy for twenty-four hours. This is the -situation. - - -_What the Fascisti ask as regards the Upper Adige._ Gentlemen of the -Government, as regards the Upper Adige, we ask you for these immediate -measures: - -1. The abolition of everything which reminds us of the Austro-Hungarian -Monarchy, even in outward form. Because I wish to say to the House that -it is useless to make compacts to prevent the return of the Hapsburgs -with the Austrian heirs, who are more Austrian than Austria, when we -leave a great part of Austria intact within our own boundaries. - -2. The dissolution of the Deutscher Verband. - -3. The immediate dismissal of the two Italian governors. - -4. The formation of a united province of Trento with the administration -at Trento, and the strictest observance of the use of the two languages -in every act of public administration. - -I do not know what measures will be adopted by the Government in these -cases, but I hereby declare, and I do so before the four German deputies -that they may repeat it and make it known beyond the Brenner, that there -we are and there we mean to stay at all costs. (Applause.) - -_Giolitti_ (Prime Minister and Minister of the Interior). Upon this we -are all agreed. (Applause.) - -_Mussolini._ I note with pleasure the explicit declaration the Prime -Minister has just made. - - - - - THE QUESTION OF MONTENEGRO’S INDEPENDENCE - - Same speech delivered in the Chamber, 21st June 1921. - - -_Hon. Mussolini._ What is going to be our line of policy in view of the -vast field for disagreement which has been left by the peace treaty, or -rather peace treaties, all over the world? - -I shall not touch upon the quarrel between Greece and Turkey, although -inconceivable complications may result if it is true, as is said, that -Lenin is an ally of Kemal Pasha and has already despatched the advance -guard of the Red army to Asia Minor. Neither shall I speak of Upper -Silesia, as I have not yet succeeded in defining the attitude of the -Government on this question. Egypt, again, I shall leave untouched. But -I cannot hold my peace about the fate prepared for Montenegro. - -How is it that Montenegro has lost her independence? In theory she has -not lost it, but actually she lost it in October 1918. And yet Count -Sforza said that the independence of Montenegro was completely -guaranteed, first by the Treaty of London of 1915, which presupposed her -aggrandisement at the expense of Austria and the restitution of Scutari; -secondly, by the conditions laid down by Wilson for the Allies, which -safeguarded her existence with that of Belgium and Serbia; and thirdly, -by the decision of the Supreme Council of the Conference of January -1919, in which the right of Montenegro to be represented by a Delegate -at the Paris Peace Conference was recognised. Not only this, but when -Franchet d’Esperey entered Montenegro with Serb and French elements, he -gave out that he was governing in the name of King Nicholas. - -When, however, King Nicholas, the Court and the Government wished to -return to Cettinge, France, in whose interest it was to create a -powerful Yugoslavia to counterbalance Italy in the Adriatic, informed -the Montenegrin Government that she would have broken off all diplomatic -relations had they done so. - -What attitude did Italy adopt in this difficult situation? The Hon. -Federzoni spoke yesterday of a Convention that became a scrap of paper; -and it was this Convention of 30th April 1919. In it the relations -between Italy and Montenegro are clearly established. And this is what -it says: “Following upon the agreement made between the Italian Minister -for Foreign Affairs and the Government of Montenegro” (so there _was_ a -Government still in 1919), “represented by their Consul General at Rome, -Commander Ramanadovich, the Montenegrin Government will form a nucleus -of officers and troops, drawn from the Montenegrin refugees, and will -receive from the Italian Government the necessary funds in money for the -payment of the allowances of the officers and men.” Other conditions -follow, the last being: “The present Convention cannot be altered -without the common consent of both the Italian and Montenegrin -Governments.” - -Now this Convention was destroyed after the death of King Nicholas. -Signs of disaffection were noticed among the Montenegrin troops, and the -commander asked for military aid from our Government, in order to -proceed to the work of elimination. A Commission was appointed, presided -over by Colonel Vigevano. This commission, which was to save the -Montenegrin army, was the chief cause of its disbandment. And not only -this—on 27th May the Italian Minister for Foreign Affairs told the -Montenegrin Government that the troops must be disbanded or no more -funds would be forthcoming from Italy. And in this way the Convention of -30th April 1919 was violated, because in it it had been said that no -alteration was to be made without the common consent of the two -Governments, and this decision had never been accepted by the consul -general at Rome, who represented the Montenegrin Government. The fact is -that the Italian Minister had made use of the presence of the -Montenegrin army in Italy for political purposes, thinking thereby to -obtain better terms with Yugoslavia. This expectation not being -realised, the Montenegrin army, at a given moment, was cast aside like a -worn-out coat. The fact of the election of the Constituent does not -justify the tragic state of abandonment in which Italy left Montenegro, -because only twenty per cent. of the electors voted, and of those only -nine per cent. in favour of annexation by Serbia. The Serbian -authorities have introduced a real reign of terror in Montenegro and -have prevented the presentation of lists which might contain the names -of candidates favourable to the independence of the country. - -But I hope Count Sforza will not think that the question of Montenegro -is a thing of the past. First, as he knows, the Montenegrin people are -still in arms against the Serbs, and secondly, the Italian people are -unanimous as regards this question. Even the Socialists, and I say it to -their honour, have several times declared in their papers that the -independence of Montenegro is sacred. The Universities of Padua and -Bologna have pronounced in favour of her independence, while the -Fascisti have presented a motion to this effect. - -The shameful page which signs the death warrant of the Montenegrin -people must be redeemed by the adoption of our motion, because if you -bring the question once more before the Great Powers, so that another -plebiscite be summoned, I am certain that, under conditions of liberty, -anti-Serbian results will be returned. - - - - - D’ANNUNZIO AND FIUME - - Same speech delivered in the Chamber, 21st June 1921. - - -_Hon. Mussolini._ In the speech from the throne, the Alps which go -down to the Brenner were spoken of. Now we wish to know if these -Alps include Fiume or not. I deplore the fact that in this speech no -notice was given to the action of Gabriele d’Annunzio and his -legionaries—(Applause.)—without whom our boundaries to-day would be -at Monte Maggiore instead of at the Nevoso. Such a reference would -have been generous, as well as politically opportune. - -I do not intend to enlarge upon the sacrifice of Dalmatia. My honourable -friend Federzoni spoke very eloquently on the subject yesterday. But I -was surprised when in that same speech from the throne it was affirmed -that Zara must be the advance guard of Italy on the opposite shores, -because Zara is crushed between the Slav sea and the Slav hinterland. - -While upon the subject of the Adriatic, gentlemen, we Fascisti cannot -forget, we who speak for the first time in this hall, the attitude that -you adopted in the affair of Fiume. We cannot forget that you attacked -Fiume; and that when on 28th December General Ferrario said that he -could not suspend the order for the bombardment that would have levelled -that town to the ground, that general and the Government that gave him -the order compromised our national dignity more than a little. (Approval -on the Right.) - -You put a knife to the throat of Fiume, but you did not solve the -problem. You sent a commander there with an amazing scheme for the -formation of a Government, which was to accept the conditions agreed -upon at Belgrade—accept, that is to say, the Consortium, which means the -near, if not immediate, destruction of the port of Fiume. Because you -are well aware that after the lapse of twelve years Porto Barro and the -Delta ought to go to Yugoslavia, and you have already handed them over, -because, if you had not done so, you would have been obliged to make -statements which have not been made. - - - - - ITALY, SIONISM, AND THE ENGLISH MANDATE IN PALESTINE - - Same speech delivered in the Chamber, 21st June 1921. - - -_Hon. Mussolini._ I come now to another very delicate question that must -be faced, because it is historically necessary and because, in view of -the recent Pontifical Allocution before the Secret Consistory, it can no -longer be put off. - -We must choose: the Government must decide what line it is going to take -up. Either it must adopt the English attitude in favour of the Sionists, -or that of Benedict XV. I do not think that I shall be boring the -Chamber if I run over the antecedents of this question. - -On 2nd November 1917, the English Government declared itself in favour -of the creation in Palestine of a national centre for the Jewish race, -it being clearly understood that nothing would be done to offend the -rights, civil or religious, of the non-Jewish communities already -existing in Palestine or of the Jews in the rest of the world. Later the -Allied Powers agreed to this, and finally, in Article No. 222 of the -Peace Treaty, confirmed on 20th August at Sèvres, Turkey renounced all -her rights in Palestine, and the Allied Powers chose England as -mandatory. - -Now it has come about, that while the civilised nations of the West have -not altered the common régime of liberty for the different religions, in -Palestine just the reverse has happened, and this in particular because -the administration of the State in embryo has been entrusted to the -political organisation of the Sionists. - -But there have been Arabs in Palestine for ten centuries. There are -600,000 now, and 70,000 Christians, while the Jews only number 50,000. -In this way an extraordinarily interesting situation has been created. - -The native Jews, who have lived for years under the shadow of the mosque -of Jerusalem, cordially dislike those immigrant elements which come from -Poland, Ukraine and Russia, on account of their extremely emancipated -ideas. They have already divided into three sections, one of which, -commonly known by its abbreviated name “Mopsy,” being already inscribed -in the Third International at Moscow as Communist Section. - -I wish to say, however, that no anti-Semitism, which would be new in -this hall, must be read into my words. - -I recognise the fact that the sacrifices made by the Italian Jews during -the war were considerable and generous, but now it is a question of -examining certain political positions and of indicating what line the -Government might eventually adopt. - -An alliance between the Arabs and the Christians has now been -established in Palestine, and a party formed at the Conference of Jaffa, -which opposes by civil war all Jewish immigration. On the 1st and 14th -of May, serious disturbances occurred which resulted in some hundreds of -wounded and several deaths, including a writer of note. - -Now, according to the _Bulletin du Comité des Délégations Juives_, page -19, it appears that the text of the English Mandate for Palestine must -be submitted to the Council of the Society of the League of Nations in -the next meeting at Geneva. I should wish the Government, in this -delicate situation, to accept the point of view of the Vatican. - -This is in the interest of the Jews, who, having fled from the pogroms -of Ukraine and Poland, must not meet Arab pogroms in Palestine; -moreover, it is advisable that the Western nations should refrain from -creating a painful legal position for the Jews, since to-morrow those -same Jews, becoming citizen-subjects of those States, might immediately -form foreign colonies within them. - - - - - THE ATTITUDE OF FASCISMO TOWARDS COMMUNISM AND SOCIALISM - - Same speech delivered in the Chamber, 21st June 1921. - - -_Hon. Mussolini._ I do not wish to enlarge upon the question of foreign -policy, as I should then find myself out in the open, and I might ask -the Minister for Foreign Affairs what Italy’s position exactly is in the -face of the formidable conflicts which loom upon the horizon of -international politics. While Count Sforza is at the head of Foreign -Affairs in Giolitti’s Cabinet, we Fascisti cannot but find ourselves -among the opposition. (Comments.) - -I shall pass now to an examination of the position of Fascismo with -regard to the various parties—(Signs of attention.)—and I shall begin -with the Communists. - -Communism, the Hon. Graziadei teaches me, springs up in times of misery -and despair. When the total sum of the wealth of the world is much -reduced, the first idea that enters men’s minds is to put it all -together so that everyone may have a little. But this is only the first -phase of Communism, the phase of consumption. Afterwards comes the phase -of production, which is very much more difficult; so difficult, indeed, -that that great and formidable man (not yet legislator) who answers to -the name of Wladimiro Ulianoff Lenin, when he came to shaping human -material, became aware that it was a good deal harder than bronze or -marble. (Approval and comments.) - -I know the Communists. I know them, because a great many of them are my -sons—I mean, of course, spiritually—(Laughter.)—and I recognise with a -sincerity that might appear cynical, that it was I who first inoculated -these people, when I put into circulation among the Italian Socialists a -little Bergson mingled with much Blanqui. - -There is a philosopher[10] sitting among the Ministers who certainly -teaches me that the neo-spiritualistic philosophies continually -oscillating between the metaphysical and the lyrical are very dangerous -for small minds. (Laughter.) The neo-spiritualistic philosophies are -like oysters—they are palatable, but they have to be digested. -(Laughter.) - -Footnote 10: - - Benedetto Croce, Minister of Public Instruction. - -These, my friends or enemies.... - -(Voices from the Extreme Left: “Enemies, enemies!”) - -_Mussolini._ Very well, then—enemies, swallowed Bergson when they were -twenty-five and have not digested him at thirty. I am very surprised to -see among the Communists an economist of the standing of Antonio -Graziadei, with whom I had great battles when he was a reformer and had -thrown aside Marx and his doctrines. While the Communists speak of the -dictatorship of the proletariat, of republics more or less united with -the Soviet, and other far-fetched absurdities of that kind, between them -and us there cannot be other than war. (Interruptions from the Extreme -Left. Comments.) - -Our position is different as regards the Socialist Party. In the first -place we are careful to make a distinction between party Socialism and -the Socialism of Labour. (Comments on the Extreme Left.) - -I am not here to overrate the importance of the syndicalist movement. -When you think that there are sixteen millions of working men in Italy -and of these hardly three millions belong to the syndicates, whether the -General Conference of Workmen, the National Italian Syndicate, the -Italian Workmen’s Union, the Confederation of Italian Economic -Syndicates, the White Federation or other organisations which do not -concern us, and that their membership increases and diminishes according -to the times; when you think that the really advanced and scrupulous -thinkers are a scanty minority, you will realise at once that we are -right when we do not overrate the historical importance of this movement -of the working classes. - -But we recognise the fact that the General Federation of Workers did not -manifest the attitude of hostility at the time of the war which was -shown by a great part of the Official Socialist Party. We recognise, -also, that through the General Federation of Workers technical forces -have come to the front which, in view of the fact that the organisers -are in direct and daily contact with the complex economic reality, are -reasonable enough. (Interruptions from the Extreme Left and comments.) - -We—and there are witnesses here who can prove the truth of my words—have -never taken up _a priori_ an attitude of opposition to the General -Federation of Workers. I add also that our attitude might be altered -later if the Confederation detached itself—and the political directors -have for some time considered the possibility of this being done—from -the political Socialist Party—(Comments.)—which is only a fraction of -political Socialism, and is formed of those people who, in order to act, -have need of the big forces represented by the working-class -organisations. - -Listen to what I am going to say. When you present the Bill for the -Eight Hours Day, we will vote in favour of it. We shall not oppose this -or any other measures destined to perfect our special legislation. We -shall not even oppose experiments of co-operation; but I tell you at -once that we shall resist with all our strength attempts at State -Socialism, Collectivism and the like. We have had enough of State -Socialism, and we shall never cease to fight your doctrines as a whole, -for we deny their truth and oppose their fatalism. - -We deny the existence of only two classes, because there are many more. -(Comments.) We deny the possibility of explaining the story of humanity -in terms of economics. We deny your internationalism, because it is a -luxury which only the upper classes can afford; the working people are -hopelessly bound to their native shores. - -Not only this, but we affirm, and on the strength of recent Socialist -literature which you ought not to repudiate, that the real history of -capitalism is beginning now, because capitalism is not only a system of -oppression, but a selection of that which is of most worth, a -co-ordination of hierarchies, a more strongly developed sense of -individual responsibility. (Applause.) So true is this that Lenin, after -having instituted the building councils, abolished them and put in -dictators; so true is it that, after having nationalised commerce, he -reintroduced the régime of liberty; and, as you who have been in Russia -well know, after having suppressed—even physically—the bourgeoisie, -to-day he summons it back, because without capitalism and its technical -system of production Russia could never rise again. (Applause from the -Right. Comments.) - -Let me speak to you frankly and tell you the mistakes you made after the -Armistice, fundamental mistakes which are destined to influence the -history of your politics. - -First of all you ignored or underrated the survival of those forces -which had been the cause of intervention in the war. Your paper went to -ridiculous lengths, never mentioning my name for months, as if by that -you could eliminate a man from life and history. You showed yourselves -worse knaves than ever by libelling the war and victory. (Loud approval -on the Right.) You wildly propagated the Russian myth, awakening almost -messianic expectation; and only afterwards, when you realised the truth, -did you change your position by executing a more or less prudent -strategic retreat. (Laughter.) Only after two years did you remember, -beside the sickle—a noble tool—and the hammer—no less noble—to place the -book—(Bravo!)—which represents the rights of the spirit over matter, -rights which cannot be suppressed or denied—(Bravo!)—rights which you, -who consider yourselves the heralds of a new humanity, ought to be the -first to inscribe upon your banners. (Great applause from the Extreme -Right.) - - - - - THE ATTITUDE OF FASCISMO TOWARDS THE POPULAR PARTY. THE VATICAN AND - SOCIAL DEMOCRACY - - Same speech delivered in the Chamber, 21st June 1921. - - -_Hon. Mussolini._ I come now to the Popular Party; and I wish to remind -it first that in the history of Fascismo there are no invasions of -churches, and not even the assassination of the monk Angelico Galassi, -who was killed by revolver shots at the foot of the altar. I confess to -you that there have been some chastisements and the sacred burning of -the offices of a newspaper which called the Fascisti a band of -criminals. (Comments; interruptions from the Centre.) - -Fascismo neither practises nor preaches anti-Clericalism. It can also be -said that it is not in any way tied to Freemasonry; this, however, -should not be the cause of alarm which it is to some members of the -Popular Party, as to my mind Freemasonry is an enormous screen behind -which there are generally small things and small men. (Comments and -laughter.) But let us come to concrete problems. - -The question of divorce has been touched on here. I am not, at bottom, -in favour of divorce, because I do not believe that questions of the -sentimental order can be settled by juridical formulæ; but I ask the -Popular Party to consider if it is just that the rich can obtain divorce -by going into Hungary, while the poor are sometimes obliged to be tied -all their lives. - -We are one with the Popular Party as regards the liberty of schools. We -are very near them as regards the agrarian problem, for we think that -where small properties exist it is useless to destroy them; that where -it is possible to create them, they ought to be created; that where they -cannot be created, because they would be unproductive, other methods -must be adopted, not excluding more or less collective co-operation. We -agree about administrative decentralisation, provided, necessarily, that -autonomy and federation are not spoken of, because regional federation -would lead to provincial federation, and so on till Italy returned to -what she was a century ago. - -But there is another problem more important than these incidental -questions to which I wish to draw the attention of the Popular Party, -and that is the historical problem of the relations between Italy and -the Vatican. (Signs of attention.) - -All of us, who from fifteen to twenty-five drank deep at the fountain of -Carduccian literature, learned to hate “una vecchia vaticana lupa -cruenta” of which Carducci speaks, I think, in the ode _To Ferrara_; we -heard talk of “a pontificate dark with mystery” on the one hand, and on -the other of the sublime truth and the future in the words of the -poet-prophet. Now all this, confined to literature, may be most -brilliant, but to us Fascisti, who are eminently practical, it seems -to-day more than a little out of date. - -I maintain that the Imperial and Latin tradition of Rome is represented -to-day by Catholicism. If, as Mommsen said thirty years ago, one could -not stay in Rome without being impressed by the idea of universality, I -both think and maintain that the only universal idea at Rome to-day is -that which radiates from the Vatican. I am very disturbed when I see -national churches being formed, because I think of the millions and -millions of men who will no longer look towards Italy and Rome. For this -reason I advance this hypothesis, that if the Vatican should definitely -renounce its temporal ambitions—and I think it is already on that -road—Italy ought to furnish it with the necessary material help for the -schools, churches, hospitals, etc., that a temporal power has at its -disposal. Because the increase of Catholicism in the world, the addition -of four hundred millions of men who from all quarters of the globe look -towards Rome, is a source of pride and of special interest to us -Italians. - -The Popular Party must choose; either it is going to be our friend, our -enemy or neutral. Now that I have spoken clearly, I hope that some -member of the party will do likewise. - -Social Democracy seems to have a very ambiguous position. First of all -one wonders why it is called Social Democracy. A democracy is already -necessarily social; we think, however, that this Social Democracy is a -kind of Trojan horse which holds within it an army against whom we shall -always be at war. - - - - - PART VI - MUSSOLINI THE “FASCISTA PRIME MINISTER” - - - - - MUSSOLINI THE “FASCISTA PRIME MINISTER” - - We deem it superfluous to linger over a detailed analysis of the - separate speeches delivered by Benito Mussolini after 1st November - 1922, the day on which, by the will of the people, he rose fully - equipped to the dignities and responsibilities of power. - - Foreigners are to a great extent ignorant of the origin, the - character and the evolution of the Fascista movement, owing to the - lack of literature on the subject outside Italy. They have, however, - already had the means of appreciating the qualities of strength, - balance of mind, and foresight revealed from the very first by the - Italian Fascista Premier. Although European public opinion may be - logically entitled to an attitude of reserve in the face of the - crisis of evolution and renovation through which Italy is passing, - it is certain that the young President of the Council—of humble - birth, and risen to power by a remarkable combination of - circumstances—romantic, daring, ingenious, tempestuous—stands now - the principal figure in the arena of world politics. - - - - - A NEW CROMWELL IN THE PARLIAMENT - - Speech delivered in the Chamber, 16th November 1922. - - -_Hon. Mussolini._ Honourable Members,—(Signs of great attention.)—I -perform to-day in this hall an act of formal deference towards you for -which I do not expect any special gratitude. - -I have the honour of announcing to the Chamber that His Majesty the -King, by a Decree of 31st October, has accepted the resignations of the -Hon. Luigi Facta from the office of President of the Council and of his -colleagues, Minister and Under-Secretaries of State, and has asked me to -form the new Ministry. On the same day His Majesty has appointed me -President of the Council of Ministers and Minister of the Interior and -of Foreign Affairs, etc. - -For many years—for too many years—crises in the Government took place -and were solved by more or less tortuous and underhand manœuvres, so -much so that a crisis came to be regarded as a regular scramble for -portfolios, and the Ministry was caricatured in the comic papers. - -Now, for the second time in the brief space of seven years, the Italian -people, or rather the best part of it, has overthrown a Ministry and -formed for itself an entirely new Government from outside, regardless of -every Parliamentary designation. - -The seven years of which I speak lie between the May of 1915 and the -October of 1922. I shall leave to the gloomy partisans of -super-Constitutionalism the task of discoursing, more or less -plaintively, about all this. I maintain that revolution has its rights; -and I may add, so that everyone may know, that I am here to defend and -give the greatest value to the revolution of the “black shirts,” -inserting it intrinsically in the history of the nation as an active -force in development, progress and the restoration of equilibrium. (Loud -applause from the Left.) I could have carried our victory much further, -and I refused to do so. I imposed limits upon my action and told myself -that the truest wisdom is that which does not forsake one after victory. -With three hundred thousand young men, fully armed, ready for anything -and almost religiously prompt to obey any command of mine, I could have -punished all those who have slandered the Fascisti and thrown mud at -them. (Approval on the Right.) I could have made a bivouac of this -gloomy grey hall; I could have shut up Parliament and formed a -Government of Fascisti exclusively; I could have done so, but I did not -wish to do so, at any rate at the moment. Our adversaries remained in -their shelters and then quietly issued forth and obtained their freedom, -of which they are already taking advantage to set traps for us and -slander us, as at Carate, Bergamo, Udine and Muggia. - -I have formed a Coalition Government, not with the intention of -obtaining a Parliamentary majority, with which at the moment I can -perfectly well dispense, but in order to gather together in support of -the suffering nation all those who, over and above questions of party -and section, wish to save her. - -From the bottom of my heart I thank all those who have worked with me, -both Ministers and Under-Secretaries; I thank my colleagues in the -Government, who wished to share with me the heavy responsibilities of -this hour; and I cannot remember without pleasure the attitude of the -Italian working classes, who indirectly encouraged and strengthened the -Fascisti by their solidarity, active or passive. I believe also that I -shall be giving expression to the thoughts of a large part of this -assembly, and certainly of the majority of the Italian people, if I pay -a warm tribute to our Sovereign, who, by refusing to permit the useless -reactionary attempts made at the eleventh hour to proclaim martial law, -has avoided civil war and allowed the fresh and ardent Fascista current, -newly arisen out of the war and exalted by victory, to pour itself into -the sluggish main stream of the State. (Cries of “Long live the King!” -The Ministers and a great many deputies rise to their feet and applaud.) - -Before arriving here we were asked on all sides for a programme. It is -not, alas! programmes that are wanting in Italy, but men to carry them -out. All the problems of Italian life—_all_, I say—have long since been -solved on paper; but the will to put these solutions into practice has -been lacking. The Government to-day represents that firm and decisive -will. - - - - - THE FOREIGN POLICY OF THE FASCISTA GOVERNMENT - - Same speech delivered in the Chamber, 16th November 1922. - - -_Hon. Mussolini._ Honourable Members,—Our foreign policy is the business -which chiefly concerns us at the present moment. I shall speak of it at -once, as I think that what I am going to say will dispel many -apprehensions. I shall not touch upon all the questions connected with -the subject, because, in this sphere as in all others, I prefer actions -to words. - -The fundamental principle upon which our foreign policy is based is that -treaties of peace, once signed and ratified, must be carried out, no -matter whether they are good or bad. A self-respecting nation cannot -follow another course. Treaties are not eternal or irreparable; they are -chapters and not epilogues in history; to put them into practice means -to try them. If in the course of execution they are proved to be absurd, -that in itself constitutes the possibility of a further examination of -the respective positions. - -I shall bring before the consideration of Parliament both the Treaty of -Rapallo and the Agreements of Santa Margherita, which are derived from -it. - -Agreed that treaties, when once perfected and ratified, must be loyally -carried out, I go on to establish another fundamental principle, which -is the rejection of all the famous “reconstructive” ideology. We admit -that there is a kind of economic union or interdependence among European -countries. We admit that this economic life must be reconstructed, but -we refuse to think that the methods hitherto adopted will succeed in -doing so. Commercial treaties concluded between two Powers—the basis of -the closest economic relations between nations—are of more value in the -reconstruction of the European economic world than all the complicated -and confused general plenary conferences, whose lamentable history -everybody knows. - -As far as Italy is concerned, we intend to follow a policy which will be -dignified and at the same time compatible with our national interests. -(Loud applause.) We cannot allow ourselves the luxury of a policy of -foolish altruism, or of complete surrender to the desires of others. _Do -ut des._ For Italy to-day has a new importance which must be reckoned -with adequately, and this fact is beginning to be recognised beyond her -boundaries. We have not the bad taste to exaggerate our powers, but -neither do we wish to belittle them with excessive and useless modesty. - -My formula is simple: “Nothing for nothing.” Those who wish to have -concrete proofs of friendship from us must give us the same. Fascista -Italy, just as she does not intend to repudiate treaties for many -reasons, political, moral and economic, does not intend, either, to -abandon the Allies—Rome is in line with London and Paris; but Italy must -assert herself and impose upon the Allies that strict and courageous -examination of conscience which has not been faced by them from the time -of the Armistice up to the present day. - -Does an Entente still exist in the full sense of the word? What is the -position of the Entente with regard to Germany and Russia? with regard -to an alliance between these two countries? What is the position of -Italy in the Entente, of the Italy who, not solely by reason of the -weakness of her governors, lost strong positions in the Adriatic and the -Mediterranean, who did not obtain any colonies or raw materials, who is -literally crushed under the load of debts incurred in order to obtain -victory, and whose most sacred rights, even, were held in question? In -the conversations I intend to have with the Prime Ministers of England -and France, I mean to face clearly and in its entirety the question of -the Entente and Italy’s position within it. - -As a result of this, alternatives will arise; either the Entente, -finding a way of settling her inward perplexities and contradictions, -will become a really solid homogeneous body, with evenly distributed -forces, with equal rights and equal duties, or her hour will have -struck, and Italy, regaining her freedom of action, will turn loyally -with a new policy to the work of safeguarding her interests. - -I hope that the first eventuality will be realised, particularly in view -of the new uprising in the East and the growing intimacy between Russia, -Turkey and Germany. But, however it may be, we must get beyond -conventional phrases. It is time, in fact, to abandon diplomatic -expedients, which are renewed and repeated at every conference, in order -to deal directly with historical fact, by which alone it is possible to -decide one way or another the trend of events. Our foreign policy, which -aims at protection of our interests, respect of treaties and the -settling of our position in the Entente, cannot be described as -adventurous and imperialist, in the vulgar sense of the word. We want to -follow a policy of peace that will not, however, be at the same time -suicidal. - -In order to refute the pessimists who expected catastrophic results to -follow upon the advent of the Fascisti to power, it is enough to remind -them that our relations with the Swiss are perfectly friendly, and that -a commercial treaty, already in the process of formation, will further -contribute towards strengthening them when it is completed; that they -are perfectly correct as regards Yugoslavia and Greece; we are on good -terms with Spain, Czechoslovakia, Poland and Roumania, and the other -Baltic States, where of late Italy has gained a great deal of sympathy, -and where we are trying to make commercial agreements; and on equally -good terms with the other States. - -As far as Austria is concerned, Italy will keep faith as regards her -promises, and will not neglect to enter into economic relations with her -as well as with Hungary and Bulgaria. - -We maintain, as regards Turkey, that what is now an accomplished fact -ought to be recognised as such at Lausanne, with the necessary -guarantees as to trade in the Straits, European interests and the -interests of the small Christian communities. The situation which has -arisen in Islam is going to be carefully watched. When Turkey has got -what belongs to her she must not try to obtain more. There will come a -day when it will be necessary to say, “Thus far and no further!” The -danger of complications in the Balkans, and in consequence in Europe in -general, can be avoided by firmness, which will have an increased effect -in proportion to the loyalty of the Allies’ conduct. We do not forget -that there are 44,000 Mohammedans in Roumania, 600,000 in Bulgaria, -400,000 in Albania, and 1,500,000 in Yugoslavia; a world which the -recent victory of the Crescent has exalted, at any rate secretly. - -As far as Russia is concerned, Italy believes that the moment has come -to face the question of her relations with that country in their actual -reality; but this apart from internal conditions in that country, with -which we, as a Government, do not wish to interfere, since in our turn -we shall admit of no interference in our home affairs. In consequence we -are disposed to consider the possibility of a definite solution of the -situation. As regards the presence of Russia at Lausanne, Italy has -supported the most liberal point of view and does not despair of its -eventual triumph, although thus far she has only been invited to discuss -the single question of the Dardanelles. - -Our relations with the United States are very good, and I shall make it -my care to see that they are improved, especially as regards a close -economic co-operation. A commercial treaty with Canada is on the point -of being signed. We are on cordial terms with the republics of Central -and South America, and especially with Brazil and the Argentine, where -millions of Italians live. They must not be denied the possibility of -taking part in the local political life around them, which will not -estrange them from, but rather bind them all the closer to their Mother -Country. - -As for economic and financial problems, Italy will maintain in the -approaching conference at Brussels that debts and reparations form an -indivisible binomial. - -In order to carry out this policy of dignity and regard for our national -interests, we need to have at the Ministry for Foreign Affairs a central -staff competent to deal with the new necessities of the national life -and of the increased prestige of Italy in the world. (Applause.) - - - - - THE POLICY OF FASCISMO FOR ITALY: ECONOMY, WORK AND DISCIPLINE - - Same speech delivered in the Chamber, 16th November 1922. - - -_Hon. Mussolini._ Honourable Members,—The policy we shall follow as -regards the country itself can be summed up in three words: economy, -work and discipline. The financial problem is a fundamental one, the -balancing of the State Budget must be accomplished as soon as possible -by a régime of careful administration, intelligence in the use of money, -the utilisation of all the productive forces of the nation and the -removal of the trappings of war. (Loud applause.) For further -information as regards the financial question, which, though serious, is -open to rapid improvement, I refer you to my colleague Tangorra,[11] who -will give you information when the financial measures are discussed. - -Footnote 11: - - Late Minister of Finance. - -He who talks of work, talks of the productive middle classes in the -towns and in the country. It is not a question of privileges for the -first or for privileges for the second, but of the safeguarding of all -the interests which are in accordance with national production. The -proletariat which works, and whose well-being concerns us, though not -from weak demagogic motives, has nothing to fear, nothing to lose and -everything to gain from a financial policy which preserves the balance -of the State and prevents bankruptcy, which would have a disastrous -effect, especially among the humbler classes. - -Our policy as regards emigration must free itself of an excessive -“paternalism,” while, at the same time, an Italian who emigrates must -know that his interests will be securely guarded by the representatives -of his country abroad. The growth of the prestige of a nation in the -world is in proportion to the discipline it shows at home. There is no -doubt that the internal condition of the country has improved, but it is -not yet as I should like to see it. I do not intend to indulge myself in -easy optimism. I am no lover of Pangloss. In the big cities, and in all -the towns in general, there is peace; instances of violence are sporadic -and peripheral; but, at the same time, these also must cease. The -citizens, no matter to what party they belong, shall have freedom of -movement; all religions shall be respected, with particular regard to -the dominant faith, Catholicism; statutory liberty shall not be -infringed and the law shall be made to be respected at all costs! - -The State is strong and will prove its power equally where all classes -of citizens are concerned, including illegal Fascismo, because it would -now be irresponsible illegality and without any justification. I must -add, however, that almost all the Fascisti have submitted to the new -order of things. The State does not mean to abdicate for anyone, and -whoever opposes it must be punished. This explicit statement is a -warning to all citizens, and I know will be particularly pleasing to the -Fascisti, who have fought and won in order to have a State which would -make itself felt in every direction with inexhaustible energy. It must -not be forgotten that, besides the minority that represent actual -militant politics, there are forty millions of excellent Italians who -work, by their splendid birth-rate perpetuate our race, and who ask, and -have the right to obtain, freedom from the chronic state of disorder -which is the sure prelude to general ruin. Since sermons, evidently, are -not enough, the State will put the army it has at its disposal in order -by a process of selection and improvement. The Fascista State will form -a perfectly organised and united police force, of great mobility and -with a high moral standard; while the army and navy—glorious and dear to -every Italian heart—withdrawn from the vicissitudes of Parliamentary -politics, reorganised and strengthened, will represent the last reserve -of the nation both at home and abroad. - -Gentlemen, from the last communication issued you will learn what the -Fascista programme is in detail with regard to each individual Ministry. -I do not wish, as long as it is possible to avoid it, to govern against -the wishes of the Chamber; but the Chamber must understand the peculiar -position it holds, which makes it liable to dismissal in two days or in -two years. (Laughter.) We ask for full powers, because we wish to take -full responsibility. Without full powers you know perfectly well that -not a penny—a penny I say—would be saved. By this we do not intend to -exclude the possibility of voluntary co-operation, which we shall -cordially accept, whether it be from deputies, senators or single -competent citizens. We have, every one of us, a religious sense of the -difficulty of our task. The country encourages us and waits. We shall -not give you further words but facts. Let us solemnly and formally -pledge ourselves to balance the Budget, and we shall do it. We wish to -have a foreign policy of peace, but, at the same time, it must be -dignified and firm; and we shall have it. None of our enemies, past or -present, need deceive themselves about the rapidity of our advent to -power. (Laughter; comments.) Our Government has a formidable hold upon -the hearts of the people and is supported by the best elements in the -country. There is no doubt that in these last days an enormous step has -been taken towards spiritual unity. The Italian nation has found herself -again, from the north to the south, from the Continent to those generous -islands which shall no more be forgotten—(Applause.)—from Rome to the -industrious colonies of the Mediterranean and the Atlantic. Gentlemen, -do not throw useless words at the nation; fifty-two requests to speak on -my lists is too much. Let us work, rather, with pure hearts and ready -brains to assure the prosperity and the greatness of the country. - -And may God help me to carry my arduous task to a victorious end. (Loud -applause. Many deputies come down to congratulate the President.) - - - - - “CONSCIENTIOUS GENERAL DIAGNOSIS OF THE CONDITIONS OF THE COUNTRY AND - ITS FOREIGN POLICY” - - Sitting of 27th November 1922, Senate. - - -_Hon. Mussolini._ Honourable Senators,—I have listened with deep -interest and attention to all the speeches touching upon various -subjects which have been delivered in this hall. The Ministers directly -concerned can answer to the different individual questions. I shall -limit myself to confuting some of the statements which can be said to be -of a general order. Of course if the vote of the Senate be unanimous, it -will please me—(Laughter.)—but you must not believe that unanimity -flatters me excessively. I entertain a thorough contempt for those who -have more or less clamorously sided with me in these last days. They are -so often the kind of people who follow the fair wind and are ready to -tumble headlong over to the other side when the wind changes direction. -(Laughter.) I prefer sincere enemies to doubtful friends. - -Of the speeches delivered in this hall some have a particular -importance, as for instance that, generally optimistic, of Senator -Conti, which reminded me of the analogous speech, also optimistic, -delivered in the Chamber by the Hon. Buozzi. This favourable view of -economic conditions in Italy, coming thus from a head of the proletariat -and a head of the great Italian industries, is a curious coincidence and -certainly of good omen. - - -_A Neat Surgical Operation._ I owe a special answer to Senator -Albertini. I admire his firm faith in pure Liberalism, but I take the -liberty to remind him that Constitutionalism in England, Liberalism in -France, in fact all the ideas and doctrines which have in common the -name of Liberalism, spring out of a fierce revolutionary travail without -which, to-day, Signor Albertini would not, very probably, have been able -to pay these tributes to pure Liberalism. - -How was it possible to find a way out of this internal crisis, which -every day was becoming more alarming and distressing? A temporary and -transitional Ministry was no longer possible. It did not solve the -problem, it hardly delayed it. Consequently in two, three or six months’ -time at the most, with that mobility of opinions and desires that -characterised certain Parliamentary circles, we should have found -ourselves where we were at the beginning, with nothing gained but the -failure which would have aggravated the crisis. (Hear, hear!) - -After having thought over the matter deeply, therefore, and having -clearly realised the ironic paradox, becoming every day more manifest, -of the existence of two States—one the actual State itself and the other -which nobody succeeded in defining—I said to myself at a certain moment -that only a neat surgical operation could make one compact State of the -two and save the fortunes of the nation. - -Senator Albertini must not think that this decision was other than the -result of long meditation; he must not think that I had not well -considered all the dangers and risks of this illegal action. I willed it -deliberately. I dare to say more than this—I forced it on. To my mind -there was no other way except by revolution to revive a political class -grown enormously tired and discouraged in all its sections; and since -experience teaches something, or ought to teach something, to -intelligent men, I at once set limits and established rules for my -action. I have not gone beyond a certain point, I did not in the least -become intoxicated by victory, nor did I take advantage of it. Who could -have prevented me from closing Parliament? Who could have prevented me -from proclaiming a Dictatorship with two or three men? Who could -withstand me? Who could have withstood a movement which consisted not -only in 300,000 membership cards but in 300,000 rifles? Nobody. It was I -who, for love of our country, said that it was necessary to subordinate -impulse, sentiment and personal ambition to the supreme interests of the -nation; and it was I who put the movement at once on constitutional -lines. - -I have formed a Ministry with men from all parties in the House. I did -not hesitate to include a member of the old Cabinet. I gave importance -to technical efficiency and paid no attention to political labels. I -formed a Coalition Ministry and I presented it to the Chamber. I asked -for its judgment and its vote and I found that Chamber a little changed. -But when I found out that not less than thirty-three orators had -presented thirty-six orders of the day, I said to myself that perhaps it -was not necessary to abolish Parliament, but that the country would be -glad to see it enjoying a holiday for a certain period. (Laughter.) I -have, therefore, no intention of dismissing the Chamber, of destroying -all the fruits of the Liberal revolution. I can boast of all this -philosophically from a point of view which might almost be called -negative. But philosophy must be silent in the face of political -necessity. Let us speak frankly! What is this Liberalism, this -Liberalism put into practice? Because if there is anyone who believes -that, to be a true Liberal, it is necessary to give some hundreds of -irresponsible people, fanatics and scoundrels, the power of ruining -forty millions of Italians, I refuse absolutely to give them this power. -(Applause.) Gentlemen, I have no fetishes, and where the interests of -the country are concerned the Government has the right to intervene. If -it did not do so, it would be inadequate the first time and the next -time suicidal. - - -_Respect for the Constitution._ I do not intend to deviate from the -Constitution or to improvise. The example of other revolutions has shown -me that there are some fundamental principles in the life of the people -that must be respected. (Hear, hear!) I do not intend that national -discipline shall be any longer merely a word. I do not intend that the -law shall be any longer a blunt weapon. (Hear, hear!) I do not intend -that liberty shall degenerate into licence. I do not intend, either, to -remain above the fray among those who love, who work for, and who are -ready to sacrifice themselves for the nation, or, on the other hand, -among those who are ready to do the reverse. - -It was for just such a foolish “Rolandism” that this last Government -failed. One cannot remain above the fray when the moral forces which are -the foundation of the national community are at stake; and nobody can -say that a national policy, understood thus, is reactionary. For me all -these names of Left and Right, of Conservative, Aristocracy and -Democracy are so many empty academic terms. They serve occasionally to -distinguish, but more often to confuse. - -I shall not follow an anti-proletariat policy, for reasons national, and -other than national. We do not want to oppress the proletariat; we do -not want to drive it back into humiliating conditions of life. On the -contrary we want to elevate it materially and spiritually; but not -because we think that the masses, the populace, could create a special -type of civilisation in the future. Let us leave this kind of ideology -to those who profess themselves to be ministers of this mysterious -religion. The reasons for which we wish to follow a policy of -proletarian welfare are quite different. They lie in the interests of -the nation; they are dictated by the reality of facts, by the conviction -that no nation can be united and at peace if twenty millions of workmen -are condemned to live in humiliating and inadequate conditions of life. -And it may be, nay, it is certain, that our labour policy—or rather -anti-demagogic policy, because we cannot promise the paradise we do not -possess—will ultimately prove to be much more useful to those same -working classes than the other policy which, like an oriental mirage, -has hypnotised and mystified them into a vain attitude of waiting. -(Approval.) - - -_The Military Organisation of Fascismo._ “What will you do with the -military organisation of Fascismo?” I have been asked. This military -organisation gave Rome an imposing spectacle. There were 52,000 “black -shirts,” and they left Rome within the twenty-four hours prescribed by -me. They obey. I dare even to go further and to say that they have the -mysticism of obedience! I do not intend to disperse these exuberant -forces, not only for the sake of Fascismo itself, but in the interests -of the nation. What I shall impose upon Fascismo is the discontinuance -of all the acts for which there is now no necessity—(Hear, hear!)—those -small, individual and collective acts of violence which are rather -humiliating to everyone, which are often the result of local situations -and could with difficulty be associated with the big problems of the -different Italian parties. I am sure that what might be called “illegal -Fascismo,” now happily on the decline, will soon end altogether. This is -one of the conditions of that pacification to which my friend Senator -Bellini alluded; but in order that this pacification may succeed, the -other side must also cease their ambushes and acts of violence. - - -_Foreign Policy._ I thank the Senate for not having dwelt too much on -foreign policy. I am particularly glad that Fascismo has universally -accepted with enthusiasm my firm decision as regards the application of -treaties, because if I do not allow illegality in internal policy, still -less shall I allow it in foreign affairs. (Hear, hear!) So let it be -clear to all inside this hall and out. Foreign policy will be in the -hands of one man alone, of the man who has the honour of representing -and directing it; because there cannot be an unlimited division and -diffusion of responsibility, and foreign policy is too difficult and -delicate a matter to be thrown as occupation to those who have nothing -better to do. (Laughter.) - -I can then tell the Hon. Barzilai that I shall keep the Ministry for -Foreign Affairs for myself. At bottom the Ministry of the Interior is a -Ministry of Police, and I am glad to be the head of the police. I am not -in the least ashamed of it. On the contrary, I hope that all Italian -citizens, forgetting certain atavisms, will recognise in the police one -of the most necessary forces for the welfare of our social existence. -But, above all, I intend to follow a line of foreign policy which will -not be adventurous, while, at the same time, it will not be -characterised by self-sacrifice. (Strong approval.) Certainly miracles -are not to be expected in this field, as it is impossible to cancel in a -conversation, even in a dramatic one of half an hour, a policy which has -been the result of other conditions and of another period of time. - -I think that foreign policy should have as its supreme aim the -maintenance of peace. This is a fine ideal, especially after a war that -has lasted four years. Our policy, therefore, will not be that of the -Imperialists who seek the impossible, while, at the same time, it will -not necessarily rest upon the negative formula according to which one -should never have recourse to force. It is well to keep the possibility -of war in sight; it cannot be discarded _a priori_, because in that case -we should find ourselves disarmed with the other nations in arms. (Great -applause.) - -But I have no illusions, for, in accordance with my temperament, I -disdain all easy optimism. People who see things through rose-coloured -spectacles make me laugh; I often pity them. I think, however, I have -already succeeded in something, and in no small thing either, which will -have no small results. That is to say, I think I have succeeded in -making the Allies and other peoples of Europe, who had not yet attained -a true vision of Italy, see her as she really is. Not as something -vaguely prehistoric, not the Italy of monuments and libraries—all most -respectable things—but Italy as I see her born under my eyes, the Italy -of to-day, overflowing with vitality, prepared to give herself a new -lease of life, pregnant with serenity and beauty; an Italy which does -not live like a parasite on the past, but is prepared to build up her -own future with her own forces and through her own work and martyrdom. - -This is the Italy which has now flashed, be it ever so vaguely, before -the eyes of the representatives of other nations, who henceforward must -be convinced, whether they wish it or not, that Italy does not intend to -follow in the wake of others, but intends to vindicate her rights with -dignity, and with no less dignity to protect her interests. (Approval.) - - -_God and the People._ I have been admonished in turn by all those who -have spoken in this hall. They have said to me: “The responsibility -which you take is enormously heavy.” Yes! I know it and I feel it. -Sometimes, intensified by a deep and vibrating expectancy, it almost -crushes me. At these times I have to gather all my force, to arm myself -with all my determination, in order to keep before me the interests and -the future of our country. Well I know that it is not my interests that -are at stake. Certainly, if I do not succeed I am a broken man. These -are not experiments that can be tried twice in a lifetime. But my person -is of little value. Not to succeed would not mean much to me personally, -but it would be infinitely serious for the nation. (Hear, hear!) I -intend to take the helm of the ship, and I do not intend to yield it to -anybody. But I shall not refuse to take on board all those who wish to -form my crew, all those who wish to work with me, who will give me -advice and suggestions, who will, in a word, give me their invaluable -and indispensable co-operation. - -In the other Chamber I invoked the help of God. In this—and I hope my -words will not be taken as mere rhetoric—I shall invoke the Italian -people. In doing this I might feel that I was walking in the steps of -Mazzini, who made a union between God and the people. But if, as I hope -and earnestly desire, the people will be disciplined, laborious, and -proud of this their glorious country, I feel I shall not fail to arrive -at my goal! (Ovation; the Ministers and many Senators advance to -congratulate the orator.) - - - - - “I REMAIN THE HEAD OF FASCISMO, ALTHOUGH THE HEAD OF THE ITALIAN - GOVERNMENT” - - Speech delivered in London, 12th December 1922, before the Fascisti. - - -Fascisti! You must feel that in this last month the Italian people have -raised themselves considerably in the eyes of all the other nations. -Everybody knows now that a new and vigorous Italy was born in those -historic days of October. Remember that the revolution was great, but -that it is not over, indeed that it has hardly begun. Hard tasks and -heavy responsibilities await us. I remain the head of Fascismo, although -the head of the Government. Beneath these official clothes, which I wear -as a duty, I shall keep the Fascista uniform, just as I wore it before -His Majesty when he summoned me to form a new Cabinet. - -Fascista Italy, I assure you, is in very strong hands. All our enemies -know that every attempt at revolt will be inexorably crushed. The old -Italy is dead and will not come to life again. The men who gave their -lives in the war will prevent it; those who fell in the Fascista war, no -less sacred and necessary, will prevent it; the living will prevent it. -We, here and everywhere, are ready for any battle so that we may uphold -the foundations of our race and of our history. The time has come to -face serenely the sons of other nations. The era of renunciations and -obligations is past; the head of the Government tells you this. You -asked me to come here upon this occasion of the inauguration of the -London section of the Fascista Party. I present you with your banner; -keep it as you keep alive the flame of that faith for which so many fine -young men have died, keep it for the fortunes of Italy and Fascismo. - - - - - “OUR TASK IN HISTORY IS TO MAKE A UNITED STATE OF THE ITALIAN NATION” - - Speech delivered 2nd January 1923, upon the occasion of the - Ministerial Reception in Palazzo Chigi at Rome, in answer to the - Hon. Teofilo Rossi, Minister of Industry and Commerce, who had - concluded his address to the President by saying: “The victorious - Greeks returning from Troy through the storm cried: ‘Nil desperandum - Teucro duce et auspice Teucro.’ We in our turn will say: ‘_Nil - desperandum_ while at the helm of the State there is a man like - Benito Mussolini.’” - - -Dear Colleagues,—Let me first of all say how happy I am that we should -have met in these magnificent rooms which furnish evidence of the -strength and beauty of our race, and are also a testimony of our -victory, as, if I am not mistaken, these were the apartments of an -enemy’s Embassy.[12] - -Footnote 12: - - Palazzo Chigi, at present Ministry for Foreign Affairs, formerly was - the seat of the Austrian Embassy to the Quirinal. - -I was very much touched by the words spoken just now by our colleague -Rossi. The nation as a whole is not deceived, and follows with brotherly -sympathy the work of our Government. It is aware of the difficulties we -have to overcome: difficulties which arise from the double work of -demolition and reconstruction which we have undertaken simultaneously. -The nation, little by little, is being restored to order. There are more -than ten thousand communes in Italy, and there is no reason to fear a -catastrophe because there is a quarrel, without any particular positive -importance, in one of them during the critical days of Saturday and -Sunday. - -All this does preoccupy me, however, and I intend by every means -possible to get the nation back into a state of general discipline that -will be above all sects, factions and parties. - -There was an Italian people who had not yet become a nation; the travail -of fifty years of history and, above all, the last war has made them a -nation. The task in history which awaits us is this: to make a State of -this nation, that is to say, a moral idea which is personified and -expressed in a system of individual, responsible hierarchies composed of -men who, from the first to the last, feel it a pride and a privilege to -fulfil their duty. - -This work, seen from the standpoint of historical development, cannot be -completed in two months and probably not even in two years. But this is -the direction in which our Government is working, and every decision we -make and every act we achieve is guided by the necessity of establishing -one united State, which will be the only depositary of our history and -of the future and the strength of the Italian nation. - -It is a difficult and arduous undertaking. But life would not be worth -living if we did not face these tasks, and if we had not the -satisfaction of having met them all the more serenely for their -difficulty. - -No! I am certain that we shall not frustrate the legitimate hopes of the -Italian people. We can and we will adopt a policy of wisdom and severity -towards the people and towards ourselves. We must foster the ideals of -the nation, and deal relentlessly with the slightest manifestation of -lack of discipline. - -I, too, should like to quote from the tales of ancient Greece. When the -Spartan mothers presented their departing sons with their shields, it -was with these words: “Either with this or on it.” Now I should like our -programme to be inspired by this idea, for with this programme, and with -this only, shall we win. - -Through our efforts, our work and our suffering will rise that powerful, -prosperous and peaceful Italy of which we dream, which we long for and -desire to see! Long live Italy! - - - - - THE ADVANCE IN THE RUHR DISTRICT - - Speech delivered at Rome, 15th January 1923, before the members of the - Cabinet. - - -_The Prime Minister._ Honourable Colleagues,—The most important event of -these last few days in the international world has been the French -advance on the Ruhr. It is well to establish clearly the attitude of -Italy with regard to this advance, since, for political reasons and also -for reasons connected with the Stock Exchange, it has purposely not been -properly estimated. - -It is necessary to go back to the Conference of Paris, and the rejection -of Bonar Law’s proposals on the part of Italy, France and Belgium, in -order to understand the line of conduct adopted by the Italian -Government. It is a fact that each one of the Powers in the Entente has -taken up an attitude of its own, due to its own particular conditions. -Without taking into consideration the Americans, who have withdrawn -their troops from the Rhine, this is the position of the Powers. - -England has not joined with France, but has not decided, at any rate up -to the present, to recall her troops from German soil, nor has she -changed in her friendly attitude towards France, as was set forth by the -most recent communications from the Foreign Office. - -France, interested in the problem of reparations, has, upon the basis of -the deliberations of the Commission appointed to enquire into this -question, sent into the Ruhr a Board of Control for the production of -coal and, later, troops for the purpose of protection. - -Belgium has afforded France some military co-operation and undivided -political support. - -Italy has only given political and technical support, sending her -engineers to the Ruhr. Our country could not isolate herself without -committing a very grave mistake. She could not exclude herself entirely -from any operation of control taking place in a region of coalfields, -and, therefore, of fundamental importance in European and Italian -economics. - -As regards the project for a continental alliance directed against -England, such an idea simply does not exist. The Italian Government -never suggested such a thing, and, in any case, would never have been -able to consider the possibility of a continental union against England, -both on account of her importance in the economic life of the Continent -and of existing relations between Italy and that country. - -It is true, on the contrary, that the Italian Government had advised -France to limit, as far as possible, the military character of the -advance in the Ruhr district, and not to reject all possibilities of -agreement in this burning question. But if this understanding, which -would give peace to Europe, were to be realised, it is the opinion of -Italy that it could not come about without the co-operation of England. -Italy, which has no coal, cannot afford the luxury of renunciations and -isolation, but it is as well to make it clear—because it is the -truth—that Italian policy upon this occasion, as upon all others, is -inspired by considerations of a general nature, as decided in the -Memorandum of London, for the protection of Italian interests and of -European economics generally. The Italian Government thinks that if -there is a possibility of agreement—and it works in this direction—it -would be a grave mistake on the part of Germany to refuse it. - -It seems as if a _détente_ between the French command and some of the -industrial magnates of the Ruhr district has already taken place. As for -the mass of the workmen, it appears as if they do not intend to put -insuperable difficulties in the way of the work of control. - -The payment of the quota for the 15th January is postponed until the end -of the month. There are, therefore, fifteen days of useful time, -sufficient to mend the situation. It does not seem improbable that the -French will support the Italian project presented at London upon the -subject of reparations. - -As for the attitude of the Soviet Government, it appears to be very -circumspect, and has not changed from that previously manifested, though -only in words, towards the German proletariat. - -From Lausanne comes satisfactory news. I have the pleasure of announcing -that, in some of the very delicate questions which seemed to be leading -to a rupture, such as that of minorities, if an agreement has been -reached, it has been due to the wise and level-headed work of the -Italian Delegation. - -(Without discussion, the declarations of the Prime Minister are -unanimously approved.) - - -_The Great Fascista Council._ My colleagues in the Cabinet will -certainly have read with attention the deliberations of the Great -National Council of the Fascisti, and have noticed the importance of -their character. - -It is an essentially political organisation, which, however, does not -encroach in any way upon the sphere of action of the Government, -represented by the Cabinet. In fact none of the legislative measures -passed or to be passed by the Cabinet were made the subject of -discussion by the Fascista Council. All its decisions are of a purely -political nature. Thus they have definitely settled the character of the -national militia. They have constituted the organisation which is to -establish relations between Fascisti and Nationalists, as well as those -between Fascismo and the other parties which loyally co-operate with the -Government and the organisations of employers already in existence -before the formation of the analogous Fascista groups. - -Important also is the vote by which the associations of ex-soldiers -(including the disabled) who have entered the sphere of the State have -been asked to give men for the purposes of administration. The -declaration of loyal devotion to the Monarchy is both magnificent and -solemn, and dispels every little misunderstanding of interested dabblers -in politics on that score, for whom the warning that closed the -proceedings of the Great Council came opportunely—the warning, that is -to say, that the Government—note, the Government—will inexorably crush -every attempt at direct or indirect opposition to its authority. - -The Great Fascista Council has also sent messages to the working people -of Italy, who are in the process of re-establishing active discipline -amongst themselves, and who accept the provisions of the Government, -even the hardest, because they are sure that they are inspired by purely -national necessity. - -Thus the essentially historic function of the Great Fascista Council at -this moment is clearly outlined. The Council will support and safeguard -the action of the Government, and perform in the party and in the nation -the work of general political orientation which must serve as a base for -the work of the Government itself. (The Council of Ministers approves -the declarations of the Prime Minister.) - - - - - THE GOVERNMENT OF SPEED - - Speech delivered at Rome, 19th January 1923, at the headquarters of the - Motor Transport Company. - - -_Hon. Mussolini._ I warmly thank Commendatore De Cupis and all the -workmen—I was going to say my colleagues—for the warm welcome I have -received. If my minutes were not numbered, I should like, here in the -presence of the “controllers of the steering wheel,” to sing the praises -of speed, in this the epoch of speed. The times in which we live no -longer allow of a sedentary egoistical life; everything must be on the -go, everybody must raise the standard of his activity, both in the -offices and in the factories where the work is done—(Applause.)—and the -Government, which I have the honour to represent, is the Government of -speed, that is to say, we get rid of all that is stagnant in our -national life. - -Formerly the bureaucracy dozed over deferred decisions, to-day it must -proceed with the maximum of rapidity. (Applause.) If we all go ahead -with this energy, good-will and cheerfulness we shall surmount the -crisis, which for that matter is already partly overcome. - -I am pleased to see that Rome also is waking up and can offer us sights -such as these works. I maintain that Rome can become an industrial -centre. The Romans must be the first to disdain to live solely upon -their memories. The Coliseum and the Forum are glories of the past, but -we must build up the glories of to-day and of to-morrow. We belong to -the generation of builders who, by work and discipline, with hands and -brains, desire to reach the ultimate and longed-for goal, the greatness -of the future nation, which will be a nation of producers and not of -parasites. - - - - - THE MARCH OF EVENTS ON THE RUHR THE POSITION OF ITALY - - Speech delivered at Rome, 23rd January 1923, before the Cabinet. - - -_The Prime Minister._ Honourable Colleagues,—Since the last meeting of -the Cabinet, the situation on the Ruhr has become more complicated, and -this also from the social point of view, as the result of the closing -down of the factories and the outbreak of strikes in the mines and -public services of the occupied zones. - -In order to understand the attitudes of the different Powers and the -fact that these attitudes have not undergone any changes worthy of note, -it is necessary to summarise briefly the events of these last few days -of high tension, political and economic. - -The period of time granted for the Moratorium having elapsed on 15th -January, France and Belgium have caused a Mission of Control to be sent -to the mines in the Ruhr district, escorted by protecting troops, and -have extended the area of territory occupied in the Ruhr district as far -as Dortmund. On 16th January the French Government gave notice that the -industrial magnates on the Ruhr had declared that they had received -orders from the German Government not to hand over any more coal. The -German Minister for Foreign Affairs himself communicated these -instructions to our Ambassador at Berlin. - -France and Belgium were not, therefore, receiving any more coal, even -when payment was made in advance. In the face of the German resistance, -the French and Belgian troops have proceeded to requisition the coal -deposits at the pitheads, the factories and the railway stations, and -have also taken other serious steps of a political and military order. -Italian experts, sent only to take part in economic operations of -control, received orders to limit their co-operation to that which -concerned coercive measures of a political nature. - -Such an attitude was clearly faced and decided in Paris. On the strength -of the decision made on 26th December by the Commission of Reparations, -which reported the failure of Germany, as regards Italy also, to supply -wood, France and Belgium decided to proceed to the exploitation of the -Crown and Communal forests in the Rhine territory. Germany had, besides, -made it known that coal supplies and cattle would be refused to France -and Belgium, by way both of reparation and restitution. - -The Commission of Reparations in its decision of 16th January verified -this intentional failure on the part of Germany from the 12th January, -and notified it to the Government. As a result of this, France and -Belgium decided to take possession of the west customs frontier of -Germany in the occupied zone. The Italian Government took over control -of the customs and also of the forests, this being included among the -measures which the Italian Memorandum had reserved as a security in the -case of the concession of the Moratorium; but it asked the French -Government what was going to be the extent to which the action was to be -carried. The French Government replied that the occupation of the Ruhr -was not of a military character, but was for the protection of French -technical bodies, which were very numerous in the occupied area. The -Italian Delegate, who was already on the High Commission of the Rhine, -which directs the exploitation and also the control of the mines, has -received orders to take part in those deliberations which have an -economic and financial character, and to abstain from attending those -which are political. - -As I said before, the attitudes of the Great Powers have not altered to -any great extent. England seems officially uninterested in what happens -on the Ruhr, but this has not prevented the English Representative on -the Rhine High Commission from declaring in the name of his Government -that he will be present at the deliberations, abstaining from recording -his vote when he thinks it best; but he adds, also, that his Government -will not oppose the carrying out of the provisions in the zone occupied -by the English troops which still remain on the Rhine. As you see, it is -not England’s intention to accentuate the difference between her policy -and that which is, at present, adopted by France. - -Mediation on the part of Italy was spoken of, which might have led later -to a direct Anglo-Italian intervention, both at Berlin and Paris. An -offer of real mediation does not exist, and could not be made without -the certainty that it would be accepted with a certain favour. It would -be a grave mistake to expose Italian policy to a failure of this sort. -It is a fact that the Italian Government did warn the Germans of the -danger of the blind-alley situation in which she has voluntarily placed -herself, and in which she seems determined to stay. She also called the -attention of France, in a friendly manner, to the complications, not -only economic but also political and social, which might arise from the -occupation of the Ruhr. - - -_The Work of the Italian Government._ Matters standing thus, the Italian -Government cannot at present change its attitude, because no step it -took now would alter the general situation or exercise a preponderating -influence in the decisions of the Governments most involved. The opinion -of the Italian Government is that the situation on the Ruhr has not yet -reached the stage at which a solution must necessarily be found, and -only when that moment arrives will it be able, perhaps, to have an -influence on the situation itself. - -As for the Moratorium which President Poincaré has decided to propose to -the Germans, in view of the fast approaching date of payment, 31st -January, it is worthy of note that it will include some of the points -made in the Italian Memorandum of London, namely the two years’ -Moratorium and the German internal loan. - -As far as America is concerned, having once withdrawn her troops from -the Rhine, she has not altered her policy of neutral inactivity. - -One understands that the events in the Ruhr district have caused a -general uneasiness over the whole of Europe, especially in the countries -which form the Little Entente. Rumours which spoke of mobilisation and -the concentration of troops upon some of the frontiers have proved -unfounded and exaggerated. As regards Russia, beyond reports of certain -political activities on the part of the Third International, carried on -with a view to taking advantage socially of the events on the Ruhr, -there is no definite news of serious preparations for military -intervention on a large scale. At Lausanne, the reaction of the -situation on the Ruhr is being felt, and is arousing an increased -intransigence on the part of Turkey. - -To sum up: The policy of Italy must be inspired first of all by the -defence of her own interests, though, at the same time, due note must be -taken of considerations and needs of a general order. It is a question -whether, by a more exact valuation of the conditions put forward in the -Italian Memorandum of London, the grave complications which exist to-day -would not have been avoided. At any rate the Italian Government will -take careful and speedy measures to avoid any further difficulties and -re-establish as soon as possible a release of tension throughout Europe, -which might make it possible to face the problem of reparations and -debts under other conditions. - -(The Cabinet at the end express entire approval of the line of foreign -policy adopted by the Prime Minister.) - - - - - THE RUHR, THE CONFERENCE OF LAUSANNE AND THE PORT OF MEMEL - - Speech delivered at Rome, 1st February 1923, before the Cabinet. - - -_The Prime Minister._ With reference to foreign affairs, the situation, -as far as Italy is concerned, cannot be said to have altered much in the -interval which has elapsed between the last Cabinet meeting and to-day. - -The German resistance on economic grounds has provoked aggravation of -the measures—both military and political—which are being taken by France -and Belgium, but from which Italy, following her previous line of -conduct, has kept apart. - -The complications which were—or could have been—feared, so far have not -occurred. Fresh factors have not entered into the close duel which is -being fought on the Ruhr. Russia has not altered her attitude as a -State, although the dominating party continues to give clamorous verbal -demonstrations of solidarity with the German proletariat. - -The serious disquietude which had been manifested by the Powers of the -Little Entente is diminishing. There had been rumours—more or less -without foundation and spread, perhaps, with the object of producing -complications—of plans for repeating in Hungary what France had done on -the Ruhr, which were attributed to one State or another. These have -given Italy the opportunity of confirming and clearly establishing her -attitude of opposition to any movement which could extend the conflict -to other zones or give the opportunity of attacking the validity of the -treaties of peace already concluded. - -The Italian Government has been and is following attentively the coal -situation on the Ruhr, above all as regards its reaction on other -events. I can say that all internal measures, reduction of the train -services, including those from abroad, and contracts for fresh supplies, -have been quickly and diligently carried through, because, whatever may -happen, no paralysis of our industrial activity or of our communications -must result. In connection with the supplies of raw materials, I have -the pleasure to announce to the Cabinet that the Italian Government has -succeeded in concluding a favourable agreement with the Polish -Government for oil. - -As I said last time, the events on the Ruhr have had the most serious -consequences in the developments at the Conference of Lausanne, which -has now arrived at its last stage. The Italian Delegation has carried -out successful work there with the object of obtaining peace in the -East. - -The Italian Government has not been among the last to recognise the -legitimate rights of Turkey, and thinks to-day that it would not be in -her interests to entrench herself in a position of absolute -intransigence. It may be that Turkey has not realised the extensive -programme that was laid down by the Grand National Assembly of Angora, -but it cannot be denied that a great part of that programme has been put -into execution, since the Turks from Angora have returned not only to -Smyrna but to Constantinople and Adrianople, and have got their way, it -can be said, in questions of the highest importance, such as that of the -domination of the Straits and that of Capitulations. - -Taken as a whole, although the general situation continues to be very -critical, there seems to be a small ray of light upon the horizon. The -action of the Italian Government is directed decidedly towards a policy -of general peace. - -As regards the question of Memel, the Italian Government has pursued a -temperate policy, inspired by principles of equity and justice. It is -not possible to do less than recognise the rights of Lithuania over that -port, but the Lithuanian Government cannot be allowed to substitute -itself for the Allied Powers in deciding its fate. - -We, then, have remained in an attitude of solidarity with the Allies in -the measures taken for facing the situation there. But we have, on the -other hand, tried effectively to reduce those measures to the necessary -minimum, avoiding those of such a nature as to provoke further -complications. - - - - - RATIFICATION OF THE WASHINGTON TREATY OF NAVAL DISARMAMENT - - Chamber of Deputies. Sitting of 6th February 1923. - - -_The Prime Minister._ Honourable Members,—I do not think that it is -worth while losing time in a general discussion upon the qualities of -men, good and bad, and upon the question as to whether the war of 1914 -will be the last or the one before the last. That would be perfectly -idle and would only lead to academic discussions. Let us, instead, turn -our attention more practically to the Project of Law which I have -presented. - -The Convention of Washington was closed a year ago. Now the delay in the -ratification of the treaty on the part of Italy has already had -ambiguous and, I should almost say, unfavourable consequences in the -international world. It will be a good thing, then, to proceed at once -to complete this act. - -The Conference at Washington shared the fate of all the conferences. It -opened with great hopes, flashing before our eyes the possibility of -eternal peace. Then the concrete results frustrated these hopes. I -confess that I do not believe in perpetual and universal peace. In the -life of the peoples, notwithstanding ideals—noble and worthy of -respect—there exist the permanent factors of race, and the greatness and -decadence of nations, which lead to differences often only settled by a -recourse to arms. Now it is not a case of weighing these conventions -with a view to peace; they represent a breath, a pause, and it is -useless to enquire if they have been laid down for idealistic or for -business reasons. In any case I declare that Italy did well to adhere to -this Convention. If she had not done so, we should have appeared in the -eyes of the world as Imperialists and jingoists, which is far from what -we have in our hearts and minds. The fact that the Government asks the -Chamber for this ratification gives an idea of the general trend of the -Fascista foreign policy. (Applause.) - -(The ratification of the Treaty is approved of without discussion, only -the Communists being against it.) - - - - - MESSAGE FROM THE HON. MUSSOLINI TO THE ITALIANS IN AMERICA UPON THE - OCCASION OF THE SIGNING OF THE CONVENTION FOR THE LAYING OF CABLES - BETWEEN ITALY AND THE AMERICAN CONTINENT - -The National Government, which has worked indefatigably for three months -to set the country going upon the path to better fortunes, has in these -days signed the Convention for the laying of cables which are to put our -country into communication with you, who represent it in the numerous, -rich and patriotic colonies beyond the Atlantic. - -The enthusiasm for this work, so necessary to our life as a great -nation, seemed at one time to have died down, but to-day with the rise -of youth upon the scenes of Italian politics, that which it seemed would -be relegated to some remote future has been transformed into a concrete -and almost immediate reality. It is not you, who suffer almost more than -any the pangs of homesickness for our adored country, who need to be -shown the usefulness and necessity of this undertaking, which will be -carried through in the shortest space of time possible. It will render -frequent, daily and, above all, free the communications between the -forty million Italians who live in our beautiful peninsula and the six -millions who live beyond the ocean. All the Italians who can give -financial and moral support must co-operate so that the undertaking may -succeed. The Italian Government does not appeal in vain to its emigrant -citizens, because it knows that distance makes the love of their country -stronger and more intense. - -The cables, which in two or three years will bind together Italy and the -Americas across the boundless ocean, are like a gigantic arm which the -country stretches out to her distant sons to draw them to her and to -make them share more intimately her griefs and her joys, her work, her -greatness and her glory. - - MUSSOLINI. - - ROME, _6th February 1923_. - - - - - FOR THE CARRYING OUT OF THE TREATY OF RAPALLO - - Prefatory remarks to the Deputies, 8th February 1923, accompanying - the Project of Law presented by the Hon. Mussolini, Minister for - Foreign Affairs and Prime Minister. - - -_The Prime Minister._ Honourable Members,—Last November I began my -statement to Parliament of the programme of the National Government as -regards foreign policy with the following words: - -“The fundamental principle upon which our foreign policy is based is -that treaties of peace, once signed and ratified, must be carried out -whether they are good or bad. A self-respecting nation cannot follow -another course. Treaties are not eternal or irreparable; they are -chapters and not epilogues in history; to put them into practice means -to try them. If in the course of execution they are proved to be absurd, -this in itself may constitute the new element which may open the -possibility of a further examination of the respective positions.” - -The preceding Government had undertaken to present to Parliament the -Agreements concluded at Santa Margherita, and signed at Rome on the 23rd -October last. This undertaking I now fulfil. - -These Agreements, contrary to what has been stated by someone, do not -contain any new political pledges on the part of Italy, but regulate the -relations between the Commune of Zara and the surrounding territory of -Dalmatia, make clear some recognised rights on the part of citizens who -are Italian by option, and endeavour, by means of friendly agreements, -to find a possibility of giving and assuring a peaceful and industrious -life to the troubled city of Fiume. - -Owing to the way in which it is drawn up—whether on account of its -diffuseness in those clauses which touch upon territorial questions, and -its brevity in others, or whether on account of the seeming precedence -given to the task of the commissions which ought, according to the -letter of the treaty itself, to proceed exclusively to the settlement of -territorial questions, while for the commissions to which were entrusted -the settlement of other questions, limits were established, _a priori_, -of a certain amplitude (Art. VI.)—the Treaty of Rapallo has given -Yugoslavia the opportunity of maintaining that it was necessary first to -effect the evacuation of the territories over which the sovereignty of -the Serbo-Croat-Slovak Kingdom had been recognised, and then of -proceeding to the stipulations of the agreements for the regulation of -the new relations between the two countries. - -They tried to justify this with arguments of a political nature. That is -to say, they saw, in the first place, that the opposition met with in -various Italian political spheres to the transactions concluded at -Rapallo had stirred up the discontent and opposition of the Yugoslavs to -the treaty; secondly, that the suspended execution of the Territorial -Clauses, evidently attributed to some Italian parties, had given the -impression to the Yugoslavs that Italy did not want to proceed to the -carrying out of the treaty; thirdly, that, in consequence, the -parliamentary opposition to a policy of friendliness towards Italy had -become very marked, and rendered extremely difficult the adoption of -direct provisions for the favourable regulation of these relations; and -lastly, that if, instead, the prearranged course had been followed—that -of proceeding, say, first to the evacuation of the territories—a radical -change of position would have been realised, which would have allowed of -the conclusion of more favourable agreements. - -In Italy, on the other hand, the discontent was increased by an idea, -entertained by many, that the new State, which had also arisen as the -result of Italy’s victorious war, ought to give to the citizens, and in -Italian interests, privileges no less great than those granted by the -Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, not taking into account that a national -State, newly formed, may have particular exigencies and -susceptibilities. The contrast of such opposite tendencies ended by -creating in the relations between the two countries an atmosphere of -uneasiness, which has at times reached an acute stage. And in Italy, the -intransigence of some circles found justification, above all, in the -weakness of the Governments, inasmuch as they had ground for fearing -that all our rights would be trodden underfoot the moment we no longer -had tangible securities in our hands. By the Agreements which are now -handed to us, the Government of Belgrade has recognised the necessity of -determining the régime which will have to regulate the reciprocal -relations of the new boundaries before passing to the definite execution -of the Territorial Clauses. - -As for the substance of the Agreements, it is my conviction that their -greater or less efficacy will depend upon the spirit in which they are -carried out, because never, perhaps, has it been so true, as in this -case, that the most perfect pacts become empty formulas if a doubtful or -hostile spirit is brought to their execution. - -I observe, in conclusion, that the uncertainty which has been manifested -in the foreign policy of Italy as regards the Treaty of Rapallo has -created a situation unfavourable to her, often preventing her from -taking a decided attitude, which would have been in her interest, in -most essential questions of a general nature, and making her appear in a -light contradictory to her position as a Great Power. - -My intense, though brief, experience of Government has shown me that it -is not possible to carry out a strong foreign policy without having -decisive and clearly defined attitudes as regards the other States. - -Italy must get away from this weak situation, must regain her full -liberty and efficiency of action also in this sphere. We shall, -therefore, carry out the treaty resolutely and loyally, exacting its -scrupulous observance. We shall watch over this as is our right and -duty. And we wait for time to pass definite judgment upon the soundness -and the fate of to-day’s Conventions. - -With this understanding, I ask you, Honourable Members, to approve of -the following Project of Law: - -“Full and entire execution is given to the Agreements and Conventions -signed at Rome on 23rd October 1921, between the Kingdom of Italy and -the Kingdom of the Serbs, the Croats and the Slovenes for the execution -of the Treaty of Rapallo of 12th November 1920.” - - - - - THE AGREEMENTS OF SANTA MARGHERITA, ITALY AND YUGOSLAVIA - - Chamber of Deputies. Sitting of 10th February 1923. - - -_The Prime Minister._ Honourable Members,—With the approval of the -Agreements of Santa Margherita, there came to an end what might be -called “the Foreign Policy week” of the Italian Government; a week that -might also be called pacific, since it began with the ratification of -the Convention of Washington, which represents a pause in the great -naval armament, and ends with the approval of the Agreements of Santa -Margherita, which are the consequence of the Treaty of Rapallo already -ratified and partly carried out. - -In closing this week of the life of Parliament, I realise that the -Chamber has done good work, and that it has during this session -undoubtedly raised, in some ways, its prestige in the country. -(Comments.) The questions with which the Chamber has dealt are large; -they are not concerned with treaties and bills of minor importance, as -some have said. - -I refuse to embark, as was attempted on the Left, upon the usual -discussions of a general character which do not conclude anything. While -I am on this bench, the Chamber will not be changed into an electoral -meeting. - - -_No Discussion._ There is nothing to discuss as regards home policy; -that which happens, happens because it is my direct and clear desire and -in accordance with my precise orders, and for which I naturally assume -full personal responsibility. (Comments.) - -It is useless, therefore, to go to the police officials, because the -orders are mine. It does not affect me to know of the existence of a -plot, in the sense usually attributed to that word; this will be settled -by competent authorities. But there are those who thought that they -would fight with impunity against the State and Fascismo. By now they -must be disillusioned; and they will be more so in the future. The -difference between the Liberal and Fascista States consists precisely in -this: that the Fascista State does not defend itself only, but attacks, -and those who intend to slander it abroad and to undermine its authority -at home must be warned that their manœuvres bring with them unforeseen -consequences. The enemies of the Fascisti must not be surprised if I -treat them severely as enemies. - -As regards the speech of Filippo Turati, my old fighting scent did not -deceive me when a few days ago I refused the advances which came to me -from that quarter through Gregorio Nofri, who, having been in Russia, -felt the overpowering necessity of becoming anti-Bolshevist. Strayed -sheep do not enter my fold. I am still faithful to my old tactics. I do -not seek anybody. I do not refuse anybody. I put faith above all in my -own forces. This is why, lately—after the meeting of the Great Fascista -Council—I desired that there should be a closer union with those parties -with which, fighting on national ground, friendly relations can be -established for common work. But all this, let it be said at once, has -not been done for parliamentary purposes, but for the sake of cohesion, -unity and the pacification of the country. - -I agree wholly with that which the Hon. Cavazzoni said yesterday with -regard to the eight-hour day. I declared, before a meeting of eight -hundred printers, that the eight-hour day represents an inviolable -conquest on the part of the working classes. To-day there are those who -dream of setting on foot a long discussion because opposing ideas are -attributed to this and that member of the Cabinet. I give definite -notice that the Government, in one of its forthcoming meetings, will -decide once and for all the question of the eight-hour day. This having -been said, and I hope that everybody will understand also the sense of -all I have not said, I pass on to the subject of foreign policy. - - -_A Circumspect Policy of Activity._ In the meantime, I cannot accept the -statement of the Hon. Lucci, who makes out that I am original. In the -first place, he must give me time. In the second, there is no -originality in foreign affairs, and I refuse to be original, if this -originality would result in the slightest damage to my country. -(Applause.) And I cannot accept, either, his too idealistic point of -view. I see the world as it really is, that is to say, a world of -unbounded egoism. If the world was Arcadia, it would be pleasant to -amuse oneself with nymphs and shepherds; but I do not see anything of -all this, and even when the more or less respectable standards of great -principles are displayed, I see behind them interests which seek for a -footing in the world. If all foreign policy were brought into the region -of pure idealism, it would certainly not be Italy who would refuse to -join in. But it is not so; hence all that the Hon. Lucci says belongs to -the music of the most distant spheres. (Laughter.) - -When I first took up my position on this bench, there was a moment of -trepidation in certain sections of international politics. It was -thought that the advent to power of Fascismo would mean, at the very -least, war with Yugoslavia. After a few months, international opinion is -fully reassured. The foreign policy of Fascismo cannot be, especially in -these historic times, other than extremely circumspect, though at the -same time very active. - -The nation, having issued from the splendid and blood-stained travail of -the war, is now fully intent on the work of building up its political, -economic, financial and moral life. To compel it to make an effort which -was not absolutely necessary, would be to follow an anti-national and -suicidal policy. At London, as at Lausanne, Italian foreign policy has -pursued this direction; at Lausanne, above all, the work of the Italian -Delegation has been highly appreciated. If peace was not concluded -there, it was not the fault, in any way, of Italy. - -On the other hand, it is not good to speak too pessimistically of the -development of affairs in the Eastern Mediterranean. It must not be -thought that a certain harmless showing of teeth, sometimes the result -of reciprocal restlessness, means the beginning of a war. I think that -if Greece is prudent and the Entente remains firmly united—as in the -case of their ships in the port of Smyrna—that Turkey too, since she has -realised a large part of the programme laid down at Angora, will become -reasonable. There is no reason, therefore, to fear military -complications in Europe. Still Italy will keep a careful look-out that -the disturbances resulting upon the events in the Ruhr district shall -not have serious consequences among the countries of the Danube basin. - -The situation on the Ruhr is stationary. I declare once again that Italy -could not have followed a different line of policy. The time for fine -gestures is past, as they are useless. The attitude which was advocated -by certain elements on the Left would have been equally useless. We -could not have prevented the French from marching on the Ruhr, and we -might have encouraged the German resistance. Also the other plan of our -mediation could not have been carried out, because no mediation of any -kind is possible if it is not asked for and welcomed. (Applause.) -Besides, England has limited herself to non-technical participation in -the operations on the Ruhr, but has not pushed her difference of opinion -with France to the point of withdrawing her troops from the Rhine. It is -opportune to add that France has not asked us, up to now, for formal and -concrete assistance. Should this happen, it is evident that Italy should -reserve to herself the right of exposing all the complex system of the -relations between the two countries. (Loud applause.) - - -_The Last Phase of the Adriatic Drama._ As to the Agreements of Santa -Margherita, of which the Chamber is asked to approve, they represent the -last phase of our sad and lamentable Adriatic drama. I could here reply -in detail, I could show the Hon. Chiesa, for example, how only -yesterday, 9th February, I received a telegram from Belgrade to this -effect: “The Ministry of Yugoslavia communicates that orders have been -sent to the authorities of Spalato that the premises of the school shall -be evacuated and put at the disposal of the school itself, and that the -house which adjoins the Church of Santo Spirito shall be emptied and -handed over.” I could correct other inaccuracies, but it is not my -business, it is not worth while to descend to the discussion of detail. -I am always of the opinion that this Convention must be carried out in -order to test it. At the same time, I do not feel like defending, at too -great a length, a treaty of which I did not approve when it was -concluded, and which I still hold to be, as regards a great many of its -clauses, absurd and harmful to Italian interests. But matters, to-day, -stand thus: either the treaty must be definitely enforced or denounced. -Since, in present conditions, it cannot be denounced, for that would -mean the reopening of all difficulties, there remains nothing but its -loyal and scrupulous application on our part, as loyal and scrupulous as -the application on the part of Belgrade will have to be. (Applause.) - -To wait indefinitely for events which may occur is the worst of systems -at this moment. It is necessary to put an end to a situation which has -become unbearable and which gave us all the disadvantages without -assuring us of what might be the advantages of clearly defined -relations. Moreover it is difficult to understand why the Treaty of -Rapallo, of all the treaties which have been made from the beginning of -history, should be the only one irreparable and perpetual. No treaty has -ever withstood new conditions of affairs developed by the progress of -time. The essential thing, to my mind, is to place ourselves in such a -position that an eventual revision will enable us to vindicate our -eternal rights with dignity and power. (Applause.) - - -_The Government in favour of Fiume and Zara._ By the application of the -Agreements of Santa Margherita the Fascista Government gives a solemn -proof of its probity, its spirit of decision and of absolute loyalty. -Belgrade must do the same. Yugoslavia must take into account the -intrinsic value of this act, and follow, where the Italians who remain -in Dalmatia are concerned, a policy of freedom and judicious action; as -a policy which would tend to suppress the Italian element in Dalmatia -would not be tolerated by the Fascista Government. (Applause.) By the -ratification of these Agreements the Government offers Yugoslavia the -opportunity of furthering the economic relations between the two -countries. - -The Government, which has already done all it can, within the limits of -its possibilities, for Fiume and Zara, will continue to work with the -utmost energy and diligence for these two cities. The evacuation of -Susak having been carried out—and of Susak only, because the Delta and -Porto Baros will still be occupied by our troops until Fiume has become -juridically a perfect State—Italy will continue to interest herself in -the fate of Fiume, so that she may be restored in a short time to her -ancient splendour. - -As for Zara, her destiny is serious and difficult, and I, for one, -understand the tragedy of that city and the suffering of all the -Italians scattered in Dalmatia up as far as Cattaro. But Zara, the -sentinel of Dalmatia, is ready to bear, with the spirit of absolute -national discipline, the completion of the last act of the Adriatic -drama. - -The Government will meet its needs immediately, because Zara must live, -because Zara beyond the Adriatic represents one of the most vital -portions of the Italian people. And the people of Zara and Dalmatia may -be sure that the Government will watch over their fate with the most -loving care. These are not merely words spoken to help them through this -difficult time; deeds will follow them. - -As for public, national opinion, it is unanimous in feeling that these -Agreements had to be applied in order that Italy might be free in the -ever closer international competition, free to carry out a policy of -defence of her interests and free to influence with increasing activity -the course of events. I think that the best part of the Italian people -agree in this line of home and foreign policy. (Applause.) - - - - -QUESTIONS OF FOREIGN POLICY BEFORE THE SENATE. THE RUHR; FIUME; ZARA AND - DALMATIA - - Sitting of the Senate, 16th February 1923. - - -_The Prime Minister._ Honourable Senators,—After having written the -prefaces and the introductions to the Bills, and after the speech made -in the other branch of Parliament, I do not think that there remains -much to say. - -The very rapidity of the discussion itself bears witness to the fact -that all these treaties and agreements are already, in a certain sense, -superseded. By this I do not wish to deny their importance, but it is a -question of treaties and conventions of some time back, and life to-day -moves at a very great rate. I do not disguise the fact that in -continuing the eternal theory of conferences, people have reason to show -a certain scepticism about the likelihood of results. (Laughter.) - - -_Why Italy intervenes._ Senator Crespi tried to carry the discussion -on to general ground—the burning ground of debts and reparations. He -demands new pacts; but there are none. Perhaps there cannot be any. -With reference to a recent appeal for Italy’s intervention in this -matter, if responsible members of Governments, and especially those -engaged or interested in the conflict, turned to Italy, the only -nation in the world which, at this moment, is following a policy of -peace—(Applause.)—I should not hesitate one moment in answering the -appeal. - -There is a new factor, Senator Crespi, which it would be a good thing to -take into consideration, though it is one which tends to stifle rather -than arouse enthusiasm. It is that England and the United States have -come to an agreement. England has undertaken to pay her debts to -America. It is no good, therefore, for us to entertain too many -illusions about the likelihood of a cancellation of our debts. It would -be perfectly just, I think, from the strictly moral point of view; but -the criteria and principles of absolute morality do not as yet guide the -relations of the peoples. (Approval.) - -It was said in a foreign Parliament that Italy had attempted to mediate -between France and Germany. No such attempt was ever made. My duty was -to make investigations in the European capitals, and I have done so. But -having gathered that there was no possibility of proceeding in that -direction, I drew back, as to continue would have been a great mistake. -I think, however, that the crisis has reached its culminating point. It -is a question now of knowing whether the Entente still exists and still -will exist. (Comments.) - -I do not think that I shall be revealing secrets if I say here what -meets the eye of anyone who reads the daily news in the papers. Not a -single event has occurred, not a single question arisen, without the -problem of the unity of action of the Entente having been brought -forward. Of necessity in this political situation there can be no -improvised action and still less originality. All foreign policies, not -excluding that of Russia, which is simply terrifying in form and method, -are of a cautious and circumspect nature at this moment. There is no -reason why Italy should follow a different course. When it is a question -of the interests of our nation and of forty million inhabitants who have -the right to live, it is necessary to be careful about improvisations, -and it is necessary to take into account that, besides our wishes, there -are also the wishes of others. - -If we had coalfields; if we had in some way solved the problem of raw -materials; if we could dispose of large reserves of gold in order to -keep up the value of our money, we could follow a given policy, even one -of generosity towards Germany. But we cannot afford the luxury of -prodigality and generosity when we have to toil to carry on life, when -we have to summon all our energies to avoid falling into the abyss. - -And so you will agree with me, Honourable Members, that Italy could not -keep aloof from that which is taking place on the Ruhr, could not -deprive herself of participation in an economical and technical -capacity. It is always better, in my opinion, to be present, because -sometimes complicated problems find unexpected solutions. It was not -possible to run the risk capriciously of not being present, in the -event—not at all improbable—of an economic agreement, as regards iron -and coal, between Germany and France. (Applause.) - - -_Zara and Dalmatia._ Coming to the Agreements of Santa Margherita, I -understand perfectly the grief and anguish expressed in the words of -Senators Tamassia and Tivaroni. Undoubtedly sentiment is a great -spiritual force, both in the lives of individuals and of peoples, but it -cannot be the one dominating influence of foreign policy. - -It is necessary to have the courage to say that Italy cannot remain for -ever penned up in one sea, even if it is the Adriatic. Beyond the -Adriatic there is the Mediterranean and other seas which can interest -us. The Treaty of Rapallo was, in my opinion, a lamentable transaction, -which was the result of a difficult internal situation and of a foreign -policy which was not marked by its excessive autonomy. And here allow me -to repeat that a strong and dignified foreign policy cannot be carried -out if the nation does not present a daily example of iron discipline. -(Approval.) I do not think that these Agreements of Santa Margherita -sign the death warrant of Zara and Dalmatia. With the last concessions -we have saved the use of the Italian language for our brothers there. -Now I think it was Gioberti who said that where the language is spoken -there is the nation. For this reason, if these brothers of ours can -speak, write and learn in their mother tongue, I think that already one -of the foundations of their Italian nationality is saved. - -For a decade the Italians of Zara and Dalmatia have resisted the furious -attempts at denationalisation made by the Hapsburg Monarchy. In those -days Italy could not give active assistance to those brothers; now you -see that she has another realisation of herself. Those brothers of ours, -who might have felt themselves forgotten if the Agreements of Santa -Margherita were applied by another nation, cannot feel the same when the -definite and necessary application of the Treaty of Rapallo is carried -out by the Government over which I have the honour of presiding and of -which the members are those who won the victory. (Applause.) We firmly -believe that the strict and scrupulous application of the Agreements of -Santa Margherita on our part, as well as on the part of Yugoslavia, will -save the Italian character of Zara and Dalmatia. There is no need for me -to repeat that treaties are transactions, and are like the steps of an -equilibrist. No treaty is eternal and perpetual; all that is happening -to-day under our eyes gives us clear warning. - - -_The Question of Fiume._ We shall then carry out these Agreements -immediately and loyally. It must not be thought that the Third Zone is a -kind of vast continent, and that in it we have immense forces. It is a -question of the territory round Zara and a group of islands; all told, -we have only 120 policemen, 18 custom-house guards, and 20 soldiers. At -Susak we have a battalion of infantry. It will be a case of turning them -back to the line of Eneo, because until it is known what is to become of -Fiume, Porto Baros and the Delta, they will remain under the control of -Italian troops. (Applause.) What is this Arbitration Commission? It -represents an attempt to bring about the existence of that more or less -vital creature, first conceived at Rapallo, known as the Independent -State of Fiume. (Laughter.) One thing is certain, at any rate, and that -is that there are three Italians on the Commission. And another thing is -certain, and that is that it is not absolutely necessary for Fiume to -become a new province of the realm. That there should actually be a -prefect at Fiume is to me a secondary matter; the important thing is -that Fiume shall keep her spirit sound and intact, that she shall remain -Italian, and that such means shall be found that shall make her a city -which lives in itself and for itself and not only through the largess of -the Italian State. (Loud applause.) - -The Government, which sometimes makes deeds precede words, has already -taken steps for the provision of Zara, economically, politically and -spiritually. The same has been done for Dalmatia. It is necessary to -admit frankly that since the coming of the Fascista Government the -Yugoslavs have been less intransigent with regard to us. There is no -doubt that the definite carrying out of the Treaty of Rapallo is the -cause of great grief to the citizens of Fiume and Zara, of Dalmatia and -many in the old kingdom. - -(Cries of “It is true.”) - -_Mussolini._ At other times there might perhaps have been difficulties. -But the Government over which I have the honour of presiding does not -hesitate; it faces difficulties, I was almost going to say seeks them. I -intend to regulate as soon as possible all that more or less successful -heritage of foreign policy left me by my predecessors. It is no good -being alarmed by what happens. I have what I dare to call a Roman -conception of history and life. Things must never be thought to be -irreparable. Rome did not believe in the irreparable, even after the -battle of Cannæ, when she lost the flower of her generation. On the -contrary, you will remember that the Senate went out to meet Terentius -Varro, who, having wished to undertake the battle against the advice of -Paulus Æmilius, was certainly one of those responsible for the defeat. -Rome fell, and rose up again; she marched slowly, but she marched; she -had a goal to reach, and she intended to reach it. Italy, our Italy, the -Italy which we carry in our hearts, and which is our pride, must be like -this; the Italy which accepts her destiny when it is imposed, by hard -necessity, but only while she prepares her spirit and her forces to -overcome it some day. (Loud and prolonged applause, many Senators -advance to congratulate the Prime Minister. Silence being once more -established, Mussolini continues.) - -I propose that the Senate, having concluded the discussion suspended -yesterday evening, should be adjourned. I do not know for how long. The -Government must be left free to work and to prepare work for the Chamber -and the Senate. - -Meanwhile, I feel the necessity of thanking the President, who has -directed the proceedings with that tact and high wisdom for which he is -known. I am glad that the Senate, in approving of these political and -commercial treaties—which are two aspects of the same policy—has thus -brought to a conclusion a part of our foreign policy. I beg the -President to accept the expression of my profound admiration. - -_Tittoni, President of the Senate_, replies, reciprocating the words of -the Prime Minister and praising his spirit and his patriotic faith. He -pays tribute to the way in which the Hon. Mussolini has assumed, with a -firm hand, the direction of public interests. - - - - - A REVIEW OF EUROPEAN POLITICS IN THEIR RELATION WITH ITALY - - Speech delivered before the Cabinet, 2nd March 1923. - - -_The Prime Minister._ Honourable Colleagues,—The situation on the Ruhr -has remained stationary during these last weeks. While the two -disputants seem to settle themselves more rigidly in their respective -positions of passive resistance on the part of Germany and active -pressure on the part of Belgium and France, England has not changed her -attitude of benign disapproval and Italy has neither increased nor -reduced the number of technical experts representing her on the Ruhr. So -far there has not arisen the new factor which would lead, in one sense -or the other, to the solution of the crisis. This new factor could -consist either in a direct proposal made by one disputant to the other, -or in a request for mediation, or in the modification, on a political -basis, of the aims which France says she has in view—aims of an economic -nature, which so far have not gone beyond the limit of the payment of -reparations—or else in an increase of the opposition of England which -would lead to the withdrawal of her troops from the Rhine. - -It seems, however, clear—notwithstanding the solicitations of an element -of the advanced democracy—that England maintains her attitude of -circumspect waiting, without impatience or precipitation. The war, which -at the present moment has for its theatre the basin of the Ruhr, is one -of attrition, and it may yet last for some time, in spite of the general -expectation all over Europe of a rapid conclusion. As I have already -said both in the Senate and the Chamber, Italy will not refuse her -assistance in any attempt that may be made to render normal the -situation in Central Europe as soon as possible, and of this she has -given tangible proof in the help afforded, before any other country, to -Austria. The solidarity which Italy was bound to show towards France -upon the common ground of reparations, has given rise to projects of -greater importance, which might have been interpreted in certain circles -as having been directed against other Powers or to the exclusion of some -one of them. An official declaration on the part of the Government has -established the truth of the matter. The campaign in certain papers has -not been approved of and still less authorised. That it is very -opportune that friendly and cordial relations should exist between Italy -and France is the sincere conviction of my Government. It is very much -to be desired that the economic relations between these two neighbouring -countries shall be intensified and strengthened, and the Government has -worked in this direction in concluding the recent commercial agreement. -But this has nothing to do with a real treaty of alliance, as has been -suggested in certain sections of public opinion. The Fascista Government -intends on the whole to follow a line of foreign policy as far as -possible autonomous, and it could never adhere to alliances which did -not protect the interests of Italy in the highest degree and which did -not constitute a solid guarantee of peace and prosperity for Italy in -particular and Europe in general. - -Fascista Italy cannot and will not adhere to a system of alliances which -does not take into account these fundamental premises. For her to pledge -herself in any way definitely while the Entente is still in a state of -crisis, and there are still many obscure points in the general situation -in the world, would be unpardonable. - - -_Turkey and Peace._ No reliable news has hitherto reached us as to the -intentions of the Government at Angora concerning the acceptance or -non-acceptance of the projected treaty presented by the Allies to the -Turkish Delegation at Lausanne. Information is contradictory, because, -whereas on the one hand it is said that, in spite of the moderating -influence of Mustapha Kemal and Ismet Pasha, the Assembly of Angora has -shown itself adverse to some of the conditions already accepted by the -Turkish Delegation at Lausanne and intends to re-discuss the projects of -the treaty, article by article; on the other hand, especially from -British quarters, it is continually said that the Turks seem favourably -disposed towards the rapid conclusion of peace. - -Whatever may be the decision of the Government at Angora, it must be -remembered that, once the deliberations of the Assembly are at an end, -the Turks will, by means of the Secretary-General of the Conference, who -remains for the present at Lausanne, give a definite reply to the Allies -concerning eventual requests and proposals. - -Between the Governments at Rome, London and Paris there is in -consequence an active diplomatic correspondence in progress with the -object of establishing the common line of action to be adopted by the -Allies in certain important questions, such as that of Capitulations and -those concerning the Economic Clauses, as well as the course to be -adopted in the eventual resumption of the work of the Conference, if the -Turkish proposals are such as to furnish a serious basis for discussion. -The British Government is showing itself to be very rigid in this -respect and seems not to wish to allow discussion upon other than these -three points: - -(_a_) The formula of the Turko-Grecian reparations. - -(_b_) The formula of the judicial guarantees for foreigners. - -(_c_) Economic Clauses. - -As regards the first, it is a question of putting in the hands of an -Arbitration Commission the reciprocal claims of the two countries, since -the Turks do not even admit that the Greeks have any claims to present. -For the second, it is a question of finding a formula which will provide -more efficient guarantees for foreigners where the searching of private -houses and arrests are concerned; and as regards the third, of resuming -the discussion and negotiations upon all economic questions and of -handing them over to another commission to be dealt with apart from the -treaty of peace. - -The Italian Government is fully convinced of the necessity of bringing -about the conclusion of this peace in order that grave dangers, derived -from the actual situation in the East, may be avoided, and in order that -normal conditions, favourable to the free exercise of trade and -industry, may be re-established. Although we are resolute in demanding -from Turkey the acceptance of the really moderate conditions proposed by -the Allies, we do not think, however, that every and any request, not -connected with the three points mentioned above, made by Turkey, should -be excluded _a priori_, but rather that the possibility of examination -without preconception should always be considered where some -well-defined and limited proposal is concerned. - -As to procedure, the British Government would be inclined towards the -renewal of the discussion at Constantinople, while the Italian -Government, realising the dangers which would menace the success of the -negotiations in the surroundings of the Turkish capital, would prefer -that it should take place at Lausanne with a limited gathering of -technical delegates. - -In any case it will not be possible to make a definite decision about -this before knowing the answer of the Turkish Government, which is to be -decided by the vote of the Grand Assembly. - - -_Memel and the Polish Frontier._ The question of Memel has been solved -in theory, and it is not probable that in practice overpowering -obstacles will be met with, since in the solution the rights of both the -Lithuanians and the Poles have been taken into account. - -This incident has afforded an opportunity of examining generally the -still uncertain position of Poland with regard to her boundaries. It -seemed to the Italian Government that such uncertainty was pregnant with -dangers, and that it was of the utmost importance to arrive, as soon as -possible, at the recognition of the frontier, the delimitation of which -is reserved for the Allied Powers by the Treaty of Versailles. -Consequently, at the Conference of Ambassadors at Paris, the Government -proposed that such a delimitation should be proceeded with at once, a -proposal which, not having appeared at first to meet with the approval -of the other representatives, has recently been presented again by the -French Government, and to which we, for the sake of consistency, have -adhered. - -As far as the boundaries between Lithuania and Poland are concerned, we -should have preferred the League of Nations to have been called upon to -pass an opinion, so that the largest number of States possible should be -interested in guaranteeing the decision. Our Allies, however, having -drawn attention to the fact that the procedure of the League of Nations -is of a length and tediousness which, at the present moment, it is -better to avoid, we have also adhered on this point to the French -proposal to hand the question over to the Conference of Ambassadors. - -We truly hope that Poland and Lithuania will accept the decisions which -the Conference of Ambassadors thinks it just to make. And this is one of -those typical cases in which Poland and Lithuania must take into account -the inevitable necessity of sentiment yielding to reason. - - -_The Problems of the Adriatic. Fiume; Abbazia; Zara._ The Italian -Delegation and part of that of Yugoslavia have already arrived at -Abbazia. At present work has not begun, but will begin as soon as -possible. At our request the Government at Belgrade has replaced Admiral -Priza by Signor Rybar as her representative. The accusations against -Admiral Priza, as a participator in the legal proceedings which led to -the condemnation and death of Nazario Sauro, are well known. The -Government at Belgrade showed itself to be appreciative of the eminently -moral reasons for our objection and consented to the substitution—even -at the cost of facing the criticism of the Italophobe opposition—with a -good-will which seems an excellent omen for the future. - -Our Delegation, too, to the Commission for the Evacuation of the Third -Zone is already at Zara, and since the Yugoslav Delegation has also -arrived, work can begin at once. - -An incident which occurred the night before last, when abuse of Zara and -Italy was shouted from a passing Yugoslav steamer within sight of that -port, has already evoked spontaneous and immediate apologies from the -Yugoslav consul to our prefect. But I have urged Belgrade to prevent -such deplorable, although unimportant, incidents from occurring again. - -I must say that, hitherto, the Yugoslav Government has shown itself to -be animated on the whole by excellent feeling, and loyally co-operates -in seeking to smooth the way in this period of important and delicate -negotiations which has just begun. - -As for the attitude of the national elements at Zara and Fiume, they -remain inspired by a high sense of discipline and recognition of the -necessity of subordinating private interests to the general welfare of -the nation. - - -_The Conference of the Südbahn._ The work of the Conference of the -Südbahn for the purpose of technical and administrative reorganisation -has made sufficient progress. Both the States interested and the company -have presented their proposals for amendments, in which they try, -without interfering with the basis of the projects under discussion, to -lessen the financial burden. - -The project of the agreement concerning through traffic, which contains -regulations guaranteeing the regularity of the organisation of the -railways, facilities for the customs and sanitary services, and the -setting in order of the international stations, as well as regulations -regarding the railway rates of the through trains, has already been -discussed. The States have shown themselves to be of one opinion with -regard to the intentions of the project, which tend to unite in a -special convention all the different regulations which have issued from -the treaties of peace and the projects of the Convention concluded at -Barcelona and Portorose. - -The project, moreover, is directed particularly towards reviving the -powers of the Convention of Berne in respect of international traffic. -The scheme of agreement for the technical and administrative -reorganisation of the Südbahn admits the possibility of direct control -on the part of the State as well as on the part of the company. It aims -also at the maintenance of that unity of commercial direction which, -without offending the sovereignty of the States with regard to tariffs, -will allow of international traffic and the direct despatching of goods, -and will take into account the special exigencies of trade which require -particular measures and which, not being prejudicial to the States, will -be advantageous as regards the economic relations between them. - -The work of the Conference will probably last another week on account of -the complicated and difficult character of the various financial, -technical and administrative problems to be solved. - - - - - THE ITALO-YUGOSLAV CONFERENCE FOR THE COMMERCIAL TREATY - - Opening address delivered in Rome at the Palazzo Chigi, on 6th March - 1923, before the members of the Conference. - - -Gentlemen,—I am particularly glad to open this meeting and welcome -cordially the delegates of the Kingdom of the Serbs, the Croats and the -Slovenes. I attach great importance to this meeting and to its results, -which I am confident will be excellent. - -You know that at Abbazia the Adriatic question is being settled, so that -at the present time the field may be cleared of those special problems -which up to to-day have not permitted an understanding with Yugoslavia. - -Along with that of Abbazia, this meeting, convened with the object of -linking together more closely commercial relations between the two -countries, attains a great importance. Italian public opinion and the -Fascista Government consider that, together with political relations, -there must be close and profitable economic ties. - -I am certain that the Italian delegates will make every effort to arrive -at this agreement and I do not doubt that the Yugoslav Delegation will -do the same. This will be in the common interest of the two countries. -(Applause.) - - - - - “HISTORY TELLS US THAT STRICT FINANCE HAS BROUGHT NATIONS TO SECURITY” - - Speech delivered at the Ministry of Finance on 7th March 1923, where - Mussolini officially handed over to the Minister, Hon. de Stefani, - the Budgets of Home and Foreign Affairs, to be revised in accordance - with a decision of the Council of Ministers. - - -Honourable Ministers, Colleagues, Gentlemen,—It might be asked, Why such -fuss, why so many soldiers for a ceremony which could be described as -purely administrative, such as the consignment of my two Budgets to the -Finance Minister? We must answer this question thus: For various -motives, some more plausible than others. The solemnity which -accompanies this ceremony serves to demonstrate the immense importance -the Government attaches to a rapid restoration of financial normality. -We have formally promised to make a start towards balancing the State -Budget, and with this promise we wish to keep faith at whatever cost. We -must be convinced that if the whole falls, the part falls too; and that -if the economic life of the nation falls in ruin, all that is in the -nation—institutions, men, classes—is destined to suffer the same fate. - -And why these soldiers? To show that the Government has strength. I -declare that, if possible, I want to govern with the consent of the -majority of the people, but whilst waiting for this consent to be -formed, to be nourished, to be strengthened, I collect the maximum -available force. Because it may happen, by chance, that force may aid in -rediscovering consent, and, at any rate, should consent be lacking, -force still remains. In all the measures—even the most drastic—the -Government takes, we shall put before the people this dilemma: either -accept them from a high spirit of patriotism or submit to them. This is -how I conceive the State, and how I understand the art of governing the -nation. - -I am glad to find myself before you—(continued the President, turning to -the officials of the Ministry of Finance present at the -ceremony)—because the Minister has spoken very favourably to me of the -high officials of the Ministry of Finance. He told me that some of you -often work up to sixteen hours a day. Well done! Those are long hours, -but it is a splendid example. But if they were not sufficient, it would -be necessary to work even twenty hours. Only thus, gentlemen, shall we -rise up out of the sea of our present difficulties and reach the shore. - -We must inculcate in our spirit a sense of absolute discipline. We must -consider that the money of the Treasury is sacred above everything else. -It does not rain down from Heaven, nor can it even be made with a turn -of the printing press, which, if I could, I would like to smash to -pieces. It is made out of the sweat, it might be said of the blood, of -the Italian people, who work to-day, but who will work more to-morrow. -Every _lira_, every _soldo_, every _centesimo_ of this money must be -considered sacred and should not be spent unless reasons of strict and -proved necessity demand it. _The history of peoples tells us that strict -finance has brought nations to security._ I feel that each one of you -believes in this truth, which is fully proved by history. - -With this conviction I bid you farewell. (Applause.) - - - - - “IT IS NOT THE ECONOMIC SYSTEM OF EUROPE ALONE THAT WE HAVE TO RESTORE - TO ITS FULL EFFICIENCY” - - Speech delivered at the Palazzo dell’ Esposizione in Rome, on 18th - March 1923, before the International Congress of the Chambers of - Commerce. - - -Gentlemen,—The Government over which I have the honour to preside and -which I represent is glad to welcome you to Rome and offers you a -deferential and cordial greeting, which I extend also to the foreign -representatives, who have wished to honour us by their presence. The -fact that your important Congress is held in the capital of Italy, only -five months after the events which gave the control of public affairs to -the youthful forces of war and of victory is the best declaration to the -world that the Italian nation is rapidly returning to the full normality -of her political and economical life. In a meeting like this I shall not -linger on the former, but shall briefly dwell on the latter subject. - -The economic policy of the new Italian Government is simple. I consider -that the State should renounce its industrial functions, especially of a -monopolistic nature, for which it is inadequate. I consider that a -Government which means to relieve rapidly peoples from after-war crises -should allow free play to private enterprise, should renounce any -meddling or restrictive legislation, which may please the Socialist -demagogues, but proves, in the end, as experience shows, absolutely -ruinous. - -It is, therefore, time to remove from the shoulders of the producing -forces of every nation the last remains of that machinery which was -called the trappings of war and to examine economic problems, no longer -with a state of mind veiled by the influence of particular interests, as -they had to be examined during the war. I do not believe that the -aggregate of forces, which in industry, in agriculture, in commerce, in -banking, in transportation may be called by the world-name of -capitalism, is near its downfall, as certain doctrinarians belonging to -the Social-Extremists have claimed. One of the great historical -experiences of which we have been witnesses proves that all the systems -of associated economics which do away with private initiative and -individual effort fail more or less pitifully in a short time. But free -initiative does not exclude an agreement between groups, which will be -realised all the easier when there is a loyal protection of each -separate interest. Your Chamber of Commerce follows exactly this -programme of enquiry, and of stabilisation, of co-ordinating and -conciliating the various interests. You are here in Rome to discuss the -best means to revive the great currents of trade which, before the war, -had increased general wealth and brought all people to a high standard -of living. These are weighty and delicate problems which often cause -discussions of a political and moral nature. To solve them we must be -guided by the conviction that _it is not the economic system of Europe -alone that we have to restore to its full efficiency_, but that there -are also countries and continents which may offer a field for a larger -economic activity in the near future. It is not without significance -that the powerful Republic of the United States has sent such a large -number of her representatives to Rome. It means that, if official -political America still keeps an attitude of reserve, economic America -feels that she cannot remain indifferent to what may or may not be done -in Europe. - -There is no doubt that Governments—beginning with mine—will examine with -the utmost care and give due weight to the decisions which are arrived -at by this Congress. (Loud cheers.) - - - - - “ONLY THOSE WHO PROFITED BY THE WAR GRUMBLED AND STILL GRUMBLE, CURSED - AND STILL CURSE AT THE WAR” - - Speech delivered on 29th March 1923, in Milan, at Villa Mirabello, - before blind ex-soldiers. - - -My dear Comrades!—When a little time ago one of your officers told me -that you never grumbled at the war, even when Italy seemed overwhelmed, -I was not surprised because only those who profited by the war grumbled -and still grumble, cursed and still curse at the war. Those who have -performed their duty do not grumble, do not curse, but accept their -sacrifice with Roman simplicity and austerity. - -When I am amongst the maimed I live again the greatest days of our war. -And I declare to you that a Government which did not bear you in mind -would be unworthy, and would only be worthy of being overthrown by the -fury of the people. - -But the Government which I represent is entirely formed of men who have -fought from the Stelvio to the sea of Trieste, and such men cannot -ignore the sacrifices accomplished. - -I express to you here this morning all my brotherly sympathy and -admiration as an ex-soldier, as a man, as an Italian, and I embrace you -all. And by this act I intend to honour and exalt all those who -contributed to the greatness of the mother country by the deeds -accomplished and by the shedding of their blood. (Applause.) - - - - - “PATRIOTISM IS NOT FORMED BY MERE WORDS” - - Speech delivered at Arosio, near Milan, on 30th March 1923, before - ex-soldiers suffering from shell-shock. - - -Fellow-Soldiers,—I did well to accept your courteous invitation, in the -first place, as it always gives me great pleasure to offer to my -comrades of the trenches the proof of my fraternal sympathy as a -soldier, as a man, as an Italian, and as the head of the Government. - -As I said yesterday to the blind ex-soldiers at Villa Mirabello, so I -say to you. The Government intends to protect you, intends to satisfy -your requests, to defend your material and moral rights. - -Your invitation has given me the opportunity to see this splendid work, -which represents the results and the harmonious synthesis of faith in -your undertakings and of noble love for our country. - -Everything that is done for the maimed and for ex-soldiers is a small -thing in face of the sacrifice of so many Italians who gave their life -on the battlefields or who shed their blood. - -What is done here is not only a manifestation of piety, it is an -expression of national solidarity and of conscientious patriotism. -Because patriotism is not formed by mere words, it is formed by deeds, -by example, by showing oneself worthy before one’s own conscience of the -quality of being Italian. - -The Government intends to exalt all the forces of the country, all the -moral forces arising from our victory; it means daily and -disinterestedly to defend all those who by their deeds and their blood -have contributed to this glorious victory. (Applause.) - - - - - QUESTIONS OF FOREIGN POLICY BEFORE THE CABINET - - Speech delivered before the Cabinet on 7th April 1923. - - -_The Abbazia Conference._ Colleagues,—The Commission appointed according -to the Agreements of Santa Margherita, which met, as is known, on 1st -March, started its work by the arrangement for the evacuation of Susak, -which took place on the following day. It is opportune here to note that -the Italian Delegation wished to express to the world and to the Italian -troops its gratitude for the courteous and chivalrous behaviour during -the whole occupation of Susak. - -The Commission decided, at that time, a provisional settlement for -communication and traffic between Fiume and Susak, which was made -effective for two months, in view of the eventuality of the prorogation -of the sittings of the Commission. The frontier traffic between Castua -and the adjacent territories was also organised. - -With reference to the military operations, the Serbo-Croatian-Slovak -Delegation has at once recorded an objection, on the grounds that with -the evacuation of Susak, it did not consider that that stipulated by the -Agreements of Santa Margherita had been carried out, seeing that the -Delta and Porto Sauro remained occupied by Italian troops. Against this -assertion the Italian Delegation replied that Italy had carried out to -the letter the provisions of the Agreements of Santa Margherita, which -refer purely and simply to the evacuation of Susak. - -Apart from this objection, the Commission has continued its work and the -Italian Delegation has put forward a project for a Consortium in the -port of Fiume between the three interested States. Such a project, in a -general way, attributes to Fiume the character of an international port, -leaving the possibility of the enjoyment of special privileges and -guarantees to each of the contracting States for a freer development of -the traffic which affects them. With regard to such a project, the -Serbo-Croatian-Slovak Delegation has put forward its objections, -presenting on its own account a draft of a project, according to which -the Sauro Basin and the Delta would be excluded from the port of Fiume -and assigned exclusively to Yugoslavia. - -The Italian Delegation has formally declared that it could not accede to -any pact whatsoever which, destroying the unity of the port of Fiume, -would irremediably damage the future of the new State, and, in answer to -the objections raised by the Serbo-Croatian-Slovak Delegation to the -Italian project, our Delegation has presented another plan, in which -full consideration was given to the said exceptions. But, in the course -of the following discussion, the points of view of the two Delegations -could not be reconciled. The sittings were suspended on 24th March, to -be resumed shortly. - - -_The new Lausanne Conference._ Following the counterproposals put -forward by the Government of Angora, the British Government has convened -in London an Inter-Allied meeting in order to examine what modifications -to the drafting and the substance of the Peace Treaty presented to the -Turks on the 30th of last January may be possible. The Allied -Representatives at this meeting have decided to invite the Turks to -resume as soon as possible at Lausanne the discussion with the Allied -experts and have at the same time come to an agreement as to the line of -conduct to follow in such a discussion. - -In the text of the reply sent to the Government of Angora, which has -been published, the Allies have deemed it opportune to insert some -remarks and objections on certain points of special importance, as for -example that regarding the removal of the Economic Clauses asked by the -Turks, to which the Allies cannot accede; that concerning some part of -the judiciary declarations and the Turkish demands relative to -substantial modifications of the Territorial Clauses already agreed -upon, such as that of Castelrosso, whose restoration to Turkey could not -be countenanced. - -It is to be hoped that the good-will that both parties have the -intention of displaying in the imminent negotiations of Lausanne may -bring about speedily the conclusion of peace in the East, which -corresponds with the warmest wish and interest of the Italian -Government. - - -_Italo-Polish Relations._ Mr. Skrzynski came to Milan to express to me -the gratitude of Poland for the friendly attitude of Italy in the -determination of the Polish frontier, which took place recently. -Expressing a personal view, I mentioned to him the advisability of a -larger extension of autonomy to the population of Eastern Galicia. I -profited by the occasion to examine with the Minister for Foreign -Affairs some concrete points, which, with regard to oil and coal, -concern more closely our commerce. I recognised with satisfaction the -friendly disposition which animates the Polish Government and I was -struck with the impression that whenever important Italian enterprises -should wish to develop their activity in Poland, they would find there -the best of welcomes. The representatives of some Italian firms of -standing, moreover, are now already in negotiation at Warsaw, and the -results, I hope, will in a short time confirm the favourable attitude of -the Polish Foreign Minister. - - -_The Visit of the Austrian Chancellor Seipel._ In the conversations I -had at Milan with the Austrian Chancellor, both parties expressed the -reciprocal desire and interest to improve further relations between the -two countries. The Chancellor has warmly thanked the Italian Government -for the helpful action on behalf of Austria and has asked our support -for the satisfactory solution of all problems which might contribute to -the economic reconstruction of the Republic. I gave favourable -assurances and, consequently, have accordingly hastened the negotiations -already begun for a commercial agreement and I have had examined -numerous questions which had been dragging on unsolved for some time. - -It is to be hoped that, the last difficulties having been removed, the -Commercial Treaty may be signed within a few days. The Clauses of the -Portorose Conventions, signed and not ratified by the contracting -parties, will be included in it. The Chancellor has asked that the small -Austrian properties in Italy and the historical Austrian Institute in -Rome should be restored to Austria, as was done for Germany. While I -declared myself favourable to his requests, I have, for my part, -reminded him of the situation of Italian property in Austria and have -obtained from the Chancellor satisfactory assurances concerning this and -other subjects. With reference to the Conventions signed at the -Conference of Rome, some of which have notable importance for Italy, the -Chancellor has promised to proceed to their ratification without further -delay. - - -_The Commercial Relations with Austria._ The negotiations with Austria -are being conducted with a spirit of the greatest good-will on both -sides, in order to arrive in a short space of time at an agreement which -should establish regular and profitable relations between the two -countries and also after the first period, during which the economic -relations between the two States are regulated by the Treaty of St. -Germain. If some difficulty still remains, this is due in the first -place to the fact that it is not the case of negotiating pacts which, -with regard to their application and their consequences, could remain -restricted to the exchanges between the two neighbouring States, but are -destined to have a repercussion also on our relations with the other -States which, for their imports into Italy, enjoy the “most favoured -nation” clause. - -This fact, independently of the specially favourable conditions by which -certain important industries, competing with ours, are working in -Austria, compels us to be very cautious in adhering to the many Austrian -requests, and all the more that, for financial and other reasons, -Austria is herself not in a position to meet our demands to the extent -which is essential to us. The two Delegations have, however, already -arrived at an agreement on most of the questions which have been the -subject of reciprocal demands, and now certain controversies remain to -be solved which, although they offer the greatest interests for both -sides, it is to be hoped may be solved with satisfaction to all. - -Special attention has been paid by the two Delegations to the study of -the questions relative to the traffic through the port of Trieste and -the regulation of the frontier traffic for the protection of the -interests of the populations of the zone near the frontier of the two -States. On this subject agreement may be said to be complete. - - -_The Commercial Treaty with Yugoslavia._ The negotiations with -Yugoslavia, which should lead to the regulation of all the economic and -financial questions still pending between the two States, have been -conducted so far on the Treaty of Commerce, which, except for the part -concerning the Italian proposals on the tariffs, may be said to be -already agreed upon by the two Delegations. With reference to the other -subjects under examination, of which only a small part has been possible -to discuss at the same time as the negotiations for the Commercial -Treaty, the Yugoslav Delegation is now awaiting further instructions -from Belgrade. Besides the commercial negotiations I have mentioned, -there are others proceeding for a Commercial Treaty with Spain. -Negotiations will shortly be opened for commercial agreements with Siam, -Finland, Esthonia, Lithuania, Lettonia and Albania. - -(After a short discussion, in which several Ministers participated, the -Cabinet approved the declarations of the Prime Minister.) - - - - - “MINE IS NOT A GOVERNMENT WHICH DECEIVES THE PEOPLE” - - Speech delivered at the Palazzo Municipale on 2nd June 1923, to the - _contadini_ of Rovigo. - - -Fascisti,—How shall I find adequate words to thank you for this -magnificent welcome? A few moments ago your mayor gave voice to the -greeting of the city and the province. To-day I have passed through your -fertile lands, furrowed by rivers, exploited by your tenacious work. All -Italy must be grateful to this industrious people, who, too, having -realised the beautiful and supreme interests of the nation, has now all -the more the right to be treated with greater friendship and -consideration. - -I know that I am speaking to an assembly where workers are certainly in -enormous majority. Well, I say to them with calm words and with a still -calmer conscience that the Government which I have the honour to -represent is not, cannot, and will never be against the working classes. -(Loud applause.) Six months of Government are still too few for a -programme to be carried through, but, to my mind, they are sufficient to -give an idea of its _directives_ which to-day are precise and sound. -_Mine is not a Government which deceives the people._ (Applause.) We -cannot, we shall not, make promises if we are not mathematically sure of -being able to fulfil them. The people have been too long deceived and -mystified for the men of our generation to continue this low trade. - -We have traced a furrow, very clear-cut and deep, between that which was -the Italy of yesterday and that which is the Italy of to-day. In the -latter, all classes must have a sphere of action for their fruitful -co-operation. The struggle between classes may be an episode in the life -of a people, it cannot be the daily system, as it would mean the -destruction of wealth, and, therefore, universal poverty. The -co-operation, citizens, between him who labours and him who employs -labour, between him who works with his hands and him who works with his -brains, all these elements of production have their inevitable and -necessary grades and constitutions. Through this programme you will -attain a state of well-being and the nation prosperity and greatness. If -I were not sure of my words I would not utter them before you on such a -solemn and memorable occasion. (Applause.) - - -(At this point of the speech an aeroplane piloted by Ferrarin was -executing some daring evolutions just above the Palazzo Municipale, from -where Mussolini was speaking. The Prime Minister stopped for a few -seconds following Ferrarin’s evolutions, then went on:) - - -Fascisti! The other day I was passing in one of those aeroplanes over -your town. That flight was profoundly significant, as it was meant to -show that six months of tenure of office have not yet nailed me down -into my Presidential easy chair and that I, as you, as all of you, am -still ready to dare, to fight, if necessary, to die, so that the fruits -of the great Fascista revolution may not be lost! - -Long live Fascismo! Long live Italy! (Loud applause.) - - - - - “IN TIME PAST AS IN TIME PRESENT, WOMAN HAD ALWAYS A PREPONDERANT - INFLUENCE IN SHAPING THE DESTINIES OF HUMANITY” - - Speech delivered at Padua at the first Women’s Fascista Congress, on 2nd - June 1923. - - -Ladies,—If I am not mistaken, this, which is inaugurated here to-day, is -the first Women’s Fascista Congress of the “three Venices.” The title -and the field covered by this first Congress of yours are full of -profound significance. Fifty years ago one could not speak of the “three -Venices”! Venice herself, after the magnificent years of heroism of 1848 -and 1849, was still held by the shackles of foreign slavery. In 1866 we -liberated Venice, one of the Venices. Fifty years afterwards we -liberated the other two—that which has as its boundary the devoted and -impregnable Brenner, and the other which has as its boundary the not -less devoted nor less impregnable Nevoso. - -Fascisti do not belong to the multitude of fops and sceptics who mean to -belittle the social and political importance of woman. What does the -vote matter? You will have it! But even when women did not vote and did -not wish to vote, _in time past as in time present, woman had always a -preponderant influence in shaping the destinies of humanity_. Thus the -women of Fascismo, who bravely wear the glorious “black shirt,” and -gather round our standards, are destined to write a splendid page of -history, to help, with self-sacrifice and deeds, Italian Fascismo. - -Do not trust the little stuffed owls, the yelling monkeys or, indeed, -any representative of the lower zoological orders, who believe they -practise politics, but could be called by a more infamous name. Do not -believe those who talk of crises within the ranks of Fascismo;—these are -details, mere episodes in the great event, and they, after all, concern -men, not masses. When Fascisti have not to strike the enemy, they can -well afford themselves the luxury of internal quarrels. But if the enemy -should begin to raise his head again and intensify the character of his -more or less stupid opposition, then Fascisti will again become solidly -united. Then “Woe to the vanquished!” (Applause.) And since the -opportunity is propitious, I would like to tell you, women of Fascismo, -and the Fascisti of all Italy, that the attempt to sever Mussolini from -Fascismo or Fascismo from Mussolini is the most useless and grotesque -attempt that could be conceived. (Applause.) I am not so proud as to say -that I who speak and Fascismo are one; but four years of history have -now clearly shown that Mussolini and Fascismo are two aspects of the -same thing, are two bodies and one soul or two souls in a single body. I -cannot forsake Fascismo, because I have created it, I have reared it, I -have strengthened and I have chastened it, and I still hold it in my -fist, always! It is, therefore, quite useless for the old screech-owls -of Italian policy to pay me their foolish court. I am too shrewd to fall -into this ambush of the commercial mediocrities of village fairs. I can -assure you, my dear friends, that all these little vipers, all these -cheap politicians will be bitterly disillusioned. - -To think that I could become brutalised in Parliamentary bureaucracy is -to believe an absurdity. Although I come from the working class, I have -a spirit too aristocratic not to feel disgust for low Parliamentary -manœuvres. We shall continue our march vigorously (added the Hon. -Mussolini, raising his voice), because this has been imposed on us by -destiny. We shall not turn back, nor shall we even mark time. I have -already said that we did not want to push matters to extremes only to -see ourselves driven back by the swing of the pendulum. I prefer, as I -wrote in an article, which aroused some interest—I prefer to march on -continually, day by day, in the Roman way, in the way of Rome who is -never reconciled to defeat; of Rome who welcomed Terentius Varro coming -from Cannæ, although she knew that he had given battle against the -opinion of Consul Paulus Æmilius and was, in a certain degree, -responsible for the defeat; of Rome who after Cannæ forbade matrons to -sally forth, so that their grief-stricken bearing should not shake the -strength of the citizens; of this Rome who re-wrote continually the -chapters of her history, who found in every ill-success the incentives -to endurance, to steadfastness, to strengthen her spirits, to harden her -nerves, to light the flame of passion! This is the Rome of whom we -dream; the Rome in whom all hierarchies are respected, those of -strength, beauty, intelligence, and human kindness; the Rome who struck -hard at her enemies, but then raised them up again and made them share -her great destiny; the Rome who left the utmost liberty to the beliefs -of her subject-peoples, provided only that they obeyed her! - -Giuseppe Mazzini used to say that power is but the unity and -perseverance of all efforts put together. Well, Italian power, Fascista -power, the power of all the new generations which expand in this superb -spring of our life and history, will be the result of the unity of our -efforts, of the tenacity of our work. After all, what do Fascisti ask -for? They are not ambitious or factious. They have the sense of -limitation and of their responsibility. And I am sure of interpreting -your thought, the deep craving of your soul, if I say that Fascisti, -from the first to the last, from the leaders to the led, ask only one -thing: To serve with humility, with devotion, with steadfastness, our -beloved Mother Country, Italy! (The speech was greeted with enthusiastic -applause.) - - - - - “SO LONG AS THESE STUDENTS AND THESE UNIVERSITIES EXIST, THE NATION - CANNOT PERISH AND BECOME A SLAVE, BECAUSE UNIVERSITIES SMASH FETTERS - WITHOUT ALLOWING THE FORGING OF NEW ONES” - - Speech delivered at the University of Padua on 3rd June 1923. - - -Mr. Chancellor, Professors, My Young Friends,—It is not I who honour -your University, it is your University which honours me, and I must -confess that, although on account of my laborious dealings with men I am -a little refractory to emotions, to-day, being among you, I feel deeply -touched. - -We have known each other for some time, from 1915, from the days of that -May always radiant. I remember that the students of Padua hung up at the -doors of this University a big paper puppet representing a politician -about whom I do not wish to express any opinion now. But that act meant -that the youth of the University of Padua did not want to hear about -ignoble diplomatic bargains—(Applause.)—did not want to sell its -splendid spiritual birthright for a more or less wretched mess of -pottage. The University of Padua, the students, who were not degenerate -descendants of those Tuscan students who went out to die at Curtatone -and Montanara, wished then to be the vanguard, to take up their post in -the fighting line, carrying with them the reluctant ones, chastening the -pusillanimous, overthrowing the Government and going out to fight, to -sacrifice and death, but also to honour and glory. - -From that time I know that among you there are faithful followers and -that this University among all the others is truly an active centre of -faith and of intense patriotism. If I look back for a moment to the -rolling by of centuries, I recognise in this University a great fountain -at which thousands of men of all countries, of all generations, of all -races, have quenched their thirst. - -The Government which I have the honour to represent repudiates, at any -rate in the person of its chief, the doctrine of materialism and the -doctrines which claim to explain the very complex history of humanity -only from the material point of view, to explain an episode, not the -whole of history, an incident, not a doctrine. Well, this Government -prizes individual, spiritual and voluntary qualities, holds in high -esteem the Universities, because they represent so many glorious strong -points in the life of the people. In fact I do not hesitate to state -that if Germany has been able to resist the powerful influence of -Bolshevism, it is due, above all, to the strong University traditions of -that people. - -A people with an ardent spirit and with genius like ours is necessarily -a well-balanced and harmonious one. The Government understands the -enormous historic importance of Universities, has a respect for their -noble traditions and wishes to raise them to the heights of modern -exigencies. All this cannot be done at once, as everything cannot be -accomplished in six months. All that we are doing at present is to clear -the ground from all the débris which the rotten political caste has left -us as a said inheritance. (Applause.) How could a Government composed of -former soldiers ever disparage Universities? It would not only be absurd -but criminal! From the Universities have come out by the thousands -volunteers and by tens of thousands those magnificent warriors who used -to assault the enemy’s trenches with a superb contempt of death. They -are our comrades whose memory we bear engraved in our hearts. You will -write their names on your gates of bronze, but their memory will be more -imperishably engraved in our spirit. We cannot forget them, as we cannot -forget that out of the Universities came by thousands the “black -shirts,” those “black shirts” who, at a given moment, put an end to the -inglorious vicissitudes of Italian politics, who took by the throat with -strong fingers all the old profiteers who appeared, to the exuberant -impatience of the new Italian generations, always the more inadequate -for their paralysing decrepitude. (Applause.) Well, so long as there are -Universities in Italy—and there certainly will be for a long time—and so -long as there are young men to attend these Universities and to become -acquainted with the history of yesterday, thus preparing the history of -to-morrow, so long as there are such young men, the doors of the past -are definitely shut. I guarantee it formally! But I add further that _so -long as these young men and these Universities exist, the Nation cannot -perish and it cannot become a slave, because Universities smash fetters -without forging new ones_. (Applause.) If to-morrow it were again -necessary, either for causes arising within or without the frontiers, to -sound again the trumpet of war, I am sure that the Universities would -again empty themselves to re-populate the trenches. (Loud applause.) - -And now that you have rejuvenated me by twenty years, I would like to -sing with you the “Gaudeamus Igitur.” After all, Lorenzino dei Medici -was right when he sang: “How beautiful is youth!” Well, my young -friends, there can never be for us as individuals the certainty of the -morrow, but there is the supreme and magnificent certainty of the morrow -for us as a nation and as a people. - -And with the students’ hymn, let us utter in Latin a simpler word, -_Laboremus_. To work with dignity, with probity and with cheerfulness, -to assault life with earnestness and to meet it as a mission, trying to -fulfil the categorical injunction left us by our dead. They command us -to obey and to serve, they command us discipline, sacrifice and -obedience. - -We should really be the last of men if we failed to do our clear duty. -But we shall not fail. I who hold the pulse of the nation and who -carefully count its beats, I who sometimes shudder in the face of the -heavy responsibilities which I have assumed, feel in me a hope, nay a -vibration, of a supreme certainty which is this: that, by the will of -the leaders, by the determination of the people, and by the sacrifice of -past, present and future generations, Imperial Italy, the Italy of our -dreams, will be for us the reality of to-morrow. (Loud applause.) - - - - -ITALY’S FOREIGN POLICY REGARDING GERMAN REPARATIONS, HUNGARY, BULGARIA, - AUSTRIA, YUGOSLAVIA, TURKEY, RUSSIA, POLAND AND OTHER COUNTRIES - - Speech delivered at the Senate on 8th June 1923. - - -Honourable Senators,—The speech that I have the honour of delivering -before your illustrious Assembly may appear analytical, because in it I -propose to touch on several questions and to speak decisively upon -several problems, especially with regard to internal policy.[13] By this -I do not delude myself to be able to convince those who are my opponents -in _malâ fide_, nor to disperse completely the small opposition which -nourishes itself on detail, and is the effect of personal temperament. - -Footnote 13: - - The speech on Internal Policy here referred to will follow this one on - page 306. - -You will not be surprised if I begin with foreign policy, even if it -happens that this is the field in which serious and founded opposition -does not exist, and it may be legitimately said that our policy is -endorsed unanimously by the nation. - -As I have already said on other occasions, the foreign policy of the -present Government is inspired by the necessity for a progressive -revaluation of our diplomatic and political position in Europe and in -the world. It is a fact that, except for territorial acquisitions -bounded by the Brenner and the Nevoso, frontiers wrested by long and -bloody wars, Italy was excluded in the Peace of Versailles and other -successive treaties from all other benefits of an economic and colonial -nature. Solemn pacts signed during the war have lapsed and have not been -replaced. The position of inferiority assigned to Italy has weighed and -still weighs heavily on the economic life of our people. It is useless -to dwell upon recriminations of the past. We must rather seek to regain -the ground and time lost. There is no doubt that from October to to-day -the situation has notably improved. - -The other Powers, whether allied or not, know that Italy intends to -follow an energetic and assiduous policy for the protection of her -natural and vital interests, intends to be present wherever, directly or -indirectly, they are at stake, because this is her right and her -definite duty; but at the same time she is in favour of that line of -conduct in general policy which tends to bring back as quickly as -possible to a normal state the economic situation of our continent. -Italy, who too is marching rapidly towards her readjustment, sees this -re-birth continually disturbed by general outside factors. There is, -therefore, a definite Italian interest in hastening the pacific solution -of the European crisis. - - -_The Position of Italy and Reparations._ All such crises, since the -Treaty of Versailles onwards, have been dominated by the one problem: -Reparations. In the face of this problem the fundamental position of -Italy is as follows: - -1. Germany can and must pay a sum which now seems universally fixed and -which is very far from the many hundreds of milliards talked of on the -morrow of the Armistice; - -2. Italy could not tolerate territorial changes which would lead to a -political, economic or military hegemony in Europe; - -3. Italy is prepared to bear her quota of sacrifice, if it is necessary -to obtain what is called European reconstruction; - -4. The Italian Government maintains to-day more than ever, above all -after the last German Note, that the problem of reparations and that of -Inter-Allied debts are intimately connected and are in a certain sense -interdependent. - -There is no doubt that the occupation of the Ruhr has contributed to -render the crisis of the Ruhr extremely acute, and therefore to a -certain extent hastened a solution. - -It will not be inopportune to recall, considering the rapidity of -events, that the French and Belgians went to the Ruhr on account of the -declarations of a series of failures of the supplies in kind by Germany, -admitted also by England, at any rate as regards that of wood, and the -failure of the Conference of Paris. - -It is certainly worth while to fix exactly in their essential lines the -main features of the Italian, English and German projects, in order to -have a picture of the situation as regards its agreements and -divergencies, and to see what conjectures we can form as to a possible -settlement. This will also serve to explain why Italy was not able to -accept the Bonar Law scheme at Paris, and why she had to reject the -recent Cuno-Rosenberg Memorandum. - -The Italian project reduced the German debt to fifty milliards of gold -marks, proposed a moratorium of two years, during which Germany would -continue the supply of reparations in kind, accepted the distribution of -German payments according to the quotas fixed at Spa, by which the -Italian quota was put at five milliards of gold marks, fixed the payment -of one part of the “C” bonds by means of the security given by the other -ex-enemy States, used the remainder of the “C” bonds to settle the debt -to America, agreed to the taking of economic pledges as a guarantee of -the German payments, and finally, as regards the payments of the -reparations owed by Austria, Bulgaria and Hungary, asked for a pledge -for the acceptance of the proposals which England had deferred putting -forward—proposals, that is, of annulling those debts. - -The Italian quota of reparations, which the Italian project fixed at -five milliards of gold marks, was thus reduced in the English project to -less than half; whilst cancelling the bonds, it partly abolishes to our -detriment German solidary responsibility for minor ex-enemy debts and -rendered impossible the execution of the agreement of March 1921, which -ensures important advantages to Italy upon the basis of the “C” bonds. -The larger percentage reserved on the seventeen milliards, representing -the interest of the moratorium capitalised to 1923, could not be used -for the payment of American debts, in consideration of the aleatory -nature of these seventeen milliards. - -I do not recall all this to reopen discussions, but only to make clear -the main outlines of that which was and remains a noteworthy attempt to -find a solution for this grave problem; an attempt which contains worthy -elements which can be usefully taken up again in case of a definite -settlement. - -The conclusion of an agreement between England and America on the -problem of debts—the work of the then Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. -Baldwin, to-day Prime Minister, followed shortly after the presentation -of the English project. - -Any idea of this debt being itself cancelled, or even of a simple -compensation through the payment of reparations, is excluded from this -agreement. The obligation to pay, although facilities may be accorded -concerning both the number of years in which it must take place and the -interests due, is solemnly affirmed and put into execution. In England -the Speech from the Throne strongly emphasised this agreement. Even -taking into account the diversity of economic strength and the totality -of sacrifices borne, it could not remain without effect upon the -importance of the whole question for the other European Powers. - - -_Analysis of the German Project._ If we compare the English and Italian -projects with the German, the inacceptability of the latter appears -evident. As is known, one of the fundamental points of the last German -project concerns the consolidation of the actual debt of Germany, -especially in kind, at the figure of twenty milliard gold marks, with an -additional ten milliards, the payment of which depends upon the decision -of an International Commission. Deducting the interest, these twenty -milliards are reduced to fifteen, and the sums necessary must be found -by international loans; and in the very probable eventuality that by -1927 the twenty milliards have not been subscribed, an annuity will be -paid which represents five per cent. interest plus one per cent. for the -redemption of the loan. Finally, in the German project any provision or -regulation for the guarantees demanded is lacking. The total German -debt, which in the English and the Italian projects is fixed at the -figure of fifty milliards, in the German project is reduced to less than -a third, and it is difficult, if not impossible, to determine in it the -Italian quota and the sacrifice demanded from Italy. - -In view of the representations, especially of England and Italy, Germany -has recognised her proposals as insufficient, and yesterday the German -Ambassador, Neurath, presented to me the new German Note, on the -contents and nature of which I cannot pronounce an opinion for evident -reasons, as in consequence of this Note diplomatic action with all the -Allies must be taken up. I will only say that the German Note no longer -demands the preliminary evacuation of the Ruhr as a condition for -negotiation. This might make us believe in a renunciation on the part of -Germany of that passive resistance, the utility of which—even for German -aims—appears ever more doubtful, and whose cessation would help towards -a more rapid attainment of a solution. - - -_Italy and Hungary._ But the problem of reparations is not only -Franco-German, it is also Hungarian, Bulgarian and Austrian. - -It is useful to define the stage which has been reached with regard to -these ex-enemy countries. The total of the Hungarian reparations, which -is fixed by the Treaty of Trianon, has not yet been determined by the -Reparations Commission, and Hungary up to to-day has only furnished -limited supplies in kind. The Hungarian Government, alleging the -disturbed economic and financial conditions of the country caused by the -serious depression of the krone, has recently put forward the necessity -to contract a foreign loan, which, if it is to succeed, should be -guaranteed by the custom duties, by the tobacco monopoly, and, if needs -be, by other resources. Hence arises the necessity for such resources to -be freed for an adequate period from the claims of reparations. A -Memorandum precisely to this effect has been recently presented by the -Hungarian Minister in Paris to the Reparations Commission. - -The Italian Government, having examined the question from a technical -point of view, has deemed it indispensable to concede to Hungary the -temporary relinquishment of certain resources, so that she may proceed -to her own economic restoration by means of loans to be contracted -abroad. Italy has, therefore, shown herself favourable to the above -Hungarian request, with the addition of certain conditions necessary to -guarantee her own rights, on which point she is in agreement with the -British Government. - - -_Agreement with Bulgaria for Payment._ With reference to Bulgarian -reparations, Italy, Great Britain and France came to an agreement on -21st March with the Bulgarian Government to facilitate the payment of -her debt of 2250 million gold francs fixed by the Treaty of Neuilly, by -dividing it in two parts; one of 550 millions to be paid by instalments -beginning in October of this year, and the other 1700 millions not to be -claimed before thirty years. - -Bulgaria has pledged herself by this agreement to reserve for the -regulation of her debt the revenues of her customs and has already -passed a law to this effect. The agreement has also been approved by the -Reparations Commission, with the reservation of our rights for the -reimbursement of the expenses of the army of occupation. In fact, -negotiations are proceeding with the Bulgarian Government for the -regulation of this credit, which enjoys the privilege of priority over -other reparations. - -Our Government, animated by favourable dispositions as regards all that -concerns the settlement of obligations arising from the war, has had no -difficulty in accepting such an agreement. - - -_The Loan to Austria._ Fulfilling the pledge taken by its predecessors -in the Protocol of Geneva of 4th October 1922, the Italian Government -has co-operated with the Governments which are signatories of the -Protocol, in order that the loan in favour of Austria should have a -large and ready success. For this purpose the Government has consented -to postpone for twenty years, which is the duration of the War Loan, her -credits against Austria for the recovery of damages and for bonds of -food supply, has given her own guarantee for twenty-five per cent. of a -maximum loan of 585 million gold kronen, and has authorised Italian -banks to contribute directly to the loan up to the maximum of 200 -million lire, including the sixty-eight which Italy had previously lent -to Austria, and which, by the terms of the Protocol of Geneva, should -have been repaid in cash. - -Putting off for a further period the exaction of Austrian reparation, -and giving a guarantee and a direct and substantial contribution to the -loan in favour of Austria, the Italian Government has wished to offer -her co-operation towards the political independence and territorial -integrity of the Austrian Republic to which the Protocol of Geneva -refers, and to which the United States of America also wish to -contribute, confidently subscribing for the first time to a European -loan. - - -_Relations between Italy and Yugoslavia._ Italy’s political line of -conduct towards the States of the Little Entente and in general towards -the States recently created is substantially inspired by the necessity -of exacting the respect and the scrupulous fulfilment of the treaties, -because, given the present contingencies, only such a policy can produce -quick and pleasing results with regard to an economic settlement of the -Danubian States which would contribute to the larger one of Central -Europe. On several occasions the friendly and moderate policy of Italy -has followed such a course with satisfactory results. - -With reference to such a policy the relations between Italy and -Yugoslavia have a special importance. The clear attitude taken by the -Government with regard to Yugoslavia by proceeding to the definite -enforcement of the Treaty of Rapallo has strengthened our legal -position, and we are able to rest any further development of our policy -on a solid basis. The enforcement of the Agreements of Santa Margherita, -which has been necessarily laborious owing to the large extent of the -field covered, can be said, however, to proceed on the whole -satisfactorily. In spite of the initial difficulties encountered in any -exceptional régime, the economic system of the so-called “special zone -of Zara” is already in force for the evacuation of the remaining -Dalmatian territories, and the various organisations for the regulation -of all the intricate questions arising out of the Agreements have been -constituted. - - -_Fiume._ But naturally the most important question to solve is that of -Fiume. As is known, it offers the gravest difficulties, since, in order -to ensure the future of the commercial life of the town, there must be -solved many complex problems of an economic nature which are often in -opposition to those of a political character. Undoubtedly the recent -long Parliamentary crisis in Yugoslavia, which for a considerable time -forced the Government of Belgrade to confine its attentions almost -exclusively to internal problems, has heavily weighed against the -rapidity of the solution of such a question. - -That Government has repeatedly acquainted us with its wishes to solve -the question in a satisfactory way as regards the sentiments and the -interests of Italy, and has also frankly made known to us the real -difficulties with which the Government is faced in asking the -populations interested to accept a solution in agreement with the -Italian point of view. - - -_Italo-Yugoslav Commission._ With a view to ensure an atmosphere of -greater quiet to the Italo-Yugoslav Commission, the Government of -Belgrade has, in the meantime, agreed to transfer the seat of the -Commission to Rome. The Yugoslav Delegation has arrived, and between it -and the Italian Delegation, which is fulfilling its duty with a high -sense of patriotism and political probity, preliminary meetings are -taking place with the object of fixing certain fundamental points before -resuming official discussions, so that the latter may proceed with the -necessary speed without lapsing into a deplorable stagnation, which -would be otherwise inevitable in such an arduous task. - - -_The Conference of Lausanne and the definite Cession of Castelrosso to -Italy._ The Conference of Lausanne, which after the well-known -suspension of last February resumed its proceedings on 23rd April, is -slowly completing them through the no small difficulties of various -kinds caused by the delicacy and complexity of the questions under -examination. The course followed by the Italian Delegation under any -circumstance has always been inspired by the most calm and impartial -attitude, and its efficacy has been recognised and generally appreciated -at its just worth. - -Italy cannot help considering as her vital interests the speedy -restoration of a normal state of trade in the East, as well as the -economic development and general progress of all the peoples living on -the shore of the Eastern Mediterranean. - -Although all the questions under discussion have not yet been solved at -Lausanne, on some of them, however, which more directly affect our -country, an agreement, satisfactory on the whole, has been reached. The -Government of Angora has explicitly withdrawn the objection regarding -the cession of the island of Castelrosso to Italy, the possession of -which on our part could in no way justify an eventual suspicion of -Italian aggressive aims with regard to Turkey. Our flag, which has -already been saluted from the moment it appeared in the island as a -symbol of peaceful well-being, will in the future continue to protect a -population which by plebiscite has entrusted itself to us. - - -_The Juridical Protection of Foreigners in Turkey._ The Italian -Government has also obtained the cancellation of those clauses, with -regard to our colonies in North Africa, which the agreements concluded -after the Libyan War had left in existence, and at the same time the -interests of Libyan subjects residing in Turkey, whose rights have been -equal to those of Italian citizens, were opportunely protected. - -From the opening of the Conference the question of the juridical -protection of foreigners has been of the greatest importance. The -Conference has agreed in fixing the limits of such protection, including -it in a formula which establishes for a period of five years the -appointment on the part of the Turkish Government of foreign judges, who -are authorised to receive complaints of the sentences and of the -proceedings of Turkish magistrates. - -At Lausanne there still remain under discussion certain important -questions of general interest, such as those relative to the management -of the Ottoman Public Debt and others of an economic nature, which I -hope may be quickly solved. - - -_Relations between Italy and Russia._ The present relations with Russia -are regulated by the Italo-Russian and Italo-Ukraine Agreements of 26th -December 1921. A few days ago the projects for the conversion into law -of the Royal Decree of 31st January 1922 were presented to Parliament, -by whom the said agreements had been approved, though some opposition -had been offered to their practical application. This opposition gave -the Russians a pretext for violating the agreement. We mean to remove -these obstacles in order to render easier the economic relations between -the two countries and pave the way for an understanding resting on a -wider basis without excessive illusions, but also without dangerous -prejudices. - -Relations between the two countries, which possess different economic -systems, present enormous difficulties. They are, however, not -unsurmountable if on both sides there is a good-will to overcome them. -Italian policy towards Russia is clear and cannot give rise to -misunderstanding. - -The presentation before Parliament of these decrees represents another -proof of our intentions and gives us the right to expect from the -Government of Moscow the scrupulous fulfilment of the pacts, the -execution of the pledge taken to abstain from any act hostile to our -Government, and from whatsoever direct or indirect propaganda against -the institutions of the kingdom. - - -_Relations between Italy and the United States._ I do not think it is -necessary, considering the brevity of this speech, to enter into further -detail. I will only say that the relations between the United States and -Italy are particularly cordial, and I am glad to add that both the -Government and the American people have fully understood the new -political situation in Italy. - - -_Relations with Poland and other Countries._ The initiative of Italy for -the definite determination of the Polish frontiers has cemented even -more closely the bonds of cordial friendship which have united the two -countries for centuries. Their collaboration continues to be -strengthened on economic as well as on political grounds. In these last -days the Polish Government has placed important orders with Italian -manufacturers. - -The conversations and the personal relations I have had with the -Ministers of Austria, of Roumania, of Hungary, the recent journey of -H.M. the King of England, the commercial treaties concluded and to be -concluded, are other signs of that progressive revaluation of our -diplomatic position which I referred to at the beginning of this speech. - - -_Improvement of the Diplomatic and Consular Services._ The Fascista -Government, always with the object of this revaluation, as soon as it -came into power instructed its representatives abroad to direct their -policy outside the confines of the country to the renewed life of Italy, -and to face immediately the problem of the means and the men for that -end. In fact, the administration of Foreign Affairs, in the face of so -many difficulties from outside, already possessed a great difficulty in -her own constitution, due to the scanty number of its elements. The -tools of our work, which is so delicate abroad, had to be renewed, and -rendered suitable, as regards the increase in number of officials and -the new conditions of Italy, for the momentous task which they are -required to perform. - -Instructions have, therefore, been given with effect from the first days -of November for the reorganisation of the competition for the Diplomatic -and Consular Services, and for Interpreters. - -In conclusion I wish to repeat that Italian foreign policy, while it -intends to safeguard national interests, wants at the same time to -constitute a factor of equilibrium and peace in Europe, and by such a -policy I think I interpret the tendencies and the needs of the Italian -people. (Applause.) - - - - - “THE INTERNAL POLICY” - - Speech delivered at the Senate on 8th June 1923, after the one on - Foreign Policy (see p. 293). - - -Honourable Senators,—The problems of public order are problems of the -authority of the State. There is no real authority in the State if -public order is not perfectly normal. Public order and authority of the -State are, therefore, two aspects of the same problem. I ask you if -conditions have improved or become worse since last October. -(“Improved!”) Some of you give an affirmative answer. I, too, say they -have improved. Although, naturally, I am far from being pessimistic and, -therefore, from being discontented, I feel that nothing ever goes well -enough. But, Gentlemen, when one speaks of public order, one must make -comparisons. Even if they are disagreeable, they are necessary. Unrest, -uneasiness and sedition are phenomena to be found not only in Italy. If -we glance beyond our frontiers we have reason to repeat that, if Messene -weeps, Sparta does not laugh! Look at the vanquished peoples and note -what happens in Austria and in Germany. Look at the victorious peoples -and you will see that only yesterday there was a strike of public -officials in Belgium, which has cost the Treasury hundreds of millions -of francs. If, then, you glance at the neutral countries, at Spain, you -will find there, too, that life is not excessively bright and easy. All -this I say for those who, at every small revolver shot fired in one of -the twenty thousand villages of Italy, think they have been wounded by a -17–inch shell! - - -_A Significant Comparison._ But, above all, it is worth while to look at -Italy and consider, on one side, her conditions in the years 1918–20 and -in the period following 1920–21. The dominating events of the former two -years are the occupation of the factories, the permanent strike of the -officials belonging to public organisations, carried out in rotation, -and by a displacement of all the powers of State authority (Assent.); -and, although the incident is extremely painful, one must recall to mind -that in the rank and file of that same glorious army of ours occurred an -episode at Ancona which proves how deeply sedition had worked its way -into the body of the Italian State. - -The dominating event of the following two years is the punitive Fascista -expedition. Fascisti, from sheer necessity, went out to the assault of -the towns in large armed bodies. To-day all this is over. To-day the -officials of public organisations do not and will not strike. (Assent.) -When the Fascista employees of the Post and Telegraph Offices came to me -to protest because my colleague, the Hon. Colonna di Cesaro, had -punished them, I told them that if I had been Minister of Post and -Telegraphs I should have punished them twice, and I added that, just -because they were Fascisti, they would have to recognise the necessity -for a strict discipline. (Assent.) - - -_The State renewed._ The conditions of public order reached their zenith -of disintegration during the latter part of the year. In August there -was the anti-Fascista strike, which completely paralysed the State. This -had no effect; the Fascista forces, in its stead, obtained success. And, -from that time, I said that the two must be made one, and that since -that State was destitute of all the attributes of virility, while there -was a State in power which was rising with great strength and capable of -imposing discipline on the nation, it was indispensable for the rising -State to substitute itself, by a revolutionary movement, for the other -State which was declining. The August anti-Fascista strike was followed -by the Fascista occupation of the towns of Bologna and Bolzano. The -authority of the State was a complete ruin. There are no more reports of -labour conflicts in the papers now. - - -_The Chamber and the Conflicts._ I am sufficiently impartial to say that -in these last days there has been a slight recrudescence of trouble. -What is its cause? I tell you quite frankly: the reopening of the -Chamber. (Laughter.) The Chamber is the place of questions. By the -spectacle it offers to the nation it sows seeds of conflict and discord -amongst the impulsive and excitable masses. - -Further, the attitude of a section of Italian Liberalism is a very -welcome piece of good fortune for the subversive elements, because they -constitute for them unhoped-for, unexpected allies, who blow enormous -bubbles, which I promise myself to prick with the pin of logic and -sincerity before closing my speech. (Assent.) Then perhaps there is -this, that certain gentlemen, when they found out that they had not to -fear the law of Fascismo or that of the Government, which is slower -because it is bound to move in accordance with legal procedure, resumed -their bold attitude. - - -_Elimination of the Subversive Elements._ The measures adopted to -restore public order are: First of all the elimination of the so-called -subversive elements. There was much clamour after the hauling in of the -nets, but in reality it was only a very small affair. Of two thousand -who were arrested, those who are still in gaol do not reach the figure -of one hundred and fifty. They are in the hands of the judges. They were -elements of disorder and subversion. On the morrow of each conflict I -gave the categorical order to confiscate the largest possible number of -weapons of every sort and kind. This confiscation, which continues with -the utmost energy, has given satisfactory results. (Assent.) I had to -repress every illegal act. - - -_The High Grades of the National Militia._ There was another problem -with regard to the National Militia: namely the necessity of filling the -superior posts, to which had to be appointed men coming from the army -with a large personal military experience; this necessity had to be -harmonised with the gratitude due to the small heads of Fascista -“squadrismo,” the body which, by leaving thousands of glorious dead, had -crushed the subversive demagogic elements. - -We have solved this problem. All the ranks of superior officers above -those of “Seniore” have been assigned to the officers coming from the -regular army; all the inferior grades and those of sub-officers have -been given to military men, to “squadristi” who had previously seen -military life. - -Moreover, statistics are always worth more than speeches. Ninety-seven -per cent. of the officers of the Militia having a rank superior to that -of “Seniore” come from the officers of the regular army. Out of about -two hundred and thirty officers superior to the rank of “Seniore,” six -are decorated with the Military Order of Savoy, two with Gold Medals, -one hundred and thirty with Silver Medals, eighty with Bronze Medals. - -As this is a day of explanations, even at the risk of abusing your -patience, I must read the list of rewards bestowed on the Chiefs of the -National Militia. _General Cesare De Bono_, Field Marshal of the regular -army: three Silver Medals, special promotion for war services, “Croce di -Guerra.” _General Gandolfo_, Field Marshal of the regular army: two -Silver Medals, special promotion for war services. _Hon. Cesare Maria De -Vecchi_: four Silver Medals, two Bronze Medals, two “Croci di Guerra.” -_Italo Balbo_: one Silver Medal, one “Croce di Guerra.” _Gustavo Fara_, -the general well known through all Italy: one Gold Medal, two Silver -Medals, special promotions for war services. _Stringa_, Major-General of -the regular army: three Silver Medals, one Bronze Medal, disabled in the -war. _Ozol Clemente_, Major-General in the regular army: two Silver -Medals, “Croce di Guerra.” _Ceccherini_, Major-General in the regular -army: three Silver Medals, two Bronze Medals. _Zambon_, Major-General of -the regular army: Silver Medal and Bronze Medal. _Guglielmotti_, -Major-General of the regular army: two Silver Medals. - -After these follow: - -_Giuriati_, with two Silver Medals; _Acerbo_, with three Silver Medals -(voices: “Bravo!”); _Caradonna_, with three Silver Medals; _Finzi_, with -a Silver Medal and two “Croci di Guerra.” - -Not to embarrass the modesty of my friends, I shall not continue to read -the list of these officers of the National Militia,—(Laughter.)—but this -is enough to prove to you that this is a serious institution. And I add -that every day it becomes more so, because I mean that it shall be so, -because all its chiefs mean it. - -It might be asked of us: “Why does the Militia remain?” I shall tell it -to you at once: for a very simple reason, to defend Fascismo at home and -also abroad. The word “abroad” might alarm you. Well, I tell you that -abroad there is a difficult atmosphere for Italian Fascismo. Difficult -for the parties of the Right, which, being formed of national elements, -cannot feel enthusiasm for a movement that exalts our national -qualities; difficult for the parties of the Left, because those elements -are our adversaries from the social point of view, knowing that the -Fascista movement is clearly anti-Socialist. It is well, therefore, that -it should be known that there is in Italy a mighty army of volunteers to -defend that special form of political organisation called Fascismo. - -The Militia, moreover, has the object of enabling the army to do its own -work. The army must fight, must get ready for war. It must not do police -work, especially of a political nature, except under absolutely -exceptional circumstances, of which now I do not wish to think, even -hypothetically. As an example I can tell you that last night, upon my -personal instructions, a whole section of Leghorn was blockaded. Well, -one hundred carabineers and three hundred black shirts sufficed, whilst -the army, the official troops, were sleeping peacefully in their -barracks, as was their duty and their right. Moreover, believe me, so -long as in Italy they know that, besides some tens of thousands of -faithful carabineers, there is this enormous force, attempts at revolt -or at sedition will never be dared. - - -_Modifications to the Statute Law._ Finally, and this is a manœuvre of -the last few days, have burst forth in Italy the bold defenders of the -Statute, of Liberty and of Parliament. (Laughter.) It seems, listening -to these gentlemen, who had for a long time forgotten the existence of -the Statute, even as a simple historical document,—(Laughter.)—that the -Statute runs a serious risk and that one cannot even discuss nor examine -it. - -Well, I think that none of you can consider Camillo Cavour as a -Bolshevist and a Fascista of 1848. Everybody knows that the -Constitutional movement of Piedmont was the work of Cavour. Everybody -knows how the political Constitution was granted. At Genoa a tumult -arose against the Jesuits, believed supporters of Absolutism. A -Commission of Genoese went to Turin and asked for the expulsion of the -Jesuits and the calling out of the Civic Guard. But Cavour answered: -“This is too little, the times are ripe for something more!” Cavour -wrote in his paper, _Il Risorgimento_: “The Constitution must be -demanded.” And this was promulgated on the 4th of March. In its preamble -it says: “The Statute is the fundamental, perpetual law of the -Monarchy.” Four days afterwards the first Constitutional Ministry of -Coalition was formed with the Moderate Balbo and the Democratic Pareto. - -The phrase “The Statute is the fundamental, perpetual and irrevocable -law of the Monarchy” had wounded the ears of the Democrats. Cavour -hastened to interpret it in a relative sense. It is worth while to -listen attentively to this paragraph of Cavour. “How is it possible,” he -said, “how can it be expected that the legislator would have wished to -pledge himself and the nation not to make the slightest direct change, -to bring the smallest improvement to a political law? But this would -mean the removal from the community of the power of revising the -Constitution; it would mean the deprival of the indispensable power of -modifying its political form according to new social exigencies; this -would be such an absurd idea that no one of those who co-operated in the -making of this fundamental law could conceive it. A nation cannot -renounce the power of changing by legal means its common law.” - -After a short time history had to register a first violation of the -Statute, which assumed or presumed that, in order to become a member of -Parliament, it was necessary to be an Italian citizen. On the 16th of -October there was a division between the Right, amongst which there were -the Moderates and the Municipals, and the Left, to which belonged the -Democrats, called the “burnt heads,” and the Republicans. On the -following day these two parties were agreed in unanimously proclaiming -above the Statute that all Italians could belong to the Subalpine -Parliament. The first to benefit by this violation of the Statute was -Alessandro Manzoni; but he declined the mandate by a letter which -represents a fine example of correctness and political probity. -(Approval.) - -Nobody, Gentlemen, wishes to overthrow or destroy the Statute, which -rests solidly on firm foundations; but the inhabitants of this building -from 1848 up to to-day have changed. There are other exigencies, other -needs. There is no longer the Piedmontese Italy of 1848! And it is very -strange to notice among the defenders of the Statute those who have -violated it in its fundamental laws, those who have curtailed the -prerogatives of the Crown, those who wanted the Crown to be entirely -outside the politics of the nation, and to become a dead institution. -(Loud applause.) - - -_The Abolition of Parliament?_ They say that this Government does not -like the Chamber of Deputies. (Comments.) They say that we want to -abolish Parliament and deprive it of all its essential attributes. It is -timely to say that the collapse of Parliament is not desired by me, nor -by those who follow my ideas. Parliamentarism has been severely affected -by two phenomena typical of our days: on one side Syndicalism, on the -other Journalism. Syndicalism gathers by its various organisations all -those who have special interests to protect, who wish to withdraw them -from the manifest incompetence of the political Assembly. Journalism -represents the daily Parliament, the daily platform where men coming -from the Universities, from Science, Industry, from the experience of -life itself, dissect problems with a competence that is very seldom -found on the Parliamentary benches. - -These two phenomena typical of the last period of capitalist -civilisation are those which have reduced the enormous importance which -was attributed to Parliament. To sum up, Parliament can no longer -contain all the life of the nations, because modern life is -exceptionally complicated and difficult. - -But this does not mean that we wish to abolish Parliament. We wish -rather to improve it, to make it more perfect, make it a serious, if -possible a solemn institution. In fact, if I had wished to abolish -Parliament, I would not have introduced an Electoral Reform Bill. This -Bill logically presupposes the elections, and through these elections -there will be deputies—(Laughter.)—who will form Parliament. In 1924, -therefore, there will be a Parliament. - -But must the Government be towed along by Parliament? Must it be at the -mercy of Parliament? Must it be without a will, or a head before -Parliament? I cannot admit that. - - -_The Great Fascista Council._ They say that Fascismo has created -duplicate institutions. These duplicates do not exist. The Great -Fascista Council is not a duplicate of the Council of Ministers or above -it. It met four times and never dealt with problems which concerned the -Council of Ministers. With what, then, did the Great Fascista Council -deal? In the February meeting it devoted itself to the National Militia -and Freemasonry; it paid a tribute to the Dalmatians and to the people -of Fiume, and dealt with Fascismo abroad. In the March meeting it -arranged the ceremony for the anniversary of the foundation of Rome and -dealt with Syndicalism. In its fourth meeting it devoted itself to the -Congress of Turin and again to Syndicalism. - -All the great problems dealing with State administration, with the -reorganisation of armed forces, with the reform of our judiciary -circuits, with the reform of the schools, all the measures of a -financial nature have been adopted directly by the responsible body, the -Council of Ministers. - -And then what is the Great Fascista Council? It is the organ of -co-ordination between the responsible forces of the Government and those -of Fascismo. Among all the organisations created after the October -revolution, the Great Fascista Council is the most characteristic, the -most useful, the most efficient. I have abolished the High -Commissioners, because they duplicated the Prefects and also embarrassed -the authority of the latter, who alone have the right to wield -authority. But I could never think of abolishing the Great Fascista -Council, not even if to-morrow by chance the Council of Ministers were -composed entirely of Fascisti. - - -_Our Magnanimity must not be taken advantage of!_ This Government, which -is depicted as hostile to liberty, has been perhaps too generous. The -October revolution has not been bloodless for us; we have left dozens -and dozens of dead. And who would have prevented us from doing in those -days that which all revolutions have done, from freeing ourselves once -for all from those who, taking advantage of our magnanimity, now render -our task difficult? Only the Socialists of the newspaper _La Giustizia_, -of Milan, have had the courage to recognise that if they still exist -they owe it to us, who did not wish that, in the first moments of “The -March on Rome,” the “black shirts” should be stained with Italian blood. -But _our generosity_ must not be taken advantage of! - - -_Nobody must hope for a Crisis in Fascismo. The Membership of Fascismo._ -But nobody must hope for a crisis in Fascismo, which is and will remain -simply a formidable party. If you happen to notice that in one of its -innumerable sections in Italy there is dissension, do not thus draw the -conclusion that Fascismo is in a state of crisis. When a party holds the -Government in its hands it holds it, if it wishes to hold it, because it -possesses formidable forces to use to consolidate its power with -increasing strength. Fascismo is a Syndicalist movement which includes -one million and a half of workmen and _contadini_, who, I must say in -their praise, are those who give me no trouble. There is, moreover, a -political body which has 550,000 members, and I have asked to be -relieved of at least 150,000 of these gentlemen. (Laughter.) There is, -still, a military section of 300,000 “black shirts,” who are only -waiting to be called. These bodies are all united by a kind of moral -cement, which might be called mystic and holy, and through which, by -touching certain keys, we would hear to-morrow the sounds of certain -trumpets! - - -_The Associations which are included in Fascismo._ They ask us: “Will -you then camp out in Italy as an army of enemies which oppress the -remainder of the population?” Here we have the philosophy of force by -consent. In the meanwhile I have the pleasure to announce that imposing -masses of men who deserve all the respect of the nation have joined -Fascismo, such as the Association of the Maimed and the Disabled, the -National Association of Ex-soldiers. In the wake of Fascismo, moreover, -are also included the families of the fallen in war. There are a great -many members coming from the people in these three Associations, whilst -there is a great solidarity amongst these disabled ex-soldiers and -families of the fallen in war. They represent millions of people, and, -in the face of this collaboration, must I go and simply seek all the -fragments, all the relics of the old traditional parties? Must I sell my -spiritual birthright for a mess of pottage which might be offered to me -by those who have followed no one in the country? (Loud assent.) No! I -shall never do this. - - -_The Collaboration I welcome._ If there is anybody who wishes to -collaborate with me, I welcome him to my house. But if this collaborator -has the air of a controlling inquisitor, or of the expectant heir, or of -the man who lies in ambush, with the object of being able at a given -moment to record my mistakes, then I declare that I do not want to have -anything to do with this collaboration. (Bravo!) - -Besides, there is a moral force in all this. What was the cause after -all which affected Italian life in past years? Italy was passing through -a transformation. There were never definite limits. Nobody had the -courage to be what he should have been. - -There was the bourgeois who had Socialistic airs, there was the -Socialist who had become a bourgeois up to his finger tips. The whole -atmosphere was made up of half tones of uncertainty. Well, Fascismo -seizes individuals by their necks and tells them: “You must be what you -are. If you are a bourgeois you must remain such. You must be proud of -your class, because it has given a type to the activity of the world in -the nineteenth century. (Approval.) If you are a Socialist you must -remain such, although facing the inevitable risk you run in that -profession.” (Laughter.) - - -_Taxation and the Discipline of the Italian Population._ The sight which -to-day the nation offers is satisfactory, because the Government -exercises a stern and, if you like to say so, a cruel policy. It is -compelled to dismiss by thousands its officials, judges, officers, -railway men, dock-workers; and each dismissal represents a cause of -trouble, of distress, of unrest to thousands of families. The Government -has been compelled to levy taxes which unavoidably hit large sections of -the population. The Italian people are disciplined, silent and calm, -they work and know that there is a Government which governs, and know, -above all, that if this Government hits cruelly certain sections of the -Italian people, it does not do so out of caprice, but from the supreme -necessity of national order. - - -_The Government is One._ Above this mass of people there are the -restless groups of practising politicians. We must speak plainly. In -Italy there were several Governments which, before the present one, -always trembled before the journalist, the banker, the grand master of -Freemasonry, before the head of the Popular Party, who remains more or -less in the background,—(Applause.)—and it was enough for one of these -ministers _in partibus_ to knock at the door of the Government, for the -Government to be struck by sudden paralysis. Well, all this is over! -Many men gave themselves airs with the old Governments; those I have not -received, but have reduced them to tears. (Assent.) For the Government -is one. It knows no other Government outside its own and watches -attentively, because one must not sleep when one governs, one must not -neglect facts, one must keep before one’s eyes all the panorama, notice -all the composition and decomposition, the changes of parties and of -men. Sometimes it is necessary, as a tactical measure, to be -circumspect; but political strategy, at least mine, is intransigent and -absolute. - - -_My only Ambition is to make the Italian People Strong, Prosperous, -Great and Free._ I should have finished; in fact I have finished, but I -must still add something that concerns me a little personally. I do not -deny to citizens what one might call the “Jus murmurandi”—the right of -grumbling. (Laughter.) But one must not exaggerate, nor raise bogies, -nor have one’s ears always open to dangers which do not exist. And, -believe me, I do not get drunk with greatness. I would like, if it were -possible, to get drunk with humility. (Approval.) I am content simply to -be a Minister, nor have I ambitions which surpass the clearly defined -sphere of my duties and of my responsibilities. And yet I, too, have an -ambition. The more I know the Italian people, the more I bow before it. -(Assent.) The more I come into deeper touch with the masses of the -Italian people, the more I feel that they are really worthy of the -respect of all the representatives of the nation. (Assent.) My ambition, -Honourable Senators, is only one. For this it does not matter if I work -fourteen or sixteen hours a day. And it would not matter if I lost my -life, and I should not consider it a greater sacrifice than is due. My -ambition is this: I wish to make the Italian people strong, prosperous, -great and free! (The end of the speech is hailed by a frantic and -delirious ovation. All the Senators rise, and the Tribune applauds -loudly, whilst the great majority of the Senators go to congratulate the -Hon. Mussolini.) - -(The sitting is adjourned.) - - - - - “AS SARDINIA HAS BEEN GREAT IN WAR, SO LIKEWISE WILL SHE BE GREAT IN - PEACE” - - Speech delivered from the Palazzo della Prefettura at Sassari (Sardinia) - on 10th June 1923. - - -Citizens of Sassari! Proud people of Sardinia! The journey which I have -made to-day is not, and should not be interpreted as, a Ministerial -tour. I intended to make a pilgrimage of devotion and love to your -magnificent land. - -I have been told that, since 1870 to to-day, this is the first time that -the head of the Government addresses the people of Sassari assembled in -this vast square. I deplore the fact that up to this day no Prime -Minister, no Minister, has felt the elementary duty of coming here to -get to know you, your needs, to come and express to you how much Italy -owes you! (Applause.) - -For months, for years, during the long years of our bloody sacrifice and -of our sacred glory, the name of Sassari, consecrated to history by the -bulletins of war, has echoed in the soul of all Italy. Those who -followed the magnificent effort of our race, those who steeped -themselves in the filth of the trenches, young men of my -generation—proud and disdainful of death—all those who bear in their -heart the faith of their country, all those, O men of the Sassari -Brigade, O citizens of Sassari, pay you tribute of a sign, of a -testimony of infinite love. (Applause.) - -What does it matter if some lazy bureaucrat has not yet taken into -account your needs? Sassari has already passed gloriously into history. -I was grieved to-day when I was told that this town has no water. It is -very sad that a city of heroes has to endure thirst. Well! I promise you -that you will have water; you have the right to have it. (Applause.) If -the National Government grants to you, as it will grant, the three or -four millions necessary for this purpose, it will only have accomplished -its duty, because while elsewhere young men with broad shoulders worked -at the lathe, the people of Sardinia fought and died in the trenches. - -We intend to raise up again the towns and all the land, because he who -has contributed to the war is more entitled to receive in peace. - -A few days ago, on the anniversary of the war, I went by aeroplane to -the cemeteries of the Carso. There are many of your brothers who sleep -in those cemeteries the sleep which knows no awakening. I have known -them, I have lived with them, I have suffered with them. They were -magnificent, long-suffering, they did not complain, they endured, and -when the tragic hour came for them to advance from the trenches they -were the first and never asked why. (Loud applause.) - -The National Government which I have the honour to direct is a -Government which counts upon you, and you can count upon it. It is a -Government sprung forth from a double victory of the people. It cannot, -therefore, be against the working classes. It comes to you so that you -may tell it frankly and loyally what are your needs. You have been -forgotten and neglected for too long! In Rome they hardly knew of the -existence of Sardinia! But since the war has revealed you to Italy, all -Italians must remember Sardinia, not only in words, but in deeds. (Loud -applause.) - -I am delighted, I am deeply moved by the reception which you have given -me. I have looked you well in the face, I have recognised that you are -superb shoots of this Italian race which was great when other people -were not born, of this Italian race which three times gave our -civilisation to the barbarian world, of this Italian race which we wish -to mould by all the struggles necessary for discipline, for work, for -faith. (Applause.) - -_I am sure that, as Sardinia has been great in war, so likewise will she -be great in peace._ I salute you, O magnificent sons of this rugged, -ferruginous, and so far forgotten island. I embrace all of you in -spirit. It is not the head of the Government who speaks to you, it is -the brother, the fellow-soldier of the trenches. Shout then with me: -Long live the King! Long live Italy! Long live Sardinia! - -(An enthusiastic ovation greeted the last words of Mussolini.) - - - - - “MEN PASS AWAY, MAYBE GOVERNMENTS TOO, BUT ITALY LIVES AND WILL NEVER - DIE” - - Speech delivered at Cagliari (Sardinia) on 12th June 1923, from the - Palazzo della Prefettura. - - -Citizens! Black shirts! Chivalrous people of Cagliari! Of late I have -visited several towns, including those which belong to the place where I -was born. Well! I wish to tell you, and this is the truth, that no town -accorded me the welcome you gave me to-day. I knew that the town of -Cagliari was peopled by men of strong passions, I knew that an ardent -spirit of regeneration throbbed in your hearts. The cheers with which -you welcomed me, the crowd crammed into the Roman amphitheatre, all this -tells me that here Fascismo has deep roots. I thank you, therefore, -Citizens, from the depth of my heart. - -I have come to Sardinia not only to know your land, as forty-eight hours -would not be enough for that purpose, and still less would they be -enough to examine closely your needs. I know them; statesmen have known -them for the last fifty years. Those needs are already before the -nation, and if up to to-day they have not yet been solved, this is due -to the fact that Rome was lacking that iron will for regeneration which -is the pivot, the essence of the Fascista Government’s faith in the -future of our country. (Applause.) - -Passing through your land, I have found here a living, throbbing limb of -the mother country. Truly this island of yours is the western bulwark of -the nation; is like a heart of Rome set in the midst of our sea. Amongst -all the impressions I have received in coming here, one has struck my -heart. I was told that Sardinia, for special local reasons, was -refractory to Fascismo. Here, too, there was another misunderstanding. -But from to-day the cohorts and the legions, the thousands of strong -“black shirts,” the syndicates, the _fasci_, the whole youth of this -island is there to show that Fascismo, representing an irresistible -movement for the regeneration of the race, was bound to carry with it -this island where the Italian race is manifested so superbly. -(Applause.) - -I salute you, Black shirts! We saw each other in Rome and the groups -coming from Sardinia were cheered in the capital. You bear in your -hearts the faith which at a given moment drove thousands and thousands -of Fascisti from all the cities, from all the villages of Italy, to -Rome. (Applause.) - -Nobody can ever dream of wrenching from us the fruit of victory that we -have paid for by so much blood generously shed by youths who offered -their lives in order to crush Italian Bolshevism. Thousands and -thousands of those who suffered martyrdom in the trenches, who have -resumed the struggle after the war was over, who have won—all those have -ploughed a furrow between the Italy of yesterday, of to-day and of -to-morrow. - -Citizens of Cagliari! You must certainly play a part in this great -drama. You, undoubtedly, wish to live the life of our great national -community, of this our beloved Italy, of this adorable mother who is our -dream, our hope, our faith, our conviction, because men pass away, maybe -Governments, too, but Italy lives and will never die! (Loud applause.) - -To-day I have visited the marvellous works of the artificial Lake Tirso. -They are not only a glory to Sardinia, they represent a masterpiece of -which the whole nation may be proud. - -I feel, almost by intuition, that Sardinia also, too long forgotten, -perhaps too patient, Sardinia to-day marches hand in hand with the rest -of Italy. Let us then salute each other, O Citizens! - -After this speech of mine, which was meant to be an act of devotion, a -bond of union between us, let us salute each other by shouting: Long -live the King! (Cheers.) Long live Italy! (Cheers.) Long live Fascismo! -(Loud cheers.) - - - - - “FASCISMO WILL BRING A COMPLETE REGENERATION TO YOUR LAND” - - Speech delivered at Iglesias (Sardinia), at the Palazzo Municipale, on - 13th June 1923. - - -Citizens of Iglesias! Black shirts! Fascisti! Your welcome, so cordial -and so enthusiastic, surpasses any expectation. Iglesias has really been -the cradle of Sardinian Fascismo. From here sprang the first groups of -black shirts; it was, therefore, my definite duty to come and get into -touch with you. - -You deserve that the Government should remember you, as in this island -there is a large reserve of faith and ardent patriotism: I go back to -Rome with my heart overcome with emotion. - -Since Italy has been united this is the first time that the head of the -Government is in direct touch with the people of Sardinia. - -One thing only I regret, and that is that the shortness of my visit has -not given me an opportunity of seeing more of your beautiful land. But I -formally pledge myself to come again and visit your towns and your -villages. As the head of the Government I am glad to have found myself -amongst industrious, quiet and truly patient people, who have been too -long forgotten, indeed almost considered as a far-away colony. - -It is well it should be known that Sardinia is one of the first regions -of Italy, and it should be known, too, that she gave the largest -contribution of lives to our glorious victory. - -As the head of the Government I am glad to find myself among the heroic -black shirts and to have seen the splendid flourishing conditions of -Fascismo, which will bring a complete regeneration to your land. - -Here (said the Hon. Mussolini, putting his hand on the standard of -Iglesias, which was hoisted near him)—here is the standard, the symbol -of pure faith. I kiss it with fervour, and with the same fervour I -embrace you, O magnificent people of Sardinia. (Loud applause.) - - - - - “AS WE HAVE REGAINED THE MASTERY OF THE AIR, WE DO NOT WANT THE SEA TO - IMPRISON US” - - Speech delivered at Florence from the balcony of the Palazzo Vecchio, on - 19th June 1923. - - -Black shirts of Florence and Tuscany! Fascisti! People! Where shall I -find the necessary words to express the fullness of my feelings at this -moment? My words cannot but be inadequate for the purpose. Your solemn, -enthusiastic welcome stirs me to the depths of my heart. But it is -certain that it is not only to me that you pay this extraordinary -honour, but also, I think, to the idea of which I have been the -inflexible protagonist. - -Florence reminds me of the days when we were few. (Deafening applause.) -Here we held the first glorious meeting of the Italian “Fasci di -Combattimento.” You remember, we had often to interrupt our meeting to -go out and drive away the base rabble. (“Bravo!” Frantic applause.) We -were few then! Well, in spite of this huge crowd here assembled, I say -that we are still few, not with regard to the enemies who have been put -to flight for ever, but with regard to the enormous tasks that lie -before our Italy. (Applause.) I said that our enemies have been put to -flight, as we shall no more do the honour of considering as enemies -certain corpses of the Italian political world—(“Bravo!”)—who delude -themselves that they still exist simply because they abuse our -generosity. Tell me, then, Black shirts of Tuscany and of Florence, were -it necessary to begin again, should we begin again? (Deafening applause -and cries of “Yes! Yes!”) This loud cry of yours, more than a promise, -is an oath which seals for ever the Italy of the past, the Italy of the -swindlers, of the deceivers, of the pusillanimous, and opens the way to -“our” Italy, the Italy whom we bear proudly in our hearts, who belongs -to us who represent the new generation who adore strength, who is -inspired by beauty, who is ready for anything when it is necessary to -sacrifice herself to struggle and to die for the ideal. - -I tell you that Italy is going ahead. Two years ago, when the bestiality -of the red demagogy raged, only twenty aeroplanes entered for the -Baracca Cup. Last year they were thirty-five; this year, up to now, -ninety. And as we have regained the mastery of the air, so we do not -want the sea to imprison us. It must be, instead, the way for our -necessary expansion in the world. (Great applause.) - -These, O Fascisti, Citizens, are the stupendous tasks which lie before -us. And we shall not fail in our aim if each of you will engrave in his -own heart the words by which is summed up the commandment of this -ineffable hour of our history as a people: “Work,” which little by -little must redeem us from foreign dependence; “Harmony,” which must -make of the Italians one family; “Discipline,” by which at a given -moment all Italians become one and march hand in hand towards the same -goal. - -Black shirts! You feel that all the manœuvres of our adversaries tending -to sever me from you are ridiculous and grotesque. And I hope it will -not seem to you too proud a statement if I say that Fascismo, which I -have guided on the consular roads of Rome, is solidly in our -hand—(“Bravo!”)—and that if anybody should delude himself in this -respect I should only need to make a sign, to give an order: “_A noi!_” -(Deafening applause.) - -Raise up your standards! They have been consecrated by the sacred blood -of our dead. When faith has thus been consecrated it cannot fail, cannot -die, _will not_ die! (Prolonged applause.) - - - - - “I PROMISE YOU—AND GOD IS MY WITNESS—THAT I SHALL CONTINUE NOW AND - ALWAYS TO BE A HUMBLE SERVANT OF OUR ADORED ITALY” - - Speech delivered on 19th June 1923, at Florence, in the historical - Salone dei Cinquecento, where the Municipal Council solemnly - bestowed on Mussolini the freedom of the city of Florence. - - -Mr. Mayor, Councillors, People of Florence, the capital for many -centuries of Italian art,—You will notice that—on account of the honour -which you pay me—I feel moved. To be made a citizen of Florence, of this -city which has left such indelible traces on the history of humanity, -represents a memorable and dominating event in my life. I do not know if -I am really worthy of so much honour. (Cries of “Yes.” “May God preserve -you for the future of our Italy.” Applause.) - -What I have done up to now is not much; but oh! Citizens of Florence, my -determination is unshakable. (“Bravo!”) Human nature, which is always -weak, may fail, but not my spirit, which is dominated by a moral and -material faith—the faith of the country. - -From the moment in which Italian Fascismo raised its standards, lit its -torches, cauterised the sores which infected the body of our divine -country, we Italians, who felt proud to be Italians—(“Bravo! Bravo!” -Applause.)—are in spiritual communion through this new faith. - -Citizens of Florence! I make you a promise, and be sure I shall keep it! -I promise you—and God is my witness in this moment of the purity of my -faith—I promise you that I shall continue now and always to be a humble -servant of our adored Italy! (Prolonged applause.) - - - - - “THE VICTORY OF THE PIAVE WAS THE DECIDING FACTOR OF THE WAR” - - Speech delivered in Rome on 25th June 1923, from Palazzo Venezia, in - commemoration of the anniversary of the Battle of the Piave. - - -Fellow-Soldiers!—After your ranks, so well disciplined and of such fine -bearing, have marched past His Majesty the King, the intangible symbol -of the country, after the austere ceremony in its silent solemnity -before the tomb of the Unknown Warrior, after this formidable display of -sacred strength, words from me are absolutely superfluous, and I do not -intend to make a speech. The march of to-day is a manifestation full of -significance and warning. A whole people in arms has met to-day in -spirit in the Eternal City. It is a whole people who, above unavoidable -party differences, finds itself strongly united when the safety of the -common Motherland is at stake. - -On the occasion of the Etna eruption, national solidarity was -wonderfully manifested; from every town, every village, one might say -from every hamlet, a fraternal heart-throb went out to the land stricken -by calamity. - -To-day tens of thousands of soldiers, thousands of standards, with men -coming to Rome from all parts of Italy and from the far-away Colonies, -from abroad, bear witness that the unity of the Italian nation is an -accomplished and irrevocable fact. - -After seven months of Government, to talk to you, my comrades of the -trenches, is the highest honour which could fall to my lot. And I do not -say this in order to flatter you, nor to pay you a tribute which might -seem formal on an occasion like this. I have the right to interpret the -thoughts of this meeting, which gathers to listen to my words as an -expression of solidarity with the national Government. (Cries of -assent.) Let us not utter useless and fantastical words. Nobody attacks -the sacred liberty of the Italian people. But I ask you: Should there be -liberty to maim victory? (Cries of “No! no!”) Should there be liberty to -strike at the nation? Should there be liberty for those who have as -their programme the overthrow of our national institutions? (Cries of -“No! no!”) I repeat what I explicitly said before. I do not feel myself -infallible, I feel myself a man like you. - -I do not repulse, I cannot, I shall not repulse any loyal and sincere -collaboration. - -Fellow-soldiers! The task which weighs on my shoulders, but also on -yours, is simply immense, and to it we shall be pledged for many years. -It is, therefore, necessary not to waste, but to treasure and utilise -all the energies which could be turned to the good of our country. Five -years have passed since the battle of the Piave, from that victory on -which it is impossible to sophisticate either within or beyond the -frontier. It is necessary to proclaim, for you who listen to me, and -also for those who read what I say, that the _victory of the Piave was -the deciding factor of the war_.... On the Piave the Austro-Hungarian -Empire went to pieces, from the Piave started its flight on white wings -the victory of the people in arms. The Government means to exalt the -spiritual strength which rises out of the victory of a people in arms. -It does not mean to disperse them, because it represents the sacred seed -of the future. The more distant we get from those days, from that -memorable victory, the more they seem to us wonderful, the more the -victory appears enveloped in a halo of legend. In such a victory -everybody would wish to have taken part! - - -_We must win the Peace!_ Too late somebody perceived that when the -country is in danger the duty of all citizens, from the highest to the -lowest, is only one: to fight, to suffer and, if needs be, to die! - -We have won the war, we have demolished an Empire which threatened our -frontiers, stifled us and held us for ever under the extortion of armed -menace. History has no end. Comrades! The history of peoples is not -measured by years, but by tens of years, by centuries. This -manifestation of yours is an infallible sign of the vitality of the -Italian people. - -The phrase “we must win the peace” is not an empty one. It contains a -profound truth. Peace is won by harmony, by work and by discipline. This -is the new gospel which has been opened before the eyes of the new -generations who have come out of the trenches; a gospel simple and -straightforward, which takes into account all the elements, which -utilises all the energies, which does not lend itself to tyrannies of -grotesque exclusivism, because it has one sole aim, a common aim: the -greatness and the salvation of the nation! - -Fellow-soldiers! You have come to Rome, and it is natural, I dare to -say, fated! Because Rome is always, as it will be to-morrow and in the -centuries to come, the living heart of our race! It is the imperishable -symbol of our vitality as a people. Who holds Rome, holds the nation! - - -_The “Black Shirts” buried the Past._ I assure you, my fellow-soldiers, -that my Government, in spite of the manifest or hidden difficulties, -will keep its pledges. It is the Government of Vittorio Veneto. You feel -it and you know it. And if you did not believe it, you would not be here -assembled in this square. Carry back to your towns, to your lands, to -your houses, distant but near to my heart, the vigorous impression of -this meeting. - -Keep the flame burning, because that which has not been, may be, because -if victory was maimed once, it does not follow that it can be maimed a -second time! (Loud cheers, repeated cries of “We swear it!”) - -I keep in mind your oath. I count upon you as I count upon all good -Italians, but I count, above all, upon you, because you are of my -generation, because you have come out from the bloody filth of the -trenches, because you have lived and struggled and suffered in the face -of death, because you have fulfilled your duty and have the right to -vindicate that to which you are entitled, not only from the material but -from the moral point of view. I tell you, I swear to you, that the time -is passed for ever when fighters returning from the trenches had to be -ashamed of themselves, the time when, owing to the threatening attitudes -of Communists, the officers received the cowardly advice to dress in -plain clothes. (Applause.) All that is buried. You must not forget, and -nobody forgets, that seven months ago fifty-two thousand armed “black -shirts” came to Rome to bury the past! (Loud cheers.) - -Soldiers! Fellow-Soldiers! Let us raise before our great unknown comrade -the cry, which sums up our faith: Long live the King! Long live Italy, -victorious, impregnable, immortal! (Loud cheers, whilst all the flags -are raised and waved amidst the enthusiasm of the immense crowd in the -square.) - - - - - THE RELATIONS BETWEEN ITALY AND THE UNITED STATES - - Speech by the American Ambassador to Rome. - - On the 28th June 1923 the Italo-American Association held in Rome a - banquet in honour of Mr. Richard Washburn Child, American Ambassador - to Italy, and of the Hon. Mussolini, President of the Italian - Council. The two distinguished guests delivered the following - speeches,[14] which have a special importance, both with regard to - Fascismo and to Italo-American relations. - -Footnote 14: - - The two speeches have been courteously given at his request to - Baron Quaranta di San Severino for publication by the American - Ambassador, Richard Washburn Child. - - The object of this meeting was clearly explained by the Hon. Baron - Sardi, Italian Under-Secretary of State for Public Works, in an - appropriate address to the illustrious guests (published in full by - the Bulletin of the Library for American Studies in Italy, No. 5), - in which, after having thanked them in the name of Senator Ruffini, - President of the Association, still detained on account of important - duties in Geneva, and also in the name of the other members, for the - honour they conferred on the Society by their presence, went on to - lay stress on the purpose for which the Association exists, namely, - to promote a better reciprocal understanding between the American - and Italian peoples through the manifold activities of their - respective countries. - - The Hon. Sardi announced that during the summer months of this year - courses of preparation will be inaugurated again for American - students who wish to come and visit our country and study our - language, literature and history, while for next October, under the - patronage of the American Ambassador and the Italian Premier, with - the co-operation of American and Italian professors, special - industrial and commercial courses are in preparation. The American - students will be able to benefit by the use of the valuable library - of the Association, which is daily enriched by the competent work of - Commendatore Harry Nelson Gay and his collaborators. - - The Hon. Sardi, after referring to the fraternity of arms, which - during the Great War brought together the soldiers of Italy and - America, said that, having returned now to the peaceful spheres of - industry and culture, these forms of effort contribute strongly to - cement between the two countries that spiritual fraternity which - arises out of a better mutual acquaintance with the respective - virtues and qualities and a clearer realisation of our aspirations. - - The orator concluded by expressing the wish that the Italo-American - Association, by the indissoluble union of cultured minds, might be - able to intensify the bonds already uniting the United States of - America and Italy. - - -Mr. President and Gentlemen,—It is my privilege to propose a toast to -the King and to the spirit of an Italy now stronger and more united than -ever before. - -I wish to express the earnest hope that my country and yours will -continue to stand together in upholding ideals which make men strong -instead of tolerating those which make men weak. - -During the last eight months Italy has made an extraordinary -contribution to the whole world by raising ideals of human courage, -discipline, and responsibility. I would be unfaithful to my beliefs and -to those of hosts of Americans if I failed to acknowledge the part -played by your President of Council, Mussolini, with the people of -Italy, in giving to all mankind an example of courageous national -organisation founded upon the disciplined responsibility of the -individual to the State, upon the abandonment of false hopes in feeble -doctrines, and upon appeal to the full vigorous strength of the human -spirit. - -We have heard a great deal in the last few years about the menace which -war brings before the face of the world. I am confident that my people -and your people are willing to act together to contribute anything -possible to reduce the dangers of war, but I hold the belief, and I -think your Premier holds the belief, that worse menaces than war now -oppose the progress of mankind. Folly and weakness and decay are worse. - -These menaces of weakness are often fostered by men of good intentions, -who talk about the need to rescue mankind and about the necessity to -establish the rights of mankind. - -I want to see leaders of men who, instead of teaching humanity to look -outside themselves for help, will teach humanity that it has power -within itself to relieve its own distress. I want to see leaders who, -instead of telling men of their rights, will lead them to take a full -share of their responsibilities. - -I do not doubt that the spirit of benevolence is a precious possession -of mankind, but a more precious possession is the spirit which raises -the strength of humanity so that benevolence itself becomes less of a -necessity. He who makes himself strong and calls upon others to be -strong is even more kind and loving of the world than he who encourages -men to seek dependence on forces outside themselves or upon -impracticable plans for new social structures. I do not doubt the good -faith of many of those who put forth theories of new arrangements of -social, economic and international structure, but they may all be sure -that more important than any of these theories is individual -responsibility and the growth and spread of self-reliance in the home -and in the nation. - -I do not doubt that we, Italians and Americans, have a full appreciation -of the pity which we ought to confer upon weak or wailing groups or -nations or races which clamour for help or favour; but I trust that, -even in the competition of peace or war, I shall be the last ever to -believe that weak groups or nations or races are superior or are more -worthy of my affection than those who mind their own business with -industry, strength and courage, and stand upon their own strong legs. - -I do not question the motives of many of those who, feeling affectionate -regard for the welfare of their fellow-men, hope for a structure of -society in which international bodies shall hand down benefactions to -communities, and communities shall hand down benefactions to -individuals. I merely point out that some nations, such as yours and -mine, are beginning to believe that these ideas come out of thoughts -which, though easily adopted, are the offspring of a marriage of -benevolence with ignorance. In any structure of society which can -command our respect and our faith the current of responsibility runs the -other way. The doctrine that the world’s strength arises from the -responsibility of the individual is a sterner doctrine. The leaders of -men who insist upon it are those who will be owed an eternal debt by -mankind. - -The strength of society must come from the bottom upward. The world -needs now more than anything else the doctrine that the first place to -develop strength is at home, the first duty is the nearest duty. A -strong co-operation of nations can only be made of nations which are -strong nations, a strong nation can only be made of good and strong -individuals. - -When one makes the _fasces_, the first requirement is to find the -individual rods, straight, strong and wiry, such as you have found, Mr. -President, and so skilfully bound together in the strength of unity. But -if they had been rotten sticks you could not have made the _fasces_. -Unity in action would have been impossible. The rotten sticks would have -fallen to pieces in your fingers. - -Mr. President, what the world needs is not better theories and dreams, -but better men to carry them out. The world needs a spirit which thinks -first of responsibilities before it thinks of rights. It was this spirit -which you have done so much to awaken into new life in Italy. - -Not long ago I heard a speech made by a foreigner in Italy who is used -to dealing with economic statistics. He was trying to account for the -new life in Italy on the basis of comparative statistics. I told him he -could not do it until he could produce statistics of the human spirit. I -told him he could not account for everything in Italy until he could -reduce to statistics that wonderful record of the human spirit which in -scarcely more than half a century has created the new Italy. I told him -he would have to account for the number of Italians who in 1848 and -1859, in the Great War and 1923, had a cause for which they were willing -to die. I told him that I was always a nationalist before I was an -internationalist, and I would go on being a nationalist, believing in -the spirit of strong and upright and generous nationalism, and believing -not in theorising nations or whining peoples, but in nations and peoples -who develop a national spirit so finely tempered that they offer to the -world an example of organisation, discipline and fair play, because they -themselves are upright and strong men and can contribute valuably to -international co-operation. I said to him that when he could produce -statistics on human virtues and human spirit he would be nearer to -understanding what made progress in the world. I asked him if he had -figures to show the difference between nations which breed men who are -ready to die for their beliefs and nations which produce no such men. I -asked him to put his figures back in his pocket and go out and talk to -the youth of Italy. - -Mr. President, the youth of Italy, as in any other country, are the -trustees of the spirit of to-morrow. It is a fact which goes almost -unnoticed, that the training of masses of youth in the spirit of -discipline and fair competition and of loyalty to a cause is largely to -be found in athletic games. It is a fact which almost always is -forgotten, that nations of history or those of to-day which have engaged -in athletic games are the strong nations, and those which have had no -athletics are the weak nations. It is a fact almost neglected that -nations which can express their spirit of competition in athletics are -the nations which have the least destructive restlessness within and are -the most fair and, indeed, are the most restrained in their dealings -with other nations. - -Athletic games teach the lesson that every man who competes must win by -reason of his own virtue. No help can come from without. There is no -special privilege for anyone. He who wins does so by merit alone. -Athletic games, whenever they are carried on by teams, teach the lesson -that the individual must put aside his own interests for the good of his -group. There must be a voluntary submission to discipline and absolute -loyalty to a captain in order to avoid the humiliation of -disorganisation and defeat. - -Athletic games are not for the weak and complaining, but for the strong -and for the lovers of fair play. - -Finally, they furnish oft-repeated lessons of the truth that when flesh -and muscles and material agencies seem about to fail, human will and -human spirit can work miracles of victory. - -Because I believe in these ideals for my own country and for yours, I -offer through you, for the purposes which the Olympic Committee of Italy -will set forth, a small but friendly token of my deep interest in the -youth of Italy. (Loud applause.) - -THE ITALIAN PRIME MINISTER’S REPLY - -Mr. Ambassador,—The discourse which your Excellency has pronounced at -this reunion strengthens the bonds of sympathy and fraternity between -Italy and America, and has profoundly interested me in my capacity as an -Italian and as a Fascista. As an Italian, because you have spoken frank -words of cordial approval of the Government which I have the honour to -direct. I have no need to add that this cordiality is reciprocated by me -and by all Italians. There is no doubt that the elements for a practical -collaboration between the two countries exist. It is only a question of -organising this collaboration. Some things have been done, but more -remain to be done. - -I will not surprise your Excellency if I point out, without going into -particulars, a problem which concerns us directly. I speak of the -problem of emigration. I limit myself only to saying that Italy would -greet with satisfaction an opening in the somewhat rigid meshes of the -Immigration Bill, so that there could be an increase in Italian -emigration to North America, and would greet with similar satisfaction -the employment of American capital in Italian enterprises. As a -Fascista, the words of your Excellency have interested me because they -reveal an exact understanding of the phenomenon and of our movement, and -constitute a sympathetic and powerful vindication of it. This fact is -the more remarkable because the Fascismo movement is so complex that the -mind of a stranger is not always the best adapted to understand it. You, -Mr. Ambassador, constitute the most brilliant exception to this rule. -Your discourse, I say, contains all the philosophy of Fascismo and of -the Fascismo endeavour, interwoven with an exaltation of strength, of -beauty, of discipline, of authority, and of the sense of responsibility. -You have been able to show, Mr. Ambassador, that in spite of the -numerous difficulties of the general situation, Fascismo has kept faith -to its promises given before the “March on Rome.” The time intervening -since those promises were made has been short, so that only a stupid -person would pretend that the work is already completed. I limit myself -to saying that I find corroboration by your Excellency that it is well -begun. - -I am certain, Mr. Ambassador, that all Italians will read with emotion -the words which you have pronounced on this memorable occasion. I ask -you especially to believe this. I have heard, just now, not a discourse -in the manner and strain of an ordinary conventional speech, but a clear -and inspiring exposition of the conception of life and history which -animates Italian Fascismo. I do not believe that I exaggerate when I say -that this conception finds strong and numerous partisans even on the -other side of the ocean, among the citizens of a people who have not the -thousands of years of history behind them which we have, but who march -to-day in the vanguard of human progress. In this affinity of -conceptions I find the solid basis for the fraternal understanding -between Italy and America. The announcement that you, Mr. Ambassador, -are giving a wreath of gold to the Italian youth who will be victor in -the next Olympic competition games will win the hearts of all Italian -athletes, and of these there are, as you know, innumerable legions. - -I thank your Excellency in the name of Italian youth, almost all of whom -have put on the “black shirt,” especially the young athletes, and, at -the same time that I encourage the Italo-American Society to persevere -in the execution of its splendid programme, I declare that my Government -will do whatever is necessary to develop and strengthen the economic and -political relations between the United States and Italy. - -I raise my glass to the health of President Harding and the fortunes of -the great American people. (Loud applause.) - - - - - “THE GREATNESS OF THE COUNTRY WILL BE ACHIEVED BY THE NEW GENERATIONS” - - Speech delivered 2nd July 1923 in Rome, at the Palazzo Venezia, - before the schoolboys of Trieste, Nicastro, Castelgandolfo, Vetralla - and Perugia and their masters, who were accompanied by - representatives of the Roman “balillas,” and had come to Rome to pay - homage at the tomb of the “Unknown Warrior,” before which they laid - a wreath of beaten iron and kneeling repeated the oath of love and - loyalty to the King and the Country. The Hon. Mussolini with the - Minister of War, General Diaz; the Under-Secretary of State for the - Presidency, Hon. Acerbo; General De Bono, the Director General of - Police; Signor Lombardo Radice, the Director General of Primary - Schools, and other officials, greeted them. The Hon. Mussolini thus - addressed the meeting: - - -On this radiant morning you have offered the capital a magnificent -spectacle. Romans, having lived through many millenniums of history, are -rather slow in being impressed by events and are not easily to be -carried away by excessive enthusiasm. They have certainly however been -filled to-day with admiration at this scene of promising youth which has -been offered them by the schoolboys here gathered from all parts of -Italy and especially from the “Venezia Giulia,” particularly dear to the -heart of all Italians. It was well said that in the dark pre-war days -the schools of the National League and in general the schools entrusted -to Italian masters represented the centre around which were nursed the -hopes and the faith of the Italian race. I am glad to express to you the -feelings of my brotherly sympathy. I am pleased to add that the National -Government, the Fascista Government, holds in high esteem the scholarly -characteristics and has deep respect for the teachers of all grades, of -all schools. - -The Fascista Government feels and knows that the _greatness of the -country, to which all of us must consecrate the best of our energies, -will be achieved by the new generations_. - -You (continued the Hon. Mussolini, turning especially to the masters), -you must be the artificers—as you show you are—of this great Italian -restoration. - -The task falls on you of blending together in increasing intimacy the -intellectual life of the Italians who were slaves to Austria with that -of the Italians who rose and sacrificed themselves by hundreds of -thousands to break their fetters. - -You passed before the Unknown Warrior, and you certainly gathered his -spirit; take it to Trieste near the other great spirit of him who was -the forerunner of your liberation and of ours: Guglielmo Oberdan! (Loud -applause.) - - - - - THE SITUATION ON THE RUHR AND OTHER QUESTIONS OF FOREIGN POLICY - - Speech delivered 3rd July 1923, at the Council of Ministers. - - -Honourable Ministers and Colleagues,—From my last detailed declarations -of Foreign Policy made at the Senate up to to-day the salient events of -international politics are the following: - - -_The Bulgarian Coup d’état._ The first is the Bulgarian _coup d’état_, -following which the opponents of the Fascista Government fell into -certain paradoxical misunderstandings. The end of Stambuliski and the -advent of Zankoff aroused a certain ferment in some of the countries of -the Little Entente. Italy at once took a moderating action in the right -quarters and the complications feared were averted. - - -_The Treaty of Lausanne._ The signing of the Peace Treaty of Lausanne -seems imminent. - - -_The Situation in the Ruhr._ In the last few days the situation in the -Ruhr has become aggravated. On one side the passive resistance -continues; on the other, the occupation is extended and intensified by -measures of a nature increasingly political and military. A general -repercussion of this crisis, which seems to have reached its acute -stage, is felt by the European exchanges, which are all falling, not -excluding the English sovereign, as compared with the dollar. - -The attempt made by the Pope, so noble in its humanitarian and European -aims, has not modified the situation. On the day after the letter to -Cardinal Gasparri there was, on the part of the French, Poincaré’s -speech, which had the unanimous approval of the Senate, and, on the same -day, the fearful act of “sabotage” which cost the lives of many Belgian -soldiers. All this does not represent a _détente_ but an aggravation of -the situation. - -In the meanwhile, following the solution of the Belgian crisis, it has -been possible to resume diplomatic action. Italy participates directly -in it, and as soon as she sees the problem on its way to complete -solution, will signify her consent to those propositions of the -Memorandum of London, from which none of the projects presented -afterwards has departed, that is to say: connection of the problem of -Reparations with that of Inter-Allied debts; sufficient moratorium to -Germany; the fixing of a definite amount; rational scheme for payment; -solid guarantees of an economic nature and, hence, renunciation on the -part of France of the territorial occupation of the Ruhr. - -As for passive resistance, the Italian Government thinks that it is not -in Germany’s interest to prolong it, because she cannot hope to weaken -France nor can she delude herself that she may obtain outside help. - -It is certainly necessary urgently to hasten the possibility of an -agreement, as the occupation of the Ruhr has weighed heavily on the -economic life of Europe, delaying its recovery. - - -_Fiume._ As to the question of Fiume, representations have been made to -Belgrade so that negotiations might be conducted more equably, in view -of the situation of the town and of the necessity of putting on a normal -footing the relations between the two countries. (The Council approves -the declarations of the Hon. Mussolini.) - - - - - THE ELECTORAL REFORM BILL - - Speech delivered at the Chamber of Deputies on 16th July 1923. - - -Honourable Gentlemen,—I should have preferred to speak to this Assembly -on that question of Foreign Policy which at this moment interests Italy -and fills the world with excitement: I mean the Ruhr. I should have -proved that the action of Italy is autonomous, and is inspired by the -protection of our interests and also by the need generally felt to get -out of a crisis which impoverishes and humiliates our continent. -(Assent.) I promise myself to do so shortly, if the Chamber does not -have the whim to-day of dying before its time. (Laughter and prolonged -comments.) My speech will be calm and measured, although fundamentally -forceful. It will be composed of two parts: one that I should like to -call “negative,” and another which I shall call “positive.” - -After all, I am not sorry that the discussion has gone, little or far, -beyond the limits in which it could have been confined. The discussion -on the Electoral Bill has offered opportunity to the Opposition to -reveal itself, to move, from all its sections, from all its benches, to -an attack against the policy and the political system of my Government. -It will not surprise you, therefore, if, although not entering into -details of all the speeches, I pick out from what has been said by the -principal speakers those arguments and those propositions which I must -definitely refute. - - -_Warning to the Popular Party._ As the speech by the Hon. Petrillo was -favourable to the Government, it is not worth while to busy ourselves -with it. (Laughter.) - -I shall give my attention to the speech delivered by the Hon. Gronchi,—a -speech fine as regards its form, and perhaps still finer as regards its -contents. The Hon. Gronchi has once again offered the Government a -collaboration of convenience, as in those _mariages de convenance_ which -do not last or which end in ceaseless yawns. (Comment.) - -Your collaboration, Gentlemen of the Popular Party, largely consists of -details omitted. Your party, too, shows the same weakness. You should -set to work and clear them up. - -I do not know for how long these elements who wish to collaborate -legally with the National Government can still remain united with your -party, together with those who would wish to do so but cannot, because -their inmost feelings do not allow them this step and this -collaboration. You certainly know me well enough to understand that, as -far as political discussion goes, I am intransigent. The small fry of -the two-fifths and of the three-quarters or some other fraction of this -electoral arithmetic does not interest nor concern me. Politics cannot -be compared to a retail business. (Assent and comment.) To be or not to -be! I am such a poor electoralist that I could even let you have the -thirty or forty deputies who satisfy you; but I do not give them to you, -as this would be immoral, because it would represent a transaction which -must be repugnant to your conscience, as it is to mine. (Assent and -comment.) In fact, I cannot accept a kind of Malthusian collaboration! -(Laughter and approval.) - - -_The Russian and the Italian Revolutions both tend to overcome all -Ideologies._ The speech delivered by the Hon. Labriola was certainly -powerful. He said that Ministerial crises are a substitute for -revolution. He should have said “Ersatz,” because substitutes, since -the war, are of German origin. That is too like the opinion of a -herbalist to be accepted. It may be that the want of Ministerial -crises leads to revolution, but here you have an example that shows -how excessive Ministerial crises lead also to revolution. But, above -all, it astounded me to hear the Hon. Labriola still employ the old -vocabulary of second-class Socialist literature, speaking of -bourgeoisie and proletariat—two entities clearly defined and -perpetually in a state of antagonism. It is certainly true that there -is not one bourgeoisie, but there are, perhaps, twenty-four or -forty-eight bourgeoisies and under-bourgeoisies. The same can be said -of the proletariat. What relation can there be between a workman of -the “Fiat” factory—specialised, refined, with tendencies and tastes -already bourgeois, who earns thirty to fifty lire a day—what relation -can there be between this so-called proletarian and the poor peasant -of Southern Italy, who despairingly scrapes his land burnt by the sun? -(Assent and comments.) - -The Hon. Labriola has said that only the proletariat can give itself the -luxury of a dictatorship. This is a mistake which is proved and can be -proved. The only example of dictatorship is offered us by Russia. But -the Hon. Labriola has written dozens of articles to prove that -dictatorship does not exist in Russia and that dictatorship is not “of” -but “upon” the proletariat. All those who govern the Russian States are -professors, lawyers, economists, literary men, men of talent; that is to -say, men coming from the professional classes, from the bourgeoisie. - -The fault which the Hon. Labriola lays on us, finding an analogy between -the methods and the evolution of the Russian and of the Italian -revolution, does not exist. And here I make a simple statement of -historical order. It is a fact that both revolutions tend to destroy all -the ideologies and in a certain sense the Liberal and Democratic -institutions which were the outcome of the French Revolution. - -_Italy pulled herself together after Caporetto, because the necessary -Discipline of War was imposed on her._ During the last few days use and -abuse of a polemic method have been made, that of unearthing the -writings and opinions of the past to employ them as a weapon in the -present dispute. This is a very wretched system which I am going to use -against those who have adopted it. - -In his speech the Hon. Alessio has stated that the defeat of the Central -Empires was due to the deficiency of their representative organs. This -is a totally one-sided explanation. There has been a war; millions of -men have fought against the Central Empires and defeated them. Another -mistake is to say that after Caporetto Italy pulled herself together -because she had regained her liberty. Nothing of the kind! The reason is -that the necessary war discipline was imposed upon her. (Loud applause -on the Right.) I am not one of those who think that Caporetto was due -entirely to the disintegration of the country in rear of the fighting -front. It was a military reverse in its causes and development; but -there is no doubt that the atmosphere of the country, an atmosphere of -leniency and of excessive tolerance, has produced disturbing moral -phenomena which must have contributed to our reverse. - - -_The Dawn of Italian Risorgimento came from the Bourgeoisie of Naples._ -The other statement made by the Hon. Alessio, that the Italian -Risorgimento represented the efforts of the Italian lower classes, is -superficial. Alas! it is not so. The Italian lower classes were absent -and often hostile to it. The first dawn of the Italian Risorgimento came -from Naples, from that bourgeoisie of intelligent and gallant -professional men which in Southern Italy represents a class -historically, politically and morally well-defined. (Applause and -assent.) Those who at Nola in 1821 hoisted the standard of revolution -against the Bourbons were two cavalry officers. All the noble -martyrology of the Italian Risorgimento is formed out of elements of the -bourgeoisie. Nothing is sadder than the useless sacrifice of the -Bandiera brothers. And when you think of the tragedy of Carlo Pisacane -you are thrilled! (Applause.) I should like to deny that Giuseppe -Mazzini himself can be included in Democracy. His methods were certainly -not democratic. He was very consistent in his aims, but how many times -was he not incoherent and changeable in his means? - - -_The Expedition to the Crimea really prepared the way for the Unity of -Italy._ And what about Cavour? I think that the event which really -prepared the way for the unity of the country was the expedition to the -Crimea,—(Comment.)—which represents one of the most noteworthy in -history. I recall it because it shows how in solemn hours the decision -is left to one man, who must consult only his own conscience. (Applause -and comment.) When General Dabormida refused to sign the Treaty of -Alliance with France and with England, Cavour, on the same evening of -the 1st of January 1855, signed it without consulting Parliament or the -Council of Ministers, and signed it above all at his discretion without -imposing any condition whatsoever. It was a stroke of rashness that you -might call sublime. Cavour himself recognised it, and when writing to -Count Oldofredi, he said: “I have taken a tremendous responsibility on -my shoulders. It does not matter. Let happen what may. My conscience -tells me that I have fulfilled a sacred duty!” - -When the soldiers of the small and valiant Piedmont were on the point of -leaving, the discussion in the Subalpine Parliament took place, and -Angelo Brofferio, a kind of Cavallotti of the time,—(Comment.)—accused -Cavour of not having a definite political line of conduct. It is really -worth while to read part of this speech, because it closely recalls the -speeches which during the present week have been made in this hall. - -“Our Ministers,” said Angelo Brofferio, “represent all ideas and all -convictions. At one time they become Conservatives and withhold the Jury -from the Press; another time they ape the Democrats and raise cries -against usurpations of Rome; still another time they throw off the mask -and become retrogrades in order to unite with Austria!” - -Angelo Brofferio ends with these really singular words: “Where is in -this system respect for convention and for constitutional morality?” -and, referring to the Treaty, he added: “May God preserve us from that -sinister eventuality! But if you agree to this Treaty, the prostitution -of Piedmont and the ruin of Italy will be accomplished facts!” - -It is curious, also, that another powerful ideologist, certainly sacred -to the memory of all Italians, Giuseppe Mazzini, was very much against -this Treaty, even to the extent of calling “deported” the Piedmontese -soldiers who were leaving for the Crimea and of inciting them to desert! -But Garibaldi, a far more practical leader, had an intuition of the -fundamental importance of the Treaty of Alliance between Piedmont and -Western Powers. “Italy,” said Garibaldi, “should lose no opportunity of -unfurling her flag on the battlefield which might recall to European -nations her political existence.” - -To-day you certainly all agree in recognising that history has shown -that Angelo Brofferio was in the wrong and Camillo Benso, Count of -Cavour, was entirely in the right. (Assent.) - - -_The Moral Unity of the Italian People._ The speech delivered by the -Hon. Amendola is, after that of the Hon. Labriola, more worthy of being -analysed. He said: “The Italian people are affected by a moral and -spiritual crisis, which is certainly connected with our intervention, -with the war, and with the after-war period,” and he concluded by -suggesting that it is necessary to give to this Italian people its moral -unity. Well, we must be clear. What means “moral unity of the Italian -people”? A minimum common denominator, a common field for action, in -which all the National Parties meet and understand each other, a general -levelling of all opinions, of all convictions, of all parties? For me it -is sufficient that moral unity should exist in certain decisive hours of -the life of the people. We cannot expect to have it on all days and on -all questions. On the other hand I firmly believe that this moral, -fundamental unity of the Italian people is already at work. We ourselves -see it realised, perhaps not so much by our political work as by the -war, which has made Italians know one another, and has thrown them -together, making of this small peninsula of ours a kind of family. - -Many local boundaries which separated provinces and regions have -disappeared. Now we must complete the work. The Hon. Bentini, speaking -of the freedom of the Press, to which subject we will return later, -quoted the episode of Garibaldi and Dumas. I fully approve the answer -given by Garibaldi. But I ask you—if the newspaper _Indipendente_ had, -by chance, published news concerning the movements of the Garibaldian -troops or discrediting the military action, do you think that Garibaldi -would not have suppressed that paper? (Assent and comment.) - - -_We have the Power—we shall hold it and defend it against all!_ But in -the speech by the Hon. Bentini, what is particularly singular is the -confusion between tactics and political strategy. To-day it is possible -to win many battles and the war can be lost or won. What happened? You -had brilliant tactical results, but afterwards you had not the courage -of undertaking what was necessary to reach the final goal. You conquered -a great many outlying communes, provinces and institutions, and you did -not understand that all this was perfectly useless if, at a given -moment, you had not become masters of the brains, of the heart of the -nation,—(Interruptions on the Extreme Left.)—if, that is to say, you had -not the courage of making use of a political strategy. To-day your -chance is over, and do not delude yourselves! - -History offers certain chances only once. (Assent on the Extreme Right.) -But to understand this law it is necessary, Honourable Gentlemen, to -keep before you two very simple considerations, and they are these: -there has been a war which has shifted interests, which has modified -ideas, which has exasperated feelings, and there has also been a -revolution. To make a revolution it is not necessary to play the great -drama of the arena. We have left many dead on the roads to Rome and -naturally anybody who deludes himself is a fool. _We have the power and -we shall hold it. We shall defend it against anybody!_ - -The revolution lies in this firm determination to hold power! (Assent -and comment.) - - -_The Italian People under the Domination of a Liberticidal Government, -groaning under the Fetters of Slavery?_ And now I come to the practical -side of the discussion. - -They speak of liberty. But what is this liberty? Does liberty exist? -After all, it represents a philosophical and moral concept. There are -various manifestations of liberty. Liberty never existed. The Socialists -have always denied it. The liberty of work has never been admitted by -you. You have beaten the blackleg when he presented himself at the -factories when the other workmen were on strike. (Applause: -interruptions by the Extreme Left.) - -But then is it really true and proved that the Italian people are under -the domination of a liberticidal Government, and groans in the fetters -of slavery? Is mine a liberticidal Government? - -In the social field, No! I had the courage to transform the eight hours -day into a law of the State. (Comments on the Extreme Left.) Do not -despise this victory; do not undervalue it. (Assent.) I have approved -all the social and pacifist Conventions of Washington. What has this -Government done in the political field? It is said that Democracy lies -where suffrage is widened. Well, this Government has maintained -universal suffrage. And, although Italian women, who are intelligent -enough to exact it, had not done so, I have given it, be it only as -regards the municipal elections to from six to eight millions of women! -No exceptional laws were passed,—(Comments on the Extreme Left.)—and the -regulation of the Press is not an exceptional law. - -You forget a very simple thing, that the revolution has the right of -defending itself. (Approval from the Right: comments.) Is there in -Russia liberty of association for those who are not Bolshevists? No! Is -there liberty of Press for them? No! Is there liberty of meeting, of -vote? No! (Applause: comments on the Extreme Left.) You who are the -defenders of the Russian régime have not the right to protest against a -régime like mine, which cannot, even distantly, be compared with that of -the Bolshevists. (Approval on the Right: comments on the Left.) - -I am not, Gentlemen, a despot who remains locked up in a castle -protected by strong walls. I circulate freely amongst the people without -any concern whatsoever, and I listen to them. (Loud assent.) Well, the -Italian people, up to now, have not asked for liberty. (Assent on the -Right: comments on the Extreme Left.) At Messina the population which -surrounded my carriage said: “Take us out of these wooden huts.” -(Assent.) In Sardinia—(you will notice that I am speaking of a region -where Fascismo has not tens of thousands of followers as in Lombardy)—in -Sardinia, at Arbatax, men came to me with drawn faces; they surrounded -me and, pointing out to me a track with a putrid river among the marshy -reeds, said to me: “Malaria is killing us!” They did not speak to me of -liberty, of the Statute, of the Constitution. It is the emigrants of the -Fascista revolution who create this idol which the Italian people, and -now, too, foreign public opinion, has largely dismantled. (Loud applause -on the Right.) - -Every day I receive dozens of Committees, and hundreds of applications -are flung on my desk, in which one might say that the urgent needs of -each of the eight thousand communes of Italy are represented. - -Well, why should all those not come to me and say: “We suffer because -you oppress us”? But there is a reason, a fact to which I wish to draw -your attention. You say that the ex-soldiers fought for liberty. How -does it happen, then, that these ex-soldiers are in favour of a -liberticidal Government? (Applause.) - -Are force and consent antagonistic elements? Not at all! In force there -is already consent, and consent is force in itself and for itself. - -But tell me, have you found on the face of the earth a Government, of -whatsoever kind, which claimed to make happy all the people it governed? -But this would mean the squaring of the circle! Whatever Government, be -it even directed by men participating in the Divine wisdom, whatever -measure it takes, will make some people discontented. And how can you -check this discontent? By force! What is the State? It is the police. -All your codes of law, the laws themselves, all your doctrines are -nothing if, at a given moment, the police by their physical strength do -not make felt the indestructible weight of the law. (Comments and -assent.) - - -_We do not want to abolish Parliament._ They say that we want to abolish -Parliament. No! It is not true. First of all, we do not know what we -could substitute for it. (Comment.) Parliaments, the so-called Technical -Councils, are still in the embryonic stage. - -Maybe they represent some principles of life. With such subjects one can -never be dogmatic or explicit; but, in the face of to-day’s state of -affairs, they represent only attempts. Maybe that in a second stage it -may be possible to allot to these Technical Councils a portion of the -legislative work. - -But, Gentlemen, I beg you to consider that Fascismo is in favour of -elections. That is to say, it calls for the elections, in order to -conquer the communes and the provinces. It has called for them in order -to send Deputies to Parliament; it does not, therefore, seek to abolish -Parliament. On the contrary, as I said before and I repeat it, the -Government wants to make of Parliament a more serious, if not more -solemn institution: it wants, if possible, to bridge over that hiatus -which undeniably exists between Fascismo and the country. - - -_Fascismo is not a transitory Phenomenon. Do not hope that its Life will -be short!_ Gentlemen, we must follow Fascismo, I will not say with love, -but with intelligence. There must be no illusions. How many times from -those benches it was said that Fascismo was a transitory phenomenon! You -saw it. It is an imposing phenomenon which gathers in its followers, one -might say, by millions. It is the largest mass party which has ever -existed in Italy. It has in itself some vital, powerful force, and since -it is different from all others, as regards its extent, its -organisation, its discipline, do not hope that its life be short! - -To-day Fascismo is going through the travail of a profound -transformation. You will ask: “When will Fascismo grow up?” Oh! I do not -wish it to grow up too soon! (Laughter.) I prefer that it should -continue still for some time as it is to-day till all are resigned to -the _fait accompli_, and have its fine armour and its virile warlike -soul. - -There is a fact which is rapidly transforming the essence of Fascismo. -The Fascista Party, on one side, becomes a Militia, and, on the other, -becomes an administration and a Government. It is incredible what a -change the head of a “squadra” undergoes when he becomes an alderman or -a mayor. He understands that it is not possible to attack abruptly the -Communal Budgets without preparation, but that it is necessary to study -them and devote himself to the administrative part, which is a hard, -dry, and difficult task. (Applause.) And as the communes conquered by -Fascisti number now several thousands, you will conclude that the -transformation of Fascismo into an organ of administration is taking -place and will be soon an accomplished fact. - - -_Liberty must not be converted into Licence, and Licence I shall never -grant!_ You ask: “When will this moral pressure of Fascismo end?” I -understand that you are anxious about it. It is natural, but it depends -on you. You know that I should be happy to-morrow to have in my -Government the direct representatives of the organised working classes. -I would like to have them with me; I would like also to entrust them -with a Ministry which requires delicate handling, so as to convince them -that the administration of the State is a thing of the utmost complexity -and difficulty, that there is little to improvise, that _tabula rasa_ -must not be made, as in some revolutions, because afterwards it is -necessary to rebuild. You cannot take a corporal of the division of -Petrograd and make of him a general, because afterwards you have to call -in a Brusiloff! (Comment.) To sum up, so long as opponents exist who, -instead of resigning themselves to the _fait accompli_, contemplate a -reactionary movement, we cannot disarm. But I say further that the last -experience after your attempt at the strike of last year must also have -convinced you by now that that road will lead you to ruin; whilst, on -the other hand, you ought to take into account, once and for all, if you -have in your veins a little Marxist doctrine, that there is a new -situation, to which (if you are intelligent and watch over the interests -of the classes you say you represent) you should conform. And, moreover, -Colombino, who is a friend of Ludovico d’Aragona, can say if I am an -enemy of the working classes. I dare him to deny my statement that six -thousand workmen belonging to the Italian Metallurgic Consortium work -to-day because I helped them and because I did my duty as citizen and -head of the Italian Government. (Comment and assent.) - -But liberty, Gentlemen, must not be converted into licence. What they -ask for is licence, and this I shall never grant! (Loud applause and -comment.) You can, if you wish, organise and march along in processions -and I shall have you escorted. But if you intend to throw stones at the -carabineers or to pass through a street where it is forbidden to do so, -you will find the State which opposes you, if necessary by force. (Loud -applause on the Right: comment on the Left.) - - -_Close Analysis of the Electoral Reform Bill._ But this Electoral Law -which harasses us so much: is it really a monster? I declare it to you -that, were it a monster, I should like to hand it over at once to a -museum of monstrosities. (Laughter.) This law, of which I have traced -the fundamental lines, but which afterwards has been successively -elaborated by my friend the Hon. Acerbo, and re-elaborated by the -Commission, I do not know whether for better or for worse,—(Much -laughter.)—is a creation, and, like all creations of this world, has its -qualities and defects. One must not condemn it as a whole; it would be a -great mistake. - -You must consider—I say this to you with absolute frankness—that it is a -law for us;—(Comments.)—but it involves principles which are -ultra-democratic—that of the State election schedule; that of the -national constituency, which was the vindication of Socialism, as just -now Constantino Lazzari recalled. You say that the struggle is -impersonal, that the elections will cause unrest. But who tells you that -the elections are near? (Laughter: prolonged comments.) The working of -this law is such that a fourth part of the seats is guaranteed to the -minorities, while I think that, calling the elections by the present -law, the minorities would, perhaps, be further sacrificed. (Assent and -comment.) At any rate the impersonality of the struggle withholds from -the same struggle that character of harshness which might preoccupy from -the point of view of public order. As things stand to-day, elections -held on the uninominal constituency or even on the proportional basis -would certainly lead to excesses. (Assent.) - - -_The Government cannot accept Conditions. Either you give it your -Confidence or deny it._ I declare that I shall not call elections until -I am sure that they will be held in independence and order. (Comment and -applause.) I add that while on principle I am, and I must be, -intransigent, I entrust myself, in a certain sense, as regards technical -discussion, to the competent elements. In this hall there are very many -competent elements. They will say how this law can be even more abused -or improved. (Comment.) But this is the business of the Chamber, and the -Government declares to you that it does not refuse to accept those -improvements which would render easier the exercise of the right to -vote. - -This concerns in a certain sense the Popular Party, which must decide -for itself. I have spoken plainly, but I must say not as plainly as has -been spoken from those benches. The Government cannot accept conditions. -Either you give it your confidence or you deny it. (Assent and comment.) - - -_On your Vote will depend in a certain sense your Fate!_ I agree with -all the speakers who have declared that the country wishes only to be -left alone; to work in peace with discipline. And my Government makes -enormous efforts to achieve this result and will go on, even if it has -to strike its own followers, because, having wished for a strong State, -it is only just that we should be the first to experience the -consequences of strength. (Loud applause.) I have also the duty of -telling you—and I tell you from a debt of loyalty—that on your vote -depends in a certain sense your fate! Do not delude yourselves, even in -this field, because nobody gets out of the Constitution—neither I nor -the others—as nobody can suppose that he is not amply guaranteed -according to the spirit and the letter of the Constitution. (Comment.) -And then, if things are thus, I tell you, take into account this -necessity. Do not let the country have once again the impression that -Parliament is far from the soul of the nation and that this Parliament, -after having manœuvred for an entire week in a campaign of opposition, -has achieved sterile results at the end. Because this is the moment in -which Parliament and country can be reconciled. But if this chance is -lost, to-morrow will be too late, and you feel it in the air, you feel -it in yourselves. And then, Gentlemen, do not hang on political labels, -do not stiffen yourselves in the formal coherence of the parties, do not -clutch at bits of straw, as do the shipwrecked in the ocean, hoping -vainly to save themselves. But listen to the secret and solemn warning -of your conscience; listen also to the incoercible voice of the nation! - - -(The last words of the speech of the Hon. Mussolini, which had been -listened to all through with the greatest attention by the Assembly and -the Tribunes, are greeted by frantic, repeated applause by the benches -of the Right, by the Centre and by many Deputies of the Democratic Left. -The ovation lasts for a long time and is intensified by that paid by all -the Tribunes. - -When the applause is over, all the members of the Government shake hands -with the President of the Council, while from the benches of the Right -all the Deputies come down to congratulate the Hon. Mussolini, amongst -them the Hon. Fera, ex-Minister of Justice, and the ex-Prime Ministers, -the Hon. Giolitti, the Hon. Salandra, the Hon. Orlando, and the -President of the Chamber, the Hon. De Nicola, who exclaims: “It is the -finest speech in the annals of Parliamentary history.”) - - -The sitting is suspended for half an hour. When it is resumed at 8.10 -the Hon. Mussolini agrees to accept the order of the day proposed by -Larussa, viz.: - -“_The Chamber, reaffirming its confidence in the Government, approves -the principles contained in the Electoral Reform Bill, and passes to the -discussion of the Articles of the project._” - -At 11.10, the operation of voting having been completed, the result is -proclaimed, viz.: “_The Chamber of Deputies votes in favour of the -Government by a large majority._” - -(The sitting is adjourned.) - - - - - THE MASSACRE OF THE ITALIAN DELEGATION FOR THE DELIMITATION OF THE - GRECO-ALBANIAN FRONTIER - - On the 27th of August, General Enrico Tellini, President of the - International Commission for the Delimitation of the Greco-Albanian - Frontier, the medical officer, Major Luigi Corti, and Lieutenant - Mario Bonacini, members of the Mission, were atrociously murdered in - Greece, while motoring from Janina to Santi Quaranta. - - In consideration of preceding assassinations, of all the concordant - information from different sources gathered on the scene of the - massacre, and of the persistent campaign of libel and instigation on - the part of the Greek Press against Italy and the Italian Military - Mission, the Royal Government (the Stefani Agency informs us) has - come to the conclusion that the moral as well as implicitly the - material responsibility of the massacre falls on the Greek - Government. On these grounds the head of the Government, certain of - interpreting the sense of indignation of the whole Italian nation, - has instructed Commendatore Montagna, Minister at Athens, to present - to Greece the following Note containing Italy’s demands. - - -_Hon. Mussolini’s Note_ to Greece demands on behalf of Italy: - -1. Apologies in the most ample and official form, to be presented to the -Italian Government at the Royal Italian Legation at Athens through the -highest Greek authority; - -2. Solemn funeral ceremony for the victims of the massacre, to be -celebrated in the Catholic Cathedral at Athens, with the presence of all -the members of the Greek Government; - -3. Honours to the Italian flag to be paid by the Hellenic Fleet in the -bay of the Piraeus to one of our naval divisions, which will proceed -there purposely, and this by means of a salute of twenty-one shots fired -by the Hellenic ships, whilst the Greek Fleet flies the Italian flag -from the masthead; - -4. A strict inquiry will be held by the Greek authorities on the scene -of the massacre, with the assistance of the Royal Military Italian -Attaché, Colonel Perrone, for whose personal safety the Hellenic -Government holds itself absolutely responsible. Such an inquiry will -have to be conducted within five days of the acceptance of these -demands; - -5. Capital punishment of the guilty; - -6. Indemnity of fifty million Italian lire (about £500,000)—to be paid -within five days of the presentation of this Note; - -7. Military honours to the remains of the victims upon their embarkation -at Prevesa on Italian warships. - - MUSSOLINI. - - ROME, PALAZZO CHIGI, _29th August 1923_. - - - FINIS - - - - - INDEX - - - ABBA GARIMA, 164 - - Abbazia, Conference of, 269, 271, 278–9, 281 - - Absolutism, 311 - - Acerbo, Signor, 310, 343; - on Electoral Law, 360 - - Adige, Upper, 109, 111; - effect of Austro-German union on question of, 125; - Germans in, 109, 131; - Fascismo and, 164; - Italophobia on, 184–7 - - Adler, Fritz, 98 - - Admiralty, Fascisti demand the, 174 - - Adrianople, 241 - - Adriatic, eastern shore of, 59; - Sauro and the, 74; - National Vindications and, 89; - Zara and the, 257; - Abbazia Conference, 269 - - Ægean, Bulgaria’s right to a port on the, 125 - - Albania, rebels in, 21; - as a centre of unrest, 125; - Commercial Agreement with, 283; - massacre of Italian delegation at Janina, 363 - - Albertini, Senator, 219–20 - - Alessio, Signor, 350 - - Alliance, Austro-German, 12; - Triple, 22; - Republican, 101; - Continental, against England, 231; - Cavour and Treaty of, with France and England, 351 - - Alps, the, 60; - National Vindications and, 89; - Brenner, 107, 192; - Julian Alps, 107; - Dinaric Alps, 120, 127 - - Alsace, 100 - - Amalfi, 113 - - Ambassadors, Conference of, 268 - - Ambris, Alcesto de, 9 - - Amendola, 352 - - America, cables to, xviii; - intervention of, in the war, 53. - _See also_ United States - - American students, facilities for, in Italy, 335 - - Ancona, 307 - - Andreas Hoferbund, 185 - - Angell, Norman, 11 - - Angora, National Assembly of, 241; - Turkish aspirations, 254; - Allied reply to Government of, 280 - - Arbatax, malaria in, 356 - - “Arditi,” 74; - the Association of, 92 - - Armenia, oil wells of, 96 - - Army, Italian, and Fascismo, xii - - Arosio, speech 30th March 1923 at, 277 - - Arpigati, Captain Arturo, 42 - - Association, of Fighters, 87, 92, 99; - of Arditi, 92; - of Volunteers, 92; - of Garibaldians, 92; - of Maimed and Disabled, 316 - - Athens, Fascismo and “eterie” of, ix - - Austria, 12; - Italy and the Austro-German Alliance, 12; - Austro-German militarism, 16; - preparations in, against Roumania, 20; - demand for repudiation of Triple Alliance, 22; - Republic of, 124; - dual monarchy, 187, 249; - Commercial Treaty between Italy and, 284; - reparations, 295; - loan to, 299 - - Austrian Institute, 281 - - Austro-Hungarian monarchy, 187, 249 - - _Avanti_, xvi, 3, 4, 9, 87, 162 - - - Bainsizza, 28 - - Balbo, Italo, xiii, 310 - - Baldwin, Mr. Stanley, 296 - - Balillas, 159, 343 - - Balkans: - Balkan zones of Austria-Hungary, 9; - Roumania, 20; - Valona, 21, 118; - Bulgaria, 125; - seeds of war in, 125; - Treaty of Rapallo, 125 _et seq._; - Montenegro’s independence, 189 _et seq._; - Turkey’s success at Lausanne, 213 - - Bandiera brothers, 351 - - Baracca Cup, 329 - - Barbarossa, 27 - - Barcelona, 270 - - Barzilai, 224 - - Battisti, Cesare, 48, 89, 134 - - Bazzi, 69 - - Bebel, 26 - - Belgium, martyrdom of, 12, 14; - neutrality, 23; - undertaking not to sign separate peace, 19; - colonies, 90; - ex-President Wilson and, 189 - - Belgrade, Fiume and the agreement concluded at, 193 - - Bellini, Senator, 223 - - Benedict XV., Palestine and, 194; - on Ruhr crisis, 345 - - Bentini, 353 - - Berchtold, Count, 19, 20 - - Berne Convention, powers of, respecting international traffic, 270 - - Bernhardi, von, 26 - - Bernstein, Edward, and Versailles Treaty, 99 - - Bersagliere Regt., 11th, Mussolini joins, xvi - - Bessarabia, 20 - - Bezzi, Ergisto, 18, 88 - - Bianchi, Michele, xiii - - Bismarck, 9 - - Bissolati, Leonida, 158 - - Black Shirts, Nationalists and, 148; - revolution of, a force for progress, 208 - - Bologna: - speech of 24th May 1918 at, 37; - speech of 3rd April 1921 at, 134; - University of, and Montenegrin independence, 191; - Fascista occupation of, 308 - - Bolshevism: - Mussolini saves Italy from, xiv; - textile workers’ strike, 68; - failure of, in Italy, 73, 167; - Mussolini’s fight against, 87, 101; - Florence under, 103; - Bolshevist element in Italian Socialism, 116; - in Trieste, 117, 121; - of Russia, 129, 147; - the Bolshevist State and the Liberal State, 139; - Fascismo and, 166, 179; - the Italian Bolshevist world, 178; - Germany’s resistance to influence of, 290; - Italian losses in crushing, 324; - freedom of the Press and, 355 - - Bolzano, xiii, 163–4; 173, 185, 187, 308 - - Bonacini, Lieut. Mario, murder of, 363 - - Bono, General Cesare de, xii, xiii, 309, 343 - - Bordiga, General, 105 - - Bourbons, 75, 351 - - Bourgeoisie, Fascismo and the, 165; - Risorgimento and, 50 - - Breitemburg, Count, 186 - - Brenner, the: - Battisti and, 74; - Bezzi and, 88; - Italy in possession of, 107; - as bulwark against Germany, 110; - Paduan valley and, 125; - as Italy’s northern boundary, 136; - defence of, 184; - Mussolini’s declaration to German deputies respecting, 188; - Versailles Treaty and, 293 - - Brest-Litowsk, Treaty of, 44 - - Brofferio, Angelo, 351–2 - - Brussels Conference, 1923, 214 - - Bucharest, Peace of, 44 - - Budapest, Danube Confederation and, 124; - peace of justice, and occupation of, 149, 172 - - Budget, Italian State, 215, 272–3; - Communal, 358 - - Bulgaria, 10, 125, 213; - reparations, 295, 299; - _coup d’état_ in, 345 - - Buozzi, 219 - - Burian, 20 - - - Cables, conventions relative to, xviii - - Cagliari, speech of 12th June 1923 at, 323 - - Canada, Commercial Treaty with, 214 - - Cannæ, 288 - - Capitulations, the, 241, 266 - - Caporetto, speech after, 30; - causes of disaster of, 32; - anti-war demonstrations after, 34; - national crisis following, 43; - German calculations after, 45; - Rapallo and, 126; - Pact of Rome and, 126; - Fascismo and, 135; - discipline of war and, 350 - - Carabineers, xvii, 359 - - Caradonna, 310 - - Carducci, 37 - - Carli, 99 - - Carso, 28; - Italian sentiment for the, 35; - Corridoni’s death, 48; - insurrection against Trieste on, 118; - commemoration ceremony, 120 - - Carthage, 177 - - Castelrosso, 280, 302 - - Castua, 278 - - Catholicism, Mussolini on, xii - - Cattaneo, 53 - - Cavallotti, 351 - - Cavazzoni, 252 - - Caviglia, General, 129 - - Cavour, Camille, 311; - Crimean expedition and, 351 - - Ceccherini, Maj.-General, xii, 310 - - Central America, cable to, xviii - - Central Empires, 9; - war desired by, 27, 72 - - Cervantes, 114 - - Cettinge, 190 - - Chamber of Deputies, Fascista Government and the, 313 - - Chiesa, 255 - - Child, Mr. Richard Washburn, speech at Rome by, 335 - - Chiusa di Verona, 185 - - Cicerin, Commissioner of Foreign Affairs, Russia, 44 - - Ciccotti, Ettore, on Italian Fascismo, ix - - Cinque Giornate, 28; - speech before the - monument of, 58; - Austrian threat to city of, 135 - - Cipriani, Amilcare, 5 - - Civil Law Codes, reformation of, xvii - - Class struggle, Mussolini on, 285 - - Clémenceau, 32, 40, 56; - on concessions in Asia Minor, 96 - - Clemente, Maj.-General Ozol, 310 - - Coalition Ministry, 221 - - Coliseum, 234 - - Colombino, 359 - - Colonna di Cesaro, 307 - - Columbus, Christopher, 50 - - Commerce, Chambers of, International Congress of, 274 _et seq._ - - Commercial Treaty: - with Switzerland, 212; - with Canada, 214; - with France, 265; - with Yugoslavia, 271, 282; - with Austria, 281 - - Committee of Understanding and Action, 93 - - Committee of Wounded and Disabled Soldiers, 51 - - Communes, Italian, ix - - Communism, x, 116, 334 - - Comunale, Bologna, speech at the, 37 - - Constantine, King, 125 - - Constitution, the, and the Government, 361 - - _Contadini_, adherents of Fascismo, 316 - - Conti, Senator, 219 - - Continental alliance. _See under_ Alliance - - Convention, of Washington, 243, 251; - for Italo-American cables, 245 - - _Corriere della Sera_, 163–4 - - Corridoni Club, 92 - - Corridoni, Filippo, 48, 59, 71, 88 - - Corsica, Italians of, 137 - - Corti, Major Luigi, murder of, 363 - - Cremona, speech at, 25th Sept. 1922, 158 - - Crespi, Senator, 161, 258 - - Crimea, expedition to the, 351 - - Crispi, Francesco, 108 n. - - Cucco, 28 - - Cuno-Rosenberg Memorandum, 295 - - Curtatone, 289 - - Cyrus, 38 - - Czechoslovakia, Italy’s relations with, 213 - - - Dabormida, General, 351 - - Dalmatia: - Rismondo on, 74; - National Vindications and, 89; - Italian minorities of, 96; - and the victory of Vittorio Veneto, 107; - Croats of, 118; - Treaty of Rapallo, 125, 262; - education of Italians of, 131; - care of Italian - residents, 132; - sufferings of Italians in, 136; - Italian unity and, 144; - betrayed, 171, 192; - Santa Margherita Agreements, 247, 256, 260–1 - - Dalmine, speech 20th March 1919 at, 63 - - Dante, 60, 77, 114, 133 - - D’Annunzio, 77, 114; - Mussolini at Fiume with, 103; - proclamation to the Croats, 104; - legionary occupation of Fiume, 119, 192; - the Fiume tragedy, 128–9, 141 - - Danube Confederation, 124 - - Danubian States, economic settlement of, 300 - - D’Aragona, Ludovico, 359 - - Dardanelles, 214, 241 - - Death duties, xvii - - De Bono, Cesare. _See_ Bono, de, General Cesare - - Debt, national, xviii; - Italian war, 259 - - Debt funding agreement, Anglo-American, 259, 296 - - Debts, inter-allied, and reparations, 294 - - Deffenu, 88 - - Del Croix, Carlo, 129 - - Delegation, Italian massacre of, at Janina, 363 - - Delta, the, 193, 262, 278 - - Democracy, meaning of, 36; - syndicalism and, 148; - Fascismo and, 167–8, 176; - and suffrage, 355 - - Democrats, 92 - - De Nicola, President of the Chamber, 362 - - Deutscher Verband, 185–7 - - _Deutschland über Alles_, 21 - - Diaz, General, 343 - - Dictatorship, proletariat and a, 349 - - Dinaric Alps, 120, 127 - - Diplomatic and consular services, 305 - - Dock-workers, Fascisti, 82 - - “Dolomites of Italian Thought,” the, 114 - - Dortmund, 235 - - Dumas, 353 - - Dunkirk, attack on, 19 - - - Eastern Mediterranean. _See under_ Mediterranean - - Economic policy, 274 - - Economy, Ministry of National, xvii - - Edvige, xvi - - Eight Hours Day Bill, xvii, 198, 354 - - Electoral Reform, xvii, 101, 165, 314, 347, 359–60, 362 - - Elementary schools, religious instruction in, xii - - Emigration, 341 - - Employers and employed, co-operation between, 285 - - Eneo, 262 - - England, Russian expectation of financial aid from, 19; - Italian confidence in, 46; - D’Annunzio’s _coup_ at Fiume and, 104; - mandate in Palestine, 194–5; - continental alliance against, 231 - - Entente, the: - French and British soldiers at the Piave battle, 59; - Italy’s position and, 211–12; - the Ruhr advance and, 230; - Greco-Turkish affairs and, 254; - continued existence of, 259 - - Entente, Little, 124, 238, 240, 300, 345 - - d’Esperey, Franchet, 189 - - Esthonia, xviii, 283 - - Etna, eruption of, 331 - - Europe, economic system of, 275 - - Exchanges, European, 345 - - Ex-soldiers, blind, 277; - National Association of, 316 - - - Facta, Signor, 165, 267 - - Fara, Gustavo, General, xii, 310 - - Farinacci, Roberto, 158 - - Fasci Italiani di Combattimento, 103, 328 - - Fascio of Fighters, 92; - demands of, 132 - - Fascio Nazionale dei Combattenti, x - - Fascismo: - part of general historical development of nations, ix; - rise of, x; - and the Army, xii; - “March to Rome,” xii; - progress of, xiii; - Mussolini summoned to form cabinet, xiii; - official song of, xiv; - symbol, xv; - syndicalism of, 63, 177; - aims and programme of, 92, 150; - tasks of, 108 _et seq._; - patriotism of, 112; - sincerity of, 114; - not conservative, 115; - Communism and, 116, 196; - attitude of, towards Socialism, 116, 196 _et seq._; - demagogism and, 119; - problems of foreign policy, 121 _et seq._, 149 _et seq._; - attitude towards the peace treaties, 124; - demands of Italian Fascio of Fighters in matters of foreign policy, - 132; - birth of, 135; - imperialism of, 136; - not essentially violent, 138, 156; - in the Socialist crisis of 1921, 139; - attitude in the 1921 elections, 139; - Fascista Day, 141; - and the Monarchy, xi, 152; - the Fascista revolution, 154; - attitude of, towards State economic attributes, 155; - and the bourgeoisie, 165; - and the proletariat, 165; - and democracy, - 176–7; - and the New Provinces, 183; - demands regarding the Upper Adige, 187; - attitude towards the Popular Party, 201 _et seq._; - and the Vatican, 201–3; - and Social Democrats, 203; - military organisation of, xv, 223; - domestic policy, 215; - emigration and, 215; - foreign policy, 251; - Yugoslavian policy, 253; - women of, 286; - attempt to sever Mussolini from, 287; - strength and adherents of, 316; - associations included in, 316; - Sardinia and, 324; - Parliament and, 357; - not a transitory phenomenon, 357; - an organ of administration, 358; - liberty, not licence, under, 358; - and the constitution, 361 - - Fascista Council, Great, xv, 232–3, 314 - - Fascista Government, work of, xvii; - beginnings of, 163–4, 173; - “Government of speed,” 234; - policy respecting Fiume and Zara, 256; - foreign policy, 265, 293 _et seq._ - - Fascista Party, National, xiv; - military organisation, xv; - numbers and adherents, 316 - - Fascista revolt, 76 - - Fascista State, 169, 173 - - Federation, of Labour, General, 106, 110; - of Seamen, 106 - - Federzoni, Signor, 190, 192 - - Fera, Signor, ex-Minister of Justice, 362 - - Ferrara, speech of 4th April 1921 at, 75 - - Ferrari, Giuseppe, 78 - - Ferrarin, 133, 285 - - Ferrario, General, 192 - - Fiat factory, 349 - - Fighters, National Association of, 87, 92, 99; - Fascio, 92 - - Finance, Ministry of, 272–3 - - Finland, xviii, 283 - - Finzi, 310 - - Fiume, 53, 74; - National Vindications and, 89; - Tardieu and, 96; - Mussolini visits D’Annunzio at, 103; - international relations and D’Annunzio’s occupation of, 104; - Italian acquisition of, 111; - Hungary and, 125; - the tragedy of, 128; - the war between General Caviglia and, 129; - the Fascio of, 131; - economic annexation of, demanded by the Fascisti, 132; - sympathy of Fascista for, 136; - Italian unity and, 144; - General Ferrario, 192; - the Belgrade Agreement, 193; - Agreements of Santa Margherita and, 248; - Arbitration Commission, 262; - Abbazia Conference, - 278–9; - difficulties of Yugoslav Government, 301; - representations to Belgrade, 346 - - Florence, speech 9th Oct. 1919 at, 103; - speeches 19th June 1923 at, 328–9; - of the Middle Ages, 113 - - Foreign Affairs, Ministry of, Fascisti demand, 174 - - Foreign policy, 121, 132, 149, 251, 278, 293, 345 - - Forli, xvi - - Forum, the, 234 - - France: - Italy’s neutrality in 1914, 12; - undertaking not to conclude a separate peace, 19; - heroism of, 45; - attitude of, towards Fiume question, 104 - - Franche-Comté, 21 - - Frankfurt, Treaty of, 9 - - _Frankfurter Zeitung_, 21 - - Freedom of the Press, 353, 355 - - Freemasonry, 201, 314, 318 - - - Galassi, Angelico, 201 - - Galicia, 20; - Eastern, 280 - - Galileo, 77, 114 - - Gandolfo, General, 309 - - Garibaldi, 14, 27, 77, 114, 134; - “red shirts” of, 145; - Piedmont and, 352; - and Dumas, 353 - - Gasparri, Cardinal, 345 - - Gay, Harry Nelson, 335 - - Geneva, Protocol of; - loan to Austria, 299; - territorial integrity of Austria, 300 - - Genoa, 113, 311 - - Gentile, Senator, xii - - George V., King of England, visit of, 304 - - Georgia, 133 - - Germany: - Italy’s neutrality between Triple Entente and Austro-German Alliance, - 12; - dependence on Austria, 20; - and Belgium, 22; - Prussian militarism, 23, 60; - “Wilsonites” in, 54; - imperialist, doomed, 60; - war desired by, 72; - reparations problem, 124; - Upper Adige question and, 125; - resistance in the Ruhr, 240; - reparations, 294 - - Gioberti, 261 - - Giolitti, revelations of, 12; - adherents of, in upper bureaucracy, 106; - Italian intervention in the war and the followers of, 107; - attitude towards Upper Adige question, 188; - congratulates Mussolini, 362 - - Giordani, Giulio, 134 - - “Giovinezza” (Youth), xiv - - Giulietti, Captain, 104 - - Giuriati, 310 - - _Giustizia, La_, 315 - - Goethe, 114 - - Gorizia, 48; - Italophobia in, 184 - - Grappa, 120 - - Graziadei, Antonio, 196–7 - - Graziani, General, xii - - Greco-Albanian frontier, massacre of the Italian delegation for - delimitation of the, 363 - - Greece, 10; - Italian relations with, under Fascista Government, 212; - Italian note to, respecting Janina massacre, 363–4 - - Grodno, 123 - - Gronchi, speech on Electoral Reform by, 348 - - Guardie Regie, abolition of, xvii - - Guesde on Socialist nations, 14 - - Guglielmotti, Maj.-General, 310 - - - Hapsburg, House of, domination of, prevented by the war, 89; - war let loose by, 100; - attempt of, to present navy to Yugoslavs, 126; - Upper Adige and, 185, 187 - - Harden on Germany’s desire for war, 26 - - Harding, President, 279 - - Heraclea coal mines, 96 - - Hermada, 48 - - High Commissioners, 315 - - Hindenburg, 36 - - Hohenzollerns, the Germany of the, 26, 36; - passing of militarism with the, 60; - domination of, prevented by the war, 89; - Socialists and the, 99; - war let loose by the, 100 - - Holland, colonies of, 90 - - Hungary: - preparations against Roumania, 20; - Fiume and, 125; - Popular Party and, 201; - economic relations with, 213; - reparations, 295, 298. - _See also_ Austro-Hungarian monarchy - - - Iglesias, speech 13th June 1923 at, 326 - - Immigration Bill, 341 - - Imperial Italy, 292 - - _Indipendente_, 354 - - Inter-allied debts, 294, 346 - - Internal policy, 306 _et seq._ - - “Internationals,” German, 26 - - Internationalism, 11 - - Islam, situation in, 213 - - Isonzo, fording of the Upper, 31; - Caporetto and the, 32; - Italian sacrifices beyond the, 48; - destruction of the Hapsburg empire, 107; - obligation of Italy to pass the, 111; - Yugoslav - boundaries and the, 127; - Italian army’s advance towards, 172 - - Ismet Pasha, 266 - - Istria, Slavs in, 131; - Fascisti from, 171 - - Italian-Croat brotherhood, 104 - - Italian Proletariat, Assizes of the, 105 - - Italo-American Association, 336 - - Italo-American Society, 342 - - Italo-Russian Agreement, 303 - - Italo-Ukraine Agreement, 303 - - Italo-Yugoslav Commission, 301 - - Italy: - Socialist Party, 3, 23, 93; - Triple Alliance, 22; - no ground for remaining neutral, 23; - Battisti, Sauro and Rismondo on destinies of, 74; - and the Brenner, 74; - and the Adriatic, 74; - and Dalmatia, 74; - Socialist Union, 92; - Liberal leaders out of touch with, 165; - Monarchy of, 176; - Convention with Montenegro, 190; - agreements with Yugoslavia, 251; - universities of, 291; - position of, respecting reparations, 294; - War Loan and credits to Austria, 299; - relations with Russia, 303; - relations with United States, 304; - Crimean expedition and the unity of, 351 - - - Jaffa, Conference of, 195 - - Janina, 363 - - Japan, conflict between U.S. and, 121–2 - - Jerusalem, conquest of, 100; - Polish immigrants, 195 - - Jews: - English mandate in Palestine, 194 _et seq._; - sacrifices by Italian Jews in the war, 195 - - Journalism, Parliamentarism and, 313 - - Judiciary Circuits, 314 - - Jugoslavia. _See_ Yugoslavia - - - Kaiser, the, 66 - - Kemal, Mustapha, 150, 189, 266 - - Kerensky, 33 - - Klopstock, 114 - - - Labour, Asiatic Utopia and, 82 - - Labour, General Confederation of, 106, 110; - Fascisti demand Ministry of, 174 - - Labriola, 348–9, 352 - - Lansing, Mr., on Dalmatian question, 96 - - Larussa, order of the day on Electoral Reform proposed by, 362 - - Lausanne Conference, recognition of Turkey’s successes by, 213; - safeguarding of European and Christian interests by, 213; - Russian representation at, 214; - Italian delegation, 232, 241, 254; - Ruhr and, 241; - Turkey’s legitimate rights, 241; - questions of the Straits and of capitulation, 241; - Angora Government and, 266; - Turks invited to new, 279; - cession of Castelrosso, 302; - Treaty of Lausanne, 345 - - Law, Mr. Bonar, proposals of, at Conference of Paris, 230, 295. - - Lazzari, Constantino, on Election Law, 360 - - League of Nations, the: - disabled Italian soldiers and, 52; - ex-Pres. Wilson and, 52–4; - no substitute for victory, 54–5; - Germany and, 55; - Renan’s prediction falsified, 55–6; - Internationalism, 56; - difficulties in establishing, 56; - dream of, founded on ruins of the old world, 60; - Fascismo and, 132; - Palestine mandate and, 195; - Polish-Lithuanian boundaries, 268 - - League, National, 343 - - Legnano, 27, 45 - - Lenin, effect of gospel of, on Italy’s working classes, ix; - results in Russia of gospel of, 44; - and Tuscany, 103; - Bolshevism of, preferable to other forms, 129; - Milan and, 136; - an ally of Kemal, 189; - production and the Communism of, 196; - reactionary policy of, 199 - - Lerici, Mayor of, 163 - - Lettonia, 133, 283 - - Levanto, Fascista programme described at, 150 - - Liberal State, the: - weakness of, 154; - superiority of Fascista State over, 163; - devoid of spirit, 165; - necessity for broadening, 175 - - Liberticidal Government, 354–7 - - Liberty, 358 - - Libyan subjects, 303 - - Lithuania, commercial treaty with, xviii, 283; - Wilna question and, 123; - rights of, to Memel, 242, 268; - Polish-Lithuanian boundaries, 268 - - Little Entente. _See_ Entente, Little - - Lombardy, iron foundries of, 79; - Fascismo in, 356 - - Lombroso’s classification of men, 54 - - London: - Treaty of (1915), 189; - Mussolini’s speech, 12 Dec. 1922 in, 227; - Ruhr advance and Italian memorandum of, 231, 238, 346; - Italian foreign policy at, 254; - Inter-allied meeting at, on draft Peace Treaty with Turkey, 279 - - Lorenzino dei Medici, 291 - - Lorraine, reconquest of, 100 - - _Lotta di classe, La_, 3 - - Lucci on Mussolini’s foreign policy, 253 - - Ludendorff, 36 - - Lupi, Dario, xii - - - Macedonia, Bulgaria’s right to, 125 - - Machiavelli, 38 - - Maeterlinck, 38–9 - - Maltoni, Rosa, xvi - - Manzoni, Alexandro, 313 - - Marconi, 133 - - Margherita, Santa, Agreements of. _See_ Santa Margherita - - Marx, Karl, 24, 27, 197, 359 - - Materialism, Mussolini on, 290 - - Mazzini, 53, 77; - Socialism of, 78; - the Risorgimento, 145; - advocate of Republicanism, 153; - on power, 288; - Democracy and, 351; - Crimea expedition and, 352 - - Medals, 309 - - Mediterranean, compensation in, for loss of Sebenico, 96; - Socialists and the, 115; - a centre of world civilisation, 122; - Italian policy in Eastern, 125; - Italy as leading power on the, 141–2, 150; - Italian losses in, 211; - Greco-Turkish affairs in Eastern, 254; - Italian interests in Eastern, 302 - - Melloni, 161 - - Memel, 241–2, 268 - - Memorandum of London. _See_ London - - Menotti Serrati, Giacinto, 9 - - Merano, commissioner of, and Upper Adige, 186 - - Merrheim, 94 - - Messina, 356 - - Metallurgic Consortium, Italian, 359 - - Metz, 53 - - Michael, Grand Duke, 33 - - Michelangelo, 114 - - Milan, Mussolini’s speeches at: - 25th Nov. 1914, 3; - 25th Jan. 1915, 18; - 8th April 1918, 49; - 20th Oct. 1918, 52; - 11th Nov. 1918, 58; - 23rd March 1919, 87; - 22nd July 1919, 92; - 5th Feb. 1920, 67; - 24th May 1920, 71; - 6th Oct. 1922, 161; - 6th Dec. 1922, 79; - 29th March 1923, 276; - 30th March 1923, 277 - - Militarism, Austro-German, 16. - _See also under_ Germany - - Militia, National, xvii, 309 - - Miliukoff, 33 - - Mincio, the, 111 - - Ministerial departments, reduction of, xvii - - Minorities and the Electoral Law, 360 - - Mirabello, Villa, blind ex-soldiers at, 276–7 - - Misiano, 129 - - Mohammedans, 213 - - Moltke, 9 - - Mommsen, 202 - - Monarchy, the, Statute Law and, 312. - _See also under_ Fascismo - - Montagna, Commendatore, Janina massacre and, 363 - - Montanara, 289 - - Montemaggiore as Italian boundary, 127 - - Montenegro, independence of, 125, 189, 191 - - Monte Nero, 110 - - Monte Santo, 28 - - “Mopsy,” 195 - - Moratorium for reparations, 235–6, 238 - - Morgagni, 114 - - Moscow, Third International at, 195 - - “Most favoured nation” clause, 282 - - Mussolini, Arnaldo, xvi, 69 - - Mussolini, Benito: - leader of the Fascio Nazionale dei Combattenti, x; - summoned to form cabinet, xiii; - saves Italy from Bolshevism, xiv; - the “Duce,” xv; - career, xv, xvi; - family, xvi; - foreign policy, xvii; - his legislative and administrative work, xvii; - character, xix; - expulsion from Socialist Party, 3; - editor of _Avanti_, xvi, 3; - _La lotta di classe_, 3; - against reformism, 3; - agitator for intervention in the war, 9 et seq.; - editor of _Il Popolo d’Italia_, 37; - antipacifist, 58; - Fascista friend of the people, 63; - the “Fascista,” 87; - sane conception of problems of foreign policy, 108; - against revolutionary policy regarding Fiume, 128; - triumph, 134; - Fascista Member of Parliament, 183; - Prime Minister, 207; - Note to Greece on Janina massacre, 363–4. - _See also_ Fascismo. - - - Naples, speech of 26th Oct. 1922 at, 171; - Risorgimento and the bourgeoisie of, 150 - - Napoleon, 114 - - National League. _See_ League, National - - National Militia. _See_ Militia, National - - National Vindications, the, 89 - - Naval disarmament, 243 - - _Neues Deutschland_, 21 - - _Neue Zurcher Nachrichten_, 22 - - Neuilly, Treaty of, 123, 299 - - Nevoso, the, 120, 136, 184, 192, 286, 329 - - Nicholas, King of Montenegro, 189, 190 - - Nitti, Signor, 106 - - Nofri, Gregorio, 252 - - Nola, the Risorgimento and, 351 - - North African colonies, 303 - - North America, Italian emigration to, 341 - - - Oberdan, Guglielmo, 344 - - Oldofredi, Count, 351 - - Olympic Games, 340, 342 - - Order, measures to restore, 308 - - Orlando, Cantiere, of Leghorn, xiii - - Orlando, Signor, 362 - - Ortigara, 110 - - Ottoman Public Debt, 303 - - - Padua, speeches: - 2nd June 1923 (Women’s Congress), 286; - 3rd June 1923 (at the University), 289 - - Palestine, 194–5 - - Pangermanism, xiii, 21, 44 - - Pareto, 312 - - Paris Conference, Montenegrin independence and the, 189; - failure of, 295 - - Parliament, Government of Fascisti and, 208, 221, 313, 357; - speech in, on Treaty of Rapallo and Agreements of Sta. Margherita, - 210; - Sub-Alpine, and Cavour, 351 - - Parma, speech 13th Dec. 1914 at, 9 - - Passive resistance, 346 - - Perathoner, Herr, xiii, 164 - - Petrillo, 347 - - Petrograd, tyranny at, 33 - - Piave, the Germans on, 31, 32, 45; - Italian resistance on, 48, 59; - the “arditi” and, 74; - Austrian empire destroyed on, 111, 135, 332; - a starting point for the Fascisti in their march to Rome, 160; - deciding factor of the war, 332 - - Piedmont, Cavour and the constitutional movement of, 311, 351–2 - - Pisacane, Carlo, 78, 351 - - Po, Valley of (Valle Padana), 42, 125; - Socialist exploitation of the masses in, 134; - Upper Adige question and, 184 - - Poincaré, M., 346 - - Poland, xviii, 100, 123, 195, 213; - boundaries, 268, 280, 304; - Italian relations with, 304 - - Pontifical Allocution, Zionism and the, 194 - - _Popolo d’Italia_, founded, xvi; - German-Swiss and the, 21; - Mussolini and, 37; - Treaty of Rapallo criticised by, 125–6 - - Popular Party, strike of textile workers belonging to, 68; - annual day of, 141; - Fascismo and the, 183, 201–3, 318; - Electoral Reform Bill and, 347, 361 - - Porta Pia, breach of, 108, 144 - - Porto Baros, 193, 256, 262 - - Portorose Conventions, 270, 281 - - Porto Sauro, 278 - - Portugal, colonies of, 90 - - Post and Telegraph Offices, 307 - - Potsdam, 59 - - Prefects, 315 - - Press, the, 313; - jury and, 352; - freedom of, 353 - - _Principe_, the, 38 - - Priza, Admiral, 269 - - Proletariat, Italian, intervention and the, 16; - Assizes of the, 105 - - Proudhon, 10 - - Prussia, 9, 36, 50 - - Public services, industrialisation of, xvii - - Public Works, Ministry of, Fascisti demand, 174 - - - Quadrumvirate meeting, xiii - - Quaranta di San Severino, Barone Bernardo, 335 - - - Radice, Signor Lombardo, 343 - - Raffaello, 114 - - Railways, 270 - - Ramanadovich, Commander, 190 - - Rapallo, Treaty of, 123–4; - opinion of Central Committee of the Fascio on, 125; - why Italy signed, 126; - Dalmatia and, 127, 130; - mentioned in Parliament, 210; - Agreements of Sta. Margherita presented to Parliament, 247; - evacuation of territories claimed by Yugoslavia and, 248; - Italian foreign policy regarding, 249; - ratification, 251; - revision of, 256; - application of, 261; - enforcement of, 300 - - Red Cross, German, 21 - - Reggio Emilia, Congress of, 3 - - Regguzoni, 88 - - Religious instruction in elementary schools, xii - - Renan, 55 - - Reparations Commission, 236, 298 - - Reparations: - decision of Reparations Commission, 26th Dec. 1922, 236; - decision 12th Jan. 1923, 236; - failure of Germany to supply wood, 236; - Italian delegate’s mandate, 236–7; - Turko-Grecian, 266; - Italy and, 294; - Italian project, 295; - owed by Austria, Bulgaria and Hungary, 295; - Italian quota of, 295–6; - German - project, 297; - German Note on, 297; - Treaty of Trianon, 298; - Allies’ agreement with Bulgaria, 299; - loan to Austria, 300. - _See also_ Inter-allied debts - - Republican Alliance, electoral reform and the, 101 - - Republican Party, intervention and the, 24; - aims of Fascismo and the, 92 - - Revolution, French, ix, 14, 349; - Fascista, 354 - - Rhine, German threat to Italy from, 45; - American withdrawal, 230; - Ruhr advance, 230; - exploitation of forests, 236 - - Rismondo on Dalmatia, 74 - - Risorgimento, Italian, 111, 144–5, 150–1 - - _Risorgimento, Il_, 312 - - Roccatagliata, Ceccardi, 18 - - Rodzianko, 33 - - Romanoff, House of, 33 - - Rome, Pact of, 126 - - Rome, Government of, and Government at Fiume, 128; - Bolshevist Congress of, 167; - Fascista march on, 171 - - Rome, speeches of Mussolini at, 24th Feb. 1918, 30; - 21st June 1921, 183; - 16th Nov. 1922, 207; - 2nd Jan. 1923, 228; - 6th Jan. 1923, 82; - 15th Jan. 1923, 230; - 19th Jan. 1923, 234; - 23rd Jan. 1923, 235; - 1st Feb. 1923, 240; - 6th Feb. 1923, 245; - 8th Feb. 1923, 247; - 10th Feb. 1923, 251; - 16th Feb. 1923, 258; - 2nd March 1923, 264; - 6th March 1923, 271; - 7th March 1923, 272; - 18th March 1923, 274; - 7th April 1923, 278; - 8th June 1923, 293; - 8th June 1923, 306; - 25th June 1923, 331; - speech by American Ambassador, 28th June 1923, 335; - Mussolini’s reply to American Ambassador, 340; - 2nd July 1923, 347; - 3rd July 1923, 345; - 16th July 1923, 347; - Internal Congress of Chambers of Commerce at, 274 - - Romulus, 38 - - Ronchi, legions of, 128 - - Rossoni, Edmondo, xi - - Rothermere, Lord, on Mussolini’s work, xiv - - Roumania, intervention of, 19; - Italian relations with, 213; - Mohammedans in, 213 - - Rovigo, speech at, 2nd June 1923, 284 - - Ruffini, Senator, 335 - - Ruhr, Italian policy in the, 230–1, 238–9, 254; - Memorandum of London, - 231; - German Government’s orders as to coal deliveries, 235; - Reparations Commission’s report on Germany’s failure, 336; - Moratorium, 236–7; - control of mines, 236; - English representative on Rhine High Commission, 237; - Italian mediation, 237, 259; - America’s neutrality, 238; - Little Entente and, 238, 240; - Lausanne Conference, 238, 241; - Russia and, 240; - train services and, 241; - passive resistance, 264, 346; - French object, 264; - English attitude, 264; - reasons for occupation of, 295; - extension of occupation, 345; - European exchanges, 345 - - _Ruskoie Slovo_, admission of Russian vacillation in, 19 - - Russia, commercial treaty with, xviii; - undermined by revolution, 12; - Entente and financial difficulties of, 19; - Leninist policy at Brest-Litowsk, 43; - Agrarian revolution, 123; - the Baltic States, 123; - Panslavism, 123; - disagreement over Wilna and Grodno, 123; - fate of Poland, 123; - Russian Jews and Palestine, 195; - relations between Italy and, 303; - liberty of association and, 355; - freedom of the Press in, 355 - - Rybar, Signor, 269 - - - Sabotino, 28 - - St. Germain, Treaty of, unsatisfactory to the victors, 123; - Austrian Republic and, 124; - Austro-Italian economic relations and, 282 - - Salandra, Signor, his formula of “sacred egoism,” 16; - congratulates Mussolini, 362 - - Salorno, Pass of, 185 - - Salute, Fascista, xv - - San Terenzo, 163 - - Santa Margherita, Agreements of, 210; - purpose of, 247 _et seq._; - approval of, 251; - Adriatic question and, 255–6; - application of, by Italian Government, 256; - effect of, on Zara and Dalmatia, 260–1; - Abbazia Conference, 278; enforcement of, 300 - - Santi Quaranta, 363 - - Sardi, Baron, 335 - - Sardinia, soldiers of, 120; - Fascisti of, 171; the post-war needs of, 321; - Fascismo and, 324; - Mussolini in, 320, 323, 326; - malaria, 356 - - Sassari, speech 10th June 1923 at, 320 - - Sasseno, occupation of, 20 - - Sauro Basin, 279 - - Sauro, Nazario, 269 - - Savoy, Upper, Switzerland, 21; - House of, and Italian unity, 176; - Military Order of, 309 - - Scala, the, 25, 59 - - Schappner, 21 - - Schools, reform of, 314 - - Sciesa, Antonio, 161 - - Sea, Federation of the, 104 - - Seamen, Federation of, 106 - - Sebenico, 96 - - Seipel, 281 - - Serbia, 10, 12; - against separate peace, 19; - integrity of, safeguarded, 189 - - Serbo-Croat-Slovak Delegation at Abbazia, 278 - - Serrani, 88 - - Serrati on Tuscany, 103 - - Sesto San Giovanni, speech at, 1st Dec. 1917, 25 - - Sèvres, Treaty of: not satisfactory, 123; - results of possible failure of, 150; - Palestine Mandate, 194 - - Sforza, Count, on Montenegrin independence, 189, 191 - - Siam, commercial treaty with, xviii, 283 - - Silesia, Upper, 123, 189 - - Sionism. _See_ Zionism - - Skrzynski, 280 - - Smyrna, 124; - Entente and, 254 - - Social-Bolshevism, 108 - - Social-Communists, 161 - - Social Democrats, 203 - - Social-Extremists and economic policy, 275 - - Socialism, 5; - Italian, 97; - co-operation with useless, 99; - State, 198 - - Socialist Party, Italian: - Mussolini’s expulsion from, 3; - irredentism and, 15; intervention and, 27; - Dalmine strike and, 63; - condemnation of, 69; - working class and, 70; - anti-Italian nature of, 73; - Fascismo and, 92; - membership roll, 93, 105; - Leninist Socialists, 101; - in 1913, 97; - Turati, 105; - Bolshevist element in, 116–7; - Fascisti and, 139, 154; - party Socialism and Socialism of Labour distinguished, 197 - - Socialist Union, Italian, 92 - - Socrates, 135, 162 - - Soldiers, Committee of Wounded and Disabled, 51 - - Soviet, in Italy, 97; - in Russia, 123; - Fascista policy towards, 133; - Italian Communists and the, 197; - attitude towards German proletariat, 232 - - Spa, conference at, 295 - - Spain, commercial treaty with, xviii, 283; - conditions in, 306 - - Spalato, 255 - - Sparta, Fascismo and “krypteia” of, ix - - Stambuliski, 345 - - _Stampa_, the, 97 - - Statute Law, the, 311–12, 356 - - Stefani, de, xviii, and Budgets, 272 - - Stelvio, 276 - - Straits, the. _See_ Dardanelles - - Strike, anti-Fascista, 307 - - Stringa, Major-General, 310 - - Sturck, 98 - - Südbahn Conference, 269–270 - - Sudekum, 99 - - Suffrage, universal, 355 - - Susak, 256, 262, 278 - - Switzerland, Mussolini expelled from, xvi, 21, 22 - - Syndicalist organisation of Bologna, 37; - of the Fascista, 148, 178 - - Syndicalism, 9, 63, 148, 178, 313–14 - - Syndicalist corporations, xi - - Syndicalists, in Parma, 9; - of Bologna, 37; - in Dalmine, 63; - Syndicate of co-operation, 69; - Fascista syndicalism, 63, 148, 178; - Fascista syndicates, 81; - in Italy generally, 197 - - Syndicate, of Co-operation, 69; - Fascista, 81; - National Italian, 197; - Confederation of Italian Syndicates, 197 - - - Tacitus, 44 - - Tamassia, Senator, 260 - - Tangorra, 215 - - Tardieu, 95 - - Taxation, 317 - - Theseus, 38 - - Tellini, General Enrico, murder of, 363 - - Ticino, Canton, 136, 184 - - Timavo, 48 - - Tirso, Lake, 324 - - Tittoni, Senator, 263 - - Titus, 37 - - Tivaroni, Senator, 260 - - Tokyo, circulation of _Our Next War With the United States_ in, 122 - - Tolstoy, 114, 118 - - Tonoli, 161 - - Toscanini, 133 - - Transylvania, 20 - - Trento, Fascismo in, xiii; - Italian aims and, 53; - statue of Dante at, 60; - reconquest of, 100; - acquisition of, 111; - Socialists and, 118; - Fascisti of, and Fiume, 131; - elections, 173; - Fascisti demands concerning, 187 - - Treves, 14 - - Trianon, Treaty of, 123; - Hungarian reparations, 298 - - Trieste, 25; - Giacomo Venezian and, 48; - Adriatic aspirations, 59; - reconquest of, 100; - speech of 20 Sept. 1920 at, 108; - Risorgimento, 111; - Socialists and, 118; - military sacrifices of 1915, 120; - speech of 6 Feb. 1921 at, 121; - Fascisti of, and Fiume, 131; - Fascisti of, and separation, 171; - frontier traffic, 282 - - Triple Alliance, 12, 22, 23 - - Triple Entente, 12, 15, 16 - - Tripoli, war in, 14 - - Turati, Filippo, 69, 105, 252 - - Turin, 43 - - Turkey, 10; - Treaty of Sèvres, 125; - Kemal Pasha, 150; - juridical protection of foreigners, 302–3; - Libyan subjects resident in, 303; - Ottoman debt, 303. - _See also_ Lausanne Conference - - Tuscany, 328 - - - Udine, speech of 20 Sept. 1922 at, 143 - - Ukraine, 195, 303 - - United States, internationalism and the, 46; - democracy of, 49, 110; - intervention of, 49, 51; - relations with, 214; - representatives of, at Economic Congress, 275; - agreement with Britain on debt, 296; - Austrian loan and, 300; - Italian relations with, 304, 335 _et seq._ - - Unity, basis of, 93, moral, of the Italian people, 352–3 - - Universal suffrage, 355 - - Universities, Padua, 289; - of Italy, 291 - - Unknown Warrior, tomb of, 331, 343, 344 - - Utopia, the Asiatic, 82 - - - Valona, 20, 117, 118 - - Vanzette, 79 - - Vatican, the, 202 - - Vecchi, Cesare Maria de, xiii, 310 - - “Venezia Giulia,” 343 - - Venezia Tridentina, 171 - - Venezian, 134 - - Venice, 113, 286 - - Venizelos, 125 - - Verdi, 77 - - Versailles, 56 - - Versailles, Treaty of: - revision of, 99, 100; - indemnity under, 124; - Italy excluded from economic and colonial benefits, 293 - - Victor Emmanuel III., King, xii - - Vidali, 88 - - Vienna, 11; - Danube Confederation, 124; - occupation of, 149, 172 - - Vigevano, Colonel, 190 - - Vinci, Leonardo da, 114 - - Vittorio Veneto, 75, 77; - vindication of fruits of, xvii, 107, 151, 154, 160, 164; - greatness of victory of, 110; - Austria crushed at, 135; - Fascista Government, the Government of, 333 - - Votes for Women, 286 - - - War Office, Fascisti demand, 174 - - War, revolutionary, 23 - - Warsaw, Italian firms and, 280 - - Washington Conference on Disarmament, xviii, 243; - social and pacifist Conventions of, 355 - - Waterloo, 5 - - Wells, H. G., 41 - - White Federation, 197 - - Wilna, 123 - - Wilson, Woodrow, 28, 52, 126, 189 - - Woman’s Fascista Congress, 286; - suffrage, 355 - - Workers, General Federation of, 198 - - Working classes, post-war rights of, 63; - intervention and the, 69; - Fascismo and the, 75; - Fascista Government’s policy towards, 80 - - Workmen, Italian Union of, 66, 69 - - - Yellow immigration, 121 - - Yugoslavia, pact of Rome, 126; - Isonzo and, 127; - Porto Barro and the Delta, 193; - Mohammedanism in, 213; - the Adriatic question, 255; - Abbazia Conference, 269; - commercial treaty, 271, 282. - _See also_ Fiume; - Rapallo, Treaty of - - - Zagabria, 127 - - Zahn, 21 - - Zambon, Maj.-General, 310 - - Zankoff, 345 - - Zara, 53, 59; - Treaty of Rapallo, 125, 262; - Fascismo and, 136; - Adriatic question and, 192; - Agreements of Sta. Margherita, 247, 260–1; - Fascista Government and, 256–7; - “Special zone of Zara,” 301. - _See also_ Yugoslavia - - Zocchi, Fulvio, 9 - - - PRINTED BY - THE TEMPLE PRESS AT LETCHWORTH - IN GREAT BRITAIN - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES - - - 1. All items mentioned in the ERRATA were corrected. - 2. Silently corrected typographical errors and variations in spelling. - 3. Archaic, non-standard, and uncertain spellings retained as printed. - 4. Footnotes were re-indexed using numbers. - 5. 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