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-The Project Gutenberg EBook of Morristown National Historical Park, A
-Military Capital of the American Revol, by Melvin J. Weig
-
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most
-other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
-whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of
-the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
-www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have
-to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook.
-
-Title: Morristown National Historical Park, A Military Capital of the American Revolution
- National Park Service Historical Handbook Series, No. 7
-
-Author: Melvin J. Weig
-
-Contributor: Vera B. Craig
-
-Release Date: July 15, 2020 [EBook #62651]
-
-Language: English
-
-Character set encoding: UTF-8
-
-*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK MORRISTOWN NATIONAL HISTORICAL PARK ***
-
-
-
-
-Produced by Stephen Hutcheson and the Online Distributed
-Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
- MORRISTOWN
- NATIONAL HISTORICAL PARK
- _A Military Capital of the American Revolution_
-
-
- [Illustration: {candlestick and letter}]
-
- _by Melvin J. Weig, with assistance from Vera B. Craig_
-
- NATIONAL PARK SERVICE HISTORICAL HANDBOOK SERIES No. 7
- WASHINGTON 25, D. C., 1950
-
- [Illustration: {DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR · March 3, 1949}]
-
- UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR
- Oscar L. Chapman, _Secretary_
-
- NATIONAL PARK SERVICE
- Newton B. Drury, _Director_
-
-
- _HISTORICAL HANDBOOK NUMBER SEVEN_
-
- This publication is one of a series of handbooks describing the
- historical and archeological areas in the National Park System
- administered by the National Park Service of the United States
- Department of the Interior. It is printed by the Government Printing
- Office and may be purchased from the Superintendent of Documents,
- Washington 25, D. C. Price 20¢.
-
-
-
-
- _Contents_
-
-
- _Page_
- THE FIRST WINTER ENCAMPMENT IN MORRIS COUNTY 1
- Situation: January 1777 1
- From Princeton to Morristown 2
- The New Base of American Operations 3
- Winter Quarters for Officers and Men 5
- Instability of the Army 6
- Food and Clothing Shortages 7
- Recruitment Gets Under Way 7
- Sickness and Death 8
- Washington Tightens His Grip on New Jersey 9
- The Prospect Brightens 10
- End of the 1777 Encampment 11
- JOCKEY HOLLOW: THE “HARD” WINTER OF 1779-80 11
- Intermission: War in Deadlock 11
- Morristown Again Becomes the Military Capital 12
- Building the “Log-house city” 12
- Terrible Severity of the Winter 16
- Lack of Adequate Clothing 17
- Shortage of Provisions and Forage 17
- Money Troubles and Their Consequences 18
- Guarding the Lines 18
- The Staten Island Expedition 19
- Sidelights on the Pattern of Army Life 22
- Luzerne and Miralles 23
- The Committee at Headquarters 24
- Lafayette Brings Good News 24
- Two Battles End the 1779-80 Encampment 25
- JANUARY 1781: THE STORY OF TWO MUTINIES 27
- THE NEW JERSEY BRIGADE ENCAMPMENT OF 1781-82 29
- GUIDE TO THE AREA 29
- HOW TO REACH THE PARK 42
- ESTABLISHMENT AND ADMINISTRATION 42
- VISITOR FACILITIES 43
- RELATED AREAS 44
-
- [Illustration: “_Washington Receiving a Salute on the Field of
- Trenton._” From the engraving by William Holl (1865), after the
- painting by John Faed.]
-
- [Illustration: {Ford Mansion}]
-
-During two critical winters of the Revolutionary War, 1777 and 1779-80,
-the rolling countryside in and around Morristown, N. J., sheltered the
-main encampments of the American Continental Army and served as the
-headquarters of its famed Commander in Chief, George Washington. Patriot
-troops were also quartered in this vicinity on many other occasions.
-Here Washington reorganized his weary and depleted forces almost within
-sight of strong British lines at New York. Here came Lafayette with
-welcome news of the second French expedition sent to aid the Americans.
-And here was developed, in the face of bitter cold, hunger, hardship,
-and disease, the Nation’s will to independence and freedom. Thus for a
-time this small New Jersey village became the military capital of the
-United States, the testing ground of a great people in its heroic fight
-for “life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.”
-
-
-
-
- _The First Winter Encampment in Morris County_
-
-
-SITUATION: JANUARY 1777.
-
-Sir William Howe had been mistaken. Near the middle of December 1776, as
-Commander in Chief of His Majesty’s army in America, he believed the
-rebellion of Great Britain’s trans-Atlantic colonies crushed beyond hope
-of revival. “Mr.” Washington’s troops had been driven from New York,
-pursued through New Jersey, and forced at last to cross the Delaware
-River into Pennsylvania. The British had captured Maj. Gen. Charles Lee,
-the only American general they thought possessed real ability. Some
-mopping up might be necessary in the spring, but the arduous work of
-conquest was over. Howe could spend a comfortable winter in New York,
-and Lord Cornwallis, the British second in command, might sail for
-England and home.
-
-Then suddenly, with whirlwind effect, these pleasant reveries were swept
-away in the roar of American gunfire at Trenton in the cold, gray dawn
-of December 26, and at Princeton on January 3. Outgeneraled, bewildered,
-and half in panic, the British forces pulled back to New Brunswick. Now
-they were 60 miles from their objective at Philadelphia, instead of 19.
-Worst of all, they had been maneuvered into this ignominious retreat by
-a “Tatterde-mallion” army one-sixth the size of their own, and they were
-on the defensive. “We have been boxed about in Jersey,” lamented one of
-Howe’s officers, “as if we had no feelings.” George Washington with his
-valiant comrades in arms had weathered the dark crisis. For the time
-being at least, the Revolution was saved.
-
-
-FROM PRINCETON TO MORRISTOWN.
-
-Washington’s original plan at the beginning of this lightninglike
-campaign was to capture New Brunswick, where he might have destroyed all
-the British stores and magazines, “taken (as we have since learnt) their
-Military Chest containing 70,000 £ and put an end to the War.” But
-Cornwallis, in Trenton, had heard the cannon sounding at Princeton that
-morning of January 3, and, just as the Americans were leaving the town,
-the van of the British Army came in sight. By that time the patriot
-forces were nearly exhausted, many of the men having been without any
-rest for 2 nights and a day. The 600 or 800 fresh troops required for a
-successful assault on New Brunswick were not at hand. Washington held a
-hurried conference with his officers, who advised against attempting too
-much. Then, destroying the bridge over the Millstone River immediately
-east of Kingston, the Continentals turned north and marched to Somerset
-Court House (now Millstone), where they arrived between dusk and 11
-o’clock that night.
-
-Washington marched his men to Pluckemin the next day, rested them over
-Sunday, January 5, and on the Monday following continued on northward
-into Morristown. There the troops arrived, noted an American officer,
-“at 5 P. M. and encamped in the woods, the snow covering the ground.”
-Thus began the first main encampment of the Continental Army in Morris
-County.
-
- [Illustration: _The Ford Powder Mill, built by Col. Jacob Ford, Jr.,
- in 1776._]
-
- [Illustration: _The Old Morris County Courthouse of Revolutionary
- War times._]
-
- [Illustration: _The Ford Mansion, shelter for Delaware troops in
- 1777 and occupied as Washington’s headquarters during the terrible
- winter of 1779-80._]
-
-
-THE NEW BASE OF AMERICAN OPERATIONS.
-
-A letter dated May 12, 1777, described the Morristown of that day as “a
-very Clever little village, situated in a most beautiful vally at the
-foot of 5 mountains.” Farming was the mainstay of its people, some 250
-in number and largely of New England stock, but nearby ironworks were
-already enriching a few families and employing more and more laborers.
-Among the 50 or 60 buildings in Morristown, the most important seem to
-have been the Arnold Tavern, the Presbyterian and Baptist Churches, and
-the Morris County Courthouse and Jail, all located on an open “Green”
-from which streets radiated in several directions. There were also a few
-sawmills, gristmills, and a powder mill, the last built on the Whippany
-River, in 1776, by Col. Jacob Ford, Jr., commander of the Eastern
-Battalion, Morris County Militia. Colonel Ford’s dwelling house, then
-only a few years old, was undoubtedly the handsomest in the village.
-
-Washington’s immediate reasons for bringing his troops to Morristown
-were that it appeared to be the place “best calculated of any in this
-Quarter, to accomodate and refresh them,” and that he knew not how to
-obtain covering for the men elsewhere. He must have been impressed also
-with the demonstrated loyalty of Morris County to the patriot cause,
-even in those dreary, anxious weeks of late 1776 when its militia helped
-considerably to stave off attempted enemy incursions directly westward
-from the vicinity of New York. Finally, there were already at Morristown
-three Continental regiments previously ordered down from Fort
-Ticonderoga, and union with these would strengthen the forces under his
-personal command.
-
- [Illustration: _The Arnold Tavern, where Washington reputedly stayed
- in 1777._]
-
-Even so, Washington hoped at first to move again before long, and it was
-only as circumstances forced him to remain in this small New Jersey
-community that its advantages as a base for American military operations
-became fully apparent. From here he could virtually control an extensive
-agricultural country, cutting off its produce from the British and using
-it instead to sustain the Continental Army. In the mountainous region
-northwest of Morristown were many forges and furnaces, such as those at
-Hibernia, Mount Hope, Ringwood, and Charlottenburg, from which needed
-iron supplies might be obtained. The position was also difficult for an
-enemy to attack. Directly eastward, on either side of the main road
-approach from Bottle Hill (now Madison), large swamp areas guarded the
-town. Still further east, almost midway between Morristown and the
-Jersey shore, lay the protecting barriers of Long Hill, and the First
-and Second Watchung Mountains. Their parallel ridges stretched out for
-more than 30 miles, like a huge earthwork, from the Raritan River on the
-south toward the northern boundary of the State, whence they were
-continued by the Ramapos to the Hudson Highlands. In addition to all
-this, the village was nearly equidistant from Newark, Perth Amboy, and
-New Brunswick, the main British posts in New Jersey, so that any enemy
-movement could be met by an American counterblow, either from
-Washington’s own outposts or from the center of his defensive-offensive
-web at Morristown itself. A position better suited to all the Commander
-in Chief’s purposes, either in that winter of 1777 or in the later
-1779-80 encampment period, would have been hard to find.
-
- [Illustration: _Morristown and RELATED AMERICAN OUTPOSTS in the
- REVOLUTIONARY WAR_]
-
- N. Y.
- Newburgh
- ▲◍Fishkill
- ▲New Windsor
- ▲Fort Constitution
- ◍West Point
- ◍Continental Village
- ▲Peekskill
- Galloway’s in the Clove
- ▲Fort Montgomery
- ▲King’s Ferry
- ◍Verplanck’s Point
- ◍Stony Point
- Haverstraw
- ◍Kakiat
- HARLEM HEIGHTS II
- WHITE PLAINS III
- Valentine’s Hill
- King’s Bridge
- Fort Lee
- NEW YORK
- _BRITISH HDQRS._
- Brooklyn
- LONG ISLAND I
- CONN.
- N. J.
- ◍Ringwood Iron Works
- ▲Ramapo
- Charlottenburg Iron Works
- ▲◍Paramus
- ▲Pompton
- Hibernia Furnace
- Mt. Hope Furnace
- ◍Rockaway
- Boonton
- ▲Succasunna Plains
- ◍Crane’s Mills
- MORRISTOWN
- _AMERICAN HDQRS._
- Bottle Hill
- ▲Chatham
- Easton
- ◍SPRINGFIELD VI & VII
- ◍Newark
- Vealtown
- Connecticut Farms
- Baskingridge
- ▲Scotch Plains
- ◍Pluckemin
- ▲◍Elizabethtown
- ▲◍Westfield
- ◍Rahway
- ▲Raritan
- ▲Quibbletown
- ▲Woodbridge
- ▲Middlebrook
- ▲Bound Brook
- ◍Perth Amboy
- ▲Somerset Court House
- ◍New Brunswick
- Coryell’s Ferry
- ▲◍PRINCETON V
- ▲◍TRENTON IV
- ▲◍Allentown
- Bordentown
- Cooper’s Ferry
- PA.
- McKonkey’s Ferry
- Newtown
- ▲Bristol
- ◍Burlington
- ▲◍PHILADELPHIA
- ▲AMERICAN OUTPOSTS IN 1777
- ◍AMERICAN OUTPOSTS IN 1779-80
- OTHER IMPORTANT LOCALITIES
- REVOLUTIONARY WAR ROADS
- MAJOR BATTLES
- I LONG ISLAND—AUGUST 27, 1776
- II HARLEM HEIGHTS—SEPTEMBER 16, 1776
- III WHITE PLAINS—OCTOBER 23, 1776
- IV TRENTON—DECEMBER 25, 1776
- V PRINCETON—JANUARY 5, 1777
- VI & VII SPRINGFIELD—JUNE 7 & 23, 1780
- _DESIGNED BY M. J. WEIG_ · _DRAWN BY V. B. CRAIG_ ·
-
-
-WINTER QUARTERS FOR OFFICERS AND MEN.
-
-Local tradition has it that upon arriving in Morristown, on January 6,
-Washington went to the Arnold Tavern, and that his headquarters remained
-there all through the 1777 encampment period. Maj. Gen. Nathanael Greene
-lodged for a time “at Mr. Hoffman’s,—a very good-natured, doubtful
-gentleman.” Captain Rodney and his men were quartered at Colonel Ford’s
-“elegant” house until about mid-January, when they left for Delaware and
-home. Brig. Gen. Anthony Wayne, on rejoining Washington in the spring of
-1777, is said to have stayed at the homestead of Deacon Ephraim Sayre,
-in Bottle Hill. It has been stated that other officers, and a large
-number of private soldiers as well, were given shelter in Morristown or
-nearby villages by the Ely, Smith, Beach, Tuttle, Richards, Kitchell,
-and Thompson families.
-
-According to the Reverend Samuel L. Tuttle, a local historian writing in
-1871, there was also a campground for the troops about 3 miles southeast
-of Morristown on what were then the farms of John Easton and Isaac
-Pierson, in the valley of Loantaka Brook. Tuttle obtained his
-information from one Silas Brookfield and other eyewitnesses of the
-Revolutionary scene, who claimed that the troops built a village of log
-huts at that location. It is highly curious that not one of Washington’s
-published letters or orders refers to such buildings, nor are they
-mentioned in any other contemporary written records studied to date.
-
-
-INSTABILITY OF THE ARMY.
-
-However the troops were sheltered, it was not long before the army which
-had fought at Trenton and Princeton began to melt away. Deplorable
-health conditions, lack of proper clothing, insufficient pay to meet
-rising living costs, and many other instances of neglect had discouraged
-the soldiery all through the 1776 campaign. The volunteer militiamen
-were particularly dissatisfied. Some troops were just plain homesick,
-and nearly all had already served beyond their original or emergency
-terms of enlistment. They had little desire for another round of hard
-military life.
-
- [Illustration: _Maj. Gen. Nathanael Greene._]
-
- [Illustration: _Brig. Gen. Anthony Wayne._]
-
-Washington described his situation along this line in a letter of
-January 19 addressed to the President of Congress: “The fluctuating
-state of an Army, composed Chiefly of Militia, bids fair to reduce us to
-the Situation in which we were some little time ago, that is, of scarce
-having any Army at all, except Reinforcements speedily arrive. One of
-the Battalions from the City of Philadelphia goes home to day, and the
-other two only remain a few days longer upon Courtesy. The time, for
-which a County Brigade under Genl. Mifflin came out, is expired, and
-they stay from day to day, by dint of Solicitation. Their Numbers much
-reduced by desertions. We have about Eight hundred of the Eastern
-Continental Troops remaining, of twelve or fourteen hundred who at first
-agreed to stay, part engaged to the last of this Month and part to the
-middle of next. The five Virginia Regts. are reduced to a handful of
-Men, as is Col Hand’s, Smallwood’s, and the German Battalion. A few days
-ago, Genl Warner arrived, with about seven hundred Massachusetts Militia
-engaged to the 15th [of] March. Thus, you have a Sketch of our present
-Army, with which we are obliged to keep up Appearances, before an Enemy
-already double to us in Numbers.”
-
-
-FOOD AND CLOTHING SHORTAGES.
-
-Meanwhile, as the Commander in Chief noted in another letter of nearly
-the same date, his few remaining troops were “absolutely perishing” for
-want of clothing, “Marching over Frost and Snow, many without a Shoe,
-Stocking or Blanket.” Nor, due to certain inefficiencies in the supply
-services, was the food situation any better. “The Cry of want of
-Provisions come to me from every Quarter,” Washington stormed angrily on
-February 22 to Matthew Irwin, a Deputy Commissary of Issues: “Gen.
-Maxwell writes word that his People are starving; Gen. Johnston, of
-Maryland, yesterday inform’d me, that his People could draw none; this
-difficulty I understand prevails also at Chatham! What Sir is the
-meaning of this? and why were you so desirous of excluding others from
-this business when you are unable to accomplish it yourself? Consider, I
-beseech you, the consequences of this neglect, and exert yourself to
-remove the Evil.” Even in May, near the end of the 1777 encampment,
-there was an acute shortage of food.
-
-
-RECRUITMENT GETS UNDER WAY.
-
-In this situation, Washington wrought mightily to “new model” the
-American fighting forces. Late in 1776, heeding at last his pressing
-argument for longer enlistments, Congress had called upon the States to
-raise 88 Continental battalions, and had also authorized recruitment of
-16 “additional battalions” of infantry, 3,000 light horse, three
-regiments of artillery, and a corps of engineers. A magnificent dream of
-an army 75,000 strong! Washington knew, however, that it was more than
-“to say Presto begone, and every thing is done.” Very early that winter
-he sent many of his general officers into their own States to hurry on
-the new levies. Night and day, too, he was in correspondence with anyone
-who might help in the cause, writing prodigiously. Still the business
-lagged painfully. “I have repeatedly wrote to all the recruiting
-Officers, to forward on their Men, as fast as they could arm and cloath
-them,” the Commander in Chief advised Congress on January 26, “but they
-are so extremely averse to turning out of comfortable Quarters, that I
-cannot get a Man to come near me, tho’ I hear from all parts, that the
-recruiting Service goes on with great Success.” For nearly 3 months
-more, as events turned out, he had to depend for support on ephemeral
-militia units, “here to-day, gone to-morrow.” April 5 found him still
-wondering if he would ever get the new army assembled.
-
-
-SICKNESS AND DEATH.
-
-But the patriot cup of woe was not yet filled, and there was still
-another evil to fight. This was smallpox, which together with dysentery,
-rheumatism, and assorted “fevers” had victimized hundreds of American
-troops in 1776. Now the dread disease threatened to run like wildfire
-through the whole army, old and new recruits alike.
-
-Medical knowledge of that day offered but one real hope of saving the
-Continental forces from this “greatest of all calamities,” namely, to
-communicate a mild form of smallpox by inoculation to every soldier who
-had not yet been touched by the contagion, thus immunizing him against
-its more virulent effects “when taken in the natural way.” Washington
-was convinced of this by the time he arrived at Morristown on January 6.
-He therefore ordered Dr. Nathaniel Bond to prepare at once for handling
-the business of mass inoculation in northern New Jersey, and instructed
-Dr. William Shippen, Jr., to inoculate without delay both the American
-troops then in Philadelphia and the recruits “that shall come in, as
-fast as they arrive.” During the next 3 months, similar instructions or
-suggestions were sent to officers and civil authorities connected with
-recruitment in New York, New Jersey, New England, Pennsylvania, and
-Virginia.
-
-Undertaken secretly at first, the bold project was soon going full swing
-throughout Morristown and surrounding villages. Inoculation centers were
-set up in private houses, with guards placed over them to prevent
-“natural” spread of the infection. The troops went through the treatment
-in several “divisions,” at intervals of 5 or 6 days. Washington waxed
-enthusiastic as the experiment progressed. “Innoculation at Philadelphia
-and in this Neighbourhood has been attended with amazing Success,” he
-wrote to the Governor of Connecticut, “and I have not the least doubt
-but your Troops will meet the same.” As of March 14, however, about
-1,000 soldiers and their attendants were still incapacitated in
-Morristown and vicinity, leaving but 2,000 others as the army’s total
-effective strength in New Jersey. A blow struck by Sir William Howe at
-that time might have been disastrous for the Americans. Fortunately, it
-never came.
-
-The episode was not without its tragic side, however. Since smallpox in
-any form was highly contagious, civilians in the whole countryside near
-the camp also had to be inoculated along with the army. Some local
-people, and a small number of soldiers as well, contracted the disease
-naturally before the project got under way, or perhaps refused
-submission to the treatment. Isolation hospitals for these unfortunates
-were established in the Presbyterian and Baptist Churches at Morristown,
-and in the Presbyterian Church at Hanover. The patients died like flies.
-In the congregation of the Morristown Presbyterian Church alone, no less
-than 68 deaths from smallpox were recorded in 1777. Those who survived
-the ordeal were almost always pockmarked by it.
-
- [Illustration: _Sketches of the Baptist Church_ (above) _and the
- Presbyterian Church_ (below) _at Morristown, both used as smallpox
- hospitals in 1777_.]
-
- [Illustration: {Presbyterian Church at Morristown}]
-
-
-WASHINGTON TIGHTENS HIS GRIP ON NEW JERSEY.
-
-Running the gauntlet of these and other problems, all at the same time,
-was discouraging for Washington, to say the least. Few generals have
-ever been more skilled, however, in ferreting out their opportunities,
-or in making better use of them. Nearly on a par with his remarkable
-victories at Trenton and Princeton was the way in which he reasserted
-patriot control over most of New Jersey during the winter and spring of
-1777, excepting only the immediate neighborhood of New Brunswick and
-Perth Amboy. Even there, as time went on, the American pressure became
-more or less constant.
-
-Stationing bodies of several hundred light troops at Princeton, Bound
-Brook, Elizabethtown, and other outlying posts, the Commander in Chief
-inaugurated from the beginning what might be termed a “scorched earth”
-policy. First came an order, on January 11, “to collect all the Beef,
-Pork, Flour, Spirituous Liquors, &c. &c. not necessary for the
-Subsistence of the Inhabitants, in all the parts of East Jersey, lying
-below the Road leading from Brunswick to Trenton.” This was followed, on
-February 3, by instructions for removing out of enemy reach “all the
-Horses, Waggons, and fat Cattle” his generals could lay their hands on.
-Payment for these items was to be guaranteed, but they might be taken by
-force from Tories and others who refused to sell. Washington likewise
-ordered the incessant hampering of all enemy attempts to obtain food and
-forage. “I would not suffer a man to stir beyond their Lines,” he wrote
-to Col. Joseph Reed, “nor suffer them to have the least Intercourse with
-the Country.”
-
-Conditions being what they were, the success with which these orders
-were carried into effect is astounding. Gradually, more provisions found
-their way to Morristown. On the other hand, hardly an enemy foraging
-party could leave its own camp without being set upon by the Americans.
-Newspapers, letters, and diaries of the period are filled with accounts
-of recurrent clashes between detachments of the two armies, some
-involving several thousand men. There were no great casualties on either
-side, but the Continentals seldom came off second-best. “Amboy and
-Brunswick,” wrote one historian, “were in a manner besieged.” Both enemy
-troops and horses grew sickly from want of fresh food, and many of them
-died before spring. In New York itself, where Sir William Howe kept
-headquarters, all kinds of provisions became “extremely dear” in price.
-Firewood was equally scarce in city and camp.
-
-Thus, by enterprise and daring expedients, Washington greatly
-discomfited the British Army, reduced still further its waning influence
-in New Jersey, and simultaneously maintained his own small force in
-action, preventing the men’s minds from yielding to despondence.
-
-
-THE PROSPECT BRIGHTENS.
-
-As spring advanced and roads became more passable, the new Continental
-levies finally began to come in. “The thin trickle became a rivulet,
-then a clear stream, though never a flood.” By May 20, Washington had in
-New Jersey 38 regiments with a total of 8,188 men. Five additional
-regiments were listed, but showed no returns at that time. Moreover,
-this new army was on a fairly substantial footing, the enlistments being
-either for 3 years, or for the duration of the war. There was also an
-abundance of arms and ammunition, including 1,000 barrels of powder,
-11,000 gunflints, and 22,000 muskets sent over from France. “From the
-present information,” wrote Maj. Gen. Henry Knox to his wife, “it
-appears that America will have much more reason to hope for a successful
-campaign the ensuing summer than she had the last.”
-
-Now, with the prospects thus brightening, there might be something of a
-brief social season to relieve the strain of hard work. Martha
-Washington had arrived at headquarters on March 15, and other American
-officers looked forward to being joined by their wives. An intimate word
-picture of the Commander in Chief in his lighter moods was drawn by one
-such camp visitor, Mrs. Martha Daingerfield Bland, in a letter written
-to her sister-in-law from Morristown on May 12: “Now let me speak of
-_our_ Noble & Agreeable Commander (for he Commands both sexes....) We
-visit them [the Washingtons] twice or three times a week by particular
-invitation—Ev’ry day frequently from Inclination, he is Generally busy
-in the fore noon—but from dinner til night he is free for all Company
-his Worthy Lady seemes to be in perfect felicity while she is by the
-side of her _old Man_ as she Calls him, We often make partys on Horse
-backe the Genl his Lady, Miss Livingstons & his aid de Camps ... at
-Which time General Washington throws of[f] the Hero—& takes up the
-chatty agreeable Companion—he can be down right impudent some times—such
-impudence, Fanny, as you & I like....”
-
-
-END OF THE 1777 ENCAMPMENT.
-
-General Howe had meanwhile determined, as early as April 2, to embark on
-another major attempt to capture Philadelphia, this time by sea
-approach. He apparently kept his own counsel, however, and up to the
-last minute neither the American nor the British Army knew his real
-intentions. The garrisons at Perth Amboy and New Brunswick left their
-cramped winter quarters for encampments in the open soon after the
-middle of May. This colored reports that Howe was about to attack
-Morristown, or that, while his main force advanced by land towards
-Philadelphia, a band of Loyalists would march from Bergen into Sussex
-County to aid a rising of the Tories there.
-
-Made uneasy by these and other British movements, Washington decided
-that the time had come to leave Morristown. On May 28, therefore,
-leaving behind a small detachment to guard what military stores were
-still in the village, he accordingly moved the Continental Army to
-Middlebrook Valley, behind the first Watchung Mountain a short distance
-north of Bound Brook, and only 8 miles from New Brunswick. This was a
-natural position from which the Americans could both defy attack and
-threaten any overland expedition the enemy might make. Such was the
-relationship of the two armies as the curtain went up on the ensuing
-summer campaign. The encampment of 1777 at Morristown had drawn to a
-close.
-
-
-
-
- _Jockey Hollow: the “Hard” Winter of 1779-80_
-
-
-INTERMISSION: WAR IN DEADLOCK.
-
-Nearly two and a half years passed by before the main body of the
-Continental Army again returned to Morristown. During that interval the
-British both captured and abandoned Philadelphia, Burgoyne’s Army
-surrendered to the Americans at Saratoga, and France and Spain entered
-the conflict against Great Britain. Washington’s soldiers had stood up
-under fire on numerous occasions, besides weathering the winter
-encampment periods at Valley Forge in 1777-78, and at Middlebrook in
-1778-79. On the other hand, the financial affairs of the young United
-States had gone from bad to worse. Hoped-for benefits from the French
-Alliance had not yet materialized, and the 3-year enlistments in the
-Continental Army had only 4 or 5 months more to run before their
-expiration. Moreover, while the military scales somewhat balanced in the
-North, the enemy held Savannah, and there were rumors that Sir Henry
-Clinton, Howe’s successor, would soon leave New York by sea to attack
-Charleston. With the final issue still in doubt, America approached what
-was destined to be the hardest winter of the Revolutionary War.
-
-
-MORRISTOWN AGAIN BECOMES THE MILITARY CAPITAL.
-
-Such was the general condition of affairs when, on November 30,
-Washington informed Nathanael Greene, then Quartermaster General, that
-he had finally decided “upon the position back of Mr. Kembles,” about 3
-miles southwest of Morristown, for the next winter encampment of the
-Continental forces under his immediate command. As he later wrote to the
-President of Congress, this was the nearest place available “compatible
-with our security which could also supply water and wood for covering
-and fuel.”
-
-The site thus chosen lay in a somewhat mountainous section of Morris
-County known as Jockey Hollow, and included portions of the “plantation”
-owned by Peter Kemble, Esq., and the farms of Henry Wick and Joshua
-Guerin. Some of the American brigades being already collected at nearby
-posts, Greene at once sent word to their commanders of Washington’s
-decision: “The ground I think will be pretty dry; I shall have the whole
-of it laid off this day; you will therefore order the troops to march
-immediately; or if you think it more convenient tomorrow morning. It
-will be well to send a small detachment from each Regiment to take
-possession of their ground. You will also order on your brigade quarter
-master to draw the tools for each brigade and to get a plan for hutting
-which they will find made out at my quarters.”
-
-Simultaneously with this instruction, which was dated December 1,
-Washington himself arrived in Morristown, during a “very severe storm of
-hail & snow all day.” He promptly established his headquarters at the
-Ford Mansion, presumably at the invitation of Mrs. Theodosia Ford, widow
-of Col. Jacob Ford, Jr., who was then living in the house with her four
-children. Morristown had again become the American military capital.
-
-
-BUILDING THE “LOG-HOUSE CITY.”
-
-Events now moved swiftly. Many of the American troops reached Morristown
-during the first week of December, and the rest arrived before the end
-of that month. Estimates vary as to their total effective strength, but
-it was probably not under 10,000 men, nor over 12,000, at that
-particular time. Eight infantry brigades—Hand’s, New York, 1st and 2d
-Maryland, 1st and 2d Connecticut, and 1st and 2d Pennsylvania—took up
-compactly arranged positions in Jockey Hollow proper. Two additional
-brigades, also of infantry, were assigned to campgrounds nearby: Stark’s
-Brigade on the east slope of Mount Kemble, and the New Jersey Brigade at
-“Eyre’s Forge,” on the Passaic River, somewhat less than a mile further
-southwest. Knox’s Artillery Brigade took post about a mile west of
-Morristown, on the main road to Mendham, and there also the Artillery
-Park of the army was established. The Commander in Chief’s Guard
-occupied ground directly opposite the Ford Mansion. All the positions
-noted are shown exactly on excellent maps of the period prepared by
-Robert Erskine, Washington’s Geographer General, and by Capt. Bichet de
-Rochefontaine, a French engineer. A brigade of Virginia troops was
-included in original plans for the encampment, but it was ordered
-southward soon after arriving at Morristown, and played no major part in
-the story here related.
-
- [Illustration: _Map of Morristown prepared by Robert Erskine, F. R.
- S., Geographer General of the Continental Army, dated December 17,
- 1779._ Courtesy of the New York Historical Society.]
-
- _N^o 105.
- Survey of Morristown—
- by the chain only_
-
- [Illustration: _Position of the Continental Army at Jockey Hollow in
- the winter of 1779-80._ Drawn by Capt. Bichet de Rochefontaine, a
- French engineer.]
-
-As they arrived in camp, the soldiers pitched their tents on the frozen
-ground. Then work was begun at once on building log huts for more secure
-shelter from the elements. This was a tremendous undertaking. There was
-oak, walnut, and chestnut timber at hand, but the winter had set in
-early with severe snowstorms and bitter cold. Dr. James Thacher, a
-surgeon in Stark’s Brigade, testified that “notwithstanding large fires,
-we can scarcely keep from freezing.” Maj. Ebenezer Huntington, of Webb’s
-Regiment, wrote that “the men have suffer’d much without shoes and
-stockings, and working half leg deep in snow.” In spite of these
-handicaps, however, nearly all the private soldiers had moved into their
-huts around Christmastime, though some of the officers’ quarters, which
-were left till last, remained unfinished until mid-February. A young
-Connecticut schoolmaster who visited the camp near the end of December
-described it as a “Log-house city,” where his own troops and those of
-other States dwelt among the hills “in tabernacles like Israel of old.”
-About 600 acres of woodland were cut down in connection with the
-project.
-
-Each brigade camped in the Jockey Hollow neighborhood occupied a
-sloping, well-drained hillside area about 320 yards long and 100 yards
-in depth, including a parade ground 40 yards deep in front. Above the
-parade were the soldiers’ huts, eight in a row and three or four rows
-deep for each regiment; beyond those the huts occupied by the captains
-and subalterns; and higher still the field officers’ huts. Camp streets
-of varying widths separated the hut rows. This arrangement is clearly
-shown in a contemporary sketch of the Stark’s Brigade Camp.
-
- [Illustration: _The “hutting” arrangement for General Stark’s
- Brigade, 1779-80._ From an original manuscript once owned by Erskine
- Hewitt, of Ringwood, N. J.]
-
-Logs notched together at the corners and chinked with clay formed the
-sides of the huts. Boards, slabs, or hand-split shingles were used to
-cover their simple gable roofs, the ridges of which ran parallel to the
-camp streets. All the soldiers’ huts, designed to accommodate 12 men
-each, were ordered built strictly according to a uniform plan: about 14
-feet wide and 15 or 16 feet long in floor dimensions, and around 6½ feet
-high at the eaves, with wooden bunks, a fireplace and chimney at one
-end, and a door in the front side. Apparently, windows were not cut in
-these huts until spring. The officers’ cabins were generally larger in
-size, and individual variation was permitted in their design and
-construction. Usually accommodating only two to four officers, they had
-two fireplaces and chimneys each, and frequently two or more doors and
-windows. Besides these two main types of huts, there were some others
-built for hospital, orderly room, and guardhouse purposes. The completed
-camp seems to have contained between 1,000 and 1,200 log buildings of
-all types combined.
-
-
-TERRIBLE SEVERITY OF THE WINTER.
-
-Weather conditions when the army arrived at Morristown were but a
-foretaste of what was yet to come, and long before all the huts were up,
-the elements attacked Washington’s camp with terrible severity. As
-things turned out, 1779-80 proved to be the most bitter and prolonged
-winter, not only of the Revolutionary War, but of the whole eighteenth
-century.
-
-One observer recorded 4 snows in November, 7 in December, 6 in January,
-4 in February, 6 in March, and 1 in April—28 falls altogether, some of
-which lasted nearly all day and night. The great storm of January 2-4
-was among the most memorable on record, with high winds which no man
-could endure many minutes without danger to his life. “Several marquees
-were torn asunder and blown down over the officers’ heads in the night,”
-wrote Dr. Thacher, “and some of the soldiers were actually covered while
-in their tents, and buried like sheep under the snow.” When this
-blizzard finally subsided, the snow lay full 4 feet deep on a level,
-drifted in places to 6 feet, filling up the roads, covering the tops of
-fences, and making it practically impossible to travel anywhere with
-heavy loads.
-
- [Illustration: _Reconstructions of typical log huts used by the
- officers_ (above) _and by soldiers of the line_ (below) _in the
- winter encampment of 1779-80_.]
-
- [Illustration: {Log hut}]
-
-What made things still worse was the intense, penetrating cold. General
-Greene noted that for 6 or 8 days early in January “there has been no
-living abroad.” Only on 1 day of that month, as far south as
-Philadelphia, did the mercury go above the freezing point. All the
-rivers froze solid, including both the Hudson and the Delaware, so that
-troops and even large cannon could pass over them. Ice in the Passaic
-River formed 3 feet thick, and, as late as February 26, the Hudson above
-New York was “full of fixed ice on the banks, and floating ice in the
-channel.” The Delaware remained wholly impassable to navigation for 3
-months. “The oldest people now living in this country,” wrote Washington
-on March 18, “do not remember so hard a Winter as the one we are now
-emerging from.”
-
- [Illustration: _The Pennsylvania Line campground in 1779-80, with a
- hospital hut in the foreground._ From a recent painting in the park
- collection.]
-
-
-LACK OF ADEQUATE CLOTHING.
-
-Not even good soldiers warmly clothed could be expected to endure this
-ordeal by weather without some complaint. How much more agonizing, then,
-was such a winter for Washington’s men in Jockey Hollow, who were again
-poorly clad! A regimental clothier in the Pennsylvania Line referred to
-some of the troops being “naked as Lazarus.” By the time their huts were
-completed, said an officer in Stark’s Brigade, not more than 50 men of
-his regiment could be returned fit for duty, and there was “many a good
-Lad with nothing to cover him from his hips to his toes save his
-Blanket.” As late as March, when “an immense body of snow” still
-remained on the ground, Dr. Thacher wrote that the soldiers were “in a
-wretched condition for the want of clothes, blankets and shoes.”
-
-
-SHORTAGE OF PROVISIONS AND FORAGE.
-
-Still more critical was the lack of food for the men, and forage for the
-horses and oxen on which every kind of winter transportation depended.
-December 1779 found the troops subsisting on “miserable fresh beef,
-without bread, salt, or vegetables.” When the big snows of midwinter
-blocked the roads, making it totally impossible for supplies to get
-through, the army’s suffering for lack of provisions alone became almost
-more than human flesh and blood could bear. Early in January 1780, said
-the Commander in Chief, his men sometimes went “5 or Six days together
-without bread, at other times as many days without meat, and once or
-twice two or three days without either ... at one time the Soldiers eat
-every kind of horse food but Hay.”
-
-Thanks to the magistrates and civilian population of New Jersey, an
-appeal from Washington in this urgent crisis brought cheerful, generous
-relief. This alone saved the army from starvation, disbandment, or such
-desperate, wholesale plundering as must have eventually ruined all
-patriot morale. By the end of February, however, the food situation was
-once more acute. Wrote General Greene: “Our provisions are in a manner
-gone; we have not a ton of hay at command, nor magazines to draw from.”
-Periodic food shortages continued to plague the troops during the next
-few months. As late as May 9, there was only a 3-days’ supply of meat on
-hand, and it was estimated that the flour, if made into bread, could not
-last more than 15 or 16 days. Officers and men alike literally lived
-from hand to mouth all through the 1779-80 encampment period.
-
-
-MONEY TROUBLES AND THEIR CONSEQUENCES.
-
-The cause of many difficulties faced by Washington that winter appears
-to have been the near chaotic state of American finances. Currency
-issued by Congress tumbled headlong in value, until in April-June 1780
-it took $60 worth of “Continental” paper to equal $1 in coin. “Money is
-extreme scarce,” wrote General Greene on February 29, “and worth little
-when we get it. We have been so poor in camp for a fortnight that we
-could not forward the public dispatches for want of cash to support the
-expresses.” Civilians who had provisions and other necessaries to sell
-would no longer “trust” as they had done before; and without funds,
-teams could not be found to bring in supplies from distant magazines.
-Reenlistment of veteran troops and recruitment of new levies became
-doubly difficult. Even the depreciated money wages of the army were not
-punctually paid, being frequently 5 or 6 months in arrears. Dr. Thacher
-wailed at length about “the trash which is tendered to requite us for
-our sacrifices, for our sufferings and privations, while in the service
-of our country.” No wonder that desertions soon increased alarmingly,
-and that many officers, no longer able to support families at home,
-resigned their commissions in disgust! At the end of May an abortive
-mutiny of two Connecticut regiments in Jockey Hollow, though quickly
-suppressed, foreshadowed the far more serious outbursts fated to occur
-within a year.
-
-
-GUARDING THE LINES.
-
-Keeping the Continental Army intact under all these conditions was but
-part of Washington’s herculean task in 1779-80. Again, as at Morristown
-in the winter of 1777, and at Middlebrook in the winter of 1778-79, the
-threat of attack by an enemy superior in manpower and equipment hung
-constantly over his head. Communications between Philadelphia and the
-Hudson Highlands had to be protected, and the northern British Army had
-to be prevented from extending its lines, now confined chiefly to New
-York and Staten Island, or from obtaining forage and provisions in the
-countryside beyond.
-
-While the main body of American troops was quartered in Jockey Hollow,
-certain parts of it, varying in strength from about 200 men to as high
-as 2,000, were stationed at Princeton, New Brunswick, Perth Amboy,
-Rahway, Westfield, Springfield, Paramus, and similar outposts in New
-Jersey. Washington changed the most important of these detachments once
-a fortnight at first, but toward the spring of 1780 some units remained
-“on the Lines” for much longer periods. Thus Morristown served again as
-the vital center of a defensive-offensive web for the northern New
-Jersey and southern New York areas. The enemy damaged the outer margins
-of that web on several occasions, notably on June 7 and 23, when they
-penetrated to Connecticut Farms (now Union) and Springfield, but
-Washington’s defenses were never seriously broken, and through all that
-winter and spring his position in the Morris County hills remained
-relatively undisturbed.
-
-
-THE STATEN ISLAND EXPEDITION.
-
-Routine duty on the lines was interrupted on January 14-15 by what might
-be termed a “commando” raid on Staten Island. This daring expedition,
-planned by Washington and undertaken by Maj. Gen. William Alexander,
-Lord Stirling, was prepared with the utmost secrecy. Five hundred
-sleighs were obtained on pretence of going to the westward for
-provisions. On the night of the 14th, loaded with cannon and about 3,000
-troops, these crossed over on the ice from Elizabethtown Point “with a
-determination,” to quote Q. M. Joseph Lewis, “to remove all Staten
-Island bagg and Baggage to Morris Town.”
-
-Unfortunately for American hopes, the British learned about the scheme
-in time to retire into their posts, where they could defy attack. After
-lingering on the island for 24 hours without covering, with the snow 4
-feet deep and the weather extremely cold, Stirling’s force could bring
-off only a handful of prisoners and some blankets and stores. What
-disturbed Washington most, however, was the disgraceful conduct
-displayed by large numbers of New Jersey civilians who joined the
-expedition in the guise of militiamen, and who, in spite of Stirling’s
-earnest efforts, looted and plundered the Staten Island farmers
-indiscriminately. All the stolen property that could be recovered was
-returned to the British authorities a few days later, but the harm had
-been done. On the night of January 25, the enemy retaliated by burning
-the academy at Newark and the courthouse and the meeting house at
-Elizabethtown. That exploit also marked the beginning of a new series of
-British raids in Essex and Bergen Counties which kept those districts in
-considerable uneasiness for several months to come.
-
- [Illustration: MORRISTOWN NATIONAL HISTORICAL PARK
- Showing Points of Historic Interest and Visitor Use]
-
- LEGEND
- Park Boundary
- Main Tour Route
- Historic road for foot travel only
- TABLE OF DISTANCES
- Total Mileage, Main Tour Route—9 Miles
- Headquarters Area to Fort Nonsense Area—1.5 Miles
- Fort Nonsense Area to Jockey Hollow Area—3.3 Miles
- 1. HISTORICAL MUSEUM.
- 2. FORD MANSION, WASHINGTON’S HEADQUARTERS, 1779-80.
- 3. SITE OF WASHINGTON’S LIFE GUARD CAMP, 1779-80.
- 4. PARK SQUARE (MORRISTOWN GREEN, 1779-80).
- 5. SITE OF ARNOLD TAVERN, WASHINGTON’S HEADQUARTERS, 1777.
- 6. FORT NONSENSE, 1777 (NOW RECONSTRUCTED).
- 7. GUERIN HOUSE (PARK SUPERINTENDENT’S RESIDENCE).
- 8. RANGER STATION (INFORMATION POINT).
- 9. NEW YORK BRIGADE CAMP, 1779-80.
- 10. PICNIC AREA AND REST ROOMS.
- 11. NATURE TRAIL.
- 12. OLD CAMP ROAD, 1779-80.
- 13. FIRST MARYLAND BRIGADE CAMP, 1779-80.
- 14. SECOND MARYLAND BRIGADE CAMP, 1779-80.
- 15. BETTIN OAK AND FORT HILL.
- 16. NEW JERSEY BRIGADE CAMP, 1781-82.
- 17. WICK HOUSE, ST. CLAIR’S QUARTERS, 1779-80.
- 18. ARMY BURYING GROUND, 1779-80.
- 19. RECONSTRUCTED ARMY HOSPITAL HUT, 1779-80.
- 20. FIRST PENNSYLVANIA BRIGADE CAMP AND RECONSTRUCTED OFFICERS’ HUT,
- 1779-80.
- 21. SECOND PENNSYLVANIA BRIGADE CAMP, 1779-80.
- 22. GRAND PARADE, 1779-80.
- 23. HAND’S BRIGADE CAMP, 1779-80, AND RECONSTRUCTED SOLDIERS’ HUT.
- 24. FIRST CONNECTICUT BRIGADE CAMP, 1779-80.
- 25. SECOND CONNECTICUT BRIGADE CAMP, 1779-80.
- 26. SITE OF KEMBLE HOUSE, WAYNE’S QUARTERS, 1780-81.
- 27. STARK’S BRIGADE CAMP, 1779-80.
- 28. KNOX ARTILLERY CAMP, 1779-80.
- Sept. 1949 NHP-MOR-7001
-
-
-SIDELIGHTS ON THE PATTERN OF ARMY LIFE.
-
-Except on rare occasions, such as participation in an occasional public
-celebration might afford, the average soldier found camp life at
-Morristown hard, unexciting, and often monotonous. Sometimes his whole
-existence seemed like an endless round of drill, guard duty, and
-“fatigue” assignments, the latter including such unpleasant chores as
-burying the “Dead carcases in and about camp.” What little recreation
-the line troops could find was largely unorganized and incidental.
-Washington proclaimed a holiday from work on St. Patrick’s Day 1780,
-which the Pennsylvania Division observed by sharing a hogshead of rum
-purchased for that purpose by Col. Francis Johnston, its then commander.
-Regulations prohibited gambling and drunkenness, however, and the
-prankster who strayed too far from military discipline “paid the piper”
-if caught. One soldier, convicted by court martial of “Quitting his
-Post, and riding Gen. Maxwell’s Horse,” received 150 lashes on his bare
-back. This war was a stern business; men who enlisted as privates in the
-Continental Army were not supposed to be looking for amusement.
-
-The officers were somewhat more fortunate. Most of the generals obtained
-furloughs and went home to their families for part of the winter. Others
-could escape the tedium of camp life occasionally at least. Writes Lt.
-Erkuries Beatty, in a letter dated March 13, 1780: “I got leave of
-absence for three Days to go see Aunt Mills and Uncle Read who lives
-about 12 Miles from here ... that night Cousin Polly and me set off a
-Slaying with a number more young People and had a pretty Clever Kick-up,
-the next Day Polly and I went to Uncle Reads who lives about 4 Miles
-from Aunts, here I found Aunt Read and two great Bouncing female cousins
-and a house full of smaller ones, here we spent the Day very agreeably
-Romping with the girls who was exceeding Clever & Sociable.” Almost at
-the same time, “the lovely Maria and her amiable sister” were
-entertaining Capt. Samuel Shaw, of the 3d Artillery Regiment, at Mount
-Hope. “By heavens,” Shaw confidentially informed a fellow officer on
-February 29, “the more I know of that charming girl, the better I like
-her; every visit serves to confirm my attachment, and _I feel_ myself
-gone past recovery.”
-
-Dancing was another popular diversion among the officers that winter. At
-least two balls were held in Morristown by subscription, one on February
-23 and the other on March 3. Lieutenant Beatty mentioned attending “two
-or three Dances in Morristown,” and also “a Couple of Dances at my
-Brother John’s Quarters at Battle [Bottle] Hill.” Many of these events
-were lively affairs patronized by a goodly proportion of the fair sex.
-Indeed, the energy displayed by “some of the _dear creatures_ in this
-quarter” nearly exhausted Captain Shaw, who complained that “three
-nights going till after two o’clock have they made us keep it up.”
-
-But for all such pleasurable excursions, the average Continental officer
-had adversities with which to deal. Frequently, he shared the greatest
-hardships of his men, and from day to day worked unremittingly to
-improve their lot along with his own. Nor must it be forgotten that,
-unlike a private, an officer was expected to support and clothe himself
-largely from his pay or private means, and that he paid for recreation
-out of his own pocket. Sometimes officers were so deficient in clothing
-that they could not appear upon parade, much less enjoy visits with the
-ladies. Even Washington, at his headquarters in the Ford Mansion, often
-lacked necessities for his table, or experienced some other
-inconvenience. “I have been at my prest. quarters since the 1st day of
-Decr.,” he observed to General Greene on January 22, 1780, “and have not
-a Kitchen to Cook a Dinner in, altho’ the Logs have been put together
-some considerable time by my own Guard; nor is there a place at this
-moment in which a servant can lodge with the smallest degree of comfort.
-Eighteen belonging to my family and all Mrs. Fords are crouded together
-in her Kitchen and scarce one of them able to speak for the colds they
-have caught.”
-
-
-LUZERNE AND MIRALLES.
-
-Among the most interesting events which took place at Morristown in the
-spring of 1780 were those connected with the Chevalier de la Luzerne,
-Minister of France, and Don Juan de Miralles, a Spanish grandee who
-accompanied him, unofficially, on a visit to the American camp. These
-gentlemen arrived at headquarters on April 19, but Miralles became
-violently ill immediately afterwards, and it was only Washington’s
-distinguished French guest who could participate in the celebrations
-that followed during the next few days.
-
-The highlight of Luzerne’s visit, which occurred on April 24, was
-eloquently described by Dr. Thacher: “A field of parade being prepared
-under the direction of the Baron Steuben, four battalions of our army
-were presented for review, by the French minister, attended by his
-Excellency and our general officers. Thirteen cannon, as usual,
-announced their arrival in the field.... A large stage was erected in
-the field, which was crowded by officers, ladies, and gentlemen of
-distinction from the country, among whom were Governor Livingston, of
-New Jersey, and his lady. Our troops exhibited a truly military
-appearance, and performed the manoeuvres and evolutions in a manner,
-which afforded much satisfaction to our Commander in Chief, and they
-were honored with the approbation of the French minister, and by all
-present.... In the evening, General Washington and the French minister,
-attended a ball, provided by our principal officers, at which were
-present a numerous collection of ladies and gentlemen, of distinguished
-character. Fireworks were also exhibited by the officers of the
-artillery.” Next day, amid the music of fifes and drums, and with
-another 13-cannon salute, Luzerne inspected the whole Continental Army
-encampment. Then he left for Philadelphia, escorted part-way on his
-journey by an honor guard which Washington provided.
-
-Don Juan de Miralles saw nothing of these parades, entertainments, and
-reviews. The sickness which had seized him on his arrival at Morristown
-was to prove fatal. His condition grew steadily worse as the days
-passed, and on April 28 he died. Final obsequies were held late the
-following afternoon, and again Dr. Thacher was on hand to describe
-events: “I accompanied Dr. Schuyler to head quarters, to attend the
-funeral of M. de Miralles.... The top of the coffin was removed, to
-display the pomp and grandeur with which the body was decorated. It was
-in a splendid full dress, consisting of a scarlet suit, embroidered with
-rich gold lace, a three cornered gold laced hat, and a genteel cued wig,
-white silk stockings, large diamond shoe and knee buckles, a profusion
-of diamond rings decorated the fingers, and from a superb gold watch set
-with diamonds, several rich seals were suspended. His Excellency General
-Washington, with several other general officers, and members of
-Congress, attended the funeral solemnities, and walked as chief
-mourners. The other officers of the army, and numerous respectable
-citizens, formed a splendid procession, extending about one mile ... the
-coffin was borne on the shoulders of four officers of the artillery in
-full uniform. Minute guns were fired during the procession, which
-greatly increased the solemnity of the occasion. A Spanish priest
-performed service at the grave, in the Roman Catholic form. The coffin
-was enclosed in a box of plank, and all the profusion of pomp and
-grandeur was deposited in the silent grave, in the common burying
-ground, near the church at Morristown. A guard is placed at the grave,
-lest our soldiers should be tempted to dig for hidden treasure. It is
-understood that the corpse is to be removed to Philadelphia.”
-
-
-THE COMMITTEE AT HEADQUARTERS.
-
-The “members of Congress” mentioned by Dr. Thacher as having attended
-Miralles’ funeral were undoubtedly Philip Schuyler, John Mathews, and
-Nathaniel Peabody, who had arrived in Morristown only the day before.
-These men had been appointed by their colleagues as a “committee at
-head-quarters” to examine into the state of the Continental Army, and to
-take such steps, in consultation with the Commander in Chief, as might
-improve its prospects of winning the war. The committee remained active
-until November 1, 1780, and during its life rendered valuable service as
-a liaison body between Congress, on the one hand, and headquarters on
-the other. Its very first report detailed at length “the almost
-inextricable difficulties” in which the committee found American
-military affairs involved. The report also stated, in unmistakeably
-plain words, what Washington had been saying all along, namely, that
-Congress itself would have to act quickly if the situation were to be
-saved.
-
-
-LAFAYETTE BRINGS GOOD NEWS.
-
-Even as Schuyler and his co-workers penned their report, however, good
-news was arriving at headquarters. On May 10, 1780, following more than
-a year’s absence in his native France, the Marquis de Lafayette came to
-Morristown, fortified with word that King Louis XVI had determined to
-send a second major armament of ships and men to aid the Americans. This
-assistance would prove more beneficial, it was hoped, than the first
-French expedition under the Count d’Estaing, which, after failing to
-take Newport in the late summer of 1778, had finally sailed away to the
-West Indies. Washington’s joy at seeing Lafayette again was doubled by
-this welcome information, and the army as a whole shared his feelings.
-
- [Illustration: _Washington greeting Lafayette on his arrival at
- headquarters, May 10, 1780._ From a diorama in the historical
- museum.]
-
-The gallant young Frenchman remained a guest of his “beloved and
-respected friend and general” until May 14, when he left for
-Philadelphia, carrying with him letters from Washington and Hamilton
-informing members of Congress about his work in France. Approximately 6
-days later he returned to Morristown, and from that time forth until the
-end of 1780 he continued with the Continental Army in New Jersey and New
-York State.
-
-
-TWO BATTLES END THE 1779-80 ENCAMPMENT.
-
-Early in June there was far less cheerful news. Reports reached camp
-that the enemy had taken Charleston, capturing General Lincoln with his
-entire army of 5,000 men. Worse still, the British forces under Sir
-Henry Clinton’s immediate command would now be released, in all
-probability, for military operations in the North.
-
-This was the dark moment chosen by Lt. Gen. Wilhelm von Knyphausen, then
-commanding the enemy forces at New York, for an invasion of New Jersey,
-ostensibly to test persistent rumors that war-weariness among the
-Americans had reached a point where, suitably encouraged, they might
-abandon the struggle for independence. Five thousand British and German
-troops accordingly crossed over from Staten Island to Elizabethtown
-Point on June 6, and the next morning began advancing toward Morristown.
-The first shock of their attack was met by the New Jersey Brigade, then
-guarding the American outposts; but as heavy fighting progressed, local
-militia came out in swarms to assist in opposing the invader. During the
-action, which lasted all day, the enemy burned Connecticut Farms. By
-nightfall, Knyphausen had come to within a half mile of Springfield.
-Then he retreated, in the midst of a terrific thunderstorm, to
-Elizabethtown Point.
-
-Word of Knyphausen’s crossing from Staten Island reached Washington in
-the early morning hours of June 7. There were then but six brigades of
-the Continental Army still encamped in Jockey Hollow—Hand’s, Stark’s,
-1st and 2d Connecticut, and 1st and 2d Pennsylvania—the two Maryland
-Brigades having left for the South on April 17, and the New York Brigade
-having marched for the Hudson Highlands between May 29 and 31. The
-troops at Morristown, ordered to “march immediately” at 7 a. m., reached
-the Short Hills above Springfield that same afternoon. There the
-Commander in Chief held them in reserve against any British attempt to
-advance further toward Morristown.
-
-Except for occasional shifts in advanced outposts on both sides, there
-was no significant change in this situation for 2 weeks. Knyphausen’s
-troops continued at Elizabethtown Point, and the Americans remained at
-Springfield. On June 21, however, having learned positively that Sir
-Henry Clinton’s forces had reached New York 4 days earlier, Washington
-decided that the time had come to leave Morristown as his main base of
-operations. Steps were accordingly taken to remove military stores
-concentrated in the village to interior points less vulnerable to
-immediate attack. Stark’s and the New Jersey Brigades, Maj. Henry Lee’s
-Light Horse Troop, and the militia were left at Springfield, under
-command of General Greene. The balance of the Continental Army began
-moving slowly toward Pompton, but was encamped at Rockaway Bridge when
-Washington, having left his headquarters in the Ford Mansion, joined it
-on June 23. This dual disposition of the American forces was taken with
-a view to protecting the environs of both Morristown and West Point,
-either of which might be the next major British objective.
-
-On June 23, the very day of Washington’s departure from Morristown, the
-enemy struck once more. This time, with one column headed by General
-Mathew and the other by Knyphausen, they succeeded in getting through
-Springfield, where the British burned every building but two. Greene’s
-command met the assault with such determination, however, that the
-attackers again retreated to their former position. That night they
-abandoned Elizabethtown Point and crossed over to Staten Island. Never
-again during the Revolutionary War was there to be another major
-invasion of New Jersey.
-
-While this second Battle of Springfield was in progress, Washington
-moved the main body of the Continental Army “back towards Morris Town
-five or six miles,” where he would be in a better position to defend the
-stores remaining there in case the British attack should carry that far.
-Then, on June 25, with definite assurance that the enemy had retired to
-Staten Island, he put all the troops under marching orders for the
-Hudson Highlands. The second encampment at Morristown was ended.
-
-
-
-
- _January 1781: The Story of Two Mutinies_
-
-
-Early the next winter, which most of Washington’s forces spent at New
-Windsor, on the Hudson River just north of West Point, the New Jersey
-Line was assigned to quarters at Pompton. The Pennsylvania Line,
-consisting of 10 infantry regiments and one of artillery, repaired and
-occupied the log huts built by Hand’s and the 1st Connecticut Brigades
-at Jockey Hollow in 1779-80.
-
-Morale was extremely low at this time among all the Continental troops
-stationed in New Jersey. Not only did the Pennsylvanians lack clothing
-and blankets, but they were without a drop of rum to fortify themselves
-against the piercing cold. Moreover, they had not seen even a paper
-dollar in pay for over 12 months. Many of the soldiers also claimed that
-their original enlistments “for three years or during the war” entitled
-them to discharge at the end of 3 years, or sooner in case the war
-terminated earlier, and that the officers, by interpreting their
-enlistments to run as long as the war should last, were unjustly holding
-them beyond the time agreed upon. Still another cause of irritation was
-that latecomers in the Continental Army, especially those from New
-England, had been given generous bounties for enlisting, whereas both
-the New Jersey and Pennsylvania veterans had already served 3 full years
-for a mere shadow of compensation.
-
-Maj. Gen. Anthony Wayne, then commanding the Pennsylvanians, had known
-for a long time that trouble was coming if these grievances were not
-soon remedied, and had repeatedly urged the authorities of his State to
-do something about them. His entreaties fell on deaf ears. Tired of
-pleading, the men at last resorted to mutiny. On the evening of New
-Year’s Day 1781, almost the whole Pennsylvania Line turned out by
-pre-arrangement, seized the artillery and ammunition, and prepared to
-leave the camp. Capt. Adam Bettin was killed, and two other officers
-wounded, in vain attempts to restore order. Wayne himself, popular
-though he was with both rank and file, could not persuade the mutineers
-to lay down their arms. At 11 o’clock that night they marched off toward
-Philadelphia with the announced intention of carrying their case direct
-to Congress.
-
-The serious character of this revolt, especially the grave danger that
-it might spread rapidly to other parts of the Continental Army, was
-fully appreciated by Washington and his principal officers, including
-Wayne, who followed and caught up with the mutineers, then voluntarily
-accompanied them to Princeton. Meanwhile, the men preserved their own
-order, declared they would turn and fight the British should an invasion
-of New Jersey be attempted in this crisis, and they handed over to Wayne
-two emissaries dispatched by Sir Henry Clinton to lure them into his
-lines with lavish promises. This display of loyalty, the firm stand
-taken by the mutineers, and at the same time the justness of their
-complaints, all had effect on representatives of Congress and the
-Pennsylvania State authorities who came to Princeton to negotiate the
-whole question. An agreement concluded on January 7 stipulated that
-enlistments for 3 years or the duration of the war would be considered
-as expiring at the end of the 3d year; that shoes, linen overalls, and
-shirts would be issued shortly to the men discharged; and that prompt
-action would be taken in the matter of back pay. Commissioners appointed
-by Congress went to work at once to settle the details. More than half
-the mutineers were released from the army, and the rest furloughed for
-several months, as a result of the final settlement. Their main
-grievances removed, many of the men later reenlisted for new bounties.
-The loss was thus not as great in actuality as had been feared at first.
-
-Hardly had the Pennsylvania Mutiny subsided when, on January 20, the New
-Jersey troops at Pompton also rose in revolt. Although this second
-insurrection was a comparatively mild affair, Washington took no chances
-with it. Five hundred men under command of Maj. Gen. Robert Howe were
-sent to restore order, and early in the morning of January 27, these
-forces surrounded the camp at Pompton and forced the mutineers to parade
-without arms. Three ringleaders were condemned to be shot by 12 of their
-partners in the uprising, but when two had been executed, the third was
-pardoned. On February 7 following, Washington ordered the chastened New
-Jersey Brigade to Morristown, there to take up quarters “in the Huts,
-lately occupied by the Pennsylvanians.” The troops remained so posted
-until July 8, 1781, when the Brigade marched for Kingsbridge on the
-Hudson.
-
- [Illustration: _Gen. Anthony Wayne endeavoring to halt the
- Pennsylvania mutineers on New Year’s Night 1781._ From a diorama in
- the historical museum.]
-
-
-
-
- _The New Jersey Brigade Encampment of 1781-82_
-
-
-The last major battles of the Revolutionary War were fought in the
-South, ending with the Virginia campaign which resulted in the surrender
-at Yorktown, on October 19, 1781, of the British Army commanded by Lord
-Cornwallis. Following this event, Washington ordered most of his forces
-to return northward. Plans were made to establish the main Continental
-Army encampment at Newburgh, N. Y., during the coming winter, but the
-New Jersey Brigade was directed to “take Post somewhere in the Vicinity
-of Morristown, to cover the Country adjacent, and to secure the
-communication between the Delaware and North [Hudson] River.”
-
-Col. Elias Dayton, soon afterward promoted to brigadier general, was
-then in command of the New Jersey Brigade, which at that time consisted
-of two regiments with a combined strength of around 700 men. His troops
-had arrived at Morristown by December 7, 1781, and they immediately
-established themselves in its neighborhood, again using log huts for
-quarters. Local tradition gives the position of their encampment as
-being in Jockey Hollow, a short distance southeast of the Wick House.
-Wherever the exact location, the Brigade remained there until August 29,
-1782, when Dayton had orders from Washington to march toward King’s
-Ferry. A few of the sick and some regimental baggage were left behind
-when the New Jersey troops began their march, but these also were
-forwarded in the next 2 weeks.
-
-This was the last winter encampment of American forces in Morris County
-during the Revolutionary War. The period of Morristown’s significance as
-a base for Washington’s military operations in that conflict had come to
-a close.
-
-
-
-
- _Guide to the Area_
-
-
-The following information, supplementing that contained in the narrative
-section of this handbook, is furnished as a convenient guide to points
-of special interest in and around Morristown National Historical Park.
-Numbers and titles in the text correspond to those shown on the Guide
-Map (pp. 20-21). Another map (p. 35) shows the bridle paths and foot
-trails in the jockey Hollow Area.
-
-
-NO. 1. HISTORICAL MUSEUM.
-
-Located in the rear of the Ford Mansion (No. 2), at 230 Morris Street,
-Morristown, is the historical museum, a fireproof structure erected by
-the National Park Service in 1935. In the attractive entrance hall and
-four exhibition rooms of this building may be seen military arms and
-equipment, important relics of George and Martha Washington, and a large
-collection of other objects associated with the story of Morristown in
-Revolutionary War times. Here also are located the park administrative
-offices, including those of the superintendent, chief clerk, historian,
-and museum staff.
-
- [Illustration: _The historical museum, focal point in telling the
- Morristown story._]
-
-
-NO. 2. FORD MANSION, WASHINGTON’S HEADQUARTERS, 1779-80.
-
-Facing Morris Street where it joins Washington Avenue, is the Ford
-Mansion. This structure, a splendid example of late American colonial
-architecture, was built about 1772-74 by Col. Jacob Ford, Jr., an
-influential citizen, iron manufacturer, powder mill owner, and patriot
-soldier of Morristown. Colonel Ford died on January 10, 1777, from
-illness contracted during the “Mud Rounds” campaign of late 1776, in
-which he rendered valuable service to the American cause as commander of
-the Eastern Battalion, Morris County Militia. He was buried with
-military honors in the graveyard of the Presbyterian Church at
-Morristown.
-
-The mansion itself served for a brief period in 1777 as quarters for the
-Delaware Light Infantry Regiment commanded by Capt. Thomas Rodney.
-During the Continental Army encampment of 1779-80, all but two rooms in
-the house were occupied by Washington’s official family, which, besides
-the Commander in Chief, included his devoted wife, Martha, his
-aides-de-camp, and some servants (p. 23). Mrs. Ford’s family consisted
-of herself and her four children: Timothy (aged 17), Gabriel (aged 15),
-Elizabeth (aged 13), and Jacob, III (aged 8).
-
-Restoration of the Ford Mansion was begun by the National Park Service
-in 1939. Much of the beautiful old furniture now displayed in the
-building was there when Washington occupied it. The remaining
-furnishings are mostly pieces dating from the Revolutionary War period
-or earlier, such as Mrs. Ford and her distinguished guests might have
-used.
-
-
-NO. 3. SITE OF WASHINGTON’S LIFE GUARD CAMP, 1779-80.
-
-Across Morris Street, slightly northeast of the Ford Mansion (No. 2), is
-the site occupied in 1779-80 by Washington’s Life Guard (officially, the
-Commander in Chief’s Guard). Erskine’s map of Morristown (p. 13) shows
-the exact position of some 13 or 14 log huts built by this unit for its
-winter quarters. Except for minor changes introduced at some uncertain
-date after March 1779, the Guard uniform consisted of a dark blue coat
-with buff collar and facings, red vest, fitted buckskin breeches, black
-shoes, white bayonet and body belts, black stock and tie for the hair,
-and a black cocked hat bound with white tape. The buttons were gilt.
-
-
-NO. 4. PARK SQUARE (MORRISTOWN GREEN).
-
-Surrounded by the main business district of Morristown is a parklike
-area about 2½ acres in size. Here was the old Morristown Green of
-eighteenth century times. On the green itself, then crossed by roadways,
-stood the Morris County Courthouse and Jail, where both civil and
-military prisoners were confined during the Revolutionary War. About a
-dozen other buildings faced toward the green, among them the Arnold
-Tavern (No. 5), the Presbyterian and Baptist Churches (p. 9), and, in
-the winter of 1779-80, a large structure where Continental Army supplies
-were stored. Extending from the southwest side of the green was a broad,
-open space about 150 feet in depth and 250 feet long. This was often
-used for drill and parade purposes by both Continental troops and
-militia.
-
- [Illustration: _The Revolution Room in the historical museum, where
- weapons and military equipment of the Revolutionary War period are
- displayed._]
-
-
-NO. 5. SITE OF ARNOLD TAVERN, WASHINGTON’S HEADQUARTERS, 1777.
-
-Facing the northwest side of Morristown Green, about 100 to 150 feet
-from the present Washington Street corner, is the site of the Arnold
-Tavern, which, according to local tradition, served as Washington’s
-headquarters in the winter of 1777 (p. 5). Built some years before the
-Revolutionary War, this structure was originally quite pretentious and
-handsomely furnished. During the nineteenth century it was converted
-into stores, and, in 1886, removed to another part of Morristown. Fire
-completed destruction of the building some 25 years later.
-
- [Illustration: _“Washington’s Inaugural Costume,” a typical exhibit
- in the historical museum._]
-
-
-NO. 6. FORT NONSENSE, 1777 (NOW RECONSTRUCTED).
-
-Continuing from the south end of Court Street is a road leading upward
-into the Fort Nonsense Area of the park. There, at the top of a steep
-hill (the northern terminus of Mount Kemble), visitors may see a
-restored earthwork originally built at Washington’s order in 1777.
-
-How the name “Fort Nonsense” came into being is unknown. It does not
-appear in any available written record before 1833, nor has anyone yet
-authenticated the oft-repeated story that the Commander in Chief’s
-reason for constructing this work was merely to keep the American troops
-occupied and out of mischief. Washington’s real intention is disclosed
-by an order of May 28, 1777, issued as the Continental Army moved to
-Middlebrook (p. 11). In this he directed Lt. Col. Jeremiah Olney to
-remain behind at Morristown, and with his detachment “and the Militia
-now here ... Guard the Stores of different kinds ... Strengthen the
-Works already begun upon the Hill near this place, and erect such others
-as are necessary for the better defending of it, that it may become a
-safe retreat in case of Necessity.” Other orders confirm the conclusion
-that Fort Nonsense was actually built to serve a very practical purpose.
-
- [Illustration: _Washington’s living and dining room in the Ford
- Mansion, showing the “secretary” desk once used by him as the
- American Commander in Chief._]
-
- [Illustration: _The kitchen in the Ford Mansion, where Washington’s
- official “family” and “all Mrs. Fords” tried to keep warm in January
- 1780._]
-
- [Illustration: _“Fort Nonsense,” built in 1777 as a “retreat in case
- of Necessity” for troops assigned to guard American military stores
- at Morristown._]
-
-As years passed, the original lines of this earthwork gradually crumbled
-away. Their present appearance is the result of research and physical
-restoration work completed by the National Park Service in 1937.
-
-
-NO. 7. GUERIN HOUSE (PARK SUPERINTENDENT’S RESIDENCE).
-
-At the southwest corner of the Jockey Hollow and Sugar Loaf Roads stands
-the Guerin House, in which is incorporated some of the original dwelling
-owned and occupied in Revolutionary War days by Joshua Guerin, a farmer
-and blacksmith of French Huguenot descent. Largely remodeled, the
-building now serves as a residence for the park superintendent. It is
-not open to visitors.
-
-
-NO. 8. RANGER STATION (INFORMATION POINT).
-
-About one-quarter of a mile southwest of the Guerin House (No. 7), on
-the same side of the Jockey Hollow Road, is the ranger station. Here are
-located the office and quarters of the park ranger. Visitors may obtain
-free literature and other park information at this point.
-
-
-NO. 9. NEW YORK BRIGADE CAMP, 1779-80.
-
-About opposite the ranger station (No. 8), parallel to the east side of
-the Jockey Hollow Road, is the campsite occupied in 1779-80 by the New
-York Brigade under Brig. Gen. James Clinton. In this brigade were the
-2d, 3d, 4th, and 5th New York Regiments, with a combined total
-enlistment, in December 1779, of 1,267 men. The official uniform of
-these troops was blue, faced with buff; the buttons and linings, white.
-
- [Illustration: TRAIL MAP
- _JOCKEY HOLLOW_]
-
- MORRISTOWN NATIONAL·HISTORICAL·PARK
- FOOT TRAILS
- HORSE TRAILS
- MOTOR ROADS
- PARKING AREAS
- SUGAR LOAF ROAD ONE WAY
- OFFICERS’ HUT
- RANGER STATION (INFORMATION)
- JOCKEY HOLLOW ROAD
- PICNIC AREA
- HOSPITAL & BURYING GROUND
- WILD FLOWER TRAIL
- GLEN TRAIL
- PRIVATE
- BETTIN OAK
- WICK HOUSE-CEMETERY ROAD ONE WAY
- WICK HOUSE
- SOLDIERS’ HUT
- TEMPE WICK ROAD
- JERSEY CAMP TRAILS
-
-
-NO. 10. PICNIC AREA AND REST ROOMS.
-
-Three-eighths of a mile southwest of the New York Brigade campsite (No.
-9), on the west side of the Jockey Hollow Road, area picnic area and
-rest rooms. Parking facilities are provided close to the road. From that
-point a winding foot trail (pp. 20, 35) leads to open places among the
-trees where tables and benches are placed for the convenience of
-visitors who wish to bring basket lunches. No fires are permitted,
-either here or elsewhere in the park.
-
-
-NO. 11. NATURE TRAIL.
-
-More than 100 species of birds, some 20 species of mammals, and over 300
-species of trees, shrubs, and wildflowers have been observed in Jockey
-Hollow at various times of the year. A walk over the Nature Trail (pp.
-20, 35), which begins and ends at the Picnic Area (No. 10), affords
-opportunity to enjoy seeing many such elements of the park landscape.
-The area is a wildlife sanctuary, however, and visitors are reminded
-that disturbance of its natural features is prohibited by law (pp. 43
--44).
-
-
-NO. 12. OLD CAMP ROAD, 1779-80.
-
-Almost opposite the Picnic Area (No. 10), intersecting with the east
-side of the Jockey Hollow Road, is what has long been known as the Old
-Camp Road (p. 20). This leads across Mount Kemble to the old Basking
-Ridge Road, now Mount Kemble Avenue (U. S. Route 202), and to the site
-of Jacob Larzeleer’s Tavern, where Brig. Gen. John Stark made his
-quarters in 1779-80. Part of the road may have been built as the result
-of orders issued to Stark’s and the New York Brigades, on April 25,
-1780, to “open a Road between the two encampments.”
-
-
-NO. 13. FIRST MARYLAND BRIGADE CAMP, 1779-80.
-
-About one-sixth of a mile southwest of the Picnic Area (No. 10), on the
-same side of the Jockey Hollow Road and parallel to it, is the campsite
-occupied in 1779-80 by the 1st Maryland Brigade under Brig. Gen. William
-Smallwood. In this brigade were the 1st, 3d, 5th, and 7th Maryland
-Regiments, with a combined total enlistment, in December 1779, of 1,416
-men. The official uniform of these troops was blue, faced with red; the
-buttons and linings, white. About the middle of May 1780, following the
-departure of the 1st Maryland Brigade on April 17 preceding, soldiers of
-the Connecticut Line moved into the log huts erected on this site
-(p. 41).
-
-
-NO. 14. SECOND MARYLAND BRIGADE CAMP, 1779-80.
-
-About three-tenths of a mile southwest of the Picnic Area (No. 10),
-paralleling the opposite side of the Jockey Hollow Road, is the campsite
-occupied in 1779-80 by the 2d Maryland Brigade under Brig. Gen. Mordecai
-Gist. In this brigade were the 2d, 4th, and 6th Maryland Regiments, and
-Hall’s Delaware Regiment, with a combined total enlistment, in December
-1779, of 1,497 men. The official uniform of these troops was the same as
-that of the 1st Maryland Brigade. About the middle of May 1780,
-following the departure of the 2d Maryland Brigade on April 17
-preceding, soldiers of the Connecticut Line moved into the log huts
-erected on this site (p. 41).
-
-
-NO. 15. BETTIN OAK AND FORT HILL.
-
-Immediately southwest of the campsite occupied by the 2d Maryland
-Brigade in 1779-80 (No. 14), on the same side of the Jockey Hollow Road,
-stands the Bettin Oak. Near the base of this old tree is the traditional
-grave of Capt. Adam Bettin, who was killed on New Year’s Night 1781,
-during the mutiny of the Pennsylvania Line, then encamped nearby under
-command of Brig. Gen. Anthony Wayne (pp. 27-28). Defensive works for the
-protection of Wayne’s camp were erected on Fort Hill, which rises to the
-eastward of this point. Nothing is left of these fortifications today.
-
-
-NO. 16. NEW JERSEY BRIGADE CAMP, 1781-82.
-
-About 1,200 feet southwest of the point where the Tempe Wick and Jockey
-Hollow Roads meet is the traditional campsite occupied in 1781-82 by the
-New Jersey Brigade under Brig. Gen. Elias Dayton (p. 29). In this
-brigade at that time were the 1st and 2d New Jersey Regiments, with a
-combined total enlistment, in April 1782, of around 700 men. The
-official uniform of these troops was blue, faced with buff; the buttons
-and linings, white.
-
-
-NO. 17. WICK HOUSE, ST. CLAIR’S QUARTERS, 1779-80.
-
- [Illustration: _The Wick House, built about 1750, and occupied as
- quarters by Maj. Gen. Arthur St. Clair in the winter of 1779-80._]
-
-On the north side of the Tempe Wick Road, about 325 feet west of its
-intersection with the Jockey Hollow Road, is the Wick House, which
-served in 1779-80 as quarters for Maj. Gen. Arthur St. Clair, then
-commander of the Pennsylvania Line encamped in Jockey Hollow
-(Nos. 20-21). The building was erected about 1750 by Henry Wick, a
-fairly prosperous farmer who had come to Morris County from Long Island
-a few years before. Tempe Wick, his youngest daughter, is said to have
-concealed her riding horse in a bedroom of the house, in January 1781,
-in order to prevent its seizure by the Pennsylvania mutineers
-(pp. 27-28). The interior of the building was furnished with period
-pieces following its restoration by the National Park Service in 1935.
-Efforts have also been made to recreate, as far as possible, the
-colonial atmosphere of the farm itself, as reflected in the nearby
-garden, barnyard, orchard, and open fields.
-
- [Illustration: _A corner of the kitchen in the Wick House._]
-
- [Illustration: _The Wick House garden._]
-
-
-NO. 18. ARMY BURYING GROUND, 1779-80.
-
-On the south side of the Cemetery-Wick House Road, at the point where it
-joins the Grand Parade Road, is the traditional site of the Continental
-Army Burying Ground in Jockey Hollow. Here are said to lie the remains
-of between 100 and 150 American soldiers who failed to survive the
-terrible winter of 1779-80.
-
- [Illustration: _Army Burying Ground in Jockey Hollow._]
-
-
-NO. 19. RECONSTRUCTED ARMY HOSPITAL HUT, 1779-80.
-
-Immediately adjacent to the Army Burying Ground (No. 18), visitors may
-see a log structure of the type used for hospital purposes while the
-Continental Army lay encamped in Jockey Hollow. This building was
-reconstructed by the National Park Service from a description and plans
-prepared by Dr. James Tilton, Hospital Physician in 1779-80, and later
-Physician and Surgeon General, United States Army.
-
-
-NOS. 20-21. FIRST AND SECOND PENNSYLVANIA BRIGADE CAMPS, 1779-80, AND
-RECONSTRUCTED OFFICERS’ HUT.
-
-About 400 feet east of the reconstructed Army Hospital Hut (No. 19), on
-the west slope of Sugar Loaf Hill, and cutting diagonally across the
-Grand Parade Road, are the campsites occupied in 1779-80 by the
-Pennsylvania Division commanded that winter by Maj. Gen. Arthur St.
-Clair. In this division were the 1st and 2d Pennsylvania Brigades. The
-former, under Brig. Gen. William Irvine, was composed of the 1st, 2d,
-7th, and 10th Pennsylvania Regiments, with a combined total enlistment,
-in December 1779, of 1,253 men. In the latter, under Col. Francis
-Johnston, were the 3d, 5th, 6th, and 9th Pennsylvania Regiments, with a
-corresponding enlistment, at the same period, of 1,050 men. The official
-uniform of all these troops was blue, faced with red; the buttons and
-linings, white.
-
-On the First Pennsylvania Brigade campsite may be seen a reconstruction,
-by the National Park Service, of the type of log hut used as quarters by
-officers of the Continental Army in 1779-80 (p. 16).
-
- [Illustration: _Reconstructed Army Hospital Hut._]
-
-
-NO. 22. GRAND PARADE, 1779-80.
-
-North of the Grand Parade Road, below the east slope of Sugar Loaf Hill,
-is the level ground “between the Pensylvania & the York encampment”
-which served as the Grand Parade used by the Continental Army in
-1779-80. Here the camp guards and detachments assigned to outpost duty
-usually reported for inspection, and the troops were sometimes paraded
-to witness military executions. The ground was also used for drill
-purposes. Near the Grand Parade was the “New Orderly Room” where courts
-martial were frequently held, and where Washington’s orders were
-communicated to the army.
-
-
-NO. 23. HAND’S BRIGADE CAMP, 1779-80, AND RECONSTRUCTED SOLDIERS’ HUT.
-
-Parallel to the north side of the Tempe Wick Road, about 300 feet
-southeast of where it joins the Jockey Hollow Road, is the campsite
-occupied in 1779-80 by Hand’s Brigade, named for its commanding officer,
-Brig. Gen. Edward Hand. In this brigade were the 1st and 2d Canadian and
-the 4th and New 11th Pennsylvania Regiments, with a combined total
-enlistment, in December 1779, of 1,033 men. The official uniform of the
-Pennsylvania regiments was blue, faced with red; the buttons and
-linings, white. How all the Canadians were clothed is unknown, but some
-of them probably wore brown coats, faced with red, and white waistcoats
-and breeches.
-
-This identical campsite was occupied by part of the Pennsylvania Line
-early in the winter of 1780-81, and from about February 7 to July 8,
-1781, by the New Jersey Brigade of the Continental Army. Here occurred
-the great mutiny of the Pennsylvanians on New Year’s Night 1781
-(pp. 27-28).
-
-On the Hand’s Brigade campsite may be seen a reconstruction, by the
-National Park Service, of the type of log hut used by private soldiers
-of the Continental Army in 1779-80 (p. 16).
-
-
-NOS. 24-25. FIRST AND SECOND CONNECTICUT BRIGADE CAMPS, 1779-80.
-
-About 600 feet northeast of the Tempe Wick Road, along the south and
-east slopes of Fort Hill (No. 15), are the campsites occupied early in
-1779-80 by the 1st and 2d Connecticut Brigades. The former, under Brig.
-Gen. Samuel Holden Parsons, was composed of the 3d, 4th, 6th, and 8th
-Connecticut Regiments, with a combined total enlistment, in December
-1779, of 1,680 men. In the latter, under Brig. Gen. Jedediah Huntington,
-were the 1st, 2d, 5th, and 7th Connecticut Regiments, with a
-corresponding enlistment, at the same period, of 1,367 men. The official
-uniform of all these troops was blue, faced with white; the buttons and
-linings, white.
-
-Both brigades left camp for detached duty “on the Lines” at Springfield
-and Westfield early in February 1780. On returning to camp, about the
-middle of May, they occupied the log huts vacated by the Maryland troops
-on April 17 preceding (Nos. 13-14). It was there that the 4th and 8th
-Connecticut Regiments rose in mutiny soon afterward (p. 18).
-
-Some of the log huts built by the 1st Connecticut Brigade were occupied
-by Pennsylvania troops early in the following winter, previous to the
-mutiny which broke out on New Year’s Day 1781 (pp. 27-28).
-
-
-NO. 26. SITE OF KEMBLE HOUSE, WAYNE’S QUARTERS, 1780-81.
-
-At the northwest corner of Mount Kemble Avenue (U. S. Route 202) and the
-Tempe Wick Road is the site of Kemble Manor, built about 1765 as a
-residence for the Honorable Peter Kemble, one of the wealthiest and most
-influential men in the late colonial period of New Jersey history. Here
-were the quarters of Brig. Gen. William Smallwood, of the Maryland Line,
-in 1779-80; and of Brig. Gen. Anthony Wayne, of the Pennsylvania Line,
-in 1780-81. From “Mount Kemble,” early on the morning of January 2,
-1781, Wayne wrote a hurried letter to Washington describing the
-Pennsylvania Mutiny, which had taken place but a few hours before (pp.
-27-28). In the nineteenth century the Kemble House was moved some
-distance north of its original location. It no longer bears much
-resemblance to the structure of Revolutionary War times.
-
-
-NO. 27. STARK’S BRIGADE CAMP, 1779-80.
-
-Along the east slope of Mount Kemble, on the west side of Mount Kemble
-Avenue (U. S. Route 202), about five-sixths of a mile northwest of its
-intersection with the Tempe Wick Road, is the campsite occupied in
-1779-80 by Stark’s Brigade, named for its commanding officer, Brig. Gen.
-John Stark. In this brigade were Webb’s and Sherburne’s Connecticut
-Regiments, Jackson’s Massachusetts Regiment, and the 2d Rhode Island
-Regiment, with a combined total enlistment, in December 1779, of 1,210
-men. This site is privately owned and not accessible to park visitors.
-The official uniform of both the Connecticut and Rhode Island troops was
-blue, faced with white; the buttons and linings, white.
-
-
-NO. 28. KNOX ARTILLERY CAMP, 1779-80.
-
-One mile west of Morristown, along the main road to Mendham (New Jersey
-Route 24), and at the base of a hill opposite the further end of Burnham
-Park, is the site occupied in 1779-80 by the Light Artillery Park and
-the Artillery Brigade of the Continental Army under Brig. Gen. Henry
-Knox. In this brigade were the 1st, 2d, 3d, and 4th Artillery Regiments.
-Knox’s quarters were nearby on what is now Kahdena Road, at a place
-called “Duchman’s.” The official artillery uniform was “Blue faced with
-Scarlet, Scarlet Lining, Yellow buttons, Yellow bound hats, Coats edged
-with narrow lace or tape and button holes bound with the same.”
-
-
-
-
- _How To Reach the Park_
-
-
-Only about 30 miles west of New York City, the park may be reached by
-automobile from the east via New Jersey Route 24, from the south and
-north via New Jersey Route 32 (U. S. Route 202), and from the west via
-New Jersey Routes 6, 10, 5N, and 32. Regional bus lines serve Morristown
-from main points in the metropolitan area. The town is also located on
-the D. L. & W. Railroad, whose local trains stop at Morris Street, about
-5 minutes’ walk from the Ford Mansion and the historical museum.
-
-
-
-
- _Establishment and Administration_
-
-
-The first step toward the establishment of Morristown National
-Historical Park was taken in 1873, when the Washington Association of
-New Jersey was formed to preserve the Ford Mansion “through future
-generations as a memorial of George Washington.” Among the first of its
-kind in America, this organization continues active today.
-
-As time passed, the need for saving other historic remains connected
-with the Revolutionary War history of this locality became more
-apparent. In the late 1920’s, under the energetic leadership of former
-Mayor of Morristown Clyde Potts, a strong movement developed with that
-end in view. This was finally crowned with success when the Federal
-Government, under an act of Congress approved March 2, 1933, accepted
-from the Washington Association, from the Town of Morristown, and from
-Mr. Lloyd W. Smith, well-known collector of Washingtonia, munificent and
-patriotic gifts of those invaluable properties which together now
-constitute Morristown National Historical Park. The area was dedicated
-on July 4 following, as a unit in the National Park System administered
-by the National Park Service, United States Department of the Interior,
-for the benefit and inspiration of the people.
-
-About 958 acres in extent, the reservation has at present three separate
-geographical units: Headquarters Area (Ford Mansion and historical
-museum), Fort Nonsense Area, and Jockey Hollow Area. All communications
-concerning the park should be addressed to the Superintendent,
-Morristown National Historical Park, Morristown, N. J.
-
-
-
-
- _Visitor Facilities_
-
-
-The park is open to visitors every day but Monday, including Sunday and
-all holidays except New Year’s Day, Thanksgiving Day, and Christmas Day.
-
-Entrance to nearly all historic sites and buildings in the area is free,
-subject only to the application of park rules and regulations. Wherever
-a nominal admission charge is made, complete information on the amount
-involved is clearly posted on a nearby sign, or may be obtained easily
-upon request from any park employee.
-
-Members of the park staff are on duty to receive and assist visitors at
-the Ford Mansion, the historical museum, and the Wick House. Descriptive
-folders and other information may be obtained at all three of these
-points without charge; sales publications may be purchased at the
-historical museum only. Personal guide service is not normally
-available, but educational and other organized groups are given special
-attention when arrangements are made in advance with the superintendent,
-and as staff limitations permit.
-
-There are no camping, lodging, or restaurant facilities at the park
-itself. Limited space is available in Jockey Hollow for visitors who
-wish to bring basket lunches, but no fires are permitted anywhere in the
-area. It is also unlawful to hunt, trap, or disturb wildlife; to injure
-or take away trees, flowers, or other vegetative growth; or to deface or
-remove other Government property. Visitors must leave the park by 6 p.
-m. during the winter months, and by 8 p. m. at other times of the year.
-
-
-
-
- _Related Areas_
-
-
-Included in the National Park System are many other important areas
-connected with various periods in American history. In addition to
-Morristown National Historical Park, those commemorating phases of the
-Revolutionary War are: Saratoga National Historical Park, N. Y.;
-Colonial National Historical Park, Va.; Kings Mountain National Military
-Park, S. C.; Guilford Courthouse National Military Park, N. C.; Cowpens
-National Battlefield Site, S. C.; George Washington Birthplace National
-Monument, Va.; Moores Creek National Military Park, N. C.; Washington
-Monument, Washington, D. C.; Statue of Liberty National Monument, N. Y.;
-and Independence National Historical Park (project), Philadelphia, Pa.
-
- U. S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE: 1950 O-F—888640
-
-
- NATIONAL PARK SERVICE
- Historical Handbook Series
-
- No. 1 Custer Battlefield
- No. 2 Jamestown, Virginia
- No. 3 The Lincoln Museum and the House Where Lincoln Died
- No. 4 Saratoga
- No. 5 Fort McHenry
- No. 6 Lee Mansion
- No. 7 Morristown, a Military Capital of the Revolution
- No. 8 Hopewell Village
- No. 9 Gettysburg
-
- [Illustration: _American canteen_]
-
-
-
-
- Transcriber’s Notes
-
-
-—Silently corrected a few typos.
-
-—Retained publication information from the printed edition: this eBook
- is public-domain in the country of publication.
-
-—In the text versions only, text in italics is delimited by
- _underscores_.
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Morristown National Historical Park, A
-Military Capital of the American Revol, by Melvin J. Weig
-
-*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK MORRISTOWN NATIONAL HISTORICAL PARK ***
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