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diff --git a/old/62431-0.txt b/old/62431-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index b3d2866..0000000 --- a/old/62431-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,3724 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook, Etruscan Tomb Paintings, by Frederik Poulsen, -Translated by Ingeborg Andersen - - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - - - - -Title: Etruscan Tomb Paintings - Their Subjects and Significance - - -Author: Frederik Poulsen - - - -Release Date: June 19, 2020 [eBook #62431] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - - -***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ETRUSCAN TOMB PAINTINGS*** - - -E-text prepared by ellinora, Les Galloway, and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team (http://www.pgdp.net) from page images generously made -available by Internet Archive (https://archive.org) - - - -Note: Project Gutenberg also has an HTML version of this - file which includes the original illustrations. - See 62431-h.htm or 62431-h.zip: - (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/62431/62431-h/62431-h.htm) - or - (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/62431/62431-h.zip) - - - Images of the original pages are available through - Internet Archive. See - https://archive.org/details/etruscantombpain00poul - - -Transcriber’s note: - - Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_). - - Superscripted characters are enclosed by curly brackets - immediately after a caret character (example: inscriptionum - Graecarum_,^{3}) - - Page headings, marked as sidenotes, are placed at the beginning - of the relevant paragraph. - - Footnotes are located at the end of each chapter. - - - - - -ETRUSCAN TOMB PAINTINGS - - - * * * * * * - - Oxford University Press - - _London_ _Edinburgh_ _Glasgow_ _Copenhagen_ - _New York_ _Toronto_ _Melbourne_ _Cape Town_ - _Bombay_ _Calcutta_ _Madras_ _Shanghai_ - - Humphrey Milford Publisher to the UNIVERSITY - - * * * * * * - - -[Illustration: FIG. 11. ‘LA BELLA BALLERINA’ IN THE TOMBA FRANCESCA -GIUSTINIANI -After the facsimile of the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek - _Frontispiece_] - - -ETRUSCAN TOMB PAINTINGS - -Their Subjects and Significance - -by - -FREDERIK POULSEN - -Keeper of the Classical Department of the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, -Copenhagen -Fellow of the Danish Royal Society - -Translated by Ingeborg Andersen, M.A. - - -[Illustration: Publisher’s Device] - - - - - - -Oxford -At the Clarendon Press -1922 - - - - - TO MY FRIEND IN STUDIES - - AND TRAVELS - - OVE JÖRGENSEN, M.A. - - - - - PREFACE - - -The following sketch is based upon investigations made in the Etruscan -Tombs at Corneto and Chiusi, and on comparison of the original -wall-paintings with the facsimiles and drawings made from them and -preserved in the Helbig Museum in the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek. It was -originally published in Danish, in 1919, as a guide to students in that -Department. - -I am greatly indebted to Mr. G. F. Hill, of the British Museum, for his -revision of the translation. - -Meanwhile the first volume of the promised work of Fritz Weege -(_Etruskische Malerei_, Halle, 1921) has appeared, copiously and -splendidly illustrated. The text contains general views concerning -Etruscan religion and society rather than descriptions of the paintings -themselves, and I cannot refrain from saying that I find Weege’s -statements and opinions, and the parallels which he adduces, too often -more fanciful than convincing, in spite of the vast erudition displayed -therein. I do not find anything in my own text which I feel inclined to -alter after reading his book. - - FREDERIK POULSEN. - - COPENHAGEN, - _January_ 1921. - - - - - LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS - - _Facing page_ - 1 Wall-painting from the Tomba Campana 7 - - 2 Main picture in the Tomba dei Tori at Corneto 7 - - 3 Back wall in the Tomba degli Auguri 11 - - 4 Right main wall in the Tomba degli Auguri 12 - - 5 Part of the left main wall in the Tomba degli Auguri. (After a - coloured drawing in the Helbig Museum) 12 - - 6 Painting from the Tomba del Pulcinella 12 - - 7 Left main wall of the Tomba delle Iscrizioni 15 - - 8 Back wall of the Tomba delle Iscrizioni 15 - - 9 Picture from the Tomba del Morto at Corneto 16 - - 10 Picture from the Tomba del Triclinio 16 - - 11 ‘La bella ballerina’ in the Tomba Francesca Giustiniani - _Frontispiece_ - - 12 Right main wall in the Tomba delle Iscrizioni 19 - - 13 Back wall in the Tomba delle Leonesse at Corneto 20 - - 14 Left main wall in the Tomba del Barone 20 - - 15 Right main wall in the Tomba delle Bighe 22 - - 16 Etruscan terracotta head in the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek 22 - - 17 Part of the small frieze in the Tomba delle Bighe. - (After _Arch. Jahrb._ 1916) 22 - - 18 Wall-painting from the Tomba del Morente: the lassoing of - the horse 24 - - 19 Part of the small frieze in the Tomba delle Bighe. - (After _Arch. Jahrb._ 1916) 24 - - 20 Part of the Tomba della Scimmia at Chiusi 24 - - 21 Part of the small frieze in the Tomba delle Bighe. - (After _Arch. Jahrb._ 1916) 27 - - 22 Part of the small frieze in the Tomba delle Bighe. - (After _Arch. Jahrb._ 1916) 27 - - 23 Symposium in the Tomba delle Bighe 27 - - 24 Back wall in the Tomba dei Leopardi - (After _Arch. Jahrb._ 1916. Pl. 9) 31 - - 25 Married couple on an Etruscan cinerary urn 31 - - 26 Picture from the Tomba degli Scudi at Corneto 35 - - 27 Picture from the Tomba degli Scudi at Corneto. (After a coloured - drawing in the Helbig Museum) 35 - - 28 Arnth Velchas and wife on couch. Picture in the Tomba dell’ Orco - (After a coloured drawing in the Helbig Museum) 36 - - 29 Head of Arnth Velchas’ wife. From the Tomba dell’ Orco 37 - - 30 Back wall in the Tomba del Vecchio 37 - - 31 Symposium in the Tomba Golini at Orvieto 38 - - 32 Wall-painting in the Tomba Golini 38 - - 33 Kitchen interior in the Tomba Golini 40 - - 34 Painting in the Tomba del Letto funebre, at Corneto 40 - - 35 Demon in the Tomba dell’ Orco 49 - - 36 Picture in the Tomba dell’ Orco at Corneto 50 - - 37 Hades, Persephone and Geryon in the Tomba dell’ Orco 50 - - 38 Drawing from Michelangelo’s sketch-book 51 - - 39 Wall-painting from the Tomba François at Vulci 54 - - 40 Painting in the Tomba Golini at Orvieto 54 - - 41 Painting from the Tomba della Pulcella 54 - - 42 Relief on a tomb altar from Chiusi. In the Barracco - Collection in Rome 56 - - 43 Cinerary urn from Chiusi 56 - - 44 Roman sarcophagus in the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek 58 - - 45 Procession of the dead in the Tomba del Tifone 58 - - 46 Painted frieze in the Tomba del Cardinale 58 - - 47 Part of the frieze in the Tomba del Cardinale 58 - - - - - ETRUSCAN TOMB-PAINTINGS - - - I - - -The tombs and tomb-paintings of Etruria constitute a field of -archaeology in which the investigator is particularly apt to be -reminded of numerous sins of omission and to be haunted by a painfully -uneasy conscience. Indeed, the older archaeologists have less reason to -plead guilty before the bar of science than those of more recent times. -When the discovery and excavation of the Etruscan tombs began to make -headway in the twenties of the nineteenth century, publications in text -and illustrations followed comparatively close upon the discoveries. -The first misfortune, however, took place when three of the most -interesting tombs were published, the Tomba delle Bighe, the Tomba -delle Iscrizioni, and the Tomba del Barone. - -[Sidenote: STACKELBERG AND KESTNER] - -It was the major-domo of the Bishop of Corneto, Vittorio Masi, who -first opened them together with other tombs in the vicinity of Corneto. -In the spring of 1827 he invited two German barons, Stackelberg, an -able archaeologist, and Kestner, the Hanoverian ambassador in Rome, to -inspect them, and, if they so desired, to survey, draw, and publish the -pictures in the tombs. The two men arrived, accompanied by Thürmer, a -Bavarian architect, to find the tombs themselves despoiled of their -accessories, but the walls covered with wonderful pictures dating -from the sixth and fifth centuries B.C. They set to work immediately, -studying and copying the pictures in the richest of the tombs, the -Tomba delle Bighe. Stackelberg made five charming water-colours in -order to save the colouring for posterity; Thürmer executed eleven -careful drawings. In all, the two men painted and drew two hundred and -twenty-five figures, and the whole of the material is now preserved -in the Archaeological Seminar of the University of Strasburg. In his -diary Stackelberg gives a vivid description of the discomfort which -they experienced, drawing by torchlight in the cold, dank tomb-chamber, -and only emerging now and then into the warm Italian spring sunlight -in order to recuperate or to enjoy a light repast on the top of the -tumulus, commanding a view of the sea. To this were added fatiguing -social duties; local patriotism was aroused in Corneto; the noble -families in the town vied in displaying hospitality to the Germans, and -big banquets were held, at which sonnets were recited to the ‘heroes’ -who once slept in the tombs. The drawing and copying of the colours -on the walls in the Tomb of the Chariots, as well as in the Tomb of -the Inscriptions and in the Tomb of the Baron—so called after Baron -Kestner—were rightly considered the chief matter, because in the very -first summer after they were opened, the dampness of the tombs in a -few weeks ruined large portions of them, especially in the Tomba delle -Bighe. After his return to Rome, Baron Stackelberg caught typhoid fever -and did not recover till late in the winter. In the next spring he went -to Germany, where his excavations had created such an immense sensation -that even the aged Goethe asked Stackelberg to dine with him in Weimar -and studied the drawings with the greatest interest. But, in spite of -the national enthusiasm called forth by the excavations, the projected -great work came to nothing; the coloured plates of the paintings, -with the then existing means of reproduction, promised to be so -expensive that the publishers took alarm. Pending these negotiations, -the paintings from the three tombs were published in French and -Italian works in very poor and incorrect reproductions, and no other -reproductions were available till 1916, when the German archaeologist, -Weege, at last managed to bring out an admirable publication of the -Tomba delle Bighe, the most important of the three tombs.[1] - -Similar uncoloured, not very reliable drawings continued to be the -method of reproducing the Etruscan tomb-paintings in the following -decades; after these drawings were made the reproductions in handbooks -like Jules Martha’s _L’Art étrusque_ (Paris, 1889). An Englishman, -George Dennis, in his _Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria_ (London, -1878), gives a vivid description of Tuscan scenery and of the ancient -tombs. At times he rises to a lyrical enthusiasm; for instance, in -his description of a dancing figure, ‘la bella ballerina di Corneto’, -in the Tomba Francesca Giustiniani. But neither Dennis nor any later -visitor procured copies which come up to their enthusiasm; in fact, the -beautiful ballerina has never even been drawn or photographed, and is -not to be found in any work on archaeology or art. Dennis’s book throws -a dreadful light upon contemporary excavation. About Veii, he writes -that the greater part of the district belongs to the Queen of Sardinia, -who in the excavating season positively lets out tracts of land to -Roman dealers, who rifle the tombs of everything convertible into cash -and then cover them in with earth. He describes such an excavation -at Vulci: a tomb being opened, nothing but pottery was found; the -excavators, in their disgust, smashed and destroyed everything, in -spite of the English traveller’s protests and entreaties. This took -place on the estate of the Princess of Canino.[2] - -[Sidenote: MODERN LITERATURE] - -This happened in the sixties. In the seventies such vandalism comes -to an end; but the publications do not improve. For example, in the -excellent article on the Tomba François at Vulci which Körte published -in the _Archäologisches Jahrbuch_ for 1897, the illustrations are -poor: and it was not until 1907 that Körte published, in the second -volume of the _Antike Denkmäler_, beautiful coloured reproductions -of the paintings in three tombs at Corneto, the Tomba dei Tori, -the Tomba delle Leonesse, and the Tomba della Pulcella. A popular -description by Mary Lovett Cameron, _Old Etruria and Modern Tuscany_ -(London, 1909), marks no progress as far as the illustrations are -concerned, and the text is amateurish and superficial.[3] Von Stryk’s -dissertation, _Die etruskischen Kammergräber_, published at Dorpat -in 1910, is unillustrated: the text is full of errors, and in the -discursive descriptions no account is taken of the difference between -the present state of the tomb-paintings and that revealed by the -earlier publications. Weege’s above-mentioned article on the Tomba -delle Bighe and the Tomba dei Leopardi only appeared in 1916: here at -last the entire material is utilized—the old drawings and descriptions, -modern photographs, and the author’s own careful notes. According to a -prospectus recently issued, a larger work on Etruscan tomb-paintings, -by the same author, is shortly to appear; it will be awaited with -interest. - -It is to be hoped that Mr. Weege’s book will supply a want which is -felt the more acutely when we consider the growing interest in antique -painting displayed in the last decades. In 1904 Furtwängler, with the -assistance of the painter Reichhold, began the publication of the -great work on the masterpieces of Greek vase-painting (_Griechische -Vasenmalerei_), which was continued by Hauser: part of the third -volume is now published. In 1906 appeared the first instalment of -Paul Hermann’s great collection of plates after antique, especially -Pompeian, wall-painting; this work, which is still in progress, -contains beautiful reproductions with and without colours (_Denkmäler -der Malerei des Altertums_). Finally, in 1914, Walther Riezler -published a splendid work on the white Attic lekythoi (_Weissgründige -attische Lekythen_). But during these years nobody thought of bringing -to light the treasures hidden away in the sepulchral chambers of -Corneto, Chiusi, and Orvieto, although these pictures were much more -exposed to destruction than either the vases in the well-guarded rooms -of the Museums or the Pompeian wall-paintings. For after heavy showers -the floors of the deeply sunk tombs of Corneto are under water, and the -damp then loosens the tufa of the walls so that the layer of stucco, -on which the colours are laid _al fresco_, peels off. The heavy iron -doors which the Italian Government has placed before the entrances are -worse than useless, because they shut the moisture in and prevent the -tombs from getting dry. If these doors had been placed at the top of -the stairs leading to the tombs, thus changing place with the lattice -doors which are now there, all would have been well. At Corneto, it -is moisture which demolishes the stucco layer, varying from ¼ to -1 cm. in thickness, and bleaches the colours—red chalk, vermilion, -lime-colour, ochre, cobalt, and copper colours, at Chiusi it is the -drought which most frequently destroys the paintings, the colours here -being laid directly on the stone walls. - -[Sidenote: THE NY CARLSBERG FACSIMILES] - -We have, therefore, every reason to be deeply grateful to the late -Carl Jacobsen who, at the beginning of the nineties, had the Etruscan -tomb-paintings facsimiled on their actual scale. A somewhat similar -experiment had already been tried, and the result is a number of -facsimiles preserved in the Museo Gregoriano of the Vatican, but -these are more decorative than exact. At first, the Italian painters, -to whom Helbig, at the request of Carl Jacobsen, entrusted the -task—the first was Marozzi—evidently imagined that Carl Jacobsen -wanted these paintings as mural decorations for his museum and had -no artistic or scientific aim in View, and letters from Helbig -show that, as late as 1895, he did not scruple to let Becchi, the -painter, fill in a damaged head from a picture in the Tomba dei Vasi -Dipinti after the reproduction in _Monumenti_, vol. ix (1870). The -first copies sent to the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek were therefore of -the same ‘picture-postcard’ colouring as the earlier ones in the -Museo Gregoriano, but gradually Carl Jacobsen increased the rigour -of his demands for conscientious exactitude, and the facsimiles now -on exhibition in the Helbig Museum of the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek are -almost all executed according to the more modern and better principles -of copying. To be sure, these copies still leave a great deal to be -desired in the way of scientific exactitude; I have been able myself -to ascertain this by a careful comparison with notes taken from the -originals in the tombs of Corneto, and Weege more especially has -pointed out rather grave mistakes in the copies of the paintings from -the Tomba delle Bighe. But these may be supplemented by a series of -beautiful coloured drawings dating from the last years of Jacobsen’s -life: they are framed and constitute a whole picture-book open to the -public in the Helbig Collection. A large number of ground plans and -decorative details are included in these drawings, in addition to the -most important of the paintings, and here the copying has been executed -with great accuracy. The Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, then, thanks to Carl -Jacobsen, is the place where investigators can most easily form an idea -of the development of Etruscan wall-painting, far more easily than in -Florence where the late Director, Milani, ordered new copies which, in -my opinion, are considerably inferior to those of Carl Jacobsen. But -for all that, the facsimiles of the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek ought not to -be the last word of science on the subject. Mr. Weege proposes, as the -method of the future, the taking in the tombs themselves of gigantic -photographs on which careful painters might add the colouring; instead -of two there will thus only be one possibility of distortion, namely, -in the colours themselves. But one might perhaps go still further and -take large chromatic photographs which would fix both forms and colours -for all time, so that we might view the gradual destruction of the -originals with less dismay than at present. - -[Sidenote: FUTURE REPRODUCTIONS] - -A detailed estimate of the _artistic_ significance and properties of -the Etruscan wall-paintings is not yet possible, if only because no -adequate pictures for reproduction exist. What can be done—and what -will be attempted in the following pages—is to give an account of the -content of the pictures and of the main lines of their development. -Even that is not superfluous. Investigators have never really given -themselves time to enter deeply into the spirit and content of these -pictures, or to ask themselves the question which arises, one may say, -with every picture, namely, how far the representation is a loan from -Greek art and civilization, and how far it bears the local Etruscan -stamp. - -[Illustration: FIG. 1 WALL-PAINTING FROM THE TOMBA CAMPANA] - -[Illustration: FIG. 2 MAIN PICTURE IN THE TOMBA DEI TORI AT CORNETO] - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] _Jahrbuch des deutschen archäologischen Instituts_, xxxi. 1916, p. -106 ff. - -[2] _Cities and Cemeteries_, p. 119. - -[3] The same is true of the second edition of Luigi Dasti’s _Notizie di -Tarquinia-Corneto_, 1910. - - - - - II - - -[Sidenote: TOMBA CAMPANA AT VEII] - -The first stage of development is represented by the Tomba Campana -at Veii. This tomb was discovered in 1843, and a good description of -it is given by Canina in _Antica Città di Veii_ (1847), but it has -never been published with adequate illustrations. A new and thorough -treatment of the ornamentation and motives of its pictures is given in -a Leipzig dissertation by Andreas Rumpf (_Die Wandmalereien in Veii_, -1915). But this, too, is without illustrations. The central doorway of -the back wall is provided with an ornamental painted border and flanked -by paintings in yellow, grey, and red on a blue ground. The work is -primitive. The ornamentation is akin to that of Greek vase-painting of -the seventh century B.C. The pictures are purely decorative: animals -and fabulous animals such as lion, sphinx, deer, and panther fill the -surface side by side with lotus-flowers and palmettes. There is no -narrative element. To be sure, Weege, like others before him, has tried -to construe one of the pictures (fig. 1) into a mythological scene: the -boy on the horse, which is led by the bridle by a man walking behind, -is thought to be a dead man on his way to Hades, and the man with the -loin-cloth, carrying an axe over his shoulder, to the left in front of -the horse, to be the Etruscan death-god and conductor of souls, Charun, -to whom we shall return later. Weege also thinks that the animal -crouching on the back of the horse is a hunting leopard. But, apart -from the rather puzzling question, what the hunting leopard has to do -with the ride to Hades, the animal is not a hunting leopard at all: it -is a feline animal with a short tail, while the hunting leopard has a -long tail. The animal was only placed there to fill up the space, thus -illustrating the poverty of ideas in these pictures. Moreover, as the -man with the axe is not characterized as Charun, either by colour or -by dress, it seems unnecessary to force a mythological explanation. -The human figures in this picture, as in the Melian vases of the -seventh century B.C., are purely decorative: they ride when the space -above the back of the horse has to be filled in, and they walk when -a long, narrow field makes the human figure more appropriate than a -seated or walking animal as a means of filling the space. The absurd -alternation of colours within the same figure, every single animal -being coloured in compartments of yellow and red and having alternately -red and yellow legs, affords a good instance of purely decorative -conception and suggests the idea of woven tapestry. Hence it is an -all but obvious conclusion to imagine, as prototype of this painting, -some magnificently coloured wall-tapestry imported into Etruria in the -seventh century B.C. from Crete or one of the islands in the Aegean -Sea, to the vase-paintings of which the ornamentation of the tomb shows -close affinity.[4] Thus there is in these pictures neither any action -nor any reference to death or the tomb. They serve as a decorative -ornamentation of the tomb-chamber, like the six painted shields in -the inner chamber of the tomb, which suggest those ‘brass circles’ -mentioned by Livy (VIII, 20, 8) as common votive offerings in early -Rome. We can imagine the home of a rich Etruscan in the seventh century -decorated with similar frescoes: painted tapestries and painted shields -as substitutes for real wall-tapestries and metal shields.[5] The Tomba -Campana is the most impressive but not the only representative of this -earliest class of tombs, in the ornamentation of which only decorative -considerations have been kept in view. Tombs at Cosa, Chiusi, Magliano, -and Caere contain still more primitive paintings of the same sort, but -they are badly preserved and still more imperfectly described.[6] - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[4] Cp. Fr. Poulsen, _Der Orient and die frühgriechische Kunst_, -p. 128, where I tried to prove that the pictures of the tomb are -influenced by the art and style of decoration of the island of Cyprus. -Rumpf (_op. cit._ 50) was nearer the mark in perceiving the connexion -with the decorative art of Crete and the Cyclades in the seventh -century B.C. The horsemen, in particular, recall the frieze from Prinia -in Crete, _Bollettino d’Arte_, 1908, p. 457 ff. - -[5] Shields were also common mural decorations with the early Greeks, -cp. Poulsen, _Orient_, p. 77, and Alcaeus, _fragm._ 15 (Bergk). - -[6] See the summary account in Rumpf, _op. cit._ 61 ff. - - - - - III - - -[Sidenote: TOMBA DEI TORI AT CORNETO] - -The next stage in the development is represented by the Tomba dei Tori -at Corneto, discovered in 1892 and admirably published by G. Körte -in _Antike Denkmäler_.[7] The back wall of the main chamber in this -tomb has two doors, and it is between these that the one large figure -painting is placed, again in such a way as to suggest a tapestry -stretched on the wall (fig. 2). But now the picture has a narrative -content, inasmuch as a scene from the Greek cycle of myths is depicted: -Achilles watches for the Trojan prince Troilus at a well. Achilles, -to the left, wears a crested Corinthian helmet, sword, greaves, and -red loin-cloth. Troilus is naked and only decorated with armlets and -elegant shoes. He wears his hair long, according to Ionic fashion, and -in his hand he carries a goad (kentron). This is, as a rule, only used -when two horses are ridden, and the drawing shows traces of double -contours near the head and the right leg of the horse; it is probable, -therefore, that two horses were originally planned. In this picture -also, the proportions of man and horse are impossible, but progress -is perceptible in the monochromatic treatment of the body and legs of -the horse. On the other hand, the old manner of painting in stripes or -compartments is still retained in the running chimera in the pediment -above; it also lingers for a very long time in the pedimental figures -of the following period. The style is Ionic of the first half of the -sixth century B.C. A truly Ionian monster, created under Oriental -influence, is the human-faced bull in the pediment above the door, one -of the two bulls from which the tomb derives its name, and which are -omitted here because of the obscene groups on either side of them. -Other decorative details point to Cyrene and Egypt, especially the -characteristic frieze of lotuses and pomegranates, which corresponds -with the Cyrenaic vases of the sixth century B.C., and the stylized -flower-bed under the belly of the horse, which has its origin in -Egyptian and its parallels in Phoenician and in orientalizing Greek -art.[8] In this tomb the painting is not executed _al fresco_ but in a -yellowish-white pigment which unfortunately scales off in large flakes. - -Thus in the Tomba dei Tori, besides a decorative treatment of the -wall surface with friezes, we have a main picture with a mythological -subject, painted in the Greek spirit and perhaps actually executed -by a Greek mural painter. We do not find even the slightest -allusion to death or entombment, or the least trace of any Etruscan -characteristics. The inscription in the large frieze is of interest -because it shows the Etruscan language in its archaic form, with a -rich vocalization which must have made it much more euphonious than -the language spoken later, in the fourth or following centuries. The -inscription runs: ‘arnth spuriana s[uth]il hece ce fariceka,’ and -means, ‘Aruns Spurinna monumentum sepulcrale ... condidit, adornavit,’ -or the like.[9] - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[7] II, Tafel 41, and Hilfstafel 1-8. - -[8] Poulsen, _Orient_, p. 67. - -[9] I am greatly indebted to Professor O. A. Danielsson of Upsala for -information about this as well as about other inscriptions, and for -numerous linguistic suggestions on the general subject of my treatise. - - - - - IV - - -A considerable group of Etruscan tomb-paintings, dating from the middle -of the sixth century, show in their composition close connexion with -Ionic vase-painting, especially with the so-called Caeretan hydriae, -while their main pictures tell us something about the Etruscans -themselves and their conceptions of Life and Death and Eternity. Only -in the animal friezes beneath the painted roof-supports does the old -decorative conception of the human and animal figure still linger; -elsewhere the pictures now have content and meaning. - -[Sidenote: TOMBA DEGLI AUGURI] - -We may take the Tomba degli Auguri in Corneto, discovered in 1878, as -our starting-point. There are coloured drawings as well as full-sized -facsimiles of its pictures in the Helbig Museum. - -[Illustration: FIG. 3. BACK WALL IN THE TOMBA DEGLI AUGURI] - -The middle of the back wall of this tomb is occupied by a painted door -flanked by two men in white chitons and short black cloaks lined with -red; on their feet are peaked shoes. They raise both arms in a gesture -of lament, ‘beating their foreheads’ as the ancient texts have it.[10] -With this scene (fig. 3) the key-note is struck: the living stand -at the door of the tomb and moan for the dead, a subject specially -appropriate to the decoration of the walls of a tomb. - -The scenes on the main walls are also associated with the funeral -ceremonies. On the right-hand main wall (fig. 4) a boy is seen to the -left in a white tunic with black dots, carrying a stool and raising -one arm and his face to a man who, dressed in a red and brown cloak -and brown shoes, seems to beckon to the boy with his right hand, -gesticulating at the same time with his left. Between them a small -figure is seated who reminds one of the small boys in the Greek tomb -reliefs ‘weeping on their cold knees’. To the right is another man -clad in chiton and mantle, gesticulating violently with his left -hand, and carrying a crook in his right. Above him, and above the -excited man to the right, runs the inscription: ‘Tevarath’, probably -meaning umpire (βραβευτής, ἀγωνοθέτης). For now follow -representations of athletic contests: two wrestlers engaging in the -initial grips, the elder bearded, the younger beardless: between them -are seen the prizes—metal bowls; these are supposed to be arranged in -the background, but owing to the lack of perspective they seem to be -in the way of the combatants. This scene throws light on the preceding -one: the man with the crook is evidently not an augur, as originally -conjectured because of the staff and the flying birds, but the umpire -who has to see that no unfair tricks are used; the other man is the -spectator who has not yet seated himself, but beckons to the slave-boy -to bring him the stool on which he will sit down like the Roman knights -of later times who brought their own stools into the orchestra of the -theatre. On the other hand, the mourning, crouching slave-boy seems to -repeat the death lament of the back wall. Here already, then, we can -observe the curious fragmentariness of the scenes in Etruscan art: they -look as if they had been cut out of more comprehensive wholes, and put -together without logical sequence. Clarity and unity are wanting. There -is not the sustained composition or the pleasure in detailed narrative -which are regular in Greek and Egyptian art. The Etruscan artist is -content with hints and fragments. - -[Sidenote: TOMBA DEL PULCINELLA] - -To the right of the wrestlers, on the same main wall, is a particularly -interesting representation: beneath the inscription Phersu, a man, -dressed and masked like a punchinello, is leading a dog in a long leash -which is wound round his antagonist and ends in a wooden collar round -the neck of the dog. The ferocious blood-hound has inflicted bleeding -wounds on the legs and thighs of the antagonist, and the antagonist, -whose head is muffled in a sack, is vainly trying to disentangle -himself from the leash and to hit the dog with a club. The explanation -of this exciting and brutal contest, to which no parallel can be found -in Greek art, is evidently that Phersu tries to make his dog bite his -antagonist to death before the latter can get his head out of the sack -and hit man and dog with his club. If the club-bearer succeeds in -freeing himself from the sack and the dog, Phersu has only one chance: -to run away. As runner, he has his legs stiffened with thongs, and in -the much damaged fresco on the left main wall of the tomb we see the -flight of Phersu (fig. 5) and (not reproduced) the club-bearer pursuing -him. They are separated by a pair of pugilists who are boxing to the -accompaniment of flutes, again an evidence of Etruscan indifference to -incongruities in the composition. The escaping Phersu is painted alone -in another tomb at Corneto, the Tomba del Pulcinella, the name of which -is derived from this figure, but here he is placed beside a horseman -(fig. 6), who represents the equestrian processions at funerals, to -which we shall turn our attention later. The Tomba del Pulcinella, -which was discovered in 1872, also dates from the sixth century B.C., -and like the Tomb of the Augur it bears the stamp of Ionic art, -especially in the receding contours of the crown of the head and in the -plump forms of the body. - -[Illustration: FIG. 4. RIGHT MAIN WALL IN THE TOMBA DEGLI AUGURI] - -[Illustration: FIG. 5. PART OF THE LEFT MAIN WALL IN THE TOMBA DEGLI -AUGURI - -After a coloured drawing in the Helbig Museum] - -[Illustration: FIG. 6. PAINTING FROM THE TOMBA DEL PULCINELLA] - -In these two sepulchres, then, we are confronted with representations -which are associated not only with death and the tomb, but also -with Etruscan local customs and national character. It is true that -prize-fights and wrestling contests in connexion with obsequies are -known in the Greek civilized world as well, for instance from the -description in the _Iliad_ of the funeral of Patroclus, and lingered -for a long time especially in the outskirts of the Greek world—thus -King Nicocles of Cyprus, in the beginning of the fourth century B.C., -honoured his deceased father with choral dancing, athletic games, -horse-races, trireme races.[11] But we know of no example from Hellas -of a fight like that between Phersu, accompanied by his blood-hound, -and the muffled club-bearer: a fight the attraction of which, apart -from its sanguinary character, evidently depended on the disparity of -the weapons, as it did in the combat between gladiator and retiarius, -the man armed with net and trident, in the Roman arenas of a later -day.[12] - -[Sidenote: GLADIATORS IN ETRURIA] - -From the Greek author Athenaeus,[13] we learn that the gladiatorial -games originated in Campania, where they were introduced as -entertainments at banquets, but that the Romans adopted them from the -Etruscans. This tradition is confirmed by the facts that the name -applied to the leader and trainer of the Roman gladiatorial school, -_lanista_, is of Etruscan origin, and that the person, who even in late -Rome[14] dragged the corpses from the arena, the so-called _Dispater_, -was furnished with satyr-ears and a mask with savage features, and -carried a hammer, thus being a faithful copy of the Etruscan death-god, -Charun.[15] Moreover, as the Etruscans in the heyday of their glory, -in the sixth and fifth centuries B.C., also ruled over Campania, it is -most natural to attribute to them, and not to the Campanian Graeculi, -the doubtful honour of being the actual ‘inventors’ of gladiatorial -combats. These combats were a piquant and exciting substitute for -actual human sacrifices in honour of the deceased noble or the gods, -and as one of the parties was given a chance to save his life the -practice may even be considered an advance in humanity. - -Etruscan obscurity and inconsistency lead to curious confusion in the -transition from mythological pictures to funereal scenes. Thus we find -on the front of an early archaic Etruscan terracotta sarcophagus, now -in the British Museum,[16] a representation in relief, manifestly -inspired by Greek mythology, of a battle scene with men and women as -spectators; at one end of the sarcophagus, the left, leave-taking -before marching out to battle; on the back, a banqueting-scene, -evidently representing the funeral feast, since the relief on the other -end of the sarcophagus shows four mourning women, two of them holding -drinking-bowls in their hands. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[10] Παίειν τὰ μέτωπα, Dionys. Halicarn. x. 9; ‘frontem -ferire’, Cicero, _Epist. ad Attic._ i. 1; for other instances see -Sittl, _Gebärden der Griechen and Römer_, p. 21. - -[11] Isocrates ix. 1. - -[12] With reference to _phersu_, which is supposed to be synonymous -with and the origin of the Latin _persona_, see Pauly-Wissowa, vi. 775, -and S.P. Cortsen, _Vocabulorum Etruscorum interpretatio_ in _Nord. -Tidsskr. for Filologi_, 1917, p. 174. - -[13] iv. 153 f. - -[14] Tertullian, _Ad nation._ i. 10. - -[15] Pauly-Wissowa, iii. 2178. - -[16] B 630. Figured in _Terra-cotta Sarcophagi in British Museum_, pl. -ix-xi. - - - - - V - - -[Sidenote: TOMBA DELLE ISCRIZIONI] - -A good idea of the different sort of athletic contests at the great -Etruscan funerals is given by the wall-paintings in the Tomba delle -Iscrizioni at Corneto, described and copied by Stackelberg and -Kestner in 1827,[17] and represented in the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek by -facsimiles and coloured drawings executed in 1907, after a chemical -treatment of the plaster stucco, which brought out a number of details -more plainly. The pictures are of the same period as those of the -Augur tomb, and of similar style. The numerous inscriptions from which -the tomb has derived its title seem to be mostly proper names. Each of -the three wall-surfaces of this tomb, which contains only one chamber, -has a false painted door in the middle. Of the first figures on the -left main wall, two pugilists, only very little is preserved (fig. 7). -They are contending, like the two wrestlers to the right of them, one -of whom has lifted the other from the ground, to the accompaniment of -the flute-player who is standing between the two groups. This and many -other Etruscan paintings confirm the statement of Aristotle[18] that -the Etruscans made their boxers perform to the sound of the flute. -Flute-playing was so popular that masters scourged their slaves and -caused their cooks to work in the kitchen to the sound of the flute; -and here again the Romans adopted the Etruscan tradition and gave their -flute-players a recognized position in the community, as is shown by -the amusing story about the strike of the Roman flute-players[19]: the -flute-players left Rome in disgust and went in a body to Tibur, and the -only device the Romans could think of was to make the excellent fellows -drunk and cart them back to Rome, where the citizens made haste to -confirm the ancient privileges of the flute-players and to add several -new ones in order to make the awakening more pleasant. - -[Illustration: FIG. 7. LEFT MAIN WALL OF THE TOMBA DELLE ISCRIZIONI. -After a coloured drawing in the Helbig Museum] - -[Illustration: FIG. 8. BACK WALL OF THE TOMBA DELLE ISCRIZIONI] - -On the other side of the false door the equestrian procession begins -and is continued on the back wall to the central false door (fig. 8). -Four young naked horsemen, some of them with staves in their hands, are -received by a naked youth who carries a palm-branch over his shoulder. -Apart from the nakedness, which must be attributed to the influence of -Greek art, this equestrian procession is genuinely Etruscan. Appian -derives the festive processions at triumphs and funerals from Etruscan -prototypes, while Dionysius of Halicarnassus finds their prototypes -in Hellas. But it cannot be denied that Dionysius’s description of -these _pompae_ in early Rome[20] suggests Etruria: first came young -horsemen, then foot-soldiers; after these, athletes with their sexual -organs covered (in contrast to Greek custom), then the tripartite -chorus of dancers in purple cloaks and bronze belts, then the grotesque -dancers, flute-players, lyre-players, and thurifers, and finally the -procession of chariots with the images of the gods. In the following -pages we shall make acquaintance with all these groups in the Etruscan -world of art. - -The equestrian procession is presumably the preliminary to a -horse-race. The nobles of Etruria were celebrated for their race-horses -and often sent their chariot-teams to the games in early Rome.[21] It -is a characteristic fact that one of the few Etruscan words given by -the Greek lexicographer Hesychius is no other than the word for horse, -δάμνος according to the Greek version.[22] - -To the right of the false door in the back wall three jolly dancers are -seen: the first has his brow wreathed, carries a drinking-bowl in hand, -and wears boots, red skirt, and blue neckerchief. The figure is shown -by the flesh tint to be male, not female as stated in Carl Jacobsen’s -catalogue. After him dances the flute-player, with red boots, blue -loin-cloth, and red chaplet, and last comes a naked dancing youth with -boots, necklace, and chaplet. - -[Sidenote: TOMBA DEL MORTO] - -[Sidenote: TOMBA DEL TRICLINIO] - -Dancers appear in a number of Etruscan tomb-paintings, and abandon -themselves to their gambols with a frenzy which might seem incompatible -with death and entombment. In the Tomba del Morto at Corneto, dating -from the same period, we find traces of a pirouetting dancer close to -the couch of the dead and the lamenting mourners; the dance was thus as -important as the funeral lament (fig. 9). The finest representations -of Etruscan mourning dancers are found in the Tomba del Triclinio, -which dates from the beginning of the fifth century B.C.: the Ny -Carlsberg Glyptotek contains several earlier, inferior facsimiles, -made from the copies in the Museo Gregoriano and only touched up at -Corneto by the painter Mariani;[23] and some more recent ones carefully -executed on the spot (fig. 10). On each wall three female and two male -dancers are seen among trees; fillets and singing-birds appear in the -foliage. The male dancers play on lyre and flute; the dancing-girls -have castanets and the foremost a strap or chaplet with bells over her -shoulder. Similar chaplets with bells are often seen hanging on the -walls in pictures representing the symposia in honour of the dead (see -below), and bear witness to the childish predilection of the Etruscans -for gipsy-like noise and merry-making. The most beautiful dancing-girl, -however, in any Etruscan tomb is the already mentioned ‘bella -ballerina di Corneto’, discovered on a wall in the Tomba Francesca -Giustiniani. We give this figure, which has never been reproduced, -after the facsimile in the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek which arrived there -shortly before the death of Carl Jacobsen and gave him one of the last -pleasures in his life (fig. 11). - -[Illustration: FIG. 9. PICTURE FROM THE TOMBA DEL MORTO AT CORNETO] - -[Illustration: FIG. 10. PICTURE FROM THE TOMBA DEL TRICLINIO] - -When I examined the original in the tomb at Corneto I made the -following notes: the drapery (chiton), which is ornamented with a -pattern of dotted rosettes, is distinctly preserved from the hips down -to the elegant fluttering edge. Much of the middle part of the body -has been destroyed; the fluttering ends of the red scarf across the -shoulders are visible to right and left. The upper part of the body and -the shoulders are also well preserved. The right arm is raised, and -visible from shoulder to elbow; a faint outline of the left arm is also -visible.[24] Of the head, the brow, the beginning of the nose, the ear, -the green fluttering head-dress, the red hair with a loosened tress -in front of the ear have been preserved. To the spectator the picture -still conveys an impression of joy, of graceful movement, and of filmy -fluttering draperies. - -[Sidenote: ETRUSCAN DANCE AND SONG] - -Here also we find Etruscan tradition continued on Roman soil, not only -in the dancers of the festival processions, but in the tradition that -Etruscan dancers, _ludii_ or _ludiones_, were imported to Rome to dance -at the great festivals. The Greeks compared the Roman reel to the -Dionysiac ‘cancan’, σίκιννις, while its Roman name is _tripudium_; it -was danced at every period of Roman history by the Salii, the ancient -priesthood of the Roman war-god, on the chief festival of the god, -March 19. According to Livy (vii. 2. 4-7) the earliest Roman poetry, -the coarse Fescennines, originated in the text which accompanied the -dance of the _ludiones_, and the fact that the dancers during the -Fescennines daubed their faces with minium supports the theory of -Etruscan influence, which also makes itself felt in the custom observed -by the Roman triumphators, who in the earliest times daubed their whole -bodies with minium. For we know that the Etruscans coated the images of -their gods with minium at their festivals, and that the Romans gave the -ancient terracotta statue of the Capitoline Jupiter a similar coat of -‘war paint’ at the high festivals, a task which it fell to the censors -to superintend.[25] The red minium was meant to heighten the natural -red-brown hue of the men; it produced an artificial virile complexion, -just as white lead and chalk served to emphasize the pale feminine -hue.[26] - -The primitive nature of the verses connected with these dances is -shown by the song of the Salii, the burden of which is the five times -repeated ‘triumpe’ (jump!) and the text of which runs: ‘Help us, lares, -let not the evil disease fall upon any more of us, Mars! Be satisfied, -cruel Mars! Jump on to the threshold. Cease jumping. Help us, Mars!’ -At the triumphs also, ‘carmina incondita’, as Livy tells us, were sung -(iv. 20. 2), and we venture to think that Etruscan poetry was no better -than this, and that the disappearance of the texts, which accompanied -the dances, is no great loss. Varro mentions tragedies in the -Etruscan language, but they were undoubtedly versions of the Greek -ones, even worse than those made for the Romans by Livius Andronicus. -Apart from some religious and a little historical literature, and a -number of recipes for the gathering of simples, capable of rousing -the admiration of the Greeks for ‘the descendants of the Tyrrhenians, -the people skilled in medical lore’,[27] no tradition of any Etruscan -intellectual life in writing or poetry has been handed down to -posterity. - -[Illustration: FIG. 12. RIGHT MAIN WALL IN THE TOMBA DELLE ISCRIZIONI] - -[Sidenote: TOMBA DELLE ISCRIZIONI] - -[Sidenote: LAUREL DECORATIONS] - -We pass on to the right main wall in the Tomba delle Iscrizioni (fig. -12) where dancers in a row with drinking-bowls in their hands alternate -with servants carrying wine in large bowls. That the funeral dance was -animated by free indulgence in wine is often exemplified in the tombs. -In the Tomba delle Leonesse, named after the beasts of prey in the -pediment, which are really hunting leopards, a red-brown lad to the -right is dancing with a girl; to the left is a woman with castanets, -and in the centre, flanked by a flute-player and a lyre-player, stands -the wine-bowl wreathed with fresh leaves (fig. 13), ‘the wine-bowl -filled with joy,’ in Xenophanes’ words. Evidently the Etruscans drank -heavily to celebrate the memory of their dead, as Xenophon relates of -another barbarian tribe, the Odrysians.[28] To the right of the false -door of the same main wall in the Tomba delle Iscrizioni (fig. 12), -a man in a loin-cloth with a laurel branch in each hand is greeting -another man, who carries chaplets and rests one leg on the cushions -of a couch. Laurel branches constantly recur in the reliefs of the -Etruscan cinerary urns, where the death lament round the bier of the -deceased is reproduced, and it seems probable that laurel branches were -carried round the house and used for wall decoration in the house of -the deceased on the funeral day, for the purpose of purification. This -decoration of the walls, then, would be the subject of our picture, -together with the other preparations for the funeral, as shown by the -paintings.[29] Perhaps it was a general custom of the Etruscans to -decorate their walls on festival days with laurel branches, just as the -Egyptians decorated theirs with lotus, and this would often account -for all the foliage which appears in the backgrounds of the paintings -alternating with suspended chaplets, even where the action—the death -lament (fig. 9) or the symposium—takes place indoors. In other cases, -however, as in the Tomba dei Tori (fig. 2) and in the Tomba del -Triclinio (fig. 10), there is no doubt that real trees and open-air -scenes are represented, but even there the chaplets are often seen -hanging—on the wall. Again a proof of the want of clarity in Etruscan -art! Trees, however, in the background of scenes with figures are also -found on South Italian vases of the same time, and thus seem to be a -common Italic trait. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[17] Kestner, _Annali_ i (1829), p. 101 ff. - -[18] Athenaeus iv. 154a. - -[19] Livy ix. 30. 5-10. Plutarch, _Aetia Romana_, 55. - -[20] Dionys. Halicarn. vii. 72-3. - -[21] Livy i. 35. 9. - -[22] Hesych. _s. v._ The word is not mentioned in S.P. Cortsen’s -_Vocabulorum Etruscorum interpretatio_ in _Nordisk Tidsskr. for -Filologi_, 1917; no doubt because he considers Hesychius’s statement -insufficiently authoritative. Cp. Skutsch, Pauly-Wissowa, vi. 775. - -[23] Helbig’s letters of June 21 and December 10, 1895. - -[24] Thus the facsimile at this point gives more than I at any rate -could see: on the other hand, less as far as brow and nose are -concerned. - -[25] Plutarch, _Aetia Romana_ 98. - -[26] Plautus, _Truculentus_ 290, 294, _Mostellaria_ 259 ff. In Greece -also, women used white lead as paint: Lysias i. 14 and 17. - -[27] Quotation from Aeschylus by Theophrastus (who endorses the -opinion): _History of Plants_ ix. 15. 1. - -[28] _Hellenica_ iii. 2. 5. - -[29] Cp. Tacitus, _Histor._ iv. 53, on the inauguration of the rebuilt -Capitolium: ’spatium omne quod templo dicabatur evinctum vittis -coronisque; ingressi milites, quis fausta nomina, _felicibus ramis_.’ - - - - - VI - - -Contemporary with the group of the Tomba degli Auguri and the Tomba -delle Iscrizioni is the Tomba del Barone, discovered at Corneto in -1827 and named, as already mentioned, after Baron Kestner. After the -paintings of this tomb Stackelberg executed a fine water-colour, and -Thürmer a number of drawings, now in the University of Strasburg. -The style—both in the shape of the heads and in the treatment of -the draperies—is still Ionic, but the proportions are more slender, -probably owing to Chian or Attic influence. - -Composition and technique are both unique in the paintings of this -tomb. We content ourselves with reproducing one main wall, the left -(fig. 14), where a black horse with light grey hoofs, mane, and tail, -is led by a man wearing red boots and a brown mantle lined with green. -He is speaking with one hand raised to a woman in a long grey -chiton, a brown mantle lined with green, and a brown cap. Then comes a -man with green boots leading a brown horse. - -[Illustration: FIG. 13. BACK WALL IN THE TOMBA DELLE LEONESSE -After a drawing in the Helbig Museum] - -[Illustration: FIG. 14. LEFT MAIN WALL IN THE TOMBA DEL BARONE] - -[Sidenote: TOMBA DEL BARONE] - -Similar quiet pictures are found on the other two walls of the -tomb; on the back wall a man is standing with his arm round a young -flute-player’s neck, and is greeted by a woman. The dress of the woman -is Etruscan; the subjects also are probably Etruscan—the preparations -for the pompa and the dancing feast. But everything breathes coolness -and calm, and we miss the usual jollity. The technique is equally -remarkable. It is not the usual fresco painting: experiments have been -made with size-paint, that is, an attempt at painting in distemper on -the plaster stucco covering the walls. The attempt has failed; the -colour has run in large blotches. - -These two characteristics of the artist of the Tomba del Barone are -of great interest because the German archaeologist, Gustav Körte, has -demonstrated the existence of marks made by Greek artisans on the -walls of this tomb. It was not in Etruscan, but in Greek letters that -the artist indicated the amount of his day’s work, with a view to -his wages. The explanation, then, seems to be the following: a Greek -decorator was charged with the task of ornamenting the walls of the -tomb, and he did it, as far as the dresses are concerned, according -to local tradition; but he experimented boldly with a new technical -process, the success of which was prevented by the dampness of the -rock-wall; and he composed his pictures with a grandeur of line and a -tranquillity in execution which make one think of the pediment of a -Greek temple. In the light of this it is easier to realize how much of -the Etruscan temperament there really is in the other paintings, all -Greek influence on style notwithstanding. It must be noted here that -artisans’ marks are the only written evidence left by the decorative -painters of Etruria; artists’ signatures are unknown, whether in Greek -or in Etruscan. The Etruscan nobles, like the Roman later, evidently -employed Greek artists, but granted them no social position. - - - - - VII - - -[Sidenote: TOMBA DELLE BIGHE] - -In the next period the predominant stylistic influence is Attic. -A whole group of tombs dates from about 500 B.C.: they are thus -contemporaneous with the severe red-figured vase-paintings. Very -Attic and, at the same time, like a complete pictorial procession, -representing everything which took place at a great Etruscan funeral, -is the Tomba delle Bighe, previously mentioned and now published by -Weege. As the pictures in this tomb are clearer and more complete than -most Etruscan paintings, we will take some of them as a starting-point -for a closer examination of the facts of Etruscan life. - -There are two friezes on the three walls of the tomb: a narrower and -lighter above; and a broader one below, in which the figures are -painted on a deep red ground; the height of the friezes is respectively -36 and 90 cm., and they are separated by a broad, coloured band. The -narrow frieze with the dark figures on light ground still reminds one -of the black-figured Attic vases, whereas the lower purple frieze, in -which the skin of the men is reserved in a somewhat lighter red, that -of the women in white, recalls the red-figured vase-paintings, all -differences notwithstanding. - -On the right-hand main wall (fig. 15), in the broad frieze, men and -women are dancing in honour of the dead among laurel branches. There -are the usual ecstasy and the familiar animated gestures with the -big fan-like hands, reminding one of the figures in archaic Greek -vase-painting and plastic art.[30] - -[Sidenote: THE TUTULUS—CHARIOT RACE] - -Especially splendid is the female flute-player who turns round as she -dances, her light chiton and red cloak fluttering about her; she can -almost compare with ‘la bella ballerina’. The dancing-women all -wear the high Etruscan wreathed cap, the so-called _tutulus_, which in -the Tomba delle Iscrizioni is also worn by a male dancer. We meet with -it again in Etruscan terracotta sculpture. The fashion is of Oriental -origin, and goes back, ultimately, to the pointed ’sugar-loaf hat’ of -the Hittites. It probably reached Etruria by way of Cyprus, where it -is frequently seen in reliefs of the seventh century B. C. In Etruria -the pointed woollen cap became part of the national dress.[31] Rome of -course adopted the headgear and preserved the Etruscan tradition in the -priesthoods; a purple tutulus adorned the Roman Flaminicae, and certain -secondary priests wore a tutulus down to the time of Tertullian.[32] -In early Rome all women wore the tutulus, and under it a head-cloth -such as is shown in Etruscan terracottas (fig. 16); this is clear from -a description of a Roman mourning scene in Dionysius of Halicarnassus -(xi. 39), where the women tear their many and various fillets and -hair-ornaments off their heads.[33] - -[Illustration: FIG. 15. RIGHT MAIN WALL IN THE TOMBA DELLE BIGHE] - -[Illustration: FIG. 16. ETRUSCAN TERRA-COTTA HEAD IN THE NY CARLSBERG -GLYPTOTEK] - -[Illustration: FIG. 17. PART OF THE SMALL FRIEZE IN THE TOMBA DELLE -BIGHE] - -The dancing scene, in the painted frieze referred to above (fig. 15), -ends at the sideboard on the left, which bears a number of metal bowls: -a cup-bearer, partially obliterated in the original, is just putting -down a vessel. The wine to inspire the dancers is ready. - -In the narrow frieze—the most beautiful and most carefully executed -of those in the tomb, but very badly copied in the facsimile of the -Glyptotek—we see the preparations for a chariot race. The horses -are being led out and harnessed to the chariot. We reproduce, after -Stackelberg’s drawing, the most interesting part of the frieze (fig. -17), in which three young men are busy harnessing two horses to the -light, two-wheeled chariot, the Biga. The chariot is represented in -foreshortening, and the shaft is lifted up by a naked boy. The young -men have each one foot strongly foreshortened. - -[Sidenote: TOMBA DELLE BIGHE] - -We find here the same experimentation with this new and difficult -problem, as in the Greek vase-paintings of about 500 B. C., in the -vases of Euthymides and Euphronius. The horse to the right is blue, -that to the left grey, both have red hoofs and red harness, and two -youths, with a sort of shawl round their loins, are busily engaged -with them, striking them on the flanks to get them into place. These -two excellent figures are quite misdrawn and misconstrued in the Ny -Carlsberg facsimile, the draughtsman not having realized that they are -seen from behind. - -We have, therefore, preparations for a chariot race; in a wall-painting -in the Tomba del Morente at Corneto we have a still earlier phase -represented, the lassoing of the horse which is to be harnessed (fig. -18); here the horse is red, with blue mane and tail. The disposition of -the colours is no more naturalistic in Etruscan wall-painting than in -the pediments of Greek temples: in applying the colours, the painter’s -object was purely decorative. - -[Illustration: FIG. 18. WALL-PAINTING FROM THE TOMBA DEL MORENTE -THE LASSOING OF THE HORSE] - -[Illustration: FIG. 19. PART OF THE SMALL FRIEZE IN THE TOMBA DELLE -BIGHE -After Arch. Jahrb. 1916] - -[Illustration: FIG. 20. PART OF THE TOMBA DELLA SCIMMIA AT CHIUSI] - -After the preparations comes the ceremonial parade of the racing -chariots past the stands; three chariots are seen in a row (fig. 15): -the first has not yet begun to move, the horses are pawing the ground -impatiently, and the groom is standing at their heads trying to pacify -them; the second chariot has already started, and the team of the third -chariot is going a little faster, a fine crescendo which reminds one -of good Greek art rather than of Etruscan. To the left are the stands -for the spectators, which are continued on the back wall; similar -stands are seen in the corner where back wall and left main wall -adjoin. We give, after Stackelberg’s drawing, the two parts from the -first-mentioned corner (fig. 19). On elevated platforms, bounded above -by lines evidently meant to indicate curtains which might be drawn -before the ‘box’ against sun or heavy showers, men and women are seated -and show their absorption in the games by their eager gestures. The -foremost woman to the right actually greets the procession of chariots -with her raised hand. She is a matron wearing a shawl (epiblema) over -the arms, and the back of her head, and under that a tutulus. Next -to her sits a young girl with a tutulus, noble in bearing and gesture -like a young goddess. Then follows a varied company of youths, women, -and a bearded man. The young man, who is represented partly frontal -with his chin resting on his hand and the head and left leg frontal, -is of special interest. The problem of foreshortening has been very -neatly solved. Under the wooden floor of the stands the common folk are -disporting themselves, some of them engrossed in anything but the games. - -[Sidenote: THE AUDIENCE] - -In order to understand the significance of this representation one -has to realize that such detailed pictures of spectators at athletic -games are unknown in Greek art. The nearest parallel is the assembly -of the gods, the Olympian spectators, in the frieze of the Treasury -of the Siphnians at Delphi,[34] and in the Parthenon frieze, between -which the Tomba delle Bighe chronologically occupies an intermediate -position, about twenty-five years later than the former, and about -fifty years earlier than the latter. At the same time we learn that -female spectators were also present; this was not so at the Olympic -games, but seems to have been a common Italic custom. The stands, too, -appear typically Italic; on such ἴκρια the spectators were seated at -those athletic games and contests which in earlier times, according -to Vitruvius (v. 1), were held in the market-places of Italian towns. -Amphitheatres were not known till the first century B.C., but if -one imagines these market-places on festival days with such wooden -stands built up on all four sides, and these stands curved round at -the corners in order that the spectators might see better, one can -understand how the shape of the amphitheatre originated.[35] - -[Sidenote: TOMBA DELLA SCIMMIA AT CHIUSI] - -Within the sphere of Etruscan painting also, this is the only large -representation of an audience. Elsewhere the artist limited himself to -the individual figure as representative of the spectators; thus in the -Tomba della Scimmia (the Monkey Tomb) at Chiusi, the only spectator is -a lady dressed in black and sheltered by a sunshade; she is seated on -a high chair without a back (diphros), her feet on a footstool (fig. -20). The tomb was discovered in 1846 by François. The pictures are -executed in a thin colour, probably a sort of water-colour, applied -directly to the stone without an intermediate layer of stucco; a -similar technique is employed in the other and larger tomb at Chiusi, -the Tomba Casuccini. The four walls are decorated with scenes from -the race-course and the palaestra. Behind the lady on the wall which -is reproduced, we see two men in rapid motion and with ample gestures -probably intended to render the bustle and hurry at the funeral, which -is also represented, as we have seen, by one of the figures in the -Augur tomb (cp. fig. 4). The sunshade carried by the ‘widow’ was an -Oriental fashion, but in the fifth century B.C. the women of Greece -had adopted it, as is shown by the _Knights_ of Aristophanes (l. 1348 -σκιάδειον). To the left the usual flute-player is standing, and the -round dais in front of him is not an altar, but, as Milani was the -first to point out, the small table on which prizes were placed.[36] -Next comes a girl with a censer on her head. She is generally taken -to be a female juggler, but carrying a tall object on one’s head is -still a common practice with the women of the South, and censers -(thymiateria), as we learn from Dionysius of Halicarnassus, were always -carried at the ‘pompae’ in early Rome; at the high festivals they were -placed in front of the Roman doorways.[37] They were sometimes of -costly material.[38] But our woman seems to be standing on a platform, -and the near presence of the flute-player, and the turning of her -body and position of her arms, seem to indicate some difficult dance -performed with the big object borne on her head in a small, limited -space; hence a kind of old Etruscan dervish-dance of which we have no -other knowledge. The two figures next to her are a big and a small -man who are cooling their bleeding noses with sponges: the artist -gives the atmosphere of the scene after the fight. On one of the other -walls in this tomb the boxers are ready for action, raising their -cestus-bound fists against each other, one hand closed for attack, -the other open for defence, as frequently described in the ancient -authors.[39] Cicero tells us that boxers sighed and groaned, in order -to increase the force of the blow.[40] These cestus fights must have -been terrible. The guard, nowadays less, was then more important than -the blow, for it was too dangerous to take the risk of being hit by -one’s opponent when attacking him, even if one was confident that -one’s own blow would be the harder; one had to play for an opening, at -the same time guarding against the single blow which was sufficient -to knock a man out. Finally, on the extreme left of the picture (fig. -20) we meet with a scene which is repeated in another picture in the -same tomb, as well as in the Tomba del Triclinio: a rider seated -sideways and at the same time leading another horse. The race with a -led horse was an Oriental custom, and appears for the first time on the -Phoenician metal bowls of the eighth and seventh centuries B.C. This -seat, sideways on the horse, is of Scythian origin, and in Greek art -usually characterizes the Amazons. The Etruscans, with their passion -for difficult games, evidently combined the two in order to make the -races as exciting as possible. - -[Illustration: FIG. 21. PART OF THE SMALL FRIEZE IN THE TOMBA DELLE -BIGHE -After Arch. Jahrb. 1916] - -[Illustration: FIG. 22. PART OF THE SMALL FRIEZE IN THE TOMBA DELLE -BIGHE -After Arch. Jahrb. 1916] - -[Illustration: FIG. 23. SYMPOSIUM IN THE TOMBA DELLE BIGHE] - -[Sidenote: TOMBA DELLE BIGHE] - -In the small frieze on the back wall of the Tomba delle Bighe we find -a rider with a led horse, dressed in tunic and helmet, and seated -astride; we reproduce part of it after Stackelberg’s water-colour -(fig. 21). To the left of him we see a naked man standing on one leg -and nursing his raised left leg. It was formerly conjectured that he -was playing leap-frog with the young man planting the jumping-pole in -the ground behind him, but it is not usual to play leap-frog on one -leg, and Weege has pointed out the same position in athletic scenes on -Greek vases and supposes it to be a kind of preparatory exercise. His -supposition is correct: any modern acrobat would recognize it as one -of his exercises; the contraction of the muscles by nursing right and -left knee in turn. Acrobats practise this exercise when travelling, to -keep themselves fit when they are unable to train. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[30] Cp. Fr. Poulsen, _Delphi_, fig. 44. - -[31] Daremberg-Saglio, _s. v._ _Tutulus_. Fr. Poulsen, _Der Orient und -die frühgriech. Kunst_, p. 97, fig. 99, and p. 107. Martha, _L’art -étrusque_, p. 306, fig. 206 (Cyprus). _Antike Denkmäler_ iii, pl. 1. - -[32] In the same manner the Roman priests used flint knives in -their cult, and their razors had to be of copper, and, as late as -Roman imperial times, they used black vessels (_nigrum catinum_), -corresponding to the Etruscan bucchero vases, at sacrifices. Livy i. -24. 9: Juvenal vi. 343. Cp. Müller-Deecke, _Die Etrusker_ ii. p. 275. - -[33] The Latin name of the head-cloth is _struppus_, and from that a -festival at Falerii, _struppearia_, derived its name. It comes from -Ionia, and is mentioned in the poems of Sappho (χειρόμακτρον). - -[34] Fr. Poulsen, _Delphi_, fig. 44. - -[35] Cp. Daremberg-Saglio and Pauly-Wissowa, _s. v._ _Amphitheatrum_. - -[36] _Museo archeol. di Firenze_, p. 303. - -[37] Livy xxix. 14. 13. - -[38] Cicero, _In Verrem_ iv. 46. See also Karl Wigand, _Thymiateria_. - -[39] For instance in Apollonius Rhodius, _Argonautica_ ii. 68. - -[40] Cicero, _Tusculanae disputationes_ ii. 56. - - - - - VIII - - -[Sidenote: PALAESTRA LIFE] - -We will not dwell on all the forms of wrestling contests and boxing -matches which appear in the small frieze of the Bighe tomb, but only -describe a part of the left main wall, which presents an important and -difficult problem (fig. 22). To the left of a young man in a himation -(not reproduced) we see the lower part of a statue of a deity, who -would seem, from the faint traces in Stackelberg’s water-colour, to -have wings on his ankles. If so, it is Hermes, the protector of the -palaestra, and the black object in front of him is a small altar. On -the other side of the altar a boy, accompanied by one of the caretakers -of the palaestra, clad in a blue mantle and carrying a knotted stick, -is standing with his hand raised. This usually indicates the adorer -praying to the divinity for victory in the contest. An absolutely -Greek palaestra interior! We have now escaped from the sphere of the -customary rude games held at the Etruscan funerals, and the question -arises whether the Etruscan knew real palaestra life of the Greek -type or not. In the Oscan towns of Lucania and Campania the youths -were devoted to Greek sports, and Weege is therefore inclined, in -view especially of this picture, to believe the same of the nobles of -Etruria at the height of their glory in the sixth and fifth centuries -B.C. But this is a dangerous inference. Wherever else we meet with -Etruscan athletic types they are rough and lumbering of build and -evidently professionals. In the Tomba delle Bighe a Greek artist has -been at work; this was already admitted by Stackelberg and Kestner, -and the same view is held in our own times. Although the artist has -complied with the demands of his patron more fully than the Greek -artist in the Tomba del Barone, who only troubled himself to do so -as far as dress was concerned, but for the rest painted entirely in -the spirit of his native country, Greek influence, nevertheless, has -penetrated everywhere. It is seen, for instance, in the incongruities -of the picture: the spectators in the corners, suggesting actual -athletic games; then this interior from a Greek palaestra, which -_might_ be interpreted, however, as part of a public contest; next -comes the prize table, as in the Tomba della Scimmia, but on both sides -himation-clad boys are seen, loitering like typical figures of the -everyday life of the palaestra, who have absolutely nothing to do with -the concentrated excitement of the sports in the arena. To the left -of the low table we see a little armed dancer, with helmet, shield, -and spear, in Greek nudity, not fully dressed like the gladiator in -the Tomba della Scimmia; his lance is bent zigzag-wise, apparently -an Etruscan peculiarity. With the Greeks also, the armed dance—the -pyrrhiche—formed part of the sepulchral festival, especially in Cyprus -and Crete, where it was called prylis;[41] and the custom may very well -have been adopted by the Etruscans. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[41] Aristotle, _fragm._ 519 R. Scholia to Homer’s _Iliad_ xxiii. 130. -A similar dancer or armed runner appears in the Tomba Casuccini at -Chiusi; both remind us in posture of the Tübingen armed runner (Bulle, -_Der schöne Mensch_, pl. 89). - - - - - IX - - -[Sidenote: TOMBA DELLE BIGHE SYMPOSIUM] - -Similar incongruities, due to Greek artists, or at any rate Greek art, -having set a Greek stamp on the wall-painting of Etruria, meet us in -the representations of _symposia_. Again we can take the Bighe tomb -as our starting-point (fig. 23).[42] Three festive couches are seen -with two young men on each. The youths are naked to the waist, and -have sumptuous gold necklaces, red or blue mantles, and chaplets on -their heads. Some of them hold flat drinking-bowls, some eggs, and -others have branches in their hands—all this, however, we only learn -from the old copies: they are reclining on metal couches, whereas -the tables in front of them are wooden, as is clearly proved by the -colours employed. We may wonder that the couches are of metal, for -according to the literary tradition the first metal couches came to -Rome as late as 187 B.C. Nevertheless, ivory and golden couches are -already mentioned by Plautus; this may, however, be due to the Greek -text on which he based his comedy (_Stichus_ 377). The Etruscans, at -any rate, knew bronze couches at least three hundred years earlier, and -this is corroborated by the find of an actual bronze banqueting-couch -in a tomb at Corneto.[43] The couches are covered with many-coloured -woven or embroidered bolsters and cushions; these also are mentioned in -the Roman comedies as ornaments of couches.[44] Ducks appear beneath -the couches, and the guests are attended by three naked lads: a -flute-player, a boy holding a branch, and another with a ladle, which -are wrongly reproduced in the Ny Carlsberg facsimile as a staff. - -The symposium has begun, the tables having been cleared. Only young -beardless men are seen feasting together, and nothing informs us who -they are or why they are drinking. All that is certain is the luxury -and pomp which seem to have characterized Etruscan houses and which -are especially manifest in the jingling necklaces and the material and -appointment of the festive couch. - -[Illustration: FIG. 24. BACK WALL IN THE TOMBA DEI LEOPARDI -After Arch. Jahrb. 1916, pl. 9] - -[Illustration: FIG. 25. MARRIED COUPLE ON AN ETRUSCAN CINERARY URN] - -[Sidenote: TOMBA DEI LEOPARDI—HUNTING LEOPARDS] - -New problems arise with the large symposium scene in the Tomba dei -Leopardi at Corneto, which was discovered in 1875 and has now been -described in an exemplary manner by Weege in the article mentioned -above. The pictures are among the best preserved in the whole of -Etruria, and date from about the same time as the Bighe tomb, about 500 -B.C. The tomb takes its name from the two almost life-sized leopards -in the pediment (fig. 24). They have been neatly proved by Weege to -be hunting leopards. As early as the days of ancient Egypt leopards -were trained for hunting purposes, and hunting leopards appear in -Greek vase-paintings and Etruscan wall-paintings, for instance, in -the earlier tombs such as the Tomba delle Leonesse and the Tomba del -Triclinio, where the animal lies beneath a couch. In the Middle Ages -the hunting leopard was still trained in the East, and is therefore -depicted in the paintings of the Renaissance—for instance in the -pictures of Gentile da Fabriano and Benozzo Gozzoli—as seated on the -cruppers of the horses behind the Magi or their servants.[45] In modern -India leopards are still trained to hunt. - -[Sidenote: TOMBA DEI LEOPARDI] - -Beneath the two long-bodied hunting leopards we see the main picture of -the back wall (fig. 24) representing a symposium. On the couch to the -left two youths are reclining, on each of the two others a youth and -a young girl.[46] The young men are attired in mantles, the girls in -chitons and mantles; all wear garlands. In their hands they hold either -chaplets, drinking-bowls, or round objects usually supposed to be eggs. -Similar ‘eggs’ appear in numerous Etruscan banqueting-scenes: in the -Tomba del Triclinio, del Letto funebre, della Pulcella, degli Scudi, -&c., and as egg-shells are frequently found in the tombs at Corneto, -and eggs must therefore have been offered to the dead[47]—as the most -nourishing of foods, and one which stimulates in particular the -procreative force—it is not improbable that the old interpretation is -the correct one. Weege supposes them to be ballot-balls used to decide -who should be the master of the symposium (symposiarch), but this was -usually decided by throwing dice. A third conceivable interpretation, -which I think might be acceptable in certain cases where a man and a -woman hand each other these round objects, is that they are rings. In -Plautus’s _Asinaria_ (778) it is spoken of as typical of two young -lovers reclining on one couch at the symposium that one of them gives -the other his or her ring to look at. - -Beneath and above the banqueting-couch we find the previously noted -laurel branches—not laurel trees as Weege calls them—the familiar -adornment of the walls. The guests are served by two naked pages: one -of these, who holds a jug, beckons to the other, who holds a small -jug and a strainer, to make haste. How necessary it was to strain the -wine is seen from the description of the elder Cato. The Latin word -for cleaning the wine-jars of the grape-skins deposited by the wine is -_deacinare_.[48] - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[42] The large frieze with dancing scenes on the left main wall was -already badly damaged in 1827. A copy of it, now in the Vatican, is -mere fiction, and has unfortunately served as basis for the large -facsimile in the Glyptotek. On the other hand, its damaged state is -correctly represented in the small drawing of the tomb in the Glyptotek. - -[43] Blümner, _Römische Privataltertümer_, p. 118. - -[44] On Etruscan cinerary urns and terracotta sarcophagi the covers -are as a rule strongly scalloped. These are presumably the _tonsilia -tappetia_ referred to by Plautus (_Pseudolus_ 145 ff.). They usually -came from Alexandria and were decorated with pictures of wild beasts, -whereas the bed coverlets proper came from Campania. - -[45] These cheetahs were brought alive to Italy, if not actually used -for hunting by the princes of the Renaissance. For among Pisanello’s -drawings in the Codex Vallardi in the Louvre is a fine study of one of -these animals from the life; it wears a collar round its neck, showing -that it was led on a leash. I owe this reference to Mr. G. F. Hill. - -[46] Dennis and Stryk are mistaken in speaking of a youth and a girl -on the left couch; the error is due to the damaged condition of the -colouring. - -[47] Cp. Juvenal, _Satires_ v. 82, where eggs are referred to as a -common course at funerals. - -[48] Cato, _De re rustica_ 26. In the Greek pictures of symposia also -the slave boy carries a strainer, ἡθμός. - - - - - X - - -[Sidenote: THE HETAERAE] - -This wall-painting is apparently a faithful copy of a Greek painted -representation of a symposium with hetaerae, and this is also Weege’s -view of the scene. In his opinion, those who take part in the drinking -bouts of the young men are not married or respectable women, but -hetaerae. It seems to me that such a representation in a _tomb_ would -argue a complete dissolution of family relations in ancient Etruria, -whether we choose to interpret the pictures as scenes from life, or -as an expression of the wish that the next life might take the form -of nothing more or less than a revel with hetaerae. Weege maintains, -further, that hetaerae reclined at table, whereas wives sat with their -husbands: but this is contrary to the express literary tradition, -according to which the Greeks were shocked because the Etruscan women -reclined at table with men ‘under the same coverlet’. The earliest -authority for this statement is Aristotle[49] and, according to this -and other accounts of the fourth century B.C., the free intercourse -between men and women gave rise to much immorality, the women -abandoning themselves to the strange men with whom they reclined.[50] -It would have been absurd for the Greeks to take offence at this if it -did not apply to free-born women of good family, but only to hetaerae, -who in Hellas did exactly the same. How things were with the Greeks -in this respect is made sufficiently clear by a passage in the orator -Isaeus[51]: ‘No one would dare to serenade married women, and neither -do the married women attend banquets with their husbands, nor do they -consider it proper to partake of meals with strangers, especially -chance acquaintances’. - -With this severe Athenian custom we must compare these scandalized -Greek outbursts, and, at the same time, we must remember that in the -fourth century B.C. Etruscan civilization and morals were already on -the decline, so that an original latitude, which in the beginning -of the fifth century was natural and did not affect the morals of -domestic life, may at this time have been abused. Incidentally, we are -able to ascertain the degree of exaggeration in another Greek account -of the same time concerning the luxuriousness of the Etruscans[52]: -‘They reclined on flowered cushions drinking out of sumptuous silver -bowls and attended by servants in costly dresses, _sometimes by naked -women_.’ In the Etruscan paintings there are numerous naked pages in -attendance, just as in the Greek symposium pictures, but not a single -naked handmaid. As to the question whether respectable women reclined -or sat at table, invariable rules did not exist in Etruria any more -than they existed in ancient Rome, where we know that Jupiter alone -reclined at the lectisternia (the sacred banquets given by the state) -whereas Juno and Minerva sat; furthermore, in the last century of the -republic, respectable women sat with the men at banquets, while brides -reclined.[53] The practice of brides reclining can hardly, however, -be accounted for except as a case of adherence to an ancient and -honourable custom which was superseded by later and severer notions. - -Etruscan works of art, however, give sufficient information to confute -the whole of Weege’s hetaera theory. Man and woman are often seen -reclining together on Etruscan sarcophagi and cinerary urns, and on -the face of it it would seem improbable that a man would have himself -pictured on his sarcophagus with a hetaera. Dr. S. P. Cortsen kindly -informs me that this view is confirmed by the fact that two of these -cinerary urns with a pair of figures on the lid have an inscription in -which the word _tusurthi_ or _tusurthir_ occurs—one of the few Etruscan -words the signification of which is certain: it means ‘spouses’.[54] -And if we look at the type of womanhood represented in several of the -recumbent couples on the later urns, when realism prevails in Etruscan -portrait sculpture, the appellation hetaera becomes as preposterous as -that of matrons is certain (fig. 25).[55] - -[Illustration: FIG. 26. PICTURE FROM THE TOMBA DEGLI SCUDI AT CORNETO] - -[Illustration: FIG. 27. PICTURE FROM THE TOMBA DEGLI SCUDI -After a coloured drawing in the Helbig Museum] - -[Sidenote: TOMBA DEGLI SCUDI] - -But proof is furnished by the tomb-paintings themselves. In the Tomba -degli Scudi at Corneto, discovered in 1870, and, to judge by the style, -dating from the end of the fifth century B. C., the wife (as might be -expected) is pictured sitting with her husband, who is reclining on -the couch with a drinking-bowl in his left hand, his right resting -on the woman’s shoulder (fig. 26). According to the inscription the -man’s name is _Velthur Velcha_, that of the woman _Ravnthu Aprthnai_ -(the family name is in the nominative and is a woman’s name, the Latin -_Abortennia_; so the family of the mother was the more distinguished). -The figure and the diadem of the woman recall those of the Hera -Borghese and determine the date of the tomb. On the table in front of -the couch are a bowl, a cake (_pyramis_), and a heap of fruits: or -they may be the ‘ball-cakes’ (_spirae_ or _spaeritae_) referred to by -Cato (_De agricultura_ 82). At the foot of the couch a lyre-player and -a flute-player accompany the meal with music, recalling a statement -of Cicero’s[56] that at banquets in early Rome the sound of stringed -instruments and flutes was deemed indispensable. On the whole, it -might perhaps be as well to abandon all theories of the austere morals -of early Rome. The patrician families of the first centuries of the -republic undoubtedly lived a life which in pomp and luxury vied with -the life of the nobility of the Etruscan towns. Again, in the painting -on the back wall of this tomb, where the recumbent man is a priest -(_cechaneri_), the wife is seated with her husband (fig. 27). As to -the priesthood, it must be borne in mind that the priestly office -was hereditary in the Etruscan noble families. The statue of Juno at -Veii, for instance, might only be touched by a priest of a certain -family.[57] It was especially the art of divination, however, which -was reserved for the noblemen and their wives.[58] Even when the -Romans had conquered Etruria they continued to support the efforts of -the Etruscans to confine initiation into the art of divination to the -nobility. Even Cicero, in his book on the ideal State, maintains that -omens and presages must be submitted to haruspices, and the nobles of -Etruria must teach the ‘disciplina’. - -[Sidenote: TOMBA DELL’ORCO] - -In the pictures of the Scudi tomb the wife, as we have seen, _is -sitting_. But in the Tomba dei Vasi Dipinti, besides a man and a woman, -two children are present at the symposium, which would be inconceivable -in a hetaera picture; and in a picture in the front chamber of the -Tomba dell’Orco at Corneto, discovered in 1868 and dating from the -same period as the Scudi tomb, there are traces of a man and a woman -reclining together, and the inscription informs us that the woman is -a free-born woman named Velia—the family name has unfortunately been -destroyed—and that she is married to Arnth Velchas, a descendant of -one of the noblest families in Etruria (fig. 28). With this, then, the -last and final proof of the untenability of the hetaera theory has been -adduced: this woman, whose head is one of the most beautiful in the -sepulchral chambers of Etruria (fig. 29), reclines with her husband on -the couch in the picture in the tomb, even as she was buried with him -in the tomb itself. A failure to appreciate this fact would imply a -complete denial of Etruscan family feeling and pride of race. - -The dancing women, on the other hand, for instance, the woman in the -Tomba delle Leonesse already cited above, and another, still more -wanton, who in the Tomba degli Bacchanti foots it with a fat dancer, -must be interpreted as hetaerae. They illustrate the phrase of Plautus: -‘prostibile est tandem? stantem stanti savium dare amicum amicae?’ To -the same category of hired dancers belongs the man to the left of the -one who is dancing with inverted cithara.[59] - -[Illustration: FIG. 28. ARNTH VELCHAS AND WIFE ON COUCH PICTURE IN THE -TOMBA DELL’ ORCO -After a coloured drawing in the Helbig Museum] - -[Illustration: FIG. 29. HEAD OF ARNTH VELCHAS’ WIFE FROM THE TOMBA -DELL’ ORCO] - -[Illustration: FIG. 30. BACK WALL IN THE TOMBA DEL VECCHIO] - -Generally speaking, what has made doubt or error possible in the matter -is the fact that the pictures, as we have already said, in form suggest -Greek pictures of hetaerae; symposia of any other kind between men -and women were unknown in Hellas. And to what extent the influence -of Greek art has prevailed is shown by the picture of a momentary -phase of emotion in the Tomba Querciola, where a couple reclining on -the couch are kissing each other, a motive as suitable to a Greek -hetaera picture as it is incongruous in a picture representing family -life after death.[60] Another source of error is the pronounced -sensualism of these pictures; in a sepulchral painting as early as the -sixth century, the main picture of the Tomba del Vecchio, we see on a -banqueting-couch, under the wreaths and chaplets with bells hanging -on the wall, a hoary old _roué_ in vivacious conversation with his -beautiful young wife who holds a garland, a hypothymis, under his nose -(fig. 30).[61] This picture is typically Etruscan in its combination -of wine and love. ‘As soon as we had eaten,’ sings the Greek poet -Dromon,[62] ‘the slave girl removed the tables; one brought us water -for washing, and we washed ourselves; then we seized again the wreaths -of violets and bound our brows with garlands.’ The Etruscans seem to -have followed the Greek rules minutely, but like the Egyptians they let -the free-born women partake of the festivity of the symposium itself. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[49] Athenaeus i. 23 d. On the Etruscan custom of reclining at table, -like the Greeks, and unlike the men of the Homeric age and later the -Macedonians, who sat, see Athenaeus i. 17 f, 18 a. - -[50] Athenaeus xii. 517d. Cp. Dionys. Halic. ix. 16. - -[51] Isaeus iii. 14. - -[52] Athenaeus iv. 153 d. (= Timaeus, _fragm._ 18 in Müller, _Fragmenta -histor. Graecorum_). - -[53] Friedländer, _Sittengeschichte Roms_ i. 472, 478, 493 f. - -[54] _Corpus inscriptionum Etruscarum_, 3858, 3860. - -[55] The Etruscan character for immorality is chiefly due to Theopompus -(_fragm._ 222 in Müller, _Fragm. hist. Graec._ i. p. 315), but he gives -similar descriptions of the Thessalians, and seems to have specialized -in _chroniques scandaleuses_. Of equal value is his information that -the Sybarites loved the Etruscans because of their luxuriousness -(Athenaeus xii. 519 b). It is regrettable that Theophrastus’ work on -the Etruscans is lost; it would have provided information of quite a -different character. (Cp. the Scholia to Pindar, _Pythia_ ii. 3.) - -[56] _De oratore_ iii. 197. - -[57] Livy v. 22. 5. - -[58] The most famous of all the Etruscan women versed in divination is -the wise but guileful Tanaquil, who played a political part in Rome: -Livy i. 34. - -[59] Τὴν κιθαράν στρέψας, like Apollo in the contest with Marsyas -(Apollodorus, _Bibliotheca_ i. 4. 2). - -[60] In the same picture we -also find a representation of a true Greek motive, kottabos. Another -momentary motive appears in the Tomba d’Orfeo e d’Euridice at Corneto -(_Monumenti_ v. pl. 17), a slave pulling off his master’s slippers. - -[61] Hypothymides were first used ‘by the Aeolians and Ionians who -wore them round their necks, as we learn from the poems of Anacreon -and Alcaeus’ (Athenaeus xv. 678 d); Cp. Plutarch, _Quaest. conviv._ -iii. _probl._ 1, 3. In Ionia the women perfumed their bosoms and -wore wreaths of flowers round their ‘delicate necks’, as Sappho says -(Athenaeus xv. 674 c-d). - -[62] Athenaeus ix. 409 e. - - - - - XI - - -[Sidenote: SYMPOSIA] - -But we can go still further and establish beyond the possibility of -doubt that where men alone are gathered at the symposium of eternity, -the pictures represent the heads of the families who ordered the tombs -and had them decorated. To be sure, the pictures of the sixth and -the beginning of the fifth centuries do not give us any information -as to this—even the symposium in the Tomba delle Bighe is without -inscription; but in this respect also the sepulchral paintings become -more communicative after the middle of the fifth century. In the Tomba -Golini at Orvieto, discovered in 1863 and called after its discoverer, -and, to judge from its style, contemporary with the Tomba degli Scudi -and the front chamber of the Tomba dell’Orco, we see in the symposium -on the back wall (fig. 31) two men on the same couch drinking to the -accompaniment of the two familiar musicians. Beneath the couch we can -make out dimly a servant, and a hunting leopard, probably feeding; both -have their names attached: that of the animal is Kankru. In Egyptian -reliefs also, dating from the Fifth Dynasty, we occasionally find names -attached to the domestic animals depicted, for instance ducks and -pigeons. - -Of the two men reclining on the couch the foremost holds a -drinking-bowl and an egg. In the Ny Carlsberg facsimile he is -represented as beardless, but no doubt wrongly. It is an elderly man; -his face is one of the earliest examples of naturalism in Etruscan -portraiture. The other, full-bearded, holds a flat, fluted vessel -without foot, presumably one of the celebrated Etruscan golden vessels -which are more minutely characterized in a symposium in the Tomba della -Pulcella; they were even introduced into Athens, where, side by side -with Corinthian works in bronze, they formed part of the decoration of -a wealthy house, and they are eulogized in a poem by Critias,[63] one -of Athens’ finest _beaux esprits_. - -[Sidenote: TOMBA GOLINI AT ORVIETO] - -In this painting in the Tomba Golini the inscriptions give us much -valuable information as to the connexion between the two persons.[64] -Above the first we read: ‘Vel lecates arnthial ruva larthialisa clan -velusum nefs marniu spurana eprthnec tenve mechlum rasneas cleusinsl -zilachnve pulum rumitrine thi ma[l]ce clel lur.’ In translation the -text runs: ‘Vel Lecates, Arnth’s brother,[65] son of Larth, and -descendant of Vel. He held the offices of Maro urbanus (_spur_ means -town) and Eprthne (secular official title) and was Zilach (dictator) -of the Etruscan people in Clusium....’ The rest is unintelligible. It -is interesting in the inscription to come across the name by which the -Etruscans called themselves, _rasneas_; Dionysius of Halicarnassus -(i. 30) was therefore justified in saying that the Etruscans called -themselves Rasenas. The name Larth is common in Etruscan inscriptions. -The Romans knew it and called the well-known Etruscan king by his full -name, Lars Porsenna (in Etruscan, Larth Pursna).[66] - -[Illustration: FIG. 31. SYMPOSIUM IN THE TOMBA GOLINI AT ORVIETO] - -[Illustration: FIG. 32. WALL-PAINTING IN THE TOMBA GOLINI] - -[Sidenote: TOMBA GOLINI] - -We now turn to the inscription above the bearded man on the same couch; -his name is Arnth Leinies, son of Larth, and descendant of Vel; his -official titles follow, and the inscription ends: ‘ru[va] l[ecates -velus] amce,’ i. e., was brother of Vel Lecates. Thus we have two -brothers reclining on the same couch, and the inscription makes it -probable that the other symposiasts, too, are not chance revellers, but -members of the same family, united in the picture as they were in life -and in the grave. - -In the same tomb, to the left of this scene, we see a table, bearing -several metal vessels, a thymiaterion, and an ivory box for incense, -and flanked by two candelabra with lighted candles stuck into birds’ -beaks (fig. 32). The Etruscans were considered inventors of the -art of candlemaking and taught the Romans to manufacture different -kinds of candles, from big wax candles—candelae and cerei—to cheap -dips—sebaceae. The Italic peoples used candles and candlesticks until -Roman Imperial times, though in the last centuries they also had oil -lamps, the manufacture and use of which they had learned from the -Greeks; the oldest clay lamps found in the northern part of Italy date -from about 300 B.C.[67] To the left of the table is seen a naked slave -with a jug and a dish; to the right a young man in a light-coloured, -sleeved chiton, who has been conjectured to be another servant. But -again the inscription affords positive information: ‘Vel leinies -larthial ruva arnthialum clan velusum prumaths avils semphs lupuce’; -i.e. ‘Vel Leinies, Larth’s brother, son of Arnth and descendant of -Vel; he died (_lupuce_) at the age of 7.’[68] So the boy is son of the -hindmost man on the banqueting-couch and belongs to the noble family -interred in the tomb. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[63] Athenaeus i. 28 b. - -[64] _Corpus inscr. Etrusc._ 5093-4. I am indebted to my friend, Dr. S. -P. Cortsen, for help in the interpretation of this and other Etruscan -inscriptions. These are for the greater part incorrectly copied in the -Ny Carlsberg facsimiles. - -[65] That _ruva_ means brother seems to be unanimously accepted, though -it only appears in the two inscriptions of this tomb. - -[66] The name Pursna or Pursena has, however, never been found in any -Etruscan inscription. The Etruscan Lar or Larth has nothing to do with -the Roman Las or Lar. Cp. Schulze, _Zur Geschichte latein. Eigennamen_, -85. 1; Pauli, _Altital. Studien_, iv. 64 ff. - -[67] With reference to the use of tapers at the bier in antiquity see -Rushforth, _Journal of Roman Studies_, v. 1915, p. 149 ff. - -[68] Cp. Vilh. Thomsen, _Remarques sur la parenté de la langue -étrusque_, _Bulletin de l’Académie royale de Danemark_, 1899, no. 4, p. -391. - - - - - XII - - -Corresponding to the lassoing of the horse in the Tomba del Morente, -as a preparation for the chariot race, we find in the Tomba Golini -pictures of the preparations for the banquet which is celebrated in -the pictures mentioned above. In one of the pictures we see cattle, -venison, and poultry hanging in the larder, in another the cooking -in the kitchen itself (fig. 33); like everything else in Etruria, it -is accompanied by the flute. To the left of the flute-player a woman -is struggling with a sideboard piled with food; to the right a naked -slave with a loin-cloth is working at a small table, using two small -implements rather like plummets. Various interpretations have been -advanced: that he is kneading dough, or grinding colours; the latter -explanation, however, is improbable in a kitchen scene. Besides these -Dennis proposes a third possibility—that he is chopping vegetables, -but he dares not commit himself to a decision. The table itself, at -which the slave is standing, seems to have a raised edge, and thereby -recalls the elder Cato’s recipe for the preparation of cheese cakes -and puffs[69]: ‘Take a clean table, a foot broad, surround it with an -edge (_balteus_), and then mix honey and cheese on it.’ For puffs, -directions are given to belabour the dough with two sticks or staves -(_rudes_). After all the procedure here is somewhat similar, only that -the dough is kneaded with pieces of metal and not with staves. - -[Illustration: FIG. 33. KITCHEN INTERIOR IN THE TOMBA GOLINI] - -[Illustration: FIG. 34. PAINTING IN THE TOMBA DEL LETTO FUNEBRE -After a coloured drawing in the Helbig Museum] - -[Sidenote: KITCHEN SCENES] - -In these scenes from kitchen and wine-cellar, where the wood is -being chopped,[70] where the cooks are swinging the saucepans or -working at the range,[71] where young slaves are struggling with -sideboards covered with drinking-vessels, the inscriptions contain -the names of the slaves. Men desired to be served in the after-life -by the same skilful slaves as in the present, and it was therefore -the custom in later times to add the names. This reminds one of the -Egyptian tomb-reliefs, where sometimes the serfs and the slave girls -are designated only by the name and mark of the estate, so that in a -way each of them represents one of the estates of the deceased lord, -whereas in other cases they have their proper names attached and -survive as personalities in the after-life. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[69] _De agricultura_ 76 and 86. - -[70] Cp. Plautus, _Pseudolus_ 158 ‘te cum securi caudicali praeficio -provinciae.’ - -[71] Cp. Seneca, _Epist._ 114. 26 ‘adspice culinas nostras et -concursantis inter tot ignes coquos.’ - - - - - XIII - - -[Sidenote: TOMBA DEL LETTO FUNEBRE] - -Thus we see a slow transformation taking place in the ideas which -inspired the Etruscan tomb-paintings. In the Tomba del Morto and the -Tomba degli Auguri, the representation of the death lament showed -plainly that the main theme was the festival in honour of the dead; and -the memorial feast itself should probably in most cases be recognized -in the banquet accompanied by the symposium or—as in the Tomba delle -Iscrizioni—the preparations for it. This conception is also clearly -expressed in the sepulchral paintings of the fifth century B.C., -such as the Tomba del Letto funebre, where the main picture (fig. -34) represents an enormous couch with a footstool in front[72]; on -the tall pile of bolsters and coverlets rest two pairs of cushions, -each of them supporting a green chaplet encircling a pointed cap -(_tutulus_). Green festoons and a long red cord hang on the walls: to -the right of the couch are two symposiasts and two slaves; the slaves -face the big central couch, and hold one an egg, the other a loaf in -their raised hands. To the left of the picture are the flute-player -and the sideboard with vases. Here we get an idea how a lectisternium -was spread in honour of the dead, in connexion with the symposium at a -memorial feast. The dead are represented by their headgear; to that the -slaves to the right are offering sacrifice, to that the flute-player -to the left sounds his notes. How deeply, in this direction also, -tradition influenced the Romans, and how long the practice lingered, is -seen from the description which the satirist Persius gives (iii. 103) -of a noble Roman lying in state: - - Hinc tuba, candelae, tandemque beatulus alto - compositus lecto crassisque lutatus amomis - in portam rigidas calces extendit: at illum - hesterni capite induto subiere Quirites. - - And then the horns, the candles! and the dead, - Smeared with thick balms, lies stiff on lofty bed, - Heels pointing doorwards, till he’s borne away - By new-capped citizens[73] of yesterday. - -But the pictures in the Tomba Golini seem to indicate that the -symposium is not only a ceremony on the funeral day or at memorial -feasts, but that the purpose is, by means of the painting as well as by -the undoubtedly splendid accessories of the tombs, which were rifled -and removed long ago, to secure to the dead or the whole of the family, -who in course of time were interred in the tomb, a happy and festive -existence hereafter; the same idea as in the Egyptian tomb-reliefs, -the object of which was to safeguard the deceased against ‘the second -death’, that is, annihilation. And just as the Egyptian tomb-reliefs -extend to all aspects of life in order that the dead may enjoy -without restriction the sight of everything which made his life rich -and festive, from the industry of the slaves and artisans occupied in -his service to his own boating and hunting expeditions in the papyrus -thickets of the Nile, so the Etruscan sepulchral paintings have a -further object and treat subjects which are only intelligible if the -end in view is to procure for the dead a full enjoyment of the delights -of life, and which cannot in any way be associated with funeral or -funeral feast. This applies especially to the hunting pictures of the -sixth and fifth centuries B.C., found respectively in the Tomba della -Caccia e della Pesca and in the Tomba Querciola. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[72] Footstools were also used in Rome for mounting the high couches. -Varro, _De lingua Latina_ v. 168. - -[73] i. e. slaves made free by his will, and entitled to wear the cap -of liberty. - - - - - XIV - - -[Sidenote: ETRUSCAN IMPERIALISM] - -[Sidenote: THE POWER OF ETRURIA] - -[Sidenote: ETRUSCAN INFLUENCE IN ROME] - -In the older group of tombs of the latter part of the sixth and the -earlier part of the fifth centuries B.C. we find a bright and cheerful -delight in the material pleasures of life, and a clear confidence in -the belief that the race, whose means are sufficient to provide and -adorn a sumptuous sepulchral chamber, will also be permitted to enjoy -all this—from wine and women to hunting and sanguinary games—in the -hereafter. Thus it is not for nothing that these tombs synchronize with -the time of Etruscan imperialism. Previous to this, the maritime power -of Etruria had made it dreaded and hated by the Greeks, whose ships -were exposed to seizure and piracy as often as they ventured across the -‘Tyrrhenian Sea’, so that the Greeks had only one colony on the north -coast of Sicily, and had great trouble in keeping up communications -with the Campanian Kyme and with Massilia.[74] ‘The savage Etruscan’ -already appears in post-Homeric poetry, where Circe bears Odysseus -two children, Latinus and Agrius (the savage), who represent the two -principal races of Italy, the Latins and the Etruscans. At length, in -474 B.C., the Kymeans, in alliance with Hieron, the ruler of Syracuse, -succeeded in gaining a sea victory over the Etruscan fleet, which -Pindar has celebrated in the first Pythian Ode (i. 72 ff.), and after -which Hieron sent to Olympia a bronze helmet with an inscription -recording the victory, now in the British Museum. This defeat was the -first warning that the Etruscans had reached the zenith of their power, -but as late as the latter part of the fourth century their piracy was -still dangerous and troublesome to Greek shipping, as is seen from -a passage of Aristotle and an inscription of 325-324 B.C.[75] As a -bulwark of their maritime power, as early as the sixth century they had -conquered Corsica, and on land they ruled from the plain of the Po, -which they likewise conquered in the sixth century, to the southernmost -part of Campania, where they made Capua itself submit to their -power.[76] Cato was justified in saying that almost the whole of Italy -in the days of old had been ‘in the power of the Tuscans’,[77] and when -Sophocles[78] would enumerate the districts of Italy he mentions only -three: Oinotria (South Italy), the Tyrrhenian, and the Ligurian land. -When the Athenians during the Peloponnesian War undertook the desperate -campaign against Syracuse, they allied themselves in 415 with the -Etruscans, whose auxiliaries were amongst the bravest in the Athenian -offensive force.[79] In the period of the wall-paintings in question, -Rome herself was also made subject to them and had to pay contributions -to the powerful Etruscan confederation, after the king of Clusium, -Porsenna, had seized the city in 508 B.C. As is well known, attempts -were made by later historians to gloss over this capture of the town, -and the honorary decrees of the senate to Porsenna are described as -voluntary, but tell quite plainly their own tale of subjection.[80] -Against the background of this event the contemporary Tomba della -Scimmia at Chiusi acquires a new interest; it was constructed for -one of those families which took part in the victory over Rome. But -previous to this, the names of the Roman kings: Lucius Tarquinius and -Tarquinius Superbus—Tarquinius is the Etruscan Tarchna[81]—bear witness -to the dependence of Rome, which is also evident from the permanent -Etruscan occupation of the Janiculum. It is quite possible that the -expulsion of Tarquinius Superbus does not mark the fall of the national -monarchy, but was simply an attempt to throw off the foreign yoke, an -attempt which led to Porsenna’s occupation of the city two years later -and thus did not bring about the emancipation of the Romans.[82] It is -in this period of dependence that the Etruscans left their mark on the -laws and customs of Rome, that the three oldest Roman tribes, Ramnes, -Tities, and Luceres, got their names, which, as stated by Varro,[83] -on the evidence of an Etruscan tragedian Volnius, are Etruscan, a view -shared by the modern philologist Wilhelm Schulze.[84] The insignia -also of the Roman officials, such as the curule chair and the toga -praetexta,[85] and the twelve consular lictors with the fasces,[86] -are rightly traced back to Etruria. For the Etruscan confederation -consisted of twelve towns, and each of these chose a king who appeared -at the gatherings followed by a lictor, and only when they chose a -common overlord and war-leader could he appear with twelve lictors. -It is therefore rather improbable that the Roman kings appeared with -twelve lictors in their train; more probably this large retinue only -became the privilege of the _consuls_ after the suppression of Etruria. -But it was upon the nobility of Rome that those years of Etruscan -predominance left their deepest impress, and it has thus been possible -for Wilhelm Schulze, through his investigations of Etruscan and Latin -proper names, to throw a remarkable light on the earliest history -of Rome and to prove that a great number of the oldest patrician -families of Rome were descendants of the Etruscan ruling race, and -that intermarriage with Etruscans, and Etruscan influence on Rome, -persisted down to the end of the Roman republic.[87] It is also beyond -doubt that the peculiar Roman system of patron and client, by which -clients attached themselves to a nobleman as followers (_cluentes_), -added his name to their own, and paid him dues in peace time, though -they were originally immune from military service,[88] was of Etruscan -origin, nay, was the essential feature in the structure of the Etruscan -community. In course of time the Roman clients became liable to -military service, obtaining at the same time civic rights, and it is -presumably this fact which accounts for Rome’s final victory over the -Etruscans, whose proud Lucumones reserved to themselves both civic -privileges and military skill, and were therefore doomed to extinction -when luxury and effeminacy had sapped their strength. - -[Sidenote: ETRUSCAN NOBILITY AND CLIENTS] - -But at the period of the tombs in question the blood of the nobility is -still healthy and is in no need of regeneration. This is the nobility -whose long lances controlled Italy, and whose cavalry was so terrible -in onset.[89] The pictures of the tombs show them at the death lament, -at feasts, and on hunting expeditions, at symposia, where men and women -freely indulge in wine and love, and finally in the Tomba delle Bighe -as spectators seated on the stands. On the other hand, the horsemen, -the dancers, the dancing-women, and the athletes are certainly of lower -extraction, hired servants like the corresponding performers in Rome, -perhaps, to some extent, clients. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[74] Strabo vi. p. 410 (= Ephorus, _fragm._ 2 in Müller, _Fragmenta -historic. graec._ i. p. 246). The ingenious etymologist Philochorus -even derived the word ‘tyrant’ from Tyrrhenians (Philoch. _fragm._ 5 in -Müller, _op. cit._). - -[75] Dittenberger, _Sylloge inscriptionum Graecarum_,^{3} 305, with -note 1. - -[76] Polybius ii. 17. Livy v. 33. 7-8. - -[77] _Origines_ 62. - -[78] Dionys. Halic. i. 12. - -[79] Thucydides vi. 88, and vii. 54-5. - -[80] Dionys. Halic. v. 26, 35, 39. - -[81] Schulze, _Zur Geschichte latein. Eigennamen_, p. 95 f., 262 ff. - -[82] Dionys. Halic. iii. 45, 47 ff. - -[83] Varro, _De lingua Latina_ v. 5; Livy i. 13. 8. - -[84] Cp. E. Kornemann, _Klio_ xiv. 1914-15, p. 190. - -[85] Livy i. 8. 3. - -[86] Dionys. Halic. iii. 61-2. - -[87] Wilhelm Schulze, _Zur Geschichte lateinischer Eigennamen. Abh. der -kgl. Gesellsch. der Wissensch. zu Göttingen, Phil.-hist. Kl._, Neue -Folge, Bd. 5, No. 5, p. 62 ff. - -[88] Dionys. Halic. ii. 8, 10. - -[89] Livy iv. 18. 8. Cp. ix. 29. 2, where the Etruscans are described -as the most dangerous enemies of the Romans. - - - - - XV - - -[Sidenote: DECLINE AND FALL OF ETRURIA] - -But domestic and foreign enemies destroyed this race of rulers. At the -beginning of the fourth century they were attacked simultaneously by -the Gauls from the north, by the Samnites[90] from the south-east, and -by the Romans from the south. The Gauls inundated for some time the -whole of Etruria and presently captured Rome as well, but were driven -back again to North Italy. The Samnites seized Capua; but a far heavier -blow was the loss of the great city of Veii, the southernmost city -of Etruria proper, which was captured by the Romans in 396 B.C.[91] -In spite of the alliance with Carthage, the maritime power of the -Etruscans also declined in the course of the fourth century, but it -was not until the third century that they received the death-blow at -the hands of the Romans and Latins. That they were still dangerous -antagonists at the beginning of the third century may be seen from -Livy’s account, but at the end of the century, during the second Punic -war, their rebellious spirit was easily quelled, and even Hannibal -could not tempt them to unite in revolt.[92] At that time the country -was still rich, as is plainly shown by the requisitions for Scipio’s -army.[93] It was not until the following century that Etruria sank -into deep poverty; in the time of the Gracchi the country was almost -a waste.[94] Plautus describes the Etruscan people as very immoral; -in the _Cistellaria_ (562) the poet speaks of those who procure their -dowry ignobly, like the Tuscans, by selling their bodies, and in the -_Curculio_ (482) the Etruscan quarter of Rome is referred to as -‘inhabited by persons who sell themselves’. Then followed in the first -century B.C. the military colonies of Sulla,[95] which gradually -Romanized the country. Inscriptions, especially from the borderland -of Umbria, which had been partly Etruscan, bear ample witness to -the way in which the language changed even within the old Etruscan -families. About the middle of the first century parts of the country -were ravaged by P. Clodius Pulcher and his bands of soldiers.[96] Then -comes the foundation of new military colonies by Caesar and, finally, -the complete Romanization of the country under Augustus. Propertius[97] -describes, not without pathos, the extermination of the last Etruscan -strongholds during the Perusian war in the year 40 B.C.: ‘eversosque -focos antiquae gentis Etruscae’. - -The knowledge of the Etruscan language was preserved all through -antiquity by the Etruscan soothsayers. The emperor Claudius was versed -in Etruscan, and delivered a long address in the Senate about the -preservation of the old Etruscan ritual against the invasion of new, -oriental elements. The other emperors had, as a rule, an Etruscan -soothsayer in their suite, whom they consulted before taking any -important step, and this custom survived down to the introduction of -Christianity. Julian the Apostate was accompanied by hosts of Etruscan -soothsayers, who, however, undoubtedly read the sacred books in the -Latin translation by Tarquitius Priscus,[98] and, as late as 408, we -learn that Tuscan soothsayers and scribes still existed. If any of them -at that time could still read the language, then Etruscan, as a dead -and sacred language, had survived the disappearance of the people by -about half a millennium.[99] - -[Illustration: FIG. 35. DEMON IN THE TOMBA DELL’ ORCO] - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[90] Livy iv. 37. 1-2. - -[91] Livy v. 22. 8. - -[92] Livy xxvii. 21. 6; 38. 6. - -[93] Livy xxviii. 45. 14-18. - -[94] Plutarch, _Tiberius Gracchus_ 8. - -[95] As a punishment because the country had joined the party of -Marius. Plutarch, _Marius_ 41. - -[96] Cicero, _Pro Milone_ 26, 74, 87. - -[97] ii. 1. 29. The later authors speak of nothing but the corpulency -and imbecility of the Etruscans. Catullus, _Carm._ 39. 21. Virgil, -_Georg._ ii. 193; _Aen._ xi. 732. Diodorus v. 40. - -[98] Thulin, Pauly-Wissowa, vii. 2434. - -[99] The best summary view of the Etruscan civilization is still to -be found in Ottfried Müller, _Die Etrusker_, in the second edition by -Deecke. - - - - - XVI - - -To this long, sad period of national decline the later group of -Etruscan tomb-paintings and reliefs on cinerary urns form a remarkable -and melancholy accompaniment. - -[Sidenote: TOMBA DELL’ ORCO] - -The continuity is unbroken; the new creeps in, at first, without -superseding the old subjects. This is especially clear in the front -room of the Tomba dell’ Orco, which dates from the latter part of the -fifth century, and from which we reproduced the beautiful married -couple at the symposium (figs. 28, 29); in the same sepulchral chamber -we see in a corner, beneath a finely stylized vine, a terrible death -demon, with large wings and a shock of wildly fluttering reddish hair, -which is sharply outlined on a blue background as if it were surrounded -by a halo. His beard is pointed, his nose terminates in an eagle’s -beak; over his shoulder a snake rears itself, and the latchets of his -shoes are snakes. His dress consists of a sleeved chiton with belt and -shoulder-straps, and in his hand he carries a torch or a hammer. The -eyes roll horribly in the bluish face; the colour of the skin recalls -the blue-bottle fly (fig. 35). - -[Sidenote: UNDERWORLD SCENES] - -This death demon is painted isolated, unconnected with the subjects -of the rest of the paintings, and could indeed be explained away as -a decorative figure, created, to be sure, by an imagination inflamed -with terror. But in the third room of the same tomb, the pictures of -which belong to the transition from the fifth to the fourth century, -a similar demon of the nether world is already represented in action -(fig. 36). The inscription gives his name, Tuchulcha; he has asses’ -ears, two snakes rear themselves like horns above his brow, and with -a huge snake he threatens a long-haired youth who sits sorrowful on -the rock, with a himation round his loins; his name, according to the -inscription, is ‘These’. He is the Greek Theseus, and the young man -opposite to him is Pirithous; the motive is their sufferings in the -Underworld, where they had ventured down in order to abduct Persephone. -But there broods over the scene a sinister spirit which is not Greek. -Thus we see behind the rock on which Theseus is seated a loathsome -snake with winged head, and the remains of a blue demon with staff and -chiton, a kinsman of Tuchulcha. The appearance, to the left of this -weird phantasmagoria, of the peaceful sideboard with its fine metal -bowls[100] and with a handsome naked slave as cup-bearer in front of -it, has undeniably a somewhat odd effect. This is a reminiscence of -the old joyous symposium scenes, and a remarkable witness to the lack -of clearness in the Etruscan mind and to the fragmentary character of -Etruscan pictorial art. A similar mixture of everyday life and myth -would be inconceivable in Egyptian or in Greek art. - -Similarly, in the Tomba Golini, we see the side-table and the slave in -immediate continuation of the picture representing the two enthroned -rulers of the Underworld—Hades and Persephone (inscriptions: Eita -and Phersipnai). Hades has a wolf-helmet and a snake-sceptre and is -caressing Persephone, who has a bird-crowned sceptre in her left hand, -and rests her right hand on the knee of Hades (see above fig. 32). Her -dress, her face, and her yellow hair under the golden diadem are all -splendidly painted. - -[Illustration: FIG. 36. PICTURE IN THE TOMBA DELL’ ORCO AT CORNETO] - -[Illustration: FIG. 37. HADES, PERSEPHONE AND GERYON IN THE TOMBA DELL’ -ORCO] - -In later Etruscan paintings we come upon two new groups of -motives—fantastic pictures of the Underworld, and scenes from Greek -mythology. Sometimes they mingle as in the Theseus and Pirithous scene -and in the pictures of Hades and Persephone. Hades and Persephone -recur in a painting in the third chamber of the Tomba dell’ Orco -(inscription: Aita and Phersipnei), where weird mists roll about them, -and a figure with three heads, Gerun, is standing before their throne -(fig. 37). It is the Geryon of the Greeks, but he is not the cowherd on -the far-distant island Erythra, but a warrior in complete armour who -seems to be receiving the commands of Hades. Evidently the Etruscans -have made him the servant and champion of Hades. Persephone has snakes -in her hair and a curious collar which we meet again on the chitons -of women in white Attic lekythoi of the fifth century B.C.[101] Hades -wears the traditional wolf-helmet. It is remarkable that a head exactly -similar to that of Hades is found among Michelangelo’s sketches (fig. -38), which seems to indicate that Michelangelo somewhere in Tuscany saw -and sketched an old Etruscan tomb. To be sure, the snout of the animal -reminds one of a pig’s, but the long ears and the fur are those of the -wolf. - -[Sidenote: TOMBA DELL’ ORCO] - -[Illustration: Fig. 38. Head of man surmounted by that of a pig.] - -In the other paintings of the Tomba dell’ Orco we meet furthermore with -Agamemnon in the underworld, and in front of him Tiresias (Hinthial -Teriasals it reads, i. e. the shade of Tiresias). But in the second -chamber of this tomb, dating from the fourth century B.C., there -is also a scene from Greek mythology which has nothing to do with -death and the underworld; Odysseus blinding the Cyclops Polyphemus -(inscriptions: Uthuste and Cuclu). We can here speak of a renaissance, -in so far as a scene from a Greek myth formed the subject of the big -picture of the beginning of the sixth century in the Tomba dei Tori -(cp. fig. 2). But the aim of the later school of Etruscan painters is -not so much to adorn the tomb with a beautiful decorative panel after -some Greek prototype; on the contrary, they turn to the Greek myths -for the sake of their subjects and pick out motives which also give -expression to the curious strain of cruelty inherent in the Etruscan -mind. - -This is seen most clearly in the famous picture from the François -tomb at Vulci, discovered in 1857 by the Italian painter Alessandro -François. The Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek possesses a facsimile, executed by -the painter Mariani after the original in the Palazzo Torlonia, whither -the Prince Torlonia had it removed together with other wall-paintings -from the same tomb: but the copy is too smooth to be trustworthy. -Unfortunately, permission to obtain another copy from the inaccessible -Palazzo is certainly not to be had. The picture (fig. 39) represents -the sacrifice of Trojan captives on the grave of Patroclus. Achilles -(Etruscan Achle) slaughters with his own hands the captured Trojans -(Etruscan Truials); Ajax, son of Oileus (Aivas Vilatas), and Ajax, son -of Telamon (Aivas Tlamunus) stand by, Agamemnon (Achmemrun) is also -present, and the shade of Patroclus, thirsting for the blood (Hinthial -Patrucles), as well as two truly Etruscan figures, a female winged -genius of death, Vanth, and the Etruscan death-god, Charun, coloured -like the blue-bottle fly, with hammer uplifted. - -[Sidenote: TOMBA FRANÇOIS] [Sidenote: ETRUSCAN CRUELTY] - -This subject was chosen for the sake of the slaughter.[102] Sex and -cruelty are, to use a chemical expression, the ‘basic group’ of the -Etruscan mind. Thus the same subject is found repeatedly on Etruscan -sarcophagi and vases, and in the relief on a cinerary urn, and may be -compared with the most common and popular representation in Etruscan -reliefs: Eteocles and Polynices killing each other. Even a motive like -Ajax falling on his own sword constantly recurs in Etruscan art, as -well as the barbarous subject, maschalismos (maiming of slain enemies), -which is especially common on Etruscan gems.[103] A characteristic -feature of the picture in the François tomb is the deep wounds in the -legs of the Trojan captives; they are meant to prevent attempts to -escape and were evidently in keeping with Etruscan custom. For stress -is laid on the cruelty of the Etruscans towards prisoners of war by -Greek as well as by Latin authors; thus, as early as the fifth century, -the inhabitants of Caere, after a sea victory, stoned to death their -Phocaean captives[104]; and yet Strabo writes of the Caeretans that -they were highly respected for their bravery and love of justice, and -because, powerful as they were, they refrained from piracy. The Romans -knew better when they personified Etruscan cruelty in Mezentius, King -of Caere, who had living and dead tied together to rot side by side; -nor did the Romans ever forget that the inhabitants of Tarquinii once -slaughtered three hundred and seven Roman captives,[105] and they took -bloody revenge on them. The Greeks also knew of the massacring of -prisoners of war, but they always cherished scruples about it and felt -qualms, as when Themistocles was compelled to pay a tribute of slain -captives to ‘Dionysius, the eater of raw flesh’.[106] - -Before we leave the François tomb we must remind the reader of the -existence of a remarkable series of pictures with subjects taken -from the conflicts between Etruria and Rome in the time of the Roman -kings.[107] - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[100] Cp. for the well-appointed table Plautus’s description of a -liberal host (_Menaechmi_ 102): ‘tantas struices concinnat patinarias.’ - -[101] Walther Riezler, _Weissgründige attische Lekythen_, pl. 70. - -[102] It is to be observed that the Etruscans thrust with the sword; -this also the Romans inherited; whereas the Gauls cut and the Iberians -thrust as well as cut. Polybius ii. 33. 6, and iii. 114. - -[103] Cp. Beazley, _Lewes House Collection of Gems_, p. 38, 74 f. - -[104] Herodotus i. 167. - -[105] Livy vii. 15. 10; 19. 3. - -[106] Plutarch, _Themistocles_ 13. - -[107] Körte, _Jahrbuch des archäol. Instit._ xii. 1897, p. 58 ff. - - - - - XVII - - -[Sidenote: CHARUN AND THE LASAS] - -The demons of the Underworld who figure in the Etruscan paintings -are almost all sinister. The devils brandishing torches and snakes, -familiar both from the paintings and from the reliefs on the cinerary -urns, remind one of Livy’s[108] description of the fight of the -Tarquinians and the Faliscans against the Romans in 354 B.C., when a -troop of Etruscan priests, armed with flaming torches and live snakes, -threw themselves in ecstatic fury on the Roman armies, who received -them undauntedly and won the day. Charun, also, is a common figure on -the Etruscan sarcophagi and cinerary urns of the fourth and following -centuries, suggesting by his colour the demon of putrefaction, -Eurynomus, whom Polygnotus had painted, in his great picture of the -Underworld in the Lesche of the Cnidians at Delphi, seated snarling on -the skin of a carrion-vulture, his flesh the colour of a blue-bottle -fly.[109] Charun, therefore, is not identical with the old ferryman, -Charon, of the Greeks; he is the messenger of death, the terrible -fetcher of souls, like Charos in the popular Greek belief of our -own day. Only the ‘Charon door’ of the Greek theatre indicates the -existence of similar popular ideas among the ancient Greeks. - -The winged Vanth in the François tomb seems to be one of the benevolent -demons of the underworld, the Lasas. Such a one also appears in a door -panel in the Tomba Golini, already frequently cited: here she has -wings, snakes in her girdle, and a scroll in her hand (fig. 40). She -is evidently either receiving or escorting the dead, a young man in a -mantle, who stands in a biga with running horses; in the inscription -above him the word Larth can easily be read, proving that he is not a -professional charioteer, but a young man of high standing. His arrival -in the underworld is greeted by a trumpeter, painted over the door. We -may notice here that the ‘Tyrrhenian trumpet’ was famous far and wide -and was even introduced into Greece; it is mentioned several times in -Greek tragedies.[110] The curved trumpet here seen is also depicted on -a wall in the Tomba degli Scudi at Corneto and, like the curved staff -of the augurs, was adopted by the Romans, who designated both of them -by the name of lituus; Cicero maintains that the lituus-trumpet was -the earlier of the two and gave its form and name to the lituus-staff, -the badge of the augurs. The introduction of the lituus-staff was -attributed to Romulus, and his sacred staff was said to have been -rediscovered by a miracle in the time of Camillus.[111] - -[Illustration: FIG. 39. WALL-PAINTING FROM THE TOMBA FRANÇOIS AT VULCI] - -[Illustration: FIG. 40. PAINTING IN THE TOMBA GOLINI AT ORVIETO] - -[Illustration: FIG. 41. PAINTING FROM THE TOMBA DELLA PULCELLA] - -The scroll in the hand of the female demon, referred to above, -presumably contained an account of the good actions of the dead, to be -used when he presented himself before the throne of Hades. The good -genius herself is seen at work in a small panel of the Tomba degli -Scudi, where she is scratching an inscription on a tablet (cp. fig. -27), while another holds a torch upside down. Both these figures are -repeated in the reliefs of the Etruscan cinerary urns and pass directly -into the plastic art of Roman sarcophagi as two allegorical figures: -Fama, who writes the merits of the dead on a tablet, and the genius of -Death with torch inverted. - -[Sidenote: CEREMONY OF THE CERECLOTH] - -A couple of flying genii appear already in the Tomba della Pulcella, -which belongs to the first half of the fifth century, in the pointed -pediment above the recess in which the ashes of the dead were -deposited. They carry between them a cloth which they seem to be laying -down, probably the cerecloth for the dead (fig. 41).[112] Perhaps -this also explains the mysterious scene, figured on two tomb altars -from Chiusi, one of which is in the Barracco Collection (fig. 42), -the other in the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek (Catalogue No. H. 76). The -motives of the reliefs on these limestone altars from Chiusi and on the -cinerary urns from the same town, all dating from the sixth century, -are taken from the funeral, like the subjects in the contemporary -tomb-paintings, and represent the lament of men and women over the dead -on the bier, the burial feast and the preparations for it, and the -wild dancing-scenes at the funeral. It may thus be that the scene on -the relief illustrated, which seems to give a picture of the women’s -quarters, represents the women of the house in the act of scrutinizing -and choosing the cerecloth for the deceased; meanwhile, the house -was probably draped with cloth, and the dwellers of the house put on -mourning. Presumably the mourning colour of the Etruscans was white, -like that of the Romans at a later date; when in mourning, the women -of Rome, to the wonder of Plutarch, assumed white dresses and white -headgear, at the same time loosening their hair.[113] The hair flowing -down upon the shoulders is also frequently seen in reliefs on cinerary -urns. But there is still something mysterious in this motive, and an -examination of the mutilated ash urn in the Museum of Chiusi (fig. -43) does not make it any clearer. This urn has hitherto been explained -as representing a marriage scene. But as the opposite side of the -urn represents scenes at the door of the tomb, it is more natural to -interpret this relief also as a death scene; the flute-player and -the two men with laurel branches we know from the funeral ceremonies -(cp. p. 19), and the curious scene to the right, where two men draw a -fringed cloth like a baldachin over a veiled centre figure, each of -whose arms is held by two side figures (probably a man and a woman), -might then be conjectured to represent a sort of symbolic interment -where the dead is placed in a sitting posture, supported by the family, -instead of the normal posture, full length on the bier. - -It is to be hoped that future investigation may throw some light -on this point, and may also deal with the question whether the -oft-recurring motive on the Roman sarcophagi of two genii holding a -cloth (parapetasma) between them, as a background either for a scene or -for the portrait of the deceased (fig. 44), can be traced to Etruscan -prototypes or not. Hitherto, we have probably been too one-sided -in attributing the types and symbols of the plastic art of Roman -sarcophagi to Greek pictures, and the investigation of the share of -Etruria therein would be a fine subject for a monograph. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[108] Livy vii. 17. 3-5. Cp. iv. 33. 2. - -[109] Pausanias x. 28. 7-8. - -[110] Sophocles, _Ajax_ 17. Aeschylus, _Eumenides_ 567. Euripides, -_Rhesus_ 988. - -[111] Cicero, _De divinatione_ i. 30. Plutarch, _Camillus_ 32. - -[112] An Etruscan gem shows the dead Ajax and a winged genius in the -act of placing the cerecloth over him. Beazley, _The Lewes House -Collection of Ancient Gems_, p. 34., no. 37. - -[113] Plutarch, _Aetia romana_ 26 and 14. - - - - - XVIII - - -[Sidenote: ETRUSCAN DEMONS] - -[Sidenote: TOMBA DEL TIFONE] - -But the benevolent genii and Lasas are absolutely in the minority in -the paintings and plastic art of Etruria, and become rarer as time goes -on. The mood rises from sinister gloom to wild terror. Two pictures -will illustrate this climax. In the Tomba del Tifone at Corneto, which -was discovered in 1832 and which is one of the grandest of the family -vaults of Etruria, there is preserved, besides the serpent-legged -demons from which the tomb has derived its name, a large wall-painting -representing the journey of a young man to the realm of the dead -(fig. 45). To the left is seen an altar towards which the procession of -mantle-clad youths moves; they are led by a young demon with snakes in -his hair, and a torch and a snake in his hands. The procession advances -to the sound of a lituus-trumpet, and the young men carry staves and -seem to be the clients of the central figure. The central figure is -made conspicuous by walking without any attributes in the centre of -the procession right in the front, but over his right shoulder we see -Charun’s clawlike hand, and Charun advances behind him like a black -shadow, characterized by pointed asses’ ears, snakes in his hair, and -his terrible hammer. The high rank of the young man is made apparent -by the inscription over his head: ‘Laris Pumpus Arnthal clan cechase,’ -i. e. Laris Pumpus, son of Arnth, priest (_sacerdos_). Here, then, we -have another of the priestly aristocrats of Etruria. After him come -two more companions with staffs, and a trumpeter,[114] as well as two -young men without any attributes, and the scene is terminated by some -dim figures, one of which seems to be a woman with a snake in her hair -and another to be of negroid type; possibly these are the rulers of the -underworld according to a later local Etruscan conception. One thing, -at any rate, is plain, that the dead youth, in spite of his splendid -following, goes to meet a sorrowful fate. What can the sound of the -instruments avail when Charun’s claw is laid on his shoulder! - -[Illustration: FIG. 42. RELIEF ON A TOMB ALTAR FROM CHIUSI -In the Barracco Collection in Rome] - -[Illustration: FIG. 43. CINERARY URN FROM CHIUSI] - -[Sidenote: TOMBA DEL CARDINALE] - -This tomb dates, as far as can be judged by the style of the painting, -from the first half of the fourth century B.C.[115] From the beginning -of the next century dates the Tomba del Cardinale at Corneto, which -was discovered shortly after 1760,[116] then forgotten and filled in -again, and finally reopened in 1786[117] by Cardinal Garambi, bishop -of Corneto. It has suffered much by exposure to wind and weather and -to tourists for more than a hundred and fifty years. It has a narrow -frieze with battle scenes, doubtless mythological, but the interest -is centred in the long narrow frieze of pictures under the ceiling. -The subject of this is the march of the shades towards the other side -(fig. 46). A woman is drawn on a two-wheeled cart by two winged demons, -one light and the other blue-black, both wearing the traditional garb -of the genii of death, familiar from the contemporary sarcophagi -and cinerary urns: a shirt with braces, and high top boots. This is -perhaps the young woman who is mentioned in the inscription of the -tomb: ‘Ramtha, daughter of Vel and Vestrcni, who was wife (_puia_) of -Larth Lartha, and who lived (_valce_ instead of _svalce_) nineteen -years.’ A young man follows in a long cloak: he turns round to a black, -winged demon carrying a hammer (fig. 47). Beyond the gateway of the -underworld behind him a devil of the same type is seated, and then -comes a crowd of young people driven along by two devils, one of whom -threatens them with his hammer.[118] A woman, who looks back moaning, -is being brutally dragged along by two male demons, and at the end of -the procession two winged devils are seen hastening forward, slender of -limb and agile of movement, like poisonous insects. In a fragment of a -frieze, which is now badly damaged, the Charun devil was once more seen -in the act of crushing a skull with his hammer.[119] - -[Illustration: FIG. 44. ROMAN SARCOPHAGUS IN THE NY CARLSBERG GLYPTOTEK] - -[Illustration: FIG. 47. PART OF THE FRIEZE IN THE TOMBA DEL CARDINALE] - -[Illustration: FIG. 46. PAINTED FRIEZE IN THE TOMBA DEL CARDINALE] - -[Illustration: FIG. 45. PROCESSION OF THE DEAD IN THE TOMBA DEL -TIFONE] - -[Sidenote: CONCEPTION OF THE HEREAFTER] - -This picture has a quality which reminds one of the frescoes in the -Campo Santo at Pisa, but which is much more terrible because no hope of -paradise atones for the horror. The reliefs on contemporary cinerary -urns tell the same tale. To be sure, the dead reclines fat and finely -bedecked on the lid of these cinerary urns, holding a drinking-bowl, -or, if female, a fan. This is only tradition and has nothing to do with -actual feeling. It is clear enough that the old confident conception -of the hereafter as an eternal symposium has been exploded. To this -the reliefs on the urns bear witness. These reliefs, if they do not -directly evade the problem by choosing neutral scenes from Greek -mythology, reveal a demoniac possession of appalling intensity. We -need no literature in order to realize that the Etruscans under the -pressure of disaster became another people, pessimistic, in terror of -death, and devoid of any resiliency which would allow them to indulge -in the pleasures of life. If this spiritual incubus descended upon the -masses of the Roman people we can better understand how it is that the -poet Lucretius can feel enthusiasm, and can arouse it in others, when -he preaches the gospel of godlessness and the annihilation of the soul -in death.[120] For of the Etruscan people, at any rate, the words of -Lucretius[121] hold good: - - Omnia perfunctus vitai praemia marces. - - All that life had to give, thou hast enjoyed, - And now thou fadest. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[114] Trumpets at Roman funeral processions are known from reliefs on -sarcophagi. _Röm. Mitt._ xxxiii. 1908, pl. iv (pp. 18-25), and Cagnat -and Chabot, _Manuel d’Archéol. Romaine_, p. 586, fig. 315. Notice -in the second relief from Amiternum, _Röm. Mitt._ 1908, pl. iv, at -the bottom, how the banquet with the members of the family reclining -on festive couches is also preserved in early Rome (second to first -century B.C.). - -[115] Contemporary and akin in subject is the Tomba Bruschi at -Corneto. _Monumenti_, viii, pl. 36. Stryk, _Kammergräber_, p. 101. The -processions here have quite a festive look; a woman finds time to look -at herself in a glass, but the devils, who appear in the crowds or lurk -in the corners, show that the occasion is a serious one. - -[116] Caylus, _Recueil d’antiquités_ iv. (Paris, 1761), 112 f. - -[117] Tiraboschi, _Storia della lett. ital._, Venezia, 1795, i. 13 ff. -footnote. - -[118] Similar motives on tombstones and Etruscan gems. Cp. Grenier, -_Bologna villanovienne et étrusque_, p. 447. Ducati, _Monumenti dei -Lincei_ xx. pp. 607-12. Beazley, _Lewes House Collection of Ancient -Gems_, p. 33, no. 36 (pl. 3). - -[119] Badly illustrated in Inghirami, _Monumenti etruschi_ iv. pl. -xxvii. - -[120] _De rerum natura_ iii. 912 ff. - -[121] iii. 956. - - - - - INDEX - -The * indicates that the citation is in the notes. - - - A - - Achilles, 9, 52. - - Acrobats, 28. - - Aeschylus, 19*, 54*. - - Agamemnon, 51, 52. - - Ajax, 52. - - Altars, 55. - - Amphitheatres, 25. - - Apollodorus, 36*. - - Apollonius Rhodius, 27*. - - Appian, 15. - - Aristophanes, 26. - - Aristotle, 15, 29*, 33, 44. - - Athenaeus, 13, 15*, 33*, 34*, 37*. - - Attic influence, 20, 22. - - Auguri, Tomba degli, 10 f., 41. - - Augustus, 48. - - - B - - Bacchanti, Tomba dei, 36. - - Ballerina, la bella, 3, 17. - - Ballot-balls, 32. - - Barone, Tomba del, 1, 2, 20 f., 29. - - Barracco Collection, 55. - - Bells, 17, 37. - - Bighe, Tomba delle, 1, 2, 22 ff., 28 ff., 46. - - Black vessels, 23*. - - Bolsters, 30. - - Boxers, _see_ Pugilists. - - Brass circles, 8. - - British Museum, 14, 44. - - Bruschi, Tomba, 57*. - - - C - - Caccia, Tomba della, 43. - - Caere, 8, 52 f. - - Caeretan hydriae, 10. - - Cakes, 35, 40. - - Cameron, Mary Lovett, 3. - - Campana, Tomba, 7 f. - - Campania, 13 f., 28, 44. - - Candelabra, candles, 39. - - Cardinale, Tomba del, 58 f. - - Casuccini, Tomba, 26, 29*. - - Cato, 32, 35, 40, 44. - - Catullus, 48*. - - Cerecloth, 55 f. - - Chaplets, 17, 20, 37, 42. - - Chariot race, 23. - - Charun, 7, 14, 52 ff., 57 ff. - - Chiusi, 5, 8, 26, 29*, 38, 44, 55. - - Cicero, 11*, 26*, 27, 35, 48*, 54. - - Clients, 46. - - Cloth, 55 f. - - Clusium, _see_ Chiusi. - - Copenhagen, _see_ Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek. - - Corneto, 1-2 _and passim_. - - Cortsen, 13*, 16*, 34, 38*. - - Cosa, 8. - - Couches, 30, 41 f. - - Crete, 8, 29. - - Critias, 38. - - Cyprus, 8*, 23, 29. - - Cyrene, 9. - - - D - - Dancers, 16 ff., 19, 22, 26, 29, 36. - - Danielsson, 10*. - - Dasti, 3*. - - Deacinare, 32. - - Demons, 49 ff., 53 ff., 56 ff. - - Dennis, 3, 40. - - Diodorus, 48*. - - Dionysius of Halicarnassus, 11*, 15, 16*, 23, 26, 33*, 44*, 45*, 46*. - - Dispater, 13. - - Door, painted, 11, 15. - - Dromon, 37. - - - E - - Eggs, 31, 38, 42. - - Egypt 9 f., 20, 31, 38, 41, 42. - - Equestrian procession, 13, 15 f., 23, 24. - - Eteocles and Polynices, 52. - - Etruria, 43 ff. _and passim_. - - Euphronius, 24. - - Euripides, 54*. - - Euthymides, 24. - - Exercises, preparatory, 27 f. - - - F - - Fama, 55. - - Fescennines, 18. - - Flaminicae, 23. - - Flute-players, 15, 16, 22, 26, 35, 40, 56. - - Footstools, 41. - - François, Tomba, 3, 51 ff. - - - G - - Gauls, 47. - - Geryon, 50. - - Giustiniani, Tomba Francesca, 3. - - Gladiators, 13. - - Goethe, 2. - - Golden vessels, 38. - - Golini, Tomba, 37 ff., 40 f., 42, 50, 54. - - Gregoriano, Museo, 5, 17. - - - H - - Hades, 50. - - Helbig, 5, 6. - - Hermes, 28. - - Herodotus, 52*. - - Hesychius, 16. - - Hetaerae, 32 ff. - - Hieron, 44. - - Hittites, 23. - - Horses, 16. - - Hunting leopards, 31, 38. - - Hypothymis, 37. - - - I - - Iliad, 13, 29*. - - India, 31. - - Inscriptions, 10, 11, 15, 21, 34, 35, 38 f., 47 f., 50 f., 57, 58. - - Ionian style, 9, 10 f. - - Isaeus, 33. - - Iscrizioni, Tomba delle, 1, 2, 14 ff., 19 ff., 41. - - Isocrates, 13*. - - - J - - Jacobsen, Carl, 5, 17. - - Juvenal, 23*, 31*. - - - K - - Kestner, 1, 14, 20, 28. - - Kitchen-scenes, 40 f. - - Kneading, 40 f. - - Körte, 3, 9, 21, 53*. - - Kyme, 44 f. - - - L - - Lanista, 13. - - Larth, 39, 54. - - Lasas, 54 f. - - Lassoing of the horse, 24. - - Laurels, 19 f., 32, 56. - - Lectisternia, 34, 42. - - Lecythi, 51. - - Leonesse, Tomba delle, 3, 19, 31. - - Leopardi, Tomba dei, 30 f. - - Lesche, 53 f. - - Letto funebre, Tomba del, 41 f. - - Lituus, 54, 57. - - Livy, 8, 15*, 16*, 18, 23*, 26*, 35*, 44*, 46*, 47, 53. - - Lucretius, 59. - - Ludii, ludiones, 18. - - Lysias, 18*. - - - M - - Magliano, 8. - - Martha, Jules, 3, 23*. - - Medical lore, 19. - - Melian vases, 7 f. - - Mezentius, 53. - - Michelangelo, 51. - - Milani, 6, 26. - - Minium, 18. - - Morente, Tomba del, 24, 40. - - Morto, Tomba del, 16, 41. - - Müller-Deecke, 23*, 48*. - - - N - - Naked pages, 33. - - Nicocles, 13. - - Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, 5 _and passim_. - - - O - - Odrysians, 19. - - Odysseus, 51. - - Olympic Games, 25. - - Orco, Tomba dell’, 36, 49 ff. - - Orfeo e d’Eurydice, Tomba d’, 37*. - - Orvieto, 37. - - - P - - Palaestra, scenes of the, 28 f. - - Parapetasma, 56. - - Parthenon, 25. - - Patroclus, 52. - - Pausanias, 54*. - - Persephone, 50. - - Persius, 42. - - Persona, 13*. - - Phersu, 12. - - Philochorus, 43*. - - Phoenicians, 10, 27. - - Pindar, 44. - - Plautus, 18*, 30, 32, 36, 41*, 47, 50*. - - Plutarch, 15*, 18*, 47*, 53*, 54*, 55. - - Polybius, 44*, 59*. - - Polygnotus, 53 f. - - Pompae, 15 f. - - Porsenna, 39, 44, 45. - - Priesthood, 35, 57. - - Prinia, 8*. - - Prisoners of war, 52 f. - - Propertius, 48. - - Prylis, 29. - - Pugilists, 15, 27, 28. - - Pulcella, Tomba della, 3, 38, 55. - - Pulcinella, Tomba del, 12 f. - - Pyrrhiche, 29. - - - Q - - Querciola, Tomba, 36, 43. - - - R - - Rasenas, 39. - - Reclining at table, 34, 36, 57*. - - Riding sideways, 27. - - Rings, 32. - - Rome, 45 f. _and passim_. - - Rumpf, Andreas, 7 f. - - Rushforth, 39*. - - Ruva, 38*. - - - S - - Salii, 18. - - Samnites, 47. - - Sappho 23*, 37*. - - Sarcophagi, 14, 34, 53, 55 f., 57*. - - Schulze, Wilh., 39*, 45, 46*. - - Scimmia, Tomba della, 25 f., 29, 45. - - Scudi, Tomba degli, 34 ff., 54. - - Seneca, 41*. - - Shields, 8. - - Skutsch, 16*. - - Slaves, 41. - - Soothsayers, 48. - - Sophocles, 44, 54*. - - Spectators, 24 f. - - Stackelberg, 1, 2, 14, 20, 23, 24, 27, 28. - - Stands, 24 f. - - Strabo, 43*. - - Struppus, 23*. - - Stryk, von, 3 f. - - Sunshade, 26. - - Symposia, 29 ff., 37 ff., 42. - - - T - - Tacitus, 20*. - - Tapestries, 8 f. - - Tarquinius, 45. - - Tarquitius Priscus, 48. - - Technique, 21. - - Tertullian, 13*, 23. - - Tevarath, 11. - - Theophrastus, 19*, 34*. - - Theopompus, 34*. - - Theseus, 49 f. - - Thomsen, Vilh., 40*. - - Thucydides, 44*. - - Thulin, 48*. - - Thürmer, 1, 20. - - Thymiaterion, 26, 39. - - Tifone, Tomba del, 56 f. - - Timaeus, 33*. - - Tiresias, 51. - - Tomba, _see the different names_. - - Tonsilia tappetia, 30*. - - Tori, Tomba dei, 3, 9 f., 20, 51. - - Torlonia, 51. - - Treasury of the Siphnians, 25. - - Triclinio, Tomba del, 16 f., 20, 27, 31. - - Tripudium, 18. - - Triumphators, 18. - - Troilus, 9. - - Trumpets 54, 57*. - - Tuchulcha, 49 f. - - Tusurthi, 34. - - Tutulus, 22 f., 42. - - Tyrrhenians, 43. - - - U - - Urns, cinerary, 19, 30*, 34, 53, 55, 56. - - - V - - Vanth, 52, 54. - - Varro, 19, 41*, 45. - - Vases, 4, 20, 22 ff. - - Vasi: Tomba dei V. Dipinti, 5, 36. - - Vecchio, Tomba del, 37. - - Veii 3, 7, 35, 47. - - Virgil, 48*. - - Vitruvius, 25. - - Volnius, 45. - - Vulci, 3, 51. - - - W - - Weege, 2, 4, 6, 7, 22 ff., 27, 28, 31 f., 34. - - Wigand, 26*. - - Women, Etruscan, 33. - - Wrestlers, 11, 15, 28. - - - X - - Xenophanes, 19. - - Xenophon, 19. - - - PRINTED IN ENGLAND - - AT THE OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS - - - - - * * * * * * - - - - -Transcriber’s note: - -Obvious typographical errors have been silently corrected. - -Variations in hyphenation has been standardised but all other spelling and -punctuation remains unchanged. - - - -***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ETRUSCAN TOMB PAINTINGS*** - - -******* This file should be named 62431-0.txt or 62431-0.zip ******* - - -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: -http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/6/2/4/3/62431 - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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