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+Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for
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-The Project Gutenberg eBook, The Origin of Tyranny, by P. N. (Percy
-Neville) Ure
-
-
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most
-other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions 
-whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of
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-www.gutenberg.org.  If you are not located in the United States, you'll have
-to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook.
-
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-
-
-Title: The Origin of Tyranny
-
-
-Author: P. N. (Percy Neville) Ure
-
-
-
-Release Date: June 10, 2020  [eBook #62364]
-
-Language: English
-
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-***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE ORIGIN OF TYRANNY***
-
-
-E-text prepared by Richard Tonsing, Turgut Dincer, and the Online
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-Transcriber’s note:
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-      Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_).
-
-      Superscripts are denoted by a caret before a single
-      superscripted character or a series of superscripted
-      characters enclosed in curly braces, e.g. M^r. or M^{ister}.
-
-      Footnotes have been re-indexed using numbers and collected
-      together at the end of the last chapter.
-
-
-
-
-
-THE ORIGIN OF TYRANNY
-
-
-Cambridge University Press
-C. F. Clay, Manager
-London: Fetter Lane, E.C. 4
-
-
-[Illustration]
-
-
-New York: The Macmillan Co.
-
-Bombay   }
-Calcutta }  Macmillan and Co., Ltd.
-Madras   }
-
-Toronto: The Macmillan Co. of Canada, Ltd.
-
-Tokyo: Maruzen-Kabushiki-Kaisha
-
-All Rights Reserved
-
-
-
-
-
-THE ORIGIN OF TYRANNY
-
-by
-
-P. N. URE, M.A.
-Gonville and Caius College, Cambridge
-Professor of Classics, University College, Reading
-
-
-
-
-
-
-Cambridge
-At the University Press
-1922
-
-Printed in Great Britain.
-
-------------------------------------------------------------------------
-
-
-
-
-                                PREFACE
-
-
-The views expressed in the following chapters were first published in
-the _Journal of Hellenic Studies_ for 1906 in a short paper which gave a
-few pages each to Samos and Athens and a few sentences each to Lydia,
-Miletus, Ephesus, Argos, Corinth, and Megara. The chapters on Argos,
-Corinth, and Rome are based on papers read to the Oxford Philological
-Society in 1913 and to the Bristol branch of the Classical Association
-in 1914.
-
-As regards the presentation of my material here, it has been my
-endeavour to make the argument intelligible to readers who are not
-classical scholars and archaeologists. The classics have ceased to be a
-water-tight compartment in the general scheme of study and research, and
-my subject forms a chapter in general economic history which might
-interest students of that subject who are not classical scholars. On the
-other hand classical studies have become so specialised and the
-literature in each department has multiplied so enormously that unless
-monographs can be made more or less complete in themselves and capable
-of being read without referring to a large number of large and
-inaccessible books, it will become impossible for classical scholars to
-follow the work that is being done even in their own subject beyond the
-limits of their own particular branch. For these reasons ancient
-authorities have been mainly given in literal English translations, and
-when, as happens in almost every chapter, information has to be sought
-from vases, coins, or inscriptions, I have tried to elucidate my point
-by means of explanatory descriptions and illustrations.
-
-The work has involved me in numerous obligations which I gladly take
-this opportunity of acknowledging. In 1907 I received grants from the
-Worts travelling bachelors’ fund of Cambridge University and from
-Gonville and Caius College to visit Greece for the purpose of collecting
-archaeological evidence upon the history of the early tyranny. This
-purpose was partially diverted because shortly after reaching Greece I
-became associated with the late Dr R. M. Burrows in the excavation of
-the Greek cemetery at Rhitsona in Boeotia and in the study and
-publication of the pottery found there. This pottery dates mainly from
-the age of the tyrants, and the results of my work at it appear in
-several of the succeeding chapters. To Dr Burrows I owe also the
-encouragement that led me to start working on the early tyranny: my main
-idea on the subject first occurred to me when I was lecturing on Greek
-history as his assistant at University College, Cardiff.
-
-I have also received much assistance at various times and in various
-ways from Professor G. A. T. Davies, another former colleague of mine at
-Cardiff, and from several of my Reading colleagues, particularly
-Professor W. G. de Burgh, Mr D. Atkinson, and my wife. Many other debts
-are recorded in the body of the book: but considering how many and
-various they have been, I can scarcely hope that none has been passed
-over without acknowledgement.
-
-But of all my obligations the earliest and chiefest is to Sir William
-Ridgeway. It is to the unique quality of his teaching at Cambridge that
-I owe the stimulus that suggested to me the explanation here offered of
-the origin of tyranny.
-
-                                                              P. N. URE.
-
-  UNIVERSITY COLLEGE,
-      READING.
-          _October 1920._
-
-
-
-
-                                CONTENTS
-
-
- CHAP.                                                              PAGE
-     I INTRODUCTION                                                    1
-
-    II ATHENS                                                         33
-
-   III SAMOS                                                          68
-
-    IV EGYPT                                                          86
-
-     V LYDIA                                                         127
-
-    VI ARGOS                                                         154
-
-   VII CORINTH                                                       184
-
-  VIII ROME                                                          215
-
-    IX SICYON, MEGARA, MILETUS, EPHESUS, LEONTINI, AGRIGENTUM,
-       CUMAE                                                         257
-
-     X CAPITALIST DESPOTS OF THE AGE OF ARISTOTLE, THE MONEY POWER
-       OF THE RULERS OF PERGAMUM, PROTOGENES OF OLBIA                280
-
-    XI CONCLUSION                                                    290
-
-       APPENDICES                                                    307
-
-       INDEX                                                         339
-
-
-
-
-                             ILLUSTRATIONS
-
-
- FIG.                                                               PAGE
-    1 Lophos Loutrou from Daskalio station                            42
-
-    2 On the road from Daskalio station to Plaka                      42
-
-    3 Kamaresa                                                        43
-
-    4 Kitsovouno from Kamaresa                                        43
-        (Figs. 1–4 from photographs by the author)
-
-    5 Corinthian terra cotta tablet depicting a miner at work         46
-        (_Antike Denkmäler_, I)
-
-    6 Coin of Athens with Athena and owl                              53
-        (Macdonald, _Evolution of Coinage_)
-
-    7 Athenian coins: the wreath on the head of Athena                56
-        (_Bulletin de Correspondance hellénique_, XXX)
-
-    8 Persian “archer”                                                57
-
-    9 Samian coin with Samaina and Messanian coin with hare           75
-        (Hill, _Historical Greek Coins_)
-
-   10 Aiakes, father of Polycrates                                    82
-        (_Athenische Mitteilungen_, 1906)
-
-   11 Psamtek I                                                       86
-        (Petrie, _Hist. Egypt_, III)
-
-   12 Vase with cartouche of Bocchoris found at Tarquinii             94
-        (_Monumenti Antichi della R. Acc. dei Lincei_, VIII)
-
-   13 Rhodian or (?) Milesian vase found at Naukratis                111
-        (Gardner, _Naukratis II_. By permission of the Egypt
-        Exploration Fund)
-
-   14 Fikellura or (?) Samian vase found at Daphnae                  113
-        (Petrie, _Tanis II_. By permission of the Egypt Exploration
-        Fund)
-
-   15 Naukratite vase found at Rhitsona in Boeotia                   115
-        (_Journ. Hellenic Studies_, 1909)
-
-   16 Perfume vase found at Naukratis                                119
-        (Gardner, _Naukratis II_. By permission of the Egypt
-        Exploration Fund)
-
-   17 Greek wine jar found at Naukratis                              120
-        (Petrie, _Naukratis I_. By permission of the Egypt
-        Exploration Fund)
-
-   18 Corinthian vase with cartouche of Apries                       124
-        (_Gazette Archéologique_, 1880)
-
-   19 Coins of (_a_) Gyges (?), (_b_) Croesus                        127
-        (Macdonald, _Evolution of Coinage_)
-
-   20 Early Aeginetan “tortoises”                                    154
-        (Babelon, _Traité des Monnaies Gr. et Rom._)
-
-   21 Bundle of spits found in the Argive Heraeum                    163
-
-   22 Corinthian vase found at Corinth                               185
-        (From a photograph supplied by Miss Walker of the American
-        School of Archaeology at Athens)
-
-   23 Corinthian terra cotta tablet depicting a potter at his wheel  186
-        (_Gazette Archéologique_, 1880)
-
-   24 Corinthian terra cotta tablet depicting the interior of a
-        kiln                                                         186
-        (_Antike Denkmäler_, I)
-
-   25 Coins of Corinth                                               188
-        (_Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Corinth_)
-
-   26 Coins of Cypsela                                               200
-        (_Abhandl. Bayerische Akad. Phil. Class._ 1890)
-
-  27, Attic vase paintings, perhaps depicting cypselae
-   28                                                                202
-        (Saglio, _Dict. d. Antiq._ figs. 2964, 2965)
-
-   29 Attic vase painting, perhaps depicting a cypsele               203
-        (Saglio, _Dict. d. Antiq._ fig. 937)
-
-   30 Vase on stove found at Iasos                                   205
-        (_Jahrb. d. arch. Inst._ 1897)
-
-   31 Relief, perhaps depicting a small cypsele                      206
-        (_Revue Archéologique_, 1869)
-
-   32 _Aes signatum_                                                 220
-        (Haeberlin, _Aes Grave_)
-
-   33 _Aes grave_ with wheel                                         232
-        (Hill, _Historical Roman Coins_)
-
-   34 Corinthian vase found at Tarquinii                             241
-
-   35 Corinthian terra cotta tablet depicting the export of vases    242
-        (_Antike Denkmäler_, I)
-
-   36 Proto-Corinthian vase found in the Roman Forum                 249
-        (_Notiz. d. Scavi della R. Acc. dei Lincei_, 1903)
-
-   37 Ionic terra cotta antefix found in Rome                        250
-        (_Monumenti Antichi della R. Acc. dei Lincei_, XV)
-
-   38 Similar antefix found in Samos                                 251
-        (Boehlau, _Aus ion. u. ital. Nekropolen_)
-
-   39 Terra cotta head found on the Roman Capitol                    252
-        (_Monumenti Antichi della R. Acc. dei Lincei_, XV)
-
-   40 Stone head found on the Acropolis at Athens                    253
-        (_Athenische Mitteilungen_, 1879)
-
-   41 Vase in Attic black figure style found on the Quirinal         254
-        (_Monumenti Antichi della R. Acc. dei Lincei_, XV)
-
-   42 The Capitoline wolf                                            254
-        (How and Leigh, _Hist. of Rome_. By arrangement with Messrs
-        Longmans Green & Co.)
-
-   43 Dipylon vase                                                   314
-        (_Companion to Greek Studies_, Cambridge)
-
-   44 Proto-Corinthian vase                                          315
-        (_Journ. of Hellenic Studies._ By permission of the Council
-        of the Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies)
-
-   45 Dipylon Ships                                                  322
-        (_Rev. Arch._ XXV, 1894; _Athenische Mitt._ 1876; _Arch.
-        Zeitung_, 1885; Perrot and Chipiez, _Hist. de l’Art dans
-        l’Antiquité_)
-
-   46 Vase painting signed by Aristonothos                           323
-        (Walters and Birch, _Hist. of Ancient Pottery_)
-
-
-
-
-            τοῖσι ἐμφανέσι τὰ μὴ γιγνωσκόμενα τεκμαιρόμενος.
-
-                                    HDT. II. 33.
-
-
-
-
-                       Chapter I. _Introduction_
-
-
- Δόξαιεν γὰρ ‹ἂν› οὐδὲν λέγειν δίκαιον οἱ διὰ τὸν πλοῦτον ἀξιοῦντες
-    ἄρχειν.
-
-                                             ARISTOT. _Pol._ III.
-                                                1283_b_.
-
- Φαῦλον τὸ τὰς μεγίστας ὠνητὰς εἶναι τῶν ἀρχῶν.
-
-                                             ARISTOT. _Pol._ II. 1273_a_.
-
-[Sidenote: The seventh century B.C. is the age]
-
-The seventh and sixth centuries B.C. constitute from many points of view
-one of the most momentous periods in the whole of the world’s history.
-No doubt the greatest final achievements of the Greek race belong to the
-two centuries that followed. But practically all that is meant by the
-Greek spirit and the Greek genius had its birth in the earlier period.
-Literature and art, philosophy and science are at this present day
-largely following the lines that were then laid down for them, and this
-is equally the case with commerce. [Sidenote: (_a_) of the first known
-metal coins,] It was at the opening of this epoch that the Greeks or
-their half hellenized neighbours the Lydians brought about perhaps the
-most epoch-making revolution in the whole history of commerce by the
-invention of a metal coinage like those that are still in circulation
-throughout the civilized world.
-
-It was no accident that the invention was made precisely at this time.
-Industry and commerce were simultaneously making enormous strides. About
-the beginning of the seventh century the new Lydian Dynasty of the
-Mermnadae made Sardis one of the most important trading centres that
-have arisen in the world’s history. The Lydian merchants became
-middlemen between Greece and the Far East. Egypt recovered its
-prosperity and began rapidly to develop commercial and other relations
-with its neighbours, including the Greeks. Greek traders were pushing
-their goods by sea in all directions from Spain to the Crimea. Concrete
-evidence of this activity is still to be seen in the Corinthian and
-Milesian pottery of the period that has been so abundantly unearthed as
-far afield as Northern Italy and Southern Russia. It was a time of
-extraordinary intellectual alertness. Thales and the numerous other
-philosophers of the Ionian School were in close touch with the merchants
-and manufacturers of their age. They were in fact men of science rather
-than philosophers in the narrow modern sense of the latter word, and
-most of them were ready to apply their science to practical and
-commercial ends, as for example Thales, who is said to have made a
-fortune by buying up all the oil presses in advance when his
-agricultural observations had led him to expect a particularly plentiful
-harvest[1]. A corner in oil sounds very modern, and in fact the whole of
-the evidence shows that in many ways this ancient epoch curiously
-anticipated the present age.
-
-[Sidenote: and (_b_) of the first rulers to be called tyrants.]
-
-Politically these two centuries are generally known as the age of
-tyrants. The view that the prevalence of tyranny was in some way
-connected with the invention of coinage has been occasionally
-expressed[2]. Radet has even gone so far as to suggest that the first
-tyrant was also the first coiner[3]. He does not however go further than
-to suggest that the tyrant started a mint and coinage when already on
-the throne.
-
-[Sidenote: The new form of government was, I believe, based on the new
-           form of capital.]
-
-The evidence appears to me to point to conclusions of a more
-wide-reaching character. Briefly stated they are these: that the seventh
-and sixth century Greek tyrants were the first men in their various
-cities to realize the political possibilities of the new conditions
-created by the introduction of the new coinage, and that to a large
-extent they owed their position as tyrants to a financial or commercial
-supremacy which they had already established before they attained to
-supreme political power in their several states.
-
-In other words their position as I understand it has considerable
-resemblances to that built up in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries
-A.D. by the rich bankers and merchants who made themselves despots in so
-many of the city states of Italy. The most famous of these are the
-Medici, the family who gave a new power to the currency by their
-development of the banking business, and mainly as a result of this
-became tyrants of Florence. Santo Bentivoglio of Bologna passed from a
-wool factory to the throne. Another despot of Bologna was the rich
-usurer Roméo Pepoli. At Pisa the supreme power was grasped by the
-Gambacorti with an old merchant named Pietro at their head. At Lodi it
-was seized by the millionaire Giovanni Vignate. The above instances are
-taken from Symonds’ sixth class of despots of whom he says that “in most
-cases great wealth was the original source of despotic ascendancy[4].”
-
-[Sidenote: This view deserves examination in the light of the modern
-           financial revolution,]
-
-Still closer analogies lie at our very door. It is a commonplace that we
-are in the midst of an industrial revolution. This modern movement was
-already beginning a century ago, when Byron pleaded the cause of the
-frameworkers before the House of Lords. There are of course obvious
-differences between the two revolutions. That of the seventh and sixth
-centuries B.C. was mainly financial, that of the present time is mainly
-industrial. But the difference is not so great as it at first sight
-appears[5]. The invention of a metal coinage was accompanied by great
-industrial changes[6], and we can no more divide sharply the financial
-and industrial activities of the great houses of archaic Greece than we
-can separate the banking and the mercantile enterprises of the great
-families of the cities of Italy at the time of the renaissance, such as
-the wealthy Panciatighi of Florence, who lent money to the emperor
-Sigismund and exported cloths to London, Avignon and North Africa[7]. On
-the other hand the modern industrial movement, with its development of
-machinery and its organization of masters and men into trusts and trade
-unions, has been accompanied by a revolution in the nature of the
-currency. The modern financial revolution began at the same time as the
-industrial. [Sidenote: which has replaced metal coins by paper,] Its
-earliest phases are described and discussed in William Cobbett’s _Paper
-against Gold_[8]. Since Cobbett’s days the paper currency which so
-distressed him has developed enormously. Even before 1914 we were told
-that “Gold already acts in England only as change for notes[9].”
-
-It is not necessary here to examine in detail the various forms taken by
-this new paper currency. It is enough to point out that it enables
-property to be transferred and manipulated far more rapidly and on far
-larger a scale than was previously possible[10]. Only one other point in
-the history of the new currency needs to be here mentioned. It cannot be
-better expressed than in the words used by the Chancellor of the
-Exchequer in the House of Commons on November 28th, 1914:
-
-  I have been much struck since I have been dealing with these
-  transactions (bills of exchange) with how little even traders who
-  form a part of this great machinery know about the mechanism of
-  which they form an essential part.... I do not think that the
-  general public—and I am putting myself among them—ever realized the
-  extent to which the business not merely of this country, but of the
-  whole world, depended upon this very delicate and complicated paper
-  machinery.
-
-Apparently it needed a European war to bring home to the modern world of
-commerce the nature of its currency. This fact should warn us against
-expecting to find in early Greece any very clear recognition of the
-revolution in the currency that then took place. When gold and silver
-coins were first circulated they had a corresponding effect to the
-modern issues of paper. They enabled property to be transferred with
-greater ease and rapidity. We may be sure however that the character and
-possibilities of the new currency did not at once receive universal
-recognition[11]. The merchants in the bazaars of Lydia and Ionia who
-best understood how to make use of it must have profited enormously.
-
-[Sidenote: and led many people to fear a new tyranny of wealth.]
-
-The experts in the new finance of the last two generations have been
-exercising a profound influence upon politics and government. There are
-many people, particularly in America, who believe that there is a
-possibility of this influence becoming supreme. It is worth while
-quoting a few of these opinions:
-
-  This era is but a passing phase in the evolution of industrial
-  Caesars, and these Caesars will be of a new type—corporate
-  Caesars[12].
-
-  The flames of a new economic evolution run around us, and we turn to
-  find that competition has killed competition, that corporations are
-  grown greater than the state and have bred individuals greater than
-  themselves, and that the naked issue of our time is with property
-  becoming master instead of servant[13].
-
-  For some months past the sugar trust has been the Government of the
-  United States[14].
-
-In 1884 there seems even to have been an idea of running a Standard Oil
-senator for the United States presidency. “Henry B. Payne is looming up
-grandly in the character of a possible and not altogether improbable
-successor to Mr Tilden as the Democratic candidate for the
-presidency[15].”
-
-The danger of supreme power in America passing into the hands of a few
-capitalists has even been publicly acknowledged by a President of the
-United States during his period of office. “Mr Wilson also discussed the
-division between capital and labour. He dwelt for the greater part of
-the speech on the effort of ‘small bodies of privileged men to resume
-control of the Government,’ and added: ‘We must again convince these
-gentlemen that the government of this country belongs to us, not to
-them[16].’”
-
-Similar views are expressed by French, German and Italian writers.
-According to the most brilliant of modern Frenchmen the government of
-France has in some recent periods been in the hands of three or four
-groups of financiers[17]. Salvioli in his _Capitalism in the Ancient
-World_ speaks of the “kings of finance who exercise in our states a
-secret but pervading sway[18].” Even the warlike von Bernhardi fears an
-impending “tyranny of capital[19].”
-
-These quotations might be multiplied[20], but enough have been given to
-show that the opinion which they express is widely held. There is no
-need to discuss the honesty of particular expressions of it. If any of
-them could be shown to have been insincere, it would be only additional
-evidence of the plausibility of the opinion. Nor is this the place to
-discuss from a more general point of view the extent to which that
-opinion has been or seems likely to be verified. To have indicated how
-widely prevalent is the fear of an impending “new tyranny of wealth[21]”
-or “tyranny of capital[22]” is by itself enough to show that the
-relation between the tyranny and the new form of wealth that arose in
-the seventh and sixth centuries before our era is a subject that
-deserves investigation, and to show also that the particular view as to
-those relations that is maintained in these pages has _a priori_
-plausibility[23].
-
-[Sidenote: The evidence:]
-
-It should however be said at once that my view appears to have been held
-by no one who has published opinions on the subject from the fourth
-century B.C. onwards. This however is not fatal. Later in this chapter
-reasons will be suggested for holding that the true character of the
-early tyranny was lost sight of in the days of Plato and Aristotle. Why
-truer views on this particular subject should be recovered precisely at
-the present period may be sufficiently explained by the modern financial
-revolution, which makes it possible to approach the question from a
-point which has scarcely been accessible during the last two thousand
-years. With this warning we may proceed to state the nature of the
-evidence in favour of this view that the earliest tyrannies were founded
-and based on wealth.
-
-(1) The greater part of it is drawn from anecdotes and incidental
-statements of fact about particular seventh or sixth century tyrants
-preserved in Herodotus and later Greek and Latin writers. The various
-tyrants are dealt with individually in the remaining chapters of the
-book.
-
-(2) Glimpses into the economic and political life of the seventh and
-sixth centuries are occasionally to be got from the scanty remains of
-the poets of the period, supplemented by cautious references to later
-writers. It will be convenient to examine at once this more general
-evidence.
-
-[Sidenote: (_a_) statements from the extant writings of the sixth
-           century (Solon and Theognis),]
-
-The only two writers of the age of the tyrants of whom more than the
-merest scraps have come down to us are Solon[24] and Theognis[25]. Both
-deal professedly with the social and political problems of their day.
-But both address audiences who are familiar with those problems. Even if
-their whole works had been preserved instead of a few hundred lines in
-either case, we should not expect to have the fundamental problems
-explicitly stated. It would be possible to read a large selection of
-articles and speeches by quite the best journalists and politicians on
-many recent political measures and at the end of it to be left in
-uncertainty as to the content and purport of the measure in question. We
-must expect the same difficulty in reading Solon and Theognis. And it
-must be confessed that we find it. But there is nothing in the extant
-fragments of either writer which discredits the theory. More than that
-there are passages in both of them that become of the utmost
-significance if the early tyrants owed their power to their previous
-wealth but are rather pointless on any other hypothesis.
-
-Solon’s position in relation to the tyranny is explained in the chapter
-dealing with Athens. But a few lines may be quoted here:
-
-    But of themselves in their folly the men of the city are willing
-      Our great city to wreck, being won over by wealth.
-    False are the hearts of the people’s leaders[26].
-
-By the wreck of the city the poet means the establishment of a tyranny,
-as is indicated by another couplet:
-
-       Great men ruin a city: for lack of understanding
-         Under a despot’s[27] yoke lieth the people enslaved[28].
-
-These last two lines were presumably written after Peisistratus had made
-himself tyrant of Athens. Solon’s fears had been realized. The citizens
-had been “won over by wealth” to “wreck their great city.” Is not the
-best sense made out of these lines by assuming that what Solon feared
-and what actually happened was that the popular leader had made use of
-his wealth to establish himself as tyrant? Neither the “people’s
-leaders” of the first quotation nor the “great men” of the second are
-specifically stated to have been extremely rich, but to quote again the
-words of Solon, both may be plausibly identified with the foremost of
-
- Those who had power and made men to marvel because of their riches[29].
-
-The political aim of Theognis was to prevent a recurrence of tyranny in
-Megara[30]. What does the poet bid his townsmen beware of? Not of
-eloquence, not of violence, not of rashly appointing a lawgiver or
-αἰσυμνήτης. All his warnings are directed against wealth. The whole town
-of Megara had become commercial[31]. Birth had lost its prestige, and
-wealth acquired unprecedented power. He complains how
-
- Tradesmen reign supreme: the bad lord it over their betters[32].
-
- This is the lesson that each and all must thoroughly master:
-   How that in all the world wealth has the might and the power[33].
-
- Many a bad man is rich, and many a good man needy[34].
-
- Not without cause, O wealth, do men honour thee above all things[35].
-
- Most men reckon the only virtue the making of money[36].
-
- Everyone honours those that are rich, and despises the needy[37].
-
-When he explicitly alludes to the dangers of the establishment of a
-tyranny, his references to wealth are no less prominent:
-
-  Neither exalt thou in hope, _by yielding to gain_, any tyrant[38].
-
-  Cyrnus, this city is pregnant. I fear lest a man it may bear us
-    Swollen with insolent pride[39], leader in stern civil strife[40].
-
-The couplet last quoted almost certainly refers to a possible tyrant.
-Insolent pride (ὕβρις) is one of the tyrant’s stock characteristics[41].
-There is no reference to wealth in this particular context. But there
-can be little doubt that this same character is also referred to earlier
-in the poem. Who, the poet asks, can preserve his reverence for the
-Gods:
-
-      When that a man unjust and presumptuous, one that regardeth
-        Neither the wrath of a man, no, nor the wrath of a God,
-      _Glutted with wealth_ waxes proud and insolent[42]?
-
-In this last passage the pride and insolence are directly attributed to
-enormous wealth.
-
-Or again:
-
-  Be thou sure that not long will that city remain unshaken,
-    Even though now it may lie wrapped in the deepest repose,
-  Soon as soever to those that are bad these things become pleasing—
-    Gains that, whenever they come, bring with them ill for the state.
-  For from these arise factions, murders of men by their kindred,
-    Despots withal[43].
-
-What are the gains that lead up to tyranny? Is it not most probable that
-they are some form of payment received by the commons (“those that are
-bad”) from the would-be tyrant[44]?
-
-Solon and Theognis wrote with the examples of Gyges, Pheidon,
-Orthagoras, Cypselus, Theagenes and the rest of the seventh century
-tyrants before them[45]. If they constantly feared that some wealthy
-tradesman[46] would make himself tyrant, it must surely have been
-because the tyrants had sprung from or been allied with this new class
-of wealthy traders and financiers.
-
-[Sidenote: (_b_) the fifth century writers (Thucydides, Herodotus,
-           Pindar),]
-
-The view here set forth as to the basis of the tyrant’s power finds
-nothing to contradict it in the fifth century references to the early
-tyranny. On the contrary such few references as are explicitly made to
-the origin of the tyranny by writers of the fifth century bear it out.
-“Is it not folly,” says Oedipus to Kreon in the _Oedipus Tyrannus_ of
-Sophocles, “this attempt of yours, without a host of followers and
-friends to seek a tyranny, a thing that’s gained only with hosts of
-followers and money[47]?” “When Greece,” says Thucydides, in his
-introductory sketch of early Greek history, “had grown more powerful,
-and was still more than before engaged in the acquisition of wealth,
-tyrannies were established in the cities[48].” Herodotus gives no
-account of the rise of tyranny, but a large proportion of the evidence
-as to the careers of individual tyrants is derived from his work.
-Perhaps the fifth century writer who might be expected to throw most
-light on the question is Pindar, who visited the courts of the Sicilian
-tyrants and wrote odes in their honour. His poems contain many
-references to the supreme importance of wealth:
-
-              Wealth adorned with virtues
-              Brings opportunity for this and that[49].
-
-              Ever in the quest of noble achievements
-              Toil and outlay strive after the issue[50].
-
-So elsewhere[51] in a similar spirit he describes Hiero’s great victory
-over the Etruscans as “the crown of his lordly wealth.” The Syracusan
-monarchs of the early fifth century seem to have had fewer affinities
-with the commercial tyrants of the two preceding centuries than with the
-military despots of a later age. It is therefore all the more
-significant that wealth is so frequently regarded by Pindar, who more
-than any other writer represents the transition from the sixth century
-to the fifth, rather as a means to power than as one of its rewards.
-Later documents, as has been said already, give a different account of
-the early tyrants’ antecedents. But here and there statements are to be
-found in them that, though perhaps reconcilable with other views, only
-become fully significant on the commercial theory.
-
-Isocrates for instance speaks of the “huge wage bills and expenditures
-of money by which all modern dynasts maintain their power[52].” He wrote
-these words between 342 and 339 B.C.[53], but as his modern times are
-contrasted with those of Agamemnon and he himself was nearly thirty
-years old at the close of the fifth century, his modern dynasts may well
-include sixth century tyrants like Peisistratus and Polycrates, the more
-so as “dynasts” arose so seldom in fifth century Greece.
-
-[Sidenote: (_c_) some statements of fourth century writers,]
-
-Aristotle preserves the tradition that the early tyrants were good
-business men. He speaks of “rendering account of their receipts and
-expenditure, as has been done already by certain of the tyrants. For by
-this kind of administration he would give the impression of being a
-manager (οἰκονόμος) and not a tyrant[54].”
-
-That the early tyrants had previously been men of wealth is also perhaps
-to be inferred from certain remarks of Aristotle about the “lawgivers”
-of the same period. The general character of these “lawgivers” is a
-matter of some dispute; but they appear to have differed from the
-tyrants in at least two points. They governed by general consent and
-they marked an earlier stage in the economic evolution of the city
-state[55]. They are perhaps to be compared with the “arbitrators”
-between employers and employed who in recent times have sometimes
-enjoyed considerable influence[56]. When Aristotle[57] emphasizes the
-fact that the best “lawgivers” were all drawn from the citizens of
-moderate means (ἐκ τῶν μέσων πολιτῶν) he is making a fairly pointless
-remark unless the same could not be said of the tyrants of the period.
-That Aristotle did actually recognize the connexion between tyranny and
-extremes of wealth and poverty is shown by another passage of the
-_Politics_[58]:
-
-  For this reason it is very fortunate when those engaged in politics
-  have moderate but sufficient means, for where some have very great
-  possessions and others none, the result is either extreme democracy
-  or unmitigated oligarchy or tyranny, which is caused by both
-  extremes. For unbridled democracy and oligarchy lead to tyranny, the
-  intermediate and more closely allied forms of government do so far
-  less.
-
-The philosopher himself may have pictured some of the early tyrants as
-having risen from being penniless demagogues. The difficulties in the
-way of accepting the view that a poor man ever became a tyrant before
-the democratic development of the fifth century will be set forth later
-in this chapter. If there is any basis of fact for Aristotle’s
-statement, the early tyrants must have come from among the wealthiest of
-the citizens.
-
-[Sidenote: (_d_) evidence as to industrial conditions during and after
-           the age of the tyrants,]
-
-There is nothing surprising in this conclusion. In the age that saw
-merchants like Solon made practical dictators in their native
-cities[59], and philosophers like Thales anticipating the Rockefellers
-by making a corner in oil[60], there must have been individuals with
-something of the abilities of these great men, but little of their
-disinterestedness, who would be quick to grasp the possibility of
-reaching through the corner to the crown.
-
-At a later date cornering became less easy. In fifth century Athens
-there were statutes and magistrates (σιτοφύλακες) to prevent corners in
-corn, and we still have a speech of Lysias directed against some
-speculators who had bought beyond the legal limit. The context of a
-passage in this speech suggests that the general controllers of the
-market (ἀγορανόμοι) were expected to be on their guard against corners
-in other articles[61].
-
-The detailed evidence in favour of this view is given in the chapters
-that follow. It will be found however that these men who made themselves
-tyrants through their riches were not all of them mere speculators. Some
-at least had acquired their wealth from trade or industry. This means
-that they were large employers of labour. There are reasons for thinking
-that from this point of view they would be politically far more
-influential than their successors in business in the days of the
-Athenian democracy.
-
-The big merchants and manufacturers of the fifth and fourth centuries
-relied largely, and more and more as time went on, on servile labour.
-The thousand miners whose services Nikias commanded were all slaves. Six
-hundred slave miners were owned by his contemporary Hipponikos and three
-hundred by Philemonides[62]. The hundred and twenty hands in the shield
-factory of the orator Lysias were all slaves[63]. So too were the
-fifty-two in the knife and bedstead factories inherited by
-Demosthenes[64], and the nine or ten in the boot-making establishment of
-Timarchus[65], as also those in the flute-making establishment from
-which the father of Isocrates made his living[66], and the sail-makers
-and drug-pounders who appear in Demosthenes _contra Olympiodorum_[67].
-These instances might be multiplied[68]. Slaves were of course only a
-form of wealth[69]. As human beings they were entirely without influence
-on politics. It would have been another matter if Nikias had had a big
-constituency of miner citizens at his entire disposal. That I believe
-was one of the great differences between Nikias and Peisistratus and
-generally speaking between the captains of industry in the fifth and
-fourth centuries and their predecessors in the seventh and sixth. The
-evidence is not decisive, but as far as it goes it all points in this
-direction.
-
-At Athens in the generation that preceded the tyranny it is reported of
-Solon that “he encouraged the citizens to take up manual trades[70],” a
-policy perhaps to be connected with his release from debt and
-semi-slavery of the “pelatai” and the “hektemoroi[71],” since fresh
-employment had possibly to be found for many of these liberated serfs.
-It is further reported of Solon that he offered the citizenship to any
-who “transplanted themselves to Athens with their whole family for the
-sake of exercising some manual trade[72].” Aeschines quotes Solon, laws
-attributed to whom were still in force when the orator flourished, to
-the effect that “he does not drive a man from the platform” (_i.e._ he
-allows him to speak in the assembly of citizens) “even if he is
-practising some handicraft, but welcomes that class most of all[73].”
-Solon himself, describing the various paths by which men pursue riches,
-declares that
-
-  Another learns the works of Athena and Hephaestus of the many
-  crafts, and with his hands gathers a livelihood[74].
-
-The tyrants themselves are repeatedly found making it part of their
-policy to keep their subjects employed on big industrial concerns. In
-more than one case we shall see their power collapsing just when this
-policy becomes financially impossible[75]. This part of the tyrants’
-policy is noticed by Aristotle, who quotes the dedications (buildings
-and works of art) of the Cypselids at Corinth, the building of the
-temple of Olympian Zeus at Athens by the Peisistratids, and the works of
-Polycrates round Samos[76]. To these names we may add Theagenes of
-Megara, Phalaris of Agrigentum, Aristodemus of Cumae, and the Tarquins
-of Rome, all of whom are associated with works of this kind[77].
-Aristotle says that the object of these works was to keep the people
-busy and poor. This explanation is more than doubtful, as has been
-already recognized[78]. It is not employment that leads to poverty. More
-probably the tyrants pursued this industrial policy because, to quote an
-expression used in another context by Plutarch, “stimulating every craft
-and busying every hand it made practically the whole city wage earners
-(ἔμμισθον),” employed, as in the case Plutarch is describing, by the
-government of the state. In other words may not the tyrants have been
-building up an industrial state of employee subjects who in their turn
-involved an army of “customer subjects[79]”? The words just quoted come
-from the life of Pericles[80] and refer to the way that he employed the
-poorer citizens (τὸν θητικὸν ὄχλον) in the rebuilding and adornment of
-Athens. Among the people so employed he mentions carpenters, sculptors,
-coppersmiths, stone masons, dyers, moulders of gold and ivory, painters,
-embroiderers, engravers, merchants, sailors, wheelwrights, waggoners,
-drivers, rope-makers, flax workers, leather cutters, road-makers,
-miners. We still possess fragments of the accounts of payments made to
-these workmen or their successors some years after Pericles’ death[81].
-The Alcmaeonids, the family to which Pericles belonged, had been
-opponents of the house of Peisistratus for ages, and had consistently
-fought it with its own weapons. Pericles himself was commonly called the
-new Peisistratus[82]. His public works were a continuation of those of
-Peisistratus[83]. The whole situation as well as our scanty information
-about industrial conditions in the age of the tyrants alike suggest that
-in this use of public works to convert the industrial classes into an
-army of his own employees, which is what they very nearly were[84],
-Pericles was in a very particular sense a new Peisistratus.
-
-To judge too from the purely industrial evidence Pericles seems to have
-been continuing the traditions of an earlier age. It is true that free
-labour was largely employed on the restoration of the great sanctuary at
-Eleusis some eighty years after the operations just referred to. An
-inscription relating to the wages paid during this later undertaking
-shows that the employees included 36 citizens, 39 resident aliens, 12
-strangers, 2 slaves, besides 57 persons of uncertain status[85]. But
-this evidence only tends to show that building was always a free man’s
-trade[86]. We must beware of arguing from one trade to another or from
-one particular trade to trade in general. There were doubtless many
-subtle shades of status depending on the nature of either the work or
-the profits[87]. As servile industry develops, it drives free labour
-from work thought to be particularly damaging to body or mind such as
-employment underground in mines. Speaking generally, however, there are
-signs that in Athens at least between the days of the tyranny and those
-of the Periclean democracy the conditions of free labour had been
-radically changed. This is most obvious as regards the status of the
-citizen artizan[88]. Solon refers to him without a trace of contempt and
-is careful to maintain his political dignity. In so doing he appears to
-have been conservative and simply following the tradition of the Homeric
-age, when a prince was proud to make his own bedstead or build his own
-house and a princess took pleasure in acting as palace laundress[89]. In
-Attica at any rate manual labour appears to have enjoyed an equally
-honourable reputation from the heroic age onwards till the end of the
-age of the tyrants[90]. In the good old days, so Plato declares in the
-_Critias_[91], “the other classes of citizens were engaged in
-handicrafts (δημιουργίαι) and agriculture.” The earliest division of the
-free population, ascribed to the half historical Theseus, comprised
-three classes—nobles, farmers, and artizans (δημιουργοί)[92]. When
-Solon, who was himself a merchant[93], reorganized the population he
-divided it (or perhaps simply preserved an existent division) into four
-classes, of which the lowest were θῆτες or day labourers[94]. The names
-of the others (pentekosiomedimnoi, hippeis, zeugitai) show that this
-class must have included all the artizans, the men who, in the
-lawgiver’s own words, “learn the works of Athena and Hephaestus of the
-many crafts.” This description of the ancient Athenian craftsmen as sons
-of Pallas and Hephaestus recurs in Plato[95]. A class that is described
-in this way plainly rests under no stigma. As Wallon puts it, “le
-travail, loin d’être un titre d’exclusion, était un moyen d’arriver au
-pouvoir[96].” Some five years after Solon’s legislation the old
-classification of the free population as nobles, farmers and artizans
-(δημιουργοί) reappears and the artizans secure two out of ten seats on
-the board of chief magistrates[97].
-
-But in the fifth century this has changed. Contrast the tone of Solon
-with that of Xenophon[98], who states that some citizens “actually” live
-by handicrafts, and that mechanical occupations are rightly held in
-contempt by civilized communities. When Socrates has demonstrated to
-Alcibiades that the Athenian ecclesia is made up of working men
-(cobblers, criers, tent-makers and the like), he proceeds to this
-inference: “if you have a contempt for them individually, then you must
-have a contempt for them as a body[99].” This contempt for manual work
-appears in Aristophanes, as for instance in his constant contemptuous
-references to Euripides’ mother, who had been a greengrocer[100]. It is
-recognized and discussed by Herodotus, who regards it as of
-comparatively recent growth: as he puts it, “most of the Greeks have
-learned to despise artizans[101].” His view is supported by Isocrates,
-who when describing the state of things that prevailed in the Athens of
-Solon and Cleisthenes, declares that “the propertied classes, so far
-from despising those who were not so well off, ... relieved their
-necessities, giving some of them farms at moderate rents, sending out
-others to travel as merchants, supplying others with capital for their
-various employments (ἐργασίας)[102].” The passage just quoted is no
-doubt tendencious. But, as maintained by Mauri[103], it does indicate
-that labour was not despised in archaic Athens. More than that it
-suggests that in the days of Solon and Cleisthenes there was a good deal
-of free labour under the patronage, if not in the actual employment, of
-rich individuals. The transformation that began in the fifth century
-seems to have occurred gradually. It had not been completed when
-Herodotus wrote. Among the Athenian citizens who just at that time were
-being employed by Pericles on the Athenian acropolis we have seen from
-Plutarch that there were included carpenters, smiths, and leather
-workers. In the next generation we find Xenophon declaring that most of
-those who understand these crafts are servile. The words are put into
-the mouth of Socrates, who was the younger contemporary of Herodotus by
-some fifteen years[104]. Socrates and Xenophon however sometimes voice
-the earlier view. In the _Apology_ for instance artizans are compared
-favourably with politicians, poets, and the like[105]. Similarly in the
-_de Vectigalibus_ of Xenophon, in which the writer expresses some of his
-own personal views, artizans are placed with no suggestion of
-inferiority in the company of sophists, philosophers, poets, and
-sight-seers[106]. In Plato, except for the passage just quoted from the
-_Apology_, manual labour is consistently condemned as unworthy of a free
-man in a free city[107]. He would have no member of a state or even the
-slave of a citizen among those engaged in manual trades[108]. He admits
-that there is nothing inherently ignoble in trade, but explains at
-length how all trading has in fact become so[109]. Trade has come to
-imply money-making and to mean that the city where it flourishes is
-“infected with money of silver and gold, than which, speaking generally,
-no greater evil could arise for a city that aimed at producing just and
-noble characters[110].” When Plato is building up his ideal state wage
-earning is left to those citizens who are mentally deficient[111]. Plato
-is above all things an independent thinker with no great respect for the
-masses and less still for popular opinion. But in this particular point
-his views do not seem to be unusual. He is echoed again and again by
-Aristotle: “Citizens ought not to live the life of an artizan or
-tradesman[112].” “Farmers and artizans and all the working-class element
-must exist in cities: but the real constituents of the city are the
-military class and the parliamentarians[113].” “The best city will not
-make the artizan a citizen[114].” “The city where the artizans are
-numerous and men at arms are few cannot attain to greatness[115].” The
-speech of Demosthenes against Euboulides makes it plain that in the
-fourth century a doubtful claim to Athenian citizenship might be damaged
-by pointing out that the claimant was a small tradesman. “It is your
-duty,” the orator makes his client say to the jury, “to uphold the laws
-and not to regard as outlanders people who work for their living (τοὺς
-ἐργαζομένους)[116].” Aristotle and Euboulides would have agreed with
-Pollux[117], our earliest lexicographer (second century A.D.), that
-thetes is a name for free men who out of poverty do slave’s work for
-money (ἐπ’ ἀργυρίῳ δουλευόντων).
-
-The Greeks despised the artizan largely because of his lack of leisure
-and impaired physique which to their minds necessarily implied a lack of
-culture and a weakened intelligence[118]. This being the ground of their
-contempt, the feeling must plainly have grown up when the claims of
-culture and of industry had become exacting. This means that it was
-probably subsequent to and a result of the industrial developments of
-the age of the tyrants; and this dating is confirmed by other
-considerations.
-
-The growth of contempt for labour has been explained by Drumann[119] as
-due in part at least to the Persian wars and the resultant plunder,
-which must have made a good many citizens financially independent. The
-payment of the huge panels of jurymen, which at Athens did so much to
-release the poorer citizens from the necessity to work, was an ultimate
-outcome of the Persian wars. The Peloponnesian war may have completed
-the process. It lasted through nearly thirty campaigns (431–404 B.C.)
-and must have deeply disorganized the labour market. Slaves must in all
-directions have supplanted the free men who were wanted for military
-service, just as women took men’s places in the modern counterpart of
-the Greek disaster[120]. The continued campaigning is sure to have left
-many of the fighting men with a distaste for the dull routine of
-industry[121]. In the _Plutus_ of Aristophanes, brought out in 388 B.C.,
-Poverty argues against an even distribution of wealth on the ground that
-it would destroy the slave trade and drive free men to manual labour as
-smiths, shipbuilders, tailors, wheelwrights, shoemakers, brickmakers,
-laundrymen, tanners and ploughmen[122]. Rather than return to their
-trades they preferred active service in distant lands. When early in the
-fourth century Agesilaus of Sparta was campaigning in Asia Minor against
-the King of Persia we are told that most of his troops except his own
-Spartans were potters, smiths, carpenters and the like[123]. Mechanical
-occupations are said by Aristotle to have been in his own days in some
-Greek cities mainly in the hands of slaves and outlanders: “in ancient
-times in some cities the artizan element (τὸ βάναυσον) was servile or
-alien, for which reason most of them are such now[124].” This growing
-contempt and dislike for manual labour as such, combined with the
-passion for freedom and independence, would make free citizens
-particularly unwilling to become factory hands or miners or anything
-that meant working under a master for a daily wage, the receipt of which
-tended to be regarded as a degradation[125]. Ciccotti[126] observes that
-piece work becomes much commoner at this period. He explains the
-tendency in abstract Marxian principles. The change may be due to much
-more human causes, such as the workman’s growing desire to work his own
-hours at his own pace. The work that the free man refused to do was
-undertaken by the growing population of slaves. There was at this time a
-glut in the slave market, as is sufficiently proved by the single fact
-that while the prices of all other commodities went up in the fifth and
-fourth centuries, that of slaves went down[127]. Among the unpleasant
-occupations that fell more and more completely into servile hands were
-mining and quarrying[128], two of the occupations with which we shall
-find that the early tyrants were most frequently concerned.
-
-If therefore in the fifth and fourth centuries citizen craftsmen appear
-to have worked mainly in small individual concerns[129], it by no means
-follows that the same was the case in the seventh and sixth centuries.
-The conditions during the later period were due to causes that only
-began to operate during that period. On the other hand industry must
-have begun to organize itself into considerable concerns somewhere about
-the beginning of the earlier period, at the time of the developments
-that are admittedly associated with the beginnings of tyranny. What was
-the status of the employees in these earlier enterprises such as the
-potteries of Corinth, the sixth century mines at Laurium, or the metal
-and woollen works at Samos? Almost our only piece of direct evidence on
-this subject is a statement of Alexis[130] that Polycrates the tyrant of
-Samos, whose connexion with Samian industry is established in Chapter
-III, “used to send for skilled artizans at very high wages (μετεστέλλετο
-τεχνίτας ἐπὶ μισθοῖς μεγίστοις).” These highly paid artizans may have
-been foreigners—Athenians, Milesians, or the like[131]—but they can
-scarcely have been slaves. Indirect evidence in the same direction is
-more abundant. Periander for example, the second tyrant of Corinth
-(about 620–580 B.C.), is said to have forbidden the purchase of
-slaves[132]. This regulation looks like an attempt towards the end of
-the period of tyranny at Corinth to stem an influx of servile labour.
-
-It is doubtful whether slave owning on a large scale existed at this
-period[133]. The Greeks of the fifth and fourth centuries regarded
-slavery as they knew it as a modern development[134]. Timaeus says[135]
-that till recently the Locrians had a law and likewise the Phocians
-against possessing either maid servants or slaves (οὔτε θεραπαίνας οὔτε
-οἰκέτας) and that Mnason the friend of Aristotle having acquired a
-thousand slaves was ill-spoken of (διαβληθῆναι) among the Phocians as
-having deprived that number of the citizens of their daily bread. There
-is much therefore to be said for the view expressed by Clerc[136] that
-free labour flourished afresh in the seventh and sixth centuries B.C.
-with the overthrow of aristocracies, or in other words in the age of the
-early tyrants. Ciccotti has recently well observed that in all the
-literature from the hymn of Demeter to the writings of Plutarch slaves
-occupy no place in the picture of social conditions at this period[137].
-
-It was long ago recognized by Buechsenschuetz[138] that in preclassical
-Greece the manual trades were in the hands of free men, but each man was
-his own master, there being no factories or division of labour. In
-classical times there was considerable division of labour and there were
-businesses employing a large number of hands, but citizens seldom worked
-in them. The age of the tyrants falls between the two epochs just
-formulated. It is the one short epoch in Greek history when there were
-probably considerable industrial enterprises employing citizen labour.
-Thus it is the age in Greek history when apart from all details of
-evidence there would be the greatest _a priori_ possibility of an
-individual having secured the political power which may fall to the
-employer of organized free labour on a large scale[139].
-
-It is difficult in these days to realize how unique a situation is here
-implied. We are apt to forget how completely slaves were excluded from
-any part whatsoever in the life of the state. Politically they were
-non-existent, and the whole free population was vitally concerned in
-keeping them so. The slave was an essential form of property. To
-question the institution of slavery in ancient Greece was like
-questioning the fundamental claims of property in modern Europe. It was
-a proclamation of war to the knife against the whole established order
-of things. Individual slaves might win freedom and political rights, but
-any organized effort at emancipation on the part of the slaves
-themselves was put down with merciless severity. When in 71 B.C. Pompey
-and Crassus had crushed the slave rebellion of Spartacus, the moderate
-and statesmanlike revolutionary whose name has come again to such
-prominence in recent days, six thousand of his followers were crucified
-along the road from Rome to Naples. The distance is about 150 miles. At
-the time therefore of this exemplary punishment if anyone had occasion
-to pass along the road in question, one of the most frequented in the
-whole Roman state, he would see some forty of these victims writhing in
-agony or hanging dead upon the cross for every mile of his journey. No
-piece of frightfulness quite so thorough and methodical is to be found
-in all the frightful history of the present century. The punishment of
-71 B.C. is typical of the whole attitude of the ancient republics of
-Greece and Rome towards rebellious slaves. No wonder then if in their
-history servile labour played no active part[140].
-
-[Sidenote: (_e_) the history of the states where there was never a
-           tyrant,]
-
-Some parts of Greece never passed under a tyrant. The most conspicuous
-of these is Sparta[141]. The Spartans never struck real coins. The iron
-pieces “heavy and hard to carry[142]” that formed the classical Spartan
-currency seem to be a survival of a premonetary medium of exchange[143].
-Sparta was also practically without any urban population[144]. It may be
-more than an accidental coincidence that the most anti-tyrannical state
-in Greece was without a real coinage, and backward in trade and
-industry.
-
-Another region where nothing is heard of early tyrants is Thessaly.
-Thessaly had a large serf population called πενέσται, whose position
-much resembled that of the Spartan helots[145]. Both were mainly
-agricultural labourers, _asscripti glebae_. Such a population might
-serve the purpose of a would-be military despot. Pausanias, the Spartan
-generalissimo against the Persians, had dealings with the helots when he
-was trying to make himself tyrant of all Greece[146]. But for a
-commercial tyrant they would not be very useful material. The other
-important district that seems to have been immune from tyrants is
-Boeotia. It is natural to associate this immunity with the dominantly
-agricultural character of the district where Hesiod wrote his _Works and
-Days_[147].
-
-[Sidenote: (_f_) steps taken to prevent a recurrence of tyranny.]
-
-When the tyrants had been suppressed or expelled, or their families
-became extinct, the government in most cases either reverted to an
-oligarchy or developed into a democracy. Oligarchs and democrats (or at
-least democratic governments) seem to have been equally inspired with a
-hatred of the tyranny. The steps that they took and the fears that they
-displayed under that influence may be expected to throw light on the
-source of the tyrant’s power. Once more however it is necessary to limit
-ourselves to the fifth century, when the conception of the tyrant had
-not yet undergone the great change that came over it in the days of
-Dionysius of Syracuse[148].
-
-Of the oligarchic Greek states our knowledge is comparatively slight.
-History has preserved for us no oligarchic counterpart to the picture
-that we still possess of democratic Athens. But thanks to the _Politics_
-of Aristotle, that precious storehouse of incidental statements and
-remarks, the fact has come down to us that[149] “in many oligarchies it
-is not allowed to engage in business (χρηματίζεσθαι, perhaps better
-construed ‘money-making’), but there are laws forbidding it.”
-
-Of the anti-tyrannical measures of democratic Athens during the century
-that followed the expulsion of the Peisistratids we are better informed.
-So are we also as to the measures taken in the early days of republican
-Rome to prevent a re-establishment of the kingship. The evidence
-supports the view that in both cases what the established government
-mainly feared was the rich man becoming politically powerful by means of
-his riches.
-
-Only, if that view is right, why is it nowhere specifically formulated
-in extant records?
-
-[Sidenote: The evidence is not conclusive; but contemporary documents
-           are meagre and no Greek writers say much about economic
-           causes.]
-
-One set of causes has already been incidentally indicated. The state of
-things that could lead to a tyranny of the early type was passing away
-at the time of the Persian wars. The payment of jurymen rendered a
-recurrence of it in Athens finally impossible. Sparta had always been
-equally averse from making either coins or tyrants. What Athens and
-Sparta both disapproved of had little chance of finding a home in fifth
-century Greece. It was during this period that Herodotus and Thucydides,
-our earliest Greek historians, composed their works. Each wrote the
-history of a great war. But even if their themes had been more peaceful,
-it would be a mistake to imagine that their enquiries into economic
-causes would have been any more searching. Cornford in his illuminating
-study of Thucydides[150] complains of the general blindness of the
-Greeks in this direction. This is hardly fair on the Greeks. Thucydides
-and his successors are not unusually blind. It is the moderns who are
-unusual in the way they fix their eyes upon this particular aspect of
-history. Only in times of financial and industrial revolution does the
-world at large become distinctly conscious of the financial and
-industrial basis of its social and political organization. The
-revolution now proceeding has produced this effect. It has led modern
-historians to concentrate, perhaps unduly, upon the investigation of
-economic causes and conditions. From this modern point of view the Bank
-of England or the Standard Oil Company is as fruitful and important a
-subject of historical research as the policy of a prime minister or the
-strategy of a general. But this attitude is unusual. The financial
-revolution associated with the realms of Gyges and Pheidon had been
-accepted by the whole Greek world before the outbreak of the Persian
-wars. For writers of the new epoch that began with Salamis and Plataea
-economic conditions must have appeared a changeless and somewhat boring
-factor. If the early tyrants had previously been kings of finance or
-industry, we must not expect many statements or illustrations of the
-fact in the _Persian Wars_ of Herodotus, or the _Peloponnesian War_ of
-Thucydides. It should satisfy us if, as is the case, their allusions to
-the tyranny are all in complete harmony with that hypothesis.
-
-[Sidenote: The view is at variance with statements of Plato, Aristotle,
-           and subsequent writers:]
-
-The writers of the fourth century offer a more serious difficulty. Both
-Plato and Aristotle deal at some length with the origin of tyranny, and
-both give explanations quite different from the one that is here
-offered. As their accounts have been the basis of all subsequent views,
-it is necessary to state briefly what they are.
-
-According to Plato[151] “it is fairly plain that tyranny develops out of
-democracy.”
-
-  When a tyrant comes into being, the root he springs from is the
-  people’s champion, and no other.... What then is the beginning of
-  the change from protector to tyrant?... The people’s champion
-  finding a multitude very ready to follow him ... enslaves and
-  slaughters, and hints at the abolition of debts and the partition of
-  land. When such a man so behaves, is he not subsequently bound and
-  doomed either to be destroyed by his enemies or to become tyrant and
-  be changed from a man into a wolf? This is what becomes of the
-  leader of the rebellion against the owners of property[152].
-
-Plato goes on to describe how the tyrant either gets banished and
-effects his return by force or avoids exile only by the famous expedient
-of demanding a bodyguard.
-
-Aristotle’s account is similar, but less rigid, and emphasizes the
-military element. “In ancient times, whenever the same individual became
-both demagogue and general, the result was a tyranny. It is fairly true
-to say that the majority of the early tyrants have developed out of
-demagogues[153].” Other tyrants he describes as establishing themselves
-as such after having previously either reigned as kings or held for a
-long period some important office[154]. In ancient times Aristotle
-includes the fifth century (and perhaps the beginning of the fourth), as
-is shown by his quoting Dionysius of Syracuse[155]. Plato’s treatment is
-less historical, but as he specifically excludes the possibility of any
-other sort of tyrant pedigree than that he gives, his account is plainly
-meant to hold good for all periods[156].
-
-[Sidenote: but their picture of the rise of tyranny clashes with known
-           facts about the period,]
-
-In short both Plato and Aristotle regard their accounts of the
-tyrant’s origin as being of general application. As such they have
-always been accepted, and not at first sight without reason. The
-Platonic-Aristotelian pedigree (with an alternative) is already
-ascribed to the tyrant by Herodotus: “under a democracy it is
-impossible for corruption not to prevail ..., until some individual,
-championing the people (προστὰς τοῦ δήμου) blossoms out into a monarch
-(ρεϡτε μούναρχος = tyrant)[157].” But what are the facts? The process
-just described makes the early tyrant develop out of a demagogue who
-is usually also a general. Demagogues may have existed in Greece
-before tyrannies began to be established; but the evidence for their
-having done so is extraordinarily meagre[158], and it is highly
-doubtful whether Aristotle adds to it. He does not attempt a picture
-of a seventh or sixth century demagogue. Those of his own day secured
-their influence by confiscations effected through the popular
-courts[159]. They are essentially the product of a full-blown
-democracy, and pretyrannical democracies are extremely doubtful.
-Athens is a special and only partial case, and even there, in spite of
-Solon, Herodotus[160] can speak of Cleisthenes, who overthrew the
-tyranny, as “the man who established the democracy.” The demagogues
-from whom Aristotle derives his early tyrants are mainly military
-demagogues: “the tyrant,” he says, “is also prone to make war[161].”
-
-This statement is hardly borne out by the facts. As a body, in spite of
-the times they lived in, the early tyrants were remarkable for their
-works not of war but of peace[162]. Some of them indeed, as for instance
-Orthagoras and Peisistratus, are reported to have distinguished
-themselves as soldiers before they became tyrants. The warlike exploits
-of the youthful Orthagoras are discussed below[163]. He cannot have been
-really prone to militarism, since Aristotle declares that a successor of
-his altered the character of the Sicyonian tyranny by becoming
-warlike[164]. Peisistratus’ early feats of war are well attested.
-Naturally enough he made political capital out of them. “He asked of the
-people that he should receive from them a bodyguard, having previously
-distinguished himself in the expedition against Megara, when he captured
-Nisaea and performed other great deeds[165].” But earlier in the same
-chapter Herodotus has made it perfectly plain that Peisistratus was not
-a military despot. “Having formed designs on the tyranny he raised a
-third faction, and having collected partizans, and posing as a champion
-of the Hillmen, he devised as follows.” It was the faction of the
-Hillmen and not[166] the Megarean expedition, that was the
-stepping-stone to the tyranny. Who the Hillmen were is discussed in the
-chapter on Athens. It has never been suggested that they were
-military[167].
-
-A military demagogue who makes himself tyrant is essentially the product
-of an advanced democracy threatened by invasion from without. When the
-tyrants of the seventh and sixth centuries secured their positions there
-was no foreign invader without the gates and no democracy within.
-Aristotle[168] calls democracy “the last word in tyranny” (ἡ τελευταία
-τυραννίς). From the point of view of historical development the converse
-comes much nearer to the truth, and tyranny is the first word in
-democracy. [Sidenote: and is due to false generalizations from the
-conditions of their own days,] The evolution of the tyrant as described
-in Aristotle and Plato cannot have taken place until after the reforms
-of Cleisthenes or precisely the period when the last of the early
-tyrants was finally banished from Greece. The two philosophers, and
-likewise Herodotus in the passage just quoted[169], must be reading into
-more ancient times a state of things that only became prevalent shortly
-before their own[170]. The words of Herodotus are put into the mouth of
-Darius. This means that they really hang loose and may be influenced by
-the careers of contemporary demagogues like Cleon.
-
-[Sidenote: and particularly from the career of Dionysius of Syracuse.]
-
-But the main source of error lies in Plato and Aristotle, and is still
-more obvious. The most distinguished figure in the political history of
-the early part of the fourth century was Dionysius of Syracuse.
-Dionysius is, like Plato’s tyrant in the _Republic_, the product of
-democracy: like Aristotle’s in the _Politics_ he begins his career as a
-military demagogue. The resemblances are not accidental. Dionysius made
-himself tyrant when Plato was just reaching manhood. Plato visited his
-court and few political experiments have become more famous than Plato’s
-attempt to turn the tyrant’s son into the ideal philosopher king[171].
-Aristotle naturally shared his master’s interest in the famous
-Syracusan. His _Politics_ bears frequent witness to the fact. It
-contains only eight references each to the tyrant houses of Corinth and
-Athens as against twenty to those of Syracuse (eleven to the Dionysii
-and Dion, nine to the Deinomenidae). Of the three individuals,
-Theagenes, Peisistratus, Dionysius, chosen to illustrate the way a
-tyrant may be produced out of a military demagogue, Dionysius is the
-only one whose career the process fits.
-
-Other philosophers of the period wrote under the same dominant
-influence, notably Aeschines the Socratic, and Aristippus, both of whom
-had stayed with the tyrant[172]. Similarly with the fourth century
-historians: their notion of a tyrant was Dionysius as described by that
-potentate’s own historian, his fellow-citizen Philistus.
-
-Everything tended to confirm this view. The greatness of Dionysius
-naturally drew attention to that of Gelo and Hiero, his predecessors at
-Syracuse. Gelo and Hiero were, like Dionysius, military despots. To
-later generations they were the great soldiers who had saved Sicily from
-the Carthaginians and Etruscans. Their contemporary Pausanias had tried
-to raise himself from generalissimo of the Greek army to tyrant of all
-Greece[173]. These events were still in men’s minds. Of the earlier
-tyrants they had only hazy notions[174]. The best remembered were
-probably the Peisistratids, both from their late date and from the fact
-that they were Athenians. Peisistratus, as has been already noticed,
-chanced early in his career to have distinguished himself as a soldier.
-It so happened that Polycrates, the other great tyrant of the latter
-half of the sixth century, also engaged in war. It was forced upon him
-by the Persians. The evidence is all against the view that it was the
-basis of his power. But the warlike achievements of these two rulers,
-the last and perhaps the greatest of the earlier tyrants, lent colour to
-Aristotle’s hasty generalizations[175].
-
-Aristotle himself, speaking of the ways of maintaining a tyranny, says
-that “the traditional method, in accordance with which most tyrants
-conduct their government, is said to have been mainly instituted by
-Periander of Corinth[176]?” Only a few pages later in the same work[177]
-we are told that Periander abandoned the policy of his father Cypselus
-and that he did so by becoming warlike or in other words by
-approximating more to Dionysius of Syracuse. Once more then the typical
-tyrant of Aristotle is a ruler who departs from the policy of a typical
-founder of an early tyranny.
-
-For an example of the victory of the Aristotelian view over the truth we
-may compare Herodotus, I. 59, which states that Peisistratus, who had
-fought against Megara, made himself tyrant by means of the faction of
-the Hillmen, with Justin, II. 8, according to whom “Peisistratus, as
-though he had conquered (the Megareans) for himself, not for his
-country, seized by craft the tyranny.” Justin is a perversion of a
-passage in Chapter 14 of the Aristotelian _Constitution of Athens_,
-which states that Peisistratus, “having the reputation of being a great
-friend of the people, and having greatly distinguished himself in the
-war against Megara,” secured his bodyguard and the tyranny. Aristotle
-misinterprets the Hillmen and exaggerates the importance of the Megarean
-expedition. Justin omits the former altogether and makes the latter the
-sole cause of Peisistratus obtaining the tyranny.
-
-Aristotle’s conception of the tyrant class as drawn mainly from that of
-the military demagogue was taken over by the Romans. In the chapter on
-Rome it will be shown how little this conception fits in with the
-Romans’ own early history. But the times before the great wars at Rome
-(Samnite, Pyrrhic, Punic) are like those before the Persian wars in
-Greece. They belong to a different epoch from those that follow. The
-later history of the Roman republic harmonizes with Aristotle’s view.
-The Gracchi may be represented as demagogues who failed to make
-themselves supreme for lack of military power[178]. Marius, Pompey, and
-Caesar succeeded in proportion as they realized the Aristotelian
-combination. The fourth century conception was therefore unchallenged by
-Roman writers, the more so since Dionysius appears for a while to have
-dominated the Roman conception of a Greek tyrant[179]. Fortunately
-however, owing to the careless way the Roman historians worked over
-their material, they have left us glimpses of the different conditions
-that had once existed.
-
-The view that was thus disseminated in classical Greece and Rome was
-naturally accepted by the scholars of the renaissance and has prevailed
-ever since.
-
-
-
-
-                          Chapter II. _Athens_
-
-
-[Sidenote: Exceptional position of Athens.]
-
-Of all the tyrants of the seventh and sixth centuries none are so well
-known to us as those who reigned at Athens. No other city has left us so
-clear a picture of the state of things not only during the tyranny but
-also immediately before and after it. Solon lived to see Peisistratus
-make himself supreme. Herodotus, born a Persian subject about 484 B.C.,
-must have had opportunities of questioning first-hand authorities on the
-later years of the Athenian tyranny, while his younger contemporary
-Thucydides was in a particularly favoured position for getting
-information on this subject through his relationship with the Philaidae,
-of whose rivalry with the Peisistratidae there will be occasion to speak
-later in this chapter[180].
-
-This comparative abundance of information is the reason why Athens has
-been made the starting-point of this enquiry. But even so our knowledge
-is meagre enough. And there is a special reason for using it with
-caution. So far in the history of the world there has been only one
-Athens. The developments that took place in the city during the first
-two centuries of the democracy are without parallel. Can we be certain
-that Athens was not already unique in the period immediately preceding?
-One point in which the Athenian tyranny was exceptional meets us at the
-first glance. [Sidenote: Athens before the establishment of the
-tyranny.] With the single exception of Samos, all the other famous
-tyrannies of the earlier type, at least in the Aegean area, arose in the
-seventh century. But apart from this fact it will be found that the
-tyranny at Athens in the sixth century followed the same course as it
-appears to have done at places like Corinth and Argos, Sardis and
-Miletus in the seventh. The more highly developed an organism is, the
-longer it takes to reach maturity. This is perhaps the reason why Athens
-in the sixth century appears in some respects to be a hundred years
-behind some of the cities whom she was destined so completely to
-eclipse.
-
-Athens was not exclusively commercial. Her large territory made her
-partly agricultural. To this fact may be due her failure to compete
-commercially in the seventh century with cities like Aegina and
-Corinth[181]. Hence too the late rise of the tyranny. It appears only
-when the commercial and industrial element had got the upper hand. There
-was indeed the attempt of Cylon, who conspired to make himself tyrant
-within a generation of the first appearance of tyranny on the mainland
-of Greece[182]. But Cylon failed because, though wealthy (ὀλυμπιονίκης)
-and influential (δυνατός), he could not possibly, in the Athens of his
-day, be the leader of any dominant organized commercial activity. He was
-merely an ambitious member of the aristocracy (τῶν πάλαι εὐγενής),
-connected with the great band of merchant princes only by marriage[183].
-The attempt and its result are both what might have been expected from
-the position of Athens at the time.
-
-Soon after Cylon’s attempt Athens began to rival Corinth in the pottery
-trade, and the influence of the rich city merchants and exporters
-doubtless increased. But even in pottery the great vogue of Attic ware
-was still to come, and Solon’s measures for encouraging the growth of
-olives and the export of olive oil also belong to this period[184]: the
-importance of the landed aristocracy who owned the olive yards must have
-increased almost equally. No merchant therefore attempted by means of
-the wealth that he had amassed or the labour that he employed to seize
-the tyranny. The landed aristocracy were also wealthy and they too
-employed much labour, and it so happened that the best part of the Attic
-plain, where lay their estates, was situated round the city, as Cylon
-discovered to his cost when he seized the Acropolis. Tyranny was almost
-impossible.
-
-The leading man at Athens was not a mere millionaire, as in the more
-exclusively trading states. Solon had indeed some experience of
-trade[185], but he was essentially a politician with a gift for finance,
-not a financier or merchant with political ambitions. He became not a
-tyrant but a lawgiver.
-
-[Sidenote: Peisistratus makes himself tyrant by organizing a new party.]
-
-Solon tried to provide for the difficulties that he saw resulting from
-the existence of two evenly matched parties, the landowners of the plain
-and the traders of the coast. The tyranny arose from the political
-organization of a new interest by Peisistratus, who, to quote the exact
-words of Herodotus:
-
-  While the coast men of Athens and those of the plain were at
-  strife ... having formed designs on (καταφρονήσας) the tyranny,
-  proceeded to raise (ἤγειρε) a third faction[186].
-
-Some ancient writers represent Peisistratus as owing his tyranny to his
-gifts as an orator or demagogue[187]. Reasons are given in Chapter I for
-not accepting this view, and also for not believing that it was mainly
-as a successful soldier that Peisistratus secured the throne[188]. It
-was as founder and leader of the “third faction” of Herodotus that
-Peisistratus made himself tyrant, and he seems largely to have built up
-his influence with them by rendering them aid, doubtless financial[189].
-
-To understand the position of Peisistratus and to ascertain the basis of
-his power it is obviously of the first importance that we should know
-who precisely were the men who made up this third faction. Unfortunately
-this question cannot be answered directly from the information that has
-come down to us. So before sifting the evidence that bears on it, it
-will be well to examine some later and better known phases of the
-tyrant’s career.
-
-[Sidenote: How Peisistratus “rooted” his power.]
-
-After the tyrant had first established himself he is reported to have
-been twice banished and twice restored. After his second restoration “he
-proceeded to root his tyranny with many mercenaries, and with revenues
-of money, of which part was gathered from the home country, part from
-the river Strymon[190].”
-
-The Strymon (Struma) flows through the famous mining district which was
-afterwards annexed by Philip of Macedon, and brought him his enormous
-wealth. It is scarcely conceivable that Peisistratus’ revenues from this
-region came from any other source than the mines[191]. Hence Guiraud, in
-his interesting but sober account of ancient Greek industry, has already
-been led to suggest that Peisistratus’ Attic revenues were derived from
-a similar source, and that he worked the mines of Laurium[192].
-
-[Sidenote: How he secured his second restoration.]
-
-Peisistratus was not using revenues from mines for the first time in his
-career, when he proceeded to “root his tyranny” in the manner just
-described. He had already used the same means to compass his second
-restoration. When driven from Athens for the second time he had
-“proceeded to the parts round Pangaion, where he made money, and having
-hired soldiers he went back to Eretria, and in the eleventh year made
-his first attempt to recover his position by force[193].” Herodotus
-appears to think that all the period of exile was spent at Eretria; but
-he too states it to have been spent in collecting money (ἕως ... τὰ
-χρήματα ἤγειρε). The result was that “he now held the tyranny
-securely[194].” Mt Pangaion is the name of the great mining district to
-the East of the lower Strymon. The mention of it confirms the view that
-Peisistratus had a personal connexion with the Thracian mines. Eretria,
-on the West coast of Euboea, is an obvious place from which to swoop
-down on East Attica, but on the other hand in Euboea too there were
-mining districts[195], and Eretria had a settlement just to the East of
-Mount Pangaion, if Svoronos is right in his very plausible
-identification of the modern Kavalla with the “Skabala: a place of the
-Eretrians” of Stephanus Byzantinus[196].
-
-About the tyrant’s first restoration there is only a story in Herodotus
-which the historian himself describes as a “very silly business.” Its
-consideration is best left over till we have dealt with his original
-seizure of the throne. If for this earlier stage of his career the
-evidence is less specific, we must not be surprised. Like Augustus,
-Peisistratus was careful, especially at first, to observe the outward
-forms of the constitution which he overthrew, so that the realities of
-the situation would not be patent to everybody[197].
-
-[Sidenote: The “Hillmen” through whom Peisistratus made himself tyrant]
-
-The party through which Peisistratus made himself tyrant is called by
-Herodotus the Ὑπεράκριοι[198]. The Aristotelian _Constitution of Athens_
-calls them the Διάκριοι[199], Plutarch sometimes Διακριεῖς sometimes
-Ἔπακροι[200]. The English terminology is equally fluctuating. Hill,
-Mountain, and Upland have all been used.
-
-Modern historians have mostly explained the party as made up of small
-farmers, agricultural labourers, herdsmen and the like, and have
-generally assigned them to one special district, the mountainous region
-of North and North-east Attica[201]. But this view, as shown below in
-detail in an appendix[202], is based on a misunderstanding of the texts
-that are quoted in its support, and is at variance with all the ancient
-evidence, whether as regards the political propensities of agricultural
-labourers or the state of cultivation of the Attic mountains. It takes
-no account of the facts just brought forward as to how the tyrant
-regained and maintained his power.
-
-[Sidenote: were probably the miners of the Laurium district]
-
-In a paper that I published in 1906[203] these facts were made the basis
-of a new explanation of the Hillmen of Peisistratus. According to the
-view there put forward the most important section of Peisistratus’
-followers were the miners who worked the famous silver mines of South
-Attica, and it was as leader of this mining population that Peisistratus
-raised himself to the tyranny. At the time this view was little more
-than a conjecture, topographically dubious. Of the only two places,
-Plotheia and Semachidai, known to have been situated in the Hill
-Country, Plotheia had been shown by tombstones to lie somewhere between
-Marathon and Kephisia[204], and as this fact seemed to confirm the
-theory of an exclusively Northern Hill Country, Semachidai, for the site
-of which as within the limits of the three trittyes of its tribe no
-evidence was available, was placed up in the North in the inland
-trittys. But that this location was wrong is made practically certain by
-the discovery of an inscription, published in 1910 by the Greek scholar
-Oikonomos, that bears directly on the point. [Sidenote: which was
-certainly part of the Hill Country] It dates from 349–8 B.C. and defines
-the position of various mining concessions. One of them is described as
-near Laurium and bordered on the South by the road leading past Rhagon
-to Laurium and the Semacheion[205].
-
-The Semacheion is convincingly explained by Oikonomos as the shrine of
-Semachos, who gave his name to the deme Semachidai[206]. From this fact
-he proceeds quite logically to argue that we must decide on a more
-Southerly position for that deme than those proposed by Milchhoefer and
-Loeper[207], “since the mine to the South of which Semachidai lay, was
-situated in the neighbourhood of Laurium[208].” Semachidai belonged to
-the tribe Antiochis[209]. In the electoral organization of Cleisthenes
-the coast trittys of the tribe Antiochis occupied the Western part of
-the mining district, including the villages of Amphitrope (Metropisi),
-Besa, and Anaphlystus. Thus Oikonomos’ conclusions are confirmed by the
-fact that his Semacheion falls within the borders of Antiochis. But
-whereas technically this mining district formed the coast trittys of the
-tribe, we have the evidence of Philochorus, writing early in the third
-century B.C., that it was spoken of as part of the Epakria or hill
-country[210].
-
-How suitable this name was may be illustrated from the Semacheion
-inscription itself, in which the sites of mining claims are three times
-defined by reference to a ridge or hill crest (λόφος)[211].
-
-As seen from _C.I.A._ II. 570, the Epakria of 400 B.C. was a religious
-organization[212], apparently with only a local political significance.
-[Sidenote: and probably the Hill Country _par excellence_.] This fact
-makes it probable that the name was already ancient, and that Plutarch
-and the _Lexicon Seguerianum_ were right in equating it with Diakria and
-Hyperakria[213]. There is indeed the possibility of a confusion of
-names. But on the other hand the names suggest a common origin. They are
-all compounds of ἄκρον. It is curious that nobody in recent times seems
-to have asked what was the ordinary connotation of ἄκρον to the Athenian
-of antiquity[214]. There seems little doubt as to what it was.
-
-In Attica the ἄκρον _par excellence_ was Sunium. Already in the
-_Odyssey_ Sunium is the ἄκρον Ἀθηνῶν[215]. The same phrase reappears in
-Aristophanes[216]. Strabo refers to Sunium as τὸ τῆς Ἀττικῆς ἄκρον[217].
-Some early scholars recognized this fact. Palmerius explained the
-Diakrioi as the people living between the two capes, Sunium and
-Cynosura, and the Hyperakrioi as those who dwelt beyond Sunium, “beyond”
-being used presumably from the point of view of those coming by sea from
-Athens[218]. Albertus held that the Diakrioi were so called because they
-lived “in promontoriis Atticae[219].”
-
-Plato indeed in the _Critias_[220] speaks of Πάρνηθος τῶν ἄκρων; but for
-the Athenians the peaks of Parnes are ἄκρα with a local qualification,
-not simply τὸ ἄκρον or τὰ ἄκρα; just as we in England speak of the peaks
-of Snowdon or Skiddaw, but apply the word unqualified to the heights of
-Derbyshire. The unqualified expression applied to the Northern heights
-of Attica was “the land of the mountain (ἡ ὀρεινή)[221],” not “the land
-of the ἄκρον.” The name Diakria appears therefore to be derived
-geographically not from Mount Parnes but from Cape Sunium[222].
-
-Herodotus, as already noticed, gives the Sunium district another name.
-He calls the country between Sunium, Thoricus, and Anaphlystus, _i.e._
-the Laurium mining district, by the name of the γουνὸς Σουνιακός[223].
-But as in the same sentence he speaks of the ἄκρη of this district, his
-allusion is less of a difficulty to regarding this district as the
-original Diakria than it is to the orthodox view, which identifies it
-with the Paralia (Coast). Especially is this so if we assume that by his
-days the name Diakria had spread Northward beyond the mining region, so
-that a new name was wanted for the Southern apex of the peninsula. This
-assumption is of course only a reversal of the current view, that
-extends the name indefinitely Southwards from Parnes.
-
-It has sometimes been forgotten in the discussion of these names that we
-are dealing with common nouns that were used by the Greeks with
-different connotations at different places and periods like the English
-downs or forest[224]. Epakria appears to have been used in more than one
-sense even within the limits of Attica[225]. Possibly the name was
-applied at large to any region of ἄκρα. If we prefer to assume that it
-spread from a single district the balance of probabilities points to the
-name having spread Northwards from the district round Sunium.
-
-From yet another point of view the words Diakria, Hyperakria, Epakria
-favour the mining interpretation. The inhabitants of El Dorado of Greek
-legend, the land of the Golden Fleece, are said to have occupied the
-ἄκρα of the Caucasus[226].
-
-[Illustration: Fig. 1. Lophos Loutrou from Daskalio station.]
-
-[Illustration: Fig. 2. On the road from Daskalio station to Plaka.]
-
-[Illustration: Fig. 3. Kamaresa.]
-
-[Illustration: Fig. 4. Kitsovouno from Kamaresa.]
-
-                 Views in the Laurium mining district.
-
-The ἄκρα of the Caucasus are of course not capes but peaks. Trinakria on
-the other hand is the land of the three capes. It is important to
-remember that the word ἄκρον has no equivalent in English. It means peak
-or height as well as cape or headland. To attempt to keep these two
-meanings separate is to commit a mental mistranslation. Though Sunium is
-the ἄκρον _par excellence_, the whole Σουνιακὸς γουνός abounds in ἄκρα,
-or as the inscriptions call them, λόφοι (crests, ridges)[227]. Bursian
-describes the hills of Laurium (Lauriongebirge) as a continuous mountain
-chain, and includes it with Parnes, Brilessos, and Hymettos among the
-main ridges (grössere Gebirgszüge) of Attica[228]. The writer has spent
-some days walking in the mining district. The sea is always near, and
-glimpses of it may be had frequently. But it is the hills that dominate
-the landscape, not the sea. More particularly is this the case in the
-district that was most mined in the sixth century, where the ground
-varies in height from 170 m. to 370 m. (550–1200 feet), and lies well
-inland[229].
-
-In the light of this probability that the Diakrioi occupied the mining
-district of Attica, and of the fact that their name means hill men, it
-is interesting to note that the Idaean Dactyls, who “are said to have
-been the first miners,” are stated also to have been men of the
-mountains[230], and that in German and Welsh the words for miners
-(Bergleuten, gwyr y mynyddau) mean literally “hill men.”
-
-The Greek word Diakrioi would have a peculiar appropriateness for
-miners. The ἄκρον is precisely the part of a hill that the farmer has
-least use for. Miners on the other hand preferred to carry on their
-smelting operations on the hill tops, because a better draught is thus
-secured[231].
-
-It has been pointed out by Milchhoefer[232] that the mining district is
-considerably broken up by the Cleisthenic division of Attica into
-trittyes. Milchhoefer’s arrangement of the trittyes in the mining
-district has been convincingly simplified by Loeper[233], but Loeper
-himself leaves the mines divided between three trittyes of three
-different tribes. We may therefore still follow Milchhoefer in thinking
-that Cleisthenes took special precautions to break up this district. The
-same fact is noticed by Milchhoefer about the district round Plotheia,
-the Northern deme already noticed as belonging to the Epakria. Here too
-the Russian scholar has simplified, but here too only to a limited
-extent. “In a breaking up like this of the old hill country of the
-Peisistratids” Milchhoefer sees unmistakable signs of “measures directed
-against the Peisistratids.” Now that we have as good reason for seeing
-Peisistratan hill country round Laurium as round Plotheia, we must
-either reject Milchhoefer altogether, or, more probably, see in both
-districts centres of Peisistratan influence, of which the Southernmost
-was the more important. Mining operations in antiquity were conducted on
-a large scale. Forty thousand workers were employed in mines near
-Carthagena[234].
-
-Athenaeus[235] speaks of tens of thousands of chained slaves as working
-in the Laurium mines and losing their lives in an unsuccessful revolt at
-the time of the second slave war in Sicily (103–99 B.C.). Of the 20,000
-who deserted to Decelea when it was occupied by the Spartans in 413 B.C.
-it is not unlikely that large numbers were miners from Laurium[236].
-
-But what was the state of the Laurium district in the days of
-Peisistratus?
-
-[Sidenote: The mines were almost certainly in full work at this period,]
-
-The mines of Laurium do not appear in history till 484 B.C.[237], when
-Themistocles persuaded the Athenians to devote the profits from them to
-the building of a navy. The _Constitution of Athens_ speaks of a
-discovery of mines in that year. This however is probably rather loose
-language. The writer’s words are “on the discovery of the mines at
-Maronea.” The “discovery” of 484 B.C. was of the mines in this
-particular part of the Laurium district, or rather, in all probability,
-of an extraordinarily rich vein in this particular part. “The
-disposition of the strata” (at Maronea) “is such that the richest are
-not those that could be first reached.... Some centuries of search and
-effort were therefore necessary in order to suspect their existence and
-to reach their level” (_i.e._ of the rich veins “discovered” in
-484)[238].
-
-[Illustration: Fig. 5. Corinthian terra cotta tablet depicting a miner
-at work.]
-
-Plutarch says that before this time the Athenians were in the habit of
-distributing the Laurium revenues among themselves, and that
-Themistocles had the courage to persuade them to give the habit up[239].
-This agrees with Xenophon where he declares that “no one even attempts
-to say from what period people have tried to work them[240].” The mines
-of Lydia, Cyprus, and Spain all appear to have been developed in the
-seventh century B.C.[241]. The Siphnian mines were at full work about
-525 B.C.[242]. Mining operations are depicted on several Corinthian clay
-tablets, that cannot be later than the early part of the sixth
-century[243]. One of them is here reproduced (fig. 5).
-
-Herodotus says nothing about the date of discovery of the Attic mines in
-his account of the proceedings of 484 B.C.[244]. It would not be like
-him to keep silence about an epoch-making discovery, or even a
-phenomenal “rush,” if any had occurred just at this time. Elsewhere he
-tells us that the Siphnians were already distributing among themselves
-the money from their mines about the year 525 B.C.[245].
-
-Modern writers have been inclined to talk of the great “rush” of
-484[246]. But against the silence of Herodotus they can set only the
-reference in the _Constitution of Athens_ to the “discovery” at Maronea,
-which has been discussed already. What made the great impression at this
-time was probably not so much the output as the employment of the output
-on the building of a fleet. That surely is the point of the contemporary
-allusion in the _Persae_ of Aeschylus. The chorus of Persian elders
-tells the Persian queen about the Athenians’
-
-               Fount of silver, treasure of the land[247]
-
-just after mentioning the prowess of the Athenian troops, and just
-before explaining the weapons that they use.
-
-The idea proposed in 484 by Themistocles was not original. Seven years
-earlier the Thasians had used the revenues from their mines to build a
-fleet against the Persians[248]. It was doubtless the success of the
-Athenian fleet in a supreme crisis that caused the Athenians to remember
-with such pride this triumph of the voluntary system.
-
-There can therefore be no question that the mines were worked in the
-sixth century[249]. But if we are to understand the position of the
-leader of the mining interests at that period, we must learn something
-about the conditions and position of the miners.
-
-[Sidenote: and the miners free men, good material for a political
-           faction.]
-
-The leaders of the Plain and Coast had a powerful body of citizens
-behind their backs. The mines on the other hand, at least from the time
-of Xenophon, were worked almost exclusively by slaves[250].
-
-In the fourth century very occasionally poor citizens worked their own
-allotments[251]. Skilled work like smelting seems always to have been
-done by free men. The tombstone of “Atotes the miner,” carved in letters
-of the second half of the fourth century, declares that he was a
-Paphlagonian “of the root of Pylaimenes, who fell slain by the hand of
-Achilles,” and boasts of his unrivalled skill[252]. But there is no
-recorded instance of a citizen working in a mine for wages[253]. This
-however does not prove that they did not do so in the days of
-Peisistratus, when, as pointed out in the introductory chapter, the
-conditions of labour must have been very different from what they became
-in the fifth and fourth centuries, and industrial slavery had scarcely
-yet begun. A fragment of Solon suggests that it was quite usual in his
-days for citizens to work with their own hands, though whether for pay
-or on their own account is not stated and no particular occupations are
-specified[254].
-
-About ten years after Solon’s legislation the Athenians are found
-resolving “on account of their factions to elect ten archons, five from
-the nobility (Eupatridai), three from the farmers (agroikoi), two from
-the craftsmen (demiourgoi)[255].” The equation of these three groups of
-archons with the three factions of the Plain, Coast, and Hill is more
-than doubtful[256]. The farmers _par excellence_ are naturally located
-in the plain: also it is doubtful whether Peisistratus had already
-“raised the third faction” twenty years before he became tyrant, and
-over fifty before his death. The two different sets of names point in
-themselves to two different groupings of the population. Solon’s
-quadruple division into pentekosiomedimnoi, hippeis, zeugitai, and
-thetes proves a certain fluidity and tendency to cross grouping. But in
-any case the two craftsman magistrates prove that craftsmen or artizans
-were already an important element in the free population.
-
-In this matter of free labour in an industry such as mining, fifth
-century Phrygia is perhaps a better guide than the Attica of Nikias or
-Demosthenes as to the state of things in Attica during the sixth
-century. In Phrygia a generation after the Samian tyrant Polycrates, who
-died about 522 B.C., Pythes was working mines with citizen labour[257].
-Even in Athens in the early days of Pericles the earlier conditions seem
-still to have prevailed. “Each trade τέχνη had its body of (free)
-labourers organized (τὸν θητικὸν ὄχλον συντεταγμένον)” to carry out the
-great public works that were financed from the Delian treasury. A long
-list of the trades thus organized ends with miners[258].
-
-Considering the evidence already adduced for equating the sixth century
-miners at Laurium with the presumably free Diakrioi, may we not use the
-notices already quoted about the latter as being of impure race and a
-mob of hirelings[259], and infer that in the sixth century the mines of
-Laurium were worked by free men, partly of foreign extraction and mainly
-working for hire?
-
-This is of course conjecture. But it produces for the first time a
-picture of the Diakrioi that harmonizes with the notices in question.
-Alien shepherds and alien small farmers are most unlikely in
-autochthonous Attica.
-
-Outlander miners on the other hand have always been familiar, wherever
-there have been mines to work. When mining operations were resumed at
-Laurium some thirty years ago, the immediate result was a very mixed
-population, the local supply of labour being supplemented from France,
-Italy, and Turkey. One of the ancient gold mines near Philippi bore the
-significant name of the asylum[260]. In the Laurium district itself in
-ancient times the people of at least one deme, Potamioi, were famous for
-their readiness to admit foreigners to citizenship[261]. Potamioi is
-placed by Loeper right in the centre of the mining district, well away
-from the sea[262], and very near the probable site of Maronea[263]. A
-member of the deme Semachidai is found sharing a tombstone with two
-strangers from Sinope[264]. We have just had occasion to notice a
-Paphlagonian miner, though of a later date, and we shall see in a moment
-that in the sixth century the mines of Laurium were worked in close
-connexion with those of Thrace. There are no records of specific
-Thracians employed in the Attic mines during the sixth century. We only
-know that just after the Persians conquered Thrace, at the close of the
-reign of Hippias, there was a large Greek element in the mining
-population near the Strymon[265]. But in the fifth century we have a
-famous case of a Thracian mine-owner settling in Athens in the person of
-Thucydides, whose father was a Thracian, and whose Thracian mines
-probably lost him his command in the Athenian navy, and turned a
-second-rate admiral into the greatest of historians[266]. Nikias hired
-out a thousand hands whom he owned in the mines to Sosias the
-Thracian[267].
-
-This ends our examination of the various steps by which Peisistratus
-made himself tyrant, effected his second restoration, and finally rooted
-his power. In all three cases the evidence points to the conclusion that
-the secret of the tyrant’s power was his control of mines either in
-Attica or Thrace. To complete the enquiry it is necessary now to examine
-the accounts of his first restoration. As observed already, this event
-is recorded only in anecdotal form. As independent evidence it would
-hardly be worth considering. All that is here claimed for it is that it
-can be so interpreted as to corroborate the conclusions already reached.
-
-[Sidenote: The strange story of Peisistratus’ first restoration]
-
-According to the story Peisistratus persuaded the Athenians to take him
-back by dressing up a stately woman named Phye to personate Athena and
-order his recall[268]. It is generally agreed that this story will not
-do as it stands. Various attempts have been made to explain it
-away[269], but all of them are equally unconvincing. Perhaps the reason
-is that all alike are based on some single unessential detail of the
-story. None of them interprets it in the light of the better known parts
-of the tyrant’s career, and more particularly of the matter of fact
-accounts of his second restoration. Beloch indeed, like the Russian
-Hirschensohn, believes that there was only one restoration, with which
-the Phye story and the account of Peisistratus’ return from the Thracian
-mining district are both to be connected[270]. He notes that the cause
-of banishment is the same in both cases; that the chronology is
-suspiciously symmetrical; that Polyaenus combines incidents from the two
-restorations; and that Eusebius[271] and Jerome[272] both make
-Peisistratus begin his second reign about the time that Herodotus begins
-his third, while neither of them mentions a third reign at all. Note too
-that corresponding to Phye in the first restoration we have in the
-second a “sacred procession” from the temple of Athena Pallenis
-conducted by an Acarnanian soothsayer[273].
-
-These points are not convincing. Similar improbabilities, and
-repetitions and chronological symmetries can often be discovered in
-narratives of the most unquestionable authenticity[274]. The fact that
-Polyaenus combines the two accounts proves nothing, unless we assume him
-to be incapable of confusing two similar events. Further, Beloch is
-forced to make the marriage of Peisistratus with Megacles’ daughter
-precede his first exile, since he sees that the childlessness of the
-marriage led to the breach with the Coast[275]. In this he goes dead
-against the tradition on a point where there is no reason to suspect it.
-
-What Beloch’s arguments do emphasize is the fact that the situations
-during Peisistratus’ two periods of exile were in some ways very
-similar. The sameness of the two situations may in fact be the reason
-why so little has been remembered about the earlier. It raises the
-question whether the tyrant mined and coined during his first exile.
-There is no certainty that he did either, but the probability is that he
-did both. As regards Thrace we know that Miltiades, probably with
-Peisistratus’ permission and approval[276], had settled in the Gallipoli
-peninsula soon after the tyranny was first established at Athens[277].
-Thrace is the one region that we can be sure that the tyrant must have
-considered as a possible place of exile. [Sidenote: is connected by
-Babelon with the Athena-head coins of Athens] As regards the coinage it
-has been suggested on the high authority of Babelon[278], that the
-famous series with the owl on one side, and the head of Athena on the
-other (fig. 6), which remained for centuries the coin types of the city,
-was actually started to commemorate the help that the tyrant claimed to
-have received from his patron goddess at the time of his first
-restoration.
-
-[Illustration: Fig. 6. Coin of Athens with Athena and owl.]
-
-The evidence is not conclusive. The arguments for and against this date
-are based on a few literary references that are too vague to be of much
-use, on points of style and technique from which it is notoriously
-dangerous to draw conclusions, on a comparison of the coin and pottery
-statistics from Naukratis which it is no less dangerous to use as
-evidence, on a hoard found in 1886 among the pre-Persian remains on the
-Athenian Acropolis which, as far as the circumstances of the find are
-concerned, may have been lost or deposited there long before the
-catastrophe, and only establish a _terminus ante quem_ that nobody would
-think of disputing, and on certain alliance coins (Athens-Lampsacus,
-Athens-Sparta?, Athens and the Thracian Chersonese)[279]. These last
-look more promising at first sight, but only the Athens-Lampsacus coins
-can be dated with any certainty, and they, unfortunately, are very
-small, and may have been struck under difficulties, so that it is not
-easy to be sure of their chronological position in the Athenian series.
-
-We are driven back therefore on to the impressions of experts, most of
-whom agree with Babelon that the owl-Athena series cannot begin either
-much before or much after 550 B.C.[280]. That is to say that this double
-type was certainly in vogue when the tyrant secured his second
-restoration by means of his Thracian silver[281], and “rooted his
-tyranny” in revenues derived “partly from the river Strymon, partly from
-home.”
-
-[Sidenote: nicknamed (probably just about this time) girl, virgin,
-           Pallas.]
-
-Pieces with the double type were sometimes colloquially called girls
-(κόραι), sometimes virgins (παρθένοι), sometimes by the virgin goddess’
-own name of Pallas (Παλλάδες)[282]. Sometimes they got their nickname
-from the reverse type, and were called owls[283]. “Virgin” is used by
-Euripides, “girl” by Hyperides, “Pallas” by Eubulus, “owl” by
-Aristophanes. “Owl” is said by the Aristophanes Scholiast to have been
-applied to the tetradrachms; the “girl” of Hyperides is some smaller
-coin[284]. In the fifth and fourth centuries therefore the bird name,
-and the virgin goddess names seem to have been used side by side, like
-our sovereign and crown, to indicate two different denominations. When
-the names were first used is nowhere stated. The most likely time for a
-type to give rise to a nickname is when the type itself is still a
-novelty. If this holds good for the coins of Athens, the nicknames
-Pallas, virgin, and girl go back to the time of Peisistratus. The owl
-had already appeared on earlier issues, stamped on the reverse with a
-simple incuse[285], and would therefore at this time attract less
-attention than the Athena head.
-
-Is it possible that we have here the clue to the Phye story? The details
-about her being dressed up in full armour and placed in a chariot are
-not the essence of the story: they all appear in Herodotus in quite a
-different setting, as part of the ritual of the worship of Athena in
-North Africa by Lake Tritonis[286]. It can hardly be doubted that one of
-these passages is plagiarized from the other, and it is scarcely less
-certain that Phye is indebted to the ritual of Lake Tritonis and not
-_vice versa_.
-
-[Sidenote: Was the Athena who restored Peisistratus the lady of the
-           coins?]
-
-The kernel of the Phye story lies in the tradition that Peisistratus was
-restored by a woman, “as Herodotus says, from the deme of the Paianians,
-but as some say, a Thracian flower girl from the deme of Kollytos[287].”
-In fact Phye, the human goddess four cubits high, said by some to come
-from Attica, and by others from Thrace, who brought Peisistratus back to
-Athens for the first time, bears a suspicious likeness to the coins
-called sometimes girls and sometimes goddesses, derived some from
-Attica, and some from Thrace, with which Peisistratus secured his second
-return, and finally established his power.
-
-Assume for the moment that they were indeed identical, and it is easy to
-see how the Phye story may have arisen. Peisistratus certainly claimed
-to rule by the grace of Athena. Everyone is agreed in inferring from the
-Phye story that he attributed his restoration to the intervention of the
-goddess. After the citizens had fulfilled Solon’s prophecy, and
-“consented to ruin their great city, induced by money[288],” what more
-natural than that one of the tyrant’s opponents should sarcastically
-agree that it was indeed Athena who had restored Peisistratus: on which
-another might comment that it was not the virgin goddess of Athens who
-had restored the tyrant, but an alien being of quite a different order,
-a Thracian flower girl. [Sidenote: cp. (i) details in the story that
-suggest a derivation from the coins,] The name of flower girl
-(στεφανόπωλις) is never applied to Athenian drachmae. If we accepted
-Head’s early dating for the Athena type, and assumed a Peisistratan date
-for certain Athenian coins[289] where the goddess has had her hair done
-by a κεροπλάστης[290] in corkscrew curls (fig. 7_a_) that suggest an
-early date[291], and wears the garland (στέφανος) of olive leaves (fig.
-7_a_, _b_) that appears regularly on coins of the fifth century, we
-might find in flower girl (lit. garland seller, στεφανόπωλις) an
-allusion to this detail. The garland seller may often have advertised
-her garlands by wearing one herself[292].
-
-[Illustration: Fig. 7. Athenian coins: the wreath on the head of
-Athena.]
-
-Numismatists however are now unanimous in making the earliest στέφανοι
-on Athenian coins later than Peisistratus[293]. To describe the coins as
-flower girls would however be natural enough on the simple supposition
-that Athenian flower girls had no high moral reputation[294], and
-further perhaps that the business was in the hands of Thracians, just as
-that of organ-grinding in England is in the hands of Italians. Or
-conceivably στεφανόπωλις on our present hypothesis is to be explained by
-reference to the phrase δραχμαὶ (τοῦ) Στεφανηφόρου (drachmae of the
-garland bearer)[295], applied at Athens to coins fresh from the mint,
-such as must have been put into circulation in large quantities when
-Peisistratus returned after his money-making in the districts round Mt
-Pangaion.
-
-How readily to the Greek the garland suggested the flower girl is seen
-from an explanation in the _Lexicon Seguerianum_ of a certain
-“garland-bearing hero (στεφανηφόρος ἥρως).” It runs: “Either because the
-hero is so called, or by way of nickname, because he had many garlands
-round him, _or because garlands were sold near him_[296].” The coins
-themselves, especially when the garland was the new feature, may
-possibly have been sometimes called garland bearers (στεφανηφόροι), as
-is shown to be possible by the analogy of such descriptive coin names as
-“chest bearer (κιστοφόρος)[297]” and “harp bearer (κιθαρηφόρος)[298].”
-
-[Sidenote: (ii) attested instances of _Jeu de mot_ on coin types,]
-
-Such bitter jesting is quite in keeping with the Greek language; the
-Greeks were particularly fond of attributing appropriate life and action
-to types of living things that figured on their coins[299].
-
-[Illustration: Fig. 8. Persian “archer.”]
-
-The best known instance of a play on such a nickname is that of
-Agesilaus of Sparta, who complained that he had been driven out of Asia
-by thirty thousand of the Great King’s archers, a colloquial name for
-the Persian gold stater or Daric (fig. 8), derived from its type[300].
-
-In Athens itself we find Euripides, in a fragment of the _Sciron_,
-playing on the double meaning of “virgin,” as also on that of “pony”
-(πῶλος), the colloquial name of the Corinthian drachma, that bore on one
-side the image of the winged steed Pegasus:
-
-         Some you will secure if you offer a pony,
-         others with a pair of horses, while others are brought
-         on four horses, all of silver; and they love
-         the maidens from Athens when you bring plenty of them.
-
-The reverse type of the Athenian drachma is punned upon by Aristophanes,
-who speaks of the owls of Laurium nesting in the purses of the Athenians
-and hatching small change[301]. In 404 B.C., during the final operations
-against Athens, Gylippus, the hero of the siege of Syracuse,
-misappropriated a large amount of Athenian coin, and hid it under the
-tiles of his roof. The theft was revealed by a servant, who informed the
-ephors that “there were many owls nesting under the tiles[302].”
-
-These examples are enough to show that there is nothing improbable in
-the suggestion that the Phye story grew out of a remark made by the
-tyrant’s enemies about his silver drachmae. Our explanation is of course
-pure conjecture, and even at that it has one weak point. The statement
-that Phye was a Thracian, so essential to our interpretation, does not
-appear in Herodotus, according to whom she came from the Paianian deme
-in Attica[303].
-
-Can this omission be accounted for?
-
-There is an anecdote told by Herodotus in quite another connexion[304]
-which suggests that it can.
-
-[Sidenote: (iii) the story of the dressed-up woman]
-
-In the days just after King Darius had made his conquests in Thrace
-(about 512 B.C.), there lived on the banks of the Strymon two brothers
-named Pigres and Mantyes, who wished to become tyrants of the land in
-which they lived. To carry out this aim “they went to Sardis, taking
-with them their sister, who was tall and handsome.” Then waiting till
-Darius was sitting in state before the city, having dressed up their
-sister as well as they possibly could, they sent her for water with a
-pitcher on her head and leading a horse with her hand and spinning flax.
-She was noticed by the king, but the result was that he sent an
-expedition to her country, and deported her people to Asia.
-
-The Strymon and Pangaion mines are at this period, before the expansion
-of Macedonia, naturally described as Thracian[305]. But in the days of
-King Darius, who began his reign about five years after the death of
-Peisistratus, part of the country round Mt Pangaion[306], and part of
-the banks of the Strymon[307] were occupied by another race called
-Paionians. It was to this latter race that Pigres and Mantyes belonged.
-[Sidenote: who caused Hippias to lose his throne] They failed to secure
-the tyranny that they sought; but the expedition sent by Darius to
-deport the Paionians to Asia probably caused Hippias to lose his.
-
-[Sidenote: as a result of losing his Paionian (Thracian) possessions.]
-
-It can scarcely be an accident that the tyranny at Athens ended almost
-immediately after the removal of one of its two roots, the mines of the
-country of the Thracians and Paionians[308].
-
-Thus we find the restoration of the tyranny at Athens and its abolition
-both ascribed to the dressing up of a tall handsome woman[309]. It is
-hardly conceivable that both these events were brought about by the same
-“primitive and excessively simple” means. The Paionian dressing up has
-every appearance of being the original[310].
-
-It is possible that the whole Phye story arose at the time of the
-Paionian incident, just as the good stories about some of the bad Roman
-emperors must have first had a circulation only after the emperor had
-ceased to reign. When Hippias had lost his Thracian and Paionian mines,
-and consequently his throne, it might be said with additional point that
-the Athena who had restored the father had now deserted the son[311].
-
-If the Paionian story is contemporary, as it well may be without being
-either true or original, it accounts for the appearance in the
-Peisistratus story of a dressed-up woman. Further we have brought the
-story down to a period in the history of Athenian coinage when the
-garland may already have made its first appearance on the head of
-Athena[312], in which case “Thracian garland seller” becomes an
-effective description of the type.
-
-Thus the whole story, as it appears in the Aristotelian _Constitution of
-Athens_, has been accounted for. In this, as in the account of
-Peisistratus’ second exile, the author of the treatise seems to be
-following a better authority than Herodotus. Herodotus’ deviations
-appear to be attempts at rationalistic explanation in the best
-Herodotean style. From Herodotus’ account of Peisistratus’ second exile
-it is plain that he knew nothing of the tyrant’s connexions with Thrace,
-of which we are informed in the Aristotelian treatise. According to
-Herodotus the whole period of the second exile was spent in Euboea.
-Hence the Thracian reference had to be rationalized away. But a fact
-mentioned by Herodotus in another connexion[313] points to Hippias
-having maintained some sort of position in the North Aegean till the end
-of his reign. When in 510 B.C. he was banished, a home was offered him
-by the king of Macedon.
-
-Thrace and Paionia might be used indifferently in the original account,
-the latter being the more accurate name, the former the more popular.
-Herodotus takes Paionian as a corruption of Paianian, and Thracian as a
-popular version of Paionian. That Herodotus himself was personally
-responsible for the emendation Paianian is made probable by the words of
-the _Constitution of Athens_, “as Herodotus says, a Paianian, as some
-say, a Thracian.” The Paionians are made by Herodotus[314] to recognize
-their own name in the paian or war-cry of their enemies. Only the verb
-appears in the anecdote, and that in the form παιωνίζω, but Herodotus
-must have been equally familiar with the forms in -α-, παιανίζω, παιάν,
-and the anecdote shows how ready he would be to equate Paionian with
-Paianian. I am dealing here with pure speculation, but so too has been
-every one else who has tried to explain away this “extraordinarily silly
-business[315].” The explanation just offered is at least in harmony with
-the rest of our knowledge about both Peisistratus and Thrace.
-
-Greeks were certainly capable of misunderstanding a _jeu de mot_ based
-on a coin type. Mention has been made already of Aristophanes’
-invocation of the “owls of Laurium” to nest in his purse[316]. A
-Scholiast on the _Knights_ has turned these owls of silver into real
-birds. “The owl,” he says, “is the sacred bird of Athena, that haunts
-Laurium in Attica[317].”
-
-[Sidenote: The tyrant Histiaeus and the Thracian mines.]
-
-Whatever the truth of these speculations there is no doubt that the
-Greeks of the end of the sixth century were fully alive to the political
-possibilities of the Thracian mines. Just after the Persian conquest of
-Thrace and Paionia Histiaeus of Miletus, one of the Persian king’s Greek
-vassals, almost succeeded in securing from the Great King possession of
-Myrcinus, a mining centre in the very district from which Peisistratus
-had got so much of his wealth[318]. He was in fact granted the gift by
-Darius, who however was persuaded by the far-sighted Megabazus to recall
-it. What alarms the Persian statesman is the prospect of an able Greek
-like Histiaeus establishing himself in a place where there are silver
-mines and forests suitable for ship-timber and a large mixed population.
-He prophecies that this population will quickly become the employees of
-the new owner and do his bidding day and night[319].
-
-The Myrcinus incident is bound up in the narrative of Herodotus with the
-story of Pigres and Mantyes and their efforts to become tyrants of the
-Paionians[320]. Herodotus says definitely that Histiaeus did not aim at
-establishing a tyranny at Myrcinus[321]. But this statement seems to be
-simply an inference from the fact that Histiaeus was already tyrant of
-his own city of Miletus. Even if it is correct, the protests of
-Megabazus and their effect on Darius, who at once removed Histiaeus to a
-sort of honourable captivity in Persia, sufficiently show that according
-to Herodotus himself Myrcinus would have made Histiaeus in the eyes of
-Darius and Megabazus a different and altogether more dangerous sort of
-ruler[322].
-
-It was still comparatively recently that Peisistratus had “rooted” his
-power at Athens partly on revenues from the river Strymon. When
-Histiaeus’ activities near that river so greatly alarmed the Persians,
-it is hard to believe that they were not thinking largely of the
-Peisistratids. Thus we have a confirmation of the view that the
-Peisistratids’ Thracian revenues had been derived from the silver mines,
-and the large mixed population that worked them.
-
-[Sidenote: Labour and commerce under the tyranny.]
-
-When once established Peisistratus certainly set himself to secure
-control of a large amount of labour by the public works that he
-promoted. Kallirrhoe (the Fair Spring), the best source of the Athenian
-water supply, was improved by him into Enneakrounos (the Nine
-Fountains)[323]. The building that shelters the actual jets is depicted
-on a black figure vase[324]. Like Polycrates and the seventh century
-tyrants, he was a great builder; the group of Athena slaying a giant,
-excavated on the Acropolis in the eighties of the last century[325],
-probably belongs to the temple that he built to Athena[326]; his temple
-of the Olympian Zeus was not completed till the time of Hadrian. Like
-Periander of Corinth, he severely repressed idleness[327]. To
-Aristophanes, writing just a century after the fall of the tyranny, the
-Athens of Hippias appeared as a city of labourers[328].
-
-Beloch well insists on the acute commercial instinct of Peisistratus in
-getting a footing on the coast of the Hellespont by the seizure of
-Sigeium[329]. Hippias not only kept his hold on the town to the last,
-and eventually retired there, but actively developed his father’s line
-of policy by forming a close personal connexion with the tyrants of
-Lampsacus[330], and effecting a reconciliation with the Philaids, his
-rivals on the European side of the strait[331].
-
-[Sidenote: Financial troubles of the tyranny before its overthrow.]
-
-According to the pseudo-Aristotelian _Oeconomica_, Hippias on one
-occasion called in the Attic coinage at a fixed valuation, and then
-reissued the same money[332]. Some scholars have tried to explain away
-this last statement, and assume a change in the type[333]. But if, as is
-natural to suppose, χαρακτήρ in this passage means type, then the Greek
-implies that no such change was made. The other actions of Hippias
-recorded in the same passage are confiscations of property (front doors,
-projecting top stories of houses, etc.), sold again, with no alteration
-whatever, to the original owners. Six and Babelon[334] maintain that
-χαρακτήρ means denomination, and that Hippias proceeded to give the name
-of didrachm to a piece that had been previously a drachm. They quote
-with some effect the statement of the Aristotelian _Constitution of
-Athens_[335], ἦν ὁ ἀρχαῖος χαρακτὴρ δίδραχμον. Their arguments, though
-plausible, are not decisive: but whatever the explanation of these
-particular words, the whole passage makes it fairly certain that the
-step was an attempt to avert a financial crisis by some desperate
-manipulation of the coinage. It points to a serious threat of
-approaching insolvency, such as must have been the inevitable result of
-the loss of the Thracian mines[336].
-
-[Sidenote: The Alcmaeonid opposition to the house of Peisistratus.]
-
-No aspect of the tyranny at Athens can be adequately examined without
-some reference to the remarkable family that from first to last with
-only one brief lapse led the opposition to the tyranny[337], and after
-its overthrow played the principal part in moulding the destinies of the
-democracy. In the earlier part of the sixth century the Alcmaeonidae had
-become extremely rich. That is the fact that emerges from the story of
-Alcmaeon and the king of Lydia told in Herodotus[338]. They were at the
-head of the faction of the shore, and Meyer is probably right when he
-says that their “enormous” wealth was due to trade with Lydia[339]. The
-fall of Lydia must have meant heavy losses to the family[340]. It is
-probably no accident that Peisistratus appears to have “rooted” his
-tyranny only after his rivals had suffered this great financial blow.
-
-Nor is it probably a pure coincidence that as the Peisistratids secured
-their power by a mixture of commercial enterprise and political
-intrigue, so it was by a mixture of political intrigue and commercial
-enterprise that they were finally driven out, through the Alcmaeonidae
-undertaking the contract for rebuilding the temple at Delphi[341].
-
-This building operation was regarded by the Athenian informant of
-Herodotus as an expensive but effective way of purchasing divine
-favour[342]. But the Aristotelian _Constitution of Athens_ says
-otherwise: “the Alcmaeonidae secured the contract for building the
-temple at Delphi, and made a fortune as the result[343].” The two
-versions may not be so contradictory as they at first sight appear. A
-way of reconciling them is suggested by Philochorus (early third century
-B.C.), who makes the Alcmaeonids accept the contract, make their money,
-successfully attack the Peisistratids, and then give rich
-thank-offerings to the Delphic god[344]. Isocrates and Demosthenes
-confirm the statement that Cleisthenes organized the expulsion of the
-Peisistratids with money secured from Delphi, but both regard the money
-as a loan[345].
-
-But Delphi recalls yet another field of Alcmaeonid activities. According
-to the official Delphic records not Solon[346], but Alcmaeon, the
-paternal grandfather of the Athenian Cleisthenes, was the Athenian
-general in the “sacred” war which early in the sixth century was waged
-by the Amphictyons, and particularly Athens and Sicyon, against the
-people of the Delphic port of Krisa. The significance of this war is
-discussed below in the chapter where Sicyon is dealt with in detail.
-Here it is enough to notice that Cleisthenes of Athens was, through his
-mother, the grandson of his namesake the tyrant of Sicyon who took so
-prominent a part in this “sacred” war. He was probably also his
-heir[347]. In the days of Hippias Sicyon seems to have been still under
-a tyrant, but not of the house to which Cleisthenes belonged. His name
-was Aeschines. Evidence has been adduced by De Gubernatis[348] for
-believing that this Aeschines was an ally of Hippias of Athens. As we
-shall see below when dealing with Sicyon, his attitude towards Delphi
-was a pivotal point in the policy of the Sicyonian Cleisthenes, and in
-his later years Sicyon and Delphi became deadly rivals. Athens can
-hardly have kept out of the feud. We know little of the course of
-events, and the history of recent years shows how idle it would be to
-assume that internal revolutions are always reflected in foreign
-politics. But we may be sure that both in Athens and Sicyon an
-anti-Delphic policy would have its opponents as well as its
-supporters[349]. It is quite conceivable that the Athenian Cleisthenes
-had once aimed at a union of central Greece with Athens, Sicyon, and
-Delphi as the three chief states of the union and Cleisthenes himself as
-the chief statesman, controlling the immense treasure of the oracle and
-basing on it a tyranny over the two other cities, with Sicyon
-controlling the trade of the Peloponnesus and the far West while Athens
-did the like for the Northern trade and developed with the Persian
-empire those friendly relations which the Alcmaeonidae were still
-suspected of favouring at the time of the battle of Marathon. If this is
-all speculation it at least recalls the fact that the received accounts
-of Cleisthenes are all centred on what he did in Athens in the few years
-following the fall of Hippias. That indeed is practically all that is
-known about the second founder of the Athenian democracy; but
-considering his varied antecedents and his remarkable ancestry it is
-well to consider how small a chapter this must have been in what was
-probably a long[350] as well as an eventful life. But to return to the
-short chapter about which something is known we find that the way
-Cleisthenes secured his position against the banished tyrant was by
-outbidding him. “He enfranchised many foreigners and slaves and
-metics[351].” The Peisistratids had ruled Athens as masters.
-Cleisthenes, by the stroke of genius so excellently epitomized by
-Herodotus, “took the people into partnership[352].”
-
-It was this memorable partnership that dealt the cause of tyranny at
-Athens its final blow. Cimon indeed appears to have tried to make
-himself all-powerful in the state by the lavish outlay of his enormous
-wealth. But the result was only to cement the partnership between his
-Alcmaeonid rival and the people. The army, the navy, and the civil
-service became paid professions, or at least paid occupations, and the
-state, with Pericles at its head, perhaps the largest and most popular
-employer of the free population. Individuals of outstanding wealth were
-more and more kept in their political place by having to perform
-expensive liturgies. To make a public display of wealth became a
-perilous thing; anyone who did so was suspected of aiming at the tyranny
-and dealt with by ostracism or other effective means.
-
-
-
-
-                          Chapter III. _Samos_
-
-
-[Sidenote: Samian trade and industry in the seventh and sixth centuries
-           B.C.]
-
-The Samians had from early times been great shipbuilders and sailors.
-They were among the first of the Greeks to adopt the Corinthian
-invention of the trireme, somewhere about the year 700 B.C.[353], and in
-most of the naval warfare of the next two hundred years they are found
-playing a prominent part[354]. Still more important were the
-achievements of their merchantmen. It was a Samian ship, commanded by
-Kolaios, that “sailing towards Egypt, put out for Platea (in Libya) ...
-and hugging the Egyptian coast, continued their voyage, carried along by
-an east wind: and since the breeze did not drop, they passed the pillars
-of Herakles and arrived at Tartessus, enjoying divine guidance. That
-market was at that time unopened (ἀκήρατον)[355].” The opening up of the
-Spanish silver mines through the port of Tartessus, the biblical
-Tarshish, was an event of first-class importance. “On their return home
-these Samians made the greatest profits from the carrying trade
-(φορτίων) of all the Hellenes of whom we have exact information,
-excepting only Sostratos the Aeginetan[355].” The date of the Samian
-voyage to Tarshish appears to have been about 620 B.C.[356].
-
-It was a Samian, Xanthias by name, who about the same time as this
-brought to Egypt “on business” the famous Greek hetaera Rhodopis[357].
-When Amasis, king of Egypt from 569 to 526 B.C., “showing himself a
-friend of the Greeks ... and to those that came to Egypt, gave the city
-of Naukratis to dwell in[358],” Samos was one of the three Greek states
-to set up an establishment of its own there[359]. These establishments
-were of course commercial. “In the old days Naukratis was the only
-market in Egypt. There was no other[360].”
-
-Samian trade developed side by side with Samian industry. From early
-times the islanders had enjoyed a great reputation as workers in metal,
-especially the fine metals[361]. The beginning of the connexion with
-Tartessus at the end of the seventh century gives the latest probable
-date for the beginning of this industry. Samian woollen goods were no
-less famous[362].
-
-[Sidenote: Why no tyranny was established till the middle of the sixth
-           century.]
-
-The island was not however exclusively commercial. There was a powerful
-landed aristocracy called γεωμόροι[363], who doubtless owned the rich
-Samian olive-yards[364]. The late date of the tyranny in Samos is
-probably to be explained by the power of the γεωμόροι. The result was
-something very similar to what occurred under similar circumstances at
-Athens. There may have been attempts like that made at Athens by
-Cylon[365], but no tyrant appears to have established himself firmly
-before the rise of Polycrates early in the second half of the sixth
-century. Till then the geomoroi were sufficiently powerful to make a
-tyranny impossible. Then, about 545 B.C., the Samian landowners received
-a fatal blow to their power, when the Greek cities on the coast of Asia
-Minor were conquered by the Persians. These cities, whether friendly or
-hostile to Samos, were all equally its commercial rivals, and the
-disturbances connected with the Persian conquest, which affected them
-all while leaving Samos untouched, must have greatly increased the
-importance of the commercial element on the island[366].
-
-[Sidenote: Polycrates becomes tyrant: his tyranny and Samian trade.]
-
-It was within a few years of these events that Polycrates made himself
-tyrant of Samos. The exact date is not known, but it was probably
-after[367] the Persian conquest of the mainland, and may well have been
-due in part to the increased commercial importance of Samos which
-resulted from that conquest.
-
-However this may be, Polycrates, when established as tyrant, is found
-controlling the commercial and industrial activities of his state. All
-through his reign he was a great sailor and shipowner[368]. He built the
-famous breakwater in the Samian harbour[369], and was credited with the
-invention of a new type of boat, called the Samaina[370] (see fig. 9).
-
-[Sidenote: The wars and “piracies” of Polycrates and their possible
-           commercial character.]
-
-The general conception of the Samian tyrant is indeed that he used his
-ships in naval and piratical operations rather than for peaceful
-purposes of trade. Thucydides says of him that “having a powerful fleet
-he made divers of the islands subject to him, and in particular captured
-Rheneia and dedicated it to the Delian Apollo[371].” But even the
-capture of Rheneia, which Thucydides seems to regard as the principal
-warlike achievement of Polycrates’ fleet, was one that may have had
-important commercial consequences. By capturing Rheneia Polycrates
-became practically master of Delos. He celebrated the Delian games[372].
-Considering the unrivalled situation of Delos it is not unlikely that
-the festival was even in the sixth century the “commercial affair[373]”
-that it was in later ages, and such as others also of the great Greek
-games appear to have been from the days of the tyrants[374]. In that
-case it is not inconceivable that the repeated purifications of Delos in
-the sixth and fifth centuries may have had not only a religious
-signification, but also the purpose of restricting a commercial element
-that was constantly reasserting itself.
-
-We need not be surprised to find a commercial potentate exerting his
-power by means of an army or navy. War has so far in the world’s history
-always stood in the immediate background of even the most peaceful
-political power. There is nothing in the nature of a capitalist
-government to make it anti-militarist. If, as seems to have been the
-case, the early tyrants realized how seldom war does anything for
-commercial prosperity except to ruin it, it only shows them to have been
-men of unusual insight, as indeed there are many reasons for thinking
-that they were. If Polycrates was an exception to the generally peaceful
-character of the early tyranny, the fact may be explained by his
-antagonism to Persia, with which he appears to have been openly at war
-during part of his reign[375].
-
-Our records of this war contain obvious mis-statements about the death
-of Cyrus, and their whole truth has been questioned[376]. But the
-hostility of Polycrates to Persia is sufficiently shown by his
-friendship with Egypt. His break with Amasis king of Egypt can scarcely
-be anything but a desertion to the common enemy Persia. The catholic
-character of his piracy, which stopped all shipping though it
-confiscated only hostile craft, is not really explained by his jest when
-he claimed that by this method he not only injured his enemies whose
-ships he kept, but also secured the gratitude of his friends, whose
-ships he released. His proceedings become really comprehensible only if
-we understand them as one of the earliest instances of a strict
-blockade, plainly directed against the great land power to the east. The
-Peloponnesian expedition against Polycrates shows simply that the
-neutrals to the west did not yet realize who was their real enemy[377].
-The danger from Persia only became apparent to European Greece when
-Darius invaded Scythia and Thrace[378].
-
-There is every reason to believe that Polycrates supported Cambyses
-half-heartedly and under compulsion. He went over to the Persian side
-only when Cambyses was collecting a force against Egypt[379], or in
-other words when the Great King was advancing on the Mediterranean with
-an overwhelming force. He sent to his support only a disaffected
-contingent that was a source of trouble and weakness to him at home in
-Samos[379]. He met his death not so very long after, in an attempt to
-break away from Persia at what must have been the very first
-opportunity, just about the time when Cambyses fell ill[380].
-
-On the whole therefore it seems best to accept as historical the account
-of the war between Cyrus and the Samians, since though only mentioned in
-late authors, it accords so well with all that is known of the period
-from early sources. It is ascribed to the period when Samos ruled the
-waves[381], which we have seen already to mean the reign of Polycrates,
-and this indication as to date agrees with the statement[381] that the
-war occurred at the end of Cyrus’ reign. It brings Polycrates into a
-situation which alike in its patriotic and in its selfish side
-anticipates the attitude of Dionysius of Syracuse towards Carthage. But
-even this war may have been in part an attempt to maintain Samos in her
-commercial and industrial position. From the Samian point of view war
-with Persia meant first and foremost a struggle against Miletus. The
-island city and its neighbour on the mainland had long been rivals, and
-the supremacy of the one had meant the depression of the other. Miletus
-was now under the Persians and had made favourable terms with her
-conquerors. What Cyrus was aiming at in Anatolia is made sufficiently
-plain to us by the description in Herodotus of the way that he treated
-the conquered Lydians. They were to bring up their children simply to
-play music and to become retail traders[382]. A similar account is given
-by Zenobius: “they say that Cyrus, having overcome the Lydians, charged
-them to become retail traders (καπηλεύειν) and not to acquire
-arms[383].” Zenobius says nothing about the music. There can be little
-doubt that the trading was the main thing. Both writers say that Cyrus’
-object was to prevent the Lydians breaking out into armed rebellion, and
-this may be true as far as it goes. But Cyrus did not treat all his
-rebellious provinces in this way. It looks as though he intended to make
-conquered Sardis, devoted entirely to trade and with the Persian army
-behind it, into the commercial capital of his kingdom, with Miletus as
-its chief seaport. This policy, if successful, would have been
-disastrous to the trade of Samos. May it not have been to prevent it
-that Polycrates organized the fleet and pursued the naval policy that
-won him such fame and unpopularity? We have an instance of rivalry
-between Polycrates and Sardis in the “laura” which he constructed at
-Samos, the significance of which is discussed below[384].
-
-In any case Polycrates employed his fleet for commercial purposes as
-well as warlike. He traded with Egypt[385], which was the one Eastern
-country that was during most of his reign independent of Persia and open
-to Samian trade. The statement of Clytus the Aristotelian that
-“Polycrates the tyrant of the Samians from motives of luxury gathered
-the products of every country[386]” shows that Polycrates had a personal
-interest in the transport trade. There is unfortunately nothing to show
-that he employed his own vessels.
-
-[Sidenote: The tyranny of Polycrates and Samian industry.]
-
-It is difficult again with the available evidence completely to identify
-the tyrant with Samian industry. He was the patron of Theodorus, who was
-famous not only as a jeweller, but also as a maker of metal vases[387].
-The possible significance of this fact will be seen in a moment, when we
-proceed to examine the statements about Polycrates’ activities before he
-became tyrant. There is however no evidence that Polycrates was himself
-engaged in the Samian metal industries during his reign. For the woollen
-industries the evidence is stronger. Among the things which
-Athenaeus[388] declares that Polycrates, when tyrant, introduced into
-Samos are sheep from Miletus. Athenaeus is here quoting Clytus. Later in
-the same passage he quotes another writer, Alexis, as stating that the
-tyrant imported sheep from Miletus and Attica. The sheep were of course
-imported not for their mutton but for their wool: the wools of Miletus
-were particularly famous. During his reign Polycrates lent support to
-Arcesilaus III, king of Cyrene in “sheep-rearing Libya[389]” and himself
-probably a merchant prince[390], who when banished from his own
-dominions sought refuge with the Samian tyrant[391].
-
-[Sidenote: The tyranny of Polycrates and Samian coinage.]
-
-One reported act of Polycrates seems out of keeping with the view that
-he was a great merchant. “It is said that Polycrates struck a large
-quantity of local coins in lead and then gilded them and gave them to
-them in payment[392].” Herodotus, our authority for this statement,
-dismisses it as idle (ματαιότερος). But it is supported by numismatic
-evidence[393], and the reason alleged for the issue in Herodotus is
-perfectly plausible. Polycrates was resorting to a desperate expedient
-for getting rid of an invader. Apart from the question of its truth, the
-report is valuable as indicating that Polycrates, like his contemporary
-Hippias, was credited with a tendency to make practical experiments with
-the coinage. This is borne out by another report, quoted by Suidas[394],
-according to which the Samaina reputed to have been invented by
-Polycrates was not a ship but a coin.
-
-The two reports are not necessarily contradictory. The tyrant may have
-introduced both the ship and the coin, like Anaxilas, tyrant of Rhegium,
-who introduced the hare into his dominions and commemorated his action
-by putting a hare on his coins (fig. 9). The Samaina is found on extant
-Samian coins (fig. 9), some of which appear to have circulated in Samos
-itself about the middle of the fifth century, while others have been
-associated with the Samian refugees who migrated to the far West in 494
-B.C. and occupied Messana in Sicily with the aid of Anaxilas of Rhegium,
-whose subjects they became. The type cannot be traced back to the days
-of Polycrates himself, but the numismatic evidence is not abundant
-enough to make that fact decisive. As far as it goes it even inclines
-slightly in favour of Suidas. If the coin type used by the refugees of
-494 B.C. appears later on the coins of Samos itself, the fact is best
-explained by assuming that it was already in use in Samos before the
-earlier date. Moreover one of the coins generally associated with the
-refugees is inscribed with the letters Α Ι, which have no obvious
-connexion with Messana or the Samians who went there, but which do on
-the other hand form the first syllable of the name Aiakes, the name of
-the Samian tyrant from whom the refugees fled to Messana. Aiakes was a
-nephew of Polycrates, so that if the Α Ι coin is rightly ascribed to him
-the Samaina type is traced back to the family of Polycrates, if not to
-Polycrates himself. Aiakes had been restored to Samos by the Persians
-after their defeat of the Greek fleet at the battle of Lade. In that
-battle the Samian fleet, with the exception of the ships manned by the
-men who fled later to Sicily, had disgraced itself by deserting to the
-Persians. Aiakes profited by their proceedings but he can hardly have
-been proud of them. If he struck coins with the Samaina type it is more
-likely to have been because his uncle had done so before him than from
-any desire to commemorate either his own exploits, whether as a
-shipbuilder or a sailor, or those of his uncle, who so successfully
-defied the Persian power to which the nephew owed his throne[395].
-
-[Illustration: Fig. 9. Samian coin with Samaina and Messanian coin with
-hare.]
-
-[Sidenote: The public works of Polycrates during his tyranny, including
-           an aqueduct and a harbour breakwater.]
-
-In his domestic policy Polycrates won great fame as the promoter of
-great public works. “I have dwelt the longer on the Samians,” says
-Herodotus[396], “because they have erected three works that surpass
-those of all the Greeks.” The works in question are the harbour
-breakwater already mentioned, the huge temple of Hera, and the
-underground aqueduct constructed by Eupalinus of Megara[397]. Herodotus
-himself does not say who was responsible for these works being
-undertaken; but the context shows that the historian is thinking of the
-Samos of Polycrates. The first architect of the temple is given by him
-as Rhoecus, the partner of Theodorus, who worked for Polycrates. Great
-engineering activities in Samos about this time are indicated by the
-fact that the engineer who shortly afterwards bridged the Bosporus for
-Darius was a Samian[398]. The breakwater round the harbour is naturally
-ascribed to the time of the Samian thalassocracy under Polycrates. There
-is therefore little doubt that modern scholars and archaeologists have
-been right in identifying these great constructions with the
-“Polycratean works” referred to by Aristotle[399] as typical
-undertakings of a typical tyrant, the more so as there are numerous
-instances of early tyrants undertaking these particular kinds of
-work[400].
-
-One work of a similar kind that Samos owed to Polycrates deserves at
-least a passing notice, namely the “laura” that he erected as a rival to
-what is called in Sardis the Ἀγκὼν γλυκύς[401]. Etymologically “laura”
-is probably to be connected with “labyrinth[402].” The word has various
-meanings[403]. The laura at Samos appears to have been a place for
-buying and selling[404], possibly an early predecessor of the
-labyrinthine bazaars still in use in the great cities of the near East
-such as Smyrna, Cairo, and Constantinople[405].
-
-If Polycrates’ laura was in fact a great bazaar, it is easy to imagine
-how it became a byword for luxury[406] and worse things than that. The
-description of it by Clearchus as a place of ill-repute is plainly from
-a source unfriendly to the tyrant[407].
-
-[Sidenote: The labour employed on these works appears to have been
-           mainly free.]
-
-Whatever the facts about the laura, the sums that Polycrates spent on
-his public works in general and the number of hands that he employed on
-them must have been very large. Of the life led by these employees we
-know little. Aristotle states that the object of the tyrant’s works was
-“the employment and poverty of his subjects[408].” This implies that the
-work was ill-paid and unpopular. It is doubtful however whether
-Aristotle quite understood the social and economic conditions of sixth
-century Samos[409]. On the other hand no inferences as to the normal
-wages in the days of the tyrant are to be drawn from occasional
-instances of high payments made by him for exceptional work[410]. One
-fact however becomes plain from the statement in the _Politics_. The
-hands employed by Polycrates must have been mainly free men.
-
-Like some tyrannical employers of labour in more recent times,
-Polycrates appears to have recognized the value of having his employees
-provided with amusements of not too elevated a type. Holidays and
-drunkenness appear to have been frequent under his regime[411]. The
-encouragement or permission of unprofitable amusements for the multitude
-is of course quite consistent with great severity in other
-directions[412], and more particularly with the suppression of the
-liberal forms of recreation popular among citizens of the better
-class[413].
-
-[Sidenote: The tyrant’s mercenaries.]
-
-He maintained his power by means of mercenaries, native it should be
-noticed, as well as foreign[414]. These mercenaries were in all
-probability a development of the fifteen men at arms[415] with which he
-had seized supreme power, and, like the original fifteen, they were
-presumably free men[416].
-
-[Sidenote: His pension scheme for the mothers of fallen soldiers.]
-
-While on the subject of Polycrates’ warlike achievements it is
-interesting to note that he did something to put military service on a
-sound financial basis by providing for the mothers of soldiers who fell
-in his service. The way he did so is described by Duris, a historian of
-Polycrates’ own island, who was born about 340 B.C.[417]. “He gathered
-together the mothers of those who had fallen in war, and gave them to
-the wealthy among the citizens to support, saying to each, ‘I give you
-this woman to be your mother.’” No provision was made for the widows;
-but from the Greek point of view this was hardly required. They would
-naturally be provided for by their second husbands[418]. The method of
-financing this popular measure recalls the Athenian liturgies. The
-measure itself points to the tyrant’s troops having been free men.
-
-One fact recorded of the times just after Polycrates’ fall appears at
-first sight to offer a reason for assuming that Polycrates had relied on
-highly trained servile labour, which the city had found it a problem to
-deal with after his fall. A large number of slaves purchased the
-citizenship[419]. There is however a simpler explanation of this fact.
-Syloson, the brother of Polycrates, when restored by Persia, had almost
-annihilated the free population[420].
-
-Polycrates the tyrant has therefore been shown to have taken some part
-in the commercial, the industrial and probably the financial activities
-of the city that he ruled.
-
-[Sidenote: Before he became tyrant Polycrates already had a concern in
-           the chief Samian industries.]
-
-Let us now see what is known about his career before he had made himself
-supreme in the state.
-
-  Before he had become tyrant he used to get expensive coverlets and
-  drinking vessels made, and lend them out to those who were holding
-  weddings or entertainments on a particularly large scale.
-
-These words are from Athenaeus[421]. It could scarcely be more
-definitely stated that Polycrates owed his throne to his wealth in
-coverlets and drinking vessels.
-
-The coverlets (στρωμναί) are surely the manufactured article for which
-Polycrates subsequently introduced Milesian and Attic sheep. The word
-seems to denote a Samian speciality. A form of the corresponding verb
-(ἔστρωται) is used by Theocritus in the passage where he refers to the
-famous wools of Samos and Miletus[422].
-
-It seems probable that Polycrates’ brother and partner at first in the
-tyranny was also a merchant or manufacturer of woollen goods. At any
-rate after his banishment we find Darius wanting to buy a cloak (χλανίς)
-from him. According to Herodotus[423] it was the one that Syloson was at
-the moment wearing. The incident took place in Egypt. Syloson was one of
-the Greeks who followed Cambyses there after the Persian conquest. Some
-of these had come as traders (κατ’ ἐμπορίην), some as soldiers, some as
-mere sight-seers. Syloson, who was in the market place at Memphis at the
-moment of Darius’ request, replied: “I am not selling this at any price;
-but I offer it you for nothing.” What precisely Syloson was doing in the
-market place is unfortunately not certain. According to Grote[424] he
-was just walking there. The Greek is ἠγόραζε, which may mean
-“frequenting the market place,” or “buying,” or “selling in the market
-place.” The incident suggests rather the last meaning, and that Syloson
-was in Memphis as a trader (κατ’ ἐμπορίην) in cloaks (χλανίδες). The
-unromantic commercial aspect of the transaction between Syloson and
-Darius, which is already obscured in Herodotus’ account, has quite
-disappeared in that of Strabo[425], who says simply that Syloson “made a
-present to Darius of a garment which he had seen him wearing and taken a
-fancy for ..., and received the tyranny as a present in return.”
-
-The drinking vessels (ποτήρια) were almost certainly of metal. Ποτήρια
-of earthenware are only once[426] mentioned in the passages quoted in
-Liddell and Scott’s _Lexicon_, whereas there are numerous passages in
-which ποτήρια are specifically stated to have been of metal[427]. In the
-case before us the fact that they were lent and for entertainments of
-special importance points strongly to metal[428]. We have just seen that
-Theodorus, who worked for Polycrates later in his career, was a maker of
-metal ποτήρια. It may well be the case therefore that Theodorus was
-something more to Polycrates than merely his crown jeweller and
-silversmith[429].
-
-The Samian silversmiths got their material from Tartessus[430].
-Polycrates must therefore have had at least a second-hand interest in
-Samian shipping before his accession. In the outline of my views on the
-origin of the tyranny published in the _Journal of Hellenic Studies_ for
-1906 I observed that there was no evidence that Polycrates procured his
-silver in his own ships. [Sidenote: Aiakes father of Polycrates is
-probably the Aiakes whom a Samian inscription appears to connect with
-sea-borne trade.] That is still the case; but curiously enough only a
-few weeks after this observation was made, a find from Samos itself was
-published[431], which, with the learned and illuminating comments of the
-scholar who published it, has thrown fresh and interesting light on the
-close concern which the family of Polycrates already had in Samian
-shipping in the days when the future tyrant was still a child. The find
-consists of a headless seated statue[432] (fig. 10) that at once recalls
-the figures from Branchidae now in the British Museum[433]. The style
-both of the figure and of the lettering of the inscription attached to
-it point to a date about 550 B.C. The statue was dedicated by Aiakes the
-son of Bryson. Aiakes is not a common name. It was borne by the father
-of Polycrates. It is not improbable that, as L. Curtius maintains, the
-Aiakes who dedicated the statue was none other than the tyrant’s father.
-The date suits exactly: so too does the inscription as ingeniously
-interpreted by Curtius. The actual words are:
-
-                 Ἀεάκης ἀνέθηκεν ὀ Βρύσωνος ὂς τῇ Ἤρῃ
-                 τὴν σύλην ἔπρησεν κατὰ τὴν ἐπίστασιν.
-
-The context makes it difficult to derive ἔπρησεν from πίμπρημι. Nor can
-ἐπίστασις well signify “dream” (visit by night), since the analogy of
-κατ’ ὄναρ, κατ’ ἐνύπνιον shows that in that case κατὰ would not be
-followed by the article. Curtius therefore takes ἔπρησεν as Ionic for
-ἔπρασσεν in the common sense of “exacted,” “collected”: for the single ς
-he compares Τειχιούσης for Τειχιούσσης, which actually occurs on one of
-the figures from Branchidae. The word σύλη he explains by reference to
-Herodotus IV. 152, which describes how the Samians, on their return from
-the voyage to Tarshish, “set apart the tithe of their gains, six
-talents, and let make a copper cauldron after the manner of an Argive
-mixing bowl, and dedicated it in the Heraeum[434].”
-
-[Illustration: Fig. 10. Aiakes, father of Polycrates.]
-
-The gains from Tarshish, so Curtius suggests, may actually have been
-called σύλη, the idea of which word he thinks had grown to include all
-gains made by ventures on the sea. The name of Polycrates’ brother
-Syloson is almost certainly to be derived from σῦλον (= σύλη, see above)
-and σῶν = σαῶν from σαῶ = σῴζω (save)[435]. Curtius rightly observes
-that this name takes the connexion of Polycrates’ family with σύλαι,
-sea-spoils, sea-gains, back to the time when Syloson received his name,
-that is, presumably, a generation or so before he and his two brothers,
-Pantagnotos and Polycrates, seized the tyranny of their native city.
-
-[Sidenote: Polycrates is said by Herodotus to have owed his fall to an
-           attempt to get money enough to rule all Greece.]
-
-The great wave of the Persian invasions of Europe, that began only a few
-years after Polycrates’ death, and the rise of the Athenian empire after
-the Persians’ final repulse, have somewhat eclipsed the glory of the
-Samian thalassocracy, which practically synchronized with the tyranny of
-Polycrates. During his reign he was unquestionably the most famous Greek
-in the whole Greek world, and his extraordinary series of unbroken
-successes was reported and discussed everywhere[436]. From the Greek
-point of view, according to which all excesses are to be avoided,
-whether of good things or of bad, he was too successful. The end could
-only be Nemesis or retribution. This feeling is expressed by Herodotus
-in the letter in which he makes the king of Egypt advise Polycrates to
-break the series by voluntarily giving up the thing that most he cared
-for[437].
-
-The story goes on to tell how Polycrates was moved by the letter to cast
-away in the sea the most precious thing he possessed, a ring made by
-Theodorus, how the ring came back to him in the body of a fish served up
-at the royal table, and how Amasis “learnt that it is impossible for one
-human being to rescue another from the event that is to befall
-him[438],” and how accordingly he broke off his friendship with him,
-“that when some great and terrible accident overtook Polycrates, he
-might not himself be grieved at heart with the thought that it had
-befallen a friend[439].”
-
-In all probability it was not Amasis who broke with Polycrates, but
-Polycrates who deserted Amasis when the Persian peril began to look
-irresistible[440]. But the dubious historicity of the incident only
-heightens its historical value: it shows that so far as the story of the
-end of Polycrates is false or inaccurate in point of fact, it has been
-altered to suit the requirements of Greek poetic justice and to make the
-way that Polycrates lost the throne a fitting requital for the way he
-had won and held it.
-
-This is the story as given by Herodotus[441]. A new Persian satrap had
-been appointed at Sardis, who, learning that Polycrates aspired to rule
-“Ionia and all the islands,” set a trap for him by pretending to need
-his help and promising in return much money. “As far as money goes,” the
-promise ran, “thou shalt be ruler of all Hellas.” “When Polycrates heard
-this he was glad and willing. And since he greatly desired money, he
-first sent Maeandrius the son of Maeandrius to inspect.... But Oroetes,
-learning that the inspector was expected, did as follows. He filled
-eight chests with stones, except to a very slight depth just round the
-top, where on top of the stones he set gold.” For the events that
-followed the precise words of Herodotus need not be quoted. Maeandrius
-was deceived. Polycrates crossed over to see Oroetes, was seized by him,
-and crucified.
-
-[Sidenote: Value of Herodotus on Polycrates.]
-
-It is important to remember how good are the sources for the history of
-the Samian tyranny. The famous Anacreon lived at Polycrates’ court[442],
-and “all his poetry” was “full of references to him[443].” Practically
-all of it has perished, but it was accessible to the writers from whom
-we draw. Herodotus had conversed with Archias the Spartan, whose
-grandfather, also named Archias, had distinguished himself in the
-Spartan expedition against Polycrates, and whose exploits on that
-occasion had led to a permanent connexion between the Spartan family and
-the Samians[444].
-
-As mentioned already in discussing the coins stamped with the Samaina, a
-son of Polycrates’ brother Syloson was reinstated by the Persians as
-tyrant of Samos after the battle of Lade in 494 B.C. He is not heard of
-again, and in 480 B.C. a certain Theomestor “became tyrant of Samos,
-being set up by the Persians[445].” But even if the son of Syloson died
-immediately after his restoration, his reign still brings us down to
-times well within the memory of Herodotus’ father. With sources like
-these it is highly likely that the main outlines of the facts have been
-preserved, and that where they have been improved on or added to, the
-changes or additions, whether conscious or unconscious, have been made
-to suit the general history of the period. Thus for example we should
-expect the facts about Polycrates’ downfall to be in the main correctly
-reported: but the story of the letter from Amasis shows that we may
-expect touches to be added to emphasize the view that it was a
-visitation of Nemesis, an act of retribution on the part of the divine
-power.
-
-The account in Herodotus states that Polycrates fell because he hoped by
-means of boundless money to make himself tyrant of all Greece. The
-stress laid on money all through the narrative is remarkable[446].
-According to all the laws of Greek psychology, the inference is surely
-this: that it was by means of his wealth that he had won and maintained
-his power.
-
-
-
-
-                          Chapter IV. _Egypt_
-
-
-[Illustration: Fig. 11. Psamtek I.]
-
-The sixth century tyrants of Athens and Samos may be regarded with some
-probability as rulers who had come to their power by means of their
-wealth. Before proceeding to deal with the earlier Greek tyrants, as to
-whose antecedents the evidence is necessarily much more meagre and
-indecisive, it will be found convenient to turn our attention for a
-while to Egypt and Lydia. In both these states we shall find evidence,
-some of it very positive, that from the end of the eighth century
-onwards the kings were gaining and maintaining their power by means of
-their wealth. With both these states the Greeks of the seventh century
-were in close touch; from both they learned and borrowed much, since
-Egypt and the East had still much to teach them. The history therefore
-both of Egypt and Lydia is closely relevant at this period to that of
-the Greek world that they adjoined. It gives a context to the
-disconnected fragments of evidence that will have to be dealt with in
-some of the succeeding chapters, and makes it possible to fit them
-together into something resembling a significant whole.
-
-[Sidenote: Commercial and industrial developments in seventh century
-           Egypt.]
-
-Like Greece, Egypt had been through a dark period during the first three
-centuries of the first millennium B.C. After about two centuries of
-Libyan rulers (XXIInd and XXIIIrd dynasties) whose energies were often
-devoted to dealing with rival kings while subject princes spent the
-resources of the country in feuds among themselves, Egypt had fallen
-during the eighth century under an Ethiopian dynasty which she changed
-occasionally for Assyrian rule. But early in the seventh century, Egypt
-recovered its material prosperity. By the middle of the next century it
-is said to have been more prosperous than ever it was before[447], and
-this prosperity is reflected in the law of Amasis (570–526 B.C.) against
-unemployment[448] as also in the organization of industry into “more or
-less sharply defined classes or guilds[449],” in improved business
-methods and mechanical processes. The forms of legal and business
-documents became more precise[450]; the mechanical arts of casting in
-bronze on a core and of moulding figures and pottery were brought to the
-highest pitch of excellence[451]. Inscriptions of this epoch found in
-the gold-mining regions prove that the work of the ancient kings was
-taken up with renewed ardour[452]. The ports of Egypt were thrown open
-to the commerce of all the nations[453]. Strong fleets were maintained
-both in the Mediterranean and in the Red Sea[454]. An attempt was made
-by Pharaoh Necho (610–594 B.C.) to anticipate the Suez Canal by one
-connecting the Nile with the Red Sea[455]; and the exploits of Vasco da
-Gama were anticipated by a Phoenician ship that was sent out by this
-same Pharaoh Necho and circumnavigated Africa[456]. In these activities
-of Necho Sayce[457] sees an attempt to make Egypt the chief trading
-country of the world.
-
-These great developments took place under a single dynasty, the XXVIth,
-which came from Sais on one of the western arms of the Delta[458].
-[Sidenote: Psammetichus I (664–610) rose to power] The history of this
-dynasty can be traced back at Sais to the eighth century B.C., but the
-first of the family to rule all Egypt was Psammetichus (Psamtek), who
-reigned from about 664 to 610. Necho the father of this Psammetichus and
-grandfather of the Necho mentioned just above had been king or governor
-of Sais and Memphis under the Assyrian king Assurbanipal[459].
-Psammetichus was driven into war and foreign politics to free his
-country from foreign invaders. The details of his warlike achievements
-do not here concern us. What does here concern us is to observe how he
-secured the power that enabled him to set about them.
-
-Early in his career, Psammetichus, so Herodotus informs us[460], had
-been one of twelve kings who had each received a twelfth of the country
-to reign over[461]. [Sidenote: according to Herodotus by means of Greek
-and Carian mercenaries,] One day some bronze-clad Ionian and Carian
-freebooters were driven to Egypt by stress of weather. Psammetichus
-“made friends with the Ionians and Carians, and by great promises
-persuaded them to join him: and having persuaded them he thereupon, in
-conjunction with his supporters in Egypt and the mercenaries, put down
-the (other eleven) kings, and became master of all Egypt[462].”
-
-The man who among twelve or more rivals[463] secured the monopoly of
-Greek and Carian mercenaries must have been a man of outstanding wealth.
-But this is not all our information about him. A fuller account is
-preserved in Diodorus[464]:
-
-[Sidenote: according to Diodorus by trading with Phoenicians and
-           Greeks.]
-
-  When the twelve had ruled Egypt for fifteen years it befel that the
-  kingdom passed into the hands of one of them through the following
-  causes. Psammetichus of Sais, who was one of the twelve kings, and
-  ruler of the parts beside the sea, used to provide cargoes (φορτία)
-  for the merchants, and particularly for Phoenicians and Greeks; by
-  such means he disposed profitably of the products of his own land
-  and secured a share of the products of the other nations, and
-  enjoyed not only great wealth (εὐπορίαν) but also friendship with
-  nations and princes.
-
-Could it be more plainly stated that Psammetichus owed his throne to his
-wealth and his wealth to trade?
-
-[Sidenote: Value of these statements of Herodotus and Diodorus.]
-
-The commercial origin of Psamtek’s power can only be questioned by
-questioning the value of our authorities. The rest of this chapter will
-be devoted to showing that there is no reason for doing this, while
-there is much to confirm the passages just quoted.
-
-Herodotus and Diodorus[465] had both visited Egypt and are among our
-best authorities. At first sight indeed they do not seem quite in
-agreement. But the story they tell is essentially the same. The
-difference is one of emphasis. Herodotus seizes on a single incident and
-makes much of the description of the Ionians and Carians as men of
-bronze. The point was worth emphasizing; for from the military point of
-view the first appearance of the heavy-armed hoplite in Egyptian history
-marked an epoch[466]. Diodorus contradicts Herodotus only in stating
-that it was not an accident that led Psammetichus to employ these
-foreign hoplites[467]. The rest of his narrative only supplements
-Herodotus, and the silence of Herodotus is no reason for thinking that
-the later historian was not drawing on good and early sources[468]. Even
-Herodotus could not incorporate in his history every scrap of knowledge
-that he possessed, and for Egypt in the seventh century there may well
-have been contemporary documents which were not consulted by Herodotus
-but were by Diodorus. Diodorus’ account has in fact been accepted by a
-considerable number of modern scholars[469]. [Sidenote: Cp. Strabo on
-the Fort of the Milesians] They point out that it agrees with the
-statement of Strabo about the Fort of the Milesians[470] that “in the
-days of Psammetichus the Milesians sailed with 30 ships and put in at
-the Bolbitine mouth, and disembarking built the foundation just
-mentioned.”
-
-There is one difficulty in this passage of Strabo. Psammetichus is
-described in it as the contemporary of Cyaxares king of the Medes, who
-reigned from 624 to 584 B.C., so that the Psammetichus referred to might
-be Psammetichus II (594–589). But Psammetichus in Strabo appears
-elsewhere always to mean the first and most important king of that name.
-Cyaxares too both from his date and his nationality is an odd person for
-a Greek writer to quote in order to indicate the date of an Egyptian
-king[471]. Hirschfeld is therefore probably right in rejecting this
-parenthesis as a learned but unintelligent gloss[472].
-
-The Bolbitine mouth of the Nile is near the great lake and marshes of
-Bourlos[473]. Psammetichus I, before he overcame his rivals in Lower
-Egypt, is said by Herodotus[474] to have spent a period of exile in the
-marshes, and the marshes are shown by the context to have lain near the
-sea[475]. Thus quite apart from Diodorus, by simply comparing Herodotus
-and Strabo, a case may be made for thinking that the arrival of the
-bronze men from Ionia was not the accidental occurrence that Herodotus,
-after his way, makes it out to have been, but that it had some close
-connexion with the Milesians’ Fort.
-
-[Sidenote: and Assurbanipal on help sent to Psammetichus by Gyges of
-           Lydia.]
-
-That Psammetichus made it his policy to cultivate “friendship with
-nations and princes[476]” in Asia Minor is sufficiently shown by the
-famous clay cylinder of Assurbanipal, king of Assyria (about 668–626
-B.C.), which states[477] that
-
-  Gyges King of Lydia, a district which is across the sea[478], a
-  remote place, of which the kings my fathers had not heard speak of
-  its name ... his forces to the aid of Psammetichus[479] of Egypt,
-  who had thrown off the yoke of my dominion, he sent.
-
-The troops sent by Gyges may well have been none other than the Ionian
-mercenaries that made Psammetichus master of all Egypt[480]. The
-alliance of Psammetichus with Gyges adds to the probability that the
-Egyptian was responsible for the foundation and development of the
-Milesian settlement in his country, since we know that Gyges had allowed
-the Milesians to establish the Hellespontine Abydos in what was then
-Lydian territory[481].
-
-[Sidenote: History of Psammetichus’ predecessors:]
-
-If trade and riches raised Psammetichus to supreme power about the year
-664 B.C. their influence was probably making itself felt in Egyptian
-politics at least some little while before that date. It will greatly
-strengthen the credibility of Diodorus on the early history of
-Psammetichus if this can be shown to have been in fact the case.
-
-[Sidenote: (i) Sethon in 701 B.C. based his power on “hucksters and
-           artizans and trades people.”]
-
-In 701 B.C. Sennacherib made his famous expedition against Palestine and
-Egypt, which were saved only by the plague sent upon the Assyrian host
-by the Angel of the Lord[482]. According to the Egyptian version
-recorded in Herodotus the king of Egypt at this time was Sethon or
-Sethos, priest of Hephaestus. When the priest-king prepared to defend
-his country against the Assyrian “he was followed by none of the warrior
-class, but by hucksters and artizans and trades people[483].” No king of
-the name of Sethon is known either to the Egyptian monuments or to the
-Greek and Latin lists of the kings of Egypt: his individuality has been
-the subject of much controversy. Later in this chapter reasons will be
-given for thinking that he was a prince of the same city and probably of
-the same house as Psamtek. The point to be emphasized here is the
-appearance just at this period of a Pharaoh who rests his power on the
-support of the mercantile and industrial classes.
-
-[Sidenote: (ii) King Bocchoris (d. 715 B.C.) and his commercial
-           legislation.]
-
-Shortly before the days of Sethon another Egyptian king had won great
-fame by his recognition of the commercial tendencies of his age. This
-was Bocchoris the lawgiver, the solitary representative of the XXIVth
-dynasty, who appears for a time to have been recognized as king of Egypt
-until in 715 B.C. he was taken and burnt or flayed alive by his
-successor Sabacon, the first king of the Ethiopian (XXVth) dynasty[484].
-Diodorus says that the laws concerning contracts were attributed to
-Bocchoris and that he brought more precision into the matter of
-contracts. These statements are illustrated in a remarkable way by
-actual business documents that have come down to us from that time[485].
-
-A faience vase (fig. 12) with Egyptian scenes and the name of Bocchoris
-has been found in the Etruscan city of Tarquinii (Corneto)[486]. It is
-held by Maspero and v. Bissing to be of pure Egyptian workmanship[487].
-Before its discovery the only evidence that Bocchoris had dealings with
-Europe was a reference in Plutarch[488] which makes Bocchoris the judge
-in a case involving a Greek hetaera named Thonis. The Plutarch passage
-is doubtful evidence, but the Corneto vase suggests that already in the
-reign of Bocchoris the Egyptians and perhaps the king himself already
-had dealings with the trading nations of the North. This would fit well
-with the fact that Bocchoris was probably the predecessor of a king
-whose following consisted of hucksters and artizans and trades people.
-Bocchoris himself is said by Diodorus to have been reputed the most
-money-loving of men[489].
-
-[Illustration: Fig. 12. Vase with cartouche of Bocchoris found at
-Tarquinii.]
-
-[Sidenote: (iii) Tafnekht, father of Bocchoris, resisted the Ethiopians
-           thanks apparently to his command of the sea.]
-
-Bocchoris’ father Tafnekht[490], the first of the Saite princes (749–721
-B.C.), is not known to have had any commercial interests or connexions.
-He is best remembered for his struggle against Pianchi, the first
-Ethiopian ruler to claim the throne of the Pharaohs. Of this struggle we
-have Pianchi’s own version, preserved in the famous Pianchi stele. While
-Tafnekht’s partizans were holding Memphis against the Ethiopians we hear
-of the employment of artizans and master masons as soldiers[491]. The
-force however is stated to have been small, and it is not quite certain
-which side it was fighting on. Tafnekht, when the struggle went against
-him, retired to “the islands of the sea,” from whence he was able to
-negotiate with Pianchi in complete safety. Tafnekht himself described
-the situation not without tact in a letter to Pianchi: “To whatsoever
-city thou hast turned thy face, thou hast not found thy servant there,
-until I reached the islands of the sea, trembling before thy might, and
-saying ‘his flame is hostile to me.’” Eventually he submitted to the
-Ethiopians, but the submission seems to have been little more than
-nominal. Pianchi after receiving it is no more heard of in the Delta,
-and Tafnekht, to judge from the position held after him by his son
-Bocchoris, must have regained considerable power.
-
-This may have had its base in naval supremacy. In the ancient list of
-thalassocrats, or states that successively ruled the waves, preserved to
-us by Syncellus, Eusebius and Jerome, the thalassocracy of Egypt falls
-at about this period. The only list that gives a precise date is that of
-Jerome, who puts it between 783 and 748 B.C. But the lists give the
-duration of each thalassocracy as well as absolute dates, and, as
-pointed out by J. L. Myres, if, instead of following the dates in years
-from Abraham, we calculate from the duration of the various
-thalassocracies, working backward from the period of the Persian wars,
-then the end of the Egyptian supremacy falls not in 748 but in 725[492].
-This dating makes Tafnekht a thalassocrat[493], and explains how he was
-able to stand up against Ethiopia and the comparatively little damage
-that he sustained in spite of his military failures. In 715 we find
-another Ethiopian invading the Delta. The new prince of Sais, Bocchoris,
-presumably had no impregnable naval base. He was caught by the Ethiopian
-Sabacon and burnt or flayed alive[494]. It is only when Psamtek formed
-alliances with the naval power that had replaced Egypt that the Saite
-princes fully regained the throne of the Pharaohs. This time their power
-had a sounder financial basis. It lasted for nearly a century and a
-half, and was then suddenly destroyed at its zenith by irresistible
-forces from without. On the reckoning which ends Egyptian naval
-supremacy in 725 B.C. the command of the sea when Psamtek was building
-up his power was in the hands of the Carians. It is precisely the
-Carians, along with the Milesians (who on the same reckoning were
-thalassocrats from 725 to 707 B.C.), who are said by all our ancient
-authorities to have been the basis of Psamtek’s power[495].
-
-If the king who ruled Egypt in 700 B.C. based his power on the trading
-and industrial classes, and a king who reigned twenty years earlier drew
-up the first commercial code in Egypt, while under the predecessor of
-this latter king Egypt had been supreme at sea, then by 670 B.C.
-conditions may well have been favourable for the commercial activities
-of Prince Psammetichus as described by Diodorus. [Sidenote: Tafnekht and
-probably Bocchoris and Sethon were (not kings of all Egypt but) princes
-of Sais, the city of Psammetichus, and belonged possibly to the same
-family as Psammetichus.] But still more will this have been so if, as
-seems likely, both Sethon and Bocchoris were Saite princes of the same
-house as Psammetichus himself. The evidence is weak and inconclusive and
-for that reason difficult to summarize shortly. But the conclusions that
-it seems to point to are sufficiently important to make the attempt
-worth while.
-
-One point seems fairly certain. Sethon was not the name of the conqueror
-of the Assyrians. Far more probably it was his title, a graecized form
-of the priestly title stm, stne, setmi, or satni[496]. If his actual
-name is still doubtful, it is not for lack of suggestions. Sethon has
-been identified with (_a_) Khamois son of Ramses II[497], (_b_) Shabaka,
-first king of the Ethiopian dynasty[498], (_c_) Shabataka, successor of
-Shabaka[499], (_d_) Taharqa, the Biblical Tirhaka[500].
-
-These identifications are all untenable, the first two on account of
-their dates, the rest because they make Sethon an Ethiopian. The warrior
-class that refused to support Sethon was Ethiopian in sympathy and not
-likely to desert an Ethiopian[501]. The Sethon story glorifies the god
-Ptah (Hephaestus) of Memphis whereas the Ethiopian dynasty was devoted
-to Amon of Thebes[502]. Griffith indeed suggests that Taharqa, who
-became king of Ethiopia and Egypt after 700 B.C., may at the time of
-Sennacherib’s defeat have represented the reigning king Shabataka in
-Lower Egypt, possibly with the title of priest of Ptah at Memphis[503].
-But there is no evidence for this having been so, and the picture of
-Taharqa as a king with no real soldiers at his back is not easily
-explained. On the contrary, as pointed out long ago by Lepsius[504], the
-Biblical account[505] appears to differentiate Pharaoh king of Egypt,
-whom it calls a broken reed, and Tirhaka king of Ethiopia. Similarly the
-Assyrian cylinders distinguish the kings of Egypt from the king of
-Miluhhi = Meroe = Ethiopia[506]. The kings of Egypt who are thus
-referred to in the plural[507] are plainly the rulers who at the period
-divided among themselves the lands of the Delta. The evidence all points
-to the conclusion that Sethon was one of these Delta chiefs, and
-presumably one of the most important of them, who acknowledged when
-forced to the suzerainty of Ethiopia or Assyria as the case might be,
-but did his best to keep clear of both great powers.
-
-It is not improbable that Sethon belonged to the same family as
-Psammetichus, or at any rate that he was one of his predecessors on the
-throne of Sais. As starting-point for identifying him we have two facts.
-He was high priest of Ptah and he was alive in 701 B.C. A generation
-earlier the title Sem of Ptah was borne by Tafnekht, the chief of Sais
-from about 749 to 721 B.C.[508] who led the Delta in its struggle
-against the Ethiopian Pianchi[509]. A generation after Sethon the
-Assyrian cylinders[510] describe Necho I (672–664 B.C.) the father of
-Psammetichus I as king not only of Sais but also of Memphis, the home of
-the Sethon tradition. A whole line of Saite rulers may be traced from
-Tafnekht onwards to Psammetichus I[511]. All of these kings seem to have
-been something more than mere local rulers. The Pianchi stele makes it
-plain that Tafnekht aimed at becoming king at least of the whole of
-Lower Egypt. Bocchoris, the solitary king of the XXIVth dynasty, has
-been discussed already. Stephinates, Nechepsus, and Necho I appear in
-Africanus[512] as the first three kings of dynasty XXVI, Psammetichus I
-coming fourth on the list. This statement is not discredited by the fact
-that other writers[513] begin the dynasty with Psammetichus, while
-Eusebius[514] puts Stephinates second, after Ammeris the Ethiopian. The
-three versions need not be mutually exclusive. Psammetichus was
-unquestionably the first of the Saites to win for his house the
-undisputed kingship of all Egypt. Hence the position generally assigned
-to him. In another way too he represented a new departure dynastically.
-He appears to have had family connexions with Ethiopia, and to have
-consistently aimed at an entente with the Ethiopian royal house[515],
-who may have originally left him a free hand in the Delta from the
-desire to put a buffer state between Ethiopia and Assyria. Ammeris
-appears to be a Greek form of (Ta) Nut-Amen, Rud-Amen, or Amen-Rud, as
-the last of the Ethiopian kings is variously called[516]. His appearance
-at the head of the XXVIth dynasty is a record of its Ethiopian
-connexions at this time[517]. Africanus on the other hand, following
-Manetho, who was himself an Egyptian, records Psamtek’s ancestry in the
-direct line, and regards them, rather than any Ethiopian or Assyrian
-conquerors, as the lawful kings of the whole country[518].
-
-We are now in a better position for trying to identify the Sethon of
-Herodotus. This Saite dynasty was probably represented at the time of
-Sennacherib’s invasion by Stephinates. In Africanus his reign as first
-king of the XXVIth dynasty begins later, about 685 B.C. But this leaves
-a gap of 30 years with no recorded rulers of Sais and Memphis. Petrie’s
-explanation of this hiatus may be right. He thinks that Stephinates was
-probably son and successor of Bocchoris, but that after Bocchoris had
-been crushed and burnt by the Ethiopians in 715 B.C. the Saite power
-remained for some time a very broken reed. It is therefore not unlikely
-that the Stephinates of Manetho is the Sethon of Herodotus. No prince of
-the name appears on Egyptian monuments, but it has been plausibly
-suggested by Petrie[519] that Stephinates is another Tafnekht with
-perhaps a sigma carried over by a Greek copyist from some word before
-his name. May we not guess what this word was? The first Tafnekht styled
-himself Sem of Ptah. The story of Satni Khamois[520] shows that the
-title might be prefixed to the personal name. May not the strange form
-Stephinates be simply a Greek corruption of Satni Tafnekht or, as the
-name is sometimes transcribed, Tefnakhte[521]?
-
-A family connexion between Bocchoris and the later Saites is harder to
-establish. In support of it there are these facts: a Samtavi Tafnekht
-appears among the officials of Psamtek I; and, as the name Tafnekht was
-borne by the father and predecessor of Bocchoris[522], this Samtavi
-Tafnekht has been recognized by Petrie[523] as “doubtless a brother or
-cousin of the king.” The name Bakenranf itself is borne by another of
-Psamtek’s officials[524], who may well be the Bocchoris son of Neochabis
-(Nekauba) mentioned by Athenaeus[525], in which case he would have been
-an uncle of the reigning king[526]. A direct connexion between the
-XXIVth and XXVIth dynasties has indeed been often suspected[527]. They
-may stand to one another much as the English Lancastrians to the Tudors,
-separated by a period of eclipse and by the alliance with their rivals
-that was made in each case at the period of the restoration[528].
-
-[Sidenote: Popular stories of Satni Khamois, which probably reflect the
-           atmosphere of Sais under Sethon,]
-
-It was probably during this period of eclipse that two popular stories
-of an earlier date were revised and received the shape in which they
-have come down to us[529], and in which also they very possibly have a
-bearing on the history of the Herodotean Sethon. Their hero is Satni
-Khamois, son of Ramses II, who protects the king his father not by force
-of arms but by learning and magic.
-
-Satni and Sethon both save their country where the military had failed.
-“The military chieftains of the chief ones of Egypt were standing before
-him (Pharaoh Usimares) each one according to his rank at court” when the
-Ethiopian came and threatened to “report the inferiority of Egypt in his
-country, the land of the Negroes.” And just as the captains and the
-courtiers proved helpless against the Assyrians in the days of Sethon,
-so did they against the Ethiopians in the days of Satni. This is the
-connecting link. The value of the Satni story for the history of Sethon
-is that it probably gives the atmosphere of the Sethon period, and that
-being so it helps to show that Sethon was already pursuing in many ways
-the Saite policy. Griffith for instance has observed that Satni is not
-presented in a very heroic light. But neither did any of the later
-Saites adopt the heroic pose. Nothing could be less like the grand
-monarque than Psamtek as pictured on a relief in the British Museum
-(above fig. 11)[530] or Amasis as pictured in the pages of
-Herodotus[531]. [Sidenote: recall in tone those told of Amasis, the last
-great Saite pharaoh.] The same picture of Amasis is presented to us by
-the popular Egyptian stories. “Is it possible,” his courtiers ask, “that
-if it happens to the king to be drunk more than any man in the world, no
-man in the world can approach the king for business[532]?”
-
-Amasis, who was virtually the last of the Saites, is said to have been a
-man of the people[533]. In the days of Sethon (Satni Tafnekhte), who
-perhaps heads the dynasty, a story of the Satni Khamois cycle told how
-that royal prince had personally visited the kingdom of the dead to
-learn the lesson of Dives and Lazarus[534].
-
-[Sidenote: Conclusions as to the early history of the Saite dynasty.]
-
-This concludes our examination of the history of the early Saites. It
-points to a consistent policy carried out with a remarkable combination
-of perseverance and versatility by a succession of rulers who may have
-been all of a single family and who certainly inherited in unbroken
-succession the same aims and the same essential method of attaining
-them, which was marked out for them by the place and the age they lived
-in. The Saite power grew to be supreme in Egypt while Ethiopians and
-Assyrians were contending for the land. From force of circumstances Sais
-had to be a military power. But the city owed its victory over its
-rivals between 721 and 670 B.C. first and foremost to the fact that it
-lay off the main track of war. As always when Egypt is involved in a
-great war it is the Eastern frontier that faces the main enemy. Sais was
-not always able to remain neutral, but lying right away in the West it
-was able at least to preserve and even to develop its commerce. It
-seized its opportunity and did so. The commercial code of Bocchoris, the
-hucksters and artizans and tradespeople of Sethon, and the cargoes of
-Psammetichus mark three great stages in the development, at the end of
-which, to quote the words of Maspero, “the valley of the Nile becomes a
-vast workshop, where work was carried on with unparalleled
-activity[535].”
-
-All these considerations lend a general probability to the narrative of
-Diodorus. They do not however specially confirm his statements about
-Psamtek’s trading with the Greeks. [Sidenote: Sais and Greece:
-foundation of Naukratis:] Greek commerce in Egypt in the days of the
-Saites is bound up with the name of Naukratis. “In the days of old,”
-says Herodotus[536], “Naukratis was the only emporium in Egypt. There
-was none other.” This is an overstatement the origin of which will be
-seen when we come to deal with Amasis, the last but one of the Saite
-Pharaohs. But it implies that Naukratis eclipsed in importance all the
-other Greek trading stations in the country. It concerns us therefore to
-enquire what was the position of Naukratis in the days of Psammetichus.
-The question has been much disputed, especially since the eighties of
-the last century, when the site was excavated by Petrie and Ernest
-Gardner, and an account of the city was published by Petrie[537] based
-on the literary sources and the results of the dig. As however some of
-the excavators’ archaeological conclusions have been challenged in many
-quarters, and as too some important archaeological evidence has only
-recently come to light, it may be worth while to summarise briefly the
-whole body of available material.
-
-[Sidenote: (_a_) literary evidence;]
-
-S. Jerome under the date Olymp. VII 4 (= 749 B.C.) says “the Milesians
-held the sea for eighteen years and built in Egypt the city of
-Naukratis[538].” This statement agrees with Stephanus Byzantinus[539]
-who calls Naukratis “a city of Egypt from the Milesians who were at that
-time supreme at sea.” Jerome and Stephanus are in harmony with
-Polycharmus[540] who mentions a certain Herostratos as living at
-Naukratis and trading there and making long voyages in the XXIIIrd
-Olymp. (688 B.C.). But there are other writers who put the foundation
-later. Strabo, in the passage already referred to[541], after describing
-the foundation of the Milesians’ Fort in the days of Psammetichus,
-continues: “and eventually they sailed up to the Saite nome and after
-defeating Inaros in a naval engagement they founded the city of
-Naukratis.” Lastly we have Herodotus[542] stating that King Amasis
-(570–526 B.C.) “gave the city of Naukratis for Greeks who came to Egypt
-to dwell in,” an assertion that taken by itself might mean that
-Naukratis was founded in or after 570 B.C.[543].
-
-One further witness remains to be cited. Sappho wrote a poem reproaching
-her brother Charaxos for his devotion to a Naukratite hetaera named
-Doriche, with whom he had fallen in love when bringing Lesbian wine to
-Naukratis by way of trade[544]. Among the papyri discovered by Grenfell
-and Hunt at Oxyrhynchus is a fragment containing sixteen mutilated
-Sapphic lines that almost certainly form part of this very poem[545].
-This means that Naukratis had already grown to be a pleasure city in the
-days of Sappho. Unfortunately her dates are not absolutely certain. A
-recent heresy brought her down to the reign of Amasis, but her floruit
-is generally given as the end of the seventh century, and there seem to
-be no sufficient reasons for not accepting that date.
-
-Such is the literary evidence. No single item of it is decisive for an
-early occupation. Those which are definite can be questioned on point of
-fact. Sappho, whose evidence alone cannot be so questioned, may
-conceivably have written after 570. Combined however they make it
-probable that Naukratis rose to importance before the days of Amasis,
-and that Herodotus either confused the foundation of the city with that
-of the Hellenium[546] or else did not intend his words “gave the city
-for Greeks who came to Egypt to dwell in” to imply that the Milesians
-were not there in force before the granting of this concession[547].
-Nevertheless, if we were limited to these literary sources, we could not
-be certain that where Diodorus seems to supplement his predecessors he
-was not merely adding details that they appear to imply. That is in fact
-the view of his narrative that some modern scholars apparently
-hold[548]. Even if this were so, his additions would still have a
-certain value. If Diodorus, writing in the first century B.C., read
-between the lines of Herodotus the same unstated implications that have
-been read there in recent times, the coincidence points to the
-probability that this reading is not altogether wrong[549].
-
-[Sidenote: (_b_) archaeological evidence:]
-
-That is as far as the texts take us. For further light we must look to
-archaeology. The new light began by increasing the perplexity. Petrie
-and Gardner both claimed that their excavations at Naukratis proved that
-it had been an important Greek city from the middle of the seventh
-century. But their main arguments were before long shown to be mistaken,
-and somewhat naturally it began to be assumed that they must be wrong in
-their conclusions.
-
-[Sidenote: (i) excavations of Petrie, who dated Naukratis from the time
-           of Psammetichus I;]
-
-Petrie[550] based his arguments on the following observations. In the
-South part of the town he came across what he described as a scarab
-factory. There were numerous scarabs of Psamtek I, some of Psamtek II,
-and some that are probably of Apries; but none of Amasis. This seems to
-date the factory from well before 610 till after 589. Two feet beneath
-the factory was a burnt stratum of plain potsherds which must take us
-back a good way further, to at least 650 B.C. and probably earlier. The
-scarabs are imitation Egyptian and are taken by Petrie to be Greek.
-Further South, but also within the area of the burnt stratum, there is a
-large enclosure which he describes as surrounded by a strong brick wall.
-This he identified with the Hellenium, where Herodotus states that nine
-Greek cities had quarters assigned to them by Amasis. The dimensions of
-the bricks point to the early Saite period.
-
-[Sidenote: (ii) further excavations by Hogarth invalidated Petrie’s
-           arguments;]
-
-But in 1899 and 1903 further work was done at Naukratis by Hogarth which
-led him to the following conclusions. Petrie’s Hellenium is wrongly
-identified: it is not a walled enclosure: what Petrie took for walls is
-simply débris of houses[551]. The real Hellenium is to be found in what
-Petrie called the North Temenos[552]. All Petrie’s evidence for a
-seventh century Naukratis comes from his scarab factory and his “Great
-Temenos,” both in the South part of the town, which is marked off by the
-occurrence there of the burnt stratum already referred to, and is shown
-by the finds to have been the Egyptian quarter of the town[553]. The
-Greeks would naturally have separate quarters and occupy the Northern
-seaward end of the town[554]. The scarabs, it is maintained, may well be
-of Phoenician make[555].
-
-[Sidenote: (iii) arguments from the vase inscriptions shown to be
-           indecisive.]
-
-The early arrival of the Greeks in Naukratis has been thought by Ernest
-Gardner to be confirmed by the numerous inscriptions, some painted but
-most (about 700) incised, on the pottery from the site[556]. His
-arguments were criticized by Hirschfeld and Kirchhoff[557] and have
-received little support[558]. In some of them the lettering appears very
-crude and primitive; but this may be due simply to the fact that they
-are scratched by hasty and unskilled hands. They are not more archaic in
-appearance than some of the graffiti on vases from Rhitsona (Mykalessos)
-in Boeotia, of which the earliest must be dated in the middle of the
-sixth century, while others are contemporary with the finely written
-signatures of Teisias, who flourished at the end of the sixth
-century[559]. Gardner is certainly wrong in thinking that the lettering
-of any of his inscriptions proves a seventh century date. But on the
-other hand, as well remarked by Edgar[560], all that his critics have
-proved is that none of the inscriptions are _necessarily_ so early. It
-by no means follows that they are necessarily not. But even supposing
-that the Naukratite graffiti are all sixth century, it does not follow
-that Greek Naukratis was of no importance till then. Both Gardner and
-his critics and likewise Mallet[561] discuss the inscriptions with too
-little reference to the particular sherds on which they are inscribed.
-Thirty years ago, when the study of archaic Greek pottery was still in
-its infancy, this was perhaps inevitable. But in the present state of
-our knowledge the style of the potsherds would be a natural
-starting-point for dating the graffiti. Unfortunately the information on
-this point given by Gardner is inadequate, and the Naukratite finds have
-been so dispersed, that the task of collating sherds and graffiti must
-now wait for someone who can devote to it his undivided time and
-attention[562].
-
-Under these circumstances the best that can be done is to turn to some
-more recently excavated site. At Rhitsona the graffiti are nothing like
-so numerous as at Naukratis. Still they are numerous enough to justify
-certain observations. Some 50 examples have been found[563]. All of them
-are on vases of the sixth century. Not one occurs on the numerous vases
-of the seventh century also found on the site[564]. Plainly in Boeotia
-the fashion of scratching inscriptions on pottery only became
-prevalent[565] in the sixth century. By itself therefore the absence of
-seventh century Greek graffiti from Naukratis would no more prove the
-absence of seventh century Greek worshippers[566] than the corresponding
-absence from Rhitsona proves the absence of seventh century graves. At
-the other end of the period Edgar has already noticed that “the practice
-of dedicating vases in the temples appears to have almost died out at
-Naukratis before the middle of the fifth century[567].” Edgar makes this
-remark at the end of his discussion of the inscriptions found in 1899.
-He is apparently thinking of inscribed dedications. Elsewhere,
-discussing the pottery discovered during the same dig, he mentions late
-red figure (_i.e._ about 450 B.C. onwards) as plentiful and black glazed
-pottery with stamped ornaments inside as particularly common. This
-latter ware dates from about the middle of the fifth century, but its
-main vogue is later still[568]. Unfortunately not a sherd of this latter
-ware from Naukratis has been published, and not a word is said as to its
-distribution over the site. It was customarily offered to the dead at
-Rhitsona. It may well have been offered to the gods at Naukratis[569].
-There is of course no need to assume that the fashion of inscribing
-vases came in and went out simultaneously in Naukratis and Mykalessos.
-Boeotia was often behind the times, the Ionians of the seventh and sixth
-centuries generally ahead of them. But the Boeotian evidence shows how
-cautiously the Naukratite graffiti must be used for determining the date
-of the first Greek settlement.
-
-[Sidenote: (iv) The absence of proto-Corinthian pottery proves little.]
-
-Nor is there anything against a seventh century date in the absence of
-proto-Corinthian pottery[570], which is so prevalent on the mainland in
-seventh century Greece. Edgar indeed[571] infers from this absence that
-the fabric must have been obsolete by the time the Greeks came to
-Naukratis. This argument cannot be maintained. Kinch notices that there
-is none of this ware in a chapel that he excavated at Vroulia in Rhodes
-and in which he found a good deal of seventh century Greek pottery[572].
-Within the proto-Corinthian sphere of influence the style lasted on side
-by side with its successors all through the sixth century[573]. This
-late proto-Corinthian ware is equally conspicuous by its absence from
-Naukratis. To push Edgar’s argument to its logical conclusion we should
-have to doubt the existence of Naukratis in the days of Amasis
-himself[574]. Of the twelve Greek cities that had quarters in Naukratis
-in the days of Amasis only one, Aegina, belonged to European Greece. For
-the little known history of this Aeginetan settlement the absence of
-proto-Corinthian may be of significance. Beyond that it is not.
-
-So far then all that has been proved is that both Petrie and Gardner
-fixed partly on the wrong material for deciding whether Naukratis was a
-Greek city of importance in the days of Psammetichus I. And even here on
-one important point the criticism of them has been shown to be ill
-founded. Edgar doubted the Greek character of the scarab factory: but
-not only are the types on some of the scarabs of Greek origin, but a
-faience fragment from the site shows fragments of a Greek inscription
-placed on it before the glazing of the vase[575], a fact that can hardly
-be explained except by assuming a Greek maker.
-
-A great advance was made by Prinz, whose monograph _Funde aus Naukratis_
-marked the first adequate treatment of the pottery. The earlier
-controversies about the date of Naukratis had made little appeal to the
-potsherds that from their mere numbers offer the most valuable evidence
-that has been yielded by the site. [Sidenote: (v) Positive evidence for
-an early foundation comes from the pottery actually found, viz.:] Edgar
-indeed observed in 1905[576] that
-
-  it seems very doubtful whether all the fragments from the Naukratite
-  temples can be as late as 570. There is at least a probability that
-  some of the temples, especially that of the Milesian Apollo, date
-  from the earlier [_i.e._ Hogarth’s Egyptian] days of the town.
-
-But apparently the question was still regarded as “primarily a question
-of historical criticism[577].” Since Prinz’s monograph appeared the
-pottery has taken the first place in the discussion, and it has now
-finally confirmed the earlier dating.
-
-[Sidenote: Milesian (?) (fig. 13),]
-
-Much of the pottery belongs to the well-marked style known generally as
-Rhodian or Milesian[578] (fig. 13) which had its chief vogue in the
-seventh century and the first part of the sixth[579]. The crucial point
-however for our immediate enquiry is to know how long the style may have
-survived. When Prinz states[580] that it is hard to imagine the style
-surviving as a competitor of the developed black figure (_i.e._ sixth
-century) style he is treading on dangerous ground. The earlier ware has
-a charm of its own. The excavations at Rhitsona show that, in Greece
-Proper at any rate, old styles of pottery often lasted long after a new
-style had been introduced, and that a white ground ware with no human
-figures[581] maintained itself all through the sixth century. Against
-any such survival of the fabrics under discussion there is however the
-fact that at Berezan in South Russia it does not occur with Attic black
-figure of the style that spread all over the Greek world by the middle
-of the sixth century[582]. At Naukratis itself it is said not to have
-been found in the Hellenium erected very soon after 570 B.C., a fact
-which points to its vogue having ended by about that date[583]. On the
-other hand fragments, mainly of a later phase, have been found in Samos
-in a cemetery that can hardly go back beyond the middle of the sixth
-century[584]. The Samian material is however scanty[585] and hardly
-demands any modification of the conclusions suggested by the rest of the
-evidence.
-
-[Illustration: Fig. 13. Rhodian or (?) Milesian vase found at
-Naukratis.]
-
-Though generally known as Rhodian this ware was probably made at
-Miletus[586]. It is the dominant ware in archaic Miletus[587] and has
-been found all over the Milesian sphere of influence, including the East
-coast of the Aegean, Rhodes, Rheneia, the Black Sea, and to some extent
-Sicily and Italy (_via_ Sybaris?). It has seldom been found outside it,
-scarcely any being recorded from Greece Proper. The occurrence at
-Naukratis in large quantities of what is probably seventh century
-Milesian pottery is distinctly in favour of a Milesian occupation in the
-reign of Psammetichus[588].
-
-[Sidenote: Fikellura (Samian?) (fig. 14),]
-
-Another fabric of the end of the seventh century and beginning of the
-sixth that is well represented at Naukratis is the so-called
-Fikellura[589]. This ware is similar to the later phases of the
-“Milesian” that show full silhouettes, incisions, and a comparative
-absence of fill ornament. Its distinguishing mark is the zone of
-crescent-shaped ornament that never appears in the “Milesian” style. Its
-date is sufficiently established by its occurrence at Daphnae[590],
-which had its Greek garrison removed by Amasis almost certainly in
-connexion with his concentration of Greeks in Naukratis[591]. This ware
-is assigned by Boehlau to Samos[592], but Perrot[593] well observes how
-rash it is to draw wide general conclusions from the meagre finds
-published in Boehlau’s _Aus ionischen und italischen Nekropolen_.
-
-[Sidenote: Corinthian (figs. 22, 34),]
-
-Corinthian sherds are also fairly frequent at Naukratis[594]. This ware
-prevailed in the seventh century and early sixth and survived till the
-end of the sixth century in certain stereotyped forms. Some of the
-examples from Naukratis appear to be fairly early; _e.g._ the aryballi
-with four warriors[595] belong to a type that was very prevalent about
-600 B.C. but had died out before Black Figure came in[596].
-
-[Illustration: Fig. 14. Fikellura or (?) Samian vase found at Daphnae
-(Defenneh).]
-
-[Sidenote: Attic (fig. 41)]
-
-The earliest examples of Attic pottery from Naukratis[597] likewise go
-back to the very beginning of the sixth century. They belong to a series
-of amphorae called Netos amphorae from the name of a centaur painted on
-one of them in Attic lettering. Their general archaic appearance and the
-survival of the fill ornament show that they must be considerably
-earlier than the François vase or the earliest Panathenaic amphorae,
-which date from about 565 B.C. Prinz puts them back to about 600.
-
-[Sidenote: and Naukratite (fig. 15),]
-
-For dating the Greek settlement at Naukratis this probably imported ware
-is of less importance than a very distinctive style of painted
-pottery[598] that was found there in far larger quantities than any of
-the fabrics just mentioned, and was almost certainly made by Greeks in
-Naukratis itself[599].
-
-For the dating of this pottery Naukratis offered no certain data. The
-decisive evidence is derived from Naukratite vases recently found in
-three other sites, Vroulia in Rhodes, Rhitsona (Mykalessos) in Boeotia,
-and Berezan in South Russia. Vroulia was excavated by Kinch in 1907 and
-1908. The finds were fully and sumptuously published in 1914. They led
-him to believe that the site was occupied only from the first third of
-the seventh century B.C. to about 570–560[600]. Among them were
-fragments of nine Naukratite cups, none of them particularly early
-examples of the style, and of one vase in what seems to be a late
-development from it. The decoration of the Vroulia Naukratite seems
-moreover to correspond to one of the earlier phases of the Milesian (?)
-pottery from the same site.
-
-The Vroulia evidence is confirmed by that of the Naukratite chalice
-(fig. 15) unearthed at Rhitsona just at the time when Vroulia was being
-excavated by Kinch. The vase, which is almost complete, belongs to a
-late phase of the style[601]. Fill ornaments have almost disappeared.
-Red and incisions are abundantly used for details. The vase was found
-with some hundreds of others in a single interment grave that cannot be
-dated much after 550 and maybe a little before that date[602]. A
-Naukratite vase cannot have been made to order for a Boeotian funeral.
-The Rhitsona chalice by itself renders it practically certain that the
-making of Naukratite ware at Naukratis began long before the accession
-of Amasis.
-
-Finally at Berezan on the Black Sea the Russian excavators report that
-in 1909 Naukratite pottery was found along with Rhodian (= Milesian),
-Fikellura and Clazomenae wares in the lowest stratum of the excavations,
-which they date seventh to sixth century, whereas Attic pottery of the
-middle of the sixth century (especially Kleinmeister kylikes) first
-appears in a higher stratum (sixth to fifth century B.C.)[603].
-
-[Illustration: Fig. 15. Naukratite vase found at Rhitsona in Boeotia.]
-
-[Sidenote: all pointing to a foundation in the seventh century.]
-
-In the face of all this evidence it becomes highly probable that
-Naukratite pottery began to be made before the end of the seventh
-century[604]. It is against all likelihood to suppose that the first
-thing the Greek settlement at Naukratis did was to start a large
-pottery, which proceeded at once to turn out a highly original kind of
-ware. And in point of fact we have seen that the finds include a good
-quantity of an earlier style of pottery, that takes us back well into
-the reign of Psamtek. We have seen too that this pottery, which is one
-of the starting-points of the Naukratite style, is probably Milesian.
-
-[Sidenote: Evidence as to Naukratis based on differences observed in
-           different parts of the site, viz. (α) the temenos of the
-           Milesians,]
-
-A further proof of early Milesian influence at Naukratis remains to be
-mentioned. At one spot in the excavations literally hundreds of vases
-were found with incised dedications to Apollo[605]. Some ten of these
-speak of the Milesian Apollo, the god to whom Necho the son of
-Psammetichus made an offering after the victory over Josiah at
-Megiddo[606]. The Milesian sherds that it is natural to put into the
-seventh century come largely from this spot. Herodotus tells us that the
-Milesians did not have quarters in the Hellenium but occupied a separate
-temenos. The spot where these sherds and inscriptions were found is
-unquestionably the site of this temenos. As to why the Milesians thus
-kept apart there can be little doubt that Petrie gives the right
-explanation. It means that they were there before the cities that shared
-the Hellenium[607]. The finds show that their occupation was already on
-a considerable scale before the end of the seventh century.
-
-[Sidenote: (β) the temenos of the Samians,]
-
-Two other cities had separate temene, namely Samos and Aegina[608]. The
-Samian has been identified by a find of sherds dedicated to the Samian
-goddess Hera. But there is from this temenos no mass of pottery that
-takes us back into the first half of the sixth century or the second of
-the seventh, as there is from the Milesian. “Fikellura” ware that is
-very possibly Samian[609] and that may date from about 600 B.C. was
-indeed found, but not in quantities like the Milesian[610]. The scanty
-finds may be due to Arab farmers who had removed much earth from the
-Samian temenos before the excavations began[611]. But the finds as we
-have them, with inadequate accounts of the exact spots they come from,
-hardly make it likely that the Samian temenos was an early
-establishment[612]. True Herodotus[613] tells the tale of a Samian ship
-that set sail for Egypt between 643 and 640 B.C. But it got to Spain by
-mistake, a fact which suggests an imperfect knowledge of the route it
-wished to take. A Samian nymph appears in a fragment of the “Foundation
-of Naukratis” of Apollonius Rhodius[614]. But we only know that she once
-went to a festival at Miletus and was there carried off by Apollo.
-
-[Sidenote: (γ) the temenos of the Aeginetans,]
-
-Of the Aeginetan temenos no trace has been found. It might be suggested
-that the Aeginetans had not the habit of inscribing their dedications.
-But the absence of proto-Corinthian finds favours the view that this
-temenos was not unearthed. It is idle therefore to speculate on its date
-and importance[615].
-
-In any case we have good reason for interpreting the written texts in
-the sense that the Milesians’ Fort made way for the Greek Naukratis
-during the reign of Psammetichus. This is historically important. The
-Milesians’ Fort may have been a fortified trading station[616]: but it
-never had the commercial importance of Naukratis. If, as we have just
-seen good evidence for believing, Greek Naukratis was already a
-considerable place before Psamtek’s death and owed the fact to Psamtek
-himself, then there is an increased probability that Diodorus is right
-when he says that Psamtek owed his throne to commercial dealings with
-traders from across the sea.
-
-[Sidenote: (δ) the Egyptian quarter, with its early temple of Aphrodite]
-
-There are two further points in which the Naukratis excavations bear out
-the texts that support this view. Hogarth has shown that South Naukratis
-was the Egyptian quarter, and that it goes back probably to before King
-Psamtek’s reign. We have seen too that as early as 688 B.C. the Greek
-merchant Herostratos is said to have made offerings at Naukratis in the
-temple of Aphrodite. There is only one spot at Naukratis that compares
-with the Milesian temenos for early Greek finds, and that spot is marked
-by a long series of dedications to Aphrodite[617] incised or sometimes
-painted on the pottery, which includes Milesian, Naukratite, Ionian buff
-and black, and other seventh and sixth century wares. The site of this
-temenos has a significance that seems to have been overlooked. It lies
-just on the borders[618] of the black stratum area that appears to mark
-the limits of the original Egyptian town. When excavations were resumed
-in 1899 there was discovered in the North part of the town a second
-Aphrodite shrine forming a sort of side chapel to the real
-Hellenium[619]. The earliest finds from this Northern Aphrodite shrine
-date from the earlier part of the fifth century[620]. May not the
-position of the earlier and more southerly shrine be due to the fact
-that it was founded before the occupants of the Milesians’ Fort had
-moved to Naukratis and established a Greek quarter there? In other
-words, may we not see in it a confirmation of Polycharmus[621] when he
-speaks of a Greek as offering an image of Aphrodite in a temple of that
-goddess at Naukratis in 688 B.C.? The fact that the Aphrodite site was
-not burnt is no proof that it did not form part of the earliest
-settlement. The men from the Milesians’ Fort who defeated Inaros may
-well have spared the Greek sanctuary when they burnt the rest.
-
-[Sidenote: and the statuettes of the goddess found on the temple site.]
-
-The voyage of Herostratos was held in remembrance at Naukratis because
-of a statuette of Aphrodite that he dedicated in her temple as a
-thank-offering for having saved him during a storm. The statuette was a
-span long and of archaic workmanship, and had been bought by him at
-Paphos during the voyage. When the storm arose the people on board had
-betaken themselves to this eikon and prayed it to save them. The goddess
-heard their prayers and gave them a sign by suddenly filling the ship
-with a most fragrant perfume. The story is discussed by Gardner[622] in
-his chapter on the statuettes from the temenos of Aphrodite, which
-include a number that may represent the Paphian goddess. But he makes no
-reference to the statuette that probably has the closest bearing on the
-tale. The upper half is of the normal draped female type, but the lower
-shows simply the form of an alabastron. The whole is a perfume
-vase[623]. This particular example (fig. 16) cannot be earlier than the
-end of the sixth century. The type however is shown both by the style
-and the context of other examples to go back to the seventh century, and
-probably to the earlier part of it. The home of the type is thought by
-Poulsen[624] to be Cyprus. An object that combined the functions of an
-eikon and a smelling-bottle might indeed work miracles in a storm. It is
-tempting to believe that such was in fact the image that saved
-Herostratos. The miracle takes place just at the period when this type
-of figurine was started. If we are right in associating the two, then we
-are further justified in thinking that Polycharmus may have had some
-solid grounds for his dating as well as for the rest of his account.
-
-[Illustration: Fig. 16. Perfume vase found at Naukratis.]
-
-[Sidenote: Evidence of large jars used for merchandise.]
-
-The other point concerns the large plain jars that were found on the
-site[625]. Many of these are of Egyptian forms. But others, of which one
-is shown in fig. 17, are unmistakably Greek. This jar was found in the
-burnt deposit in the South end of the city, which represents the earlier
-Egyptian settlement on the site[626]. These large jars were used by the
-Greeks for the transport of wine, oil and the like[627]. In jars such as
-these Sappho’s brother must have brought to Naukratis the wines of
-Lesbos, and they must have figured largely in the cargoes brought by
-Greeks and Phoenicians[628] to Psamtek in exchange for the cargoes that
-they received from Psamtek in the days when he was building up his
-power[629].
-
-[Illustration: Fig. 17. Greek wine jar found at Naukratis.]
-
-[Sidenote: Conclusions about early Naukratis.]
-
-To sum up our conclusions about Naukratis: texts and excavations confirm
-and supplement one another to the effect that there was an Egyptian
-settlement from the beginning of the seventh century, that Greek traders
-found their way there almost from the first, and that about the middle
-of the seventh century the Greek trading settlement became of
-considerable importance[630] through the removal to it of the occupants
-of the Milesians’ Fort[631]. Finally about 569 B.C. we have the
-concentration in the city of all the Greek traders in Egypt.
-
-[Sidenote: The position of Naukratis under Amasis]
-
-The Greek traders were concentrated by Amasis in Naukratis as a
-concession to the Egyptians with whom they had grown more and more
-unpopular owing to their influence and success. Amasis had risen to
-power as the leader of an anti-Greek agitation[632], and, as Petrie
-pointed out[633], the concentration was an anti-Greek move[634]. But
-Amasis cleverly contrived that it should be not unpopular, but even the
-reverse, with the Greeks. Naukratis as a monopoly city enjoyed an
-immense reputation during Amasis’ long and prosperous reign. [Sidenote:
-contrasted with its position under Psammetichus.] But the Amasis
-tradition cannot conceal the fact that the time when Greek traders got
-the freest welcome in Egypt was that of Psammetichus, when Greek
-hoplites were being employed to establish the Saite dynasty as rulers of
-all Egypt.
-
-[Sidenote: Daphnae and the Greek mercenaries]
-
-In the early days of Psammetichus, when he was overthrowing the
-dodecarchy, his Greek merchants and his Greek soldiers probably had
-their headquarters together, in the Milesians’ Fort. At Naukratis the
-military element does not appear. From about 650 B.C. till shortly after
-the accession of Amasis in 570 the Greek mercenaries are found quartered
-in a place called The Camps at Daphnae on the most Easterly (Pelusian)
-arm of the Nile[635]. The history of the transition from the Milesians’
-Fort to Daphnae is obscure[636]; but in a broad sense there can be
-little doubt that the Fort was as much the parent of the camp at Daphnae
-as of the emporium at Naukratis. Naukratis and Daphnae, the Greek
-emporium and the Greek camp, were alike essential to the Saite Pharaohs,
-and both had plainly gone far in their development and organization
-early in Psamtek’s reign.
-
-[Sidenote: and the Egyptian warrior caste.]
-
-How closely the two were associated may be realized from the consistent
-attitude of the Saite Pharaohs towards another element of the
-population. The Ionian and Carian bronze men were not the first
-mercenaries to form the basis of a Pharaoh’s power. The XXIInd and
-XXIIIrd dynasties (_c._ 943–735 B.C.) had rested their power on their
-mercenaries from Libya. These Libyan mercenaries had developed into a
-caste of professional soldiers and were still in the land[637]. It is
-noteworthy that no Saite, with one possible exception nearly 100 years
-after Psamtek’s accession, ever attempted to use them either for
-securing or for maintaining his power. Mallet notes that for the time
-before Psammetichus the monuments often show commanders of Libyan
-mercenaries bearing high titles, but that from his reign onwards there
-is no similar instance[638].
-
-Meyer[639] is probably right in suspecting that this warrior class
-(μάχιμοι) formed Psamtek’s bitterest opponents. Eventually a large body
-of them deserted and took service with the king of Ethiopia, and Psamtek
-seems to have made no determined effort to prevent them[640]. The one
-exceptional case in which the Libyan warrior class may possibly have
-placed a Saite on the throne is that of Amasis (570–526 B.C.)[641], who
-overthrew his predecessor Apries (589–570) by leading the native
-population against the Greek mercenaries[642]. But, as Herodotus tells
-us, he was soon driven to “become a philhellene[643].” Petrie thinks
-that Amasis was converted under pressure of the Persian peril, and in
-support of this view quotes the alliance of Amasis with Croesus[644],
-Polycrates[645], and the Greek Battus of Cyrene[646], as also his
-friendship with Delphi[647].
-
-This point of foreign policy no doubt had its weight in the years that
-saw the rise of Cyrus and his overthrow of Media in 549 B.C., Lydia in
-546, Babylon in 538 (?). But it was not the cause of his conversion.
-Amasis became Pharaoh in 570. In the sixth year of his reign he made an
-edict that contained the following words: “Let the Ouinin (= Ionians) be
-given place of habitation in the lands of the nome of Sais. Let them
-take to their use ships and firewood. Let them bring their gods[648].”
-Long therefore before the rise of Persia Amasis had realized how
-impossible it was to maintain his position otherwise than by coming to
-an understanding both with the Greek merchants and the Greek
-mercenaries. Philhellenism was in fact an essential part of Saite
-policy. Necho (610–594 B.C.), the son and successor of Psammetichus I,
-sent offerings to Apollo at Branchidae (Miletus) after his victory over
-Josiah of Judah and the Syrian fleet[649]. Psammetichus II (594–589)
-died probably as a child: to his reign are probably to be assigned the
-Abu Symbel inscriptions[650] scratched by Greek soldiers on monuments
-far up the river by Elephantine. The people of Elis are said to have
-appealed to him or his government on a point respecting the Olympian
-games[651]. Apries (589–570), who fell foul of his Greek troops, had
-30,000 Ionians and Carians under arms[652]. A small Greek vase found at
-Corinth[653] has the cartouche of Apries. It is in the form of a
-helmeted head (fig. 18). The vase is of faience (so-called). It was
-probably made at Naukratis, perhaps in Petrie’s scarab factory, and
-gives us a contemporary picture of one of Apries’ Greek mercenaries, or
-at least of the top part of his equipment.
-
-[Illustration: Fig. 18. Corinthian vase with cartouche of Apries.]
-
-Amasis accordingly became a friend of the Greeks and remained so till he
-died. The Greeks reciprocated his friendship. The feelings of the
-Naukratite traders towards him are reflected plainly enough in the pages
-of Herodotus[654]. The Greek mercenaries supported him loyally to the
-end of his long reign, and in spite of the treachery of their commander
-Phanes they fought gallantly at Pelusium in 525 B.C. when Psammetichus
-III, the last of the Saites, was overthrown by the Persians. Under the
-military rule of Persia the Libyan warrior class recovered its old
-position[655].
-
-[Sidenote: Personal relations between Saite sovereigns and Greek
-           tyrants.]
-
-Thus we have seen the Saite dynasty rising to power by means of Greek
-merchandise and Greek mercenaries and maintaining its power by the same
-means. Its general policy follows the same lines as that of the
-tyrannies that sprang up at this time all over the Greek world.
-Herodotus with his usual insight recognized this fact when he put into
-his history the story of the friendship between Amasis and the Samian
-tyrant Polycrates. Amasis was probably not the first of the Saites to
-have a Greek tyrant for his friend. Cordial relations with Thrasybulus,
-the tyrant of Miletus, are suggested by Necho’s offerings to the
-Milesian Apollo, and the friend of Thrasybulus must have been also the
-friend of the Corinthian tyrant Periander. It has often been assumed,
-and not without reason, that Periander’s successor was called
-Psammetichus from some personal connexion with the lord of Sais.
-
-[Sidenote: The name Psammetichus.]
-
-Psammetichus I is the first individual known to have borne that name. It
-is possible therefore that it may have had some special appropriateness
-to his own or his father’s career[656]. One of the most probable
-interpretations of the name is “man (vendor) of mixing bowls.” The
-choice seems to lie between this interpretation and “man (vendor) of
-mixed wine” (_i.e._ wine mixed with spices, etc.). Which of these is to
-be preferred depends on the interpretation of the root mtk[657]. In
-hieratic writing the phonetic symbols are sometimes followed by a
-“determinative” symbol or pictograph, placed at the end to prevent
-misunderstanding. The determinative for mtk is the picture of a vase, as
-seen for instance in _Rylands Library Demotic Papyri_, p. 201. The vase
-has a barrel or pear-shaped body, narrow neck, and broad flat mouth, ⚱.
-The particular shape must not be pressed, and the picture may be meant
-to denote not the vase but its contents. But it must mean one or the
-other[658]. Griffith thinks it denotes the contents, his reasons being
-these[659]: mtk is a Coptic root meaning “mix” and has a Hebrew
-equivalent meaning “mixture” (wine mixed). This meaning “seems to fit
-all requirements[660],” _i.e._ it suits the story of the libation which
-led Psammetichus to become king[661], and also the tales of the low and
-bibulous (φιλοπότης) origin of Amasis[662]. Griffith’s interpretation
-rests ultimately on the philological point, and on the assumption that
-the root in Egyptian must have precisely the same meaning as in Coptic
-and Hebrew. I am indebted to the writer himself for the information that
-this is not always the case. Apart from philology “mixed wine” may suit
-all requirements[663]: but does it do so quite as well as “mixing bowl”?
-The whole point of the story of Psammetichus’ libation depends not on
-the wine but its receptacle. On either interpretation however it is
-sufficiently remarkable that the ruler who is said to have risen to
-power by trade should have had so mercantile a name. Griffith does not
-forget the possibility that the name may have been the source of the
-stories[664]. The two possibilities are not mutually exclusive. A
-merchant prince may be proud of his origin: but that fact will not
-always prevent other people from telling good unofficial stories about
-his early days.
-
-
-
-
-                           Chapter V. _Lydia_
-
-
-              “Yes, ready money is Aladdin’s lamp.”—BYRON.
-
-[Sidenote: Tyranny and coinage both said to be of Lydian origin.]
-
-In an enquiry into the connexions between the new form of government and
-the new form of wealth that both arose at the opening of the classical
-epoch Lydia has a special interest and importance for the reason that
-both coinage and tyranny are said on good authority to have been of
-Lydian origin. Considering how much Lydia was then in the background of
-the Greek world this fact by itself is suggestive. It becomes important
-to determine the dates, and connexions if any, of the first Lydian
-tyrant and the first Lydian coins. It should be said at once that no
-Lydian ruler has been credited with the invention of coinage, and that
-no very definite conclusions can be drawn from the available material.
-The evidence is however sufficiently suggestive to repay a careful
-examination.
-
-[Illustration: Fig. 19. Coins of (_a_) Gyges (?), (_b_) Croesus.]
-
-[Sidenote: Date of the earliest coins.]
-
-Both the date and the place of the final evolution of a metal coinage
-are the subject of much dispute. Among writers of a generation or more
-ago the question of date was mainly a matter of speculation as to how
-long an interval was required between the earliest silver coins with a
-type in relief on both sides, which on grounds of style, epigraphy, and
-circumstances of find can be dated with fair accuracy to about the
-middle of the sixth century, and the primitive electrum pieces punched
-on one side and striated on the other (fig. 19. _a_) that probably
-belong to the earliest issues of Lydia. Most of the leading numismatists
-allowed some three or four generations and assigned the earliest coins
-to the earlier part of the seventh century[665]. But more recently facts
-have come to light which point to the possibility of an earlier and
-perhaps a considerably earlier date. A round dump of silver weighing
-3·654 grammes was found by Sir Arthur Evans at Knossos in a stratum that
-cannot, he says, be dated later than the twelfth century B.C., and two
-similar dumps of gold weighing 4·723 and 4·678 grammes along with a
-third of elongated shape weighing 8·601 were found during the British
-Museum excavations at Enkomi in Cyprus, a site which according to Evans
-must be dated equally early[666]. These few Cretan and Cyprian dumps are
-no argument against the mass of material which points to a great
-numismatic development at a date not so very far removed from 700 B.C.
-But they do shift the balance of probability backward and make a date in
-the eighth century as likely as one in the seventh. The same conclusion
-is suggested by the recent British excavations of the famous temple of
-Artemis at Ephesus[667]. There, below the temple erected in the days of
-Croesus and to which he contributed the sculptured column now in the
-British Museum, the excavators found remains of three earlier
-structures. While clearing out these early buildings they found 87
-electrum coins. Twenty of these were extracted from between the slabs of
-the earliest of the three buildings, five (including four of the lion
-type) were extracted from underneath the foundations of the second
-building, and all low down within the area of these three early
-structures. The total evidence points to all the 87 coins being not
-later than the time of the first of the three buildings, _i.e._ well
-before the time of Croesus. The series begins with the striated type
-(above fig. 19. _a_) that is generally regarded as the most primitive of
-all, while far the commonest type (42 coins) is the lion’s head of the
-style usually attributed to Alyattes[668].
-
-From the latest building to the earliest coin means a considerable
-period, and may well take us back into the eighth century. General
-historical considerations are however against going back too far into
-the eighth century. It was only in the course of that century that
-brigandage and piracy gave place to trade and commerce and the first
-traces can be discovered of the great renaissance that led to Classical
-Greece. If the earliest coins were struck by Lydia they are more likely
-to have been issued in the second half of the century than the first,
-since the establishment of the second Assyrian empire in 745 B.C.
-probably gave a great impetus to Lydian trade. This, however, is
-assuming the claims of Lydia to the “invention.” They have been
-frequently challenged and before proceeding it is necessary briefly to
-examine them.
-
-[Sidenote: The evidence for attributing them to Lydia.]
-
-The Lydians are only one of several peoples and cities that were
-credited by the ancients with the invention of coinage. This uncertainty
-was inevitable. Coinage was not invented but evolved[669]. But it is
-probable that in the final stage of the evolution some one state was a
-little ahead of the rest, and put in this form the Lydians have a good
-claim to the invention. They have in their favour our two best and
-oldest witnesses, Xenophanes and Herodotus[670], the latter of whom
-recognized their outstanding position as traders and plainly sees in it
-the explanation of their leading position in the evolution of coined
-money[671]. The facts as far as we know them bear these authorities out.
-Lydia contains Mt Tmolus and Mt Sipylus and the river Pactolus, the main
-sources of the supply of the metal in which the most primitive coins
-were struck. It was probably just about this period that the Lydian
-electrum mines began to be worked[672] and the electrum of Sardis gained
-the fame it still enjoyed in the days of Sophocles[673]. The kings of
-Lydia from the beginning of the seventh century onward were famous for
-their wealth[674]. The touch-stone used by the ancients for testing the
-precious metals came likewise from Mt Tmolus, and was called “Lydian
-stone[675].” Furthermore, the Lydians occupied a unique position for
-purposes of trade. Sardis, their capital, was the place where the great
-trade-route from the further East, the “royal road,” as Herodotus calls
-it[676], branched out to reach the various Greek cities on the
-coast[677].
-
-In the face of this evidence it is hardly necessary to examine in detail
-the arguments of the modern sceptics who have disputed Lydia’s claim. In
-many cases they start from the baseless assumption that so remarkable an
-invention cannot but be due to the quick-witted Greeks[678]. True, the
-earliest electrum coins are said to have been found mostly along the
-Eastern shore of the Aegean, but it does not follow that that is where
-they were all struck. Gold pieces were common enough in Greece in the
-first half of the fourth century B.C., but they had nearly all been
-struck in Persia. 30,000 Darics (fig. 8) were distributed among the
-Greeks by the Great King’s agents in one single year[679]. The two
-staters of gold that each of the Delphians received from King
-Croesus[680] were undoubtedly Crœseids[681].
-
-Again, the modern market for ancient coins has been largely restricted
-to the coast. Because a coin was bought in Smyrna it does not follow
-that it was found there. Of Sardis itself we still know too little to
-speak with any assurance[682]. But the absence of finds, even at Sardis,
-would not be decisive, since on Radet’s theory the Lydian coinage was
-intended mainly for export, just as appears later to have been the case
-with the silver tetradrachms of Smyrna, Myrina, Cyme, Lebedos, Magnesia
-ad Maeandrum and Heraclea Ioniae, which are rarely found near their
-place of origin, but with few exceptions are brought from different
-parts of Syria[683].
-
-More serious are the criticisms which do not altogether reject
-Xenophanes, but explain him away by means of an interpretation of
-Herodotus I. 94 first put forward by J. P. Six and later developed by
-Babelon[684]. Six maintained that when Herodotus there states that the
-Lydians were the first to strike and use coins of gold and silver, the
-reference is to the concurrent issue of coins in the two separate
-metals, or, in other words, to the coinage of Croesus (fig. 19. _b_),
-who is generally admitted to have been the first to give up electrum in
-favour of separate issues of gold and silver. But though it is true that
-“coins of gold and silver” cannot mean “coins of electrum,” it by no
-means follows that Herodotus is referring to the beginnings not of
-coinage but of bimetallism. Babelon is right in insisting on the exact
-words used by Herodotus, but in his interpretation of them he takes
-perhaps too little account of the type of fact usually recorded by the
-historian. Which is Herodotus more likely to give us? An inaccurate
-version of a fundamental fact like the invention of coined money? Or a
-pedantically accurate statement about an experiment in bimetallism that
-was after all of quite secondary importance? Other things being equal we
-should surely always prefer the interpretation which gives us the
-former, and there is nothing to prevent us from doing so in the present
-case. Assume that Xenophanes means what he says and that his statement
-represents the prevalent tradition, and it is easy to see how Herodotus
-came to use the precise words that he did.
-
-“The Lydians,” he begins, “were the first to strike and use coins.” We
-must remember who it was that he was writing for. His readers would be
-found mainly in the free cities of European Greece. Down to the days
-when he ended his history these European Greeks had coined almost
-exclusively in silver. On the other hand the coinage of Lydia and the
-other Persian satrapies of Asia Minor consisted of Darics of gold and
-shekels of silver, and people in those parts doubtless remembered that
-this coinage in the two metals went back to the days of the Lydian
-kings. It is a fundamental principle with our historian never to omit
-any fact that he can possibly insert. In this case an extra fact can be
-inserted in three words, χρυσοῦ καὶ ἀργύρου, and almost inevitably the
-words go in. Possibly he had forgotten for the moment the primitive
-pieces of electrum: it is equally possible that accuracy was sacrificed
-to fulness of information. Another way of meeting Babelon’s difficulty
-is suggested by Babelon’s own article. It is generally assumed that the
-first coins struck in Asia Minor were all of electrum, and that electrum
-later gave way to gold and silver. But Babelon[685] quotes an example of
-what is generally regarded as the earliest Lydian electrum type (_ob._
-striated, _rev._ three small stamps as on silver spoons) that appears
-from its specific gravity to contain 98 per cent. silver and weighs
-10·81 grammes. This latter is the unit of the so-called Babylonian
-standard, which is employed almost exclusively for silver, the only
-exception being a gold issue of Croesus. It is true that the coin has a
-yellow tint, and that it may contain more than 2 per cent. gold, if the
-light specific gravity is due partly to the presence of copper[686].
-There are cases too of what seem to be unquestionable electrum coins
-with a very low percentage of gold, _e.g._ _Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins of
-Ionia_, p. 47, nos. 2, 3, Ephesian thirds of the normal Phoenician
-standard, one with only 14 per cent. gold to judge by the specific
-gravity, the other actually with only 5 per cent. But the combined
-evidence of weight and specific gravity gives strong support to
-Babelon’s view that the coin must have been intended to pass as
-silver[687]. Babelon assigns this piece to Miletus, but on no sufficient
-grounds. As he himself points out[688], the weight is exactly that of
-the silver coins of Croesus, a weight which in Ionia prevailed only at
-Colophon and Erythrae in the fifth century and at Miletus in the
-third[689], and in these three cases was borrowed from the Persian
-siglos (shekel), which latter was the direct successor of the silver
-coins of Croesus. The earliest silver coins assigned by Head to Miletus
-are struck on the Aeginetan standard (185 grains)[690]. In short, if it
-seems probable that this piece is silver, _a fortiori_ is it probable
-that it is Lydian, and if, as the evidence all tends to show, this is
-the case, the importance of the piece at once becomes obvious. It means
-that from the earliest period of their coinage the Lydians struck not
-only in electrum but also in silver. Now for Herodotus electrum was only
-a variety of gold. His name for it is “white gold” (λευκὸς χρυσός), and
-he appears to regard it as gold of a particular quality, just as
-Bonacossi does the gold of China when he describes it as “pâle, mou et
-ductile[691].”
-
-When therefore Herodotus speaks of the Lydians as the first to coin in
-gold and silver he may well mean white gold and silver and be referring,
-like Xenophanes, to the original “invention” of coined money. But even
-if Babelon is right, there is still no decisive reason why we should not
-ascribe to the Lydians the original “invention” as well as the first
-bimetallic development. Thus Xenophanes and Herodotus may be regarded as
-pointing to Lydia as the first country to strike coins, and after all
-they were in a fairly good position for ascertaining the facts[692].
-Certainty is perhaps hardly attainable. But that does not justify a
-completely sceptical attitude. It is the reverse of scientific to treat
-an epoch illuminated by many half lights as though it was one of total
-darkness. The safest course in such a case is to operate with
-probabilities.
-
-[Sidenote: The origin of the title tyrant.]
-
-The claim of Lydia to have been the original home of tyranny is based on
-similar evidence that needs to be similarly used. The earliest authority
-for it is Euphorion (third century B.C.), who says that the first ruler
-to be called tyrant was Gyges, who began to reign in the XVIIIth
-Olympiad (708–704 B.C.)[693]. The statement has been doubted as being
-perhaps only an inference from Homer and Archilochus drawn by later
-writers[694]. Homer does not use the word τύραννος. It first appears in
-Archilochus, and apparently the tyrant that Archilochus had in mind was
-his contemporary[695] Gyges:
-
-                  I care not for golden Gyges....
-                  I long not for a great tyranny[696].
-
-But even if only an inference from this source the statement may still
-be of some value. The word tyrant is not Greek and may be Lydian[697]. A
-new title does not necessarily imply a new form of government; but if
-there is independent evidence for thinking that a new form of government
-arose just at this time, then that evidence will be corroborated by the
-appearance of a new title; and if that title has a particular local
-origin, it becomes of particular interest to examine the history of the
-rulers of the region where the change arose.
-
-As our evidence leaves it uncertain whether Gyges was the first ruler of
-his kind to arise in Lydia or merely the first to find a prominent place
-in Greek literature and as further we find unusual steps for securing
-the throne attributed to Lydian rulers of about the middle of the eighth
-century it will be well to begin at this earlier date.
-
-[Sidenote: How Spermos and Ardys became kings of Lydia.]
-
-According to the story told by Nicolaus Damascenus[698], Damonno, the
-wife of Cadys, whose reign is ascribed to the middle of the eighth
-century[699], after her royal husband’s death won over by her wealth a
-large number of Lydians, expelled her brother-in-law Ardys, and then
-married her lover Spermos and proclaimed him king. When banished by
-Spermos and Damonno, Ardys goes into business at Cyme as a
-waggon-builder (ἁμαξοπηγῶν) and is keeping a hotel (πανδοκεύων) there
-when called back to the throne of Sardis. He is brought back by a
-tavern-keeper or retail trader (κάπηλος) named Thyessos[700], who as his
-reward asked and received that this inn or shop (καπηλεῖον) should be
-exempt from paying dues (ἀτελές) and after a time became rich from his
-shop-keeping (καπηλεύειν) and as a result established near it a market
-and a shrine of Hermes[701]. The part played in this story by innkeepers
-may, at first sight, seem odd. But as pointed out by Radet[702] in
-discussing the word κάπηλος, innkeeper was probably synonymous with
-merchant in the days of Ardys (766–730 B.C.)[703], when Lydia was
-already becoming a great highway of commerce between Further Asia and
-the Aegean[704]. The Lydian merchants of the period must have seen the
-advantage of providing food and shelter for the members of the caravans
-with whom they traded. Waggon-building, which was one of the occupations
-of the banished Ardys[705], is part of the same activity, connected with
-the famous road that did as much to make the fortunes of ancient Lydia
-as railways will some day do to revive them in the future.
-
-If the narrative of Nicolaus is to be believed, then, as recognized some
-time ago by Gelzer[706], the Lydian leaders of the period appear as
-great merchants and men of business, and more than that, it is as such
-that the rulers secure the throne, and a not unnatural inference is that
-it was the spread of this new type of merchant prince from Lydia
-Westward over the Greek world that caused the spread at the same time of
-the Lydian title. There is nothing improbable in the assumption that
-Lydian history of this period was preserved in a fairly authentic form.
-True our extant authorities are late and their sources uncertain, and
-the story of Spermos has perhaps an excessive resemblance to that of
-Gyges and the wife of his predecessor Candaules[707]. In both cases the
-usurper marries the wife of his predecessor and owes to her his throne.
-The close relations between Ardys and the Greek Cyme recall those
-between the house of Gyges and the tyrant house of Melas at Ephesus,
-which latter is very plausibly explained by Radet[708] as based on their
-common business interests. But these resemblances do not prove that the
-two narratives are not both true. The two queens may have responded in
-the same way to similar semi-matriarchal surroundings, and the two
-princes have found similar solutions for the same commercial problem. If
-the Damonno Ardys story is not history we have no Lydian history of that
-age. But even so it is of value as reflecting conditions that prevailed
-at the beginning of the seventh century and possibly went back to the
-period to which the story is ascribed.
-
-Chronologically we ought next to deal with Gyges himself. Unfortunately
-his history, and more particularly the part that tells how he won the
-throne, has been much obscured by legend. We shall examine it with a
-better prospect of disinterring the facts if first we review certain
-later incidents of Lydian history.
-
-[Sidenote: Later rulers of Lydia.]
-
-The century that followed Gyges is for this purpose not very
-illuminating. A great part of it is taken up with the national struggle
-against the Cimmerian invaders. The kings of the house of Gyges appear
-to have led this struggle well, and as a natural result their power was
-seldom called into question. It is only before the accession of Croesus,
-the last king of the line, that active steps appear to have been
-necessary to secure the throne. The reason was not any anti-monarchic
-movement, but rivalry between two sons or possibly grandsons of the old
-and perhaps senile King Alyattes. None the less, the steps taken by the
-rivals are not without significance. [Sidenote: Financial dealings of
-Croesus before he became king.] The story is told[709] that shortly
-before Alyattes’ death Croesus, the subsequently successful rival, had
-borrowed largely from a very rich man[710] in Ephesus in order to appear
-before the old king with a levy. Before resorting to the rich Ephesian,
-Croesus had appealed to a certain “Sadyattes the merchant, the richest
-man in Lydia,” who had refused to lend to him for the reason, as it
-subsequently turned out, that he was backing the other candidate for the
-throne, Croesus’ half-brother, the half-Greek Pantaleon[711]. Croesus’
-poverty, we are informed, was due to spendthrift habits. But it is
-doubtful whether his lavishness at this period was simply youthful
-dissipation, and not rather part of a systematic policy.
-
-Only a few years later Peisistratus of Athens “rooted his tyranny” on
-revenues from mines. Reasons have been given above[712] for thinking
-that he was already endeavouring to do so. May not Croesus have been
-pursuing a similar course? Later in his career, when he wanted to win
-the special favour of Delphi, “he sent to Pytho, ascertained the number
-of Delphians, and presented each one of them with two staters of
-gold[713].” The staters of Croesus (above fig. 19. _b_) were among the
-most famous coins of antiquity[714]. Reference is made in the _Mirabiles
-Auscultationes_ to gold mines that he worked[715]. His wealth was
-proverbial[716]. Most of it he inherited from his predecessor[717]: but
-the wise old Alyattes knew that it was the root of his power and clung
-to it till his death. For the rivals it is a question who can secure it
-first and in the meanwhile carry on best without it. Both try to borrow
-on a princely scale, and to judge by the issue Croesus was the more
-successful. “As a result of that proceeding he got the upper hand of his
-calumniators[718].” He became king, and his government is described by
-Radet[719] as “une puissante monarchie régnant par la force de l’or.”
-
-This is all conjecture, but it is borne out alike by Croesus’ own
-behaviour and by the advice to Cyrus that is put into his mouth after he
-has become the captive and the counsellor of the Persian king.
-
-The first thing that Croesus did after securing the throne was to put
-Sadyattes to death and to confiscate his possessions[720]. By itself
-this might be taken simply as part of something corresponding to a
-normal process of attainder. But the Sadyattes incident must be read in
-the light of the advice that Croesus is represented as having
-subsequently given to Cyrus, the gist of which is that Cyrus is to
-beware above all things of the richest of his subjects[721]. [Sidenote:
-Croesus bids Cyrus to suspect a rival in the richest of his subjects.]
-The speech is of course pure fiction: so too is very possibly the whole
-story of the intimacy between Croesus and his conqueror[722]. But all
-the same Croesus is Herodotus’ embodiment of the wise and experienced
-ruler of the sixth century, the century during which the historian’s
-father was born only a little way from the borders of Croesus’ kingdom.
-If in the pages of Herodotus he is made to regard wealth as the basis of
-political power, it must be because the historian believed such to have
-been in fact the case. Of the evidence that may have led him, and with
-good reason, to this belief, one item may have been derived from the
-colossal tomb of Croesus’ predecessor Alyattes, which according to the
-account given by Herodotus was constructed by the tradesmen and artizans
-and prostitutes (οἱ ἀγοραῖοι ἄνθρωποι καὶ οἱ χειρώνακτες καὶ αἱ
-ἐνεργαζόμεναι παιδίσκαι)[723]. [Sidenote: The tomb of Croesus’ father
-had been erected by tradesmen, artizans, and “working girls.”]
-Presumably these were the classes who had most benefited or at least
-been most affected by Alyattes’ rule, and on whose support he had mainly
-depended[724]. The largest part of the tomb is said by Herodotus to have
-been built by the “working girls” (= prostitutes) but too much attention
-need not be paid to this typical instance of Herodotean “malignity.”
-Strabo’s report that the tomb was said by some to be that of a harlot
-(πόρνης) is equally suspicious. It may possibly have arisen from the
-obscene symbols that appeared on various parts of the monument,
-including its summit. Possibly the builders of the tomb got mistaken for
-its occupant. The reverse process is less likely, as it leaves the
-tradesmen and artizans unaccounted for[725].
-
-[Sidenote: Revolt from Cyrus of Pactyes who had all the gold from
-           Sardis.]
-
-In conformity with the policy that Herodotus puts into the mouth of
-Croesus, Cyrus was careful before he returned from Lydia to Persia to
-separate the political and financial power in his new conquest:
-
-  Sardis he entrusted to Tabalos, a Persian gentleman, but the gold
-  both of Croesus and the other Lydians he gave to Pactyes, a man of
-  Lydia, to look after (κομίζειν).... But when Cyrus had marched away
-  from Sardis, Pactyes caused the Lydians to revolt from Tabalos and
-  Cyrus, and going down to the sea, as was but natural since he had
-  all the gold from Sardis, he proceeded to hire mercenaries and
-  persuaded the population by the sea to join his expedition[726].
-
-[Sidenote: Xerxes and the rich Lydian Pythes.]
-
-In the days of Xerxes the richest of all the Lydians was Pythes the son
-of Atys. After Xerxes himself, Pythes was the richest man known to the
-Persians of that day. His wealth amounted to 2000 talents of silver and
-3,993,000 golden Darics[727]. He held some sort of rule under the Great
-King at Kelainai in Phrygia and owed his enormous wealth to his mines,
-in which the citizens of his dominions were forced to labour. When
-Xerxes reached Kelainai on his way to invade Greece, Pythes offered to
-present the whole of this immense sum to the king[728]. So stupendous a
-present requires a special explanation. It is not like “the gold plane
-tree and the vine” that Pythes had given earlier to King Darius. It
-looks as if he had suddenly discovered with intense alarm that Xerxes,
-like Cyrus before him, feared nothing so much as a man of extraordinary
-wealth, and as if this present was a desperate attempt to disarm the
-Great King’s suspicions. The father of Pythes bore the same name as one
-of the sons of Croesus, and Pythes himself has been thought by some
-modern scholars to have been the grandson of Croesus[729]. The name
-Pytheus (Pythes) might be due to Croesus’ relations with Delphi[730].
-
-The evidence so far adduced has pointed to the following conclusions:
-metal coinage reached its final evolution in Lydia, probably in the
-second half of the eighth century B.C.; the title tyrant reached Greece
-from Lydia probably early in the seventh century; from the middle of the
-eighth century down to the end of the age of the tyrants all the rulers
-or would-be rulers of Lydia of whom we have any relevant information
-regarded money as the basis of political power. [Sidenote: Radet
-suggests that the first coins were struck by the first tyrants,] In the
-face of these facts it is not surprising that Radet, the scholar who has
-devoted most attention in recent years to this period of Lydian history,
-should have expressed the opinion that the earliest tyrants were also
-the first coiners[731].
-
-The rest of this chapter will be devoted to examining and very
-tentatively developing this suggestion.
-
-Radet attributed the earliest coins to Gyges and imagined them as having
-been struck when Gyges was already on the throne[732]. He wrote however
-before Enkomi, Knossos, and Ephesus had suggested the possibility of an
-earlier date for the earliest coins, and he does not consider the
-possibility that it may have been quite as much a case of the coins
-making the tyrant as the tyrant making the coins. No certainty is to be
-looked for on this point, but for arriving at the greatest available
-probability it will be well for a moment to turn to the brilliant and
-convincing account of the last stages in the evolution of metal coinage
-published by Lenormant and developed by Babelon. Lenormant’s account of
-the circumstances in which stamped pieces of precious metal of definite
-weight first came into circulation cannot be given better than in his
-own words:
-
-[Sidenote: Lenormant that they were private issues.]
-
-  Pour la commodité du commerce, auquel ils servent d’instrument
-  habituel d’échange, on donne à ces lingots des poids exacts ... de ½
-  à 10 taels en or, de ½ à 100 taels en argent. Mais leur circulation
-  et leur acceptation n’ont aucun caractère légal et obligatoire.
-  L’autorité publique n’a point à y intervenir et ne leur donne aucune
-  garantie. Ces lingots ne portent aucune empreinte si ce n’est en
-  certains cas un poinçonnement individuel, simple marque d’origine et
-  de fabrique, qui quelquefois inspire assez de confiance pour
-  dispenser de la vérification du titre du métal, lorsque c’est celle
-  d’un négociant assez honorablement connu. La facilité avec laquelle
-  on accepte le lingot à tel ou tel poinçon tient donc entièrement au
-  crédit personnel de celui qui l’a marqué[733].
-
-The passage just quoted describes not a theory of Lenormant’s but the
-actual practice of the Chinese empire[734]. A similar currency of ingots
-stamped by merchants or bankers has been used in many other parts of the
-world, _e.g._ Japan[735], Java[736], India[737] and Russia[738].
-Reversions to the practice of private coinage have been frequent in
-America[739]; “for a long time the copper currency of England consisted
-mainly of tradesmen’s tokens,” used largely by manufacturers to pay the
-wages of their workpeople[740]. The earliest coins of Asia Minor are
-regarded by the French savants as private issues of a similar kind to
-those just quoted. The small stamps of which several often appear on an
-early electrum coin (_e.g._ above fig. 19. _a_ right) are regarded by
-them as marks or countermarks of bankers or merchants. Babelon[741]
-points out that these stamps cannot be identified as the types of towns
-or kings; that in one case no less than six of them are found on a
-single coin[742]; and that they continue to be put on to the state
-coinage of Darius. The case for Lydia therefore rests largely on
-analogies, and analogies can never be quite conclusive. Some even of
-these must be used with caution, _e.g._ those from Russia and
-Merovingian France, where it is difficult to be sure that they do not
-represent a stage of decadence rather than development. But decadence is
-often another name for reversion to type, and some of the instances
-already quoted, _e.g._ those from China and India, are sufficiently
-remote to be safely trusted. The total effect of the evidence marshalled
-by Lenormant and Babelon is impressive, and certainly no other view
-offers so satisfactory an explanation of the distinguishing features of
-the earliest Greek coins. Their view has already won partial
-acceptance[743]. There are of course gaps in the evidence, notably as to
-the circumstances of the nationalization of the coinage. But this is not
-very surprising if, as the stories of Damonno and Ardys suggest, it was
-in a succession of financial struggles for the throne that the control
-of the mint came gradually to be synonymous with the kingship. When the
-two were finally equated is a matter of conjecture. The chief part in
-the process may perhaps have been played by the tradesman king Ardys,
-but on the whole it seems likely that it was Gyges who completed the
-evolution of metal coinage by making it the prerogative of the state
-after he had first used it to obtain the supreme power. [Sidenote:
-Gyges.] His career falls early enough to make this possible[744], and
-the gold of Gyges attained proverbial fame[745].
-
-Herodotus indeed seems to discountenance the view that Gyges was ever a
-merchant or banker, since he describes him as serving as a guardsman
-αἰχμοφόρος, δορυφόρος under his predecessor Candaules[746]. But
-Schubert[747] is probably right in putting only a limited confidence in
-this part of our account of his career, which he shows to have been
-derived from Delphi. He even suggests[748] that Gyges had bought up
-Delphi before, with a view to his accession, just as Croesus endeavoured
-to purchase the favour of Apollo before his attempted conquest of
-Persia[749]. If there is any truth in this plausible suggestion, then
-the guardsman part of the story may well have been a half-truth
-emphasized to hide Gyges’ commercial antecedents, and Gyges may have
-secured the throne mainly through his wealth.
-
-It is true that Gyges as tyrant fought against the Cimmerians who at
-this time were sweeping over Asia Minor, and that later in his reign he
-rebelled against Assyria[750]. From time to time he invaded the Greek
-cities on the coast. He may even have taken military measures to secure
-the throne, if, as Radet argues[751], his accession meant the overthrow
-of a Maeonian domination and the substitution for it of a Lydian. All
-this however is no proof of particular militarism. The wars against the
-Cimmerians were defensive. The revolt from Assyria was an indirect
-result of the Cimmerian wars. If Gyges took the aggressive against the
-Greeks[752], his motive was probably commercial. He wanted “to secure
-for the Lydian caravans a free and sure outlet for their goods[753].”
-These Greek wars were seldom carried to extremes[754]. As regards the
-fighting by which he is said to have seized the throne, note that his
-troops, in part at least, were Carian mercenaries[755].
-
-Immediately after establishing himself by these violent means Gyges
-“sent for his various friends and enemies. Those whom he thought would
-oppose him he did away with; but to the rest he gave presents and made
-them mercenaries[756].”
-
-[Sidenote: The ring of Gyges]
-
-A confirmation of this same view as to the origin of Gyges’ power is
-possibly to be found in the story of Gyges and his ring. In this famous
-story, as told by Plato[757], Gyges was a shepherd who discovered in the
-earth a magic gold ring, which gave him the power of invisibility and
-enabled him to enter the palace, slay the king, and procure his own
-accession. As happens so often when a story of the order of the _Arabian
-Nights_ is applied to a historical personage, the immediate problem is
-to discover not the origin of the story, but the points about the
-historical character that caused the story in question to get attached
-to him. We may begin by dismissing the shepherding, since Gyges belonged
-to an ancient and princely family[758].
-
-The fact or facts that caused Gyges to be associated with the story
-probably had some connexion with the magic ring and its discovery in the
-earth. It has for instance been suggested that the real magic of the
-ring of Gyges lay in the signet that serves as a passport and reveals or
-conceals a man’s identity according to the way he wears it. Radet[759]
-pictures Gyges as a sort of major domo to Candaules, and the ring as the
-emblem of his power. Explanations of this kind are not without
-plausibility; they are right in taking notice of the signet[760]; but
-they ignore one essential detail of the story namely the marvellous
-discovery of the ring, nor do they go to the root of the matter, if, as
-the story plainly implies, the ring of Gyges is to be equated with the
-real source of his power. From this last point of view it becomes
-probable that Radet has come very much nearer the truth in another
-passage, where he says: “Gygès et ses successeurs ont possédé un
-merveilleux talisman: la science économique[761].” [Sidenote: explained
-by Radet as “la science économique.”] There is a point about the ring
-story that tells strongly in favour of some explanation on the lines of
-this second suggestion of Radet’s. The hero of the story is not always
-Gyges: in Pliny[762] it is Midas the king of Phrygia who was overthrown
-by the Cimmerians a generation before they overthrew Gyges[763]. It is
-of course possible that Pliny is merely making a mistake about the name.
-But it is equally possible that a genuine tradition attributed the ring
-to Midas. Midas has much else in common with Gyges and the points of
-resemblance deserve to be noticed. His kingdom, like that of Gyges, was
-famous for its precious metals[764]. Like Lydia it occupied an important
-part of the great caravan route[765]. Midas was the golden king still
-more than Gyges. His touch turned all things into gold until he was
-freed from this disastrous power by bathing in the Pactolus, the river
-from which the Lydians got so much of their electrum[766]. According to
-one account coins were first struck by “Demodike of Cyme, daughter of
-Agamemnon king of the Cymaeans, after her marriage with Midas the
-Phrygian[767].” Midas, like Gyges, sent rich presents (bribes?) to
-Delphi[768]. In short the great point of resemblance which Midas bears
-to Gyges lies in his enormous wealth and the ways in which he appears to
-have acquired and used it[769]. It may be that this implied the
-possession of the magic ring[770].
-
-[Sidenote: With the story of the finding of the ring cp. stories of
-           finds in mining districts.]
-
-The circumstances of the find recall two anecdotes in the _Mirabiles
-Auscultationes_[771], located the one in Paionia the other in Pieria, in
-which, as in the Gyges story, we have the rains, the chasms, the find of
-gold and the taking of it to the palace. In at least one of the two
-cases the find is treasure trove, like the ring of Gyges. But the point
-to be noticed is that both Paionia and Pieria are in the famous mining
-district that played so great a part in the history of Athens and
-Macedonia. Considering the fame of the mines of Lydia it is natural to
-ask whether they did not play their part in the evolution of the story
-of the ring. Stories of men buried in the mines of Lydia did actually
-exist. One of them, told in the _Mirabiles Auscultationes_, shows that
-in Lydia, as in the region of Mt Pangaion and the river Strymon, chasms
-containing skeletons and gold were not unlikely to be mine shafts, and
-the power secured by their discoverer to be simply the power of suddenly
-and perhaps secretly acquired wealth.
-
-As to the date at which Tmolus was first mined nothing is known except
-that the workings were disused in the days of Strabo[772]. It may well
-have been worked from the earliest days of Gyges if, as is probable, he
-mined at Pergamus and further afield[773]. Lydians mining in those
-regions would hardly be neglecting mines so near their own capital, the
-more so as they would be directed to them by following the golden stream
-of the Pactolus[774].
-
-In the face of these facts it is tempting to go one step further than
-Radet when he explains Gyges’ talisman as economic science. [Sidenote:
-Rings as money.] We are reminded of Byron’s description of the most
-potent of talismans:
-
-                Yes, ready money is Aladdin’s lamp[775].
-
-Gyges, it is true, discovered a ring, not a lamp, but the particular
-form of his talisman only adds point to the Byronic interpretation. Till
-somewhere about the time of the story rings were probably ready money in
-the literal sense of the phrase[776]. In many parts of the world before
-the introduction of a regular stamped coinage trade had been conducted
-largely by means of rings of specific weight[777].
-
-Much of the evidence for this use takes us back well into the second
-millennium. Some of the localities where it is known to have prevailed
-earliest were connected with Lydia at this time. Egypt was the ally of
-Gyges, the Hittites were the predecessors of the Lydians in the land of
-Lydia. Troy probably formed part of Gyges’ dominions[778]. The book of
-Genesis specifically associates ring money with caravans[779]. It is
-therefore probable that rings circulated in Lydia itself until they were
-supplanted by the new stamped coins, which may have owed their shape to
-its convenience for stamping. [Sidenote: With Gyges’ ring cp. perhaps
-Pheidon’s spits, the Attic obol and drachma, and the Roman as.] In
-Argos, according to a tradition which is defended in the next chapter,
-the stamped coinage was preceded by a currency of metal spits (below,
-fig. 21): if the tradition is to be trusted, these spits remained
-permanently associated with the name of the tyrant who displaced them by
-coined money. Have we a parallel in the case of the Gyges story? Is its
-hero the inventor of the new stamped coinage and has his name become
-associated with the rings that he displaced? It is perfectly possible
-that the new coins were at first regarded as so many rings’ worth of
-precious metal. The name νόμισμα implies that the stamped coin had won
-general acceptance; it would of course be quite appropriate to a
-currency in rings or kettles or cows; but there is no evidence of its
-use previous to the introduction of a stamped metal coinage, and it was
-probably the general acceptance of this latter that gave rise to the
-word. To call the earliest Lydian coins rings (δακτύλιοι) would be
-precisely like calling the earliest coins of Athens spits (ὀβελοί) or
-bundles of spits (δραχμαί) or the earliest coins of Rome bars (asses).
-If obol and drachma and as survived while δακτύλιος did not, the fact is
-sufficiently accounted for by the histories of Athens, Rome, and Lydia.
-
-[Sidenote: But if so, why is the ring a seal ring?]
-
-The explanation just offered of the ring of Gyges omits one detail that
-is essential to the story as told by Plato. Plato’s ring is a signet
-ring, and it is the seal (σφραγίς) that does the magic. Babelon holds
-that the seal makers (δακτυλιογλύφοι) of the period were probably also
-the coin strikers. But if we are to follow one of our own leading
-numismatists, G. Macdonald, the connexion between seal and coin was
-closer than this. Originally, according to him[780], coins were simply
-pieces of sealed metal.
-
-[Sidenote: “Coins are pieces of sealed metal.”]
-
-  The minting of money in its most primitive form was simply the
-  placing of a seal on lumps of electrum that had previously been
-  weighed and adjusted to a fixed standard: the excessive rarity of
-  coins that have only a striated surface on the obverse proves that
-  this primitive stage was of short duration[781].
-
-Greek seals were normally attached to rings[782]. The definition of a
-coin as a piece of sealed metal was started by Burgon, who used it as an
-argument for the religious character of coin types and described the
-seal as “the impress of the symbol of the tutelar divinity of the
-city[783].” Macdonald very rightly rejects the theory, so widely current
-before the appearance of Ridgeway’s _Metallic Currency_, that all coin
-types had a religious origin. But he himself proceeds to hang on to the
-seal theory views of his own that are equally untenable, at least in the
-sweeping form in which he states them. He assumes that the seal must be
-always that of a state or king or magistrate, and that the device is
-usually heraldic. The latter point does not concern us here[784]: the
-former does, since it is incompatible with the views of Babelon and
-Lenormant that the earliest coins were not state issues. But the seal
-theory does not depend on the nature either of the seals or of the
-sealers. There is no reason why we should not accept Babelon and
-Lenormant on the private character of the earliest coins simultaneously
-with Burgon and Macdonald on the character of the first coin types as
-being simply seals. Indeed some of the evidence collected by Macdonald
-positively suggests that we should. In the fifth and fourth centuries
-B.C. at Athens public property was stamped with the public seal, τῷ
-δημοσίῳ σημάντρῳ[785]. The same practice was followed in the fifth
-century at Samos[786], and perhaps at Syracuse[787]. This use of public
-seals to stamp public property suggests corresponding private seals
-similarly used. At this point the literary evidence fails us, but
-archaeological documents come to our aid.
-
-Metal was not the only material that the ancients stamped in this way.
-Wine jars, bricks, and tiles were similarly stamped. Thousands of these
-stamps have come down to us, and many of them bear city symbols and a
-magistrate’s name. But they often bear also the name of the maker, and
-the Danish scholar Nilsson[788], who has made a thorough study of them,
-is inclined to regard them as essentially the seals of private
-manufacturers. The magistrate’s name may merely indicate the date: the
-state symbol may mean that the state was the consignee, or that the
-manufacturer enjoyed some sort of state protection, or was subjected to
-state taxation and control.
-
-If then such was the history of the stamp as applied to bricks and wine
-jars, we have a further reason for thinking that stamps as applied to
-the precious metals may have originally been put on them by private
-owners. May we not here have the true explanation of the marvellous seal
-of Gyges’ ring? May not the owner of this ring have been the first
-person to use his signet for stamping coins of metal, and may not this
-fact be the origin of the stories about its marvellous powers?
-
-Whether this person was Gyges is another question. His claim to the ring
-is not beyond dispute. We have seen already that it is sometimes
-attributed to Midas. Even in the story as told by Plato the MSS. make
-the hero “the ancestor of Gyges,” not Gyges himself, and the fact that
-in other writers and elsewhere in the _Republic_[789] the ring is called
-the ring of Gyges is not in itself decisive. Both the ring and its magic
-powers may have passed from hand to hand. But if the evidence and
-opinions that have been adduced in this chapter have any value, our
-interpretation of the ring story does not depend on establishing Gyges
-as the original owner.
-
-Let us now revert for a moment to the illuminating theory of Babelon
-that the striking of coins was at first a private undertaking of
-merchants or miners or bankers, and that the final step in the evolution
-of a gold and silver coinage was reached only when this business of
-stamping and issuing the pieces was taken over by the state. We are
-entirely without record of the actual transference that the theory
-implies. Babelon assumes that the government created the monopoly. This
-chapter suggests a modification of Babelon’s view in one important
-point, namely that it was not the government that made the monopoly, but
-the monopoly that made the government. As in the case of Babelon’s own
-main thesis, we are forced to trust largely to analogies. But the
-analogies are striking, and they strike in two directions. We have first
-the commercial or financial antecedents of the rulers of this period
-both in Lydia and in various Greek states: and secondly we have the
-history of later Lydian rulers and aspirants to the throne, notably
-Croesus and Sadyattes, Cyrus and Pactyes, Xerxes and Pythes. The moral
-of their stories is that no ruler could feel safe at Sardis until he had
-secured some sort of financial supremacy. When we further consider that
-Gyges was famous for his gold[790], and that his gold and his tyranny
-are spoken of by Archilochus, probably in the same breath, then apart
-from speculative interpretations of the story of the ring, there is at
-least a clear possibility that the monopolist policy of Croesus and his
-successors goes back at least to Gyges and perhaps even a generation or
-so earlier, to some such ruler as Ardys or Spermos, and that it was the
-monopoly in stamped pieces of electrum that brought the first tyrant to
-the king’s palace and placed him on the throne[791].
-
-
-
-
-                          Chapter VI. _Argos_
-
-
-               τὰν ἀρετὰν καὶ τὰν σοφίαν νικῶντι χελῶναι.
-
-[Illustration: Fig. 20. Early Aeginetan “tortoises.”]
-
-[Sidenote: “Tyranny” of Pheidon the legitimate sovereign “who created
-           for the Peloponnesians their measures” (Herodotus),]
-
-Our earliest account of the one tyrant of Argos is found in Herodotus
-and runs as follows: “and from the Peloponnesus came Leokedes the son of
-Pheidon the tyrant of the Argives, that Pheidon who created for the
-Peloponnesians their measures and behaved quite the most outrageously of
-all the Greeks, who having removed the Eleian directors of the games
-himself directed the games at Olympia[792].” Pheidon belonged to the
-royal house of Temenos[793], and appears to have succeeded to a
-hereditary throne in the ordinary way. Nevertheless he is deliberately
-classed by Aristotle as a typical tyrant[794].
-
-Some years ago I suggested that it was Pheidon’s “invention” of measures
-rather than his outrageous behaviour or his warlike achievements that
-caused him to be regarded as a different kind of ruler from his
-forefathers—as a tyrant instead of a king[795].
-
-[Sidenote: and also, according to Ephorus, struck in Aegina the first
-           silver coins.]
-
-Herodotus speaks of him simply as the man who made their measures for
-the Peloponnesians. But Ephorus and later writers declare that Pheidon
-invented a system of weights as well as measures, and, most important of
-all, that silver was first coined by him in Aegina[796]. The reign of
-Pheidon probably covered the first third of the seventh century. Thus in
-Greece Proper as in Asia Minor there is evidence for ascribing the
-earliest coins to the earliest tyrant. [Sidenote: Pheidon the European
-counterpart of Gyges.] If there is any weight in the Argive evidence,
-then the accounts mutually confirm one another, and it becomes
-distinctly improbable that the association of coinage and tyranny was a
-mere accident.
-
-[Sidenote: The evidence for Pheidon is disputed. This chapter is devoted
-           to maintaining its credibility.]
-
-Unfortunately the evidence as regards Pheidon is all very much disputed.
-The greater part of this chapter will therefore be devoted to examining
-its credibility and endeavouring to show that the doubts that have been
-cast upon it are not well founded, that on the most probable showing the
-reign of Pheidon opened the epoch known as the age of the tyrants, that
-Pheidon lived just about the time when the first coins were struck in
-Aegina, and that the institution of the Aeginetan weight system was the
-direct result of an Argive occupation of the island.
-
-[Sidenote: Date of earliest Aeginetan coins.]
-
-One or two points may be assumed to start with as generally admitted.
-The Aeginetan “tortoises” (fig. 20) were the first coins struck in
-European Greece[797], and they were first struck fairly early in the
-seventh century[798]. The points that have been most disputed are the
-date of Pheidon and his connexion with Aegina and the Aeginetan coinage.
-[Sidenote: Evidence for the date of Pheidon:] It is the date that is the
-real centre of the controversy, and it will be best to deal with it
-first and to begin by briefly recalling the evidence and arguments.
-
-[Sidenote: (1) from genealogies:]
-
-(i) The later genealogies[799] which make Pheidon seventh from Temenos
-and eleventh from Heracles and thus put him early in the ninth century
-have been shown by Busolt[800] to be due to fourth century tamperings
-with the pedigree of the royal house of Macedon. In ascribing the
-foundation of the Macedonian dynasty to a certain Karanos, who according
-to Theopompus was a son of Pheidon, according to Satyrus a son of
-Pheidon’s father[801], they were influenced by the incurable Greek
-belief in symmetry which required the Macedonian royal family to be as
-old as that of its great rivals the Medes which latter, following
-Ktesias, they dated from 884 B.C.[802].
-
-(ii) The genealogy that makes Pheidon tenth from Temenos and thus puts
-him about the middle of the eighth century can be traced back only to
-Ephorus[803]. In other words, as already pointed out by Bury[804], its
-credibility depends in great measure on that of the writer who is also
-our earliest authority for the statement that Pheidon coined in
-Aegina[805].
-
-(iii) Yet a third statement as to Pheidon’s family is that of
-Herodotus[806]. According to Herodotus Leokedes son of Pheidon was one
-of the suitors of Agariste at Sicyon early in the sixth century. The
-statement occurs in a plainly romantic setting, and must not be pressed
-too far. It may however be fairly claimed as an argument against a date
-as early as 750. Even admitting the possibility that παίς (son) in the
-singular may be loosely used for ἀπόγονος (descendant)[807], yet it
-remains highly unlikely that Herodotus would have mentioned Pheidon at
-all in connexion with Leokedes if he regarded them as separated by over
-150 years[808].
-
-Lehmann-Haupt[809], who, in spite of all the difficulties just
-summarized, dates Pheidon eighth Olympiad (748 B.C.)[810], imagines an
-obscure Pheidon, father of Leokedes, and formulates as a characteristic
-of Herodotus the practice of assigning the deeds of famous men to
-obscure namesakes. Besides Pheidon he quotes only Philokypros, tyrant of
-Soli and friend of Solon, whom he proceeds, in direct contradiction of
-Herodotus[811], to differentiate from the father of the Aristokypros who
-fell during the Ionic revolt. His view is discredited by the one
-illustration that he quotes in its support. Solon’s young friend need
-not have been born before 608 B.C., and the son of a man born in that
-year might well be alive in 498 B.C. Even if Herodotus is mistaken on
-this point, his mistake would only illustrate the comparatively narrow
-margin of error to which his anachronisms on matters of this kind are
-limited.
-
-There is yet another group of statements bearing on Pheidon’s pedigree.
-Pausanias says that the last king of Argos was Meltas son of
-Lakedes[812]. The latter is equated by Beloch[813] with the Leokedes of
-Herodotus[814]. Meltas is said by Pausanias to have been tenth in
-descent from Medon, grandson of Temenos. Pheidon, as has been noted
-already, is described by Strabo as tenth in descent from Temenos
-himself. Thus Strabo, Pausanias, and Herodotus might be taken as
-mutually confirming one another, if we accept Herodotus literally, and
-make Pheidon father of Leokedes and consequently grandfather of Meltas.
-As there was still a king of Argos in 484 B.C.[815], and there is
-nothing to show that the office did not continue well after that date,
-Beloch’s argument brings Pheidon well down into the sixth century. But
-as it allows only twelve generations from the Dorian invasion under
-Temenos to the indeterminate date after 480 B.C. when kingship was
-completely abolished, it only helps to emphasize the fact that Argive
-royal pedigrees are not a safe guide for determining Pheidon’s
-date[816].
-
-[Sidenote: (2) from his interference at the Olympian games.]
-
-The assertion of Pausanias[817], that Pheidon interfered with the eighth
-celebration of the Olympian games, is not to be reconciled with a
-seventh century date. But serious doubts have been thrown on Pausanias’
-dating, which may very possibly have been influenced by the Macedonian
-genealogies, in which case it is no confirmation of the date arrived at
-by reckoning Pheidon tenth from Temenos. The arguments for emending
-eighth to twenty-eighth are weighty[818]. Pausanias’ exact statement is
-that “at the eighth Olympian festival the Pisatans called in Pheidon ...
-and celebrated the games along with Pheidon[819].” But Strabo declares
-it to be “more probable (ἐγγυτέρω τῆς πίστεως) that from the first
-Olympiad till the twenty-sixth the presidency both of the temple and the
-games was held by the Eleians[820].” Julius Africanus likewise knows
-nothing of any disturbance at the eighth Olympiad, but records one at
-the twenty-eighth.
-
-The difficulties in accepting the twenty-eighth Olympiad, as set forth
-by Unger[821], are not very impressive. He argues that at the
-twenty-eighth Olympiad the Eleians had arms[822], whereas Pheidon made
-his attack “when the Eleians were without arms[823],” and that, as the
-Pisatans celebrated the twenty-seventh Olympiad, Pheidon in the
-twenty-eighth would have displaced not the Eleians, but the Pisatans.
-But when Strabo says that the Eleians were without arms, he or his
-source may mean that their Dymaean war left them unequipped for home
-defence. Assume that this was so and that they were preoccupied with
-their Dymaean war both in 672 B.C. and in 668 B.C., and the whole
-situation is explained easily. At the twenty-seventh celebration the
-Pisatans unaided might secure the presidency by a surprise attack. It
-would be at the next festival, when the Eleians were forewarned, that
-the Pisatans would need Pheidon’s help to displace them at Olympia.
-Weaker still is Unger’s argument that a notice about Pheidon may have
-fallen out in Eusebius under Olymp. VIII, as one has in the same
-chronicle about the emperor Caligula.
-
-We may indeed with Mahaffy[824] and Busolt[825] doubt whether these
-early parts of the Olympian victor lists are contemporary records. But
-it is easy to be unduly sceptical. Mahaffy, for instance, is inclined to
-argue that the Olympian lists cannot have existed in the fifth century
-because they are not then used for purposes of dating. He assumes that
-Hippias who made his edition of the list in 370 B.C. can have had little
-more evidence at his disposal than Pausanias, who lived over five
-hundred years later. Plutarch[826], whom he quotes as discrediting the
-list, merely expresses an opinion which is no more final than that of
-Mahaffy himself. If our chronological data are untrustworthy, we are
-thrown back on Pheidon’s achievements for determining his date, a
-position long ago maintained by C. Mueller[827]. Regarded as a fact of
-indeterminate date Pheidon’s interference at Olympia is more likely to
-have been remembered if it was not made so early as the close of the
-eighth century, when the festival had not yet attained its subsequent
-reputation[828].
-
-[Sidenote: Pheidon probably contemporary with the earliest Aeginetan
-           coins.]
-
-The evidence as to Pheidon’s date is therefore quite compatible with the
-statement that makes him the first to strike coins in Aegina. For if it
-be allowed that he may have lived in the first half of the seventh
-century, there would be nothing unique in his having his mint away from
-his capital in an outlying but commercially important part of his
-dominion. Ridgeway and Svoronos have already compared the Romans, who
-struck their first coins in Campania[829], and the Ptolemies who coined
-very largely in Cyprus[830].
-
-[Sidenote: Did he strike them?]
-
-But had Pheidon anything to do with Aegina and its coinage? Against the
-statements of Ephorus and later writers must be set the silence of
-Herodotus, who makes no reference either to coins or to Aegina in his
-account of Pheidon. This omission, combined with the diversity of views
-as to Pheidon’s date, has led to a general distrust of Ephorus, so much
-so that the majority of the most competent authorities are either
-agnostics[831] or utter unbelievers[832].
-
-Herodotus’ silence is not by itself a serious argument for rejecting the
-additions of the later historians. It should be remembered that his
-whole account of Pheidon in VI. 127 extends to barely four lines. He can
-hardly be expected to state at all completely even the main facts about
-so important a personality in so short a space. To assert, as has been
-done recently[833], that Herodotus _knew_ nothing about a coinage issued
-by Pheidon is to beg the question.
-
-To the fifth century Greek, for whom Herodotus wrote, the origin of the
-system of weights on which the Aeginetan coins were struck may have been
-of greater interest than the remoter question of an invention which they
-doubtless all took for granted. Peloponnesian weights and measures stood
-for the lack of standardization in all matters metrical from which
-Herodotus and his hearers must have suffered daily.
-
-There is no need to pursue these criticisms in further detail. They
-start with various assumptions as to Pheidon’s date. Some of them would
-be found to be mutually destructive. Nearly all of them overestimate the
-difficulties raised by the apparent lack of confirmation of Ephorus in
-earlier writers. It is by no means certain that his statements about
-Pheidon’s connexion with the Aeginetan coinage must be a fanciful
-expansion of Herodotus VI. 127. There are in fact two lines of evidence
-that point in quite the opposite direction. One of them rests on notices
-about the Argive Heraeum supplemented by recent finds on the site; the
-other is based on a new interpretation of a passage in the fifth book of
-Herodotus. It will be necessary to examine in some detail the evidence
-from these two sources.
-
-[Sidenote: A. Evidence from the Argive Heraeum.]
-
-In the famous temple of Hera, the Argive Heraeum, that lies between
-Argos and Mycenae, there was preserved a dedication that was said to
-have been made by Pheidon in commemoration of his coinage. The notice is
-preserved only in the mediaeval _Etymologicum Magnum_. It runs: “Pheidon
-the Argive was the first of all men to strike a coinage in Aegina, and
-on account of this coinage he called in the spits (ὀβελίσκοι) and
-dedicated them to the Hera of Argos.” There is nothing suspicious in
-this notice. The word drachma means a handful, and according to Plutarch
-a drachma is a handful of obols (spits or nails), which in early times
-were used as money[834]. In modern times nails are said to have served
-as a coinage in both Scotland and France[835]. Plenty of evidence is to
-be found in antiquity for offerings of disused objects to the gods[836].
-The ultimate source for the statement of the _Etymologicum Magnum_ may
-well be the official guide at the Heraeum itself. Temple traditions are
-not always above suspicion. All the same the indications of a Pheidon
-tradition preserved in the Argive Heraeum are valuable, because they
-show a source from which Ephorus might very well have supplemented
-Herodotus far older and more valuable than his own imagination.
-
-[Illustration: Fig. 21. Bundle of spits found in the Argive Heraeum.]
-
-This however does not end the evidence of the Argive Heraeum. Some
-thirty years ago the site was excavated by the American School of
-Archaeology at Athens. Among the finds was a bundle of iron spits or
-rods about four feet long (fig. 21) which Svoronos[837] has plausibly
-associated with the ὀβελίσκοι of the _Etymologicum Magnum_.
-
-The Americans ascribed the foundation of the Heraeum to the Mycenaean
-period, so that the dedication of the spits could be put anywhere in the
-three centuries that form the limit of controversy as to Pheidon’s date.
-But more recently this dating has been shown to be mistaken by the
-Germans who excavated Tiryns. Whole series of miniature vessels which
-the Argive Heraeum excavators had regarded as Mycenaean were shown by
-the Tiryns excavators to be seventh century or later, and when one of
-them, Frickenhaus, visited the Argive Heraeum, he found fragments of
-Geometric and proto-Corinthian pottery in positions which proved the
-sherds to be older than the temple foundations. From this fact he argues
-conclusively that the abundant series of dedications at the Heraeum
-begin in the seventh century. Pheidon’s ὀβελίσκοι cannot therefore go
-further back than that[838]. The Mycenaean objects from the Argive
-Heraeum site must all come from a small secular settlement that preceded
-the temple. The latter becomes possibly contemporary with Pheidon
-himself.
-
-This is a fact of possible significance. It suggests that the Heraeum
-may have been the religious centre of Pheidon’s imperial policy, a sort
-of religious federal capital carefully placed away from the chief cities
-of the Argolid much as the federal capital of Australia has been placed
-away from the capitals of the various Australian states. It looks indeed
-as though the analogy may have been closer still, and that Pheidon was
-the builder of his federal capital. If so his date was some time,
-probably early, in the seventh century.
-
-[Sidenote: B. Fresh evidence from Herodotus.]
-
-This ends the evidence of the Heraeum and brings me to the most
-important section of my argument. We have just seen how little need
-there is to mistrust Ephorus simply because he does not exactly
-reproduce Herodotus. All the same the earlier writer is of course by far
-the more reliable. The account of Pheidon’s coinage in Aegina would gain
-enormously in credibility if any evidence for it could be found in the
-pages of Herodotus. Modern writers without exception have taken it for
-granted that no such evidence is to be found. In this I believe them to
-have been mistaken. There is a passage in the fifth book which, though
-it does not mention Pheidon’s name, I believe to describe the conquest
-by him of Aegina and the institution as a result of that conquest of the
-weight standard on which the earliest Aeginetan coins were struck. If my
-explanation has not been anticipated, there is no reason for surprise.
-The passage contains references to pottery, ships, dress, and jewellery,
-and my interpretation of it is based on archaeological evidence much of
-which has only quite recently become available.
-
-[Sidenote: Herodotus, V. 82 f. describes an Argive intervention in
-           Aegina,]
-
-In the passage of the fifth book which we are now to examine
-Herodotus[839] is explaining the origin of the hatred that existed
-between Athens and Aegina in 500 B.C. Aegina had once been subject to
-Epidaurus[840]. Then the Aeginetans, having built triremes and made
-themselves masters of the sea[841], revolted. Through their revolt they
-got embroiled with the Athenians, who had at that time very close
-relations with Epidaurus. At the suggestion of the Epidaurians, the
-Athenians sailed against Aegina. The Aeginetans appealed to Argos, and
-with the help of an Argive force that crossed undetected from Epidaurus,
-utterly defeated the Athenians in a land battle on the island. The
-various measures[842] taken in common by the Aeginetans and the Argives
-immediately after the war suggest that Aegina, when she had revolted
-from Epidaurus, became in some sort a confederate, or possibly a
-subject, of Argos[843]. We may assume too that Argos secured some sort
-of control over Epidaurus in the course of the war. Otherwise it is
-inconceivable that an Argive force should have set out from Epidaurus
-with the double purpose of aiding Epidaurus’ revolted subjects and
-attacking those very Athenians, whose expedition against the island had
-been suggested by the Epidaurians themselves[844]. The crushing defeat
-that the Athenians sustained may have been due to the collapse of her
-Epidaurian allies.
-
-One further point about Herodotus’ narrative should be noticed. There is
-nothing in it to suggest that at the time when the Aeginetans revolted
-from the Epidaurians, either of them was dependent on Argos. The
-narrative points rather to a previous confederation or dominion in which
-the chief cities were Epidaurus, Aegina, and not Argos but Athens. Are
-there any indications as to when all this occurred?
-
-The reference is to a time considerably[845] previous to 500 B.C. Macan
-thinks that the most probable date for the expedition to Aegina is
-somewhere in the lifetime of Solon or Peisistratus[846]. [Sidenote:
-generally ascribed to the first half of the sixth century,] He points to
-various circumstances that certainly might well have led to a collision
-between Athens and Aegina during that period[847]. All the same it is
-difficult to accept a date within those limits. The Aeginetans are not
-likely[848] to have been dependent on Epidaurus after it was conquered
-by Periander, about 600 B.C.[849] If therefore the revolt from Epidaurus
-and the Athenian invasion are incidents in one and the same struggle,
-both must go into the seventh century. Macan prefers to assume a long
-interval between these two events. But Herodotus gives no hint of one.
-On the contrary, his narrative hangs excellently together as a
-description of successive and correlated incidents in a single struggle.
-Not only so, but even if the invasion be separated from the revolt, it
-is difficult to believe that it occurred after 590. So crushing a defeat
-for the Athenians, who themselves admitted that only one of their number
-got back to Attica[850], could hardly have taken place in the time of
-Solon or Peisistratus without being associated with their names. After
-all, a fair amount is known about sixth century Athens. There are no
-traces of any such overwhelming disaster, or of the inevitable set back
-that would have followed it. The relations of Athens to Argos during the
-period seem to have been friendly rather than the reverse. Peisistratus
-had Argive mercenaries, not to speak of an Argive wife[851]. Argive
-support of Peisistratus is of course quite consistent with hostility to
-the government that Peisistratus overthrew. It has indeed been
-suggested[852] that the Aeginetan expedition took place while
-Peisistratus was in exile. But, apart from the entire absence of
-evidence, and all the other difficulties involved by a sixth century
-date, this suggestion means that Peisistratus sought a bodyguard and
-wife in the most unpopular quarter imaginable, hardly a probable
-proceeding on the part of a ruler so tactful and popular as Peisistratus
-must have been.
-
-A date late in the seventh century is rendered unlikely by what is known
-of Procles of Epidaurus[853], the father-in-law of Periander, who ruled
-Epidaurus during the last part of the seventh century[854], apparently
-as a dependent of the Corinthian tyrant, by whom he was eventually
-deposed. C. Mueller indeed[855] claims Aegina for Procles, but only on
-the more than dubious evidence of a more than dubious story of
-Plutarch’s, which tells how Procles once used an “Aeginetan stranger” to
-get rid of the corpse of a man whom he had murdered for his money[856].
-
-[Sidenote: but more probably to be dated early in the seventh, as shown
-           by archaeological evidence on allusions in the narrative to:]
-
-On the whole the narrative seems to fall best into the first half of the
-seventh century. That is the time that best suits the naval situation
-during the war, and the effect that it is said to have had upon costume,
-ornament, and pottery. As the archaeological evidence for all these
-points is based largely on the evidence of the pottery, it will be best
-to take the pottery first.
-
-[Sidenote: (i) pottery,]
-
-In the temple of Damia and Auxesia on Aegina it became the practice
-(νόμος) after the war “to introduce into the temple neither anything
-else Attic nor pottery, but to drink there henceforth only out of native
-jars[857].” Herodotus mentions this embargo on Attic pottery only as
-applied to the one temple on Aegina[858]. But he states that it was
-observed by Argives as well as by Aeginetans, which points to the
-possibility that the practice prevailed in Argos as well as Aegina.
-Macan goes as far as to suggest that it is an “understatement and
-pseudo-explanation of a measure or custom for the protection of native
-ware from Attic competition[859].” The other measures recorded in this
-connexion, the changes in Attic dress and in Peloponnesian brooches,
-support Macan’s suggestion. But in the matter of dating he follows
-earlier writers who, using very inadequate material, came to conclusions
-which can now be shown to be improbable. They date this embargo in the
-middle of the sixth century. But in Aegina at any rate Attic pottery
-continued to be imported throughout the second half of the sixth
-century, while in Argos, where the evidence is less decisive and
-abundant, there is no sign of a cessation of Attic imports about 550
-B.C. On the other hand both in Argos and Aegina there does appear to be
-an abrupt cessation of Attic imports early in the seventh century. As,
-further, the general history of Greek pottery shows that an
-Argive-Aeginetan embargo on Attic pottery would have had a strong
-commercial motive early in the seventh century and none in the middle of
-the sixth, there is a strong presumption that the date of the embargo
-was not the middle of the sixth century but somewhere about the
-beginning of the seventh. To examine the archaeological evidence here in
-detail would take us too far from our main enquiry. It will be found
-presented in full in an appendix[860].
-
-[Sidenote: (ii) sea-power and ships,]
-
-The war was a great disaster for Athenian naval power. Now the period of
-greatest eclipse for Athens from this point of view was the seventh
-century. Throughout it there is no indication whatever of naval activity
-at Athens, except a possible war against Mitylene. Even that must be put
-at the earliest close on the year 600 B.C., and is to be regarded as
-announcing the beginning of the new epoch of activity in the sixth
-century[861]; and against it must be set the failure in the struggle
-with Megara for Salamis[862]. This had not been the naval position of
-Athens earlier. During the dark ages she appears to have been a
-considerable naval power. A tradition preserved by Plutarch makes Athens
-succeed Crete in the command of the sea[863]: naval power is implied in
-Theseus’ expedition to Crete; a poem of Bacchylides[864], which is
-illustrated by a vase painting of Euphronios[865], tells how Theseus
-went to the depths of the sea to fetch up the ring of Minos, and the
-story has been brought by S. Reinach into connexion with rings such as
-those of Polycrates and the doges of Venice, and explained as
-symbolizing the winning by Theseus of the sea which had been previously
-the bride of Minos[866].
-
-The date of these events must not be pressed. The period of this
-sea-power is plainly the dark age that followed the breaking up of the
-Cretan and Mycenaean civilization. It is the period of the pottery known
-as Geometric, and the Athenian Geometric, the Dipylon ware, again and
-again shows pictures of ships. Thirty-nine examples are quoted by
-Torr[867], enough, as pointed out by Helbig[868], to prove the important
-rôle played by the Athenian navy in the life of Athens of that age. The
-Dipylon ships, as remarked twenty years ago by Helbig[869], show that
-already in the eighth century Athens was preparing to found her power on
-her navy. It requires some such catastrophic explanation as has just
-been offered to account for her complete set back in the seventh.
-
-[Sidenote: (iii) dress.]
-
-One result in Athens of the reverse in Aegina, so Herodotus declares,
-was a revolution in the dress of the Athenian women, who gave up the
-Doric costume, which was made of wool and fastened with pins, and
-adopted in its place the Ionic, which consisted of sewn garments made of
-linen. The passage is a _locus classicus_ among writers on Greek dress,
-and it must be at once admitted that nearly all of them accept a date
-late in the first half of the sixth century[870]. So late a date seems
-to me to be untenable. It can be reconciled neither with the statements
-of Thucydides on the subject of Athenian dress[871], nor with the
-evidence of extant monuments[872]. The sumptuary laws on women’s dress
-passed by Solon in 594 B.C.[873] were plainly directed against the
-Ionian costume. They show that it must have reached Athens by about 600
-B.C. and offer no evidence that it had not done so considerably earlier.
-Bury dates the introduction of Ionian dress into Athens “c. 650
-(?)[874].”
-
-[Sidenote: After the war the Argives and Aeginetans make their brooches
-           “half as big again.”]
-
-Among the Aeginetans and Argives as a result of their victory over
-Athens a change was introduced in what Herodotus calls the “measure”
-(μέτρον) of Aeginetan and Argive brooches (περόναι). Herodotus states
-that this change affected both the dedications at the temple of Damia
-and Auxesia[875], and also the general manufacture and use. The way he
-tells the story explains why he goes beyond the temple when speaking of
-the pins, but does not do so in the case of the pottery. The exclusion
-of Attic pottery from the Aeginetan temple, or rather the exclusive use
-for temple purposes of local ware, was in Herodotus’ days a ritualistic
-survival. The large brooches on the other hand had continued in general
-use. “Now the women of Argos and Aegina even to my own days wore
-brooches of increased size.” Very possibly Herodotus had himself noticed
-them. It is the account of this change in the “measure” of the Aeginetan
-and Argive brooches that confirms the connexion of Pheidon with the
-origin of the Aeginetan coinage.
-
-The new practice was in Herodotus’ own words: “to make the brooches half
-as big again as the then established measure.” It is probably
-significant that, both before and after the change, the brooches have a
-standard “measure.” The tendency of articles of jewellery in early
-periods to be of a fixed weight is a familiar one. Numerous instances
-are quoted in Ridgeway’s _Origin of Metallic Currency_[876]. Not only
-so, but these fixed weights are repeatedly found corresponding with or
-anticipating the coin standards of the places they belong to.
-
-It may be objected that the word μέτρον does not mean weight. This is so
-when it is contrasted with σταθμός[877]; but it appears to have been
-used also in a more comprehensive sense[878]. The Athenian
-μετρονόμοι[879] must have inspected weights as well as measures. μέτρον
-is presumably applied to both, and to a fifth century Greek there would
-be no question of its referring to anything but weight when applied to
-jewellery[880].
-
-[Sidenote: The Aeginetan drachma was half as big again as the Attic.]
-
-The change introduced by the Argives and Aeginetans after driving the
-Athenians from Aegina was to make the “measure” of their brooches half
-as big again as what it had previously been. Now this is approximately
-the relationship in weight of the earliest Aeginetan drachmae to the
-earliest drachmae struck on the Euboeic standard. Later, in Herodotus’
-own times, the relative weights were four to three. But the earliest
-Aeginetan drachmae weighed a little more than those of later
-issues[881]. On the other hand, as stated by Percy Gardner[882] in
-discussing Solon’s “augmentation” of the Athenian coins, the earliest
-Attic or rather Euboeic drachma[883] weighed less than those of
-post-Solonian times. The weight of the Aeginetan drachma as determined
-from the early didrachms quoted above (p. 171, n. 6) is just over six
-grammes, as compared with the 5·85 grammes of later issues, while that
-of the earliest Attic Euboeic drachma as determined from the coins of p.
-171, n. 8 is just over four grammes, as compared with the 4·26 grammes
-of later issues[884].
-
-Thus the original Aeginetan drachma seems to have been just half as
-heavy again as the earliest Attic[885]. This ratio is accepted by
-Ridgeway[886], who regards it as invented to make ten silver pieces
-worth one gold when gold was fifteen times as precious as silver, while
-later, when silver rose to be worth 3/40 of its weight in gold, the
-silver pieces were slightly diminished in weight, in order that ten of
-them might still be the equivalent of one of gold[887].
-
-[Sidenote: Summary of the evidence of Herodotus.]
-
-Let us now return to the one passage of Herodotus, in which he refers by
-name to the Argive tyrant.
-
-In that passage he speaks of Pheidon as “the man who made their measures
-for the Peloponnesians[888].” The force of the definite article that
-precedes the Greek μέτρα has not always been sufficiently stressed. More
-than one recent writer begins his discussion of the passage by
-translating τὰ μέτρα “_a_ system of measures.” The subsequent argument
-has naturally suffered. τὰ μέτρα can be no other measures than those
-associated with the Peloponnesus in Herodotus’ own days, namely those of
-the famous Aeginetan standard, employed in particular for the coinage of
-the island[889]. Other scholars have regarded the statement that Pheidon
-struck the first coins in Aegina as merely an amplification by later
-writers of these very words. They argue that “the measures” plainly
-meant the Aeginetan standard, and so suggested the famous Aeginetan
-coinage. This latter view assumes of course that the amplifications of
-Ephorus are not to be found in Herodotus himself. But what are the
-facts? The establishment of Aeginetan measures in the Peloponnesus are
-alluded to by Herodotus not only in the passage about the Argive tyrant
-in Book VI but also very possibly in the passage in Book V that
-describes the early Argive expedition to Aegina. In this latter passage
-the measures are said to have been the result of the expedition. Both
-expedition and tyrant are probably to be dated early in the seventh
-century. That is also the date to which numismatists generally assign
-the first drachmae struck in Aegina, struck too on a standard that, like
-that of our brooches, was half again as great as that previously in use.
-
-It is hard to avoid the inference that when the fourth century writers
-say that Pheidon coined in Aegina, they are faithfully reporting a
-genuine tradition.
-
-[Sidenote: Sceptical views on these chapters of Herodotus stated and
-           answered.]
-
-It has indeed been maintained that the whole Herodotean account of the
-early relations of Argos, Aegina, and Athens is unhistorical[890]. The
-arguments brought forward to support this destructive view are: (i) that
-the episode is timeless and its timelessness must be due to its
-unhistorical character, (ii) that it must be unhistorical because it
-cannot, as alleged by Herodotus, have been the cause of the war of 487
-B.C., which must have been due to the natural rivalry of the two
-neighbouring states. As regards the first of these two arguments, the
-preceding pages have, it is hoped, shown that the episode is not
-timeless: as regards the second, it is enough to point out that it
-assumes that war cannot breed war, that no war can be due to two causes,
-and that an incident cannot be historical if it is alleged as leading to
-results that it cannot have in fact produced. The fact that arguments
-such as these were accepted for publication in a periodical of high
-repute less than a generation back shows how much the whole world of
-scholarship was infected by the spirit of uncritical scepticism that has
-left its mark in some quarters on that of the present age.
-
-Others again like Wilamowitz[891] regard the narrative of Herodotus V.
-82–88 as simply a reflexion backwards of the state of affairs existing
-in 487 B.C.[892], when Athens attacked Aegina, and the Aeginetans
-“called to their aid the same people as before, the Argives[893].” They
-argue that (i) the story is our only evidence for hatred between Athens
-and Aegina much before 506 B.C., (ii) the Argive-Aeginetan brooches as
-compared with the broochless Athenian costume[894], the embargo on Attic
-pottery at the Aeginetan temple, and the posture of the kneeling statues
-(pleading before the Athenian invaders) may all have been referred in
-Herodotus’ days to the existing hatred and recent wars between Athens
-and Aegina, (iii) Herodotus puts back the Athenian disaster into the
-timeless period because the miracle and the change of costume required
-an early date, and the story does not fit the war of 487 B.C., since the
-famous Sophanes[895], who fought in it, lived till 464. Herodotus, they
-say, gives no account of a disaster to the Athenian fleet in 487 because
-he had used it up for this early reflexion.
-
-Of these points (i) is answered by the whole of this chapter, (ii) and
-(iii) fall with (i), besides which (ii) contains many improbabilities,
-_e.g._ that the pottery in an Aeginetan temple should without historic
-reason have suggested to any fifth century Greek an early war with
-Athens, while (iii) assumes an Athenian disaster in 487 B.C., whereas
-Thucydides declares that Athens was successful in that war[896].
-
-There is nothing suspicious in the Aeginetans having twice in two
-hundred years attained some sort of thalassocracy, and having on both
-occasions come as a result into collision with Athens. It is perfectly
-natural for the Aeginetans on a second occasion to appeal to allies who
-had previously helped them so effectively and with such profit to
-themselves. Macan[897] observes that the Herodotean account of the feud
-between Athens and Aegina is remarkably uninfluenced by contemporary
-politics and interests. He suggests[898] dating the subjection of Aegina
-to Epidaurus to the reign of Pheidon, and the revolt of the island from
-Epidaurus to the time of Pheidon’s fall. But why in that case does the
-account speak of a revolt from Epidaurus, if it was really a revolt from
-the famous Argive tyranny? The whole narrative finds a more appropriate
-setting if regarded as one chapter in the history of Pheidon himself.
-
-[Sidenote: Why Pheidon is not mentioned in them.]
-
-Only, why in this case is the name of Pheidon nowhere mentioned? It is
-one thing to omit details in a biography four lines in length. It is
-quite another to omit so prominent a name in a narrative that runs to
-seven whole chapters. But the omission, though at first sight
-surprising, is capable of explanation. The Herodotean story appears to
-have been derived from the temple of Damia and Auxesia[899]. It was told
-Herodotus not in connexion with any royal monument, but to explain
-certain offerings of pottery and jewellery that he saw in the temple.
-Not a single personal name occurs in the whole narrative, and there is
-no particular reason why there should. There may actually have been
-motives for not introducing them. The account of the events given to
-Herodotus in the Aeginetan temple of Damia and Auxesia would naturally
-not emphasize the part played by the Argive tyrant. The Athenian
-version, to which also Herodotus alludes, would have still better reason
-for trying to forget the name of Pheidon. If my whole interpretation of
-these events is not entirely wrong, Pheidon dealt the Athenians what was
-probably the most crushing blow they had ever received down to the days
-when Herodotus wrote his history. The personal name may be omitted from
-the same motive that made the Athenians speak of the Aeginetan drachma
-as the “fat” drachma, which they are said to have done, “refusing to
-call it Aeginetan out of hatred of the Aeginetans[900].” Sparta again
-had taken sides against Pheidon at Olympia[901], and would have had no
-interest in perpetuating the name of the man who had almost barred their
-way to the hegemony of the Peloponnese.
-
-Ephorus’ account of Pheidon’s conquests and inventions is derived
-neither from Attic nor from Aeginetan sources. As seen already[902] the
-source of his statement about Pheidon coining in Aegina was most
-probably the Argive Heraeum. Herodotus claims to use Argive sources, but
-for him the war is primarily a matter between the Athenians and the
-Aeginetans, whose subsequent hatred of one another it is intended to
-explain. Thus we appear to have three rival or even hostile traditions
-confirming one another, so that the variety of sources adds in a real
-way to the credibility of the resultant narrative.
-
-[Sidenote: Pheidon and Aegina, further evidence from Ephorus: Pheidon
-           recovered the lot of Temenos, which included Aegina.]
-
-The notices about the coinage are not the only evidence for associating
-Pheidon with Aegina. According to Ephorus “he completely recovered the
-lot of Temenos, which had previously been split into several
-parts[903].” Temenos appears in the genealogies as great great grandson
-of Heracles, and founder of the Dorian dynasty at Argos[904]. He and his
-sons and his son-in-law between them are represented as securing the
-greater part of the North-east Peloponnese. Aegina fell to his
-son-in-law Deiophontes, who went to the island from Epidaurus[905].
-
-The operations described in Herodotus V. 82–88, by which the Argives
-crossed from Epidaurus and drove the Athenians out of Aegina and put an
-end to the Epidaurians being tributary to Athens[906], are almost beyond
-doubt to be identified with the recovery by Argos of the portion of the
-lot of Temenos that had been secured by Deiophontes.
-
-[Sidenote: Traces of this recovery in other passages of Herodotus.]
-
-It is true that this account of the recovery of the lot of Temenos is
-first certainly met with in Strabo, whose authority is only the fourth
-century Ephorus. But there are hints that Ephorus is here to be trusted.
-There is the evidence of Herodotus that from an unspecified earlier date
-down to about 550 B.C. the Argives had possessed the whole east coast of
-the Peloponnesus and “the island of Cythera and the rest of the
-islands[907].” The most likely period for Argos to have acquired this
-territory is the reign of Pheidon. Pheidon according to Strabo[908] “had
-deprived the Spartans of the hegemony of the Peloponnese,” and it is the
-Spartans who shortly before Croesus asked for their help, had wrested
-from the Argives “Cythera and the rest of the islands.” About 668 B.C.,
-_i.e._ probably in Pheidon’s reign, the Argives had beaten the Spartans
-in the battle of Hysiae, which decided the possession of the strip of
-coast land south of the Argolid[909].
-
-Aegina is not mentioned in these proceedings, but C. Mueller may be
-right in including it among “the rest of the islands[910].” The Hysiae
-campaign is roughly contemporary with the second Messenian war, in which
-Argos took part against the Spartans[911], and of which indeed it may
-have been an incident. Now in that war the Samians took part by sea
-against the Argives[912], and it is natural to connect this action of
-theirs with their repeated attacks on Aegina in the days of the Samian
-King Amphikrates, at some period indefinitely before the reign of
-Polycrates. The Samians were certainly a naval power in the first half
-of the seventh century. The four triremes built for them in 704 B.C.
-marked for Thucydides an epoch in naval history[913]. About 668 B.C.
-Kolaios the Samian made his famous voyage beyond the Straits of
-Gibraltar to the Spanish seaport of Tartessus, a voyage that implies
-much previous naval enterprise on the Samians’ part. The rivalry with
-Aegina was probably commercial. Kolaios and his crew returned from the
-“silver rooted streams” of the Tartessus river[914], having “made the
-greatest profits from cargoes of all Greeks of whom we have accurate
-information, excepting Sostratos the Aeginetan: for it is impossible for
-anyone else to rival him[915].” Samian attacks on Aegina are thus
-particularly likely to have happened about the time of the second
-Messenian war.
-
-A century ago C. Mueller[916] argued that some event or other connecting
-Samos with Aegina must have been closely connected with the revolt of
-Aegina from Epidaurus, since the revolt was described in the _History of
-Samos_ of the Samian historian Duris (born about 340 B.C.)[917]. From
-this he proceeds to advocate a date for the revolt not very long before
-the war between Samos and Aegina of 520 B.C. Arguments based on the laws
-of digression observed by a writer whose works are known to us only in a
-few fragments need to be used with caution. If Duris is any indication
-whatever for the date of the revolt, he leaves an open choice between
-the time of the war of 520 B.C. and that of the days of King
-Amphikrates; and as between these two the evidence shows that the
-earlier is probable while the latter is almost impossible.
-
-As independent evidence these hints would be of scarcely any value. As
-confirmation of a definite but disputable statement their value is
-considerable.
-
-[Sidenote: Summary of Pheidon’s activities according to Strabo (=
-           Ephorus).]
-
-The recovery of ancestral domains is a favourite euphemism among
-military conquerors for their policy of annexation. The chronology, both
-relative and absolute, of Strabo’s summary of Pheidon’s career has every
-appearance of authenticity. Pheidon first recovers the lot of Temenos,
-then “invents” his measures and coinage, and after that attempts to
-expand eastwards and southwards to secure the whole inheritance of
-Heracles, or in other words aims at the suzerainty of the whole
-Peloponnese, and to that end celebrates the Olympian games. This last
-event is probably to be dated 668 B.C. The coinage must be put
-indefinitely earlier in his reign, a perfectly reasonable date on
-numismatic and historical grounds, and the recovery of the lot of
-Temenos a few years earlier still.
-
-The date thus reached is confirmed by the histories of the two other
-leading cities of this part of the Peloponnese, Sicyon and Corinth.
-
-[Sidenote: Pheidon and other parts of the lot of Temenos: (i) Sicyon.]
-
-Sicyon formed part of the lot of Temenos, and was held by his son
-Phalkes[918]. About 670 B.C. the city fell under the tyranny of the able
-and powerful family of Orthagoras, whose policy was marked by extreme
-hostility to Argos[919]. Pheidon plainly can have had no footing in
-Sicyon during the rule of the Orthagorids. But the unusual stability and
-popularity of the tyranny at Sicyon have often been explained, not
-without reason, as due to its popular anti-Dorian policy. During the
-second Messenian war, which Pausanias dates 686–668 B.C.[920], so that
-the rise of Orthagoras coincides with its conclusion, the Sicyonians
-appear to have acted in close co-operation with the Argives[921]. The
-position and policy of the Sicyonian tyrants becomes particularly
-comprehensible if they had risen to power as leaders of a racial
-uprising that put an end in the city to a Dorian ascendancy that dated
-originally from the days of Temenos[922] and had been revived by
-Pheidon[923].
-
-[Sidenote: (ii) Corinth.]
-
-Whether Corinth formed part of the lot of Temenos is uncertain. Probably
-it did. Strabo and Ptolemy exclude the city from the Argolid[924]. But
-on the other hand Homer speaks of it as being “in a corner of horse
-rearing Argos[925],” and Pausanias states that “the district of Corinth
-is part of Argolis[926],” and that he believes it to have been so in
-Homeric times[927]. The conflicting statements of these excellent
-authorities are best reconciled by supposing them to be referring to
-different periods. If this is so, and if, as well might be, all the
-domains of Homeric Argos passed to its first Dorian lord, then Corinth
-formed part of the lot of Temenos. A Temenid Corinth is perhaps implied
-in Apollodorus[928], where Temenos, the two sons of Aristodemus, and
-Kresphontes “when they had conquered the Peloponnese, set up three
-altars of Zeus Patroos and sacrificed on them and drew lots for the
-cities. The first lot was Argos, the second Sparta, the third Messene.”
-
-For connexions between Pheidon and Corinth we have only a story told by
-Plutarch and a Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius[929] of which the salient
-points are that (_a_) Pheidon tries to annex Corinth; (_b_) the
-Bacchiads and Archias are the pro-Argive party; (_c_) the fall of the
-Bacchiads (which led to the rise of the tyrant Cypselus) meant the
-overthrow of Argive influence.
-
-So far the story is all of a piece, and supports the view that the
-simultaneous establishment of Cypselus in Corinth and Orthagoras in
-Sicyon may have been part cause and part result of the fall of Pheidon
-and the breaking up again of the lot of Temenos. Such a suggestion
-harmonizes well with the friendship that existed between the Corinthian
-and Sicyon tyrants[930].
-
-There are however chronological difficulties in this interpretation of
-the Pheidon Archias story. In the story (i) the fall of the Bacchiads is
-made contemporary with the foundation of Syracuse, _i.e._ it must
-presumably be dated about 734 B.C.[931]; (ii) Pheidon is put some time
-before this event, his contemporary Habron being grandfather of Archias’
-favourite Actaeon: the Marmor Parium enters Pheidon before Archias.
-
-In a highly romantic narrative like that of Archias and Actaeon the last
-thing to be looked for is a reliable and exact chronology. Impossible
-dates may mean impossible statements; but on the other hand they may
-mean merely a confusion of facts of different dates, or again, the facts
-may be coherent, and the dates just simply wrong.
-
-In the present case, except for the relative dating of Archias and
-Pheidon, the historic background is perfectly coherent, if the events
-are put early in the seventh century. To accept the 750 date for Pheidon
-sets him right in relation to Archias, but leaves the rest of the story
-in the air. There is indeed always the refuge of assuming a double
-banishment of the Bacchiads. But the idea of a double banishment, traces
-of which might easily be discovered by the reduplicating school of
-historians, is deservedly suspect, and may have arisen from a double
-dating due to double dating of Pheidon. If there really were two
-banishments, the story better suits the second.
-
-Neither Plutarch nor the Scholiast on Apollonius gives any absolute
-dates; and those of the Parian Marble, which does, are impossible. The
-Marble dates Pheidon 895 B.C. and Archias 758. Pheidon is also indeed
-made contemporary with an Athenian who according to Castor held the
-office of king from 864 to 846 B.C.[932] From 846 to 758 is a possible,
-though improbably long interval between Pheidon and Archias, if as the
-story tells us, the latter had as favourite the grandson of one of
-Pheidon’s contemporaries; but even so the dating is so unsatisfactory,
-that the latest editor of the Parian Marble[933] has suggested
-transposing Archias and Pheidon. But, apart from other difficulties, the
-resultant early date for Archias is altogether against the evidence.
-There is no need to put him back into the ninth century merely because
-it is not unlikely that Greeks at that period were already making their
-way to Sicily. The antedating of Pheidon has already been accounted for,
-and he appears to have taken back Archias with him part of the way.
-
-The date of Archias is a problem any way. But it is not difficult to
-suggest a possible chronology. Pheidon’s fall[934] was probably rapid (a
-proof of his hubris). His rise was probably slow. Being a hereditary
-monarch, he may well have ruled for fifty years, from about 715 to 665
-B.C. It was early in his career that he began to carry out his designs
-on Corinth. Archias, who had founded Syracuse in 734, gave him support.
-We are told no details, but the alliances of the period of the second
-Messenian war and the naval struggle in the Saronic Gulf must have
-supplied abundant motives and inducements. Bacchiad government under
-Argive protection continued till Pheidon fell, which meant also the fall
-of the Bacchiads themselves. They withdrew to the far west. Demaratus
-penetrated as far as Tarquinii. Large numbers doubtless settled at
-Syracuse. The order of events just outlined coincides entirely with the
-extant narratives, except in the one matter of Syracuse, and there the
-divergence is very comprehensible. The founder of Syracuse had supported
-Pheidon. Pheidon’s fall had led to a great influx of pro-Argive
-Corinthians into Syracuse, and threw Archias back entirely onto his
-Sicilian colony. If this is what really happened, it would not be
-surprising if the fall of Pheidon came to be regarded as having led to
-the original foundation of Syracuse.
-
-[Sidenote: Pheidon of Corinth: is he identical with the Argive?]
-
-The chief doubt however as to the historical truth of the Argive
-tyrant’s interference in Corinth is caused by certain references to a
-Corinthian Pheidon, described by Aristotle as “one of the earliest
-lawgivers[935].” When an Argive Pheidon is reported as making his
-appearance in Corinthian history, is it a mistake due to the confusing
-of two separate personalities? If two existed, they were unquestionably
-confused. A Pindar Scholiast says that “a certain Pheidon, a man of
-Corinth, invented measures and weights[936].”
-
-But there is an alternative possibility. The Corinthian Pheidon may be
-only one aspect of the Argive: this is suggested by the Pindar Scholiast
-later in the same ode, where he says that “the Pheidon who first struck
-their measures (κόψας τὸ μέτρον) for the Corinthians was an
-Argive[937].” Too much stress must not be laid on such very confused
-statements[938]. At best they can only corroborate other and better
-evidence. This however is not altogether lacking. When Karanos, the
-kinsman of Pheidon, went to Macedonia and occupied Edessa and the lands
-of the Argeadae[939], Bacchiads from Corinth settled near by among the
-Lynkestai[940].
-
-A lawgiver who was “one of the earliest” can have arisen in Corinth only
-before the establishment of the tyranny in 657 B.C. On the other hand
-lawgivers seem to have been mainly a seventh century phenomenon in
-Greece, and the most natural time for one to have been appointed in
-Corinth is when the Bacchiad nobility was losing its ascendancy, a
-process which may be imagined as beginning early in the seventh century
-or at the end of the eighth. Plutarch describes Pheidon’s designs on
-Corinth as formed at the beginning of his career. Everything points to
-the Argive tyrant having had a long reign. There is nothing improbable
-in the supposition that the rival factions in Corinth invited to act as
-their lawgiver a young sovereign of unusual ability who ruled a city of
-great traditions but not at the time particularly powerful[941]. I have
-already suggested the course taken by events in Corinth after Pheidon
-had once secured a position in the city. One passage remains to be
-quoted that makes it still more probable both that the Corinthian
-lawgiver was the Argive tyrant, and that events in Corinth took
-something like the course that I have suggested. According to Nicholas
-of Damascus[942] Pheidon out of friendship went to the help of the
-Corinthians during a civil war: an attack was made by his supporters,
-and he was killed[943]. An intimate connexion from the beginning of his
-career with the great trading and manufacturing city of the Isthmus
-would go far to explain the commercial and financial inventiveness that
-was the distinguishing feature of this royal tyrant[944].
-
-
-
-
-                         Chapter VII. _Corinth_
-
-
-    ἡ μὲν δὴ πόλις ἡ τῶν Κορινθίων μεγάλη τε καὶ πλουσία διὰ παντὸς
-    ὑπῆρξεν, ἀνδρῶν τε ηὐπόρησεν ἀγαθῶν εἴς τε τὰ πολιτικὰ καὶ εἰς
-    τὰς τέχνας τὰς δημιουργικάς. STRABO VIII. 382.
-
-[Sidenote: Mercantile and marine developments at Corinth quoted by
-           Thucydides to illustrate the conditions that led to the rise
-           of tyrannies.]
-
-In the passage of Thucydides[945] in which he associates the origin of
-tyranny with the acquisition of wealth, one other development is
-mentioned as characteristic of the age. “Greece began to fit out fleets
-and took more to the sea.”
-
-If the views expressed in the last chapter are not entirely mistaken,
-then in Greece Proper the earliest phases of all these developments, in
-politics, in industry, and in commerce by land and sea, are all to be
-associated with Pheidon of Argos. But on the same showing Pheidon was a
-man born rather before his time and not quite in the right place.
-
-The town marked out by its situation[946] to develop the new tendencies
-to the fullest was Corinth, and it is in fact from Corinth that
-Thucydides draws his illustration, mentioning in this connexion the
-shipbuilding of the Corinthian Ameinokles about 704 B.C. and the naval
-battle between Corinth and Corcyra of about 664 B.C.[947] He says
-nothing about Corinthian tyrants, but the description of the situation
-at Corinth is simply a paraphrase of that of the general situation that
-led to tyrannies[948]. Corinth is chosen to exemplify the normal course
-of things in a seventh century Greek town, and it may be taken as
-certain that Thucydides regards the tyranny at Corinth as the outcome of
-the mercantile and maritime developments described in the passage just
-quoted.
-
-Only, what was the personal relationship of the tyrants to the new
-developments?
-
-[Illustration: Fig. 22. Corinthian vase found at Corinth.]
-
-[Illustration: Fig. 23. Corinthian terra cotta tablet depicting a potter
-at his wheel.]
-
-[Illustration: Fig. 24. Corinthian terra cotta tablet depicting the
-interior of a kiln.]
-
-[Sidenote: Seventh century Corinth was also a great industrial centre,
-           especially for pottery.]
-
-Before attempting to answer this question, one important addition may be
-made to Thucydides’ picture of the state of things in the city when the
-tyranny arose. Corinth was not engaged only in commerce and shipping.
-She was also a great industrial centre. In the chapter on Argos reasons
-have been given for thinking that the tyrant Pheidon flourished just at
-the time when pottery of the style called for want of a better name
-proto-Corinthian was enjoying a great vogue in a great part of the Greek
-world, that much at least of this ware was made in Pheidon’s dominions,
-and that Pheidon took political measures to crush or cripple rival
-centres. Towards the middle of the seventh century proto-Corinthian ware
-was eclipsed by a new style, which with good reason has been named
-Corinthian[949]. This new style became so popular that the invention of
-the potter’s wheel was ascribed to a Corinthian[950]. Corinthian vases
-of this period show one of the most decorative and distinctive styles of
-pottery that has ever been invented. The style of decoration somewhat
-recalls oriental carpets, and it was long ago plausibly suggested that
-oriental carpets or tapestries furnished the models for the Corinthian
-vase painters[951]. Two jugs in this style, one from Corinth
-itself[952], the other from Corneto (Tarquinii), are shown in figs. 22
-and 34. Votive tablets of the sixth century B.C. have been found at
-Corinth that depict various stages of the manufacture. Two are here
-reproduced (figs. 23, 24). This very distinctive pottery made its way
-over a great part of the Greek world[953]. It has been found in large
-quantities all over Sicily, South Italy and Etruria, in many parts of
-Greece Proper, and in many places further east[954].
-
-[Sidenote: Cypselus becomes tyrant at the height of these developments.]
-
-Cypselus established himself as tyrant in 657 B.C. at the height of
-these great developments of Corinthian industry, trade, and shipping. It
-has been noticed by Busolt[955] that 657 is also the year of the
-conquest of Sardis by the Cimmerians. The disturbances in Asia Minor may
-have enhanced the importance of the western trade, in which Corinth was
-particularly concerned[956]. They may incidentally have removed, at
-least for the time being, a very powerful commercial rival, since
-Corinth and Lydia appear to have been engaged in much the same
-industries, namely weaving, dyeing, metallurgy, horse rearing and the
-making of ointments, in addition to pottery, a fact that can hardly have
-been accidental[957], and points to Corinth having been influenced by
-Lydia. Both before and after the Cimmerian invasion Lydia and Corinth
-appear to have been on excellent terms[958]: but this would not prevent
-Corinthian merchants from growing more prosperous through Lydia’s
-troubles[959].
-
-[Sidenote: Cypselus and the beginnings of Corinthian coinage.]
-
-Whether the rise of Cypselus had any connexion with the beginnings of
-Corinthian coinage is a matter of dispute. Busolt[960] dates the
-earliest issues some half century later than the establishment of the
-tyranny. Head[961] on the other hand makes the coinage and the tyranny
-begin approximately together and he is supported by Percy Gardner[962],
-who dates the earliest coins of Corinth in the early part of the seventh
-century but after 665 B.C.
-
-[Illustration: Fig. 25. Coins of Corinth.]
-
-If, then, as seems probable, the English numismatists are nearer the
-truth than the German, the first issues of “colts,” as the coins were
-colloquially called from the winged horse that they bore, may have
-played their part in helping Cypselus to the tyranny. The traces of
-Lydian influence support this view. But on the other hand Corinth, whose
-trade was so preponderatingly with the west, may, like its colony
-Corcyra, have felt the need of a coinage only comparatively late. Where
-the main facts are so obscure and particulars are completely wanting it
-is idle to carry speculation further.
-
-For evidence as to Cypselus’ personal relationship to the commercial
-developments of his age we must look elsewhere. Some modern writers have
-indeed despaired of recovering any picture of the personal history of a
-ruler who is variously described by our best authorities as having ruled
-mildly[963] and with bloodthirsty severity[964]. [Sidenote: His personal
-relationship when tyrant to the commercial developments of his age.]
-This attitude is quite unnecessary. Both statements are in themselves
-quite credible as contemporary accounts of the same regime from
-different points of view. Still, by themselves they do not take us very
-far. Fortunately we are better informed in other directions.
-
-Of the Corinthian colonies in Western Greece, that lined the trade route
-to Sicily and Italy and the Furthest West, Leukas, Ambracia and
-Anaktorion were founded by Cypselus[965]. Leukas was converted by him
-from a peninsula into an island for the greater convenience of
-navigation[966].
-
-Cypselus is said to have taxed his subjects heavily. This statement is
-taken from the pseudo-Aristotelian _Oeconomica_[967], a work of no great
-authority for our early period. The tax is associated by Suidas[968]
-with the dedication of a colossus of beaten gold which “Didymus says was
-made by Periander” (not Cypselus) “with the object of checking the
-Corinthians in their luxury and arrogance.” Theophrastus, so Suidas also
-states, called the statue the colossus not of Cypselus but of the sons
-of Cypselus (Κυψελιδῶν). The statement of the _Oeconomica_ must
-therefore be taken with reserve. But the story of Cypselus’ heavy
-taxation states also that the tyrant made his subjects work and prosper
-and able to pay the taxes[969].
-
-[Sidenote: Personal relationships of his son Periander to these same
-           developments.]
-
-Whatever the truth about the colossus the fact remains that the fame of
-Cypselus was largely eclipsed by that of his son and successor
-Periander, who was actually claimed by some writers as one of the seven
-sages of early Greece[970]. This is unfortunate when we are searching
-for origins, since Periander is said to have changed the character of
-the sovereignty[971]. Even if the authorities who made this statement
-are not particularly good, still it must be taken as in some part true.
-The son born in the purple can never succeed exactly to the position of
-the father who founded the house. Luckily however we are told the nature
-of Periander’s change. He regarded himself as a soldier and sought to
-make Corinth a great military power, whereas Cypselus had been a man of
-peace with a peaceful policy[972]. So far therefore as Periander’s
-policy was not directly or indirectly military, there is no need to
-assume a break with that of his father.
-
-He maintained and enlarged the colonial empire of the city[973]. As
-regards Corinthian trade under Periander we are told that his public
-revenues were all derived from its taxation[974]: but everything shows
-that he did not follow the Bacchiads and tax it ruthlessly. Rather he
-seems to have aimed at increasing his revenues by fostering commerce.
-Corinthian shipping, with which the trade of the city was inseparably
-bound up, certainly owed much to him. “He built triremes and plied both
-seas[975].” This last statement seems intended to contrast Periander
-with his father, whose activities had been mainly in the west. Periander
-on the other hand is found acting in close concert with Thrasybulus the
-tyrant of Miletus[976]. He has been suspected of slave-dealing with
-Lydia[977], and acted as arbitrator between that state and Miletus[978].
-He had a nephew who bore the name of a king of Egypt[979]. In order the
-better to “ply both seas” he is said to have wanted to cut a canal
-through the Corinthian Isthmus[980]. Here too he was following in the
-footsteps of his father who had “velificated” Leukas.
-
-It is interesting therefore to notice the emphasis laid on Periander’s
-wealth[981], and to recall the social legislation attributed to him by
-Nicolaus Damascenus, according to whom the tyrant “forbad the citizens
-to acquire slaves and live in idleness, and continually found them some
-employment[982].” Heraclides[983] and Diogenes Laertius (quoting Ephorus
-and Aristotle)[984] state that he did not allow anybody and everybody to
-live in the city. Their statement is capable of many interpretations. It
-may mean that Periander sought to control labour in the city or to
-prevent the rural population from quitting the land for the superior
-attractions of life in the great industrial centre.
-
-In short from first to last the tyranny at Corinth is seen taking an
-active part in guiding the industrial, commercial and maritime
-activities of the city[985]. This however is what might be expected from
-any able government at the period, and nobody has ever questioned the
-Cypselids’ ability. The previous government, that of the aristocracy of
-the Bacchiads, had “exploited the market with impunity[986],” and very
-possibly this short-sighted policy had hastened and helped their
-fall[987].
-
-[Sidenote: Before he became tyrant Cypselus was probably polemarch,]
-
-But how precisely were they overthrown? What was the career of Cypselus
-previous to his obtaining the tyranny?
-
-According to Nicolaus Damascenus, who based himself largely on the
-fourth century Ephorus[988], Labda, the mother of Cypselus, belonged to
-the Bacchiad aristocracy, but owing to a personal deformity[989] she had
-married beneath her. Her husband, Eetion, is variously said to have been
-descended from the pre-Hellenic Lapithae of Thessaly[990] and from a
-non-Dorian stock of Gonussa above Sicyon[991]. In any case, as observed
-by How and Wells[992], Eetion belonged to the pre-Dorian “Aeolic”
-population of Corinth[993]. The Bacchiad aristocracy was extremely
-exclusive. Its members married only among themselves. Consequently the
-official oracles prophesied evil from this union, and when a son was
-born of it, the government sent agents to destroy the child. But the
-infant melted the hearts of its would-be murderers, and instead of
-killing it they went back and reported that they had done so. The infant
-was sent away by its parents to Olympia, and was brought up first there
-and then at Cleonae. Encouraged by a Delphic oracle Cypselus returned to
-Corinth, became very popular, was elected polemarch, and made himself
-still more popular by refusing to imprison citizens and remitting in all
-cases his part of their fines. Finally he headed a rising against the
-unpopular Bacchiads, killed Patrokleides, who was king at the time, and
-was made king in his stead. He ruled mildly, neither maintaining a
-bodyguard nor losing the people’s favour[994].
-
-Such is the account given by Nicholas of Damascus. For the greater part
-of it we have no earlier authority. But once more we must be on our
-guard against too hasty scepticism. Ephorus, who is generally admitted
-to have been the source of this account, was not further removed from
-Cypselus than this age is from Cromwell. Cypselus was the foremost man
-of his age in all Greece. We need to be very sceptical of such
-scepticism as that of Busolt[995], who argues that Cypselus cannot have
-been polemarch before he became tyrant because if his parentage was not
-known he would not have been eligible, while if it was he would not have
-been elected[996]. As pointed out many years ago by Wilisch[997], such
-arguments are dangerous when applied to times of which so little is
-known. The aristocracy which fell in 657 B.C. may have begun to totter
-some time earlier. Given the requisite gaps in our knowledge, Busolt’s
-line of argument might be equally well used to discredit the received
-tradition about the Victorian age in England on the ground that it
-contains the highly improbable statement that the leader of the
-aristocratic party was an Italian Jew.
-
-Ephorus seems to have been used by Aristotle[998]. It would be rash
-indeed to follow Busolt[999] and agree that such a source may yet be
-valueless. Aristotle is not to be treated in this way. The whole
-character of his work forces us to start with the assumption that he had
-some idea of the difference between myth and historical tradition. We
-always know the reasons why modern scholars are sometimes inclined to
-discredit him. We do not always know the reasons that led Aristotle to
-accept as facts what he so accepts. What we do know is that the material
-on which he based his statements was far more ample than that which is
-now at our disposal. Even for a period so comparatively remote from him
-as the seventh century B.C. Aristotle must have been able to collect
-much evidence of one sort or another to confirm him alike in his doubts
-and his beliefs[1000].
-
-For eighth century Corinth Aristotle and his contemporaries
-probably[1001] had the poems of the Corinthian Eumelos, a ποιητὴς
-ἱστορικός[1002] who flourished about 750 B.C. and wrote among other
-works an epic called Κορινθιακά. A prose history of Corinth (Κορινθία
-συγγραφή) was also ascribed to him. The ascription is doubted by
-Pausanias[1003], not without reason, but it may still have been a
-document of some value and antiquity. The same is true of the “didactic
-poem in two thousand lines” ascribed by Diogenes Laertius to Periander
-himself[1004]. We are learning to take our ancient records more on their
-face value than was done by our grandfathers in the nineteenth century.
-The classical historians, using the word in its widest sense, are still
-suffering from the reaction against the doctrine of verbal inspiration.
-
-The story of the infant Cypselus is put by Plutarch[1005] into the mouth
-of a certain “Chersias the poet,” who is represented as having during a
-banquet given by Periander “mentioned others whose lives had been saved
-when despaired of and in particular Cypselus the father of Periander.”
-One of the sceptics[1006] has recently accepted this Chersias as
-historical and imagined Plutarch as here making use of a poem of his
-which he proceeds to explain as a fiction invented to give an appearance
-of legitimacy to the Cypselids. The explanation is quite gratuitous. It
-is true that Diogenes Laertius[1007] speaks of Periander as “of the race
-of the Heraclids.” But Chersias in Plutarch does not mention even the
-parents of Cypselus, much less his remote ancestors, and there is no
-evidence that he had them in mind[1008]. The poem itself is a doubtful
-item. The only inference to be drawn from Plutarch is that to his
-readers the poem (assuming its existence) probably seemed in keeping
-with the scene. It is however well to be reminded that even Plutarch had
-much more literary material to draw from for this early period than have
-the moderns.
-
-On the whole therefore the safest attitude towards the narrative of
-Nicolaus will be one of benevolent agnosticism. No doubt he had a
-tendency to rationalize half or wholly mythical stories. It is not
-improbable that he did this to some extent in his account of the infant
-Cypselus with which we can compare the version of Herodotus. But when he
-makes a simple statement of commonplace fact, as, for instance, that
-Cypselus was polemarch before he became tyrant, the most prudent and the
-most critical course is to accept it as probably true[1009]. The reason
-why the record of this fact was preserved is not far to seek. The fourth
-century historians seized on the name as evidence that Cypselus was in
-fact as well as in name a ruler of the same order as Dionysius, who
-started his career as a military demagogue. [Sidenote: but that is no
-evidence of military power. Cypselus cannot have been a military
-despot.] But the context shows that the polemarch was not in this case a
-military officer[1010], and we know by implication that Cypselus was not
-a warlike person, for the record of how Periander changed the character
-of the government goes on to say that he _became_[1011] warlike. And, as
-remarked long ago by Schubring[1012], if the tenure of the polemarchy is
-historical, still it was not the means by which Cypselus reached the
-tyranny, but rather like the murder of the Bacchiad Patrokleides, a sign
-and token that he was already in a position to seize it. [Sidenote: What
-then was the basis of his power? The only possible evidence is to be
-found in the story] Nicolaus therefore brings us little nearer to
-understanding the basis of the future tyrant’s power. Our only hope of
-doing this lies in Herodotus, who tells the story of the infant Cypselus
-with certain details omitted by Nicolaus but which probably contain the
-essence of the story. According to Herodotus[1013] Cypselus was the
-child from the cypsele in which as an infant his mother had concealed
-him from his would-be murderers. [Sidenote: which makes Cypselus the
-child from the cypsele.] If we are to believe Plutarch, the story of the
-cypsele could still in his days be traced back to the days of
-Periander[1014]. It is easy to point out[1015] that we are here up
-against a widespread story of which different versions have been
-attached to such different names as Sargon of Akkad (_c._ 3800
-B.C.[1016]), Moses, Romulus and Cyrus[1017]. But even if we accept a
-common origin for all these stories, we are not very much further on. We
-should still have to determine why and how Cypselus found a place in the
-series. [Sidenote: What is a cypsele? Not, in spite of some ancient and
-modern authorities, either an ark or a wooden chest.] But it must not be
-too hastily assumed that the cypsele of Cypselus has anything at all to
-do with the ark that Pharaoh’s daughter found on the banks of the
-Nile[1018] or the “alueus” discovered by the shepherd Faustulus on the
-banks of the Tiber. In both these cases[1019] the vessel could float and
-was discovered by a river side. Cypselus was not discovered. That is the
-whole point of the story. He was not exposed in a river or sea like
-Romulus or Perseus. And it is more than doubtful whether a cypsele has
-any connexion whatever with an alueus or ark. It is true that they are
-more or less identified by our ancient authorities. Pausanias[1020], who
-wrote his guide to Greece in the second century A.D., professed to have
-seen at Olympia the very cypsele in which Cypselus had been hidden and
-from which he was said to have got his name. It was a coffer (λάρναξ) of
-wood and ivory elaborately carved. The description leaves no doubt that
-it was of archaic Corinthian workmanship of the time of the tyrants or
-not much later[1021]. But it is extremely doubtful whether this carved
-box was a cypsele or had any original connexion with the cypsele story.
-Plato[1022], Aristotle[1023], and Plutarch[1024] all refer to the
-dedications of the house of Cypselus without alluding to this object.
-Herodotus says nothing about the cypsele having been dedicated. For
-Strabo[1025] the chief dedication of Cypselus was a “golden hammered
-Zeus.” Dio Chrysostom[1026] (about 100 A.D.) refers to what Pausanias
-calls the cypsele of Cypselus, but describes it simply as the “wooden
-box (ξυλινὴ κιβωτός) dedicated by Cypselus.” From Pausanias himself it
-is plain that the object was not by any means what the Greeks of his
-time understood by a cypsele. His statement[1027] that the ancient
-Corinthians called a coffer a cypsele raises a suspicion that nobody
-else ever did. It is probably only an inference drawn by the traveller
-from the fact of this particular coffer being so called by the guides at
-Olympia[1028].
-
-[Sidenote: Meanings of the word “cypsele” given by the ancients.]
-
-The Olympian larnax does not at all correspond to the picture of a
-cypsele suggested by the ancient notices on the subject, which, quite
-apart from the light they may possibly throw on Cypselus, deserve a more
-detailed examination than they have hitherto received[1029].
-
-The meanings of the word given by the ancients are as follows:
-
-(1) A wine vessel[1030],
-
-(2) A vessel to receive wheat or barley[1031],
-
-(3) Part of a furnace[1032],
-
-(4) A beehive[1033],
-
-(5) Vessels for sweet condiments[1034], or receptacles for such
-vessels[1035],
-
-(6) The hole of the ear[1036],
-
-(7) Wax in the ears[1037].
-
-[Sidenote: Cp. coins of Cypsela.]
-
-This literary evidence may be supplemented from a numismatic source.
-Some fourth century B.C. coins of the Thracian Cypsela[1038] show a more
-or less cylindrical vessel with two small vertical handles[1039]. A
-similar vessel, resting on what is probably a grain of corn, is shown on
-other coins of the same century and from the same district[1040]. The
-vessel has very plausibly been identified as a cypsele.
-
-[Illustration: Fig. 26. Coins of Cypsela.]
-
-[Sidenote: Inferences as to size, shape, and material.]
-
-At first sight the various uses of the word appear rather miscellaneous,
-especially if we include (6) and (7). But (6) and (7) need not be
-brought in. They are late uses derived from (4)[1041]. Meaning (5) is
-probably to be eliminated on the same grounds. This leaves us with (1)
-to (4), all of them vessels of large size, a feature implicit in the
-Cypselus legend and confirmed by the ancient lexicographers[1042].
-
-For the material of cypselae under meanings (1) to (5) the only written
-evidence is found in (i) schol. Aristoph. _Pax_ 631, which says that
-“cypselae were not only woven (πλεκταί) but also of pottery (κεραμεαῖ),”
-(ii) a scholiast to Lucian, _Lexiphanes_, 1, which explains the cypsele
-as (_a_) “the narrow-mouthed unpitched vessel of pottery,” (_b_) an
-earthenware vessel, (_c_) [addit. C] “the name is also given to a sort
-of woven vessel,” (iii) Hesychius, who explains a cypsele as a
-wickerwork beehive.
-
-These statements quite suit the list of uses. As between the two
-materials mentioned the Aristophanes scholiast gives the impression that
-the commoner was wicker or basket work. But in the Lucian scholiast
-wickerwork is only an afterthought added by a later hand. The Lucian
-scholiast is probably more correct. Pottery is a natural material for
-every kind of cypsele. Cypselae (1) and (3) can never have been of
-basketwork, and for (5) it looks a most unlikely material, though we
-know too little about ancient spice vessels to speak with certainty. For
-(2) it is suitable enough, but the cypselae of the Thracian coins, which
-the emblem of the grain of corn shows to have been probably corn jars,
-point in the other direction. Their shape suits either terra cotta or
-metal but not wickerwork. The probable use practically excludes
-metal[1043]. (4) is according to Hesychius a “plaited beehive,” _i.e._ a
-hive of basketwork, and this statement is accepted by M. Pottier[1044].
-No doubt it was true at the time when it was made. But is it so certain
-that the earliest cypsele beehives were of basketwork? The first
-reference to beehives is in the _Odyssey_, which describes hives of
-stone in the shape of vases (κρητῆρες and ἀμφιφορῆες)[1045]. These
-Homeric beehives must have been either prototypes or glorifications of
-hives of earthenware[1046], and it is tempting to classify these latter
-with the cypsele form of hive, especially in the light of the cypsele on
-the Thracian coins, which has much the shape of a mixing bowl except
-that the handles are of a type more frequent on the amphora. These coins
-are of the first half of the fourth century. Our literary authorities
-are all much later. Most of them mention earthenware beehives only to
-condemn them[1047]. Presumably they were out of fashion. Basketwork
-hives[1048] on the other hand are spoken of without condemnation. When
-therefore they define the cypsele beehive as a basketwork beehive, they
-practically mean a round or vase-shaped hive like the “little pail where
-the bee distils his sweet flow” of Antiphilus[1049], as distinguished
-from the rectangular form that was also much in use[1050].
-
-This is assuming that cypselae were never rectangular, but the
-assumption seems fairly safe. Neither plaiting nor pottery adapts itself
-to rectangular shapes. Wine vessels are not usually square. The cypsele
-of the coins is not rectangular.
-
-[Illustration: Fig. 27. Attic vase painting, perhaps depicting a
-cypsele.]
-
-[Illustration: Fig. 28. Attic vase painting, perhaps depicting a
-cypsele.]
-
-There remains the “certain part of a furnace” referred to by Hesychius.
-Whatever this may have been, it is most unlikely that it was rectangular
-for the simple reason that ancient Greek furnaces appear from extant
-pictures to have no rectangular parts that could possibly be so
-identified. Pictures of ancient Greek furnaces are numerous, and it is
-surprising that no attempt seems to have been made to discover a cypsele
-in any of them, for it is not unlikely that some of these pictures do in
-fact depict it, and in that case they show us the earliest form of the
-object of which we have any precise record.
-
-[Illustration: Fig. 29. Attic vase painting, perhaps depicting a
-cypsele.]
-
-[Sidenote: Probable pictures of a cypsele on sixth-century Attic vases,
-           depicting it as a large terra cotta vase.]
-
-In Saglio’s _Dictionnaire des Antiquités_, s.v. Fer, figs. 2964, 2965,
-(here figs. 27, 28), pictures are reproduced from two black figure vases
-that depict furnaces being used, in all probability for treating
-iron[1051]. On the top of either furnace is depicted what de Launay
-describes as a “sorte de vase, sans doute de terre cuite[1052].” A
-similar vase is shown _ibid._ s.v. Caelatura, fig. 937[1053] (here fig.
-29) on top of what the context shows to be the furnace of a bronze
-foundry[1054]. This latter picture is on an early red figure vase[1055].
-In all three cases the “sort of vase” is very large, as is shown by
-comparing it in size with the human figures in the picture. In short
-both in size, shape, use and probably material it answers to the written
-descriptions of one variety of cypsele. What it does not so well answer
-to is the vase represented on the coins of Cypsela, which is tall and
-cylindrical and shows two vertical handles. Fortunately there is a
-connecting link between the two forms. In the Berlin Museum there is an
-actual stove of terra cotta, said to have been found in the sea off
-Iasos (coast of Asia Minor)[1056]. It is about ·50 m. high and of a
-common enough type[1057], though it is rare to find one so well
-preserved[1058]. What however gives the Iasos example its importance is
-a vase ·13 m. high and ·192 diameter, of the same dark brown micaceous
-clay as the stove itself, that was found along with it and fits so well
-on top of it that it must unquestionably have formed part of the
-complete article[1059]. Here we have a vase of considerable size that in
-shape has resemblances to the vases on the coins of Cypsela, but in its
-bulging sides deviates from them in the direction of our conjectured
-cypselae of the vase paintings. In position and in use as the receptacle
-for material to be heated, it corresponds with these latter. Though
-comparatively large, it must remain doubtful whether it is large enough
-to be a cypsele. But in any case it helps to connect the vases of the
-Cypsela coins with the “part of a furnace” of the vase paintings, and to
-make it probable that the latter was made of pottery and that both are
-rightly identified as cypselae. The objects on the vase paintings differ
-from all our other hypothetical cypselae in having no handles; even the
-beehive cypsele has been connected with craters and amphorae, both of
-which normally have two handles. But it is use as often as shape that
-determines the name of a vase, and from the point of view of use the
-Iasos vase is probably to be classed with a vase figured on a Greek
-funeral relief (fig. 31)[1060]. Here we have an object very similar in
-shape to our conjectured cypselae of the vase paintings, resting on what
-Dumont[1061] called a réchaud. Its size may be judged by comparing it
-with a human head from the same relief. There is no _a priori_ reason
-why the ancient cypsele, like the modern glass or bottle or cup or mug,
-should not show much diversity in the matter of handles and of shape
-generally. The evidence just collected suggests that such was in fact
-the case, and it becomes the more likely when we remember that we are
-dealing with a period of some centuries. The Cypsela coins date only
-from the fourth century. The portable stoves of the Iasos type are later
-still[1062]. The funeral relief with the vase and réchaud is dated by
-Dumont in the first century A.D.[1063].
-
-[Illustration: Fig. 30. Vase on stove found at Iasos.]
-
-[Illustration: Fig. 31. Relief, perhaps depicting a small cypsele.]
-
-On the other hand the vases depicting the cypsele that forms part of a
-furnace[1064] belong to the fifth or sixth century B.C., and thus bring
-us to within measurable distance of Cypselus himself[1065]. A cypsele of
-this description would be an admirable hiding-place for a baby, provided
-it was technically speaking a good baby, not given to crying[1066].
-Eventually, as has been seen, the box version of the story won the day:
-but from the Greek point of view there would be nothing impossible in a
-version which hid the child in an earthen jar. Eurystheus[1067] sought
-safety from Heracles in a πίθος or jar. In the seventh and sixth
-centuries infants were usually buried in large terra cotta vases not
-unlike those we are here considering. In the fifth century Aristophanes
-represents a supposititious child as introduced into the house in an
-earthenware pot[1068].
-
-In short everything points to the cypsele of Cypselus having been a
-large vessel of pottery. May not Herodotus after all be right when he
-says that the tyrant got his name from the cypsele? The story of the
-attempted murder and the ten bad men may be older than Cypselus. But if
-so we have to explain how it came to be attached to the Corinthian
-tyrant. [Sidenote: Was Cypselus (the child from the cypsele) a potter
-who got his name from his occupation?] Is it not possible that it was
-given to him as being ἐκ τῶν κυψελῶν (just as later the demagogue
-Hyperbolus, who had spent his early days in a lamp factory, was spoken
-of as the man from the lamps, οὑκ τῶν λύχνων[1069]) or in other words to
-denote his connexion with the Corinthian potteries which at this period
-were supplying a great part of the civilized world?
-
-[Sidenote: Evidence for the plausibility of this suggestion. (i) Such
-           names do occur, notably among potters.]
-
-Hyperbolus does not offer the only analogy for this suggestion or even
-the closest. In the chapter on Rome[1070], when tracing the source of
-the power of the Tarquins, we shall have occasion to examine the story
-of the Corinthian potters Eucheir and Eugrammus, who lived just at this
-period and whose names meaning “skilful with the hand” and “skilful at
-painting” are palpably derived from their occupation[1071].
-
-Cypselus may possibly have adopted, or inherited from the founder of the
-firm, a cypsele as his badge or emblem, and this may have been the
-immediate origin of his name. These personal or family badges or arms
-were widely used in ancient Greece. Among the many found on the
-Heraclean tables[1072] a κιβώτιον (box) occurs three times. A κιβώτιον
-is not a cypsele; but it is a similar object and shows that a cypsele
-might have been similarly used. The emblems as a rule seem to be
-entirely arbitrary and unconnected with the bearer’s name or occupation.
-But the word κιβωτὸς (in the original non-diminutive form) became the
-nickname of Apamea in Phrygia from the fact that so much packing was
-done in that great centre of trade[1073].
-
-[Sidenote: (ii) Agathocles, tyrant of Syracuse, is said to have been a
-           potter,]
-
-If Cypselus was originally a potter he may be compared with Agathocles,
-tyrant at the end of the fourth century of Syracuse, the great daughter
-city of Corinth. Agathocles is said to have been the son of a
-potter[1074]. According to Diodorus Siculus, the Delphic oracle
-prophesied over the infant Agathocles (as it had over Cypselus) that “he
-would be the cause of great misfortunes” to his country: and as a result
-of the prophecy it was resolved to do away with the child, who however
-was saved by its mother. Eventually the father was told that the child
-had been saved, and took it back, and “being poor he taught Agathocles
-the potter’s trade (τὴν κεραμευτικὴν τέχνην) while he was still a boy.”
-This story is probably to be traced back to Timaeus, who is quoted by
-Polybius[1075] for the statement that Agathocles was a potter, and is
-the only source of Diodorus actively hostile to the tyrant, by whom he
-had been banished from Sicily[1076].
-
-[Sidenote: in what is probably a fiction intended to suggest a
-           comparison with Cypselus.]
-
-Plainly in great part at least the story of the young Agathocles is a
-piece of malicious fiction. What is its prototype? I cannot help
-suspecting that it is Cypselus himself. It is true that there is no
-cypsele or larnax in the story, and Bauer[1077] connects it with the
-legends of the youthful Cyrus and infant Romulus. But neither is there
-an animal to suckle the infant, which the experts state to be the
-essential feature of the Cyrus Romulus cycle[1078]. The oracle and the
-rescue by the mother are both salient incidents of the Cypselus story.
-In the Cyrus story we have dreams and their interpretation by Magians,
-not nearly so close an analogy. The dreams too indicate only the
-greatness of the child that is to be born. The Cypselus story indicates,
-like that of Agathocles, the harm the child will do[1079]. Agathocles
-grew up in the days when the great name in Sicily was that of the
-Corinthian Timoleon. The thoughts of Sicily were all turned towards
-Corinth, and we find this rapprochement reflected in the Syracusan coins
-of the period, which show the Corinthian types of the helmeted goddess
-head and Pegasus[1080]. What more natural therefore, especially for the
-banished Timaeus, than to compare Agathocles with Cypselus[1081]? It is
-not impossible that from this seditious analogy there grew up the story
-that Agathocles was the son of a potter[1082]. The alternative is to
-accept Agathocles’ early connexion with “the wheel, the clay, and the
-smoke[1083]” of the pottery as a historical fact: but this is less
-likely. Polybius himself warns us against accepting Timaeus on
-Agathocles as truthful history, and seems himself to suspect his own
-quotation about the tyrant having been a potter in his early days. The
-elder brother of Agathocles was a prominent statesman and soldier in
-Syracuse early in his career, before the younger brother had risen to
-the tyranny: Agathocles himself appears early in his career to have
-reached high rank in the army and to have lived in intimate relations
-with some of the Syracusan nobility[1084]. The tyrant’s father was
-banished from Rhegium in the days when that city was under Dionysius of
-Syracuse, from which fact Beloch[1085] reasonably infers that he was a
-distinguished personality. Beloch supposes that Agathocles inherited a
-big pottery business. If this view is right, then the pottery does not
-seem to have greatly helped the future tyrant in his public career,
-which from first to last was essentially military. Still, though the
-capitalist tyrant was already a thing of the past in Greece Proper,
-Sicily was in some ways younger than the mother country, and it is not
-impossible that Agathocles possessed a pottery, and that it played a
-part, though not the leading one, in helping him on to the throne.
-Agathocles was the contemporary of the Roman Appius whose suspected
-attempt at a financial despotism is discussed in the chapter on Rome.
-Before his accession he is described as having become very rich: but his
-riches are attributed to his marriage[1086]. The evidence about
-Agathocles’ early career is not decisive. But on any interpretation it
-lends plausibility to the view that Cypselus started life as a potter.
-
-[Sidenote: Cypselus as a common noun.]
-
-In the whole of this long discussion as to how Cypselus acquired his
-name it has been assumed that Herodotus was right in declaring that he
-derived it direct from cypsele. The fact that there is a common noun
-cypselus hardly affects this assumption. It is true that the cypselus is
-a bird, but the bird in question is shown by Aristotle’s account of
-it[1087] to be either the house-martin[1088] or some similar
-species[1089] that derives its name from its clay-built nest. The
-cypselus is in fact the potter-bird.
-
-[Sidenote: King Cypselus of Arcadia.]
-
-But are we right in our main assumption? There is of course an
-alternative possibility. The story of the infant Cypselus may have been
-attached to him solely to explain his unusual name. Schubring’s
-instances of stories that he thinks to have arisen in this way are
-neither convincing in themselves nor altogether analogous[1090]. But
-there is one fact that offers more solid grounds for not accepting
-Cypselus as a name that the tyrant derived from his occupation. An early
-king Cypselus of Arcadia is mentioned by Pausanias[1091].
-
-This is a genuine difficulty. But there are several ways of meeting it.
-It is for instance quite conceivable that two different individuals
-should have independently earned the same nickname. The name need not
-have been used in the same sense on both occasions. The cypselus is not
-only the potter-bird. It is also one of the most conspicuous of
-migrants[1092]. It may have been from this latter point of view that the
-name was thought appropriate for a king of the period of the great
-migrations.
-
-If this be thought unlikely we might borrow a page from the sceptics and
-throw doubts upon the Arcadian’s historical existence. We might explain
-him away as the eponymous hero of the Arcadian Cypsela[1093]. Or again,
-it might be pointed out that he is said to have been an ancestor of his
-Corinthian namesake’s daughter-in-law, Melissa the wife of
-Periander[1094]. The Arcadian Cypselus might then be disposed of as a
-creation of the pedigree-mongers of the period when the marriage between
-Melissa and Periander took place[1095].
-
-[Sidenote: The third tyrant of Corinth, whom Aristotle calls
-           Psammetichus,]
-
-There is another name in the pedigree of the Corinthian tyrants from
-which historical conclusions have frequently been drawn. According to
-Aristotle the third and last of the tyrants (587–584 B.C.) was called
-Psammetichus, a name which, as we have seen already, was borne by the
-first Pharaoh of the Saite (twenty-sixth) dynasty, which appears to have
-based its power largely on foreign mercenaries and foreign trade, both
-mainly Greek[1096]. The Egyptian name of the Corinthian tyrant has
-rightly been held to establish some sort of connexion between the two
-states during the age of the tyrants. It has often been assumed[1097]
-that Psammetichus of Corinth got his name directly from the Egyptian
-royal family. No certainty is to be had on this point. The name, though
-unknown before the time of Psammetichus I, appears to have become common
-during the twenty-sixth dynasty[1098]. A Greek mercenary named
-Psammetichus son of Theocles commanded the expedition which has left us
-the graffiti of Abu Symbel[1099]. The name and position of the son of
-Theocles show that the Corinthian tyrant might have got his Egyptian
-name through a Greek intermediary. But on the other hand there is a fair
-probability that the governments of Corinth and Egypt at this period
-were in touch with one another either directly or through their common
-friend Miletus[1100].
-
-[Sidenote: an Egyptian name meaning probably “vendor of bowls,”]
-
-But the really curious point about a Cypselid being called Psammetichus
-lies in the meaning of the name, which, as seen above[1101], is most
-probably to be interpreted “man (vendor) of mixing bowls.” If this
-interpretation is correct Psammetichus and Cypselus are synonyms. Now
-the modern historians generally follow Aristotle[1102], and give the
-name of the last tyrant of Corinth as Psammetichus. [Sidenote: is given
-by Nicolaus the name of Cypselus,] But our other ancient authority,
-Nicolaus of Damascus[1103], states that Periander was succeeded by a
-second Cypselus, “who came from Corcyra and became tyrant of Corinth
-until certain of the Corinthians combined and slew him ... and freed the
-city.” Psammetichus is called by Aristotle the son of Gorgos, Cypselus
-II is described by Nicolaus as son of Periander’s brother Gorgos[1104].
-A Psammetichus son of Gorgos is mentioned by Nicolaus as having been
-sent to Corcyra by Periander. The same author makes Cypselus II come
-from Corcyra to succeed Periander on the throne of Corinth. It is hard
-to avoid the conclusion reached by Busolt[1105] that Cypselus II and
-Psammetichus are one and the same person. But need we follow Busolt
-further[1106] and assume that Psammetichus changed his name to Cypselus
-on his accession? Psammetichus I of Egypt in his early days when he was
-a vassal of Assyria, appears to have received from his overlord the
-Assyrian name of Neboshazban[1107]. Possibly therefore the Egyptian king
-might take it as a compliment if a Greek adopted an Egyptian name. But
-even this is doubtful. The Saites would not be extremely anxious to
-follow the practices of Assyria and Babylon: the Greeks did not readily
-change their names. On the other hand the Greeks loved to find
-equivalents between Greek names and Egyptian, as we see most markedly in
-their treatment of Greek and Egyptian gods[1108], and heroes[1109], and
-likewise of Egyptian place-names[1110]. [Sidenote: which suggests that
-the two names were regarded by their bearer as synonyms meaning vendor
-of pots.] Is it not therefore rather more probable that from beginning
-to end the last of the Corinthian tyrants bore the name of his
-grandfather, according to the familiar Greek custom, and that Cypselus
-and Psammetichus were employed consciously as the Greek and Egyptian
-forms of one and the same name[1111], both alike meaning “man of pots.”
-
-It may of course have been an accident that of the three names borne by
-the three tyrants of the Greek potteries two should be derived from
-words denoting some species of pot: but if so it is a very curious one.
-
-
-
-
-                          Chapter VIII. _Rome_
-
-
-  “All the historical labours bestowed on the early centuries of Rome
-  will, in general, be wasted.”—Sir George Cornewall Lewis, _On the
-  Credibility of Early Roman History_ (1855), vol. II. p. 556.
-
-[Sidenote: I. The narrative as to how the Tarquins are said to have
-           gained, held, and lost the throne.]
-
-At the time of the birth of Herodotus, which took place about the year
-484 B.C., Polycrates, Peisistratus, and Croesus had been dead less than
-fifty years: in Corinth and Sicyon it was not more than a century since
-the tyranny had been suppressed. The historian had probably met people
-who remembered the tyrants of Samos and Athens: he may possibly have
-talked with old men from the cities of the Isthmus whose fathers had
-told them of personal experiences under Cleisthenes, or Periander.
-
-The case with the Tarquins, the tyrant kings of Rome, is very different.
-There is nothing even approximating to contemporary literary evidence
-for their history, or even for their existence. In recent times their
-whole claim to be regarded as historical has been disputed. It may
-therefore seem something like begging the question to proceed at once to
-collect evidence for the narrative before clearing the ground by
-discussing its authenticity. There are however two reasons for following
-that course. The first is that the question of authenticity can be more
-easily discussed after the narrative has been called to mind. The other
-is that the value of the story for this enquiry does not altogether
-depend on the Tarquins’ historicity[1112].
-
-According to the extant narratives[1113] king Tarquinius Priscus was the
-son of a Corinthian named Demaratus who had settled in the Etruscan city
-of Tarquinii, the modern Corneto, some fifty miles north of Rome.
-[Sidenote: Tarquinius Priscus, son of a rich Corinthian trader named
-Demaratus, settles at Rome and by means of his wealth secures the
-throne.] The fullest of these narratives, that of Dionysius, makes
-Demaratus sail to Italy “intending to trade, in a private merchant
-vessel, and with a cargo of his own: having disposed of his cargo in the
-cities of the Etruscans ... and acquired great gains, ... he continued
-to ply the same sea, conveying Greek cargoes to the Etruscans and
-bringing Etruscan goods to Greece, and became the possessor of very
-great wealth ... and when the tyranny of Cypselus was being
-established ... he quitted Corinth and set up a house in Tarquinii,
-which was then a great and prosperous city.” All this property was left
-by Demaratus to his son Lucumo, the future Lucius Tarquinius, “who,
-receiving his father’s great wealth, resolved to engage in politics and
-take a part in public life and to be one of the foremost men of his
-city[1114].” He is described as migrating to Rome for the specific
-reason that there seemed more prospect there of his wealth leading to
-high political power, and as finding there the opportunity he was
-looking for. “At Rome,” says Livy[1115], “his wealth brought him into
-prominence.” So Dionysius[1116]: “He very soon became friends with the
-king (Ancus Martius), making him presents and supplying him with funds
-for his military requirements ... he also secured many of the patricians
-by his benevolences, and won the favour of the common people by his
-courteous greetings and the charm of his discourse and by contributions
-of money.” Similarly Aurelius Victor[1117]: “by his money and his
-industry he secured high position.” So too Diodorus[1118], speaking of
-Tarquin’s rise to prominence in Rome: “being very wealthy he helped many
-of the poor by giving them money.” Still more specifically our oldest
-authority, Polybius[1119], says “Lucius, the son of Demaratus the
-Corinthian, set out for Rome trusting in himself and his money.”
-
-These passages are enough to show that according to all our best extant
-authorities, and therefore presumably according to some earlier common
-source, Tarquinius Priscus owed his throne to his previous wealth. The
-writers just quoted apparently pictured Tarquin as a royal favourite who
-used his great wealth and ability to pave the way in the palace for his
-own succession[1120], or possibly as merely a wealthy demagogue[1121],
-but there are indications in the accounts that have come down to us that
-Tarquin’s power may have had a somewhat different basis.
-
-[Sidenote: Demaratus and Priscus were great employers.]
-
-When Demaratus was making[1122] his fortune in Etruria, he was probably,
-if the story has any historical foundation, a great employer of labour.
-Strabo speaks of the “large number of skilled workmen” who accompanied
-him from Corinth[1123]. Pliny speaks of the Corinthian as accompanied by
-the potters (fictores) Eucheir and Eugrammus[1124]. As Tarquin is made
-by both Livy[1125] and Dionysius[1126] to succeed to all his father’s
-possessions, the received accounts may be taken as implying that he too
-was master of “a large number of skilled workmen.” That this is the
-intention of our narrative is borne out by Dionysius’ account of the
-migration of Lucumo, as the subsequent Tarquinius was then called, from
-Tarquinii to Rome. “He resolved to migrate thither collecting up all his
-money ... and taking all who were willing of his friends and relations:
-and there were many eager to go with him[1127].” On his arrival at Rome
-the king “assigned him and the Etruscans who had come with him to a
-tribe and curia (φυλήν τε καὶ φρατρίαν).”
-
-[Sidenote: Their employees were probably free men.]
-
-This whole description implies that Lucumo’s fellow-emigrants were free
-men: nothing is said as to their occupations. On the other hand the
-narratives of his father’s migration to Tarquinii make no statement as
-to whether the “skilled workmen” who accompanied him were free men or
-slaves. But the temptation to equate the two bodies is considerable.
-Later on, when on the throne, the Tarquins are represented as employing
-free skilled labour on a large scale. The object alleged by Livy for the
-first Tarquin’s numerous public works was “that the people might be as
-much employed at home as they had been in the army[1128].” The Roman
-army did not include slaves.
-
-About the Tarquins as large employers of free labour we shall find more
-precise and significant statements when the story of Superbus comes to
-be discussed. But in the accounts of Priscus there is one further
-statement that associates him closely with the trade of Rome. “The same
-king,” says Livy[1129], speaking of Priscus, “apportioned sites round
-the forum for private individuals to build on, and erected arcades and
-shops.” So Dionysius[1130]: “he adorned the forum by surrounding it with
-workshops and arcades (ἐργαστηρίοις καὶ παστάσι).” It is surely somewhat
-remarkable that King Tarquin should be thus associated with the building
-of shops.
-
-[Sidenote: Priscus is succeeded by Servius Tullius, who is said to have
-           been the first at Rome to strike coins.]
-
-Between the first and the last of the Tarquins our accounts are
-unanimous in inserting Servius Tullius. Livy and Dionysius[1131] make
-him the son-in-law of Priscus. Servius, who is thus assigned to both the
-period and the family of the Tarquins, is stated by several authors to
-have been the first to issue coins at Rome. Varro[1132] for instance
-informs us that “they say that silver coinage was first struck (flatum)
-by Servius Tullius.” So Pliny[1133]: “King Servius was the first to
-stamp (signauit) bronze”; and again Cassiodorus[1134]: “King Servius is
-said to have been the first to strike a coinage (impressisse monetam) in
-bronze.”
-
-[Sidenote: Possible historical basis for this statement.]
-
-These statements cannot be accepted just as they stand. Silver coins
-were first struck in Rome in 268 B.C., and the first round copper coins,
-the large _aes graue_ with a Janus head on one side and a ship’s prow on
-the other, are now unanimously assigned to the middle of the fourth
-century[1135]. There is however nothing to preclude the possibility of
-important monetary innovations or reforms by a sixth century king of
-Rome. Copper has been found in Central Italy in various forms that point
-to a copper currency prior to the introduction of the round _aes graue_.
-There are the rough pieces known as _aes rude_, the objects of various
-simple shapes but entirely devoid of decoration known as _aes formatum_,
-and the pieces rectangular in shape and marked with a type known as _aes
-signatum_[1136]. Though the extant examples of _aes signatum_ are
-plainly on stylistic grounds to be assigned to long after the regal
-period, and though the objects discovered along with finds of _aes rude_
-do not point to a very early date[1137], it would be rash to say that
-either _aes rude_ or _aes signatum_ or for that matter _aes formatum_
-was not as early in origin as the sixth century[1138]. Willers[1139]
-dates the use of _aes rude_ from 1000 B.C. to the fourth century, and
-supposes some developments during the period, one of which, _e.g._ the
-kuchenförmig (bun-shaped) variety of _aes formatum_ or the “bars with
-various patterns,” may possibly be due to Servius. If Servius is to be
-associated with _aes formatum_ the “bun-shaped” pieces have perhaps not
-quite so good a claim as those to which Haeberlin[1140] gives the name
-tortenförmig (something like the flat round weights with a flange that
-are made to fit into one another), since these latter appear from the
-full data that Haeberlin has collected to be characteristic of S.
-Etruria: they have been found mainly at Caere, Tarquinii, and
-Castelnuovo di Porto (between Rome and Falerii), _i.e._ in great part at
-places with which Rome had particularly close connexions.
-
-But neither the “kuchenförmig” nor the “tortenförmig” _aes formatum_
-suits the literary evidence so well as Willers’ “bars with various
-patterns.” These appear to constitute the most primitive form of _aes
-signatum_. Pliny’s precise account[1141] of Servius’ innovation is that
-he introduced _aes signatum_ in place of the earlier _aes rude_. Pliny
-indeed goes on to say that Servius’ money “signatum est nota
-pecudum[1142].” Among extant pieces this description is applicable only
-to certain fully developed examples of the quadrilateral _aes
-signatum_[1143], that, as remarked already, have to be assigned to a
-later date: but whereas Pliny’s statement about Servius and _aes
-signatum_ is based on Timaeus (Sicily, third century B.C.), it is quite
-uncertain whether the remark about “nota pecudum” is to be referred to
-the same respectable authority. Pliny’s own words are: “Seruius rex
-primus signauit aes. antea rudi usos Romae Timaeus tradit. signatum est
-nota pecudum.”
-
-[Illustration: Fig. 32. _Aes signatum._]
-
-Assume a historical basis for the accounts of Servius’ connexion with
-the Roman currency[1144], and the motive for his activity in this
-direction is not far to seek. Just about the period to which his reign
-is dated Greek coins began to penetrate Etruria. They belong mainly to
-Phocaea and the Phocaean colonies[1145]. Now “in the days of King
-Tarquinius,” so Justin[1146] tells us, “Phocaeans from Asia put in at
-the mouth of the Tiber and formed a friendship with the Romans.” The
-Phocaean coinage may well have led to some reform or regulation of the
-home currency, though the statement of Aurelius Victor[1147] that “he
-(_i.e._ Servius) established weights and measures” may perhaps come
-nearer to the truth than the more detailed assertions about striking a
-coinage that have been already quoted. Even if this was all that Servius
-did it is enough to make him stand out as a commercially minded
-statesman since he is represented as the first ruler in Rome to regulate
-units of exchange[1148].
-
-The chief positive objection to a sixth century date for even the most
-primitive form of metallic currency is the fact that down to the time of
-the XII tables (450 B.C.) all fines were paid in cows and sheep[1149].
-But evidence of this sort may be given too much weight. As pointed out
-by Ridgeway[1150], “even in a great commercial Greek city like Syracuse,
-the cow formed the basis of assessment in the reign of Dionysius
-(405–367 B.C.).” Syracuse had minted masterpieces of silver coinage some
-time before Dionysius was born.
-
-Enough has been said to indicate the possible significance of the
-accounts of king Servius and his copper coins. Too little is known about
-either the king himself or the sixth century currency to build much upon
-their reputed connexion. The matter is not one of first importance for
-our enquiry. There can be no question of a revolution in the currency,
-such as there are reasons for attributing to Gyges, Pheidon,
-Peisistratus, and probably others of the early Greek tyrants[1151].
-
-[Sidenote: The census of Servius.]
-
-Reforms or innovations in the currency are quite in keeping with the
-other activities ascribed to Servius. The step most commonly associated
-with his name is the institution of a census, “ex quo belli pacisque
-munia non uiritim, ut antea, sed pro habitu pecuniarum fierent[1152].”
-
-[Sidenote: Servius and the collegia opificum.]
-
-Another institution that has been attributed to Servius is that of the
-collegia opificum or unions of workmen[1153]. The early history of these
-collegia is obscure: Plutarch attributes the eight earliest of them
-(carpenters, potters, tanners, leather-workers, dyers, coppersmiths,
-goldsmiths, flute-players) to Numa[1154]. The two versions may both have
-a historic basis if we suppose that the collegia as private corporations
-go back into the early regal period and that later they passed under
-state control[1155]. This view is of course incapable of proof. The
-evidence limits us to conjecture[1156]. But one point seems fairly
-certain. The collegia must have lost importance when slave labour came
-to be much used[1157].
-
-Servius is constantly accused of having secured the support of the poor
-by gifts and benevolences[1158], and special mention is made of his
-distributions of corn and land to the plebs[1159]. [Sidenote: His
-methods of purchasing the support of the lower classes:] In short, king
-Servius, if he be regarded as a historical personage, appears to have
-inherited the policy as well as the position of his predecessor, and his
-violent accession and no less violent end to have been due mainly to
-feuds within the palace. [Sidenote: his relations with the Tarquins.]
-The same conclusion is the most natural one to draw from his Etruscan
-name of Mastarna[1160], quite apart from the etymological value of
-Gardthausen’s suggestion[1161] that the name Mastarna is a prefixed form
-of Tarquin.
-
-[Sidenote: Tarquinius Superbus secures the throne by buying up the poor.
-           When king he employs Etruscans and Roman citizens on a large
-           scale as artizans and quarrymen.]
-
-Servius was eventually overthrown by Tarquinius Superbus, who is said to
-have secured the throne “by buying up the poorest of the common
-people[1162].” It is in the account of his reign that we find the
-fullest statements as to the Tarquins’ relations to labour while they
-were kings of Rome. Nothing could be more explicit than Livy’s statement
-on that point:
-
-  He summoned smiths from every part of Etruria and employed upon it
-  (_i.e._ on the building of the temple of Jove on the Tarpeian Mount)
-  not only public funds, but also _workmen from among the
-  plebeians_[1163].
-
-The statement that Tarquin’s employees were largely plebeians (and not
-slaves) is repeated by Livy later in the same book. In this second
-passage Brutus, declaiming against the state of things that had existed
-under the Tarquins, is made to declare that “men of Rome had been
-changed from soldiers into artizans and quarrymen[1164].”
-
-Dionysius is as explicit and more detailed[1165]:
-
-  He was not content to offend against the plebeians merely in this
-  way. He enrolled all the plebeians who were loyal to him and
-  suitable for military requirements, and the rest he compelled to
-  find employment on the public works in the city, thinking it a very
-  great danger for monarchs when the worst and poorest of the citizens
-  are unemployed: at the same time he was anxious during his reign to
-  complete the works left half-finished by his grandfather—the
-  channels to drain away the water ... and ... the hippodrome
-  amphitheatre.... On these works all the poor were employed,
-  receiving from him a moderate provision, some quarrying[1166], some
-  hewing wood, some leading the waggons that conveyed this material,
-  others bearing the burdens on their own shoulders; others again
-  digging out the underground cellars and moulding the vaults in them
-  and erecting the corridors: subordinated to the artizans thus
-  engaged there were coppersmiths and carpenters and stonemasons, who
-  were removed from their private shops and kept employed on the
-  public requirements.
-
-So in the same book[1167]:
-
-  Tarquin after this achievement (Gabii) gave the people a rest from
-  expeditions and wars, and occupied himself with the building of the
-  temples.... He set all the artizans to work on the undertakings.
-
-And a little later[1168] Brutus is made to tell the Romans that Tarquin
-“compels them like bought slaves to toil at quarrying and woodcutting
-and carrying burdens[1169].”
-
-It is nowhere explicitly stated that it was to this control of the free
-labour of the city that the Tarquins owed their power. On the contrary,
-according to Livy the populares helped to turn Superbus out for the very
-reason that he had forced them into this banausic life. “They were
-indignant that they had been kept by the king so long employed as smiths
-and doing the work of slaves[1170].” This by itself would certainly
-suggest that the Tarquins had used their kingly power to turn the free
-men of Rome into artizans and quarrymen, and not their army of employees
-to turn a capitalist into a king. But the smiths summoned from Etruria,
-who are associated with the Roman plebeians, recall the “large number of
-skilled workmen” mentioned by Strabo as working for Demaratus at
-Tarquinii, and suggest that we have here a continuation of the
-activities that had made the fortune of the Tarquin family while still
-in Etruria[1171].
-
-[Sidenote: He loses the throne when he can no longer pay these
-           employees.]
-
-There is a further statement in the same chapter of Livy that certainly
-harmonizes better with this latter alternative. At the time when the
-plebeians suddenly discovered the degrading nature of their occupations,
-not apparently without the help of the abler members of the nobility,
-Livy informs us that the king had run out of money, “exhausted by the
-magnificence of his public works.” Similarly Dionysius makes Brutus urge
-on his fellow-conspirators that now is the time to carry out their plot,
-when the armed citizens are “no longer controlled by (Tarquin’s)
-presents as formerly[1172].” That Tarquin’s regime was one of sweat and
-wages but never of blood and iron is borne out by Cicero, who observes
-that “we never hear of Tarquin’s putting Roman citizens to death[1173].”
-
-Later writers speak of Superbus as employing penal labour and various
-forms of torture and intimidation on a large scale[1174]. But these
-statements, which have plainly a common origin, are no less plainly
-embroideries upon the aristocratic misrepresentations of the Tarquins’
-labour policy. The truth is expressed by Florus: “in senatum caedibus,
-in omnes superbia, quae crudelitate grauior est bonis, grassatus[1175].”
-In other words Superbus was a harsh and unpopular employer[1176]. This
-personal unpopularity must have contributed along with the exhaustion of
-the royal treasury to reconcile the common people to the republican
-regime, which for them was certainly the beginning of an era of
-oppression and misery, since they had lost in the king their natural
-protector[1177].
-
-[Sidenote: Suspected attempts at restoring the kingship:]
-
-If the Tarquins’ power was really commercial in origin, and if the
-account of it in writers of the age of Livy is in the main outline
-historical, then the facts ought to be found influencing the history of
-the early republic and in particular the measures taken by the
-aristocrats to prevent the restoration of the monarchy. What is in fact
-the sort of situation represented as most alarming them from this point
-of view?
-
-[Sidenote: Collatinus and his wealth and “benevolences”;]
-
-The first indication of the direction of their fears is to be found in
-the account of Collatinus’ banishment, recorded by Livy as having taken
-place in the first year of the republic. According to Livy[1178] it was
-simply the hated name of Tarquin that led to his banishment. Collatinus
-was reluctant to withdraw: he only did so from fear that later, when no
-longer consul, the same fate might overtake him with the loss of his
-property into the bargain—cum bonorum amissione. Livy does not always
-work over his material sufficiently to make it quite harmonize with his
-own interpretation of it. It looks as though it was the bona, the wealth
-of Collatinus, that led to his expulsion. Though plainly not the
-strongest influence in Rome at the time, it may have been sufficiently
-strong to be a perpetual menace to the aristocratic government. It is
-the “primores ciuitatis” who insist on his withdrawal. If in
-Dionysius[1179] on another occasion Collatinus is made to argue “that it
-was not the tyrants’ money that had been harming the city, but their
-persons,” the protestation only shows that there were others who did not
-share this view, but thought rather, with Dionysius’ Marcus Valerius,
-that there was a danger lest the people, “beguiled by the tyrant’s
-benevolences, ... should help to restore Tarquin to the throne[1180].”
-The same view is implied in a speech put by Dionysius[1181] into the
-mouth of one of the popular leaders at the time of the first secession.
-He reminds his hearers that “the people were never put to any
-disadvantage by the kings, and least of all by the last ones”: he
-recalls an occasion on which the king had “distributed five minae of
-silver to every man,” and reminds the patricians how the plebeians had
-rejected the great gifts that the banished Tarquins had offered them as
-an inducement to break faith with the patrician government.
-
-It may well have been from similar fears that in the following year the
-remainder of the Tarquins’ property was distributed among the people:
-“(bona regia) deripienda plebi sunt data[1182].” A few chapters later
-Livy states that so long as the banished Tarquin was still alive, the
-people received from the senate “multa blandimenta[1183].” The nobles
-are described by Dionysius as “taking many measures friendly to the
-poor, that they might not go over to the tyrants and be won over by
-considerations of personal gain and betray the commonwealth[1184].” The
-senate seems to have been fighting the Tarquins with their own weapons.
-The blandimenta that kept Superbus off the throne may well have been
-synonymous with the benignitas that got Priscus on to it.
-
-After the death of Tarquin at the court of the Greek tyrant at Cumae
-there were three prominent Romans who rightly or wrongly were suspected
-of aiming at the kingly power. It may be worth while examining in each
-of the three cases the circumstances that are said to have given rise to
-these suspicions.
-
-[Sidenote: Cassius and his exceptional financial position;]
-
-Spurius Cassius[1185] is not described as having been personally very
-rich, and our authors introduce into their accounts of him nothing to
-support the charge that he was aiming at overthrowing the existing
-government. They leave it possible to conceive of him as a
-constitutional reformer who when consul sought to relieve a widespread
-distress by distributions of land[1186] and perhaps corn[1187] and by
-taking the state finances into his own hands[1188]. The outcry against
-him is made to come mainly from the landed classes who fear that his
-proposals may touch their own pockets. As far as they are thinking about
-the constitution it is the financial position that the consul has
-created for himself that is the chief ground of their alarms. “By his
-distributions of money the consul was erecting a power perilous to
-liberty: ... the way was being paved to monarchy.” Later on we find
-Cassius having money dealings with the people. He proposes that the sums
-that they have paid the government for corn brought from Sicily in time
-of famine should be refunded to them: “but this was looked on by the
-plebeians as a cash payment for the throne, and refused.” Though there
-is nothing to show that the Cassius of Livy and Dionysius had either the
-desire or the real equipment to repeat the career of Tarquinius Priscus,
-yet the narrative about him is none the less relevant. It depicts the
-early republican as deeply alarmed at any individual who secures any
-kind of financial predominance in the state. Very possibly this feeling
-may account for the ostentatious exhibition of poverty in which early
-republican nobles are so often depicted as indulging[1189].
-
-[Sidenote: Maelius and his exceptional wealth and organized body of
-           clients.]
-
-In the case of Spurius Maelius there are no such complications. If we
-accept Livy and Dionysius, Maelius’ policy did not threaten the property
-of any of the nobles. The fears that he would restore the kingship may
-have been mistaken, but they were almost certainly genuine. Is there any
-resemblance between extant accounts of Maelius’ career and the
-speculations that we have been engaged in as to the early history of the
-first Tarquin? There is not only a resemblance but a striking one.
-Maelius was extremely rich: not dives merely but praedives[1190]. When
-he set about relieving Rome from famine, he was able to do so not only
-at his own expense but through his own clients and connexions: “buying
-up corn at his own expense through the agency of his friends (hospitum)
-and clients[1191].”
-
-[Sidenote: Manlius.]
-
-Marcus Manlius, the third to be condemned to death for aiming at the
-throne, need not detain us. He is essentially a military character, like
-his contemporary Dionysius of Syracuse[1192].
-
-[Sidenote: The republican government changes Tarquin’s artizans into
-           soldiers and makes war a paying (and ultimately a paid)
-           profession:]
-
-But the real bulwark of the republic of the fifth century as it appears
-in the pages of our authors is not the right arm of Servilius Ahala. It
-is a fundamental change that came over the lower classes of the free
-population. In a passage of Livy that has already been quoted, Brutus is
-made to charge the Tarquins with having converted the men of Rome from
-soldiers into artizans and quarrymen (opifices ac lapicidas). Brutus had
-just effected a revolution at Rome. To represent a revolution as a
-return to antiquity was as natural with the Roman as it is with
-us[1193]. It is possible, though improbable, that the Tarquins had
-turned the plebeians from soldiers into artizans. The situation clearly
-indicated by Brutus is that he and his fellow-nobles are turning them
-from artizans into soldiers. It is not merely in the speeches put by
-Livy and Dionysius into the mouths of Brutus and his colleagues that we
-find the establishment of the republic associated with a reorganization
-of the state upon a military basis. The development of the comitia
-centuriata as the main organization of the citizens of Rome for
-political purposes is associated with the beginnings of the republic:
-the centuries were originally and fundamentally a military
-organization[1194].
-
-The agrarian measures that appear so early in the narratives of the
-historians need not deceive us. As far as they are authentic they must
-have been either insincere or idealist[1195]. The republican nobility is
-painted from the first as teaching the distressed plebeians to look not
-for farms and allotments but for wars and prize money. The picture of
-the transfiguration of the plebeians into soldiers is completed in the
-narrative of the siege of Veii (406–396 B.C.), when pay for military
-service is introduced[1196] and war becomes a leading means of earning a
-livelihood[1197].
-
-In short it would appear that the nobles ceased to dread a restoration
-of the monarchy otherwise than by armed force when and only when their
-government became the principal and most popular employer in the state.
-
-[Sidenote: cp. fifth century Athens.]
-
-The Alcmaeonidae at Athens put an end to the possibility of a revival of
-the tyranny (and incidentally to all respect for constructive manual
-labour) by instituting state payments for services as jurymen, sailors
-on warships, and the like. Conditions at Rome were in some ways very
-different from those at Athens. But the Roman nobles appear to have
-aimed at securing the same result as the Athenian by very similar means.
-How far this parallel holds, at least as between the extant narratives,
-may be illustrated from the history of the family that took the leading
-place in the early Roman republic.
-
-[Sidenote: The earlier Claudii and their anti-tyrannical policy.]
-
-The part played by Brutus in the narrative is politically as
-insignificant as that of Harmodius in the overthrow of the tyranny at
-Athens. The political geniuses of the early Roman republic are all to be
-found in the great house of the Claudii[1198]. Our accounts make the
-family first come to Rome in the sixth year of the republic. The head of
-the family at that time is described by Dionysius as “of noble birth and
-influential through his wealth[1199].” He arrives, “bringing with him a
-great establishment and numerous friends and retainers.” Mommsen[1200]
-gives strong reasons for thinking that the family cannot have first come
-to Rome at so late a date. But the arrival may well have been a return
-from exile like that of the Alcmaeonidae to Athens after the fall of
-Hippias. The analogies between the Claudii and the Alcmaeonidae deserve
-consideration, the more so as they seem to be uninfluenced by any
-ancient recognition of their existence. It looks as though the wealthy
-Claudii, like the wealthy Alcmaeonidae, “took the commons into
-partnership[1201].” Mommsen has pointed out[1202] how many “well known
-traits of the ancient tyrannus” occur in the picture of the decemvir
-Appius. His contemporary Pericles was called the new Peisistratus. If
-there are such strong reasons for equating the early Claudii, whose
-historical existence can scarcely be seriously questioned, with the
-contemporary Alcmaeonidae, it becomes increasingly probable that the
-history of Rome and Athens in the sixth century ran on parallel lines.
-
-One great difference between fifth century Rome and fifth century Athens
-was that Athens had had her own coinage from well back into the sixth
-century, whereas Rome, as already mentioned, struck her first pieces
-about 338 B.C. No famous name is associated with these earliest pieces.
-[Sidenote: Appius Claudius Caecus (censor 312 B.C.):] The most prominent
-man in Rome during the first generation after 338 was another Claudius,
-the censor Appius Claudius Caecus. His greatest achievement was the
-epoch-making Via Appia, the first of the great series of roads that knit
-together the Roman Empire. [Sidenote: his public works,] The city owed
-to him also its first aqueduct. On these great public works he spent,
-without the previous sanction of the senate, the money accumulated in
-the treasury[1203]. The sums thus spent must have represented the first
-large accumulation of the new Roman currency.
-
-[Illustration: Fig. 33. _Aes graue_ with wheel.]
-
-[Sidenote: his probable connexion with Roman coinage,]
-
-Appius’ connexion with the early coinage of Rome was probably not
-confined to spending it. The second series of Roman _aes graue_ was
-coined in Campania and bears on the reverse a wheel (fig. 33).
-Numismatists have long associated the appearance of this wheel with the
-construction of the Appian way that led from Rome to the Campanian
-capital[1204].
-
-[Sidenote: his numerous clients,]
-
-One detail only is wanted to complete the picture of a potential tyrant
-of the early Greek type, such as has been depicted in every section of
-this volume, and that feature appears in Valerius Maximus. According to
-that writer[1205], who flourished early in the first century A.D.,
-Appius possessed “plurimas clientelas.”
-
-[Sidenote: and Mommsen’s conjecture that he aimed at a tyranny.]
-
-All this gives added significance, in the light of our enquiries, to a
-brilliant conjecture of Mommsen[1206] that Appius actually attempted to
-make himself tyrant. Mommsen relies mainly on a sentence in
-Suetonius[1207] which runs: “Claudius Drusus, after a crowned statue had
-been set up to him at Appi Forum, endeavoured by means of his clients
-(clientelas) to seize Italy.” The context dates the event between the
-decemvirate and the first Punic War. The possible period is further
-limited by the fact that Appi Forum was only founded by Appius Claudius
-Caecus. The name of the would-be tyrant as given by Suetonius is
-Claudius Drusus, but this, Mommsen shows, must be corrupt. The mention
-of Appi Forum points definitely to Appius Claudius Caecus, the only
-person whose name is associated with the place. In another passage of
-his history[1208], Mommsen himself observes how Appius shows the spirit
-of the Tarquins.
-
-[Sidenote: “Secessions.”]
-
-If we look at the history of the early republic from the plebeian point
-of view, there is at least one important feature in the extant
-narratives that supports our main conclusions. The most notable weapon
-that the fifth century plebeians are represented as employing against
-the nobles is the “secession.” The first is recorded under the year of
-Spurius Cassius’ consulship, when the men whom Tarquin is accused of
-having made into “artizans and quarrymen” proceeded in a body to the
-“mons sacer” outside the city, and refused to come back and resume work
-until their grievances had been dealt with. The resemblance of the
-secession to the modern strike has already been recognized[1209]. It may
-be an accident, but if so it is a remarkable one, that the chief weapon
-of the class on which Tarquin’s power appears to have rested should have
-been one that reappears in history with the organization of the
-industrial classes in modern times.
-
-Before we proceed to discuss the value of the narratives that we have
-been quoting, there are a few further notices in them that have a place
-in this discussion, though they deal not with Rome but with other cities
-of Central Italy.
-
-[Sidenote: The part played at Ardea in 440 B.C. by the working-classes.]
-
-In 440 B.C. the plebeians of Ardea, a city about 20 miles S. of Rome,
-are described by Livy[1210] as engaged in a struggle with the optimates,
-and as getting the worst of it. Thereupon the losing party “quite unlike
-the Roman plebs, ... prepared to besiege the city (_i.e._ Ardea) with a
-crowd of workmen (opificum), attracted by the prospect of plunder.” The
-Latin leaves it possible that the crowd of workmen (opificum) with which
-the plebs of Ardea prepared to besiege their city should be understood
-as a separate body, conceivably metics or slaves. At Veii in 400 B.C.
-the artifices are said to have been slaves[1211]. But though in Etruria
-in 400 B.C. this may have been normally the case, in Latin Ardea forty
-years earlier we may well have conditions not unlike those that have
-been inferred above for sixth century Rome. Even if the opifices of
-Ardea are to be understood as slaves, the united body of plebeians and
-opifices acting in opposition to the optimates comes nearer to Brutus’
-description of the situation at Rome under the Tarquins than does
-anything that can be found in our historians’ pictures of Rome in the
-fifth century. Livy is thinking of the Roman plebeians of the early
-republican period, not of the opifices and lapicidae of the age of the
-Tarquins, when he says that the plebs of Ardea was quite unlike the
-Roman plebs[1212].
-
-[Sidenote: The rich Veientine employer who became king of his city in
-           400 B.C.]
-
-In the year 400 B.C. according to Livy the people of Veii, “taedio
-annuae ambitionis, regem creauere[1213].” Nothing is said by Livy about
-feelings and parties in Veii itself, except this statement that they
-were bored with annual elections. All that Livy mentions is the way in
-which the appointment was received elsewhere in Etruria. The event, he
-says, gave offence to the peoples of Etruria. Their hatred of kingly
-power was not greater than that which they felt against the king
-personally. He had previously made himself generally unpopular by his
-wealth and arrogance (opibus superbiaque). He had once brought a solemn
-celebration of the games to a violent conclusion: indignant at having
-been rejected by the votes of the twelve peoples in favour of another
-candidate for the priesthood, he had suddenly, in the middle of the
-performance, withdrawn the workmen (artifices), a great part of whom
-were his own slaves[1214].
-
-The result of the Veientine’s wealth had been, according to Livy, to
-make him unpopular. But it is a reasonable inference from Livy’s
-narrative that he was unpopular only with the aristocrats who continued
-to control the government in the other cities of Etruria. His accession
-can hardly have been disagreeable to the Veientines who made him king.
-
-As noticed just above before he became king he had also been the
-employer and actually the owner of a great proportion of the “artifices”
-of the city. It is nowhere stated that the artifices helped to make him
-king in Veii as they had helped to make him unpopular in the rest of
-Etruria: but the important part played by the opifices at Ardea a
-generation previously suggests that this may well have been the case. If
-the events took place as recorded it is hard to believe that there was
-not some connexion between the Veientine’s royal power and his previous
-riches and control of the skilled labour of the city[1215].
-
-[Sidenote: II. The credibility of the narrative.]
-
-So far we have been assuming that the extant accounts of the Tarquins
-have a historical basis. That assumption, as remarked already, is by no
-means beyond dispute. Not a statement has been quoted so far in this
-chapter that has not within the last century been pronounced to be
-historically worthless. Recently however there has been a movement to
-treat the narrative with much more respect than it generally received a
-generation ago. The new attitude is not merely a reaction against the
-excessive scepticism of the nineteenth century. Largely it is based on
-fresh evidence, mainly archaeological. Inscriptions show that writing
-was no extraordinary accomplishment at Rome in those early days.
-Excavations of cities that have been sacked make it most unlikely that
-the sack of Rome in 390 B.C. meant the complete destruction of the city
-records. In the face of facts like these more weight is now given to
-passages where our authorities for the history of sixth and fifth
-century Rome allude to more or less contemporary records, whether Roman
-or Greek. The evidence for falsification and invention is indeed
-considerable, but it is now for the most part realized that the critics
-of the nineteenth century greatly overestimated its application. The
-credibility of early Roman history is too big a subject to deal with at
-all adequately in a work like this. It is necessary however to examine
-more in detail those parts of the narrative with which this enquiry is
-more particularly concerned.
-
-[Sidenote: The historical existence of the Tarquins has been denied,
-           _e.g._ by Pais.]
-
-Some scholars are still to be found who dispute _in toto_ the
-Tarquins’ historical existence. Of this ultra-sceptical school the
-most recent and voluminous exponent is Professor Pais of Naples[1216].
-Pais accepts nearly all the views of nearly all the sceptics in so far
-as they are purely destructive. But the main inspiration of his
-unbelief is not this destructive criticism but the ease with which he
-finds that he can explain the growth of our narratives on the
-assumption that they are false[1217]. In the case of the Tarquins Pais
-first points out in the usual way the inconsistencies and
-impossibilities and reduplications[1218] in the narrative, and the
-uncertainties that hang over it as a whole. Then, after rejecting it
-as history, he accounts for it as myth. He equates Tarquinius
-philologically with Tarpeius[1219]. The Tarpeian rock was the slope of
-the Roman Capitol over which condemned criminals were hurled to meet
-their doom. There are passages in Varro and elsewhere that make it
-possible that the whole Capitol was once called the Tarpeian
-Mount[1220]. On the strength of them Tarquinius is explained as
-Tarpeius, the original guardian deity of the Roman citadel. All the
-stories told about Tarquin are, according to Pais, attempts to explain
-customs and buildings and natural features connected with the Tarpeian
-Mount. Hence his association with the temple on the top of the Capitol
-and with the quarries on its sides. Hence the stories of his cruelty
-and of his own violent death. Hence too we hear of Tarquinian laws:
-they are merely laws passed on the Mons Tarpeius or sanctioned by the
-god Tarpeius[1221].
-
-I do not propose to deal in detail with these criticisms. They do not
-seem to me to need it. So many unquestionably historical characters
-would succumb to Pais’ treatment.
-
-[Sidenote: Pais’ arguments tested by applying them to Alfred the Great.]
-
-Imagine for a moment that the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle had never
-circulated, and that the original had perished in a Danish raid. Imagine
-further that Asser’s life of Alfred had met with a similar fate. Both
-calamities might easily have happened, and if they had, king Alfred
-would be as easily disposed of as king Tarquin himself.
-
-Alfred did none of the things that tradition ascribes to him. He did not
-institute trial by jury or the division of England into shires. He was
-not the founder either of University College, Oxford, or of the British
-navy. The stories of his victories over the Danes are extremely doubtful
-on the face of them[1222]. Alfred does not conquer his enemies: he
-merely converts them. The legend admits that he had his headquarters in
-an impassable swamp, and that the conquered Danes ruled the country.
-Twice in two centuries the Danish invaders sweep over England after the
-death of a king Aethelred. Both times there is a campaign on the
-Berkshire Downs. The decisive battle is fought in the first case at
-Ashdown, in the second at Essendune, which is palpably a mere variation
-of the same name. In each case the conquest is succeeded by the reign of
-a Saxon Edward. The second Edward is admitted by tradition to have been
-less concerned with royalty than with religion[1223]. The first will be
-shown in a moment to have been the son of a god. Elder as applied to the
-first Edward is neither more nor less suspicious than Priscus as applied
-to Tarquin. This simple device of duplication probably explains the
-story of Alfred in Athelney. It is a reflexion backwards of the story,
-possibly historical, of Hereward’s exploits in the similar swampy
-fastness of Ely.
-
-The one legend that remains inextricably associated with Alfred is that
-of the cakes. Alfred the fugitive in his Arician grove[1224] at Athelney
-is made known to his followers only after the burning of the cakes. The
-inference is obvious. Alfred is a vegetation deity of the same order as
-Demeter, the wandering goddess who was found by the mistress of the
-house where she sought refuge burning not cakes but Triptolemus the corn
-god himself[1225]. The mistress of the house appears also in the Alfred
-myth. But in other ways, and especially in the recognition scene, the
-story has been obviously contaminated by Christian influence[1226].
-
-So far therefore from dismissing the cake story from Alfred’s history,
-we find that it is the very essence of the legend. In fact, when we
-recall such divinities as Dionysus Botrys, Dionysus the Grape, we must
-be tempted to wonder whether king Alfred and his cakes are not one and
-the same divinity.
-
-[Sidenote: The Greek Demaratus has been regarded as a Greek fiction:]
-
-The introduction of the Greek Demaratus into the Tarquin story has
-sometimes been regarded with extreme suspicion. For the late
-Professor Pelham it seems to have been a proof that Tarquin was
-merely Herodotus translated into Latin. He uses it as such in a
-handbook on Roman history[1227]. Even if only the literary records
-are considered Pelham’s inference if not unreasonable is certainly
-rash. The story of the voyage of Demaratus stands on quite a
-different footing from the long speech put by Dionysius into the
-mouth of Brutus, in which the founder of the Roman republic is made
-to quote the double kingship at Sparta as a precedent for the double
-consulship[1228]. [Sidenote: but there is nothing improbable about
-the narrative,] Brutus’ speech is palpable fiction. The Demaratus
-story on the other hand may indeed have been borrowed from that of
-Philip the son of Butacides, who in the last quarter of the sixth
-century fled from Croton “with his own trireme and a crew of his own
-employees[1229]” and sailed first to Cyrene and then with Dorieus
-the Spartan to Sicily, where they tried to establish a settlement
-but were killed by the Phoenicians and Egestaeans. But if on other
-and independent grounds we find reason for thinking that the story
-of Demaratus’ voyage in the seventh century[1230] is in the main
-outline historical, then we may reasonably find a confirmation of it
-in the well attested facts of Philip’s adventures in the century
-following, in the statement[1231] that Caere, the Southern neighbour
-of Tarquinii, contained a Greek element at the time of the
-Tarquins[1232], and further in the fact that Demaratus is made to
-quit Corinth at a time when we have the authority of Herodotus[1233]
-for believing that many prominent Corinthians were being driven to
-quit their city. The migration of the Tarquins from Tarquinii to
-Rome corresponds with the Etrusco-Carthaginian alliance against the
-Greeks of which the best remembered fact is the subsequent disaster
-that overtook the Phocaeans in Corsica in 536 B.C. When the Tarquins
-are banished from Rome they flee to the Greek city of Cumae, while
-the Romans who have banished them proceed to make an alliance with
-Carthage[1234]. All through the Tarquin narrative we may discern a
-strictly historical background that fully explains their comings and
-goings. The same may of course be said of countless heroes of modern
-historical romances. But in these historical romances the fictitious
-characters seldom play the leading political part that is played by
-the tyrant kings of the Tarquin dynasty.
-
-The evidence of institutions also tends rather against the sceptics.
-Cicero notes that the organization which Tarquinius Priscus was said to
-have introduced for maintaining the Roman cavalry was the same in
-principle as that which had once prevailed in Corinth[1235]. The
-sceptics may indeed argue that the Corinthian character of the Roman
-practice was the reason why it was attributed to the son of Demaratus.
-But this line of argument rests on pure assumption, and leaves with its
-advocate the onus of explaining this similarity between the institutions
-of Corinth and Rome.
-
-There is in fact another source of evidence now available which greatly
-alters the balance of probabilities. Cicero may after all be right when
-he says [Sidenote: which is confirmed] “influxit non tenuis quidam e
-Graecia riuulus in hanc urbem, sed abundantissimus amnis illarum
-disciplinarum et artium[1236],” and proceeds at once to illustrate his
-statement from the career of Demaratus.
-
-[Illustration: Fig. 34. Corinthian vase found at Tarquinii.]
-
-[Illustration: Fig. 35. Corinthian terra cotta tablet depicting the
-export of vases.]
-
-[Sidenote: by the finding at Tarquinii of VII-VI century Corinthian
-           pottery,]
-
-At the time when the story makes Demaratus leave Corinth for Etruria
-Corinth was probably the chief industrial state in Greece. Her chief
-industry was pottery. Corinthian pottery of this period has been found
-in many parts of the Greek world, including the chief cities of
-Etruria[1237]. At Corneto (Tarquinii), the town from which Tarquinius
-Priscus is said to have migrated to Rome, many specimens from the
-necropolis of the ancient city are to be seen in the museum. An example
-is shown in fig. 34[1238]. Unless the Corinthian pottery found in such
-distant regions as Etruria has distinct local peculiarities, it is
-generally assumed to have been imported from Greece. Corinth did
-unquestionably export pottery. A Corinthian terra cotta tablet has come
-down to us (see fig. 35)[1239] that depicts a ship surmounted by a row
-of vases that can only represent the cargo. The wide area of its
-distribution and the very numerous sites on which it has been found
-point to export from a single centre. On the other hand a large export
-trade from one main centre is quite consistent with branch
-establishments. If Corinthian potters went to Etruria, it is hard to see
-how we are to distinguish the vases they made before leaving home from
-those that they produced afterwards. The question whether the
-characteristic pale clay of the Corinthian pottery is to be found in
-Central Italy does not arise. The raw material would be imported quite
-as easily as the finished product. But there is other archaeological
-evidence that takes us further, and makes it not only possible but
-probable that Greek potters as well as Greek pottery found their way to
-Etruria at the period to which the Demaratus story, if historical, must
-be assigned, _i.e._ about the middle of the seventh century[1240]. I
-refrain purposely at this point from drawing my own conclusions, and
-shall confine myself to the views and statements of archaeologists who
-have devoted special attention to the material in question.
-
-[Sidenote: and by the many finds in Central Italy of VII and VI century
-           objects of Greek style but local workmanship.]
-
-In the seventh century graves that have been found in so many cities of
-Etruria there occur, besides objects that may well be imported from
-Greece, many others that are essentially Greek in character, but show
-local peculiarities. For instance at Caere, which was so closely
-connected with Tarquinii and Rome, in the famous tomb excavated in 1836
-by General Galassi and the arch-priest Regulini, a quantity of metal
-work of this description was found. The tomb has been recently reopened
-and the contents discussed at length by G. Pinza[1241]. On some of the
-vases of a very familiar Greek type found in the same grave Pinza
-remarks that “the coarse clay allows us to imagine that they are of
-local fabric[1242].”
-
-When we come to Central Italian finds that date from the sixth century
-Greek objects that there is good reason for regarding as locally
-produced become positively plentiful. They include vases and bronzes,
-architectural terra cottas and sepulchral frescoes[1243]. Such a mass of
-material points again to a large number of Greek or Greektrained workmen
-in Central Italy at the time of its production, and though that time is
-rather later than Demaratus and the objects are Ionic, not Corinthian,
-yet it increases the plausibility of the Demaratus story, the more so as
-the change from Corinthian to Ionic reflects the policy ascribed in our
-ancient literary authorities to Servius Tullius[1244].
-
-[Sidenote: The names of Demaratus’ Greek workmen are not (_pace_ Rizzo)
-           “obviously fictitious.”]
-
-Those who deny the historical existence of Demaratus naturally deny also
-that of his Greek workmen Eucheir and Eugrammus. Even Rizzo, who admits
-a historical basis for the Demaratus story, declares that these names
-are “obviously fictitious[1245].”
-
-The taint of the ultra-sceptical school still lingers. Else why should a
-countryman of Tintoretto say that Eucheir and Eugrammus are “obviously
-fictitious” names? In spite of its obvious fictitiousness the name
-Eucheiros was actually borne by a Greek potter, several of whose vases
-have come down to us signed “Eucheiros made me the son of
-Ergotimos[1246].” This Eucheiros the son of Ergotimos (itself a good
-industrial name) lived not in the seventh century but in the sixth:
-also, he was not a Corinthian but an Athenian. But even if we refrain
-from emphasizing the pride of family which his signature shows as
-compared with that of most potters, who sign with only their own names,
-and refrain too from recalling the facts that Greeks so very frequently
-bore the names of their grandfathers and that potters like Amasis almost
-certainly migrated to Athens about the middle of the sixth century, when
-Athens was supplanting the rest of Greece and more particularly Corinth
-in the pottery industry, still the sixth century Athenian Eucheiros
-completely disposes of the “obvious fictitiousness” of one detail of the
-Demaratus story. So far from being obviously fictitious the Corinthian
-Eucheir has every appearance of historical reality. So too has his
-alleged relationship to the founder of the Tarquin dynasty at Rome. If
-the first tyrant of Corinth got his name from a pot and very possibly
-owed his tyranny to the Corinthian potteries, it is not surprising if a
-Corinthian emigrant to Italy took potters with him and used them to
-build up the position which enabled him to make himself tyrant in the
-city of his adoption[1247]. In both cases we are dealing with
-conjectures, but it may be fairly claimed that the two conjectures lend
-one another mutual support.
-
-[Sidenote: Servius and Greece: the narrative connects him not with
-           Corinth but with Ionia.]
-
-There are no traditions connecting Servius with Corinth: such notices as
-we have of his relations with the Greeks connect him with Ionia. Both
-Livy[1248] and Dionysius[1249] and also Aurelius Victor[1250] state that
-Servius built a temple of Artemis and made it the centre of a Latin
-league, in imitation of the temple of Artemis at Ephesus, which was the
-meeting-place of the Ionian league. It has already been suggested that
-Servius’ monetary reforms may have a historical basis, and be due to
-intercourse with the Phocaeans, who had founded Marseilles in 600 B.C.
-The city of Phocaea, though in Aeolian territory, was reckoned
-Ionian[1251].
-
-[Sidenote: Ionian influence in Central Italy at the reputed period of
-           Servius is confirmed by archaeological finds.]
-
-The Ionizing Servius is said to have reigned from 578 to 534 B.C. In the
-middle of the sixth century, or in other words at just the same period,
-a corresponding change occurs in the archaeological finds, in which
-experts are agreed in recognizing Ionian influence if not Ionian
-workmanship. Among the objects which display the new style are the vases
-known as Caeretan hydriae[1252] and Pontic amphorae[1253] and a group
-that has been classified as among the latest products of
-Clazomenae[1254], and a group of bronzes from Perugia[1255]. Of the
-sixth century examples of the famous frescoes that adorn or disfigure
-the chamber tombs of Etruria some have been attributed to Ionian
-artists[1256], as have also architectural terra cottas of the same
-period found in Latium at Conca (the ancient Satricum)[1257] and
-Velletri[1258].
-
-[Sidenote: Rome and Cumae.]
-
-In dealing with the architectural terra cottas from Conca Rizzo
-suggests[1259] that the potters who worked there came from Cumae or some
-other Greek city in Campania. In this connexion he remarks[1260] that so
-far the traces of intercourse between Rome and Campania during the first
-two centuries of the city (_i.e._ 750–550 B.C.) seem rather scanty. He
-attributes this to gaps in excavation. Once more he seems not to notice
-that the negative archaeological evidence harmonizes with the literary
-tradition. Cumae must have been powerfully influencing Rome in the very
-early days when the Romans borrowed the Cumaean alphabet. But then comes
-a period when Cumae is eclipsed by Corinth[1261]. Cumae only begins to
-recover her influence Romewards when Corinthian influence is on the
-wane. The Tarquins’ story begins at Corinth: it ends at Cumae, where
-Superbus, when banished from Rome, is said to have sought refuge[1262]
-with Aristodemus who was perhaps the last Greek tyrant of the old
-commercial type[1263].
-
-[Sidenote: The earliest Forum shops (from the graves on the site) and
-           the great drain (from its brickwork) have been dated after
-           the regal period: but]
-
-It has been argued that nobody could have built shops in the Forum in
-the time of the Tarquins because recent excavations have shown that till
-a comparatively late date the Forum was used as a cemetery: that, apart
-from this, arcades and shops must have been impossible in the Forum
-until it had been drained: and that the building of the main drain, the
-cloaca maxima, ascribed to Tarquin by Livy, has been shown by excavation
-to belong to a very much later age.
-
-[Sidenote: the drain cannot be dated from its brick facing,]
-
-As regards the main drain, archaeology has indeed shown that it was
-bricked and vaulted at a late date; but there is no reason for thinking
-that it began its existence with the masonry that now encloses it. The
-London Fleet and Tyburn suggest the opposite. The most recent volume on
-the subject is emphatic on this point. “The earliest Roman sewer
-consisted undoubtedly of a natural watercourse, the channel of which was
-widened and deepened[1264].” “There is no doubt that the first attempts
-at artificial drainage date from the regal period. The first part of the
-city to be drained was the Forum valley[1265].”
-
-[Sidenote: and the Forum graves show only (_pace_ Pais) that the
-           cemetery was secularized not later than late in the regal
-           period.]
-
-Those who maintain a post-regal date for the building of the Forum base
-their arguments on the finds of pottery in the Forum graves. The finds
-have been numerous and their evidence is valuable, and it is necessary
-briefly to review it. The latest style of pottery found in these graves
-is the Proto-Corinthian. This very distinctive and widely distributed
-pottery[1266] has been the subject of much controversy as regards its
-place of origin, but its chronology is well established. It flourished
-in the seventh century: during the sixth it persisted in a few
-stereotyped forms, of which at least two[1267] lived on in a degraded
-form into the fifth. Vases of this style quoted by Boni[1268] as coming
-from two of the latest graves in the Forum are illustrated in the
-_Notizie degli Scavi_[1269] (fig. 36). Both the vases illustrated might
-well be seventh century. At Rhitsona in Boeotia the types were
-completely obsolete by the middle of the sixth century, not one example
-occurring among some 2500 vases excavated from graves of the latter half
-of the century. This mass of pottery included about 150 Proto-Corinthian
-vases, but the number is divided about equally between kothons like
-_J.H.S._ XXXI. p. 75, fig. 4, and small skyphoi such as _J.H.S._ XXIX.
-p. 319, fig. 7, no. 9, with just two or three pyxides like _J.H.S._
-XXIX. p. 312, fig. 2, no. 8.
-
-In the Forum graves there are a certain number of vases of other styles
-that cannot be dated so accurately as the Proto-Corinthian but suggest
-on stylistic grounds a somewhat later date. None of them however would
-naturally be put later than towards the end of the sixth century, and
-very few so late as that[1270]. Occasional burials of a later date would
-be evidence for a later conversion from cemetery to Forum only if
-intramural burials were unknown in Rome. As a matter of fact there is
-explicit evidence that they took place[1271].
-
-[Illustration: Fig. 36. Proto-Corinthian vase found in the Roman Forum.]
-
-[Sidenote: Views on the historicity of Servius Tullius.]
-
-After what has been said about the Tarquins and sixth century Rome
-generally it is scarcely necessary to discuss in detail the historicity
-of Servius Tullius. For representative modern views on him see
-Mueller-Deecke[1272] (Servius symbolizes the supremacy of Volsinii, the
-Tarquins that of Tarquinii); De Sanctis[1273] (Servius is the Etruscan
-invader who drove out the Tarquins); Gardthausen[1274] (Servius is the
-Roman counterpart of the Greek tyrant, the Tarquins the legitimate
-kings, leaders of the rich and noble). This whole chapter is a
-refutation of Gardthausen’s view about the Tarquins: the other
-suggestions are compatible with my own. Etruria may well have exercised
-as strong an influence on a sixth century tyranny at Rome as did Persia
-on those of sixth century Ionia.
-
-Pais[1275] fancifully explains Servius as the priest god, the seruus
-rex, of Aricia, who was imported to Rome in 338 B.C., well known to
-English readers as
-
-                     The priest who slew the slayer
-                     And shall himself be slain.
-
-Mastarna is differentiated from Servius[1276] and said to have a
-historical prototype in Mezentius, the enemy of Aeneas. My criticisms of
-Pais in reference to the Tarquins are equally applicable here.
-
-[Illustration: Fig. 37. Ionic terra cotta antefix found in Rome.]
-
-[Sidenote: Rome and Athens.]
-
-In the early period of the Roman republic the chief Greek influence to
-judge from the narratives was that of Athens and the Alcmaeonidae[1277].
-Once more we find the written documents and the archaeological evidence
-in agreement. During the second half of the sixth century Attic imports
-had been gaining a great preponderance in Central Italy[1278].
-
-[Illustration: Fig. 38. Similar antefix found in Samos.]
-
-Thus from the time when the Greek Demaratus is said to have settled in
-Tarquinii to that at which the last Roman Tarquin is said to have sought
-shelter in the Greek Cumae the series of Greek connexions implied in our
-narrative is found reflected in the results of excavations. We have
-based our conclusions on a mass of material from various sites scattered
-all over Central Italy. [Sidenote: The finds from Rome itself confirm
-the narratives by showing first Corinthian influence, then Ionian, and
-then Attic.] The evidence from Rome itself could not have been made the
-basis of the discussion. It is not sufficiently abundant. Its scantiness
-however need cause no misgivings. It is sufficiently accounted for by
-the unbroken ages of crowded occupation that differentiate Rome from the
-surrounding cities. The finds from Rome, as far as they go, confirm the
-other evidence by showing that first Corinth, then Ionia and finally
-Athens did actually influence Rome during the period of the last royal
-dynasty. Corinthian vases have been found in the city from time to
-time[1279], though not, it should be noticed, in the Forum
-cemetery[1280]. The influence of Ionia in the sixth century is seen in
-such objects as a series of cups[1281] closely resembling the “later
-Ionic vases” of the Munich catalogue[1282], or again in a bearded
-antefix (fig. 37) found near the church of S. Antonia and compared by
-Pinza[1283] with examples published by Boehlau in his _Aus ionischen
-Nekropolen_[1284] (fig. 38), or yet again in the archaic terra cotta
-head (fig. 39) found in 1876 near the church of the Aracoeli on the
-Capitol[1285], which much resembles the stone head (fig. 40) from the
-Athenian Acropolis described by Dickens as “an undoubtedly early example
-of imported Chiot art[1286].” An amphora in the Attic black figure style
-(fig. 41) has been found on the Quirinal[1287]. “The most exquisite
-early Attic” is reported by Boni from the Palatine[1288]. Attic Ionic
-influence has been seen in the Capitoline she-wolf (fig. 42), which is
-held by Petersen to commemorate the expulsion of the kings, and may be
-compared with the statue of a lioness put up at Athens to commemorate
-Leaina, the mistress of the tyrannicide Aristogeiton[1289].
-
-[Illustration: Fig. 39. Terra cotta head found on the Roman Capitol.]
-
-[Illustration: Fig. 40. Stone head found on the Acropolis at Athens.]
-
-[Illustration: Fig. 41. Vase in Attic black figure style found on the
-Quirinal.]
-
-[Illustration: Fig. 42. The Capitoline wolf.]
-
-[Sidenote: Conclusions on the question of credibility.]
-
-This completes the evidence for the credibility of our narrative[1290].
-It is not conclusive. The archaeological material on which we have had
-so largely to rely, though it reflects the various Greek influences that
-are said to have affected their history, does not for instance establish
-Demaratus as a historical character. But it does fully establish him as
-a historical possibility. It disposes us to give much more weight than
-was customary a generation ago to statements and allusions that tend to
-confirm the historical basis of our narratives. We no longer pass over
-the possibility that Demaratus may have been a living prototype of
-Philip the son of Butacides[1291], and not a mere study in fiction based
-on the career of the adventurous Crotonian. In the light of the
-extremely rich collection of Greek pottery from Caere[1292], the
-childish story told by Strabo[1293] of how Caere got its name from the
-Greek χαῖρε no longer discounts his other statement in the same passage
-that in early times the city had a treasury at Delphi, a statement that
-is confirmed by Herodotus[1294], who tells us that the people of Caere
-consulted the Delphic oracle about the year 540 B.C. In short there is
-every possibility that Tarquin at Rome may have had consciously before
-his eyes the career of Cypselus at Corinth. The accounts here offered
-both of the Tarquins and of the Corinthian tyrants are admittedly
-conjectural: but when two such conjectures based on independent evidence
-are found to harmonize so well both with one another and with a broad
-general explanation of the narratives they deal with, it may be fairly
-claimed that they render one another mutual support.
-
-[Sidenote: If Tarquin is a Greek fiction, it preserves an early Greek
-           conception of the typical early tyrant as a great
-           capitalist.]
-
-But let us for the moment adopt the attitude of the sceptics, and assume
-the whole story of the Tarquins to be false. In that case the numerous
-Greek elements can be explained only as plagiarisms from the
-corresponding figures in Greek history, the seventh and sixth century
-tyrants. But the Greek element includes the story of Demaratus and his
-Corinthian workmen and his wealth, and the part that these played in the
-events that led up to his son Tarquinius Priscus becoming king of Rome.
-In other words, for the hypothetical authors of this hypothetical
-fiction the typical early Greek tyrant was a great capitalist and a
-great employer[1295].
-
-
-
-
-  Chapter IX. _Sicyon, Megara, Miletus, Ephesus, Leontini, Agrigentum,
-                                 Cumae_
-
-
- “Ne perdons rien du passé. Ce n’est qu’avec le passé qu’on fait
-    l’avenir.”
-
-                                                     ANATOLE FRANCE.
-
-[Sidenote: Sicyon.]
-
-The tyranny at Sicyon lasted longer than in any other Greek state[1296].
-It started about the same time as that of Cypselus at Corinth and
-continued in the same family for about a century. The tyrants rested
-their power on the support of the pre-Dorian population of their city,
-and the establishment of the tyranny was probably to a large extent a
-racial movement representing a rising of the pre-Dorian stratum of the
-population against their Dorian conquerors.
-
-How the tyrant family secured its power is another question. Until the
-other day our only information on the subject was to the effect that the
-founder of the dynasty was a cook or butcher (μάγειρος)[1297], who was
-helped to power by the Delphic oracle[1298]. Thanks however to a papyrus
-recently unearthed by the Oxford scholars Grenfell and Hunt and
-published by them in 1915 we have now considerable fragments of a
-detailed account of the founder of the dynasty[1299].
-
-The fragment confirms the statement that the tyrants of Sicyon were
-sprung from a butcher and settles the vexed question of the relationship
-of Andreas and Orthagoras (the two earliest known members of the family)
-by showing that Orthagoras was the first tyrant and Andreas was father
-of Orthagoras. It also shows that Orthagoras himself was bred as a
-butcher. But it is devoted mainly to the military exploits of the
-youthful Orthagoras, and though it does not take us down to the day when
-he made himself tyrant it plainly brings us very near it, and as it
-leaves him in the position of polemarch on active service it seems to
-illustrate and support the statement of Aristotle that the early tyrants
-often owed their power to some high magistracy or military position that
-they had previously secured in the state. But there are several reasons
-why this military aspect should not be overrated. The account of how
-Orthagoras actually seized the tyranny is after all wanting. The extant
-fragment says that he secured the position of polemarch “partly also by
-reason of the goodwill of the mass of the citizens towards him,” and
-gives this as a separate reason[1300] from that of his military
-successes. Moreover the author of the fragment was possibly Aristotle
-himself, who is known to have written a lost _Constitution of the
-Sicyonians_; and although Grenfell and Hunt regard Ephorus as more
-probably the author, Ephorus lived at the same time and wrote under the
-same historical influences as Aristotle and was probably misled in the
-same way concerning the character of the early tyranny[1301]. The
-outstanding fact in the early career of Orthagoras is still his
-tradesman origin.
-
-Little is known of the later career of Orthagoras except that he
-governed mildly, and of his successor Myron (Olympian victor in 648
-B.C.[1302]) nothing is recorded that throws any direct light on the
-origin of the tyranny: but the case is different when we come to
-Cleisthenes, the last and most famous of this family of tyrants, whose
-reign covered roughly the first third of the sixth century[1303]. With
-Cleisthenes the Sicyonian tyranny entered on a new phase.
-
-Aristotle quotes Sicyon as an instance of a city where the government
-changed “from tyranny to tyranny ... from that of Myron to that of
-Cleisthenes[1304].” The story of how Cleisthenes got his two brothers
-out of the way is told by Nicolaus Damascenus[1305]. But what Nicolaus
-gives is purely a tale of domestic crime, a change from tyrant to tyrant
-not from tyranny to tyranny. Perhaps the change referred to by Aristotle
-is to be connected with the fact that Cleisthenes followed an aggressive
-foreign policy[1306]. He was violently hostile to Argos[1307], and took
-a leading part in the “sacred” war that was fought about Delphi at the
-beginning of the sixth century B.C.[1308]. He was a contemporary of
-Periander who appears to have changed the character of the tyranny at
-Corinth by making the government warlike. It is not unlikely that the
-change effected by Cleisthenes at Sicyon was in the same direction. In
-turning to war it does not follow that he forsook trade. He may have
-held the view that trade follows the flag. The “sacred” war had its
-secular side. It arose about the refusal of the people of Krisa, who
-possessed the port of Delphi, to remove their harbour dues.
-
-Krisa was a place of importance in early times[1309], so much so that
-what was later known as the Gulf of Corinth was called the Gulf of
-Krisa. The territory of the Krisaians lay just opposite Sicyon, and it
-seems not improbable that the Sicyonians, with their allies the
-Corinthians[1310], aimed at wresting from their rivals across the water
-their position in the gulf which was the starting-point of trade with
-the far West[1311]. According to a Pindar scholiast the Krisaians had
-control of the sea at the beginning of the war and owed their ultimate
-defeat to the fact that Cleisthenes built a fleet and destroyed their
-naval supremacy[1312]. It looks very much as though Cleisthenes was
-trying to win for Sicyon the sea-borne trade that had been flowing into
-Krisa. With the aid of a fleet that must for the time have made Sicyon a
-really important naval power[1313] he crushes the trade rival across the
-water and wins its place for his own city and himself[1314].
-
-Bury assigns to Cleisthenes the leading part in the reorganizing of the
-Pythian games at Delphi after the Sacred War[1315], and pictures the
-Sicyonian tyrant as doing for the Delphic Pythia much what Periander and
-Peisistratus are depicted as doing for the Corinthian Isthmia and the
-Athenian Panathenaia and Pheidon very possibly did for the great games
-at Olympia. Bury’s general picture of the early tyrants as founders or
-reorganizers of these great Greek games is quite in harmony with the
-chronological evidence and with all that is known about the various
-tyrants’ activities and characters[1316]. Developing these games might
-well be part of a broad commercial policy, the more so as the games were
-under divine patronage and ensured periodic opportunities for peaceful
-intercourse in an age of chronic warfare[1317]. Under such circumstances
-gatherings of this kind naturally tend to become the “commercial affair
-(ἐμπορικὸν πρᾶγμα)” that the Delian festival admittedly grew to
-be[1318]. Everything known about the early Greek tyrants shows how
-capable they were of turning such a tendency to good account. That
-Delphi in particular had from early times a commercial character has
-already been conjectured by Cornford[1319]. In the early years of the
-Sicyonian tyranny the greatness of the Euboean cities Chalcis and
-Eretria had begun to be steadily on the decline. The time had come to
-change the course of the Eastern part of this great trade route and
-instead of Krisa, Delphi, Thebes, Euboea to substitute another line, in
-which Sicyon and probably Athens should be dominating points. This is
-probably what Cleisthenes had in view when he so strongly supported
-Solon in the Sacred War.
-
-It follows that to make him the founder of the Delphic Pythia is a view
-that cannot be accepted without reservations. The available evidence
-represents Cleisthenes as rather the rival than the champion of Delphi.
-A Pindar scholiast already quoted states that he instituted Pythian
-games in his own Sicyon. There is no other evidence for Pythian games at
-Sicyon, but Herodotus gives a long account of the way in which
-Cleisthenes radically reformed the chief existing festival in the city.
-This festival, like the Delphic Pythia of the days before the Sacred
-War, was devoted largely to musical and poetical competitions. Its
-patron was the ancient hero Adrastus, whose connexions were all with
-Argos, the Dorian city whose influence in Sicyon Cleisthenes was bent on
-overthrowing. Cleisthenes ejected Adrastus from Sicyon by the curious
-process of burying beside him the body of his bitterest enemy, the
-Theban Melanippus (which he borrowed for the purpose from Thebes), and
-then removing the body of Adrastus which was assumed to depart
-voluntarily from so unpleasant a neighbourhood.
-
-The reformed festival was held in honour of this Theban hero and the
-Theban wine god Dionysus. The ejected Adrastus had been one of the
-leaders in the famous expedition of the Seven against Thebes[1320].
-There can be little doubt that when the festival was instituted
-Cleisthenes was aiming at an entente with the great inland city that
-formed the first main stage on the route from Delphi to Euboea and the
-North. But the attempt was a failure. Thebes was conspicuously
-unrepresented at the wooing of Cleisthenes’ daughter Agariste[1321], and
-the tyrant is furious when one of the suitors performs what has
-plausibly been suggested to have been a Theban dance[1322]. Relations
-with Delphi may have run a similar course. In the first celebration of
-the reformed Delphian Pythia Cleisthenes competed; and the way that he
-approached the Delphic oracle before reorganizing his own Sicyonian
-festival shows that he wanted an understanding with the authorities
-there, to whom his family was perhaps largely indebted for its
-throne[1323]. But the oracle would have nothing to do with Cleisthenes’
-proposals and used abusive language to the tyrant for making them.
-Relations between the god and the tyrant can hardly have remained
-cordial after this incident and the Thebans presumably sided with the
-god.
-
-Whatever the precise outcome of Cleisthenes’ policy with Delphi and
-Thebes the likelihood remains that one main object of that policy had
-been to give a new direction to the city’s trade. We have been assuming
-that the Sicyon of the tyrants was an important centre of commerce and
-industry. This has been denied by Eduard Meyer[1324]. The evidence is
-meagre: but as far as it goes it is entirely against Meyer’s hypothesis,
-which makes it hard to explain how the city became so great and
-prosperous at this time. We have seen already that Cleisthenes possessed
-a powerful fleet and that his proceedings suggest far-reaching
-commercial designs. The evidence as to industry points in the same
-direction. Some distinguished archaeologists have actually assigned to
-the Sicyon of Andreas and Orthagoras one of the leading industries of
-the period, the making of the remarkably fine pottery now usually known
-as Proto-Corinthian. Their arguments are by no means decisive[1325], and
-in any case there is nothing to associate the Sicyonian tyrants
-personally with Sicyonian potteries; but there are literary notices
-which point to the Orthagorids as having been, like the other early
-tyrants, builders and, presumably, employers of local labour. The
-Olympian “treasury” which Pausanias thought to have been put up by the
-tyrant Myron[1326] has been shown by excavation to have been fifth
-century work[1327]. But in this treasury Pausanias saw two “bronze
-chambers” (models of buildings?) one of which bore an inscription saying
-that it was a dedication of Myron and the people of Sicyon. This
-inscription may have misled Pausanias into ascribing to Myron the
-building that contained it[1328]. The bronze chamber on which the
-dedication was inscribed was on a large scale. It weighed 500 Aeginetan
-talents or about 19 tons. From towards the end of the period of the
-tyranny Sicyon was famous for its school of sculptors, who worked
-largely in bronze, and though no statement has been preserved as to the
-workmanship of Myron’s dedication, it may not unreasonably be used as
-evidence that the Sicyonians of his reign were already experts in the
-working of bronze[1329]. As regards buildings, Cleisthenes with the
-spoils that he gained in the Sacred War is known to have erected at
-Sicyon a magnificent portico[1330].
-
-Pollux, the lexicographer of the second century A.D., says that the
-Sicyonians in the time of the tyrants (as also the Athenians under the
-Peisistratids) wore a particular kind of rough woollen dress “that they
-might be ashamed to go down into the city[1331].” The statement may be
-true and the explanation false. If both are accepted, it by no means
-follows that the policy of the Sicyonian tyrants was dominantly
-agricultural[1332]. We may possibly have here a record of a measure
-intended to prevent the commercialized city from attracting to itself
-the agricultural population that was of such vital importance to the
-normal self-sufficing Greek city-state. There is little doubt that the
-government of the Sicyonian tyrants was popular with the lower classes.
-Aristotle declares that it lasted so long because they treated their
-subjects so well[1333]. If Herodotus and Ephorus give a less favourable
-account of them, the reason is probably that their sources were
-aristocratic and anti-tyrannical[1334].
-
-[Sidenote: Megara.]
-
-The tyranny at Megara is associated with the single name of
-Theagenes[1335], whose reign is dated by the support that he gave to his
-son-in-law Cylon, winner of an Olympian victory in 640 B.C.[1336] and
-would-be tyrant of Athens.
-
-According to Aristotle in the _Rhetoric_ Theagenes, like Peisistratus
-and Dionysius, scheming to make himself tyrant asked for the (usual)
-bodyguard, and having secured it became tyrant. But as pointed out in
-the first chapter this only shows that winning the tyranny meant
-possessing an armed force. It says nothing as to how the armed force was
-acquired. Armed forces are not to be had for the asking. For the way in
-which Theagenes got his our only evidence is another passage of
-Aristotle, this time from the _Politics_, which says that Theagenes
-secured his power “after slaughtering the flocks and herds of the
-wealthy[1337].”
-
-In the latter part of the fifth century “most of the Megareans got their
-living by making exomides” (the normal dress of the poorer
-classes)[1338]. Meyer assumes this to have been a fourth (_sic_) century
-development, but altogether against the evidence[1339]. Not only is the
-woollen industry known to have been one of the main occupations of
-Megara in the fifth century, but the prosperity of the city in the
-seventh century is only comprehensible if we assume that it was already
-engaged in the woollen trade. As observed by Busolt[1340], Megaris has
-on the whole a barren stony soil that was mostly suited only for the
-pasture of its numerous flocks of sheep. The Megareans must have
-manufactured goods to take to their distant colonies, from which they
-imported corn and other raw material.
-
-The colonial activities of Megara went back well into the seventh
-century. Some of her colonies such as Chalcedon and Byzantium and
-Heraclea Pontica[1341] lay on the route of the Argonauts that led to the
-land of the golden fleece. Other seventh century colonies of Megara lay
-in the far West in Sicily, where she founded Megara Hyblaea in the
-latter part of the eighth century and Selinus in the second half of the
-seventh.
-
-Thus Megara’s colonial activities in the seventh century correspond
-closely with those of Miletus, the city that colonized most of the ports
-of the Black Sea and owed so much of her wealth to her trade in wool
-with the Italian Sybaris[1342].
-
-That Megara herself was engaged in the woollen industry at this early
-date is made not unlikely by several fragments of evidence. Demeter at
-Megara bore the title Malophoros. “Various statements,” says Pausanias,
-“are made about this title, and in particular that Demeter was named
-Malophoros by those who first reared sheep in the land[1343].” The word
-Malophoros may mean either “Sheep-bearing” or “Apple-bearing,” but the
-account of the title in Pausanias shows that the Megareans understood it
-as meaning “Sheep-bearing,” and regarded it as of high antiquity and
-certainly as older than the days when the flocks of the well-to-do were
-slaughtered by Theagenes.
-
-According to Pliny[1344] fulling was invented by a Megarean named
-Nikias. Buechsenschuetz[1345] infers from this passage that fulling or
-milling was of great importance in the ancient wool industry.
-Bluemner[1346] quotes it to prove the importance of the industry at
-Megara. The most important inference to be drawn from it both of them
-seem to have overlooked, namely that the industry at Megara must have
-been of high antiquity.
-
-The care bestowed by the Megareans on sheep-breeding is alluded to by
-the sixth century Theognis
-
-            κριοὺς μὲν καὶ ὄνους διζήμεθα, Κύρνε, καὶ ἵππους
-                εὐγενέας[1347].
-
-Megarean woollen goods at the end of the fifth century were much worn by
-Athenian slaves who, as Cauer observes[1348], came largely from the
-region of the early Megarean colonies.
-
-It seems therefore not unlikely that when Theagenes slaughtered the
-flocks of the wealthy at Megara his blow was aimed at a class of
-capitalists whose wealth was already based on the woollen trade, as was
-that of the direct ancestors in Tudor times of our own modern
-capitalists[1349].
-
-This possibility has been recognized by Poehlmann[1350] who quotes
-Xenophon on the Megarean wool industry in reference to Theagenes.
-Poehlmann imagines the blow as dealt by the discontented masses and
-inspired by simple hatred. But our one authority attributes it not to
-the rebellious masses but to Theagenes himself. On a point of definite
-fact like this Aristotle deserves to be taken precisely as he expresses
-himself. Can it be that Theagenes’ coup was a simple but effective means
-of securing for himself the monopoly of the Megarean woollen industry?
-
-If this was in fact the aim of Theagenes he was merely anticipating the
-methods of certain modern monopolists. In December 1888 the Whiskey
-Combination in the United States is said to have blown up a troublesome
-independent still in Chicago[1351]. There are records of a similar
-attempt to blow up rival works at Buffalo[1352]. For these cases I quote
-again from a work on the danger of a new tyranny of wealth that the
-writer, whose book appeared in 1894, thought at the time to be
-threatening the United States.
-
-The most lasting memorial that Theagenes left behind him was the water
-conduit that he constructed for the city[1353]. The extant remains seem
-to belong to a later date, but this is no reason for either post-dating
-the tyrant or not accepting him as its constructor. The remains now to
-be seen may well be due to a reconstruction, perhaps by the famous
-Megarean Eupalinus, who constructed the Samian waterworks for
-Polycrates. Underground conduits like the Megarean were being made half
-a century before the reign of Theagenes, as is shown by the underground
-canal constructed by Hezekiah to bring to Jerusalem the waters of Miriam
-(Gihon)[1354]. Tyranny at Megara was short lived. The only tyrant ended
-his life in exile.
-
-  When they had banished Theagenes the Megareans for a short while
-  behaved with moderation ... but after that they began behaving
-  outrageously to the rich: in particular the poor entered their
-  houses and demanded to be entertained and feasted sumptuously, and
-  treated them all with violence and insult if they did not get what
-  they desired. Finally they passed a decree and recovered from the
-  money-lenders the interest that they happened to have paid.
-
-This passage of Plutarch[1355] throws no direct light on either the
-character or the basis of Theagenes’ power. The outbreak that it
-describes may have been due to the comparative weakness of the new
-government. It is equally possible that it occurred because the fall of
-the tyranny had made things much worse for the working classes, on whose
-support and favour Theagenes had probably based his power[1356].
-
-This period of Megarean history is better known than the corresponding
-phase of any other Greek city, thanks to the verses of Theognis. Their
-evidence for the character of the early tyrannies has been discussed in
-Chapter I. If, as there maintained, his exhortations not to be won over
-by gains to exalt any tyrant and his complaints about tradesmen
-controlling the state all point to fears of a tyranny of wealth, then it
-is particularly likely that his alarm may have had a historical basis in
-the career of Theagenes.
-
-[Sidenote: Miletus.]
-
-At Miletus during the seventh and sixth centuries[1357] there appear to
-have been several periods of tyranny with intervals of anarchy in
-between. The most famous and powerful of the Milesian tyrants was
-Thrasybulus, whose reign must have begun towards the end of the seventh
-century. While he was tyrant the city enjoyed great material prosperity.
-Then in the middle of the sixth she was afflicted with two generations
-of civil war, after which there came a great revival of prosperity under
-the tyrant Histiaeus. Plutarch records the names of two other tyrants,
-Thoas and Damasenor, but only to introduce an account of the state of
-things that followed their overthrow. They may have been joint
-successors of Thrasybulus[1358], much as the Athenians tended to regard
-Peisistratus as having been succeeded by Hippias and Hipparchus ruling
-conjointly. Or possibly Plutarch is mentioning two successive rulers of
-a distinct period of tyranny, the latter of whom only was deposed, in
-which case they are probably to be put before Thrasybulus[1359],
-somewhere about the middle of the seventh century.
-
-The fall of Thoas and Damasenor was followed by a struggle between two
-parties called Ploutis (?) and Cheiromache, names which sound remarkably
-like Capital and Labour.
-
-There is no certainty as to either the etymological or the historical
-meaning of these names. Plutarch seems to identify the Ploutis (?)
-faction with a body called Aeinautai (always on shipboard)[1360] and the
-reading Plontis, connected with πλοῖον (ship), has been proposed by
-Plass[1361]. Cheiromache again means not hand-workers but hand-fighters,
-a name that need not have any industrial implication. Hand-fighters
-might be just people who did not wear swords, the lower classes
-generally. But Cheiromache is said by Eustathius to have been a synonym
-for χειρώναξ, a common word for artizan[1362], and Suidas speaks of
-rival parties in Miletus composed of the wealthy (πλούσιοι) and the
-manual labourers (Γέργηθες, s.v., explained as χειρώνακτες), and though
-the period to which he is referring is quite uncertain, he still lends
-some support to the Capital and Labour interpretation of Plutarch’s
-Ploutis (?) and Cheiromache[1363]. The latter name would have been given
-to the party by its opponents, much as though enemies of a modern labour
-party should call them the Strikers or Down-Toolers. The other name for
-labour (Γέργιθες or Γέργηθες) is said by Heraclides Ponticus[1364] to
-have been given to it by the faction of the wealthy, a statement quite
-compatible with the explanation of the name as derived from a place and
-denoting the poor subject Carians, the descendants of the pre-Hellenic
-population of the Milesian territory[1365]. Perhaps we may see a hint
-that Gergethes and Cheiromache were alternative names both given to
-labour by its rich opponents in the reply given by the oracle to the
-party of the rich after they had been brutally massacring the party of
-the poor. “I too” says the god “take heed of the murder of the unwarlike
-Gergithes[1366].” The rebuke gains in point if the Gergithes had been
-also called Cheiromachoi, the manual _fighters_[1367].
-
-Of the early careers of the Milesian tyrants we know practically
-nothing. Aristotle indeed[1368] refers to Miletus as a place where
-tyranny arose from the great power possessed by the magistrate called
-prytanis. But as argued already in discussing the office of polemarch
-held before his tyranny by Cypselus, a position of this kind does not
-by itself explain a tyrant’s rise to supreme power. Moreover in the
-case of Miletus there is nothing to show which tyrant Aristotle is
-referring to. When on the throne Thrasybulus pursued the policy of
-“cutting off the heads of those ears of corn which he saw higher than
-the rest” or in other words of “putting to death those who were
-eminent among his subjects[1369].” It is fairly certain that a ruler
-who pursued this policy did not rest his power on the support of the
-upper classes. One of the few anecdotes about the tyrant tells how he
-outwitted the king of Lydia by a misleading display of corn in the
-Milesian market-place[1370].
-
-The accession of Histiaeus seems to have synchronized with a revival of
-the commercial prosperity of Miletus. Histiaeus was the friend and
-vassal of Darius of Persia, and the basis of his power must therefore
-not be sought exclusively in the internal conditions of Miletus. But on
-the other hand the Persians seem to have been remarkably free from any
-tendency to Persianize the nations they subdued. Their sins were those
-rather of Abdul Hamid than of the Young Turks. Purely internal
-conditions continued to operate much as before[1371].
-
-In the absence therefore of all evidence as to how Histiaeus came by his
-power[1372] it becomes interesting to see how he sought to expand it.
-The chance came to him when he had won Darius’ confidence and gratitude
-in his Scythian campaign and the Great King invited him to choose his
-reward. “He asked for Myrcinus in Edonia, wishing to found in it a
-city[1373].” Darius granted his request and the foundation was begun.
-But when the news of this gift reached Megabazus, the able Persian
-officer who had reduced Edonia and other parts of Thrace and Macedonia,
-he was much alarmed, and remonstrated with his master:
-
-  O King, what manner of thing hast thou done, granting to a clever
-  and cunning Greek to acquire a city in Thrace? Where there is an
-  inexhaustible supply of timber for building ships and oars, and
-  mines of silver, and a large population of Greeks living in the
-  neighbourhood and a large population of barbarians: if they get a
-  patron (προστάτης) they will do what he directs day and night. Now
-  therefore do thou stop him from doing this, that thou be not
-  involved in a war against thine own[1374].
-
-As pointed out by Grundy[1375] Myrcinus occupied a most important site
-on great strategic and commercial highways. But there is no reason to
-suspect Herodotus when he tells us that the town owed its importance
-first and foremost not to its geographical situation but to its minerals
-and forests. It is as a great mine-owner and shipbuilder and the
-employer of hosts of miners and shipbuilders and seamen that Histiaeus
-threatens to make himself a ruler sufficiently powerful to be a danger
-to the Great King himself[1376].
-
-[Sidenote: Ephesus.]
-
-The earliest tyrant of Ephesus appears to have been Pythagoras, who
-overthrew the government of the Basilidae. Baton of Sinope[1377], who
-wrote a history of the tyrants of Ephesus[1378], states that Pythagoras
-lived “before Cyrus the Persian.” This seems to be rather an
-understatement of the tyrant’s antiquity, since we hear of two other
-tyrants, Melas and Pindaros, of whom the latter was son and successor of
-the former and was deprived of his throne by Croesus[1379], and of yet
-another pair, by name Athenagoras and Komas, who lived at the same time
-as the poet Hipponax and must therefore be assigned to about the middle
-of the sixth century[1380], while during part of the reign of Croesus,
-after the fall of Pindaros, Ephesus appears to have enjoyed a moderate
-democracy guided by the aesymnetes Aristarchus[1381]. All this leaves
-little room for Pythagoras in the period just preceding Cyrus, and since
-too the Basilidae were almost certainly one of the hereditary
-aristocracies, like the Bacchiadae of Corinth, that overthrew the
-hereditary monarchy in most Greek cities before the end of the dark
-ages, it becomes probable that Pythagoras flourished at the beginning of
-the sixth century or possibly even in the seventh[1382].
-
-According to our only authority Suidas, who quotes Baton on the date of
-Pythagoras and very possibly used him for the rest of his notice,
-Pythagoras displayed an insatiable passion for money (ἔρως χρημάτων
-ἄμετρος) and showed himself a cruel tyrant (τύραννος πικρότατος) but
-“with the people and the multitude he both was and appeared to be well
-liked, sometimes making them hopeful by his promises, sometimes secretly
-distributing small gratuities[1383].” “Those however who enjoyed
-reputation or power he plundered and subjected to confiscations[1384].”
-Suidas deals only with the tyrant on the throne and draws plainly from a
-most unfriendly source[1385]: but as far as he goes he suggests that the
-power of Pythagoras was based on wealth.
-
-The tyrant Pindarus, who was overthrown by Croesus, was a grandson of
-Alyattes, Croesus’ father and predecessor[1386]. Ephesus was one of the
-chief termini of the great caravan route from the Far East that ran to
-Sardis and then branched to several places on the coast. In the chapter
-on Lydia we have had occasion to notice the story of the eighth century
-Lydian Ardys, who when banished from his native land went into business
-at Cyme (another of these branch termini) and from there returned as
-ruler to Sardis. Radet may therefore be right in thinking that the
-Ephesian tyrants shared with the Lydian the monopoly of the trade that
-traversed this great road[1387]. The overthrow of Pindarus is perhaps to
-be associated with the story of the financial dealings of Croesus while
-his father Alyattes was still on the throne[1388]. To pave the way to
-his own succession as against his half brother, the half Greek
-Pantaleon, Croesus has to borrow large sums of money. He first tries in
-Sardis, and failing there proceeds to Ephesus, where he succeeds in
-raising money, not however from the house of Melas, but from a certain
-Pamphaes the son of Theocharides. It is hardly rash to assume that the
-tyrant family at Ephesus were putting their money on the half Greek
-candidate, and that Pindarus fell because his family had taken the wrong
-side in this great battle of high finance.
-
-[Sidenote: Leontini.]
-
-Panaitios of Leontini was the first in Sicily to seize the tyranny
-(Panaitios primus in Sicilia arripuit tyrannidem), which he is stated to
-have done a few years before the end of the seventh century[1389]. The
-stratagem by which he made himself tyrant is described by
-Polyaenus[1390]. The people of Leontini were at war with Megara, and
-Panaitios was polemarch. The actual coup was a matter of disarming the
-rich citizens who served on horseback (τοῖς εὐπόροις καὶ ἱππεῦσι), which
-he did with the help of their grooms. But before carrying out this _coup
-d’état_ Panaitios had started a conflict between these rich knights and
-the poor who served on foot (τοὺς πένητας καὶ πεζούς). Aristotle[1391]
-adds little. He classes Panaitios with “Cypselus in Corinth,
-Peisistratus in Athens, and Dionysius in Syracuse, and others who in the
-same way (became tyrants) from demagogy,” a view that has already been
-dealt with[1392]. His other statement, that the government of Panaitios
-succeeded an oligarchy, is credible but unilluminating[1393].
-
-[Sidenote: Agrigentum.]
-
-  Phalaris of Agrigentum, a tax collector, when the citizens wished to
-  erect a temple of Zeus Polieus for two hundred talents on the
-  citadel as being rocky and strong and for the further reason that it
-  would be pious to give the god the highest place, undertook, if he
-  was given charge of the work, to have the best craftsmen and provide
-  the material cheaply and offer sound securities for the money. The
-  people trusted him, thinking that thanks to his life as a
-  tax-collector he had experience of such proceedings. So taking the
-  public money he hired many foreigners and bought many prisoners and
-  carried up to the citadel much material of stone, timber, iron. And
-  when the foundations were already being dug, he sent down his herald
-  to proclaim “whoever gives information against those who stole the
-  stone and iron on the citadel shall receive such and such a reward.”
-  The people were annoyed at the report of the material being stolen.
-  “Well then,” said he, “allow me to enclose the acropolis.” The city
-  allowed him to enclose it and to raise a wall round it. He released
-  the prisoners, armed them with the stones and hatchets and axes,
-  made an attack during the Thesmophoria, killed most of the men, and
-  having established himself as master of women and children, became
-  the tyrant of the city of Agrigentum[1394].
-
-For over two centuries the name of Phalaris has been chiefly associated
-with the famous controversy between the Cambridge Bentley and the Oxford
-Boyle as to the authenticity of the letters ascribed to him. The
-spuriousness of these letters was so convincingly established by the
-Cambridge scholar, that everyone since then seems to have shrunk from
-attributing historical value to anything whatsoever that Phalaris is
-reported to have done. It so happens that the best known tradition about
-Phalaris tells of his extreme cruelty[1395], and more particularly how
-he did his victims to death by roasting them alive in a brazen
-bull[1396]. This bull story has no doubt helped further to discredit
-Phalaris as a strictly historical character.
-
-Yet there can be no dispute that Phalaris did make himself tyrant of
-Agrigentum and that his cruelty made a lasting impression on the people
-whom he ruled. His existence and importance is shown by a whole series
-of references to him that begins with Pindar[1397] and includes
-allusions in Aristotle[1398]. Considering that the tyrant probably died
-only one generation before Pindar was born[1399], there is no reason why
-a trustworthy tradition about him should not have been preserved and
-more particularly why the account of his early days in Polyaenus should
-not have a historical basis.
-
-If it has, its significance is important. It means that Phalaris owed
-his tyranny in the ultimate instance to his skill in finance and more
-immediately to the control of large sums of money that gave him great
-influence over the lower classes who earned their living by manual
-labour[1400].
-
-Polyaenus cannot be decisively confirmed. But still less can he be
-decisively discredited. The story itself suggests that its source was
-the temple of Zeus Polieus, and a temple founded in the sixth century
-may well have kept some record, oral or written, of the days of its
-foundation. There is of course the possibility of forgery, but forgeries
-generally have some motive, such as gain or glory or love of the
-sensational. No such motive can easily be imputed to this narrative of
-Polyaenus, whose picture of Phalaris is borne out by notices in various
-other writers.
-
-Lucian for instance makes the tyrant a great builder and great financier
-and a great patron of the common people[1401]. Lucian’s Phalaris is
-represented as defending himself at Delphi against the charge of
-cruelty: he certainly utters many paradoxes in so doing; but the point
-of the picture is that it is based on the received tradition, and it may
-fairly be used as evidence on a question such as that which is being
-here considered.
-
-Aristotle classes Phalaris among the tyrants who owed their position to
-some high office that they had previously held[1402], a statement which
-is good evidence for Phalaris as a historical personage and as far as it
-goes accords with Polyaenus.
-
-“When the Agrigentines were rid of Phalaris they decreed that nobody
-should wear a blue-grey cloak: for the servants of the tyrant wore
-aprons (περιζώματα) of blue-grey[1403].” The prohibition of these
-blue-grey aprons makes it look as if the men who overthrew the tyranny
-of Phalaris thought it necessary to disband his army of uniformed
-employees.
-
-Further the part of the narrative of Polyaenus that most concerns us
-here can claim a certain probability from what is known of an early
-namesake and fellow-townsman of the Syracusan tyrant Agathocles.
-According to Diodorus[1404] this earlier Agathocles, who lived while
-Syracuse was still under a landed aristocracy called γεωμόροι, probably
-about 700 B.C.[1405],
-
-  Being chosen to have charge of the building of the temple of Athena,
-  picked out the finest of the stones that were being quarried and met
-  the expense out of his own pocket (τὴν μὲν δαπάνην ἐκ τῆς ἰδίας
-  οὐσίας ἐποιεῖτο), but misused the stones and built a costly house.
-  At this they say the divine power gave forth a sign: Agathocles was
-  struck by lightning and consumed by fire along with all his house.
-  The Geomoroi confiscated his property to the state, although the
-  kleronomoi (the financial officials) showed that he had taken
-  nothing of the monies of the temple or of the state. They devoted
-  his house to the gods and forbade those who came there to set foot
-  in it, and to this day it is called the embrontaion (_i.e._ the
-  place struck by lightning).
-
-The positions of Phalaris and Agathocles as described by Polyaenus and
-Diodorus are very similar. Both are in charge of the building of a great
-temple, the Greek word in each case being ἐπιστάτης, which means
-literally superintendent, but is rather a vague term and appears to
-include the idea of contractor[1406]. Both again misuse their position,
-and in neither case is the offender charged with misappropriation.
-Phalaris secures himself a tyranny, Agathocles builds himself a house.
-But the house is a very special sort of house, and though the builder is
-specifically acquitted of any dishonest dealings about it, it brings
-down on him the wrath both of the gods and of the government. The gods
-burn him and his house: the government confiscate his property. What
-sort of a house was it that had such disastrous consequences for its
-builder? A close parallel is offered by the history of the Roman
-Maelius, who is said in the fifth century B.C. to have had his house
-pulled down and his property confiscated. In the case of Agathocles the
-gods, when they destroyed his house, are said to send a sign
-(ἐπισημαίνειν): in that of Maelius the offence that caused his house to
-be demolished is pronounced to be not a scelus but a monstrum. The
-charge that brought down on Maelius these extreme penalties was that of
-aiming at the throne. Maelius was extremely rich, and had a large army
-of clients, and we may reasonably infer that his house was so severely
-dealt with because it looked too much like a royal palace. Considering
-the analogies in the story of Agathocles with that of Maelius on the one
-hand and that of Phalaris on the other, it looks not unlikely that the
-exception taken to the house of Agathocles was due to its palatial
-character. Private dwellings in early Greek cities were notoriously
-simple and unpretentious[1407]. A house in which it was possible to
-employ stones intended for a great temple was obviously quite the
-reverse. It would challenge comparison with the government buildings and
-might be used as the rallying-place for an armed attack[1408] upon the
-government, and it was this in all probability that brought on it so
-terrible a fate.
-
-The stories of Agathocles and Maelius lend support to the view that
-Polyaenus in his account of the rise of Phalaris is describing the
-normal way in which tyrannies were established at this early period in
-Sicily and Italy. If so, the normal tyrant in early Sicily and Italy was
-some very rich man who used his riches to secure financial control of
-some large section of the labouring classes and this control was
-sometimes secured by undertaking big building operations which provided
-not only continuous work for numerous employees but often too a strong
-and imposing headquarters that could soon be converted into the castle
-or palace from which he ruled the whole state[1409].
-
-[Sidenote: Cumae.]
-
-Aristodemus of Cumae is dated by the fact that he gave shelter to
-Tarquinius Superbus when banished from Rome[1410]. “In those days Cumae
-was renowned throughout Italy for its wealth and power[1411].” Before he
-became tyrant he is said to have distinguished himself as a
-soldier[1412]. But it was not as a soldier that he is represented as
-securing the tyranny. “He won over the people by turning demagogue ...
-relieving many of the poor out of his own purse ... distributing money
-to them man by man, and depositing for the common good the presents he
-had received from the people of Aricia[1413].” At the end of his reign
-he is represented as employing citizens on a large scale on manual
-labour: “he chanced about that time to be making a trench round the
-place, a work neither necessary nor useful, but merely because he wished
-to weary and exhaust the citizens with toils and labours. For each was
-ordered to remove a certain extent of earth[1414].” The chronology of
-the tyrant’s career is not altogether easy and the narrative not
-entirely credible[1415], but we appear to have a tyrant of the early
-type, taking a prominent part in war and politics but relying largely at
-any rate on the control of labour and the power of wealth.
-
-
-
-
- Chapter X. (a) _Capitalist Despots of the Age of Aristotle_, (b) _the
-   Money Power of the Rulers of Pergamum_, (c) _Protogenes of Olbia_
-
-
-[Sidenote: (_a_) Capitalist despots of the days of Aristotle.]
-
-Stress has been laid on the influence that has been exercised by
-Dionysius of Syracuse upon all who have written about the early tyranny
-since he came to power. This of course does not mean that the
-military-demagogue type of tyrant, of which Dionysius is the supreme
-example, was never at all anticipated in any of its features by any of
-the rulers of the seventh and sixth centuries. Nor does it mean that the
-new order of things that culminated in Dionysius completely swamped the
-old. Aristotle himself was personally connected with a tyrant who
-appears to illustrate the survival into the fourth century of the
-seventh and sixth century type. The ruler in question, Hermias tyrant of
-Assos and Atarneus
-
-  was a eunuch, the slave of a certain banker: he went to Athens and
-  attended the lectures of Plato and Aristotle, and returning he
-  shared the tyranny of his master who had previously secured
-  (ἐπιθεμένῳ) the places round Atarneus and Assos. Subsequently he
-  succeeded him and sent for Aristotle and married his niece to
-  him[1416].
-
-In this “slave, banker, philosopher and despot” Leaf sees a tyrant who
-owed his position to his wealth[1417]. He quotes Euaion, the pupil of
-Plato[1418], who not far off to the north at Lampsacus “lent money to
-the city on the security of the Acropolis, and, when the city defaulted,
-wanted to become tyrant, until the Lampsacenes gathered against him and
-after paying him the money cast him out[1419].” On the other side of
-Assos, at Cyme, the public porticoes once passed into the hands of some
-bankers who had lent money to the city on that security[1420]. Leaf
-might have gone on to quote the case of Timaeus the Cyzicene, who, like
-Euaion and perhaps Hermias, had been a pupil of Plato:
-
-  Timaeus the Cyzicene having granted bonuses (ἐπιδοὺς) of money and
-  corn to the citizens and having on that account won credit among the
-  Cyzicenes as being a worthy man, after a short while made an attempt
-  on the city (ἐπέθετο; cp. ἐπιθεμένῳ above of the predecessor of
-  Hermias) by means of Aridaios[1421].
-
-The attempt failed but there can be no doubt that Timaeus like Euaion
-“wanted to become tyrant” by means of his wealth.
-
-It is curious to notice that the method of securing power practised by
-the pupils of Plato and Aristotle is precisely that which was prescribed
-by our own Doctor Johnson: “No, Sir, the way to make sure of power and
-influence is by lending money confidentially to your neighbours at a
-small interest or perhaps at no interest at all, and having their bonds
-in your possession[1422].” In Aristotle’s own day it appears to have
-been followed, though without success, in the greatest commercial city
-of the age:
-
-  After this Anno, a man of Carthage, who in personal wealth was more
-  than a match for the state, was absorbed with a desire to seize
-  supreme power.... He stirred up the slaves that with their aid he
-  might suddenly crush the unsuspecting state.... This happened in the
-  days of Philip[1423].
-
-Thus there is a basis for Leaf’s suggestion that Euboulos of Assos, the
-master and predecessor of Hermias, had made himself tyrant by similar
-means[1424]. But if Aristotle had before him the career of Hanno the
-Carthaginian, and if a whole group of his own fellow-students made the
-attempt, and in one case at least successfully, to become financier
-despots in a corner of the world particularly familiar to the
-philosopher[1425], how are we to explain the fact that his writings take
-no account of the commercial tyrant? Once more, if I am not mistaken,
-the cause is largely Dionysius. If, as seems probable, there was this
-late outcrop of attempts at a commercial tyranny, none the less the type
-had long ceased to play any great part in history[1426]. Hanno was a
-failure: moreover he tampered with the slaves of Carthage and this
-enabled Aristotle to classify him with Pausanias the Spartan. For
-Aristotle the tyrant is a soldier or a demagogue or both. Plutocracy
-with him means oligarchy[1427]. As he himself says, “if one individual
-possesses more than the rest of the wealthy, on the oligarchic principle
-it is right that he should rule alone[1428].” If forced to catalogue the
-government of a commercial despot he would probably have described it as
-an oligarchy of one. But it is doubtful whether the government of
-Hermias was strictly speaking the rule of a single individual.
-
-An inscription now in the British Museum speaks repeatedly of Ἑρμίας καὶ
-οἱ ἑταῖροι[1429] which Leaf translates and explains into “Hermias and
-company, Bankers and Despots.” The precise nature of these companions is
-uncertain: but their repeated mention in a treaty suggests that Hermias
-tried to avoid the appearances of single rule[1430]. Lastly the personal
-element may have had its influence even with the great philosopher. Not
-only was he in close personal connexion with Hermias; but his one
-deviation into poetry, his remarkable ode to Virtue[1431], was written
-in honour of Hermias after his fall. According to one version of the
-story the philosopher’s devotion to the memory of his friend cost him
-his life[1432]. Plainly for Aristotle the ruler of Atarneus was no
-tyrant[1433], and it follows that Euaion and Timaeus, even if their
-efforts had been successful, would not have been so either. Plato on the
-other hand would have particular cause to regard as a tyrant the
-Syracusan ruler by whom he is said to have been sold into slavery for
-twenty minae[1434]. In short this group of would-be philosopher kings
-probably did as much as Dionysius himself to blind Aristotle and later
-writers to the true nature of seventh and sixth century tyranny[1435].
-
-[Sidenote: (_b_) The money power of the rulers of Pergamum (283–133
-           B.C.).]
-
-If Aristotle had lived another forty years he might have witnessed quite
-near Atarneus the rise of another and much more notable monarchy, that
-of the Attalids of Pergamum, which was also based almost exclusively on
-wealth. Pergamum had become the fortified treasury of Lysimachus when he
-succeeded to the Thracian dominions of Alexander the Great. The keeping
-of the fort and the 9000 talents of treasure that it contained was
-entrusted to a certain Philetairos. He was a eunuch, but well brought
-up, and he showed himself worthy of the trust. In spite of, or rather
-perhaps as the result of, the quarrels of the Diadochoi, he continued
-for twenty years master of the fort and of the money[1436]. There seems
-little doubt that Philetairos was of humble birth[1437], and that he
-owed his rise to this gift of finance which secured him first the
-management and then the possession of these 9000 talents. He began his
-independent career by going over from Lysimachus, whose realm lay mainly
-in Europe, to Seleucus, the most able of the Diadochoi in Asia[1438].
-Shortly afterwards Seleucus was murdered by Ptolemy Keraunos, the Greek
-king of Egypt; but Philetairos, who believed firmly in the fortunes of
-the Seleucids, secured the friendship of Antiochus, the son and
-successor of Seleucus, by buying the body of the murdered king at a
-heavy price from Keraunos and sending it to Antiochus[1439]. Philetairos
-was always ready to draw upon his 9000 talents if by doing so he could
-purchase power. When the people of the neighbouring town of Pitane were
-in debt to the extent of 380 talents, Philetairos advanced a portion of
-that sum, and thereby secured influence over that city[1440]. Gifts were
-made to Cyzicus with similar intentions and results[1441]. The island of
-Aegina became a Pergamene possession for the price of 30 talents[1442].
-These proceedings are typical of the way in which the rulers of Pergamum
-established and maintained their position. As Holm observes[1443] their
-power was a money power. Like every other political power that has
-hitherto arisen, that of the Attalids was partly military. Soon after
-the death of Philetairos and the accession of Attalus, the second ruler
-of the dynasty, Asia Minor was overrun by the Celtic hordes which
-finally settled down to a peaceful life in what was known thenceforth as
-Galatia. The promiscuous maraudings of these barbarians were checked and
-eventually crushed by Attalus and his successors. But the Attalids were
-still more notable for their works of peace. Under their government
-Pergamum became one of the most active centres of art and industry in
-the whole world. The city, elaborately constructed in terraces on a
-lofty hillside, offered a remarkably successful example of scientific
-town-planning, and must have involved a large and highly organized army
-of architects, builders, masons, and the like. The Pergamene school of
-sculpture flourished exceedingly. We owe to it Lord Byron’s dying
-gladiator, who has long since been recognized as a copy of a dying
-Galatian carved at Pergamum to commemorate a victory of Attalus I over
-the Celtic invader. Much of Pergamene art is exaggerated and ugly, but
-that does not diminish its economic significance, and Mommsen is
-justified in describing Attalus I as the Lorenzo de’ Medici of
-antiquity[1444]. We have already compared the Medici with the early
-Greek tyrants. But it is not merely that the Pergamene rulers and early
-tyrants like Gyges have a common resemblance to the Italian merchant
-princes of the early renaissance. A distinct resemblance between the
-Attalids and the house of Gyges has been already recognized and
-developed by Adolph Holm. The two powers are much the same
-geographically; both are the great connecting link between the Greek
-Aegean and the Asiatic lands that lie to the east of it; both organize
-the forces of material prosperity against barbaric invasions from the
-north; both have money as the basis of their power[1445].
-
-The history of Philetairos and his successors at Pergamum increases the
-probability that Leaf is right in his picture of the banker despots of
-the days of Plato and Aristotle. [Sidenote: (_c_) The rich Protogenes,
-financial director of Olbia about 200 B.C.] The picture is scarcely
-complete enough to be quite convincing, but it may be supplemented and
-confirmed from the history of a financial magnate named Protogenes, who
-flourished at Olbia probably towards the end of the third century B.C.
-
-Protogenes is known only from a single inscription put up during his
-lifetime to record his benefactions to his native city[1446]. The date
-of the inscription is not quite certain. The lettering points to the
-second century B.C. but does not exclude a rather earlier date, and a
-reference in the inscription to danger threatening Olbia from certain
-Galatians rather favours a date before 213 B.C.
-
-Within the space of three years Protogenes made gifts to his city
-amounting to 12,700 gold pieces and made up of the following items: four
-times he contributes to help buy off the barbarians who at this period
-were constantly threatening the city; twice he pays for repairs to the
-city walls; he built or repaired the public granary, the bazaar gateway,
-and the barges that brought the stone for these building operations; he
-redeemed for 100 pieces of gold the city plate, which was about to be
-put in the melting-pot by one of the city’s creditors; he pays down
-three hundred pieces of gold for wine which the city fathers had
-purchased and then found that they could not pay for; he contributes
-directly or indirectly to the purchase of large quantities of corn for
-the city; he remits to the amount of 6000 gold pieces (_i.e._ nearly
-half his total benefaction) private debts owed to himself or his father.
-
-During the three years covered by these gifts Protogenes was financial
-director of the city’s affairs, a position which he had reached after a
-wide experience of public business (πλεῖστα δὲ χειρίσας τῶν κοινῶν, τρία
-δὲ ἔτη συνεχῶς πάντα διῴκησεν ὀρθῶς καὶ δικαίως).
-
-To see in this financial direction of the city’s affairs an instance of
-a commercial tyranny would be a pure hypothesis. It is not even certain
-that Protogenes made all his gifts quite voluntarily. One of his
-contributions for the purchase of corn was made after the demos had
-passed a resolution that the wealthy ought to advance money for this
-purpose[1447]. On one of the occasions when he paid for repairs to the
-town walls he did so at the invitation of the people[1448]. “Advance”
-and “invitation” may be euphemisms for “tax paying” and “compulsion,”
-and the payments made by Protogenes may have had affinity to the
-liturgies paid to the state by rich Athenians in the fifth century
-rather than to the benevolences that Lucius Tarquinius is said to have
-paid voluntarily for his own ends to the people of Rome. But this latter
-hypothesis is not better founded than the other. “Advance” and “request”
-may after all mean what they say. We do not know what became of
-Protogenes after his three years as financial director. The financial
-directorship may correspond to the magistracy that is said to have
-frequently led directly to the tyranny, _e.g._ at Corinth and Miletus.
-Protogenes is of course much later in date, but the Greek cities of
-South Russia were the home of many curious survivals. At Olbia itself
-for instance we find a style of pottery that in Greece proper was
-typical of the fifth and fourth centuries persisting apparently into the
-first[1449]. There are even hints that Olbia had once at least and
-perhaps comparatively recently gone through a social and economic
-revolution something like those that so often convulsed the cities of
-the seventh and sixth centuries just before they fell under tyrants,
-_e.g._ Athens before the tyranny of Peisistratus, or Miletus before that
-of Histiaeus. While the city was being besieged by a certain Zopyrion
-the Olbiopolitans had “set slaves free, given foreigners citizenship,
-and cancelled all debts[1450].” If this Zopyrion is the governor left by
-Alexander in Thrace[1451] this revolution must be dated at least a
-century earlier than Protogenes. If, with Grote, we refuse to accept
-this identification, the revolution is left dateless. In any case it
-shows that such upheavals did happen in Olbia, and serves to remind us
-how very incomplete is the material with which we are dealing. But the
-value for our enquiry of the Protogenes enscription does not depend on
-any speculations of this kind. What it does is to give us a detailed
-picture of an exceptionally wealthy man in an ancient Greek city state
-who for a considerable period largely financed his city. If Protogenes
-could do this in Olbia there can be nothing inherently improbable in the
-hypothesis that other great capitalists had done something similar in
-other cities. If Protogenes did not turn his position into a political
-tyranny, that would be no proof that others did not do so: and the fact
-remains that the assumption that Protogenes was not on the way to become
-a tyrant, or indeed that he did not actually become one, if not
-precisely wild[1452] is purely hypothetical.
-
-The records of Protogenes illustrate the sort of way in which the
-financial magnate might win the supreme place in his city. The whole
-group of facts associated with his name and with those of Euboulos,
-Hermias, Euaion, Timaeus, Philetairos, and Attalus shows once again that
-at least there is nothing improbable in the theory that the power of the
-seventh and sixth century tyrants was built up on a similar financial or
-industrial basis, the more so considering the evidence adduced already
-for believing that conditions in the earlier period were uniquely
-favourable for the establishment of a money power. We have seen why the
-financial despots of the age of Plato and Aristotle should not have
-helped to preserve the memory of earlier money powers. It is no less
-easy to see why the same should have been the case with the rulers of
-Pergamum. An exceptional circumstance saved the house of Philetairos
-from being reproached with its mercenary basis, and curiously enough
-that circumstance was one which illustrates how very mercenary that
-basis was. When Attalus III, the last of his house, died in 133 B.C., he
-made the Roman people his heirs[1453]. His fortune was used by the
-Gracchan revolutionaries to equip the impoverished Romans whom they were
-restoring to the land by their agrarian laws. The dynasty too, with its
-clear eye for the main chance, had always consistently sought the
-friendship of Rome[1454]. Though most of our authorities for the history
-of the Attalids are Greek, the Greeks in question were all pro-Roman,
-with the result that we see the Attalids essentially from the Roman
-point of view. They stood in much the same relationship to the Romans as
-the house of Gyges did to the Greeks; and the Romans to whom Attalus III
-had left all his treasure and possessions were as little inclined to
-think harshly of their benefactor as were the Greeks whom Croesus had so
-largely benefited inclined to be critical of his “hospitable
-virtue[1455].” In both cases the man of business was known only as the
-patron of deserving charities. We have to go to rulers like the Tarquins
-and Peisistratids, whose history we owe ultimately to their own subjects
-and employees, to hear the money-power described as it really was and
-given its true name of tyranny.
-
-
-
-
-                        Chapter XI. _Conclusion_
-
-
-  ἀγαθὸν δὲ ὄντα διαφερόντως καὶ πλούσιον εἶναι διαφερόντως ἀδύνατον.
-
-                                  PLATO, _Laws_, V. 743_a_.
-
-  “We adopted a law that if you bought an office you didn’t get it. I
-  admit that that is contrary to all commercial principles, but I
-  think it is pretty good political doctrine.”—WOODROW WILSON.
-
-This final chapter will contain (_a_) a _résumé_ of the evidence already
-adduced; (_b_) a short general discussion of the credibility of the
-whole mass of extant evidence; and (_c_) an attempt to view in their
-proper perspective the conclusions that the evidence seems to warrant.
-
-
-                   (a) _Résumé of previous chapters_
-
-[Sidenote: Introductory chapter.]
-
-The age of the first known metal coins is also the age of the first
-rulers to be called tyrants. Ancient evidence and modern analogy both
-suggest that the new form of government was based on the new form of
-capital. The modern analogy is to be found in the financial revolution
-which has largely replaced metal coins by paper (thereby rendering
-capital very much more mobile, just as was done by the financial
-revolution of the age of the tyrants) and has led many people to fear a
-new tyranny of wealth. The ancient evidence is to be found in the scanty
-extant writings of the sixth century B.C. (Solon and Theognis), in
-scattered notices about early tyrants or tyranny in fifth century
-writers (Thucydides, Herodotus, Pindar), in certain statements of
-Aristotle, in references to industrial conditions both during and after
-the age of the tyrants, in the history of the states where there was
-never a tyranny, and in the steps taken to prevent a recurrence of
-tyranny.
-
-If the commercial origin of the early tyranny is not explicitly
-formulated by any ancient writer it should be remembered how meagre are
-contemporary documents and how little Greek writers say about economic
-causes. It is true also that my view is at variance with statements of
-Plato, Aristotle, and subsequent writers: but their picture of the rise
-of tyranny clashes with known facts about the seventh and sixth
-centuries and is due to false generalizations from the conditions of
-their own days and particularly from the career of Dionysius of
-Syracuse.
-
-[Sidenote: Athens.]
-
-Peisistratus made himself tyrant by organizing the Attic “hill men”
-(Diakrioi, Epakrioi) against the two previously existing rival factions
-of the “plain” and the “coast.” The accepted explanations of these “hill
-men” are improbable. They cannot have been farmers or shepherds, who
-were always very conservative, are not recorded as having subsequently
-supported Peisistratus, and must have lived principally in the plain and
-very little in the forest-clad mountains where modern theories generally
-locate them. Nor were the “hill men” confined to the mountainous
-district of North Attica, the mistaken identification of which with the
-“hill country” is due to mistaken views as to the triple division of
-Attica into “hill,” “coast,” and “plain,” which wrongly assigns all
-South Attica to the “coast” and limits the “coast” to South Attica.
-These views on the triple division of Attica in the days of Peisistratus
-are based on the weakest of evidence and are made improbable by the
-subsequent topographical arrangements of Cleisthenes (502 B.C.), and by
-the later uses of the terms Diakria and Epakria. The Epakria contained a
-village named Semachidai which, as shown by a recently found
-inscription, lay in the hilly mining district of South Attica.
-Furthermore the Attic “akron” _par excellence_ was Cape Sunium, the
-Southern apex of the Attic mining district and of the whole Attic
-peninsula. In view of these facts it becomes probable that the Sunium
-and Laurium mining district was the “hill country” _par excellence_. The
-mines were almost certainly in full work at this period, and the miners,
-unlike those of later ages, free men, good material for a political
-faction.
-
-That Peisistratus based his power on silver mines is made very likely by
-what is known of his subsequent career. He finally “rooted his power” on
-money derived partly from home, partly from the Thracian mining
-district; he went to the Thracian mining district to prepare for his
-second restoration; his first restoration is attributed to the dressing
-up as Athena of a Thracian woman named Phye, who is very possibly to be
-explained away as the Athena who begins about this time to appear on
-Attic coins: for this interpretation of the Phye story compare the names
-“girl,” “virgin,” “Pallas” colloquially given to the Attic coins, and
-the jest about Agesilaus being driven out of Asia by the Great King’s
-archers, a colloquial name for Persian gold coins.
-
-The tyranny fell at Athens when the tyrants lost control of the Thracian
-mining district. Shortly afterwards the ambitious Histiaeus, the Greek
-friend of the Persian king into whose power the mines had passed,
-incurred the suspicions of the Persian sovereign through attempting to
-build up a political power on these very mines and miners.
-
-The history of the Alcmaeonid opposition to the house of Peisistratus
-likewise suggests that the government of Athens at this period depended
-first and foremost on the power of the purse.
-
-[Sidenote: Samos.]
-
-Polycrates is perhaps best known for his piracies, but it seems not
-unlikely that these piracies were in fact an elaborate commercial
-blockade of Persia that proved almost as unpopular among Greek neutrals
-as among the subjects of the Great King against whom it was mainly
-directed. As tyrant Polycrates is found controlling the commercial and
-industrial activities of his state, building ships, harbour works, and
-waterworks, and very possibly a great bazaar, and probably employing
-much free labour on these works. Before he became tyrant he already had
-an interest in the chief Samian industries, the working of metal and the
-manufacture of woollen goods. Aiakes the father of Polycrates is
-probably the Aiakes whom a recently discovered Samian inscription
-appears to connect with the sea-borne trade of the island. The tyrant is
-said to have owed his fall to an attempt to get money enough to rule all
-Greece, a statement of particular value considering the tendency to
-administer poetic justice that is so frequently displayed by Herodotus,
-who is our authority for this statement.
-
-[Sidenote: Egypt.]
-
-The great developments of trade and industry that just preceded the age
-of tyranny in Greece had their parallel if not their origin in Egypt. At
-the height of this development in Egypt a new and powerful dynasty
-arises which bases its power on commerce and on the commercial and
-industrial classes. Already towards the end of the eighth century we
-find King Bocchoris (somewhat after the manner of the Argive Pheidon)
-devoting special attention to commercial legislation. His successor
-Sethon is said by Herodotus to have based his power on “hucksters and
-artizans and tradespeople.” During these reigns the country was always
-being occupied or threatened by foreign invaders from Ethiopia or
-Assyria. The first Egyptian king of this period to rule all Egypt in
-normal conditions of peace and quietness was Psammetichus I, who rose to
-power about the same time as Cypselus in Corinth and Orthagoras in
-Sicyon. Psammetichus according to Diodorus converted his position from
-that of a petty Delta chieftain (one of twelve who shared the rule of
-the part of the country not in foreign occupation) into that of supreme
-ruler of the whole country as a result of the wealth and influence that
-he won by trading with Phoenicians and Greeks.
-
-This last statement if true establishes Psammetichus as a commercial
-tyrant. It occurs only in Diodorus, and receives no direct confirmation
-in earlier writers, but it is in entire harmony with all that is known
-about events and conditions in Egypt at this period, and more
-particularly with the notices just quoted as to Bocchoris and Sethon,
-with the history of Amasis and the other later Saites as recorded in
-Herodotus, and with the conclusions to be drawn from the excavation of
-Naukratis and the other Greek settlements that played so important a
-part in Saite Egypt.
-
-[Sidenote: Lydia.]
-
-From the middle of the eighth century B.C. till the early part of the
-fifth Lydia appears to have been a power in which the ruler based his
-position on wealth and struggles for the throne were fought with the
-weapons of trade and finance. This according to the accounts is the case
-with Spermos and Ardys in the eighth century and with Croesus in the
-sixth: the story of Gyges and his magic ring may also be explained in
-the same sense. A similar state of things is indicated in the advice
-which Croesus is made by Herodotus to give to Cyrus, in the story of the
-revolt of Pactyes, and in that of Xerxes and the rich Pythes.
-
-At about the time to which we can trace back this state of things in
-Lydia, two events were taking place that are both attributed to Lydia,
-namely the striking of the first metal coins and the appearance of the
-first tyrant. In neither case are the dates very precise. The first
-coins are more probably to be placed late in the eighth century than
-early in the seventh, and though Gyges is stated to have been the first
-tyrant, there are reasons for suspecting that he may have been merely
-the first ruler of his kind to attract the attention of the Greeks. The
-magic ring too by which he secured his tyranny is sometimes attributed
-not to Gyges but to some (not very remote) ancestor of his or to the
-eighth century plutocrat Midas king of the neighbouring Phrygia. But on
-any showing the ring falls within the limits of time and place to which
-may be ascribed the earliest coins and the earliest tyrant. Rings are
-one common form of early currency and it is not impossible that it was
-to the ring in this sense that the first tyrant owed his tyranny. This
-view, which implies that the earliest coins were private issues and that
-the coinage was only nationalized when the principal coiner became chief
-of the state, is supported alike by evidence and analogies.
-
-[Sidenote: Argos.]
-
-Pheidon, who was probably the first ruler to be called tyrant in
-European Greece, is described by Herodotus as “the man who created for
-the Peloponnesians their measures,” a description that at once suggests
-that it was this commercial step that differentiated Pheidon the tyrant
-from the kings who preceded him. Later writers, of whom the earliest is
-Ephorus, go further and state that silver was first coined by Pheidon in
-Aegina. The statement has been called in question, but it is confirmed
-by the chapters of Herodotus (V. 82 f.) which describe the early
-relations between Argos, Aegina, and Athens. In the light of recent
-archaeological enquiries it becomes highly probable that Argos became
-predominant in Aegina as described in these chapters of Herodotus (which
-are unfortunately most vague in their chronology) just about the time
-when Pheidon most probably reigned; and this probability is increased by
-the tradition that Pheidon recovered the lot of Temenos, the domain of
-the kings of Argos in early Dorian times, which included the island of
-Aegina. The occupation of Aegina by Argos which we have seen reason to
-associate with Pheidon gave rise according to Herodotus to a change in
-the “measures” (which probably included the weights system) in use on
-the island, the new measures being half as great again as those
-previously in use. The Aeginetan standard on which the Aeginetan coins
-were struck is roughly half as great again as the other and probably
-earlier standard used in ancient Greece. The statement of Ephorus that
-silver was first coined by Pheidon in Aegina is thus strikingly
-confirmed, which means that the first ruler to strike coins in European
-Greece was also the first to be called tyrant.
-
-[Sidenote: Corinth.]
-
-The tyranny at Corinth coincides with the great industrial and
-commercial developments of the city described by Thucydides (I. 13) in
-words that are a paraphrase of his description of the state of things
-that led to the rise of tyrannies in Greece generally. Scholars agree
-that the tyrants had a direct interest in some of these developments,
-notably shipping, colonizing and coinage. The main industry of Corinth
-at this period seems to have been pottery, with which she supplied much
-of the Greek world. Of the early career of the first tyrant, Cypselus,
-very little is known beyond the story in Herodotus which professes to
-explain how the infant Cypselus got his curious name. We have examined
-in some detail the meaning of the words cypselus and cypsele, and found
-that they probably mean potter and pot, so that the man who established
-the tyranny at Corinth seems to have borne a name that associates him
-with the main industry of his city.
-
-[Sidenote: Rome.]
-
-Both in date and in character the corresponding period at Rome to the
-age of the tyrants in Greece is that which is occupied by the reigns of
-the Tarquins. The first king of this dynasty, Tarquinius Priscus, is
-said to have been the son of a rich Corinthian named Demaratus. Early in
-life the first of the Tarquins had settled in Rome. It was by means of
-his wealth that he secured the throne. Both he and his father are said
-to have been great employers of labour, and the accounts imply that
-their employees were free men. Servius Tullius, who succeeded Tarquinius
-Priscus, is said to have been the first at Rome to strike coins, and to
-have secured the support of the poor by gifts and benevolences. When the
-last of the Tarquins, Tarquinius Superbus, overthrew Servius Tullius and
-secured the throne, he did so by buying up the poorest of the common
-people. After his succession he is described as employing Etruscans and
-Roman citizens on a large scale as artizans and quarrymen. He loses the
-throne when he can no longer pay these employees.
-
-During the first century of the republic the established government
-several times thought itself threatened with attempts to restore the
-kingship. In each case it is the wealth or the exceptional financial
-position of the suspected person that causes the alarm. Early republican
-statesmen are repeatedly reported as charging the Tarquins with having
-degraded Roman citizens (from their natural position as soldiers and
-gentlemen) into tradesmen and artizans, a charge which implies the
-reverse change as having accompanied the change from kingly government
-to republican. The final blow to the monarchist movement at Rome seems
-to have been dealt when army pay was instituted, and the government as
-paymaster of the army became the greatest employer of paid free labour
-in the state.
-
-One later attempt to establish a tyranny at Rome has been suspected by
-Mommsen. The man he suspects of it is Appius Claudius Caecus, the censor
-of 312 B.C. Appius was noted for the number of his clients and the great
-public works that he conducted, and he probably had a close connexion
-with the first real coinage struck by Rome. Attention has also been
-drawn to the accounts of the secessions, with their curious resemblances
-to modern strikes and their implication of organization on the part of
-labour. At Ardea in North Latium about the year 440 B.C. the
-working-classes are described as playing a decisive part in the struggle
-for supreme power. At Veii in the year 400 B.C. we are told of a rich
-employer who became king of his city.
-
-The statements just quoted have all been often regarded with extreme
-scepticism. The reasons for this scepticism have been examined in the
-chapter on Rome. It is impossible to resume them here. If my conclusions
-are not entirely wrong, the scepticism of the last century represented
-an excessive reaction against the undue credulity of earlier ages.
-Recent archaeological discoveries enormously increase the probability of
-the narrative in its main outlines. But if after all the sceptics are
-right on this particular question, and the Tarquin narrative is a
-fiction, it is none the less of historical value, and confirms the view
-that the early tyrannis was commercial, since, if fiction, it must be an
-early Greek fiction, preserving an early Greek conception of the typical
-early tyrant as a great capitalist.
-
-[Sidenote: Other early tyrannies.]
-
-In Chapter IX we surveyed the evidence for the origin of the early
-tyrannies at Sicyon, Megara, Miletus, Ephesus, Leontini, Agrigentum, and
-Cumae. The material is scanty and it is enough here to recall that as
-far as it goes it supports the theory of a commercial origin. At Sicyon
-the tyranny is founded by a tradesman the son of a tradesman. At Megara
-Theagenes rises to power as the result of what looks very like the
-creation of a corner in the staple product of his city. At Miletus and
-Leontini we find tyrants arising as the result of something like class
-war between rich and poor, while a later tyrant of Miletus tries to
-establish a great political position by getting control of the mines and
-miners of Thrace. At Ephesus and Cumae the tyrants’ power is said to be
-based on the money that they distributed among the poorer classes, while
-at Agrigentum the tyrant is definitely stated to have secured the
-tyranny through his position as a great employer.
-
-[Sidenote: Capitalist despots of later ages.]
-
-In the times of Aristotle there are several cases in the Pergamene
-district of rich bankers and the like making attempts, of which one at
-least was successful, to secure supreme political power in their cities
-by means of their wealth. The close personal relationship in which
-Aristotle stood to some of them partly explains why they are not classed
-by him as tyrants.
-
-Not long afterwards the far more important power of the rulers of
-Pergamum owed its origin entirely to the enormous wealth of the founder
-of the dynasty.
-
-Later still at Olbia chance has preserved an inscription which records
-how a very rich Olbiopolitan named Protogenes became “financial
-director” of his city. Though there is no evidence that Protogenes ever
-became a tyrant the inscription shows that the sort of position which we
-have imagined to have been normally built up by the would-be tyrant of
-the seventh or sixth century was actually secured some three or four
-centuries later by a wealthy individual in this remote and backward
-Greek city on the Black Sea.
-
-
-            (b) _The credibility of the evidence as a whole_
-
-The value of the various items of evidence collected and reviewed in the
-preceding chapters varies very greatly. In some cases we have precise
-statements bearing closely on the point in question and made by almost
-contemporary writers. At the other end of the list we have anecdotes of
-doubtful relevance and doubtful authenticity found in writers who lived
-centuries after the period to which they refer. It is difficult to sum
-up the value of so miscellaneous a collection. The estimate is bound to
-vary greatly according to the temperament and training of the person who
-makes it. There are however two points which seem in the present state
-of scholarship to need especial emphasis.
-
-The first of these refers to the generally prevalent attitude towards
-the question of historical truth as it affects generally the period
-under consideration. No one who has read at all widely in modern
-writings on ancient history can have failed to observe that the
-scepticism or credulity of any given scholar has always depended largely
-on that of his generation. Up to a point this is inevitable: but we are
-reaching a stage when it is no longer necessary to follow quite so
-blindly as has hitherto been done the natural reaction from excessive
-credulity to excessive scepticism and _vice versa_. The pendulum has now
-been swinging long enough for its motion to be observed and allowed for.
-There is no doubt that scholars of a few generations ago were often and
-perhaps in general unduly credulous. But it is no less certain that the
-main tendency of the past century has been to react from excessive
-credulity to no less excessive scepticism. The beginnings of the
-sceptical reaction were observed by Byron:
-
-            I’ve stood upon Achilles’ tomb
-            And heard Troy doubted: Time will doubt of Rome.
-
-The doubts about Troy have been triumphantly dispelled by the spade. So
-likewise, as we have seen already, have many doubts as to the reality of
-the Tarquins’ Rome. But the wonderful discoveries of the last forty
-years at Troy, Mycenae, Knossos, Phaistos, and other sites of early
-Cretan civilization have diverted the attention of scholars from later
-periods. It need therefore cause no surprise if in the preceding pages
-there has repeatedly been occasion to criticize prevailing views as
-excessively and uncritically sceptical.
-
-The second point on the question of historical truth that I wish here to
-emphasize is concerned more directly with the evidence collected in this
-book. As already admitted, the collection contains many items of
-doubtful value: it could not be otherwise if it was to be at all
-complete. The cumulative effect of so much dubious evidence upon some
-mental temperaments is to discredit the mass of evidence as a whole. It
-is important therefore to bear in mind the character of our material. It
-is a heap, not a chain. Its strength is to be measured by its strongest
-items rather than by its weakest. Weak or irrelevant items do not
-invalidate any that are relevant and cogent. On the contrary, points of
-evidence that are individually unconvincing may have a powerful
-cumulative effect if they are found all pointing, however dimly, in one
-definite direction, and all suggesting a single explanation arrived at
-on independent grounds. When dealing with the dawn of history it is
-uncritical to reject a whole body of evidence merely because it is made
-up of details scarcely any of which are capable of proof. The evidence
-of history, or at any rate of Greek history, in its childhood is like
-that of many an individual child. The child’s idea of truth is often
-more fluid than that of the adult. It may be harder in any given case to
-be sure of the exact facts. But it may all the same be certain that
-facts more or less accurately recorded form a large element of the
-information.
-
-That, it may be fairly claimed, is how the evidence that has been
-presented in this volume ought to be regarded. Its cumulative value is
-really considerable. It should be remembered how independent our
-witnesses are. Livy on the Tarquins of Rome is corroborated by Diodorus
-on Psammetichus of Egypt: Herodotus on early tyrants generally is borne
-out by his critic Thucydides: the later writers who have been quoted so
-frequently and in such numbers drew upon a great variety of sources:
-literary evidence is confirmed by archaeological, as for instance when a
-conjecture as to the “hill men” of Peisistratus that I put forward in
-1906 is corroborated by an inscription that was first published just
-after the publication of my conjecture. When witnesses are so many and
-they speak on such a variety of topics and under such a variety of
-circumstances and to all appearances without the possibility of any
-common cue, the chances of collusion become remote in the extreme.
-
-
-                           (c) _Conclusions_
-
-But granted that the various items of evidence that we have so far
-collected have all a real historical value, and granted too that they
-lend one another a considerable amount of mutual support, there is a
-further line of criticism that deserves a careful consideration. The
-evidence may all be true and yet the inferences that have been drawn
-from it be false, or at least ill-balanced and misleading. Kings and
-tyrants have in all ages tended to be extremely rich. In most ages great
-riches have been indispensable for anyone aiming at great political
-power, and the greater the power aimed at naturally enough the greater
-the riches required to secure it. Admittedly the tyrants lived in a
-commercial age, and the influence of wealth was particularly strong.
-Does the evidence that has just been presented prove in reality very
-much more than that? Some of the statements about the men who became
-tyrants are indeed sufficiently explicit, as for example that about the
-trading of the young Psammetichus, or the wealth and workmen of the
-young Lucius Tarquinius, but apart from the question of their
-trustworthiness they are all so brief and meagre that it is impossible
-to be sure that we see them in the right perspective. They are not very
-adequate for forming any picture of the men they refer to or even of
-their financial position.
-
-In short the early tyrants may have all been rich and all men of
-business and yet their riches and business activities may have been
-neither the basis nor the distinguishing feature of their rule. They
-arose in a many-sided age, and there were many other developments that
-might have conceivably brought them to the top. The doctrine of the
-divine right of kings had lost its hold. The struggles between the kings
-and the nobles had doubtless led both parties to appeal to the people,
-and from that it might well be no far step to the people’s appointing
-its own rulers. Then again there had been a revolution in the art of
-war. The Homeric days were over when the heavy-armed chieftain was
-everything and his followers a more or less useless rabble. In the new
-kind of warfare large bodies of trained men-at-arms counted for
-everything[1456]. Such a change might easily encourage a whole series of
-military officers to seize the supreme power. Furthermore in the case at
-any rate of the outlying Greek cities, and particularly those of Asia
-Minor[1457], the constant danger from barbarian neighbours might readily
-suggest the appointment of a military dictator. And we do in fact find
-the early tyrants described as having been previously demagogues or
-soldiers.
-
-But we find also that these descriptions go back only to Aristotle and
-have their source in fifth and fourth century conditions. Even if they
-went further back, the objection just raised against the commercial
-explanation applies still more strongly here. Kings and rulers who
-govern in fact as well as in name are generally something of public
-speakers or soldiers. It is almost an impossibility to find a
-self-raised ruler who cannot be described as either a demagogue or a
-polemarch[1458].
-
-Similarly with the notices about important offices of state alleged to
-have been held by various tyrants before they attained to supreme power.
-They are indeed among the most reliable items of information that we
-possess about the early tyrants. But their significance can be easily
-overrated. If ever a merchant who was aiming at the tyranny sought to
-strengthen his political influence by obtaining office, the record of
-his magistracy would be much more likely to be preserved than that of
-his commercial successes. When we come to the detailed evidence as
-presented in the previous pages the balance in favour of the commercial
-theory may be claimed as decisive.
-
-If once the commercial origin of the tyrants’ power is admitted, the
-various facts recorded about individual tyrants certainly gain in
-meaning and coherence. The mercenaries, the monetary reforms and
-innovations, the public works, the labour legislation, the colonial
-policy and the commercial alliances with foreign states, which have been
-repeatedly found associated with the early tyrants and which give the
-preserved accounts of them such a distinct stamp, become far more
-significant if it is granted that the tyrant’s power was based on his
-control of the labour and trade of his city. As has been already
-observed, the fact that a theory explains the connexions between an
-obviously connected group of phenomena is no proof of its truth: but on
-the other hand a theory which fails to explain satisfactorily such a
-connexion is at an obvious disadvantage as compared with one which does.
-That is one further reason why the typical tyrant is not to be explained
-as a successful soldier or demagogue whose riches came to him suddenly
-at the same moment as his throne. The adventurer of either of these
-types might indeed further the commercial developments of the city that
-he had seized. It would be of course to his interest to do so. But as a
-general rule the man who has secured a fortune at a single stroke does
-not care to improve it by years of patient and organized effort. If all
-or any considerable number of the tyrants reviewed above had owed their
-positions to their sword or their tongue, there would inevitably have
-been some cases of commercial retrogression under the tyrannis, whereas
-in fact there are none.
-
-This is a fundamental fact. The tyrants were one and all first-class
-business men. If they did not deliberately use their wealth to secure
-their position, there is only one other possible explanation of their
-history: their financial abilities must have led their fellow-countrymen
-to put them in the way of seizing the throne, and that is roughly the
-account of them that is to be found in some modern histories, where they
-are vaguely pictured as the more or less passive products of blind
-economic forces. This view seems to me untenable. It cannot be
-reconciled with the impression made by the early tyrants on writers like
-Aristotle. More fatal still, we have a series of “lawgivers” like Solon,
-who was a business man who gained his position precisely in the way just
-indicated. Some of Solon’s friends reproached him with his folly in not
-making himself tyrant. But the fact remains that no “lawgiver” of the
-period did so[1459], and that the titles of νομοθέτης and αἰσυμνήτης
-that were given these legally appointed dictators were never applied
-either by friends or enemies to any of the tyrants at any period of
-their careers[1460].
-
-One fact has still to be explained. Different as are the views about
-tyrants and tyranny expressed by different ancient writers at different
-times they have this feature in common. All alike express their hatred
-of tyrannical government. For Plato the man who becomes a tyrant “is
-changed from a man into a wolf[1461].” When Herodotus digresses into a
-debate on the merits of the chief forms of government, he makes the
-critic of tyranny declare that there is nothing more unjust than it or
-more bloodthirsty in the whole world[1462]. There is no judgment from
-heaven on the man who lays low a tyrant. This doctrine of Theognis[1463]
-is perpetually preached all through Greek history. Harmodius and
-Aristogeiton the Athenian tyrannicides were celebrated in
-sculpture[1464] and in song[1465] and their names were constantly on the
-lips of orators[1466].
-
-There are apparent exceptions to this attitude. The Aristotelian
-_Constitution of Athens_, chapter XVI., records that “the tyranny of
-Peisistratus was often praised as the life of the days of Kronos,”
-_i.e._ as the Golden Age, and the pseudo-Platonic _Hipparchus_, 229_b_,
-speaks of it in similar terms: (under the tyrants) “the Athenians lived
-much as in the days when Kronos was king.” But the Aristotelian version
-states also what it was that evoked this praise. “Peisistratus always
-secured peace and maintained quiet. Therefore his tyranny was often
-praised.” The phraseology of the two quotations shows that the praise
-was given not to the form of government, but to the peaceful life that
-it procured, a life that might be, and sometimes has been, associated
-with the most oppressive of governments.
-
-The word tyrant appears to be Lydian, and to have been first applied
-among the Greeks to the rulers who followed in the steps of the Lydian
-Gyges, whom some ancient writers describe as the first tyrant[1467].
-Originally it was used in a colourless sense as a synonym for king or
-monarch[1468]. It is still so used in the tragedians and frequently in
-Herodotus[1469]. But wherever the tyrant is spoken of in
-contradistinction to the king it is always in terms of detestation.
-
-It must have been something in the character of the early tyrants that
-first gave the word the evil connotation, which it has preserved until
-this day[1470]. What that something was is not easy to determine with
-certainty. Much of it may be mere misrepresentation. Aristotle[1471]
-makes a statement about the tyrants with whom he was acquainted that is
-generally true of all monarchies. The tyrant, he says, “supports the
-people and the masses against the nobles (γνωρίμους).” We must not
-forget that the extant narratives represent almost exclusively the point
-of view of the aristocracy. It has often been suggested that this fact
-may account for the almost unanimous condemnation of the tyranny. But is
-this explanation altogether adequate? The Greek tyrant and the Roman rex
-are not the only monarchs who have had a bad press. The Emperors of Rome
-and the kings of Israel and Judah suffered likewise. Yet Jewish priests
-and Roman senators were not able to turn the titles of King and Emperor
-and Caesar into a byword and reproach. There must have been some very
-special circumstances to account for the universal execration of the
-name of tyrant. Is it not perhaps to be found in the commercial
-character of its origin? From the days of the Zeus-born king of Homer
-and long before, back to the very beginnings of leadership among men,
-legitimate kingship has always been held to rest upon the personal
-capacity of the ruler. This is the basis of belief in hereditary
-monarchy, or any other system that attaches great importance to birth
-and upbringing. It is no less the basis of much republicanism which from
-one point of view is merely a denial of the value of heredity and
-specialized political education. Men have often been ready, and with
-reason, to endure much from a ruler whose power is based on his
-personality. But there is one basis of political power that mankind has
-never tolerated, and that basis is mere riches. They have felt with
-Plato that the plutocrat as such has no right at all to rule. “He seemed
-to be one of the city rulers,” says Plato[1472], of the oligarch whose
-power is based on his wealth, “but in reality he was neither its ruler
-nor its servant, but merely a consumer of its stores.” Plato was here at
-one with his countrymen[1473]. In the fifth century, as we know from the
-history of the wealthy Nikias, riches did not exclude an Athenian from
-the highest position in the state. But neither did they constitute a
-claim to political power. In his famous funeral oration Pericles twice
-claims that at Athens poverty is no bar to a political career. Pericles
-is speaking of course for his own age. If the evidence collected in this
-book has any value, the state of things during the first four
-generations or so after the invention of a metal coinage was very
-different. Money for a while became the measure of a man, and wealth by
-itself brought political power.
-
-We must beware of expecting simplicity anywhere in history[1474]. Even
-from the purely commercial point of view there were doubtless powerful
-side-currents that have left no trace in our extant records. The power
-of the Medici in Florence was based on their commercial supremacy. But
-it did not rest entirely on their actual trading. In part it was based
-on their position in the Papal treasury among the mercatores Romanam
-curiam sequentes, and in part again on the struggle between Emperor and
-Pope[1475]. Similar factors must have influenced the careers of Pheidon
-and other early tyrants of Greece. In part again these early tyrants
-seem to have stood for a racial movement. This was certainly the case at
-Sicyon, where the tyranny marked the ascendancy of the pre-Dorian
-population; probably also at Corinth, where the first tyrant’s father
-belonged to the Aeolic pre-Dorian element of the population[1476]. This
-racial factor is easily reconciled with the commercial, quite apart from
-the possibility that the pre-Dorian element that comes to the top at
-this period may have been closely related to the Levantine race that
-plays so prominent a part in Aegean commerce of the present day.
-
-Nor must the personal element be left out of account, though so
-lamentably little is known about it. Cypselus and Pheidon, Peisistratus
-and Polycrates were certainly great personalities in their way. The
-leaders in any movement are generally that. On the whole they seem to
-have ruled well. Their government, except towards opponents and rivals,
-was by no means oppressive. All the more surprising therefore is their
-general condemnation. It is indeed scarcely possible to explain it
-except on the view that they ruled by right not of their personalities
-but of their riches. The prosperity that they brought to their cities
-was altogether material. The famous works of Polycrates were altogether
-the works of men’s hands. It is characteristic of the rule of a typical
-early tyrant like Periander that he encouraged the worship of Dionysus
-and Aphrodite at the expense of the cults of Poseidon and Apollo[1477].
-No doubt his object was partly to break down the monopoly of priestly
-office and religious privilege that had hitherto been enjoyed by the
-aristocracy[1478]: but it is significant that while the tyrants’ policy
-meant a material advance in all directions, it meant also a
-materialization even of religion. That is why with a clearness of
-judgment that can be matched outside Greece only in Dante, the united
-verdict of all the Greeks utterly condemned them.
-
-Two centuries after the expulsion of the tyrants from Athens, the city
-again fell under a ruler who is said to have made its material welfare
-his chief care, and “to have prided himself that there was much
-profitable trade in the city and that all enjoyed in abundance the
-necessaries of life.” Such according to Demochares, a nephew of
-Demosthenes, was the boast of Demetrius of Phaleron, and for it he is
-utterly condemned by Demochares as “taking pride in things that might be
-a source of pride to a tax-collector or an artizan.” The condemnation is
-quoted by Polybius as “no common charge[1479].” Polybius plainly regards
-it as particularly damning, for he quotes it _à propos_ of certain
-monstrous charges that were current about Demochares to prove that
-Demetrius must have refrained from supporting them for lack of evidence
-and not from lack of ill-will. Demochares and Polybius are a long step
-from the early tyrants: but both in a sense belong to the period that
-followed the tyrants’ fall. Their views about Demetrius and his
-materialistic policy may well be an inheritance from an earlier age.
-
-The age of the tyrants lasted for little more than five generations, and
-never so long as that in any one city[1480]. This fact may have some
-consolation for those who fear a modern tyranny of wealth, and offers
-perhaps an analogy for the observations of H. G. Wells on the transitory
-character of the modern financial boss[1481]. The determination not to
-be permanently governed by mere wealth is as strong to-day as it was
-twenty-five centuries ago. “The loathing of capital with which our
-labouring classes to-day are growing more and more infected” is
-explained by William James[1482] as “largely composed of this sound
-sentiment of antipathy for lives based on mere having.” He
-contrasts[1483] the “military and aristocratic” ideal of the “well-born
-man without possessions.”
-
-It is of course particularly hard to test the scorn of possessions of a
-class that can always help itself to them at a crisis, and, as William
-James himself admits, the ideal has always been “hideously
-corrupted[1484].” Certainly at the present day the antipathies between
-aristocracy and militarism and capitalism are, to say the least of it,
-not particularly marked. It is the democracy that loathes capitalism.
-But this may be merely a phase. The anti-capitalist movement may end by
-labour becoming fatally materialised or fatally impoverished, and in any
-country where that happens the way will be open for a new Peisistratus.
-
-
-
-
-Appendix A (to p. 37). _The supposed Agricultural and Northern Diakria._
-
-
-[Sidenote: (A) The farming population took little part in politics,]
-
-The agricultural or pastoral explanation of the party that supported
-Peisistratus has no inherent probability[1485]. Of course if it was
-specifically stated on good authority that in his days people of either
-of these two classes played the decisive part in politics, objections
-would be silenced. But the ancient evidence points all the other way.
-Aristotle repeatedly states that of all people farmers and herdsmen are
-least prone to support revolutions[1486], and definitely pictures these
-two classes as having played an entirely passive part both under the
-regime of the early tyrants and during its establishment[1487]. When on
-the throne Peisistratus gave financial help to impoverished
-farmers[1488], a fact that is brought by Grundy[1489] into connexion
-with his supposed agricultural Diakrioi. But in doing so Grundy
-disregards some of the words that he himself quotes, which show that the
-tyrant is dealing not with his supporters but with a body of men who
-were not interested in politics but threatened to become so if driven
-off the land. Geographically there is nothing to connect with the
-Diakria the men whom Peisistratus thus relieved. In his earlier days the
-most distressed and discontented part of the agricultural population
-were the pelatai and hektemoroi[1490] who worked the lands of the
-rich[1491] and therefore presumably lived in the Plain.
-
-According to the _Constitution of Athens_ the hill men were made up
-largely of people not of pure race, whose claim to citizenship was more
-than doubtful[1492]. Such a description is singularly inapplicable to
-the people on the land in Attica, where in the fifth century they still
-prided themselves on having an undisturbed autochthonous population.
-Plutarch speaks of the hill men as a “mob of hirelings[1493].” In the
-days just after Solon shepherds and small farmers of the hektemor class
-may have been hirelings, but they can hardly have ever been a mob.
-
-There is therefore little to be said for the attempt to identify the
-hill men with the shepherds and hypothetical farmers of Mount Parnes. We
-cannot even be certain that the latter ever existed.
-
-The soil of Attica was notoriously poor, abounding in stony districts
-(φελλεῖς) useful only for pasture[1494]. Attica claimed to be the land
-not of corn but of the olive. Demeter had her seat not in the great
-plain of Attica, but in the small and much more fertile plain of
-Eleusis.
-
-[Sidenote: and lived but little on the mountains,]
-
-None of the champions of an agricultural hill party dwelling on Mount
-Parnes seems to have seriously enquired into the upper limit of
-cultivation with wheat on the mountains of Attica. The only ancient
-writers who talk of agriculture being carried on there are the writer of
-the Aristotelian _Constitution of Athens_ and Statius.
-
-The former[1495] tells the story of the man with the farm on Hymettus
-(τὸν ἐν τῷ Ὑμηττῷ γεωργοῦντα). The story says nothing about the
-frequency of farms on Hymettus or of the height up the hillside of this
-particular farm. But it does say something about the soil and the crops.
-The soil consisted of stones, the crops, so the farmer told
-Peisistratus, were “troubles and sorrows.” This hardly suggests that in
-the days of the tyranny Hymettus was of any great importance
-agriculturally. The same conclusion is suggested by the story of the
-clever Pelasgians who succeeded in cultivating the land at the foot of
-Hymettus, much to the surprise of the Athenians[1496].
-
-Statius[1497] speaks of the ploughmen of fragrant Hymettus (olentis
-arator Hymetti), and the vineyards of Parnes (Parnesque benignus
-uitibus). The former is almost a contradiction in terms. Fragrant is an
-allusion to the famous honey of Hymettus, or to the thyme that produced
-it[1498]. Thyme and honey do not go with cornfields. A “Parnes kindly to
-vines” is not easily reconciled with Pausanias, who makes the mountain a
-good hunting-place for bears and wild boars[1499]. Plato declares that
-in his days some of the Attic mountains were barren except for their
-yield of honey[1500], whereas once they had been covered with
-forests[1501], some of which had only recently been cut down. The fame
-of the honey of Hymettus went so far back, that the mountain was claimed
-as the place where bees were first created[1502]. Aristotle divides bees
-according to whether their haunts are cultivated (ἥμερα) or mountainous
-(ὀρεινά). The latter are described in the next sentence as haunting the
-forests (ὑλονόμοι)[1503].
-
-[Sidenote: which were occupied by forests and wild beasts.]
-
-At the present day the Attic mountains are scarcely cultivated at
-all[1504], and though in ancient Attica cultivation may have been more
-intense, yet apart from the difficulties of carrying it up the mountain
-side, the whole scheme of life presupposes vast supplies of timber for
-shipbuilding, fuel, and countless other purposes. Bursian is probably
-right when he says that in antiquity Parnes was “thickly covered with
-forest in which numerous beasts found shelter, including wild boars and
-bears[1505].” During the period of Athens’ greatness, between 550 and
-350 B.C., the supply of timber must have been constantly diminishing.
-Yet towards the end of the fifth century the charcoal-burners had their
-centre at Acharnae, below the southern slopes of Parnes, only about
-seven or eight miles from Athens. Thucydides excludes Acharnae from the
-plain[1506], and we must infer that it was not then the land of corn and
-vines that it is now. If not forest it was waste. If the land round
-Acharnae had not been claimed for farming, it is hardly likely that
-farmers abounded higher up[1507].
-
-The same inference is suggested by a passage of Xenophon which implies
-that corn could not be grown in the mining district, which is distinctly
-hilly but does not reach anything like the height of Pentelicon,
-Hymettus, or Parnes, “and there is also land which when sown does not
-bear fruit, but being mined supports a population many times larger than
-it would if it was producing corn: and its argentiferous character is
-plainly due to Providence,” etc.[1508].
-
-Then again frequent mention is made in ancient Attic documents of
-“boundary estates” and these are explained by the scholiast to Aeschines
-as “lands on the border of the country, extending either to the
-mountains or the sea[1509].” Such a definition implies that the
-mountains were almost as unused to cultivation as the sea itself. In
-Italy too the limit of cultivation of wheat seems to have been low.
-Latin writers repeatedly contrast the forest-clad mountains with the
-arable lowlands, and in some cases the mountains that these writers have
-in mind are considerably lower than the heights of Parnes[1510].
-
-[Sidenote: (B) The case for a North-east “Hill Country” rests on
-           misreadings or misinterpretations of ancient authorities.]
-
-Enough has been said to show how little reason there is for picturing
-the mountains of North and East Attica in the days of Peisistratus as
-the home of a large and active agricultural population. It remains for
-us to examine the evidence for thinking that this district was known as
-the “Hill Country.” We shall find that if possible it is flimsier still.
-The supporters of the prevailing view base their case mainly on the
-definition of the Diakria found in the printed editions of Hesychius.
-This definition is the main source of all existing misconceptions. It is
-necessary therefore to examine it. The words of Hesychius as generally
-quoted are these. “Diakrieis: not only certain of the Euboeans but also
-of the Athenians: also a place (τόπος) in Attica: the Diakria is the
-land from Parnes to Brauron.” The modern name for the hills at Brauron
-is Περάτι (End), which seems at first sight to harmonize well with the
-definition of the Diakria just quoted. But if we examine any good map of
-Attica, we see that Περάτι does not end the Southern extension of
-Parnes; it forms the North-east extremity of the hills of South Attica.
-That is a first difficulty. It is at least unusual to define the limits
-of a district by places beyond those limits. We do not say that Germany
-extends from Tilsit to Verviers.
-
-The second objection is far more serious. It is that the MSS. say
-nothing of Brauron. The word they give is Balylon (εἰς Βαλυλωνος,
-_sic_). This was emended by Aldus to Babylon. Brauron is a conjecture of
-Palmerius, and by no means a certain one. In Byzantine times the
-familiar Babylon (pronounced Vavylon) would indeed be a very natural
-corruption for the then obscure Brauron (pronounced Vrafron). The MS.
-Balylon is not nearly so likely to be a phonetic corruption of Brauron.
-It might conceivably be an orthographic corruption of Aulon, a place or
-region in the mining district in the extreme South of Attica[1511]. The
-εἰς with the genitive of the MS. suggests however some more complete
-corruption[1512].
-
-But even if the reading “to Brauron (εἰς Βραυρῶνα)” were certain,
-Hesychius would still be a doubtful authority on this point. His
-definition of the “Coast” runs thus: “the Coast: Attica, whence also the
-ship Paralos (ἡ παραλία· ἡ Ἀττική, ἔνθεν καὶ ἡ ναῦς πάραλος).” This
-presumably means that the Coast was a synonym for Attica, the coastland
-_par excellence_. Such a definition might be supported by philological
-connexions between Ἀττική and ἀκτή[1513]. Conceivably with ἡ Ἀττική we
-should understand not γῆ but παραλία: the Coast means _par excellence_
-the Attic coast (compare the modern “Riviera”). This interpretation is
-supported by our author’s definition of the men of the coast (οἱ
-παράλιοι), which runs “those who occupy the coast of Attica.” Neither
-interpretation vindicates Hesychius as an authority on the triple
-division of Attica. He makes no mention of the Plain.
-
-Modern writers, it is true, give the word “coast” (παραλία) a
-conventional meaning and confine it to the Southern apex of the Attic
-triangle, the district of Attica that has the largest proportion of
-coast to interior[1514]. Their view has one fact in its favour. After
-the expulsion of the tyrants, when Cleisthenes set himself to break up
-the old local political parties, the whole of this Southern apex was
-included among the “coast” trittyes or (th)ridings of his new triple
-division of the whole country. But there are indications that the
-inclusion of this whole district in the coast was never anything but an
-artificial arrangement[1515] to prevent either of the other two
-divisions from overbalancing the coast[1516]. The Cleisthenic coast was
-of course not confined to this Southern apex. The moderns who imagine
-this restricted use base their assumption on a misunderstanding of their
-authorities. They quote Thucydides II. 55, where in reference to a
-Peloponnesian raid on Southern Attica he speaks of “the so-called coast
-land.” But the precise words of Thucydides show that the ravages were
-confined to the coast[1517], while inscriptions and passages in other
-writers prove that the name “coast” was not confined to the Southern
-apex of Attica but was normally applied to the whole Attic
-seaboard[1518]. When Thucydides uses the expression “what is called the
-coast land” he need not be taken as meaning that the name “coast” in
-Attica was used as a synonym for what Herodotus calls the Sunium
-Heights[1519]. Very possibly he is commenting rather on the fact that
-the Attic coast was called by the poetical name πάραλος γῆ, παραλία (the
-land of the brine) instead of the good fifth century prose word
-παραθαλάσσιος, ἐπιθαλάσσιος (the land by the sea). He himself uses
-ἐπιθαλάσσιος in the very next chapter for the coast land of the
-Peloponnese[1520].
-
-Another text which has been thought[1521] to establish a Northern or
-North-Eastern Diakria and a Southern Paralia is a fragment of
-Sophocles[1522] in which the mythical king Pandion divides Attica
-between his three sons. Two scholia of Aristophanes[1523] and a notice
-in Suidas[1524] equate the North-Eastern of these divisions with the
-Diakria. But against this equation must be set that of Stephanus
-Byzantinus[1525], who says that the Diakria fell to the son who received
-according to Sophocles the Southern division.
-
-
-
-
-  Appendix B (to p. 168). _The Date of the Argive-Aeginetan Embargo on
-                             Attic Pottery_
-
-
-[Illustration: Fig. 43. Dipylon vase.]
-
-The outstanding facts in the history of Attic pottery are these. During
-the dark ages Attic pottery takes perhaps the foremost place in the
-whole of Greece Proper. The dominant ware of this period is of a well
-defined style generally known as Geometric, of which the Attic “Dipylon”
-ware (fig. 43) is a superior and well represented variety[1526], that
-appears to have been in considerable request beyond the borders of
-Attica[1527]. The period of eclipse for Attic pottery is the seventh
-century and the beginning of the sixth. During this period oriental
-influences made themselves felt in all Greek arts and crafts. In Greece
-Proper the dominant pottery of the period is the Corinthian (figs. 22,
-34), and another ware that began somewhat earlier but largely overlapped
-it, generally known as Proto-Corinthian (fig. 44). These two fabrics
-flooded most of Greece as well as Sicily and Italy, and are found in
-abundance in many Greek cities of the East. But in Attica Dipylon ware
-seems to have held the market well into the seventh century[1528], and
-to have been followed by the vases known as Proto-Attic and
-Phaleron[1529], which occupy only a humble place in the ceramic history
-of the period[1530]. Then in the first half of the sixth century Attica
-developed its famous Black Figure style (fig. 41), that quickly drove
-all competitors out of the market.
-
-[Illustration: Fig. 44. Proto-Corinthian vase.]
-
-From the commercial point of view an embargo on Attic pottery between
-about 670 and 570 B.C. would have been practically pointless. It is only
-before the earlier date and after the later that Attic pottery was a
-menace to its rivals. As between these dates all that is known of the
-history of pottery in the Argolid and Aegina inclines strongly in favour
-of the earlier period. The most ardent protectionist will admit that
-protection is useless without something to protect, and from 570 B.C.
-onwards neither Argos nor Aegina appears to have had any interest in any
-possible rival to Attic ware. But in the early part of the seventh
-century Argos and Aegina alike were flooded with both Corinthian[1531]
-and Proto-Corinthian[1532] pottery, and, as may be gathered from the
-traditions about the lot of Temenos[1533], it is highly probable that
-they were much interested in pushing these wares, which are found in
-large quantities not only in Greece Proper, but also in Italy, Asia
-Minor, and even further afield[1534]. Corinthian pottery is
-unquestionably a Corinthian product[1535]. The place of origin of
-Proto-Corinthian is, as has been already noticed, much disputed. It has
-been claimed for Aegina itself[1536], and for Argos[1537]. Corinth is a
-possibility[1538], as also is Chalcis, for which latter the abundant
-finds at Cumae are interesting but by no means decisive evidence[1539].
-Most archaeologists prefer Sicyon[1540].
-
-The balance of expert opinion at present is certainly in favour of the
-North-east Peloponnesus[1541]. In Chapter VI evidence is cited to show
-that the whole of this region was probably under Argive domination
-previous to the establishment of tyrannies at Corinth and Sicyon about
-the year 660 B.C. But after that the situation changes. Corinth and
-Sicyon become strong cities, friendly to one another and hostile to
-Argos[1542]. Corinthian pottery eclipses all its rivals, with
-Proto-Corinthian as an easy but lagging second. If Argos had wanted
-protection for her native pottery in the second half of the seventh
-century, she would have excluded not Attic pottery, but the wares of
-Corinth, and perhaps Sicyon[1543]. Attic pottery revived and began to
-dominate the Greek market about 570 B.C., and that is the date to which
-the embargo is assigned by Hoppin, who published the pottery from the
-Argive Heraeum. But if that was the date, then, as he himself declares,
-its motive cart have been “nothing but simple spite, since no increased
-activity on the part of the Argive potters is the result[1544].” The
-motive that Hoppin so rightly desiderated can best have been at work
-when Proto-Corinthian and Corinthian pottery was already on the market,
-but Corinth and Sicyon were not yet under tyrants.
-
-Thus on _à priori_ grounds the early years of the seventh century form
-far the most likely period for an Aeginetan or Argive embargo on the
-pottery of Attica[1545]. The power that destroyed the Dipylon
-ships[1546] might well have struck a blow at Dipylon pottery, if only to
-improve its own position in the carrying trade.
-
-It remains to test this general probability by the evidence of the sites
-more immediately concerned.
-
-In Aegina Attica Black Figure pottery has been found in some
-abundance[1547]. In fact Attic pottery found a ready entrance from the
-latter half of the seventh century onwards[1548]. If there is any stage
-of Attic pottery that is poorly represented on the island, it is the
-Proto-Attic and Phaleron. Such at any rate is the evidence of the
-excavations at the temple of Aphaia; and the scarcity of early
-orientalizing Attic harmonizes with what is known of the Geometric
-pottery from the site. This latter style, so Thiersch reports[1549], is
-richly represented, and in two groups, which are plainly imports from
-the neighbouring regions of Attica and the Argolid. The Attic ware
-predominates at first, the finds at Eleusis and the Athenian Kerameikos
-offering the closest analogies. Towards the end of the Geometric style,
-when it begins to connect up with Proto-Corinthian, the second great
-group of imports begins, with types that are also found in great numbers
-in the Argolid, at Tiryns and the Argive Heraeum.
-
-Again, in the Aeginetan temple of Aphrodite, where the pottery found by
-Stais has been published by Pallat[1550], Geometric sherds, in clay and
-technique not to be distinguished from Attic, were fairly numerous, but
-coming down from the eighth century to the seventh, we are told that the
-Attic pottery of the period, the so-called Proto-Attic, is represented
-only by a few types, some of which are perhaps only imitations of the
-genuine Attic.
-
-Similarly, the excavators of the Argive Heraeum report that “in the
-Argolid we find the Geometric style ceasing almost abruptly, while the
-Argive style becomes as it were emancipated[1551].” Argive is the
-Americans’ name for Proto-Corinthian[1552].
-
-The vast majority of the fragments of this period from the Aphrodite
-temple are Proto-Corinthian or early Corinthian[1553]. Attic pottery
-reappears among the finds of about the middle of the sixth century, with
-a few sherds of Kleinmeister kylikes. Pallat indeed[1554] speaks further
-on of the Proto-Attic (_i.e._ early seventh century Attic) that is
-richly represented at Aegina, and Loeschcke too speaks of all stages of
-Attic ware from Dipylon onwards occurring in the island[1555].
-Unfortunately, such terms as rare and abundant are still used by
-archaeologists in the loosest and most misleading way. The only vases
-Loeschcke quotes are a “Tyrrhenian” amphora, and an Ergotimos cup,
-_i.e._ two early sixth century vases, both from the Fontana collection,
-and attributed to Aegina only on the authority of dealers or collectors
-of the early part of the nineteenth century[1556]. The fact remains that
-in the properly recorded excavations on the island, it is early in the
-seventh century that Attic pottery occupies its least prominent
-position, and that in the museum at Aegina[1557], which includes the
-Aphaia finds and specimen pieces from the 1904 excavations at the
-Aphrodite temple, there is plenty of Mycenaean, Geometric,
-Proto-Corinthian, and Corinthian pottery, some early Black Figure (about
-550 B.C.), and a fair number of late Black Figure vases, but no
-Proto-Attic at all.
-
-For Argos the evidence is limited mainly to the finds from the Heraeum,
-the temple some miles from the city, that was excavated by the
-Americans. As mentioned already, the evidence from this site has been
-used for dating the embargo in the second half of the sixth
-century[1558]. Unfortunately, the American report is mistaken in the
-dating of some of its finds. It ascribes to the first half of the sixth
-century the archaizing Attic potter Nikosthenes, who flourished in the
-second half[1559]. The only two types of Attic fragments that the report
-states to have been found in considerable numbers[1560] both belong to
-the latter part of the century, and not, as the report states, to the
-first half of it. The finds therefore can hardly be quoted as indicating
-an exclusion of Attic pottery that started in the middle of the sixth
-century. They include only a very few fragments of early seventh century
-Attic[1561].
-
-The indignant Argives and Aeginetans who, at the date that we are trying
-to determine, had crushed the Athenians in Aegina, did not merely
-exclude Attic pottery from the temple or temples of their outraged
-deities. They insisted further on the exclusive use of local pottery. It
-is highly probable that a whole mass of this local pottery, used for
-this very purpose, has actually come down to us. In the recent
-excavations of the Heraeum at Tiryns, the vast majority of the dedicated
-vases are miniature vessels of local fabric. The number reaches nearly a
-thousand, forming a series that begins in the seventh century and runs
-right through the sixth century into the fifth[1562]. Miniature vases
-similar in style, and presumably of about the same date, were found in
-like abundance in the Argive Heraeum[1563], where they were dated by the
-Americans many centuries too early. They form the most characteristic
-series of vase dedications in the temple. It has been suggested with
-much plausibility by Frickenhaus in the Tiryns publication[1564], that
-it was just such a mass of similar votive vases that was seen by
-Herodotus in the temple of Damia and Auxesia in Aegina. If Frickenhaus
-is right, the exclusion of Attic pottery from certain temples in Aegina
-and the Argolid is naturally put back at least into the seventh century.
-Frickenhaus refuses to believe that the use of these “native pots” was
-due to the reason given by Herodotus. But does the association of these
-harmless little local vases with an anti-Attic policy really look like
-an aetiological invention?
-
-In the Aphaia temple on Aegina a quantity of local hand-made ware was
-found in the form of pots, jugs, plates, hydriae, amphorae, etc., large
-enough for use. Furtwaengler refers to them as χύτραι[1565], another
-form of the word used by Herodotus of the native pots dedicated to Damia
-and Auxesia. Similar plain ware for practical use is found on many
-sites[1566], and is not likely to have attracted the notice of
-Herodotus, though on the other hand the word that he uses (pots,
-χυτρίδες) points to plain coarse ware[1567]. If this is the ware he
-noticed, our dating is not however affected, since the principal shapes
-find their nearest parallels in Geometric graves.
-
-
-
-
-           Appendix C (to p. 169). _Early Athenian Sea Power_
-
-
-The earliest naval battle known to Thucydides was fought between the
-Corinthians and the Corcyraeans in 664 B.C.[1568]. The Dipylon ships are
-built with rams (fig. 45. _a_), which by itself sufficiently shows their
-warlike character[1569]. Some of them are depicted fighting, or with
-fallen sailors lying all around (fig. 45. _c_)[1570], a fact which led
-Kroker[1571] to date them after 664 B.C. If Kroker’s argument was sound,
-they would have to be dated later still, for it is highly unlikely that
-Athenian vases would depict for the local market a battle in which
-Athenians were not concerned[1572]. But even 664 B.C. seems too late a
-date for the vases. Seventh century Greek pottery everywhere shows
-Oriental influence. This is the case with typical seventh century Attic,
-which is known as Proto-Attic and Phaleron ware. Dipylon pottery may
-have lasted on into this century, but it belongs mainly to the eighth
-and ninth[1573]. A Geometric cup with a naval fight found at
-Eleusis[1574] occurred in the lowest stratum of the Geometric graves and
-is dated by Poulsen fairly early in the style[1575].
-
-[Illustration: Fig. 45. Dipylon ships.]
-
-[Illustration: Fig. 46. Vase painting signed by Aristonothos.]
-
-There is however no necessary discrepancy with Thucydides. Helbig[1576]
-points out that all Dipylon fights seem to be duels between single pairs
-of ships. Most of these Dipylon warships are depicted on huge vases that
-took the place of tombstones, so that the single ship, or ship-duel,
-might be explained by the single sea-captain who lay beneath[1577]. But
-against this explanation must be set the single ships and single ship
-fights on smaller Dipylon vases and the naval duel on the vase signed by
-Aristonothos, probably an Argive potter of the first half of the seventh
-century (fig. 46)[1578]. One late Dipylon fragment (fig. 45. _d_)[1579]
-shows a ship’s crew fighting warriors on land, and the vessel’s prow, in
-which Helbig sees the form of a horse’s head, is thought by him to
-indicate that it came from Caria or Phoenicia, where this kind of prow
-ornament is known to have been used[1580]. The horse’s head is not very
-distinct. Its identification is regarded as uncertain by
-Furtwaengler[1581]. At the best it is not decisive for Helbig’s
-inference. But he is probably right, when he sees in the Athenian ships
-of the Dipylon period a naval force intended to protect Attica against
-pirates[1582], which may never have fought a pitched battle at
-all[1583].
-
-Some such state of things as Helbig outlined is required to explain the
-behaviour of the naval forces of the combatants in the early Aeginetan
-war. The war is described as occurring just after the Aeginetans had
-built ships and become masters of the sea[1584]. The fleet may have been
-the outcome of the shipbuilding recorded in the Hesiodic Eoiai, where it
-is said of the Aeginetans that they “were the first to fashion ships
-with oars on either side, and first to set up sails, the wings of the
-ship that crosses the sea[1585].” The thalassocracy must have been
-local[1586], and may well mean simply that Aegina had outstripped
-Athens, and become the leading member of the Kalaurian league, though
-possibly it is to be associated with the early Aeginetan settlement at
-Naukratis[1587]. The Athenians claimed to have sent only a single ship
-to Aegina. But this appears to have been the version of the official
-bulletin, with the incapacity apparently inherent in such documents for
-describing a serious reverse as such. “The Aeginetans said that the
-Athenians had come not with one ship but with many[1588].”
-
-That Athens too possessed a fleet is implied when Herodotus says that
-the Argives crossed to Aegina undetected[1589]. Yet there is no hint of
-a sea battle. Both sides have their explanation[1590], but neither is
-very satisfactory. The state of things implied by Herodotus’ narrative
-of the Aeginetan war is remarkably like that pictured by Helbig for the
-time of the naval activities of the Dipylon ships.
-
-One further point on this naval question may be noted, though it must
-not be pressed. Triremes are mentioned in connexion with the crossing of
-the Athenians to Aegina. This may be a mere anachronism[1591]. But there
-is nothing to prove that it is so. A state of things which includes
-fleets of triremes, but no naval actions on a large scale, suits
-admirably the early part of the seventh century, before the naval battle
-of 664 B.C. and after the invention of the trireme. The first triremes
-in Greece are said to have been built at Corinth, some time before 704
-B.C., when Ameinokles constructed four for the Samians[1592]. Some of
-the Dipylon ships appear already to possess two banks of oars (fig.
-45_b_)[1593]. Ships with two banks of oars appear on monuments of
-Sennacherib (700 B.C.)[1594].
-
-Triremes were used by the Pharaoh Necho (610–594 B.C.)[1595]. Both
-Sennacherib and Necho probably relied largely on Phoenician sailors and
-shipwrights. “We are told that the Sidonians were the first to construct
-a trireme[1596].” All these statements fall in excellently with the
-notice of Thucydides. It is true that in the next chapter he says that
-Aegina and Athens possessed few triremes a little before the death of
-Darius (486 B.C.), and uses this fact to argue that Greek naval power
-only developed on a large scale from about that time. His facts are
-hardly to be questioned; but in his conclusions he appears to be misled
-by the fallacy (which he shares with so many moderns) that no
-development of first class importance could possibly be dated much
-earlier than his own age[1597].
-
-The troubles that overtook Aegina about the time of her break with
-Epidaurus probably included a war with Samos[1598], in which the Samians
-“sent an expedition against Aegina, and did much harm to the Aeginetans,
-and received much from them[1599].” In such a state of affairs Aegina
-would be doing her utmost to turn out ships on the up-to-date pattern
-with which Ameinokles was supplying the enemy.
-
-The Dipylon ships are rightly associated by many modern scholars with
-the naukraric organization that is found existing at Athens at the end
-of the dark ages[1600]. The presidents of the naukraroi (or perhaps of
-the naukraries) are said by Herodotus to have been administering
-(ἔνεμον) Athens at the time of Cylon’s attempted tyranny, _i.e._ about
-632 B.C.[1601]. The statement is challenged by Thucydides, who says
-that “at that time the nine archons conducted most of the business of
-the state[1602].” Herodotus however is at the worst only being
-inaccurate. The naukraroi were very possibly “the authorities in
-charge of the siege (οἱ ἐπιτετραμμένοι τὴν φυλακήν)” of Thucydides and
-were probably responsible for the levy _en masse_, recorded by
-Thucydides himself (ἐβοήθησαν πανδήμει ἐκ τῶν ἀγρῶν), that led to
-Cylon’s discomfiture[1603]. Herodotus may have exaggerated the
-authority of the naukraroi to palliate the guilt of the Alcmaeonid
-archon who put Cylon’s followers to death[1604].
-
-Attica in the days of Cylon was divided into forty-eight of these
-naukraries, each of which had to provide a ship[1605]. The business of
-the naukraroi was however largely financial[1606], so much so that later
-writers, who may have known them best from references to them in the
-laws of Solon, seem to have regarded them as exchequer officials[1607],
-the more so as Cleisthenes replaced the naukraric organization by
-demes[1608], which had no naval associations.
-
-Even the etymological connexion of naukrary with ναῦς (navis, ship) has
-been called in question. Doubt is first cast on it by Pollux, who wrote
-his _Onomasticon_ in the second century A.D.[1609]. Modern writers have
-proposed alternative derivations. Grote derives it from ναίω (I dwell),
-and explains the naukraroi as the principal householders[1610], a reflex
-of the suffrage basis of the nineteenth century. Others[1611] connect it
-with an obscure word ναύω, said by Hesychius and Photius to mean “I
-beseech,” and connected by Photius with ναός (temple). ναός and ναύω
-they connect with a dubious gloss of Pollux[1612], which explains
-ναύκληρος (ship’s captain) by the rare word ἑστιοπάμων (householder,
-lit. hearthholder), and which they emend by reading ναύκραρος for
-ναύκληρος. As further Hesychius defines ναύκληρος (_sic_) as the
-president of a community (συνοικία) they connect the origin of the
-naukraries with the unification (συνοικισμός) of Attica by Theseus,
-symbolized by a common hearth[1613].
-
-These philological doubts have been met by G. Meyer[1614], who argues
-that even assuming that ναός means “hearth,” compounds would require not
-ναυ- but ναο- or ναυο-. Phonetic analogies all point to a derivation
-from ναῦς (ship)[1615]. -κραρος is to be connected with κραίνω (make,
-complete) or perhaps with κραίνω meaning “I rule[1616].”
-
-Pollux’s uncertainty about the derivation simply reflects the
-uncertainty about the history of the naukraries that was prevalent in
-his days. No naval activities of the naukraroi are recorded by any
-ancient writer[1617]. But this proves nothing. Naukraries probably had a
-long history at Athens, like ship-money in England, and in the course of
-time lost their dominatingly naval character.
-
-Gilbert indeed[1618] doubted the existence of naukraries before the time
-of Solon, who is suggested as a possible founder by a Scholiast of
-Aristophanes[1619]. He suspects the evidence of the pro-Alcmaeonid
-Herodotus, and notes that he describes the attempt of Cylon and its
-suppression by the naukraroi as having happened “before the time” not of
-Solon but “of Peisistratus.” He argues also against the possibility of a
-pre-Solonian Attic fleet of forty-eight ships, since Solon, when he
-attacked Salamis, sailed against the island with nothing but a large
-number of fishing-boats and one thirty-oared vessel[1620]. He quotes
-Photius, who s.v. ναυκραρία says, “Solon having thus called them, as
-Aristotle states.” His views are not tenable. Even if Herodotus is
-trying to whitewash the Alcmaeonidae, it by no means follows that he is
-very far from the truth in his account of the naukraries. If he mentions
-Peisistratus and not Solon, it is simply because Cylon aimed at becoming
-not a lawgiver but a tyrant. A weak Athenian fleet in Solon’s time is no
-proof that the Athenian fleet had never been stronger. When Photius says
-“thus called” (ὀνομάσαντος), he may quite as well mean “used this name
-for” as “gave this name to”: if he intended it for the latter, all that
-follows is that he misunderstood Aristotle, as did also the Scholiast to
-Aristophanes, _Clouds_, 37.
-
-De Sanctis has gone even further than Gilbert, and brings down the
-establishment of the naukraries, along with the attempt of Cylon, to the
-time of Peisistratus[1621]. He argues mainly from the naval developments
-under the tyrant, which, as seen already, are no evidence whatever
-against a much earlier date.
-
-There is no reason to doubt the existence of the naukraries in 632 B.C.
-The question to be settled is how much further they go back, and what
-was the naval need that they were organized to meet.
-
-A date not much before Cylon is argued for by Schoemann[1622], who can
-find no earlier occasion for their institution than the seventh century
-struggle with Megara, by Duncker[1623], who similarly explains them as
-instituted out of rivalry to the seventh century navies of Athens’
-neighbours, by Philippi[1624] who dates them 683 B.C. (institution of
-annual archons), and by Busolt[1625], on account of their connexion with
-the financial classification and organization of the seventh century. As
-regards Schoemann and Duncker it has been shown above in Chapter VI how
-very unlikely it is that Athens started an elaborate naval organization
-in the seventh century. Busolt’s connexion of the naukraries with
-seventh century financial organization shows only that they then
-existed: it does not follow that they were then created. Whether or no
-Glotz is right in tracing them back to Homeric times[1626], the balance
-of probabilities indicates that they go back to the period of the
-Dipylon pottery[1627], and were organized for protection or reprisals
-against the raiders that then infested the Attic coasts, much as in
-England the Danegeld was instituted to deal with the pirates of a
-corresponding period in our own history. There may be something in the
-view that equates the naukraric organization with the council of
-Theseus[1628], if by Theseus is meant the head of the Athenian state who
-established some sort of order on the waters and coasts of the Saronic
-Gulf after the overthrow of the Cretan civilization[1629]. To quote the
-words of two particularly sober writers[1630]:
-
-  After the breakdown of the Minoan thalassocracy Athens certainly
-  took her part in policing the Saronic Gulf.... Her men of war are
-  frequently depicted on Dipylon vases of the ninth and eighth
-  centuries. In later times need of this protecting squadron may have
-  grown less, when the navies of Megara, Aegina, Chalcis, and Eretria
-  cleared the Aegean of corsairs. We may suppose that the naukraroi of
-  the seventh century seldom saw active naval service[1631].
-
-The writers just quoted, following Helbig, imagine the ancient
-naukraries pursuing their naval activities as members of the Kalaurian
-league, and the latter, which lasted on as a religious body through
-classical times, as gradually taking a back place with the development
-of the other naval states they mention. Their picture however leaves out
-of account the chief fact known about the history of the league. Its
-original members were Hermione, Epidaurus, Aegina, Athens, Prasiae,
-Nauplia, and the Minyan Orchomenos. Then at the end of the list Strabo
-adds, “Nauplia used to be represented by Argos, and Prasiae by
-Sparta[1632].” Strabo is here referring to a later period. It looks as
-though Argos and Sparta were intruders into the league, who sought
-membership to secure influence or a recognized position in the Saronic
-Gulf, just as in later times Philip of Macedon, for political reasons,
-set such store on recognition by the Delphic Amphictyony[1633]. Is it
-unreasonable to suppose that the two intruders secured their places in
-the league each at the time of his aspirations to Peloponnesian
-hegemony, Sparta in the sixth century, and Argos under Pheidon? All the
-known circumstances bear out this supposition, at least for Argos which
-alone at present concerns us. It fits alike the naval power of Athens in
-the dark ages, the eclipse of that power in the seventh century, and the
-expansion of Argos just at this period. Nauplia is said by
-Pausanias[1634] to have fallen to Argos only at the end of the seventh
-century. But Asine, which lies further from Argos, is said to have been
-conquered by her a hundred years earlier[1635]. Beloch argues with some
-reason that the nearer city must have been conquered first. But there is
-no need to follow him in his passion for lowering dates, and bring down
-the time of the conquest of Asine. There is more reason for putting back
-the date of the fall of Nauplia, and thus bringing it into the period of
-Argive expansion under Pheidon[1636].
-
-Make this not unlikely modification in the picture just quoted from
-Mitchell and Caspari, and the early war between Athens and Aegina finds
-a satisfactory historical setting. Before the war Athens, Epidaurus, and
-Aegina are the leading states in the Saronic Gulf. As a result of it
-Athens is crippled at sea, and her place, and even more than her place,
-is taken by Argos. The evidence is admittedly scanty, but as far as it
-goes it points to the first Aeginetan war as marking the downfall of the
-naval power that Athens had enjoyed during the dark ages, or, as the
-legend puts it, after the fall of Minos, when the Kalaurian league and
-the navy of the naukraries were potent realities. The power that brings
-about this downfall is that of the Argive tyrant Pheidon.
-
-
-
-
-             Appendix D (to p. 170). _Early Athenian Dress_
-
-
-Thucydides[1637] quotes Athenian dress in the introductory chapters of
-his first book to illustrate his thesis that civilization and comfort
-are extremely modern things. He divides Athenian history from this
-standpoint into three periods, the first that when men went about armed,
-the second that of luxurious Ionic fashions, and the third that in which
-they reverted to simple or rational dress (μετρία ἐσθής). It is
-difficult to date the beginning of Thucydides’ second period later than
-the first half of the seventh century. At the time indeed when
-Thucydides wrote his remarks it was not very long since elderly men of
-the wealthy class in Athens had given up the Ionic dress. It has
-sometimes been maintained that the dress was always confined to old men,
-and that Thucydides implies that Ionic at Athens had been recently in
-full fashion. But the tone of the passage suggests rather the old
-gentleman who clings to the fashions of an earlier age. Already in the
-seventies of the fifth century B.C. the woman who typifies Greece in
-Xerxes’ dream is dressed by Aeschylus in Doric robes[1638] and the
-monuments confirm the view which regards the Persian Wars as marking the
-change.
-
-But that does not end Thucydides’ evidence. He speaks of fashions in
-Sparta as well as in Athens. The return to simple dress was started by
-the Spartans (μετρίᾳ δ’ αὖ ἐσθῆτι πρῶτοι Λακεδαιμόνιοι ἐχρήσαντο). This
-statement has two implications[1639]. The Spartans must have reverted to
-Doric costume before the Persian Wars, and previous to this reversion
-they must, like the Athenians, have worn some sort of Ionic costume. The
-importance of these allusions to Sparta seems scarcely to have been
-realized, no doubt because the controversy took shape before the
-excavations of the British School at Sparta had challenged many of the
-received views on the history of archaic Sparta. The very large finds of
-ivory and lead figurines of the seventh and sixth centuries[1640] show
-that artistically at least the Spartans of that period were by no means
-the austere devotees of simplicity that they became in the classical
-age. Spartan simplicity in fact probably dates in large measure from the
-days of Chilon, the reformer of the middle of the sixth century[1641].
-It is not improbable that the simple dress at Sparta came in with the
-simple life at just about this period. It is already implied for Spartan
-young women by the epithet φαινομηρίδες (showing the thigh) of the poet
-Ibycus, a contemporary of Chilon. There is nothing in Thucydides to
-discountenance the assumption of an interval of about fifty years
-between the beginning of simple dress at Sparta, and its adoption at
-Athens[1642]. The tyranny at Athens roughly covers this period, and
-standing as it did for material luxury, sufficiently accounts for the
-interval. Athenian luxury, at least in the matter of dress, is said by
-Thucydides to have started earlier than Spartan, and Spartan, if it went
-out in the middle of the sixth century, must plainly have come in
-considerably before that date.
-
-The Ionic costume is said by Herodotus to be strictly speaking not
-Ionian but Carian[1643]. Eastern influence began to pass over from the
-Greek cities of Asia Minor and pervade the more progressive parts of
-Greece Proper early in the seventh century[1644]: so that once again
-this seems to be the most probable period for the assumption of Ionic
-dress at Athens.
-
-The same date is arrived at by working forward from Thucydides’ first
-period, the age when men habitually went about armed. Thucydides is
-notoriously sceptical about the existence of the culture so familiar to
-us now under the names of Mycenaean and Minoan and it does not come into
-his three periods of Greek dress. The first of these is plainly the dark
-age that followed the downfall of Crete and Mycenae, the age of the
-Geometric pottery which about the year 700 B.C. began to make way for
-orientalizing styles. This is the period _par excellence_ of dress-pins
-and fibulae as shown by archaeological finds[1645], and the end of it,
-_i.e._ the beginning of the seventh century, would be the natural time
-for regulations curtailing or prohibiting their use.
-
-Much has been made of the fact that Thucydides deals exclusively with
-male attire and Herodotus with female, and scholars who maintain that
-the Aeginetan disaster occurred towards the middle of the sixth century
-argue that in early Athens men would take the lead even in matters of
-dress[1646] and that the early date implied by Thucydides for the male
-Ionic costume in Attica need not hold for the female as well. If the
-distinct dates were established beyond dispute the difference of sex
-might serve as an explanation. We have seen however that there is
-nothing in the words of Herodotus to justify a sixth century date for
-the adoption of Ionic costume by Athenian women.
-
-
-
-
- Appendix E (to p. 249). _The Dating of the latest Vases from the Forum
-                               Cemetery_
-
-
-Among the Forum vases that look late are some skyphoi like the “Later
-Ionic” of Sieveking and Hackl’s Munich Catalogue, _e.g._ _Notiz._ 1903,
-p. 137, fig. 17, pp. 407 f., figs. 36, 42, 55, 57 (the last two from the
-same grave as fig. 53, see _ibid._ fig. 52). These skyphoi are closely
-related to a series of small, flat, handleless bowls similarly
-decorated, _Notiz._ 1903, p. 137, fig. 17, p. 388, figs. 14, 15 (grave
-G), p. 409, fig. 39 (grave I), p. 425, fig. 56 (grave K): for the
-stylistic connexion cp. _Notiz._ 1903, p. 425, fig. 56 (handleless bowl)
-with _ibid._ fig. 57 (skyphos). The context in which they were found at
-Rome points to a date not later than fairly early in the sixth century:
-_Notiz._ 1903, p. 137, fig. 17, was found acting as a lid (see _ibid._
-fig. 16) to the skyphos _ibid._ fig. 17 of the later Ionic style;
-_Notiz._ 1903, p. 388, figs. 14, 15, were found in a single skeleton
-grave (_ibid._ p. 385 and fig. 11) along with the Proto-Corinthian
-lekythos, p. 388, fig. 17, that is probably of the seventh century, and
-other vases that are probably of the sixth: fig. 39 is from a single
-skeleton grave that contained also the “later Ionic” skyphoi, figs. 36,
-42 (_ibid._ p. 400 and figs. 28, 31); fig. 56 is from a single skeleton
-grave and had a similar context (_ibid._ p. 418 and fig. 52). All these
-handleless cups (figs. 14, 15, 39, 56) are pierced near the brim with
-pairs of small holes. This is a practice known in Greek pottery of the
-Geometric and Proto-Corinthian period (_J.H.S._ XXX. p. 241, n. 42: add
-_Notiz._ 1895, p. 238, found in the same grave with two sixth century
-black figure vases. Two vases apparently somewhat similar in shape,
-style, and decoration to this flat, handleless series, but without the
-bored holes, were found at Rhitsona in graves of the end of the sixth
-century, _Arch. Eph._ 1912, p. 115, fig. 15) but not to black and red
-figure Attic pottery: it occurs on the probably seventh century cup from
-grave M, _Notiz._ 1905, pp. 151, 155, figs. 9, 12.
-
-Other late-looking vases are the two figured _Notiz._ 1905, p. 150, fig.
-7. Pais, _Ricerche_, I. (1915), p. 382, quoting Helbig dates them later
-than the sixth century. But Piganiol, _Journ. des Sav._ 1915, p. 552, n.
-4, supported by Dugas, argues for the possibility of an earlier date on
-the ground that, though the shape might belong to the end of the fifth
-century, the decoration, for which cp. Louvre C 44, figured by Pottier,
-_Album_, I. pl. 23, points to the seventh. This argument will hardly do
-as it stands. The vase cannot be older than its shape, which rather
-recalls the fifth and fourth century festooned cups from Gnathia. But
-though it so much recalls that period, it does not seem to find an exact
-parallel in it, and the divergence may be more significant than the
-similarity. No other vases were found in the same grave with these two,
-so there is no context to suggest an earlier date: but if I am not
-mistaken, fifth and fourth century Gnathia ware is similarly recalled
-with a similar slight difference by another Forum vase, _Notiz._ 1903,
-p. 408, fig. 37, found in a grave with nine others (including figs. 36,
-38, 39, 42, quoted above) which all point to a sixth century date. It
-must not be assumed that features common to early Greek and Italic wares
-always began earlier in Greece: a whole series of Etruscan bucchero
-vases has broad ribbon-shaped vertical handles that in Greek ware are
-distinctive of the late sixth century potter Nikosthenes: yet one of
-these bucchero vases comes from the early (seventh century) Regulini
-Galassi tomb at Caere, see _Roem. Mitt._ XXII. p. 126, fig. 18, p. 207.
-For Forum examples see _Notiz._ 1903, pp. 408, 422, figs. 38, 53.
-
-
-
-
-   Appendix F (to p. 249). _Evidence for Intramural Burials in Rome_
-
-
-Servius declares that the people of Rome and other cities originally
-buried all their dead within the city and actually within the
-house[1647]. The latter statement appears to be an inference from the
-worship of the lares, “people used all to be buried in their own houses,
-whence has arisen the practice of worshipping the lares within the
-house,” but may be none the less true for that reason[1648]. Intramural
-burials are prohibited in the Twelve Tables, “hominem mortuum in urbe ne
-sepelito neve urito[1649],” a prohibition which implies a practice still
-to some extent prevalent at the time[1650]. In the consulship of Duilius
-the prohibition was re-enacted[1651], showing that even then the
-practice was not altogether obsolete. Quite a number of exceptions were
-allowed by law. Vestal virgins (both good and bad) and imperatores were
-as such exempted[1652]. To come to concrete instances, the grandfather
-of King Tullus Hostilius is said to have been buried “at the best spot
-in the Forum[1653].” Tullus is a dubious figure in Roman history, and
-still more so is his grandfather. There is some uncertainty too about
-the case of the novem combusti, contemporaries of Spurius Cassius in the
-early years of the republic[1654]. They may have been not cremated but
-burnt alive[1655]. But there are plenty of later instances. Cicero
-implies that the exceptions were well known when after quoting the
-prohibition in his _de Legibus_ he makes another character in it at once
-exclaim: “But what of the famous men who have been buried in the city
-since?,” and immediately proceeds to quote the families of Valerius
-Publicola and Postumius Tubertus, and the individual case of C.
-Fabricius, buried in the Forum itself in 275 B.C. The exceptions in
-favour of the Valerii and the Postumii apparently go back to the
-beginning of the republic, when the consuls P. Valerius Publicola and P.
-Postumius Q. f. Tubertus were buried within the walls[1656]. To the same
-period went back the concession to the Claudii of a burial-place under
-the Capitol[1657]. The intramural (?) tomb of the Cincii, and that of
-“quidam Argiuorum illustres uiri” said to have been buried within the
-city, rest on more doubtful evidence[1658]. That of the seven military
-tribunes buried near the Circus in 267 B.C. may have been still without
-the city.
-
-The archaeological evidence for intramural burials at Rome has been
-discussed by Graffunder. At least two cases are well attested for the
-early republican period[1659].
-
-
-
-
-                                 INDEX
-
-
- _A.J.A._ see _American Journal of Archaeology_
-
- Aahmes, see Amasis, Pharaoh of Egypt
-
- Abdul Hamid, 270
-
- Abel (E.), _Scholia Vetera in Pindari Nemea et Isthmia_, cited 258 n. 2
-
- Abertawe (Swansea), 106 n. 3
-
- _Abhandlungen d. bayerisch. Akademie d. Wissenschaften zu Muenchen_,
-    cited 199 n. 11, 200 n. 1
-
- _Abhandlungen d. hist. phil. Gesellschaft Breslau_, see Haase
-
- _Abhandlungen d. preussisch. Akademie d. Wissenschaften zu Berlin_,
-    cited 39 n. 1;
-   see also Diels, Erman, Lepsius, Milchhoefer, Schweinfurth, Wiegand
-
- _Abhandlungen d. saechsischen Gesellschaft d. Wissenschaften_, see
-    Overbeck
-
- Abraham, 96
-
- Abrahams (E. B.), _Greek Dress_, cited 166 n. 1
-
- Abu Symbel, 123, 212
-
- Abydos, 92
-
- _Academy_, see Dennis
-
- Acarnania, 52
-
- Acharnae, 310
-
- Achilles, 48, 298
-
- Acragas, see Agrigentum
-
- Acropolis of Agrigentum, 274;
-   of Athens, 17, 40 n. 6, 53, 63, 252, 253, 315 n. 5;
-   of Lampsacus, 281
-
- Actaeon, favourite of Archias, 181
-
- Adrastus, 179 n. 2, 261, 262, 264 n. 5
-
- Adrianople, 200 n. 1
-
- Aeacus, 176 n. 3
-
- Aegean Sea, 33, 112, 130, 135, 286, 305, 330
-
- Aegeis, 41 n. 3
-
- Aegina, Aeginetans, 34, 57 n. 5, 64 n. 3, 68, 109, 116, 117, 154–157,
-    160–162, 164–171, 173–178, 212 n. 8, 285, 294, 314–320, 324–326,
-    330, 331, 333
-
- Aeginetan weight system, 24 n. 1, 133, 156, 161, 164, 171–173, 175,
-    263, 294
-
- Aegon, 158 n. 6
-
- Aeinautai, 269
-
- Aelian, _Historia Animalium_, cited 95 n. 1;
-   _Varia Historia_, cited 10 n. 6, 17, 126 n. 4, 136 n. 3, 137 n. 1,
-      145 n. 3, 150 n. 6, 155 n. 2, 193 n. 1, 272 n. 1, 273 n. 1, 275 n.
-      1, 302 n. 6, 307 n. 4
-
- Aeneas, 237 n. 1, 249
-
- Aenus, 200 n. 1
-
- Aeolic (pre-Dorian) stock, 193, 304;
-   see also pre-Dorian
-
- Aeolis, Aeolians, 69 n. 5, 246
-
- _aes formatum_, 219
-
- _aes graue_, 219, 232
-
- _aes rude_, 219, 220
-
- _aes signatum_, 219, 220
-
- Aeschines, _contra Timarchum_, cited 12 n. 7, 13, 312 n. 1;
-   Schol. _contra Timarchum_, cited 310
-
- Aeschines, Socratic philosopher, 30
-
- Aeschines, tyrant of Sicyon, 66, 263 n. 5.
-
- Aeschines of Semachidai, 39 n. 1
-
- Aeschylus, _Agamemnon_, cited 57 n. 5;
-   _Persae_, cited 47, 69 n. 4, 332;
-   Schol. _Persae_, cited 40 n. 9;
-   Schol. _Prometheus Bound_, cited 134 n. 2
-
- Aesop, 56 n. 3
-
- aesymnetes, αἰσυμνήτης, 8, 272, 301
-
- Aethelred, 238
-
- Aetolia, 196 n. 5, 263 n. 5
-
- Africa, 3, 54, 87
-
- Africanus, cited 93 n. 1, 98–100, 143 n. 2, 159
-
- Agamemnon, 10
-
- Agamemnon, king of Cyme, 147
-
- Agariste, 157, 259 n. 1, 262
-
- Agatharchides of Cnidus, 90 n. 3, 203 n. 4
-
- Agathocles, 208–211, 276–278, 303 n. 2
-
- Agesilaus, 20, 57, 291
-
- ἀγορανόμοι, 12
-
- ἀγοράζω, 80
-
- agrarian laws, 230, 289
-
- agriculture, 16, 24, 34, 264, 307–311;
-   see also farmers
-
- agricultural labourers, 24, 37, 38
-
- Agrigentum, Acragas, 10 n. 1, 14, 274–278 _passim_, 296
-
- agroikoi, 48;
-   see also farmers
-
- Ahala, see Servilius Ahala
-
- Aiakes, father of Polycrates, 81, 292
-
- Aiakes, nephew of Polycrates, 75
-
- αἰχμοφόρος, 143
-
- Aipeia, 169 n. 1
-
- Aithalia, 203 n. 4
-
- ἀκήρατος, 68
-
- Akkad, 197
-
- akron, ἄκρον, ἄκρα, ἄκρη, 40, 41, 44, 291
-
- ἀκτή, 312
-
- Ala Shehr, 130 n. 7
-
- alabastron, 119
-
- Aladdin, 127, 148
-
- Albertus (J.), ed. Hesychius, cited 40
-
- Alcibiades, 17
-
- Alciphron, cited 155 n. 1
-
- Alcmaeon, 64, 65
-
- Alcmaeonidae, Alcmaeonids, 14, 64–67, 231, 250, 292, 326, 328
-
- Aldus, 311
-
- Alexander Aetolus, cited 180 n. 2
-
- Alexander Aphrodisiensis, _Problems_, cited 199 n. 9
-
- Alexander the Great, 54 n. 1, 282 n. 4, 284, 288
-
- Alexandria, 160 n. 7
-
- Alexis, cited 21, 74
-
- Alfred the Great, 91 n. 4, 237–239
-
- Alopeke (modern Ampelokipi), 39 n. 1
-
- Alyattes, 59 n. 6, 128, 137–139, 143 n. 1, 145 n. 3, 152 n. 2, 187 n.
-    8, 273
-
- Amasis, Aahmes, Pharaoh of Egypt, 68, 71, 83, 84, 87, 96 n. 4, 101–105,
-    107 n. 4, 109, 112, 114, 115 n. 2, 116 n. 3, 117 n. 4, 121–124, 126,
-    293
-
- Amasis, potter, 245
-
- Ambracia, 189, 213 n. 4, 263 n. 5
-
- Ameinokles, 184, 325, 326
-
- Amelung (W.), _apud_ Pauly-Wissowa, cited 166 n. 1
-
- Amen Rud, see Ammeris
-
- America, see United States of America
-
- _American Journal of Archaeology_, cited 38 n. 2, 81 n. 3
-
- _American Journal of Philology_, see Smith (K. F.)
-
- American School of Classical Studies, Athens, 163, 187 n. 2, 319
-
- Ammeris, Amen Rud, Rud Amen, Nut Amen, 88 n. 1, 99
-
- Ammianus Marcellinus, cited 208 n. 4
-
- Ammonius, _Vita Aristotelis_, cited 282 n. 3
-
- Amon, god of Thebes, 97
-
- Ampelokipi, see Alopeke
-
- Amphictyons, Amphictyony, 65, 259 n. 2, 330
-
- Amphikrates, king of Samos, 69 n. 5, 177, 178
-
- ἀμφιφορῆες, 201
-
- Amphipolis, 36 n. 1
-
- Amphitrope (modern Metropisi), 39
-
- amphorae, 113, 201, 205, 243 n. 1, 246, 253, 320
-
- Anacreon, 84
-
- Anaktorion, 189
-
- Anaphlystus, 39, 41
-
- Anatolia, 72
-
- Anaxilas of Rhegium, 74, 75
-
- Ancus Martius, 216, 217 n. 1
-
- Andocides, cited 47 n. 7
-
- Andreas, father of Orthagoras, 257, 263
-
- Andros, 313 n. 1
-
- Angel of the Lord, 92
-
- Anglo-Saxons, 89 n. 1, 238
-
- Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, 237
-
- Ἀγκὼν γλυκύς, 76, 77 n. 3
-
- _Annali dell’ Instituto_, see Bachofen
-
- Anno, see Hanno
-
- _Annual of the British School at Athens_, cited 317 n. 7;
-   see also Burrows, Edgar, Hogarth, Petrie, Ure
-
- antefix, terra cotta, 250–252
-
- _Anthologia Lyrica_, cited 14;
-   see also Bergk
-
- _Anthologia Palatina_, cited 201
-
- _Antike Denkmäler_, cited 242 n. 3
-
- Antiochis, 39, 41 n. 3
-
- Antiochus I, 147 n. 1, 285
-
- Antiochus of Syracuse, 274 n. 1
-
- Antiphilus (_Anth. Pal._), cited 201
-
- S. Antonia, church of, 252
-
- Anysis, 88 n. 1
-
- Apamea, 147 n. 1, 208
-
- Aphaia, temple of, 318–320
-
- Aphrodite, 107 n. 4, 118, 119, 191 n. 3, 305, 318, 319
-
- Apis stelai, 99 n. 1
-
- ἀπόγονος, 157
-
- Apollo, 65, 70, 107 n. 4, 110, 116, 117, 123, 138 n. 9, 144, 263 n. 5,
-    305
-
- Apollodorus, cited 180
-
- Apollonius Rhodius, _Argonautica_, 195 n. 2;
-   _Foundation of Naukratis_, cited 117;
-   Schol. _Argonautica_, cited 44 n. 4, 146 n. 7, 180, 181
-
- Appi Forum, 233
-
- Appian, _Bellum Civile_, cited 39 n. 4, 50 n. 1;
-   _Bellum Mithridaticum_, cited 189 n. 8;
-   _Bellum Syriacum_, cited 285 n. 1
-
- Appian Way, see Via Appia
-
- Appius Claudius Caecus, 211, 232, 233, 295
-
- Appius Claudius the decemvir, 231
-
- Apries, Haa ab ra, Hophra, 88 n. 1, 105, 122, 123
-
- Apuleius, _Florida_, cited 69 n. 4
-
- aqueducts, 62 n. 6, 76, 232, 267
-
- Arabia, Arabians, Arabs, 100 n. 8, 116, 261 n. 2
-
- _Arabian Nights_, 145
-
- Aracoeli, church of, 252
-
- Aratus, 257 n. 1
-
- arbitrators, 11
-
- Arcadia, 211, 212
-
- Arcesilaus II of Cyrene, 74 n. 3
-
- Arcesilaus III of Cyrene, 74, 82 n. 1
-
- _Archäologische-epigraphische Mitteilungen aus Oesterreich_, cited 319
-    n. 2
-
- _Archäologische Zeitung_, see Furtwaengler, Preller
-
- _Archäologischer Anzeiger_, cited 110 n. 4, n. 7, 115 n. 1;
-   see also Assmann, Fabricius
-
- _Archaiologike Ephemeris_, cited 15 n. 4, 169 n. 5;
-   see also Doerpfeld, Skias
-
- “archers,” Persian coins, 57, 291
-
- Archias of Corinth, 180–182
-
- Archias of Sparta, 84
-
- Archilochus, cited 36 n. 3, 55 n. 4, 129 n. 6, 134, 143 n. 3, 145 n. 4,
-    152
-
- archons, 326, 329
-
- Ardaillon (E.), _Les Mines de Laurium_, cited 40 n. 9, 46, 48 n. 3;
-   _apud_ Saglio, _Dictionnaire des Antiquités_, cited 44 n. 5
-
- Ardea, 234, 235, 296
-
- Ardys, 135, 136, 143, 152, 273, 293
-
- Argeadae, 183
-
- Argolis, the Argolid, 164, 177, 179, 315–318, 320, 333 n. 4
-
- Argonauts, 148 n. 3, 265
-
- Argos, Argive, 24 n. 1, 33, 69 n. 5, 79 n. 2, 82, 149, 152 n. 2, chap.
-    VI _passim_, 184, 185, 259, 261, 264 n. 5, 292, 294, 314, 316–319,
-    323, 325, 330, 331, 337
-
- Argive pottery, 318;
-   see also Proto-Corinthian
-
- Aricia, 238, 249, 279
-
- Aridaios, 281
-
- Axion, 191 n. 2
-
- Aristagoras, historian, 90 n. 1, 96 n. 4
-
- Aristagoras, tyrant, 59 n. 1, 62 n. 4
-
- Aristarchus of Ephesus, 272
-
- Aristides, Publius Aelius, cited 184 n. 2
-
- Aristippus, 30
-
- Aristodemus of Cumae, 14, 247, 278
-
- Aristodemus, ancestor of Spartan kings, 180
-
- Aristogeiton, 253, 302
-
- Aristokypros, 158
-
- Aristonothos, 323
-
- Aristophanes, _Acharnians_, cited 17, 59 n. 1, 265 n. 3;
-   _Birds_, cited 58, 61;
-   _Clouds_, cited 40, 51 n. 2, 207 n. 6;
-   _Frogs_, cited 17, 187 n. 1;
-   _Lysistrata_, cited 63;
-   _Peace_, cited 265 n. 3;
-   _Plutus_, cited 13 n. 1, 20;
-   _Thesmophoriazusae_, cited 17, 207, 302 n. 6;
-   _Wasps_, cited 51 n. 2, 201 n. 8;
-   Schol. _Birds_, cited 54, 58 n. 1;
-   Schol. _Clouds_, cited 327 n. 2, 328;
-   Schol. _Knights_, cited 51 n. 2, 61;
-   Schol. _Lysistrata_, cited 313;
-   Schol. _Peace_, cited, 199 n. 3, n. 9, 200;
-   Schol. _Thesmophoriazusae_, cited 207 n. 5;
-   Schol. _Wasps_, cited 201 n. 8, 313
-
- Aristotle, 6, 22, 32, 192, 195, 200 n. 2, 212, 258, 267, 280–282, 284,
-    286, 288, 290, 296, 297, 300, 301, 328
-
- Aristotle, _Constitution of the Athenians_, 19 n. 1;
-   cited 13 n. 6, 16 n. 6, n. 9, 29 n. 1, 31, 35 n. 1, n. 4, 36, 37,
-      46–48, 49 n. 3, 51 n. 2, 55 n. 1, 59 n. 5, 60, 61, 64, 65, 166 n.
-      6, 171 n. 2, 302, 307, 308, 326 n. 8, n. 9, 327 n. 1, n. 2;
-   _Constitution of the Sicyonians_, 258;
-   _Historia Animalium_, cited 199, 211, 309;
-   _Meteorologica_, cited 87 n. 9;
-   _Mirabiles Auscultationes_, cited 138, 147, 148;
-   _Ode to Virtue_, 283;
-   _Oeconomica_, cited 63, 189, 283 n. 6;
-   _Politics_, cited 1, 2, 10–12, 14, 18–20, 22 n. 1, 24 n. 3, 25, 27,
-      28, 31, 35 n. 3, n. 5, 67, 76 n. 4, 77, 154, 182, 189 n. 1, 190 n.
-      2, 191 n. 2, 194, 196 n. 6, 198, 213, 257 n. 1, 258, 264, 265, 268
-      n. 3, 270, 274–276, 282–284, 303, 307;
-   _Rhetoric_, cited 18, 134 n. 4, 264 n. 6, 265, 275
-
- Arnobius, _adversus Gentes_, cited 238 n. 3
-
- Arrian, _Periplous_, cited 265 n. 6
-
- Artemidorus of Ephesus, 90 n. 3
-
- Artemis, 128, 130 n. 6, 245, 246 n. 1
-
- _artifices_, 235
-
- artizans, 15–21, 49, 92, 95, 103, 139, 217, 218, 222–225, 230, 233,
-    269, 292, 295, 305;
-   see also manual labour
-
- aryballi, 112
-
- _as_, 149
-
- Ashdown, 238
-
- Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, 112 n. 8
-
- Asia, 57, 58, 135, 191 n. 3, 221, 284, 286, 291
-
- Asia Minor, 20, 91, 132, 142, 144, 155, 187, 205, 246 n. 8, 285, 300,
-    316, 333
-
- Asine, 331
-
- Asser, _Life of Alfred_, 237
-
- Assmann, _Archäologischer Anzeiger_, cited 321 n. 5;
-   _Berliner Philologische Wochenschrift_, cited 324 n. 3, 326 n. 3, 327
-      n. 5
-
- Assos, 280–282
-
- Assurbanipal, 88, 91, 99 n. 3
-
- Assyria, 86, 88, 89 n. 1, n. 3, 91, 92, 97–99, 101, 102, 121 n. 4, 129,
-    144, 214, 292
-
- Asylum, Asyla, 39 n. 4, 50
-
- Atarneus, 280–284
-
- ἀτελές, 135
-
- Athelney, 238
-
- Athena, 14, 16, 51–55, 60, 61, 63, 214 n. 4, 276, 291
-
- Athena Ergane, 16 n. 7
-
- Athenaeus, cited 21 n. 4, 22 n. 3, 23 n. 1, 45, 50 n. 2, 51 n. 2, 55 n.
-    1, 70 n. 5, 73 n. 5, n. 6, 74, 76–80, 100, 101 n. 5, 103 n. 6, 104
-    n. 4, 117 n. 3, 118 n. 5, 126 n. 4, 139 n. 3, 144 n. 3, 167 n. 1, n.
-    4, n. 5, 187 n. 1, 191 n. 3, 208 n. 1, n. 4, 211 n. 6, 259 n. 1, 268
-    n. 3, 269 n. 6, 270 n. 1, 271 n. 6, 275 n. 1, 281 n. 3, n. 5, 283 n.
-    4, n. 5, 284 n. 4, 309 n. 3, 336 n. 1
-
- Athenagoras, 272
-
- _Athenische Mitteilungen_, see _Mitteilungen des deutschen
-    archäologischen Instituts in Athen_
-
- Athens, Athenians, 7, 12, 13–17, 19, 21, 25, 28, 30, 31, chap. II
-    _passim_, 69, 72 n. 2, 76 n. 5, 78, 80 n. 5, 83, 86, 92 n. 2, 137,
-    147, 149, 151 n. 2, 162 n. 3, 163, 165, 166, 168–176, 178 n. 1, 181,
-    183 n. 6, 196 n. 5, 215, 229 n. 1, 231, 239 n. 4, 245, 250–253, 258
-    n. 4, 260, 261, 264–266, 268, 274, 280, 287, 291, 292, 294, 302–305,
-    309–311, 321–334
-
- Athribis, 214 n. 3
-
- Atotes the miner, 48
-
- Attalids, 284–286, 289
-
- Attalus, (?) father of Philetairos, 284 n. 4
-
- Attalus I, 285, 288
-
- Attalus III, 288, 289
-
- _Atti d. Reale Accademia d. Torino_, see De Gubernatis
-
- Attica, Attic, 16, 21 n. 1, chap. II _passim_, 74, 79, 166, 168–170,
-    174, 251, 291, 307–313, 315, 327, 329, 334
-
- Attic pottery, 34, 113, 115, 167, 168, 170, 202, 203, 245, 25 n. 1,
-    253, 254, 314–320, 321, 335;
-   see also Proto-Attic, Black Figure, Red Figure
-
- Atys, 140
-
- Aubert (H.) and Wimmer (F.), ed. Aristotle _Historia Animalium_, cited
-    211 n. 3
-
- Augustus, 37
-
- Aulon, 312
-
- Aurelius Victor, _de Viris Illustribus_, cited 215–217, 221, 223 n. 1,
-    n. 5, 224 n. 5, 229 n. 4, 238 n. 3, 245
-
- Australia, 164
-
- Auxesia, 167, 170, 175, 320
-
- Avignon, 3
-
-
- _B.C.H._ see _Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique_
-
- _B.S.A._ see _Annual of the British School at Athens_
-
- Babelon (E.), in _Corolla Numismatica_, cited 56 n. 2, 60 n. 2;
-   _Journal International d’Archéologie Numismatique_, cited 51 n. 3,
-      52, 53, 56 n. 2, 64;
-   _Les Origines de la Monnaie_, cited 129 n. 1, 130 n. 2, 131 n. 2, 137
-      n. 2, 141, 142, 148 n. 6, 149, 150, 152 n. 2, 161 n. 1, 162 n. 3,
-      220 n. 4;
-   _Revue Numismatique_, cited 69 n. 5, 75 n. 1, 128 n. 1, 130 n. 2, 131
-      n. 2, 132, 133, 143 n. 1
-
- Babylon, 123, 214, 311
-
- Babylonian weight standard, 132
-
- Bacchiads, 26 n. 2, 180–183, 187 n. 9, 190, 192–194, 196 n. 3, 197, 272
-
- Bacchis, 193 n. 3
-
- Bacchylides, cited 129 n. 7, 138 n. 9, 144 n. 4, 169
-
- Bachofen, _Tanaquil_, cited 236 n. 2;
-   _Annali dell’ Instituto_, cited 253 n. 4
-
- Baedeker, _Greece_, cited 39 n. 6
-
- Baetis (modern Guadalquivir), 177 n. 6
-
- Bakenranf, see Bocchoris
-
- Balylon, 311
-
- Βάναυσον, τὸ, 20
-
- Bank of England, 26
-
- bankers, 2, 3, 137 n. 2, 141–143, 152, 280–283, 286, 296
-
- Barnabei and Cozza, _Notizie degli Scavi_, cited 244 n. 1, 246 n. 7
-
- Barth (H.), _Corinthiorum Commercii et Mercaturae Historiae particula_,
-    cited 187 n. 1, 192 n. 5, 261 n. 2
-
- Basilidae, 271, 272
-
- Baton of Sinope, cited 271, 272
-
- Battus of Cyrene, 123
-
- Bauer, _Sitzungsberichte d. Akademie d. Wissenschaften in Wien_, cited
-    197 n. 6, n. 8, 209
-
- bazaar, 4, 77, 286, 292
-
- Becker (W. A.), _Charicles_, cited 336 n. 1
-
- beehives, 199–201
-
- beehive tombs, 224 n. 5
-
- Bekker (I.), _Lexicon Seguerianum_ (in _Anecdota Graeca_), cited 39, 41
-    n. 3, 57, 310 n. 4, 326 n. 9, 327 n. 9
-
- Beloch (J.), 177 n. 3, 265 n. 1, 331;
-   _Griechische Geschichte_^2, cited 33 n. 1, 51, 52, 63, 67 n. 1, 158,
-      161 n. 3, 192 n. 1, 210, 259 n. 5, 269 n. 1, 300 n. 1, n. 2, 325
-      n. 9;
-   _Rheinisches Museum f. Philologie_, cited 21 n. 1, 34 n. 2, 51 n. 4,
-      315 n. 3;
-   _Zeitschrift f. Socialwissenschaft_, cited 22 n. 7
-
- _benignitas_, 227
-
- Bent (J. T.), _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, cited 44 n. 5, 243 n. 1
-
- Bentivoglio, Santo, 2
-
- Bentley (Richard), 274
-
- Bérard (V.), _Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique_, cited 48 n. 2
-
- Berezan, 110, 114
-
- Bergk (T.), _Anthologia Lyrica_, cited 48 n. 4, 180 n. 2
-
- von Bergmann, _Numismatische Zeitschrift_, cited 148 n. 6
-
- Berkshire Downs, 238
-
- Berlin Museum, 204, 253 n. 4
-
- _Berliner Philologische Wochenschrift_, see Assmann, Buechsenschuetz,
-    Furtwaengler
-
- Bermion, Mount, 146 n. 7
-
- Bernardini tomb, 93 n. 3
-
- von Bernhardi (F. A. J.), _Germany and the Next War_, cited 5, 6
-
- Bertha, sister of Charlemagne, 193 n. 7
-
- Besa, 39
-
- Bevan (E. R.), _House of Seleucus_, cited 285 n. 2
-
- Binder (J. J.), _Laurion_, cited 44 n. 5
-
- Birch (S.), _History of Ancient Pottery_, cited 187 n. 1
-
- von Bissing (W.), 93
-
- Black Figure pottery, 107 n. 4, 110, 113, 115, 202, 203, 253, 254, 315,
-    317, 319, 326 n. 3, 335
-
- Black Glaze pottery, 107 n. 4, 108
-
- Black Sea, 112, 114, 265 n. 2, 266, 297
-
- _blandimenta_, 227
-
- Bloch, _La République Romaine_, cited 226 n. 6, 233 n. 6
-
- Bluemner (H.), _apud_ Hermann, _Lehrbuch d. griechischen Antiquitäten_,
-    cited 201 n. 4;
-   _Gewerbliche Tätigkeit_, cited 187 n. 7, 266;
-   _Technologie u. Terminologie der Gewerbe u. Künste_, cited 203 n. 2,
-      n. 4;
-   _Wochenschrift f. klassische Philologie_, cited 199 n. 1;
-   see also Hitzig and Bluemner
-
- Bocchoris, Bakenranf, 88 n. 1, 93–98, 100, 103, 292, 293
-
- Bode (W.), 253 n. 4
-
- Boeckh (A.), _Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum_, cited 80 n. 4;
-   _Kleine Schriften_, cited 280 n. 1, 282 n. 2, n. 4, 283 n. 3;
-   _Public Economy of Athens_, cited 23 n. 1, 44 n. 2, 56 n. 4, 308 n.
-      2, 310 n. 4, 328 n. 2, 330 n. 3
-
- Boehlau (J.), _Aus ionischen u. italischen Nekropolen_, cited 110 n. 9,
-    111 n. 1, n. 2, 112, 252;
-   _Jahrbuch des deutschen archäologischen Instituts_, cited 315 n. 4
-
- Boeotia, 24, 106, 108, 114, 196 n. 5, 198 n. 5, 248
-
- Boeotian Kylix style of pottery, 110
-
- Bolbitine mouth of the Nile, 90, 91
-
- _Bollettino di Filologia Classica_, see Costanzi
-
- Bologna, 2
-
- _bona_, 227
-
- Bonacossi, _La Chine et les Chinois_, cited 133, 141 n. 3
-
- Boni (G.), _Journal of Roman Studies_, cited 224 n. 5, 253;
-   _Notizie degli Scavi_, cited 248
-
- Bonnet (A.), see Salvioli
-
- Borrell (H. P.), _Numismatic Chronicle_, cited 131 n. 1
-
- Bosporus, 76
-
- _Boston Museum of Fine Arts Report_, cited 60 n. 1
-
- Boswell, _Life of Johnson_, cited 281
-
- “boundary estates,” 310
-
- Bourlos, 91
-
- Boyle (Charles), 274
-
- Brahami, 39 n. 1
-
- Branchidae, 81, 123
-
- Brandis (J.), _Münz-, Mass-, u. Gewichtswesen_, cited 74 n. 6, 130 n.
-    3;
-   _Zeitschrift f. Numismatik_, cited 150 n. 1
-
- Brants, _Revue de l’Instruction Publique en Belgique_, cited 21 n. 3
-
- Brasidas, 50 n. 7
-
- Brauron, 310 n. 2, 311, 312
-
- breakwater, 70, 76
-
- Breasted (J. H.), _Ancient Records of Egypt_, cited 44 n. 5, 95 n. 3,
-    98 n. 6, 99 n. 3, 100 n. 4, 122 n. 5, 123 n. 1, 212 n. 6;
-   _History of Egypt_, cited 87 n. 3, 92 n. 1, 97 n. 3, 100 n. 4, 101 n.
-      1
-
- Bremer (W.), _Die Haartracht des Mannes in archaisch-griechischer
-    Zeit_, cited 55 n. 5, 56 n. 1
-
- brickmakers, 20
-
- Brilessos, 44
-
- Britain, 89 n. 1, 306 n. 5
-
- British Museum, 81, 101, 109 n. 6, 128, 171 n. 6, 283
-
- _British Museum Catalogue of Chinese Coins_, cited 141 n. 3
-
- _British Museum Catalogue of Greek Coins_, Corinth, cited 188 n. 2;
-   Ionia, cited 132, 133;
-   Lydia, cited 130 n. 7, 138 n. 1;
-   Troas, cited 131 n. 1
-
- _British Museum Catalogue of Coins of Central Greece_, cited 54 n. 5
-
- _British Museum Coins of the Roman Republic_, cited 220 n. 3, 221 n. 7
-
- _British Museum Catalogue of Greek Vases_, cited 62 n. 6, 246 n. 2;
-   _of Terracottas_, cited 246 n. 7;
-   _of Jewellery_, cited 171 n. 1;
-   _of Finger Rings_, cited 70 n. 3
-
- _British Museum Excavations at Ephesus_, cited 128 n. 3, 130 n. 6
-
- British School at Athens, 332
-
- bronze, 80 n. 4, 89–91, 122, 203, 228 n. 3, n. 4, 263;
-   casting, 87;
-   and copper coinage, 142, 218, 219, 221;
-   sculpture, 243, 246, 263
-
- brooches, 168, 170, 171, 173, 174;
-   see also _fibulae_, jewellery
-
- Brueckner and Pernice, _Athenische Mitteilungen_, cited 169 n. 7, 321
-    n. 6, 323 n. 1, 326 n. 3
-
- Brugsch (H.), cited 96 n. 2, 97 n. 4;
-   _Geschichte Aegyptens_, cited 125 n. 3
-
- Brutus, 223–225, 230, 231, 234, 239
-
- Brygos, potter, 204 n. 1
-
- Bryson, 81
-
- Bubastis, 121 n. 3
-
- bucchero vases, 335
-
- Buda-Pesth, 106 n. 3
-
- Buechsenschuetz (A. B.), _Berliner Philologische Wochenschrift_, cited
-    327 n. 5, 329 n. 6;
-   _Besitz u. Erwerb im griechischen Altertume_, cited 22;
-   _Die Hauptstätten des Gewerbfleisses im klassischen Altertume_, cited
-      266
-
- Buerchner (L.), cited 272 n. 4
-
- Buffalo, 267
-
- bull, brazen, 275, 278 n. 2
-
- _Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique_, cited 55 n. 3, 108 n. 2;
-   see also Bérard, Gerster, Kampanes
-
- _Bullettino della Commissione Archeologica Municipale di Roma_, see
-    Pinza, Rizzo
-
- _Bullettino dell’ Instituto_, cited 242 n. 1
-
- Bunbury sale, 55 n. 3
-
- de Burgh (W. G.), 27 n. 4
-
- Burgon (T.), cited 150
-
- burials, intramural, 249, 336–338
-
- Burnet (J.), _Thales to Plato_, cited 30 n. 1, 284 n. 1
-
- Burrows (R. M.), _Recent Discoveries in Crete_, cited 76 n. 7;
-   and Ure (P. N.), _Annual of the British School at Athens_, cited 107
-      n. 1, 108 n. 1, 110 n. 6, 113 n. 1;
-   _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, cited 108 n. 1, 113 n. 1, 114 n. 5,
-      248
-
- Bursian (C.), _Geographie von Griechenland_, cited 44, 260 n. 2, 309;
-   _Jahresbericht ü. d. Fortschritte d. klassischen
-      Altertumswissenschaft_, see Lenschau
-
- Bury (J. B.), _History of Greece_, cited 45 n. 5, 159 n. 2, 170, 212 n.
-    5, 264 n. 3, 278 n. 2, 303 n. 2;
-   _The Nemean Odes of Pindar_, cited 157, 160 n. 5, 259 n. 1, 260
-
- Buschor (E.), _Griechische Vasenmalerei_, cited 114 n. 6, 169 n. 3, 246
-    n. 2, n. 3, 315 n. 1, 318 n. 7, 323 n. 2
-
- Busolt (G.), cited 159 n. 2;
-   _Griechische Geschichte_^2, cited 2, 35 n. 2, 48 n. 6, 70 n. 2, 128
-      n. 1, 156, 157 n. 4, 159 n. 2, 160, 187, 188, 189 n. 3, n. 4, 191
-      n. 4, 192 n. 1, 193 n. 2, 194, 214, 264 n. 5, 265, 317 n. 5, 325
-      n. 9, 326 n. 6, 329;
-   _Die Lakedaimonier_, cited 187 n. 9, 192 n. 1, n. 4, n. 5, 305 n. 2,
-      n. 3
-
- Butacides, 239, 255
-
- Butades, sculptor, 186 n. 1, 244 n. 1
-
- butcher, 257
-
- _Butler County Democrat_, cited 5 n. 8
-
- Byrd (William), 245 n. 1
-
- Byron, Lord, 3, 127, 285, 298;
-   _Don Juan_, cited 148
-
- Byzantium, 265, 311
-
-
- _C.I.A._ see _Corpus Inscriptionum Atticarum_
-
- _C.I.G._ see _Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum_
-
- _C.I.L._ see _Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum_
-
- _C.R._ see _Classical Review_
-
- Cadys, 135, 136 n. 3
-
- Caeculus, 238 n. 3
-
- Caere, 219, 240, 242 n. 1, 243, 246, 255, 335
-
- Caeretan hydriae, 246, 255
-
- Caesar (title), 4, 303
-
- Caesar, Julius, 32, 311 n. 1;
-   _de Bello Gallico_, cited 162 n. 1
-
- Cairo, 77
-
- cakes, 238, 239
-
- California, 142 n. 5
-
- Caligula, 160
-
- Camarina, 10 n. 2
-
- Cambyses, 72, 80, 102 n. 1
-
- Camirian pottery, 112 n. 1;
-   see also Milesian pottery
-
- Campania, 160, 232, 233, 246, 247
-
- Camps at Daphnae, 112 n. 4, 121
-
- canals, 87, 189, 191, 267
-
- Candaules, 136, 144, 146
-
- Canopus, 96 n. 2
-
- Capitol, Rome, 224 n. 5, 237, 252–254, 337
-
- Capitoline wolf, 253, 254
-
- Capua, 233
-
- caravans, 135, 145, 147, 149, 273
-
- Caria, Carians, 89, 90, 96, 122, 123, 145, 269, 324
-
- Caromemphites, 96 n. 4
-
- carpenters, 14, 17, 20, 134 n. 4, 222, 224
-
- Cartault (A. G. C.), _Monuments Grecs_, cited 321 n. 3
-
- Carter (J. B.), trans. Huelsen, _Forum Romanum_, cited 247 n. 5
-
- Carthage, 30, 72, 240, 278 n. 2, 282;
-   see also Phoenicians
-
- Carthagena, 45
-
- Carystius, 284 n. 4
-
- Casagrandi (V.), _Nouem Combusti_ (appendix to _Minores Gentes_), cited
-    337 n. 3
-
- Casaubon, _apud_ Schweighaeuser, ed. Athenaeus, cited 270 n. 2;
-   ed. Athenaeus, cited 77 n. 1;
-   ed. Diogenes Laertius, _Solon_, cited 40 n. 6
-
- Caspari (M. O. B.), see Mitchell
-
- Cassiodorus, _Variae_, cited 218
-
- Cassius Hemina, 224 n. 5
-
- Cassius Iatrosophistes, _Problemata_, cited 199 n. 9
-
- Cassius, Spurius, 32 n. 2, 228, 233, 255 n. 1, 337
-
- caste, 87 n. 3, 122 n. 1
-
- Castelnuovo di Porto, 219
-
- Castor, cited 181
-
- Cato, _apud_ Schol. Veron. _ad_ Virgil, _Aen._, cited 238 n. 3
-
- Caucasus, 41, 44
-
- Cauer (F.), _apud_ Pauly-Wissowa, cited 161 n. 2, 331 n. 3;
-   _Parteien u. Politiker in Megara u. Athen_, cited 46 n. 5, 265 n. 2,
-      266, 268 n. 2
-
- Cavaignac (E.), _Études sur l’histoire financière d’Athènes au V^e
-    siècle_, cited 21 n. 1, n. 2, 41 n. 2, 309 n. 10;
-   _Vierteljahrschrift f. Social- u. Wirtschafts-Geschichte_, cited 47
-      n. 6
-
- cavalry organization, 240
-
- Cecrops, 41 n. 3
-
- Cedrenus, _Synopsis Historiarum_, cited 71 n. 4
-
- Celts, 285
-
- centuries, 230
-
- Ceres, 228 n. 3, n. 4, 240 n. 2, 250 n. 1
-
- χαῖρε, 255
-
- Chalcedon, 265
-
- Chalcis, 261, 316, 330
-
- Chalmers’ shillings, 142 n. 5
-
- chamber tombs, 246
-
- chambers of bronze, 263
-
- Chancellor of the Exchequer, 4
-
- χαρακτήρ, 64
-
- Charaxos, 104
-
- Charisius, _Ars Grammatica_ (ed. Keil), cited 218 n. 5
-
- Charlemagne, 193 n. 7
-
- Charon, 134 n. 4
-
- Cheiromache, Cheiromachoi, 269, 270
-
- χειρώναξ, 269
-
- Chem Peh’-resu, 214 n. 5
-
- Chersias, 195, 196, 197 n. 3
-
- Chersonese, Thracian, 53, 63 n. 7, 199 n. 10, 245 n. 2
-
- Chicago, 267
-
- Chigi vase, 316 n. 10
-
- Chilon, 332
-
- China, 133, 141, 142
-
- Chios, 23 n. 1, 191 n. 3, 253
-
- χλανίς, 79, 80
-
- χρήματα, χρηματίζεσθαι, 25, 36
-
- _Chronicles, 2nd Book of_, cited 92 n. 3
-
- Chronographer of 354 A.D., cited 224 n. 5, 226 n. 3
-
- χρυσοῦ καὶ ἀργύρου, 132
-
- church music, 245 n. 1
-
- χύτραι, χυτρίδες, 320
-
- Ciccotti (E.), _Il Tramonto d. Schiavitù nel Mondo antico_, cited 3 n.
-    2, 20, 22, 29 n. 3
-
- Cicero, _de Amicitia_, cited 228 n. 1, 229 n. 2;
-   _ad Atticum_, cited 57 n. 2, 275 n. 1;
-   _Brutus_, cited 35 n. 3;
-   _in Catilinam_, cited 229 n. 2;
-   _de Divinatione_, cited 238 n. 3, 275 n. 1;
-   _de Finibus_, cited 70 n. 3;
-   _de Legibus_, cited 336 n. 3, 337;
-   _de Officiis_, cited 15 n. 6, 20 n. 6, 145 n. 6, 151 n. 4, 225 n. 2,
-      302 n. 6;
-   _de Oratore_, cited 35 n. 3;
-   _Philippics_, cited 226, 228 n. 1, 229 n. 2;
-   _pro Rabirio_, cited 226 n. 5;
-   _de Republica_, cited 215 n. 2, 221 n. 5, 222 n. 7, 223 n. 5, 225 n.
-      2, 228 n. 1, 229 n. 2, 240, 241;
-   _de Senectute_, cited 229 n. 2;
-   _Tusculanae Quaestiones_, cited 247 n. 3;
-   _in Verrem_, cited 275 n. 2;
-   Schol. Bobiens. _pro Sulla_, cited 215 n. 2
-
- Cimmerians, 137, 141 n. 1, 144, 146, 187
-
- Cimon, 67
-
- Cincii, 337
-
- Cincinnati _Commercial Gazette_, cited 5 n. 8
-
- Circus, Circus Maximus, 240 n. 2, 338
-
- _Classical Philology_, see Frank
-
- _Classical Review_, cited 112 n. 8, 319 n. 5;
-   see also Cook, Headlam
-
- Claudii, 231, 337;
-   see also Appius
-
- Claudius Drusus, 233
-
- Claudius (Emperor), 215 n. 2
-
- Clazomenae, pottery of, 114, 115 n. 2, 121 n. 5, 246
-
- Clearchus, cited 76 n. 6, 77, 78 n. 1, 139 n. 3
-
- Cleisthenes of Athens, 17, 28, 29, 39, 45, 65, 66, 67, 258 n. 4, 291,
-    310 n. 2, 312, 327, 330 n. 3
-
- Cleisthenes of Sicyon, 66, 179 n. 2, 180 n. 3, 215, 258–264
-
- Clement of Alexandria, _Stromata_, cited 93 n. 2, 146 n. 7, 325 n. 8
-
- Cleomenes of Sparta, 79 n. 2
-
- Cleomenes (Cleomis) of Methymna, 191 n. 3
-
- Cleon, 30
-
- Cleonae, 194
-
- Clerc (M.), _Les Métèques Athéniens_, cited 22
-
- _clientela_, clients, 233, 277, 296
-
- _cloaca maxima_, 247
-
- Clytus, cited 73, 74
-
- Cnidus, 90 n. 3
-
- coast, party of the coast, 35, 41, 47, 48, 52, 64 (shore), 291, 312,
-    313
-
- Cobbett (William), _Paper against Gold_, cited 3
-
- cobblers, boot-makers, 17, 139 n. 2
-
- coinage, debasement of, 64 n. 3, 74, 183 n. 6;
-   invention of, 1, 2, 3, 127, 129, 131, 133, 140, 147, 155, 161, 178,
-      290, 293, 304
-
- coins, 52–58, 60, 61, 63, 64, 74, 75, 84, 127–133, 137, 138, 140–143,
-    147, 149, 150, 155–157, 160–162, 164, 166 n. 2, 170–173, 175, 176,
-    178, 188, 199–201, 204, 205, 209, 213 n. 4, 218–221, 231, 232, 246,
-    290, 293–296, 304
-
- Collatinus, 226, 227
-
- _collegia opificum_, 222
-
- colonies, colonization, 189, 190, 265, 266, 294, 300
-
- Colophon, 133
-
- colossus, 189, 192 n. 5
-
- “colts” (coins), 188
-
- Columbus, Ohio, 235 n. 3
-
- Columella, cited 201 n. 5, n. 8, 309 n. 7
-
- _Comitia centuriata_, 230
-
- Commons, House of, 4
-
- _Companion to Greek Studies_, cited 179 n. 3
-
- _Companion to Latin Studies_, cited 221 n. 6
-
- Conca (Satricum), 219 n. 4, 243 n. 4, 244 n. 1, 246
-
- Constantinople, 77
-
- _Constitution of the Athenians_, see Aristotle
-
- contracts, 93
-
- Conway (R. S.), quoted 76 n. 7, 134 n. 5, 223 n. 3
-
- Conze (A.), _Jahrbuch_, cited 205 n. 2, n. 3, n. 4, 206 n. 3
-
- cook, 257
-
- Cook (A. B.), _Classical Review_, cited 262 n. 3
-
- copper, 82, 203 n. 1, n. 4
-
- copper coinage, see bronze coinage
-
- copper mines, 37 n. 1
-
- coppersmiths, 14, 222, 224
-
- Coptic, 126
-
- Corcyra (Corfu), 63 n. 5, 184, 187 n. 9, 188, 213, 214, 244 n. 1, 321
-
- Corinth, 14, 21, 22, 28 n. 7, 30, 31, 33, 34, 62 n. 6, 63, 68, 76 n. 5,
-    123, 124, 167, 178–180, 182, 183, chap. VII _passim_, 215–217,
-    240–242, 244, 245, 247, 248 n. 2, 251, 255–257, 259, 260, 263 n. 5,
-    266 n. 1, 272, 274, 287, 293–295, 304, 306 n. 1, 316, 317, 321, 325
-
- Corinthian drachma, 57;
-   helmet, 54 n. 6;
-   pottery, 1, 21, 34, 46, 109 n. 5, 112, 117 n. 4, 186, 187, 208 n. 1,
-      212 n. 8, 241–245, 251, 295, 315–319
-
- corner (in oil), 2, 12
-
- Corneto, 93, 187, 215;
-   see also Tarquinii
-
- Cornford (F. M.), _Thucydides Mythistoricus_, cited 25, 261
-
- _Corolla Numismatica: Numismatic Essays in Honour of Barclay V. Head_;
-   see Babelon, Evans, Fox
-
- _Corpus Inscriptionum Atticarum_, cited 14, 15, 39, 40 n. 9, 41 n. 3,
-    50 n. 3, n. 5, 56 n. 4, 312 n. 1, 313 n. 2
-
- _Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum_, 80 n. 4, 208 n. 2
-
- _Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum_, cited 215 n. 2, 223 n. 2
-
- Corsica, 221 n. 2, 240
-
- Costanzi (V.), _Bollettino di Filologia Classica_, cited 51 n. 4;
-   _Rivista di Storia Antica_, cited 34 n. 2, 51 n. 4, 177 n. 3, 329 n.
-      1
-
- Cozza, see Barnabei
-
- Crassus, 23
-
- Cratinus, 13 n. 3
-
- Crete, Cretan, 128, 156 n. 2, 169, 263 n. 5, 298, 330, 333;
-   Cretan bull cult, 278 n. 2
-
- criers, 17
-
- Crimea, 1
-
- Croeseids, 130, 137
-
- Croesus, 104 n. 3, 123, 127, 128, 130–133, 136 n. 3, 137–140, 143 n. 1,
-    n. 3, 144, 145 n. 2, n. 3, n. 4, 148 n. 3, 152, 176, 215, 272, 273,
-    289, 293
-
- Cromwell, 194
-
- Croton, Crotonian, 239, 255
-
- Cruchon (G.), _Banques dans l’Antiquité_, cited 141 n. 1, 143 n. 1, 221
-    n. 4
-
- crucifixion of followers of Spartacus, 23
-
- Cumae, 14, 228, 240, 246, 247, 251, 278–279, 296, 316
-
- Curtius (E.), _Ephesus_, cited 272 n. 3;
-   _Griechische Geschichte_, cited 36 n. 3, 159 n. 2, 198 n. 9;
-   _Peloponnesos_, cited 191 n. 6;
-   _Stadtgeschichte v. Athen_, cited 63 n. 2
-
- Curtius (G.), _Studien z. griech. u. latein. Grammatik_, cited 327 n. 8
-
- Curtius (L.), _Athenische Mitteilungen_, cited 81, 82
-
- Curtius, Marcus, 248 n. 1
-
- Cyaxares, 90, 91
-
- Cyclades, 169 n. 1
-
- cylinders, inscribed Assyrian, 91, 98, 99 n. 3
-
- Cylon, 34, 69, 264, 326, 328, 329
-
- Cyme, 130 n. 6, 131, 135, 136, 147, 155 n. 2, 273, 281
-
- Cynosura, 40
-
- Cyprus, Cypriote, 46, 108 n. 7, 119, 128, 156 n. 2, 160, 169 n. 1, 303
-    n. 1, 315 n. 2
-
- Cypsela in Thrace, 199, 200, 204–206
-
- cypsele, 197–209, 211, 295
-
- Cypselids, 14, 76 n. 5, 189, 192, 196, 213, 263 n. 5
-
- Cypselus of Arcadia, 211, 212
-
- Cypselus I of Corinth, 9, 26 n. 2, 28 n. 7, 31, 95 n. 1, 180, 187–190,
-    192 n. 5, 193–200, 207–211, 216, 245 n. 2, 255, 257, 270, 274, 292,
-    295, 303 n. 2, 305, 306 n. 1
-
- Cypselus II of Corinth, 213, 214
-
- Cypselus, father of Miltiades, 199 n. 10
-
- cypselus bird, 211
-
- Cyrene, 74, 82 n. 1, 123, 239
-
- Cyrnus, 8
-
- Cyrus, 8 n. 3, 71–73, 123, 138, 139, 145 n. 2, 152, 197, 209, 271, 272,
-    293
-
- Cythera, 176, 177
-
- Cyzicus, 281, 285
-
-
- Dactyls of Ida, 44
-
- Dagobert I diploma, cited 261 n. 2
-
- δακτύλιοι, δακτυλιογλύφοι, 149
-
- Dale, Sir D., 11 n. 2
-
- Damasenor, tyrant of Miletus, 268, 269
-
- Damia and Auxesia, 167, 170, 175, 320
-
- Damocratidas, 158 n. 6
-
- Damonno, 135, 136, 143, 236 n. 2
-
- Damophilus, 240 n. 2
-
- Danegeld, 329
-
- Danes, 237, 238
-
- Dante, 305;
-   _Paradiso_, cited 57 n. 4
-
- Daphnae (Defenneh), 109 n. 5, 112, 113, 115 n. 2, 121, 122
-
- Daphnae pottery, 115 n. 2, 121 n. 5
-
- daric, 57, 130, 132, 140, 172 n. 4, 291
-
- Darius, 29, 58, 59, 61, 62, 72, 76, 79, 80, 87 n. 9, 140, 142, 152 n.
-    2, 270, 271, 325
-
- Daskalio, 42
-
- Daskylion, 273 n. 2
-
- Decelea, 45
-
- decemvirate, 233
-
- De Cou (H. F.), _Argive Heraeum_, cited 164 n. 1
-
- dedications, votive offerings, 14, 82, 107 n. 4, 108, 116–118, 124, 144
-    n. 3, 162, 163, 170, 175, 189, 192 n. 5, 198, 244 n. 1, 263
-
- Deecke, see Mueller
-
- Defenneh, see Daphnae
-
- Deinomenidae, 30
-
- Deiokes, 146 n. 4
-
- Deiophontes, 176
-
- Delos, 49, 70, 71, 162 n. 3, 166 n. 2, 171 n. 5, 260 n. 5, 261
-
- Delphi, 65, 66, 123, 130, 137, 140, 144, 147, 162 n. 3, 194, 198 n. 5,
-    207 n. 3, 208, 255, 257, 259–262, 276, 283 n. 4, 330
-
- Delta, 88, 95, 96, 98, 99, 121 n. 3, 293
-
- demagogues, 11, 26–32, 35, 190 n. 2, 217, 274, 279, 280, 282, 300, 301
-
- Demaratus, 182, 187 n. 6, 215–218, 225, 236 n. 2, 239–245, 251, 255,
-    256, 295
-
- Demeter, 238, 266, 308;
-   Malophoros, 266;
-   hymn to, 22
-
- Demetrius, _de Elocutione_, cited 280 n. 1, 283 n. 6
-
- Demetrius Magnes, cited 280 n. 1
-
- Demetrius of Phaleron, 305, 306
-
- demiourgoi, δημιουργοί, δημιουργίαι, 16, 48
-
- Demochares, 305, 306
-
- Demodike of Cyme, 147, 155 n. 2
-
- Demosthenes, 49, 305
-
- Demosthenes, _c. Aphobum_, cited 12;
-   _c. Aristocratem_, cited 277 n. 2;
-   _c. Eubulidem_, cited 19, 20 n. 1;
-   _c. Midiam_, cited 65;
-   _c. Olympiodorum_, cited 13;
-   _Olynthiac Orations_, cited 277 n. 2;
-   _c. Phaenippum_, cited 48 n. 1;
-   περὶ Συντάξεως, cited 277 n. 2;
-   Schol. _c. Aristocratem_, cited 51 n. 2
-
- Demoteles, 69 n. 5
-
- Dennis (G.), _Academy_, cited 76 n. 2
-
- Derbyshire, 40
-
- Diadochoi, 258 n. 2, 284
-
- Diakria, Diakrieis, διακριεῖς, Diakrioi, διάκριοι, 37, 39–41, 44, 48 n.
-    6, 49, 291, 307–313
-
- Diakrioi, Euboean, 41 n. 2;
-   Rhodian, 41 n. 2
-
- Diamantaras, _Athenische Mitteilungen_, cited 57 n. 3
-
- Diana, 224 n. 5
-
- Dickens (G.), _Catalogue of the Acropolis Museum, Athens_, cited 252,
-    253;
-   _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, cited 332 n. 4
-
- didrachm, 64, 171 n. 6, n. 8, 172
-
- Didymus, cited 33 n. 1
-
- Diels (H.), _Abhandlungen d. preussisch. Akademie d. Wissenschaften zu
-    Berlin_, cited 35 n. 2
-
- _Digest_, cited 336 n. 5
-
- Dindorf (L.), ed. Diodorus, cited 48 n. 6
-
- Dio Cassius, cited 226 n. 3, 337 n. 4
-
- Dio Chrysostom, _Orations_, cited 35 n. 3, 148 n. 3, 189 n. 8, 198
-
- Diodorus Siculus, cited 10 n. 6, 23 n. 1, 48 n. 6, 59 n. 1, 78 n. 2, 87
-    n. 7, n. 9, 89–93, 95, 97, 99 n. 1, 100 n. 4, n. 8, 103, 105, 117,
-    121 n. 4, 122 n. 1, n. 4, 123 n. 1, n. 10, n. 11, 138 n. 8, 146 n.
-    7, 156 n. 3, 176 n. 2, 180 n. 2, 203 n. 4, 208, 209, 210 n. 4, 211
-    n. 1, 215 n. 2, 216, 217 n. 1, 228 n. 1, 229 n. 2, 232 n. 1, 257 n.
-    2, 262 n. 4, 275 n. 2, 276, 277, 280 n. 1, 283 n. 6, 284 n. 1, 293,
-    298
-
- Diogenes Laertius, cited 30 n. 2, 69 n. 1, 150 n. 3, 167 n. 1, n. 2,
-    190 n. 1, n. 2, 191 n. 3, n. 6, n. 7, 192, 195, 196, 212 n. 2, n. 8,
-    280 n. 1, 281 n. 2, 282 n. 2, 283 n. 3, n. 4, n. 5, n. 6, 284 n. 1
-
- Diogenianus, cited 71 n. 1
-
- Dion of Syracuse, 30
-
- Dionysius of Halicarnassus, _Antiquitates Romanae_, cited 32 n. 2, 37
-    n. 4, 48 n. 6, 191 n. 2, 215 n. 2, 216–218, 221 n. 2, 222 n. 7, 223
-    n. 1, n. 4, n. 5, 224–231, 234 n. 3, 237 n. 3, 238 n. 3, 239, 245,
-    247 n. 3, 278 n. 3, n. 4, n. 5, 279 n. 1, 283 n. 6, 337 n. 2, n. 5;
-   _Epistola ad Ammaeum_, cited 280 n. 1;
-   _Isocrates_, cited 13 n. 1
-
- Dionysius of Syracuse, 24, 27, 30–32, 72, 196, 210, 221, 229, 256 n. 1,
-    265, 274, 278 n. 2, 280, 282, 284, 291, 303 n. 2
-
- Dionysus, 262, 264 n. 5, 305;
-   Botrys, 239
-
- Diphilus, cited 208 n. 1
-
- Dipoenus, 263 n. 5
-
- Dipylon pottery, 169, 314, 315, 317, 319, 321–326, 329, 330
-
- Dives, 102
-
- _dives_, 229
-
- Doerpfeld (W.), _Archaiologike Ephemeris_, cited 62 n. 6;
-   _Athenische Mitteilungen_, cited 63 n. 2
-
- Dorians, 157 n. 7, 158, 176, 179, 180, 257, 259 n. 1, 261, 262 n. 1,
-    294,305 n. 1, 333 n. 1;
-   pre-Dorian stock, 257, 304, 305;
-   see also Aeolic stock
-
- Doric dress, 169, 332
-
- Doriche, 104
-
- Dorieus, 239
-
- δορυφόρος, 143
-
- drachma, δραχμαί, 57, 58, 64, 149, 162, 171–173, 175
-
- δραχμαὶ τοῦ Στεφανηφόρου, 56
-
- Draco, 53 n. 2
-
- Dragendorff (H.), _Thera_, cited 316 n. 7, 320 n. 5
-
- drains, 224, 247
-
- dress, 164, 167–170, 174, 331–334
-
- drivers, 14
-
- Drumann (W.), _Arbeiter u. Communisten in Griechenland u. Rom_, cited
-    19
-
- Duemmler (F.), _Jahrbuch des deutschen archäologischen Instituts_,
-    cited 112 n. 4
-
- Dugas (Ch.), _apud_ Piganiol, _Journal d. Savants_, 335
-
- Duilius, 336
-
- Dumont (A.), _Revue Archéologique_, cited 205 n. 4, 206
-
- dumps, 128, 156 n. 2;
-   see also ingots
-
- Duncker (M. W.), _Geschichte des Alterthums_, cited 145 n. 4, 159 n. 5,
-    166 n. 1, n. 3, 192 n. 1, 198 n. 9, 214 n. 7, 328 n. 3, 329
-
- Dunham (A. G.), _History of Miletus_, cited 117 n. 1, 268 n. 4
-
- Durazzo, 190 n. 3
-
- Duris of Samos, cited 78, 178, 324 n. 6
-
- dyeing, dyers, 14, 139 n. 2, 187, 222
-
- Dying Gladiator, 285
-
- Dymaean War, 159
-
-
- ecclesia, 17
-
- Edessa, 183
-
- Edgar (C. C.), _Catalogue of the Greek Vases in Cairo Museum_, cited
-    112 n. 5;
-   _Annual of the British School at Athens_ and _Journal of Hellenic
-      Studies_; see Hogarth and others
-
- Edonia, 271
-
- Edward the Confessor, 238
-
- Edward the Elder, 238
-
- Edward VII, 102 n. 1
-
- Eetion, 193
-
- ἐγείρω, 35
-
- Egestaeans, 239;
-   see also Segesta
-
- Egypt, 1, 44 n. 5, 48 n. 6, 68, 71–73, 80, 83, chap. IV _passim_, 145
-    n. 4, 148 n. 3, 149, 191, 203 n. 4, 212–214, 285, 292, 293, 298, 303
-    n. 1, 315 n. 3
-
- Eion, 59 n. 1
-
- Eldorado, 41, 177 n. 7
-
- electrum, electrum currency, 44 n. 5, 74 n. 6, 127–133, 142, 147, 150,
-    152
-
- Elephantine, 123
-
- Eleusis, Eleusinians, 15, 41 n. 3, 169 n. 5, 250 n. 1, 308, 318, 321,
-    324 n. 1, 333 n. 4
-
- Elis, 123, 134 n. 2, 154, 159, 160
-
- Ely, 238
-
- embroiderers, 14
-
- embrontaion, 277
-
- Emperor, Holy Roman Empire, 304
-
- employees, 14, 15, 21, 62, 77, 223, 225, 239, 278, 289, 295
-
- ἐμπορίη, 80
-
- ἐμπορικὸν πρᾶγμα, 261
-
- _Encyclopaedia Britannica_, cited 77 n. 3;
-   see also Griffith
-
- Endt (J.), _Beiträge zur ionischen Vasenmalerei_, cited 120 n. 4;
-   _Wiener Studien_, cited 10 n. 6, 14 n. 6, 31 n. 2, 274 n. 1, 283 n. 6
-
- ἐνεργαζόμεναι παιδίσκαι, 139
-
- England, English, 15 n. 6, 126 n. 5, 233 n. 6, 237, 238, 249, 306 n. 2,
-    328, 329
-
- engravers, 14
-
- Enkomi, 128, 141
-
- Ennea Hodoi, 59 n. 1
-
- Enneakrounos, 62
-
- ἐνύπνιον, 81
-
- Epakria, Epakrioi, ἔπακροι, 37, 39, 41, 45, 291
-
- Epaminondas, 179 n. 3
-
- Ephesus, 90 n. 3, 128, 130 n. 6, 132, 136, 137, 141, 143 n. 1, 144 n.
-    3, 145 n. 3, 147 n. 3, 156 n. 2, 191 n. 3, 221 n. 2, 245, 246 n. 1,
-    271–273 _passim_, 296
-
- Ephorus, cited 26 n. 2, 155, 157, 161, 163, 164, 173, 175, 176,
-    192–194, 196 n. 4, 258, 264, 294, 330 n. 5
-
- Epidamnus, 190 n. 3
-
- Epidaurus, 165–167, 174–176, 178, 326, 330, 331
-
- ἐπιδιδόναι, 281
-
- Epiphanius, _de Mensuris et Ponderibus_, cited 120 n. 3
-
- ἐπισημαίνειν, 277
-
- ἐπίστασις, ἐπιστάτης, 81, 277
-
- ἐπιτετραμμένοι τὴν φυλακήν, 326
-
- ἐπιθαλάσσιος, 313
-
- ἐπιτίθεσθαι, 280, 281
-
- ἔπρησεν, 81
-
- Erastos, 283 n. 3
-
- Erechtheum, 14 n. 9, 20 n. 7
-
- Eretria, 36, 37, 72 n. 2, 261, 330
-
- ἐργασία, ἐργαζόμενοι, 17, 19
-
- ἐργαστήρια, 218
-
- Ergotimos, 245, 319
-
- Erichthonios, 155 n. 2
-
- Erman (J. P. A.) und Schweinfurth (G.), _Abhandlungen d. preussischen
-    Akademie d. Wissenschaften zu Berlin_, cited 87 n. 6
-
- ἔρως χρημάτων ἄμετρος, 272
-
- Erotici Scriptores (ed. Didot), cited 93 n. 2
-
- Erythrae, 133
-
- Esquiline, 338 n. 2
-
- Essendune, 238
-
- ἔστρωται, 79
-
- Ethiopia, Ethiopian, 95–102, 122, 125 n. 3, 292
-
- Ethiopian dynasty in Egypt, 86, 88 n. 1, 93, 95, 97
-
- Etruria, Etruscans, 10, 30, 93, 187, 203 n. 4, 215–217, 219, 220, 223,
-    225, 234, 235, 241–243, 246, 249, 295, 335
-
- Etruscan language, 134 n. 5
-
- Etrusco-Carthaginian alliance, 240
-
- _Etymologicum Gudianum_, cited 134 n. 1, n. 5
-
- _Etymologicum Magnum_, 41 n. 3, 76 n. 7, 134 n. 1, n. 5, 155 n. 2, 156
-    n. 1, 162, 163, 193 n. 3;
-   201 n. 2, 280 n. 1
-
- Euaion, 281, 283, 288
-
- Euboea, 37, 60, 156 n. 1, 261, 262, 311, 313 n. 1
-
- Euboeic standard, 171, 172
-
- Euboulos, 282, 283 n. 6, 288
-
- Eubulus Comicus, cited 54 n. 2
-
- Eucheir, workman of Demaratus, 207, 217, 244, 245
-
- Eucheiros, potter, 244, 245
-
- Eugrammus, 208, 217, 244
-
- Eumelos, 195
-
- eunuch, 280, 284
-
- Eupalinus, 76, 267
-
- Eupatridai, 48
-
- Euphorion, cited 133, 143 n. 2
-
- Euphronios, 169
-
- εὐπορία, εὔποροι, 89, 273
-
- Euripides, 17, 54 n. 2;
-   _Bacchae_, cited 148 n. 1;
-   _Cyclops_, cited 40 n. 9;
-   _Hecuba_, cited 174 n. 3;
-   _Iphigenia in Tauris_, cited 182 n. 4;
-   _Sciron_, cited 57;
-   Schol. _Hecuba_, cited 178 n. 1, 324 n. 6
-
- Europe, 23, 236 n. 2, 284
-
- Eurystheus, 207
-
- Eusebius, _Chronicon_, cited 52, 70 n. 3, 93 n. 1, 95, 96 n. 1, n. 3,
-    99, 143 n. 2, 146 n. 6, 159 n. 6, 160, 172 n. 5, 190 n. 3, 265 n. 1,
-    273 n. 4, 275 n. 5
-
- Eusebius, _Praeparatio Evangelica_, cited 280 n. 1
-
- Eustathius, _Commentary on the Iliad_, cited 155 n. 2;
-   _Commentary on the Odyssey_, cited 77 n. 2, 269;
-   _Commentary on Dionysius Periegetes_, cited 37 n. 1, 70 n. 3, 79 n.
-      2, 90 n. 5;
-   _Opusculum de emendenda vita monachica_, cited 269 n. 4
-
- Eutropius, cited 224 n. 5
-
- Evans (Sir Arthur), _Corolla Numismatica_, cited 128
-
- Evans, Lady, _Greek Dress_, cited 170 n. 1
-
- Exchequer, Chancellor of, 4
-
- exomides, 265
-
-
- Fabricii, 337 n. 5
-
- Fabricius, Gaius, 337
-
- Fabricius (E.), _Athenische Mitteilungen_, cited 76 n. 2;
-   _Archäologischer Anzeiger_ cited 76 n. 2
-
- factories, 12, 20, 22
-
- faience, 93, 94, 109, 124
-
- fairs, 261 n. 2
-
- Falconer (T.), ed. Strabo, cited 159 n. 2
-
- Falerii, 219
-
- farmers, 18, 37, 44, 48, 49, 307, 308, 310;
-   see also agriculture
-
- Faustulus, 197
-
- _favissae_, 224 n. 5
-
- Feronia, 261 n. 2
-
- Ferrari, _Agathokles_, cited 209 n. 3
-
- Festus, cited 134 n. 5, 221 n. 5, 338 n. 1
-
- _fibulae_, 333
-
- figurines, 118, 119, 332
-
- Fikellura ware, 112–114, 116, 121 n. 5
-
- _flatum_, 218
-
- flax workers, 14
-
- Fleet (London), 247
-
- Florence, 2, 3, 56 n. 3, 304
-
- Florentinus, _Geoponica_, cited 201 n. 8
-
- Florus, _Epitome Liui_, cited 215 n. 2, 222 n. 2, 223 n. 5, 226, 228 n.
-    1, n. 2, 229 n. 2, 238 n. 3
-
- flower girls, 55–57
-
- flute players, 222
-
- Foerster (R.), _Philologus_, cited 257 n. 2
-
- Fontana Collection of Greek Vases, 319
-
- Forchhammer (P.), _Philologus_, cited 326 n. 6, 329 n. 8
-
- Forum at Rome, 218, 247–249, 251, 334, 335, 337, 338 n. 2
-
- Fotheringham (J. K.), _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, cited 96 n. 3
-
- fountains, 62, 76 n. 5
-
- Fowler, W. Warde, 211 n. 4
-
- Fox (Earle), _Corolla Numismatica_, cited 53 n. 2, 56 n. 2, 156 n. 2,
-    161 n. 1
-
- Fraenkel (M.), _Inschriften von Pergamon_, cited 285 n. 2
-
- _Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum_, cited 26 n. 2, 36 n. 3, 39 n. 2, n.
-    3, 59 n. 6, 65 n. 4, 66 n. 3, 79 n. 2, 93 n. 1, 95 n. 2, 98 n. 9, 99
-    n. 2, 102 n. 2, 130 n. 2, 134 n. 1, n. 2, 135 n. 1, n. 3, n. 4, n.
-    8, 136 n. 2, n. 3, 137 n. 1, 138 n. 5, 144 n. 1, 145 n. 1, n. 4, n.
-    5, 146 n. 1, 147 n. 3, 151 n. 1, 156 n. 3, 166 n. 1, 178 n. 1, 180
-    n. 3, 183 n. 4, 189 n. 1, 190 n. 1, n. 3, n. 4, 191 n. 3, 192 n. 1,
-    n. 2, 194 n. 1, 211 n. 6, 213 n. 3, n. 4, 214 n. 7, 224 n. 5, 226 n.
-    3, 259 n. 4, 273 n. 2, n. 3, 275 n. 2, 280 n. 1, 283 n. 5
-
- France, 5, 50, 142, 162
-
- France, Anatole, cited 5, 257
-
- François vase, 113
-
- Francotte (H.), _Mélanges_ (Liège, 1910, _Bib. Fac. Phil._), cited 303
-    n. 2
-
- Frank (T.), _Classical Philology_, cited 219 n. 1
-
- Frazer (J.), _Magic Art_, cited 238 n. 3, 336 n. 2;
-   ed. Pausanias, cited 80 n. 6, 179 n. 10, 263 n. 3, n. 4
-
- Frederic, father of George III, 157 n. 4
-
- Freeman (E. A.), _History of Sicily_, cited 274 n. 3
-
- frescoes, 243, 244 n. 1, 246
-
- Frickenhaus (A.), _Tiryns_, cited 114 n. 5, 163, 164, 317 n. 1, 318 n.
-    4, 320
-
- von Fritze (H.), _Zeitschrift f. Numismatik_, cited 36 n. 3, 53 n. 2,
-    56 n. 2
-
- Frohberger, _de opificum apud veteres Graecos conditione_, cited 15 n.
-    7
-
- Frontinus, _Stratagems_, cited 259 n. 2, 278 n. 1
-
- Frye, Senator, quoted 5 n. 8
-
- Fulgentius, _Sermones Antiqui_, cited 336 n. 2
-
- fulling, 266
-
- furnace, 199, 202, 203, 205, 207, 208 n. 1
-
- Furtwaengler (A.), _Antike Gemmen_, cited 243 n. 3;
-   _Archäologische Zeitung_, cited 324;
-   _Berliner Philologische Wochenschrift_, cited 170 n. 6;
-   _Beschreibung der Vasensammlung im Antiquarium, Berlin_, cited 46 n.
-      7, 203 n. 3, n. 4, 204 n. 1, 207 n. 2, 242 n. 3;
-   _Olympia_, cited 243 n. 3;
-   _Winckelmannsfeste Program_, cited 171 n. 1;
-   Thiersch and others, _Aegina_, cited 316 n. 1, n. 2, n. 6, n. 7, n.
-      10, 317 n. 7, 318, 320 n. 4, 333 n. 4
-
-
- Gabii, 224
-
- Gabrici (E.), _Monumenti Antichi_, cited 316 n. 9
-
- Galassi, General, 93 n. 3, 243, 335
-
- Galatia, Galatians, 285, 286
-
- Galen, _Protrepticus_, cited 13 n. 5, 70 n. 3
-
- Gallipoli, 52
-
- Gambacorti, 2
-
- games, 71, 123, 154, 159, 160, 178, 235, 258–262, 265
-
- Gardner (Ernest), _Naukratis_, see Petrie and Gardner;
-   _Handbook of Greek Sculpture_, cited 63 n. 1, 81 n. 4, 263 n. 5, 302
-      n. 4
-
- Gardner (Percy), _History of Ancient Coinage_, cited 130 n. 3, 171;
-   _Earliest Coins of Greece Proper_, cited 53 n. 2, 159 n. 5, 161 n. 2,
-      188;
-   _Gold Coinage of Asia before Alexander the Great_, cited 130 n. 3,
-      143 n. 1;
-   _Samos and Samian Coins_, cited 75 n. 1;
-   _Numismatic Chronicle_, cited 57 n. 5
-
- Gardthausen (V.), _Mastarna oder Servius_, cited 223, 249
-
- garlands, 55–57, 60
-
- Garrucci (R.), _Le monete dell’ Italia antica_, cited 220 n. 4
-
- Gellius, Aulus, cited 17 n. 3, 221 n. 5
-
- Gelo of Syracuse, 10 n. 6, 30
-
- Gelzer, _Rheinisches Museum_, cited 136 n. 1, n. 3, 137 n. 3, 138 n. 7,
-    140 n. 4, 141 n. 1, 145 n. 4, 146 n. 1, n. 6, 273 n. 2
-
- genealogies, 156–159, 176, 212
-
- _Genesis_, cited 149
-
- _Geographi Graeci Minores_, cited 90 n. 5, 91 n. 1
-
- Geometric pottery, 163, 169, 314, 315, 318–321, 333, 334;
-   see also Dipylon pottery
-
- Geomoroi, γεωμόροι, 69, 276, 277
-
- George II, 157 n. 4
-
- George III, 157 n. 4
-
- George, King of Greece, 143 n. 1
-
- Gercke und Norden, _Einleitung i. d. Altertumswissenschaft_, cited 157
-    n. 8
-
- Gergethes (Γέργηθες), Gergithes (Γέργιθες), 269, 270
-
- Gerhard (E.), _Trinkschalen u. Gefässe_, cited 203 n. 3, n. 4
-
- Germany, Germans, 163, 197 n. 6, 253 n. 4, 311
-
- Gerster, _Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique_, cited 191 n. 6
-
- Gibraltar, 177
-
- Gihon (Miriam), 267
-
- Gilbert, _Jahrbücher f. Classische Philologie_ (_Neue Jahrbücher f.
-    Philologie und Paedagogik_), cited 53 n. 2, 63 n. 9, 326 n. 7, 328
-
- Gilliard (C.), _Quelques Réformes de Solon_, cited 48 n. 6, 307 n. 6,
-    329 n. 7
-
- Glotz (G.), _Études sociales et juridiques sur l’Antiquité grecque_,
-    cited 328 n. 1, 329
-
- γλυκὺς ἄγκων, 76, 77 n. 3
-
- Gnathia ware, 335
-
- γνώριμοι, 303
-
- _Goettingsche Gelehrte Anzeigen_, see Wilisch
-
- gold, 44 n. 5, 54 n. 1, 80 n. 4, 84, 139, 143, 144 n. 3, n. 4, 145,
-    147, 148, 152, 171 n. 1, 189, 192 n. 5, 198
-
- gold currency, 3, 4, 18, 57, 128, 130–133, 140, 142 n. 5, 152, 156 n.
-    1, 172, 286, 287, 291;
-   see also daric
-
- gold mines, 39 n. 4, 44 n. 5, 50, 54 n. 1, 58 n. 1, 59 n. 1, 87, 138,
-    148, 203 n. 4
-
- Golden age, 302
-
- Golden Fleece, 41, 265
-
- goldsmiths, 222
-
- Gonussa, 193
-
- Gorgasus, 240 n. 2
-
- Gorgos, Gorgias, Gordios, 213
-
- γουνὸς Σουνιακός, 41, 44
-
- Government-owned industry, 22 n. 7
-
- Gracchi, 32
-
- Gracchan revolutionaries, 288, 289
-
- Graef (B.), _Die antiken Vasen v. d. Akropolis zu Athen_, cited 315 n.
-    5;
-   _Wochenschrift f. klassische Philologie_, cited 316 n. 6
-
- Graffunder (P.), _Klio_, cited 338
-
- Graillot, _Mélanges d’Archéologie et d’Histoire_, cited 246 n. 7
-
- Great King (= King of Persia), 20, 57, 61, 69 n. 5, 72, 130, 140, 270
-    n. 7, 271, 291, 292
-
- greengrocer, 17
-
- Gregorius Cyprius, cited 190 n. 1
-
- Grenfell (B. P.) and Hunt (A. S.), _Oxyrhynchus Papyri_, cited 104,
-    257, 258, 262 n. 4, 264 n. 4
-
- Griffith (F. Ll.), _Encyclopaedia Britannica_, cited 87 n. 5;
-   _Catalogue of the Demotic Papyri in the Rylands Library at
-      Manchester_, cited 87 n. 4, 93 n. 2, 98 n. 5, 100 n. 4, 125, 126;
-   _High Priests of Memphis_, cited 97, 98 n. 6, 101
-
- Groddech, 195 n. 4
-
- Grote (G.), _History of Greece_, cited 36 n. 1, 66 n. 1, 70 n. 1, 80,
-    180 n. 3, 262 n. 1, 278 n. 2, 288, 327
-
- Grueber (H. A.), _Coins of the Roman Republic in the British Museum_,
-    cited 221 n. 7
-
- Grundy (G. B.), _Great Persian War_, cited 271;
-   _Thucydides and the History of his Age_, cited 37 n. 7, 307, 310 n. 3
-
- Guadalquivir (Baetis), 177 n. 6
-
- De Gubernatis, _Atti d. Reale Accademia d. Torino_, cited 66, 258 n. 1,
-    n. 2
-
- Guérin (V.), _Patmos et Samos_, cited 76 n. 2
-
- guilds, 87
-
- Guiraud (P.), _La Main-d’Œuvre dans l’Ancienne Grèce_, cited 36;
-   _La Propriété Foncière en Grèce_, cited 309 n. 10
-
- Gutschmid, cited 104 n. 6;
-   _Neue Beiträge z. Geschichte d. alten Orients_, cited 92 n. 1;
-   _Philologus_, cited 90 n. 1, 99 n. 6, 214 n. 6
-
- Gyges, 9, 26, 91, 92, 99 n. 3, 127, 130 n. 2, 134, 136, 137, 139 n. 3,
-    141, 143–149, 151, 152, 187 n. 8, 221, 236 n. 2, 273 n. 2, 286, 289,
-    293, 302
-
- Gylippus, 58
-
-
- Haa ab ra, see Apries
-
- Haase, _Abhandlungen d. historisch. philologisch. Gesellschaft
-    Breslau_, cited 37 n. 7, 38 n. 2
-
- Habron, 181
-
- Hackl (R.), see Sieveking (J.)
-
- Hadrian, 63, 336 n. 5
-
- Haeberlin (E. J.), _Aes Grave_, cited 219, 221 n. 7;
-   _Die Systematik des ältesten roemischen Münzwesens_, cited 233 n. 1
-
- ἁμαξοπηγῶν, 135
-
- Hammer, _Zeitschrift f. Numismatik_, cited 146 n. 7, 148 n. 3
-
- Hanno, 30 n. 3, 282
-
- Hanover, House of, 157 n. 4
-
- hare, 74, 75
-
- Harmodius, 231, 302
-
- Harold, King of England, 238 n. 1
-
- Harpocration, cited 16 n. 7, 56 n. 4, 171 n. 4, 280 n. 1, 310 n. 4, 327
-    n. 2
-
- Head (B. V.), _Historia Numorum_^2, cited 56 n. 2, 63 n. 7, 75 n. 1,
-    128 n. 1, 132 n. 3, 143 n. 1, 147 n. 1, 156 n. 2, 159 n. 5, 161 n.
-    1, 171 n. 6, 172 n. 3, 188, 208 n. 3, 209 n. 6;
-   _Numismatic Chronicle_, cited 53 n. 2, 55, 63 n. 9;
-   see also _British Museum Excavations at Ephesus_;
-   _Catalogue of Greek Coins, Corinth, Ionia_
-
- Headlam (J. W.), _Classical Review_, cited 326 n. 6
-
- Hebrew, 126
-
- Hebrus, 200 n. 1
-
- hektemoroi, 13, 307, 308
-
- Helbig (W.), cited 335;
-   _Das homerische Epos_^2, cited 166 n. 1, 170 n. 1, 332 n. 2;
-   _Mémoires de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres_, cited
-      169, 321, 324, 325, 326 n. 3, 329 n. 7, 330
-
- Helladius, cited 257 n. 2
-
- Hellanicus, cited 102 n. 2
-
- pre-Hellenic population, 269
-
- Hellenium at Naukratis, 104–106, 107 n. 4, 110, 116, 118
-
- Hellenomemphites, 96 n. 4
-
- Hellespont, 63, 92
-
- helots, 24
-
- ἥμερα, 309
-
- Hephaestus, 14, 16, 92, 97
-
- Hera of Argos, 162
-
- Hera of Samos, 69 n. 5, 76, 116
-
- Hera, temple of, see Heraeum
-
- Heraclea Ioniae, 131
-
- Heraclea Pontica, 265
-
- Heraclean tables, 208
-
- Heracles, 156, 176, 178, 207, 236 n. 2
-
- Heraclid royal family, 158 n. 6, 196, 211 n. 6
-
- Heraclides, cited 79 n. 2, 135 n. 8, 147 n. 3, 167 n. 1, 190 n. 1, n.
-    2, n. 4, 191 n. 3, 192 n. 1, n. 2, 193 n. 3, 269
-
- Heraeum at Argos, 161–164, 175, 316 n. 7, 318–320, 333 n. 4;
-   at Samos, 76, 82;
-   at Tiryns, 320
-
- Hereward, 91 n. 4, 238
-
- Hermann (C. F.), _Lehrbuch der griechischen Antiquitäten_, vol. I
-    (_Staatsaltertümer_), cited 28 n. 5, vol. IV (_Privataltertümer_),
-    cited 201 n. 4
-
- Hermes, shrine of, 135
-
- _Hermes_, cited 171 n. 6;
-   see also Lehmann-Haupt, Niese
-
- Hermias, 280–283, 288
-
- Hermione, 330
-
- Hermocapelia, 135 n. 4
-
- Hermogenes (ed. Spengel), cited 51 n. 2
-
- Hermotybies, 90 n. 1
-
- Herodotus, 6, 9, 18, 25, 26, 33, 194 n. 6, 196, 212 n. 3, 215, 290,
-    292, 293, 295, 298, 320, 328;
-   cited 8 n. 3, n. 13, 17, 22 n. 2, 26 n. 2, 27–29, 31, 35–37, 40 n. 8,
-      41, 46 n. 1, n. 6, 47, 50 n. 6, 51 n. 2, n. 3, 52, 54, 55, 58, 59
-      n. 1, n. 2, n. 3, n. 4, n. 5, 60–62, 63 n. 5, n. 7, 64, 65, 67, 68
-      n. 2, n. 3, n. 4, n. 5, n. 6, n. 7, n. 8, 69 n. 5, 70 n. 3, n. 4,
-      72, 73 n. 1, n. 4, n. 6, 74, 75 n. 1, 76, 77 n. 8, 78 n. 4, n. 5,
-      n. 6, n. 8, 79–81, 82 n. 1, 83–85, 87 n. 1, n. 2, n. 8, n. 9, n.
-      10, n. 11, 88–92, 96 n. 4, 97 n. 1, n. 6, 99–101, 102 n. 1, n. 2,
-      103–105, 112 n. 4, 116, 117, 121 n. 4, 122 n. 1, n. 4, 123, 124,
-      126 n. 3, n. 4, 129–131, 133, 136 n. 2, 137 n. 1, n. 3, n. 5, 138,
-      139, 140 n. 1, n. 2, n. 3, 143, 144 n. 1, n. 3, n. 4, n. 6, 145 n.
-      1, n. 2, n. 3, n. 4, 146 n. 1, n. 4, 147 n. 4, 154, 155, 156 n. 3,
-      157, 158, 161–167, 169–176, 177 n. 4, n. 7, 178 n. 1, 179 n. 2,
-      180 n. 3, 187 n. 8, 189 n. 2, 190 n. 1, 191 n. 2, n. 3, 193 n. 4,
-      n. 6, 197, 198, 207, 209 n. 5, 210 n. 1, 211, 214 n. 7, 231 n. 4,
-      239, 240, 255, 259 n. 1, n. 4, 260 n. 2, 261, 264, 268 n. 3, 270
-      n. 4, n. 5, n. 7, 271, 272 n. 1, 294, 302, 303, 305 n. 2, 306 n.
-      1, 309 n. 1, 313, 324 n. 6, n. 10, 325, 326, 330 n. 3, 333, 334,
-      336 n. 1
-
- Herostratos, 103, 118, 119
-
- Hesiod, 24
-
- Hesiod, _Eoiai_, cited 324
-
- Hesychius, cited 39 n. 5, 41 n. 2, 51 n. 2, 54 n. 2, 70 n. 5, 122 n. 4,
-    129 n. 7, 199 n. 3, n. 4, n. 5, n. 8, n. 9, 200–202, 280 n. 1, 311,
-    312, 313 n. 4, 327
-
- Hesychius Milesius, cited 280 n. 1, 283 n. 5
-
- hetaerae, 68, 93, 104, 139 n. 3
-
- Heuzey (L.), _Catalogue des Figurines antiques de terre cuite du Musée
-    du Louvre_, cited 123 n. 12
-
- Hezekiah, 267
-
- Hicks (E. L.), _Manual of Greek Historical Inscriptions_, cited 283 n.
-    2
-
- Hicks (R. D.), _Companion to Greek Studies_, cited 179 n. 3
-
- Hiero, 10, 30, 138 n. 9
-
- Hierocles, cited 135 n. 4
-
- Hieronymus, see Jerome
-
- Hill (G. F.), _Handbook of Greek and Roman Coins_, cited 24 n. 1;
-   _Historical Greek Coins_, cited 53 n. 2, 54 n. 5, 156 n. 2, 161 n. 1;
-   _Historical Roman Coins_, cited 233 n. 1;
-   _Sources for Greek History between the Persian and Peloponnesian
-      Wars_, cited 59 n. 1
-
- hill, party of the, hillmen, hill country, 29, 31, 37, 38, 39, 44, 45,
-    48, 291, 299, 307–313
-
- Himera, 275 n. 4
-
- Himerius, cited 280 n. 1, 282 n. 4
-
- Hipparchus, 51 n. 2, 268
-
- hippeis, 16, 49
-
- Hippias, tyrant of Athens, 33 n. 1, 50, 51 n. 2, 56 n. 2, 59–61, 63 n.
-    4, 64, 66, 74, 231, 268
-
- Hippias of Elis, cited 134 n. 2, 160
-
- Hipponax, cited 139 n. 1, 272
-
- Hipponikos, 12
-
- Hirschensohn, _Philolog. Obozrenie_, cited 51 n. 4
-
- Hirschfeld (O.), _Rheinisches Museum_, cited 91, 106, 117 n. 3, n. 5,
-    120 n. 4, 123 n. 8;
-   _apud_ Pauly Wissowa, cited 166 n. 1
-
- Histiaeus, 61, 62, 268, 270, 271, 287, 292
-
- Hittites, 149
-
- Hitzig and Bluemner, _Pausanias_, cited 158 n. 3, 198 n. 9
-
- Hoar, Senator, quoted 5 n. 8
-
- Hogarth (D. G.), _Excavations at Ephesus_, see _British Museum
-    Excavations at Ephesus_
-
- Hogarth (D. G.) and others, _Annual of the British School at Athens_,
-    cited 106–110, 115 n. 2, 116 n. 3, n. 6, 118 n. 1, n. 2, n. 3, 119
-    n. 5, 120 n. 2;
-   _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, cited 106, 110, 118 n. 2, n. 4
-
- Holm (A.), _History of Greece_, cited 23 n. 1, 159 n. 5, 198 n. 9, 275
-    n. 6, 285, 286, 288 n. 3, 303 n. 2;
-   _Geschichte Siciliens im Alterthum_, cited 275 n. 6
-
- Holwerda (A. E. J.), _Album Herwerden_, cited 53 n. 2, 56 n. 2;
-   _Rheinisches Museum_, cited 332 n. 2, 333 n. 2
-
- Homer, 27 n. 4, 40 n. 2, 134, 180, 262 n. 1, 264 n. 5, 303;
-   _Iliad_, cited 16 n. 1, 179, 259 n. 3, 324 n. 5, 333 n. 2;
-   _Odyssey_, cited 16 n. 1, 36 n. 3, 40, 201, 309 n. 6, 328 n. 1;
-   _Hymns_, cited 259 n. 3
-
- Homeric age, 16, 300, 329;
-   talent, 172 n. 4
-
- Homolle (Th.), _apud_ Saglio, _Dictionnaire des Antiquités_, cited 162
-    n. 3
-
- honey, 309, 310 n. 3
-
- Hophra, see Apries
-
- hoplite, 90, 121
-
- Hoppin (J. C.), _Argive Heraeum_, cited 167 n. 6, 316 n. 7, 317
-
- Horace, _Epist._, cited 201 n. 1;
-   _Odes_, cited 248 n. 1
-
- horse rearing, 187
-
- Horus, 91 n. 4
-
- house martin, 211
-
- How and Wells, _Herodotus_, cited 87 n. 9, n. 10, 90 n. 1, 125 n. 3,
-    140 n. 5, 144 n. 4, 156 n. 5, 161 n. 2, 165 n. 5, 166 n. 1, n. 4,
-    168 n. 1, 190 n. 3, 193, 269 n. 7, 305 n. 1, 319 n. 4, 326 n. 7
-
- Howorth (H. H.), _Numismatic Chronicle_, cited 53 n. 2, 56 n. 2
-
- hubris, ὕβρις, 8, 181
-
- Huelsen (Ch.) (trans. Carter), _Forum Romanum_, cited 247 n. 5
-
- ὑλονόμοι, 309
-
- Humbert (G.), _apud_ Saglio, _Dictionnaire des Antiquités_, cited 222
-    n. 6
-
- Hunt (A. S.), see Grenfell
-
- hydriae, 246, 255, 320
-
- Hyginus, cited 147 n. 2
-
- Hymettus, 39 n. 6, 44, 308–310
-
- Hyperakria, Hyperakrioi, Ὑπεράκριοι (Athenian), 37, 39–41;
-   (Milesian), 40 n. 8, 41 n. 2
-
- Hyperbolus, 207
-
- Hyperboreans, 138 n. 9
-
- Hyperides, cited 47 n. 7, 54 n. 2
-
- Hysiae, 177
-
-
- Iamblichus, cited 69 n. 1, 93 n. 2
-
- Iasos, vase from, 204–206
-
- Ibycus, 332
-
- Ida, 44
-
- Imbros, 134 n. 5
-
- Imhoof-Blumer (F.), _Monnaies Grecques_, cited 200 n. 1
-
- _imperatores_, 337
-
- _impressisse monetam_, 218
-
- Inaros, 104, 118
-
- India, Indian, 142, 197 n. 6
-
- ingots of metal, 141, 142 n. 4, 150, 152 n. 2;
-   see also dumps
-
- inscriptions, 14, 15, 20 n. 7, 38–41, 44, 48, 50, 56 n. 4, 75, 81, 87,
-    106–109, 113, 116–118, 123, 128 n. 4, 174 n. 5, 198 n. 2, 208, 212,
-    221 n. 2, 236, 240 n. 2, 263, 283, 284 n. 4, 286, 288, 291, 292,
-    297, 299, 313, 316 n. 10;
-   see also cylinders
-
- Ionia, 4, 27 n. 2, 83, 89, 90–92, 108, 123, 133, 245, 246, 249, 251–253
-
- Ionian art, 244, 246;
-   dress, 169, 170, 331–334;
-   league, 245;
-   mercenaries, 122, 123;
-   philosophers, 1;
-   pottery, 118, 120 n. 1, 334;
-   revolt, 72 n. 2, 158, 270 n. 7;
-   terra cottas, 252;
-   tyrants, 270 n. 7
-
- iron, 203, 274;
-   currency, 23, 163 n. 1, 164 n. 1, 221 n. 7;
-   mines, 37 n. 1
-
- Isaiah, cited 92 n. 3, 98 n. 2
-
- Isidore of Seville, _Etymologiae_, cited 224 n. 5, 226 n. 3
-
- Isis, tomb of, 119 n. 3
-
- Ismenias, 24 n. 5
-
- Isocrates, 12;
-   _Antidosis_, cited 65;
-   _Areopagiticus_, cited 17;
-   _de Biga_, cited 64 n. 4, n. 5;
-   _Busiris_, cited 122 n. 1;
-   _de Pace_, cited 265 n. 4;
-   _Panathenaicus_, cited 10, 35 n. 3;
-   _Panegyricus_, cited 261 n. 1, 304 n. 2
-
- Israel, 303
-
- Isthmus, 215
-
- Isthmian games, 260
-
- Italy, Italian, 1, 2, 3, 50, 56, 112, 187, 189, 194, 216, 233, 234,
-    243–245, 251, 266, 278, 286, 311, 315, 316
-
- Italian pottery, 335
-
-
- _J.H.S._ see _Journal of Hellenic Studies_
-
- _J. I. d’A. N._ see _Journal International d’Archéologie Numismatique_
-
- Jacoby (F.), _Marmor Parium_, cited 155 n. 2, 160 n. 4, 181
-
- _Jahrb._ = _Jahrbuch des deutschen archäologischen Instituts_, cited
-    187 n. 4;
-   see also Boehlau, Conze, Duemmler, Kalkmann, Kroker, Winter
-
- _Jahrbücher f. Nationalökonomie u. Statistik_, see E. Meyer
-
- _Jahrbücher f. Classische Philologie_, see Gilbert, Schoemann, Wilisch
-
- _Jahresbericht des Gymnas. Zittau_, see Wilisch
-
- James of Hereford, Lord, 11 n. 2
-
- James (W.), _Varieties of Religious Experience_, cited 306
-
- Janus, 219
-
- Japan, 142
-
- Java, 142
-
- Jebb, _Attic Orators_, cited 10 n. 5;
-   ed. Sophocles, cited 16 n. 7, 134 n. 5
-
- Jerome, cited 52, 95, 96 n. 1, 103, 172 n. 5, 273 n. 4
-
- Jerusalem, 267
-
- Jevons (W. S.), _Money_, cited 3 n. 6, 142 n. 6, 162 n. 2
-
- Jew, 194
-
- jewellery, 164, 167, 170, 171, 175
-
- _Job, Book of_, cited 149 n. 2
-
- Johansen (K. F.), _Sikyoniske Vaser_, cited 316 n. 10
-
- John of Antioch, cited 93 n. 1, 224 n. 5, 226 n. 3
-
- Johnson, Dr, 281
-
- Jones (Stuart), _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, cited 198 n. 2
-
- Jordan, _Topographie der Stadt Rom_, cited 338 n. 1
-
- Josephus, cited 97 n. 5
-
- Josiah, 116, 123
-
- _Journal des Savants_, see Piganiol, Reinach (A. J.), De Sanctis
-
- _Journal International d’Archéologie Numismatique_, cited 171 n. 6, n.
-    8;
-   see also Babelon, Svoronos
-
- _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, cited 112 n. 8, 114 n. 1, 155 n. 1, 284
-    n. 4, 285 n. 3;
-   see also Bent, Burrows, Dickens, Edgar, Fotheringham, Hogarth, Stuart
-      Jones, Leaf, Macan, Mahaffy, Munro, Myres, Ramsay, Ridgeway, Ure
-
- _Journal of Roman Studies_, cited, see Boni
-
- Jove, temple of, 223
-
- Juba, king of Libya, 201 n. 8
-
- Judah, 123, 303
-
- jurymen, payment of, 19, 25, 231
-
- Justin, cited 29 n. 2, 31, 54 n. 1, 73 n. 1, 129 n. 6, 136 n. 2, 138 n.
-    3, 156 n. 5, 183 n. 1, 208 n. 4, 211 n. 1, 221, 278 n. 2
-
-
- Kabeirion, 108 n. 2
-
- Kahrstedt, _apud_ Pauly Wissowa, cited 120 n. 4
-
- kalasiries, 90 n. 1
-
- Kalaurian league, 324, 330, 331
-
- Kalkmann (A.), _Jahrbuch_, cited 333 n. 1
-
- Kallikrates, 13 n. 3
-
- Kallirrhoe, 62
-
- Kallisthenes, _Apophthegms_, cited 282 n. 2
-
- Kamaresa, 43, 44 n. 3
-
- Kaminia, 44 n. 5
-
- Kampanes, _Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique_, cited 56 n. 2
-
- κάπηλος, καπηλεῖον, καπηλεύειν, 73, 135
-
- Kapsala, 44 n. 5
-
- Karanos, 156, 183
-
- Kavalla, 37
-
- Keil (B.), _Die Solonische Verfassung_, cited 168 n. 3, 327 n. 5
-
- Kelainai, 140, 147 n. 1
-
- Kent, 311 n. 1
-
- Kephisia, 38
-
- κεραμεαί, κεραμευτικὴ τέχνη, 200, 209
-
- Kerameikos (Athens), 318
-
- Keraunos, see Ptolemy Keraunos
-
- κεροπλάστης, 55
-
- Khamois, Satni, 97, 100–102
-
- κιβωτός, κιβώτιον, 198, 208
-
- Kibotos, 147 n. 1
-
- Kieff, 142 n. 4
-
- Kinch (K. F.), _Vroulia_, cited 93 n. 4, 109, 110 n. 4, 112 n. 1, 114
-
- _Kings, Second Book of_, cited 92 n. 3, 98 n. 2
-
- Kinkel (G.), _Epicorum Graecorum Fragmenta_, cited 324 n. 7
-
- Kirchhoff (A.), _Studien z. Geschichte d. griechischen Alphabets_^4,
-    cited 104 n. 7, 106
-
- Kirrha, Kirrhaians, 259 n. 2, n. 5
-
- κιστοφόρος, 57
-
- κιθαρηφόρος, 57
-
- Kitsovouno, 43
-
- Kleidemos, Atthidograph, 328 n. 2
-
- Klein (W.), _Die griechischen Vasen mit Meistersignaturen_, cited 245
-    n. 1;
-   _Sitzungsberichte d. Akademie d. Wissenschaften in Wien_, cited 198
-      n. 9
-
- kleinmeister kylikes, 115, 318
-
- kleronomos, 277
-
- _Klio_, see Graffunder, Nordin, Perdrizet, Petersen, Seeck
-
- Knapp (P.), _Korrespondenz-Blatt f. die Gelehrten- u. Real-Schulen
-    Wuerttembergs_, cited 189 n. 7, 192 n. 1, 193 n. 3, n. 7, 194 n. 5,
-    196 n. 4, n. 5, 197 n. 7, 214 n. 2
-
- Knossos, 128, 141, 298
-
- Knut, 238 n. 1
-
- Kodros, 169 n. 1
-
- Koehler (U.), _Athenische Mitteilungen_, cited 50 n. 3, 163 n. 1;
-   _Rheinisches Museum f. Philologie_, cited 173 n. 1, 174 n. 5;
-   _Sitzungsberichte d. preuss. Akademie d. Wissenschaften zu Berlin_,
-      cited 31 n. 2
-
- Kolaios, 68, 177
-
- Kollytos, 55
-
- Komas, 272
-
- κομίζειν, 139
-
- κόψας (μέτρον), 182
-
- κόραι, 54
-
- Κορινθία συγγραφή, Κορινθιακά, 195
-
- Koriskos, 283 n. 3
-
- Kornemann (E.), _apud_ Pauly Wissowa, 222 n. 3, n. 5
-
- _Korrespondenz-Blatt f. die Gelehrten- u. Real-Schulen Wuerttembergs_,
-    see Knapp
-
- kothons, 248
-
- κραίνω, 328
-
- Kreon, 9
-
- Kresphontes, 180
-
- κρητῆρες, 201
-
- Krisa, Krisaians, 66, 247 n. 2, 259–261
-
- Kroker (E.), _Jahrbuch_, cited 315 n. 1, n. 3, 321, 325 n. 9
-
- Kronos, 302
-
- Ktesias, 157
-
- kylikes, 74 n. 3, 115, 318
-
-
- Labda, 193
-
- labyrinth, 76, 89 n. 3
-
- Lacedaemon, Lacedaemonia, 144 n. 4;
-   see also Sparta
-
- Lade, battle of, 75, 84
-
- Lakedes, 158
-
- Lakydes, 158 n. 4
-
- Lamb (D.), _Year’s Work in Classical Studies_, cited 244 n. 1
-
- Lampsacus, 53, 63, 281
-
- Lancastrians, 101
-
- Landwehr, _Philologus_, cited 35 n. 2, 48 n. 6
-
- Lanuvium, 246 n. 7
-
- _lapicidae_, 230, 234
-
- Lapithae, 193
-
- Larcher (P. H.), _Mémoires de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles
-    Lettres_, cited 280 n. 1, 283 n. 6
-
- _lares_, 336
-
- _lares grundules_, 336 n. 2
-
- Larissa, near Phocaea, 246 n. 8
-
- larnax, λάρναξ, 198, 199, 209
-
- Latium, 219 n. 4, 224 n. 5, 234, 246, 296, 336 n. 1
-
- de Launay (L.), _apud_ Saglio, _Dictionnaire des Antiquités_, cited 44
-    n. 5, 203
-
- laundrymen, 20
-
- laura, 76, 77
-
- Laurentius Lydus (Johannes), _de Magistratibus_, cited 48 n. 6;
-   _de Mensuris et Ponderibus_, cited 224 n. 5, 226 n. 3;
-   _de Ostentatione_, cited 238 n. 3
-
- Laurium, 21, 23 n. 1, 36, 38, 39, 41–46, 49, 50, 58, 61
-
- Lauth (F. J.), _Aus Aegyptens Vorzeit_, cited 97 n. 4
-
- _lautumiae_, 224 n. 5
-
- lawgivers, 8, 11, 16, 35, 93 n. 2, 182, 183, 301
-
- Lawson (Thos. W.), _Frenzied Finance_, cited 4 n. 1, 5 n. 8
-
- Layard (A. H.), _Monuments of Nineveh_, cited 325 n. 6
-
- Layton (W. T.), _Capital and Labour_, cited 11 n. 2
-
- Lazarus, 102
-
- leaden coins, 74
-
- Leaf, _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, cited 281–283, 286
-
- Leaina, 253
-
- leather currency, 221 n. 7
-
- leather workers, 14, 17, 222
-
- Lebadea, 162 n. 3
-
- Lebedos, 131
-
- Ledl (A.), _Studien zur älteren athen. Verfassungsgeschichte_, 34 n. 2
-
- Lehmann-Haupt (C. F.), cited 157;
-   _Hermes_, cited 161 n. 3
-
- Lelantine war, 68 n. 2, 117 n. 1
-
- Lemnos, 134 n. 5
-
- Lenormant, 24 n. 1, 89 n. 3, 150;
-   _La Monnaie dans L’Antiquité_, cited 74 n. 6, 141;
-   _Monnaies Royales de la Lydie_, cited 130 n. 7;
-   _Monnaies et Médailles_, cited 56 n. 4
-
- Lenschau (T.), _apud_ Bursian, _Jahresbericht_, 34 n. 2, 328 n. 3
-
- Leokedes, 154, 157, 158, 259 n. 1
-
- Leontini, 273–4 _passim_, 296
-
- Leontis, 50 n. 3
-
- Lepsius (K. R.), _Abhandlungen d. preussisch. Akademie d.
-    Wissenschaften zu Berlin_, cited 148 n. 3;
-   _Denkmäler_, cited 123 n. 9;
-   _Königsbuch_, cited 98
-
- Lermann (W.), _Athenatypen_, cited 53 n. 2, 56 n. 2, 63 n. 7
-
- Lesbians, Lesbos, 96 n. 1, 104, 120
-
- Letters of Phalaris, 274
-
- Leukas, 189, 191
-
- λευκὸς χρυσός, 133
-
- Leutsch und Schneidewin, _Paroemiographi Graeci_, cited 71 n. 1, 73 n.
-    2, 76 n. 6, 77 n. 4, 78 n. 7, 79 n. 2, 190 n. 1, 308 n. 3
-
- Levantine race, 305
-
- Lewis (Geo. Cornewall), _On the Credibility of Early Roman History_,
-    cited 215, 236 n. 2, 237 n. 5
-
- _Lexicon Seguerianum_, ed. Bekker, cited 39, 41 n. 3, 57, 310 n. 4, 326
-    n. 9, 327 n. 9
-
- Libanius, _Oratio c. Severum_, cited 257 n. 2
-
- Liber and Libera, 250 n. 1
-
- Libya, 68, 74, 86, 89 n. 1, 92 n. 2, 122, 124, 125 n. 3, 201 n. 8
-
- Liddell and Scott, _Lexicon_, cited 80, 313 n. 3
-
- Limir-Patesi-Assur, 214 n. 3
-
- Liopesi, 58 n. 3
-
- liturgies, 67, 79, 287
-
- Livy, cited 54 n. 1, 57 n. 2, 184 n. 2, 215 n. 2, 216–218, 221 n. 2,
-    222 n. 1, n. 7, 223, 224 n. 5, 225–230, 232 n. 1, 234, 235, 238 n.
-    3, 245, 247, 248 n. 1, 253 n. 4, 261 n. 2, 278 n. 3, 289 n. 1, 298
-
- Lloyd (Hy. D.), _Wealth against Commonwealth_, cited 4, 5, 6, 14, 235,
-    267
-
- Locrians, 22
-
- Lodi, 2
-
- Loeper (R.), _Athenische Mitteilungen_, cited 38 n. 5, 41 n. 3, 44 n.
-    3, 45, 50, 310 n. 1, 312 n. 4, 313 n. 5
-
- Loeschcke (G.), _Athenische Mitteilungen_, cited 316 n. 4, 319
-
- London, 3, 247
-
- Long Walls, 13 n. 3
-
- λόφος, 39, 44
-
- Lophos Loutrou, 42
-
- Lords, House of, 3
-
- Louvre, 74 n. 3, 245 n. 1
-
- λύχνων, οὑκ τῶν, 207
-
- Lucian, _Bis Accusatus_, cited 151 n. 4, 275 n. 1;
-   _Charon_, cited 144 n. 4;
-   _Eunuchus_, cited 280 n. 1, 283 n. 6;
-   _Lexiphanes_, cited 199 n. 9;
-   _Navigium_, cited 151 n. 4;
-   _Phalaris_, cited 275 n. 1, n. 2, 276, 301 n. 2;
-   _Prometheus_, cited 203 n. 4;
-   _Vera Historia_, cited 275 n. 1;
-   Schol. _Cataplus_, cited 134 n. 5;
-   Schol. _Lexiphanes_, cited 199 n. 3, n. 9, 200
-
- Lucius Tarquinius, 216;
-   see also Tarquinius Priscus
-
- Lucretius, cited 311 n. 1
-
- _lucumo_, 239 n. 5
-
- Lucumo, 216;
-   see also Tarquinius Priscus
-
- Luke, cited 239 n. 1
-
- Lycian language, 134 n. 5
-
- Lycophron, son of Periander, 214 n. 7
-
- Lycophron, _Cassandra_, cited 59 n. 1
-
- Lydia and Lydians, 1, 4, 46, 59 n. 6, 64, 72, 73, 86, 90 n. 4, 91, 92,
-    104 n. 3, 123, chap. V _passim_, 155 n. 2, 187, 188, 191, 236 n. 2,
-    270, 273, 293, 302
-
- Lydian stone, 129
-
- Lygdamis, 70 n. 2
-
- Lykos, 155 n. 2
-
- Lynkestai, 183, 190 n. 3
-
- Lyons, 215 n. 2
-
- Lysias, _c. Eratosthenem_, cited 12;
-   _c. Frumentarios_, cited 12
-
- Lysimachus, 284
-
-
- Macan (R.), _Herodotus_, cited 54 n. 6, 59 n. 4, n. 6, 68 n. 4, 156 n.
-    2, 157 n. 7, 159 n. 2, 161 n. 2, 165, 166, 168, 174, 175 n. 1, 259
-    n. 1, 262 n. 2, 325 n. 3, 326 n. 7;
-   _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, cited 31 n. 2
-
- Macarius, cited 77 n. 4
-
- Macaulay (G. C.), translation of Herodotus, cited 313 n. 3
-
- Macdonald (G.), _Coin Types_, cited 128 n. 1, 133 n. 4, 143 n. 1, 150
-
- MacDonald (J. Ramsay), _Unemployment and the Wage Fund_, cited 5 n. 8
-
- Macedonia, 59, 61, 147, 156, 157, 158 n. 6, 159, 183, 271, 330
-
- Macfie (J. W. Scott), _Revue d’Ethnologie et de Sociologie_, cited 171
-    n. 1
-
- μάχιμοι, 122
-
- Macrobius, _Saturnalia_, cited 287 n. 4
-
- Maeander, 131, 147 n. 1
-
- Maeandrius, 84
-
- Maelius, Spurius, 229, 255 n. 1, 277, 278
-
- Maeonian dynasty, 144
-
- μάγειρος, 257
-
- Magians, 209
-
- magic, 101
-
- Magnesia, 131
-
- Mahaffy (J. P.), _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, cited 160
-
- Malalas, cited 71 n. 4, 72 n. 5
-
- Malchus, 278 n. 2
-
- Malcolm (J.), _Memoir of Central India_, cited 142 n. 3
-
- Mallet (D.), _Les Premiers Établissements des Grecs en Égypte_, cited
-    56 n. 3, 87 n. 6, n. 8, 89 n. 3, 90 n. 1, n. 4, 91 n. 3, n. 4, n. 9,
-    92 n. 2, 103 n. 1, 105 n. 1, 107, 120 n. 4, 121 n. 2, 122, 123 n.
-    12, 124 n. 2
-
- Mamertine prison, 224 n. 5
-
- Manetho, cited 95 n. 2, 99, 100
-
- Manlius, Marcus, 229
-
- Mantineans, 212 n. 1
-
- Mantissa, cited 308 n. 3
-
- Mantyes, 58, 59, 62
-
- Manu, laws of, 221 n. 4
-
- manual labour, 13–22, 231, 269, 275, 279
-
- Marathon, 38, 66
-
- Marcellinus, _Vita Thucydidis_, cited 33 n. 1, 50 n. 7
-
- Marchant (E. C.), _Thucydides Book II_, cited 313 n. 1
-
- Marcopoulo, 39 n. 6
-
- Margoliouth (D. S.), _Mohammed_, cited 261 n. 2
-
- Mariéjol (J. H.), _de Orthagoridis_, 259 n. 5, 264 n. 2
-
- Mariette (A.), cited 100 n. 4
-
- Marius, 32
-
- _Marmor Parium_, cited 155 n. 2, 156 n. 3, 157 n. 1, 160 n. 4, 181, 210
-    n. 1
-
- Maronea, 36 n. 3, 44 n. 3, 46, 47, 50
-
- Marquardt (J.), _Privatleben d. Roemer_, cited 336 n. 4
-
- Marseilles, 246
-
- Marshall (F. H.), see _British Museum Catalogue of Rings_
-
- Martha (J.), _L’Art Étrusque_, cited 240 n. 4, 251 n. 1, 255 n. 3
-
- Marx (Karl), 6 n. 3, 21
-
- masons, 95, 285;
-   see also stonemasons
-
- Maspero (G.), cited 93, 100 n. 4;
-   _Bibliothèque Égyptologique_, cited 96 n. 2, 99 n. 3, n. 4;
-   _Histoire Ancienne_^5, cited 87 n. 9, 99 n. 4, 103, 197 n. 5;
-   _Passing of the Empires_, cited 123 n. 5;
-   _Popular Stories of Ancient Egypt_, cited 101 n. 3, 102 n. 1, n. 3
-
- Mastarna, 223, 249
-
- Matthew, cited 261 n. 2
-
- Mau (A.), _apud_ Pauly Wissowa, cited 203 n. 4
-
- Mauri (A.), _I Cittadini Lavoratori dell’ Attica_, cited 15 n. 2, 17,
-    37 n. 7, 307 n. 1
-
- Maximus Tyrius, cited 70 n. 3, 180 n. 2, 307 n. 4
-
- Medes, Media, 90, 91 n. 1, 123, 146 n. 4, 157
-
- Medici, the, 2, 285, 286, 304
-
- Mediterranean, 72, 87
-
- Medon, 158
-
- Megabazus, 62, 271
-
- Megacles’ daughter, 52
-
- Megara, 8, 14, 16 n. 2, 29, 31, 76, 166 n. 2, 168, 187 n. 9, 264–268,
-    296, 329, 330, 336 n. 1
-
- Megara Hyblaea, 265, 273
-
- Megaris, 265
-
- Megiddo, 116
-
- Mela, cited 87 n. 1
-
- _Mélanges d’Archéologie et d’Histoire_, see Graillot
-
- Melanippus, 262
-
- Melas, 136, 272, 273
-
- Melissa, 212
-
- Meltas, K. of Argos, 158
-
- _Mémoires de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres_, see
-    Helbig, Larcher
-
- Memphis, 80, 88, 95, 96 n. 4, 97, 98, 100
-
- Menaechmus of Sicyon, 258 n. 2, 260 n. 1
-
- Menander, _Twins_, cited 50 n. 2
-
- Mendes, 121 n. 3
-
- _mercatores Romanam curiam sequentes_, 304
-
- mercenaries, 36, 78, 89, 90, 92, 102 n. 1, 121–124, 140, 145, 165 n. 5,
-    166, 212, 300
-
- Mermnadae, Mermnads, 1, 139 n. 1, 144 n. 3, 147 n. 3
-
- Meroe, 98
-
- Merovingians, 142
-
- Mesogeia, Mesogeioi, 39 n. 6, 310 n. 2
-
- Messana, 75
-
- Messene, 179 n. 3, 180
-
- Messenian War, 68 n. 2, 158 n. 6, 167 n. 2, 177, 179, 182, 331 n. 3
-
- metal industry, 21, 69, 73, 74, 80, 81, 146 n. 7, 187, 203 n. 4, 243,
-    292
-
- Methymna, 191 n. 3
-
- metics, 67, 234
-
- μετρία ἐσθής, 331, 332
-
- μέτρον, μέτρα, 170–172, 182
-
- μετρονόμοι, 171
-
- Metropisi, see Amphitrope
-
- Meyer (E.), _Geschichte d. alten Aegyptens_, cited 102 n. 1, 117 n. 5,
-    125 n. 3;
-   _Geschichte d. Altertums_, cited 6 n. 3, 29 n. 2, 37 n. 7, 47 n. 2,
-      54 n. 1, 59 n. 4, 64, 69 n. 5, 70 n. 1, 83 n. 5, 90 n. 4, 105 n.
-      1, 122, 145 n. 4, 148 n. 5, 168 n. 3, n. 4, 173 n. 2, 180 n. 4,
-      192 n. 1, 262, 266 n. 1, 267 n. 6, 270 n. 6, 278 n. 2;
-   _Jahrbücher f. Nationalökonomie u. Statistik_, cited 3 n. 3;
-   _Kleinschriften_, cited 21 n. 2, 265;
-   _Rheinisches Museum_, cited 193 n. 2
-
- Meyer (G.), _apud_ G. Curtius, _Studien zur griech. u. latein.
-    Grammatik_, cited 327
-
- Mezentius, 249
-
- Michaelis (A.), _Century of Archaeological Discoveries_, cited 63 n. 2,
-    74 n. 3, 253 n. 4
-
- Midas, 146, 147, 151, 152 n. 2, 155 n. 2, 213 n. 4, 293
-
- middlemen, 1, 129 n. 3
-
- Migne, _Bibliotheca Patrum Graecorum_, cited 71 n. 4
-
- Milchhoefer, _Abhandlungen d. preussisch. Akademie d. Wissenschaften zu
-    Berlin_, cited 38, 45, 58 n. 3, 312 n. 4;
-   _Athenische Mitteilungen_, cited 50 n. 4;
-   _apud_ Pauly Wissowa, cited 41 n. 3
-
- Miletus, Milesians, 21, 33, 59 n. 1, 61, 62, 63 n. 7, 72–74, 79, 90,
-    92, 96, 103, 104, 110–112, 116, 117, 121 n. 5, 123, 124, 132, 133,
-    135 n. 7, 145 n. 3, 191, 212, 266, 268–271 _passim_, 287, 296;
-   Milesian hyperakria, 40 n. 8;
-   Milesian pottery, 1, 107 n. 4, 110–112, 114, 116, 118, 212 n. 8;
-   Milesians’ Fort, 90, 91, 104, 117, 118, 120, 121, 123 n. 8
-
- military despotism, 24, 27–32, 35, 144, 190 n. 2, 196, 258, 280, 282,
-    300, 301
-
- millionaires, 13 n. 4, 35
-
- Milo, 193 n. 7
-
- Miltiades, 52, 199 n. 10, 245 n. 2
-
- Miluhha, Miluhhi, 98, 99 n. 3
-
- miners, 12–14, 20, 38, 44, 45, 47–49, 152, 271, 291, 292, 296
-
- mines, mining districts, 15, 21, 36–39, 41, 44–47, 49–51, 58 n. 1,
-    59–62, 64, 68, 87, 137, 140, 146 n. 7, 147, 148, 183 n. 6, 224 n. 5,
-    271, 291, 292, 296, 310, 312 n. 5
-
- Minns (E. H.), _Greeks and Scythians_, cited 286, 287, 288
-
- Minoan culture, 333;
-   thalassocracy, 330
-
- Minos, 169, 331
-
- Miriam (Gihon), 267
-
- μισθός, 21
-
- Mitchell (J. M.) and Caspari (M. O. B.), ed. Grote, cited 327 n. 1,
-    330, 331
-
- _Mitteilungen des deutschen archäologischen Instituts in Athen_, cited
-    108 n. 2, 210 n. 1, 312 n. 5, 316 n. 2;
-   see also Brueckner, L. Curtius, Diamantaras, Doerpfeld, Fabricius,
-      Koehler, Loeper, Loeschcke, Milchhoefer, Oikonomos, Pallat,
-      Pernice, Studniczka
-
- _Mitteilungen des deutschen archäologischen Instituts in Rom_, cited
-    215 n. 2, 242 n. 1, 255 n. 3, 335;
-   see also Petersen, Pinza
-
- Mitylene, 168, 282 n. 2
-
- mixing bowls (craters), 82, 125, 126, 201, 205, 213
-
- Mnason, 22
-
- Mnesarchus, 69 n. 1
-
- Mohammed, 261 n. 2
-
- Moloch, 278 n. 2
-
- Mommsen (A.), _Heortologie_, cited 16 n. 7
-
- Mommsen (Th.), _de Collegiis_, cited 222 n. 5;
-   _History of Rome_, cited 32 n. 1, 222 n. 6, 230 n. 2, 231, 233, 285,
-      295;
-   _Roemische Forschung_, cited 228 n. 1, 229 n. 2, n. 4, 255 n. 1, 337
-      n. 3;
-   _Roemisches Staatsrecht_, cited 222 n. 4
-
- _mons sacer_, 233
-
- _monstrum_, 277
-
- Montelius (O.), _Civilisation Primitive en Italie_, cited 119 n. 3, 242
-    n. 2, 246 n. 6
-
- _Monumenti Antichi_, cited 248 n. 2, 251 n. 2, 253 n. 2;
-   see also Gabrici, Pinza, Schiaparelli
-
- _Monumenti Inediti pubblicati dall’ Instituto di Corrispondenza
-    archeologica_, cited 213 n. 4
-
- _Monuments Grecs_, cited 325 n. 5
-
- Moret (A.), _de Bocchori rege_, cited 93 n. 2, n. 4, 100 n. 4
-
- Moses, 197
-
- moulders of gold and ivory, 14
-
- μούναρχος, 27
-
- Movers (F. C.), _Die Phoenizier_, cited 191 n. 3
-
- mtk, 125, 126
-
- Mueller (C.), _Aeginetica_, cited 160, 166 n. 1, 167, 176 n. 3, 177,
-    330 n. 4
-
- Mueller (K.) and Oelmann (F.), _Tiryns_, cited 315 n. 1, 317 n. 1
-
- Mueller and Deecke, _Die Etrusker_, cited 221 n. 1, 249
-
- Muenzer und Strack, _Die antiken Münzen Nord-Griechenlands_, cited 37
-    n. 3, 60 n. 2
-
- Mullach (F. W. A.), _Fragmenta Philosophorum Graecorum_, cited 19 n. 4
-
- Mundella, Mr, 11 n. 2
-
- Munich, 251 n. 3, 252
-
- Munro (J. A. R.), _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, cited 40 n. 1
-
- Muretus, _Variae Lectiones_, cited 31 n. 2
-
- Muses, 27 n. 4
-
- music, 73, 260 n. 4, 261
-
- Mycenae, 162, 298, 333
-
- Mycenaean culture, 169, 333;
-   period, 163, 164;
-   pottery, 319
-
- Mykalessos, 106, 108;
-   see also Rhitsona
-
- Mylonpolis, 214 n. 6
-
- Myrcinus, 59 n. 1, 61, 62, 271
-
- Myres (J. L.), _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, cited 96, 191 n. 2, 268
-    n. 3, 324 n. 8;
-   _apud_ Zimmern, 309 n. 9
-
- Myrina, 131
-
- Myron, tyrant of Sicyon, 258, 263
-
- Myrrina, 51 n. 2
-
- ἐν μύρτου κλαδί, 302 n. 5
-
-
- nails as money, 162
-
- ναίω, 327
-
- Nakauba, see Nechepsus
-
- ναός, 327
-
- Naples, 23
-
- _National Baptist_ of Philadelphia, cited 5
-
- ναύκληρος, 327
-
- naukraries, naukraroi, ναυκραρία, ναύκραρος, 326–331
-
- Naukratis, 53, 56 n. 3, 68, 92 n. 2, 103–118, 120–122, 124, 172 n. 1,
-    212 n. 8, 293, 315 n. 5, 324
-
- Naukratite pottery, 107 n. 4, 114–116, 117 n. 4, 118
-
- ναύω, 327
-
- Nauplia, 330, 331
-
- ναῦς, 327
-
- _nauis_, 327
-
- Naxos, 70 n. 2, 155 n. 2
-
- Neboshazban, 214;
-   see also Psammetichus I
-
- Nechepsus (Nakauba), 88 n. 1, 98
-
- Necho I (Nekau), 88, 98, 101 n. 1, n. 2
-
- Necho II (Nekau), 87, 88, 116, 123, 124, 325
-
- negroes, 101
-
- Neilos, 169 n. 1
-
- Neith, 102 n. 1, 214 n. 4
-
- Nemean games, 259 n. 1
-
- Nemesis, 83, 84
-
- Neochabis (Nekauba), 100
-
- neolithic age, 336 n. 1
-
- Netos amphora, 113, 315 n. 5
-
- _Neue Jahrbücher_, see _Jahrbücher f. Classische Philologie_
-
- _New York Daily Commercial Bulletin_, cited 5;
-   _State Investigation Report_, cited 5 n. 8;
-   _Sun_, cited 5
-
- Nicolaus Damascenus, cited 59 n. 6, 130 n. 2, 135, 136, 137 n. 1, n. 2,
-    n. 3, 138 n. 5, n. 7, 144 n. 1, 145 n. 1, n. 4, n. 5, 146 n. 1, 180
-    n. 3, 183, 189 n. 1, n. 8, 190 n. 1, n. 2, n. 3, 191 n. 1, n. 3,
-    192–194, 196, 197, 211 n. 6, 213, 214 n. 7, 258, 259 n. 4, 273 n. 2,
-    n. 3
-
- Niebuhr (G. B.), _History of Rome_, tr. Walter, cited 239 n. 2
-
- Niese (B.), _Hermes_, cited 212 n. 3;
-   _apud_ Pauly Wissowa, cited 279 n. 3
-
- Nigeria, 171 n. 1
-
- Nikias, 12, 13, 49, 51, 229 n. 1, 304
-
- Nikias, a Megarian, 266
-
- Nikolaos, son of Periander, 214 n. 7
-
- Nikosthenes, potter, 319, 335
-
- Nile, 87, 91, 103, 121, 197
-
- Niloxenos, 104 n. 3
-
- Nilsson (M. P.), _Timbres Amphoriques de Lindos_, cited 151
-
- Nisaea, 29
-
- Nitokris, 99 n. 3
-
- νόμισμα, 149
-
- νόμος, 167
-
- νομοθέτης, 301
-
- Nonius Marcellus, cited 223 n. 1
-
- Norden, see Gercke
-
- Nordin (R.), _Klio_, cited 302 n. 8
-
- _Notizie degli Scavi_, cited 219 n. 4, 251 n. 3, 252 n. 1, 334, 335,
-    336 n. 1;
-   see also Barnabei, Boni, Cozza, Pasqui
-
- _nouem combusti_, 337
-
- Novgorod, 142 n. 4
-
- Numa, 221 n. 7, 222
-
- _Numismatic Chronicle_, cited 60 n. 2;
-   see also Borrell, Gardner (P.), Head, Howorth, Ridgeway, Six
-
- _Numismatische Zeitschrift_, see v. Bergmann
-
- Nut Amen, see Ammeris
-
- nymph, 117
-
- Nymphi, 130 n. 7
-
-
- ὀβελοί, ὀβελίσκοι, 149, 162–164
-
- obols, 172 n. 2, 221 n. 7
-
- Oedipus, 9
-
- Oelmann (F.), see Mueller (K.)
-
- Ohio, 235 n. 3
-
- οἰκέται, 22
-
- Oikonomos, _Athenische Mitteilungen_, cited 38, 39, 40 n. 9, 44 n. 1
-
- οἰκονόμος, 10
-
- oil presses, 2
-
- Oil, Standard, 5
-
- ointments, manufacture of, 187
-
- Olbia, 286–288, 297
-
- olentis arator Hymetti, 309
-
- olive oil and yards, 34, 69, 308
-
- Olympia, 192 n. 5, 194, 198, 199, 263
-
- Olympian games, 123, 154, 159, 160, 175, 178, 258, 260, 265
-
- ὀλυμπιονίκης, 34
-
- Omphale, 236 n. 2
-
- κατ’ ὄναρ, 81
-
- ὀνομάσαντος, 328
-
- _opibus superbiaque_, 235
-
- _opifices_, 222, 230, 234, 235
-
- Oppert (J.), _Mémoire sur les Rapports de l’Égypte et de l’Assyrie_,
-    cited 97 n. 4, 98 n. 4
-
- _optimates_, 234
-
- oracle, 158 n. 6, 209, 269, 270;
-   see also Delphi
-
- Orchomenos, Minyan, 330
-
- ὀρεινά, ὀρεινή, 40, 309
-
- Oriental influence, 321
-
- _Orientalische Litteraturzeitung_, see Spiegelberg
-
- Oroetes, 84
-
- Orosius, cited 30 n. 3, 45 n. 4, 54 n. 1, 187 n. 1, 282 n. 1
-
- Orthagoras, 9, 28, 179, 180, 257, 258, 262 n. 4, 263, 293
-
- Orthagorids, 179, 263
-
- ostracism, 67
-
- Ouinin (= Ionians), 123
-
- Overbeck, _Abhandlungen d. saechsischen Gesellschaft d.
-    Wissenschaften_, cited 198 n. 9
-
- Ovid, _Ars Amatoria_, cited 275 n. 2;
-   _Fasti_, cited 238 n. 3;
-   _Ibis_, cited 275 n. 2;
-   _Metamorphoses_, cited 147 n. 2;
-   _Tristia_, cited 275 n. 2
-
- “owls” (coin), 53, 54, 58, 61
-
- “ox” (? coin), 57 n. 5
-
- Oxford, 3 n. 2, 112 n. 8, 237, 257
-
- Oxyrhynchus papyri, 104, 257, 258,262 n. 4, 264 n. 4
-
-
- Pactolus, 129, 147, 148
-
- Pactyes, 139, 152, 293
-
- Paestum, 221 n. 2
-
- παιάν, παιανίζω, παιωνίζω, 61
-
- Paianians, 55, 58, 59 n. 5, 61
-
- painters, 14
-
- Paionia, Paionians, 59–62, 147, 183 n. 6
-
- παίς, 157
-
- Pais (Ettore), 194 n. 6, 224 n. 5, 236;
-   _Ancient Italy_, cited 255 n. 1;
-   _Ancient Legends of Roman History_, cited 236 n. 1, 237, 238 n. 2,
-      239 n. 5, 248 n. 1, 249, 255 n. 1;
-   _Ricerche sulla Storia e sul Diritto pubblico di Roma_, 236 n. 1,
-      cited 335;
-   _Storia Critica di Roma_, 236 n. 1
-
- Palatine, 224 n. 5, 253, 338 n. 2
-
- Palazzo di Giustizia (Rome), 65 n. 3
-
- Palestine, 92
-
- Palladius, cited 201 n. 5, n. 6
-
- “Pallas,” παλλάδες (coins), 54, 291
-
- Pallas (goddess), 16, 54;
-   see also Athena
-
- Pallat, _Athenische Mitteilungen_, cited 317 n. 7, 318
-
- Palmerius (Le Paulmier), _Exerc._, cited 40
-
- Pamphaes, 273
-
- Pamphilus, 39 n. 1
-
- Panaitios, 273, 274
-
- Panathenaic amphorae, 113;
-   games, 260
-
- Panciatighi, 3
-
- Pandion, 313
-
- πανδοκεύων, 135
-
- Pangaion, Mt, 36, 54 n. 1, 56, 59, 148
-
- Panionios, 191 n. 3
-
- Panofka (T.), _Res Samiorum_, cited 68 n. 1
-
- Pantagnotos, 82
-
- Pantaleon, 137, 273
-
- Papal treasury, 304
-
- Pape (W.), _Griechische Eigennamen_, cited 199 n. 10
-
- paper currency, 3, 4
-
- Paphlagonia, 48, 50, 284 n. 4
-
- Paphos, 118, 119
-
- papyri, 48 n. 6, 104, 257
-
- Paralia, παραλία, πάραλος γῆ, παράλιοι, 41, 312, 313
-
- Paralos (ship), 312
-
- παραθαλάσσιος, 313
-
- Parian Marble, see Marmor Parium
-
- Parnes, Mt, 40, 41, 44, 308–311
-
- παρθένοι (coins), 54
-
- Pasqui, _Notizie d. Scavi_, cited 219 n. 3
-
- παστάδες, 218
-
- patricians, 216, 227
-
- Patrokleides, 194, 197
-
- Pauly Wissowa, cited 41 n. 3, 56 n. 1, 120 n. 4, 148 n. 5, 156 n. 2,
-    161 n. 2, 162 n. 3, 166 n. 1, 201 n. 8, 203 n. 4, 207 n. 4, 222 n.
-    3, n. 5, 268 n. 4, 272 n. 3, n. 4, 276 n. 5, 279 n. 3, 331 n. 3
-
- Pausanias, _Description of Greece_, 160, cited 46 n. 6, 62 n. 5, n. 6,
-    65 n. 5, 70 n. 3, 145 n. 1, 157 n. 2, 158, 159, 162 n. 3, 165 n. 2,
-    167 n. 1, n. 2, 169 n. 2, n. 4, 176 n. 3, 177 n. 1, n. 3, 179, 183
-    n. 3, 193 n. 5, 195, 198, 211, 212 n. 2, 258 n. 3, 259 n. 2, n. 3,
-    260 n. 4, 263, 264 n. 1, n. 6, 266, 267 n. 5, 284 n. 4, n. 5, 309,
-    331, 336 n. 1
-
- Pausanias the Spartan, 24, 30, 282
-
- Payne (Henry B.), 5
-
- Peak of Derbyshire, 40
-
- Pearson, ed. Sophocles, cited 16 n. 7
-
- Pegasus, 57, 188, 209
-
- Peile, cited 134 n. 5
-
- Peiraeans, trittys of, 41 n. 3
-
- Peirene, 62 n. 6
-
- Peisistratids, 14, 15, 25, 31, 264, 289, 292
-
- Peisistratus, 7, 10, 13, 15, 16 n. 7, 28–32, chap. II. _passim_, 76 n.
-    5, 137, 166, 167, 215, 221, 231, 245 n. 2, 260, 265, 268, 271 n. 4,
-    274, 287, 291, 299, 302, 303 n. 2, 305–307, 308 n. 3, 309, 310 n. 2,
-    311, 328
-
- Pelasgians, 309
-
- pelatai, 13, 307
-
- Pelham (H.), _Outlines of Roman History_, cited 239
-
- Peloponnese, Peloponnesians, 66, 72, 154, 155, 156 n. 1, 173, 175, 176,
-    178, 180, 294, 305 n. 1, 313, 317, 330
-
- Peloponnesian brooches, 168;
-   war, 19, 23 n. 1, 26, 33 n. 1, 45, 260 n. 2;
-   weights and measures, 161, 172
-
- Pelusium, 124
-
- Pelusian mouth of Nile, 121
-
- πενέσται, 24
-
- πένητες καὶ πεζοί, 274
-
- pentekosiomedimnoi, 16, 49
-
- Pentelicon, 39 n. 6, 310
-
- Penteskuphia, 207 n. 2, 208 n. 1
-
- Pepoli, Roméo, 2
-
- Περάτι, 311
-
- Perdiccas, 24 n. 5
-
- Perdrizet (P.), _Klio_, cited 36 n. 2, 46 n. 6, 47 n. 3, 50 n. 1, 59 n.
-    4
-
- perfume vase, 119
-
- Pergamum, Pergamus, Pergamene, 135 n. 4, 148, 284–286, 296, 297
-
- Periander, 21, 24 n. 5, 31, 63, 104 n. 3, 124, 166, 167, 187 n. 8,
-    189–192, 195–197, 212–215, 259, 260, 305
-
- Pericles, 13 n. 3, 14, 15, 17, 49, 67, 231, 304
-
- Periklytos of Tenedos, 162 n. 3
-
- περιζώματα, 276
-
- Pernice, _Athenische Mitteilungen_, 321 n. 4, 325 n. 5;
-   see also Brueckner
-
- περόναι, 170, 333
-
- Perrot (G.), _Histoire de l’Art dans l’Antiquité_, cited 112, 116 n. 5,
-    169 n. 3
-
- Perseus, 198, 214 n. 5
-
- Persia, Persians, 20, 24, 31, 33, 47, 50, 53, 57, 61, 62, 66, 69–73,
-    75, 77 n. 3, 79, 80, 83, 84, 92 n. 2, 102 n. 1, 123, 124, 130, 132,
-    133, 138–140, 144, 145 n. 2, 172 n. 4, 249, 270, 271, 280 n. 1, 282
-    n. 2, 291, 292, 312 n. 5
-
- Persian wars, 19, 25, 26, 32, 96, 260 n. 2, 332
-
- Persinos, 282 n. 2
-
- Peru, 44 n. 5
-
- Perugia, 246
-
- Petersen (E.), _Klio_, cited 253;
-   _Roemische Mitteilungen_, cited 246 n. 5
-
- Petra, 193 n. 7
-
- Petrie (Flinders), _apud_ Hogarth, _Annual of the British School at
-    Athens_, 119 n. 5;
-   _History of Egypt_, cited 87 n. 9, 88 n. 1, n. 2, 97 n. 5, 98 n. 5,
-      100, 101 n. 4, 121, 123 n. 1, 125 n. 3;
-   _Tanis_, cited 109 n. 5, 112 n. 3, n. 4, 121
-
- Petrie and Gardner, _Naukratis_, cited 103, 104 n. 7, 105–107, 109, 110
-    n. 3, 113 n. 2, 114 n. 1, n. 2, 116, 118 n. 1, n. 2, 119, 172 n. 1
-
- Phacussa, 214 n. 6
-
- φαινομηρίδες, 332
-
- Phaistos, 298
-
- Phalaris, 14, 27 n. 2, 274–278, 289 n. 2, 303 n. 2
-
- Phaleas, 22 n. 1
-
- Phaleron, 305
-
- Phaleron ware, 315, 318, 321
-
- Phalkes, 179
-
- Phanes, 102 n. 1, 124
-
- Phanias of Ephesus, cited 144 n. 3
-
- Pharaoh, 88 n. 1 and chap. IV _passim_, 212
-
- Pharaoh’s daughter, 197
-
- Phasis, 148 n. 3
-
- Pheidias (= Pheidon), 155 n. 2
-
- Pheidon of Argos, 9, 26, 27 n. 2, 64 n. 3, 69 n. 5, 149, 152 n. 2,
-    154–162, 164, 170, 171 n. 3, 172–186, 221, 235 n. 3, 259 n. 1, 260,
-    292, 294, 301 n. 1, 304, 305, 330, 331
-
- Pheidon of Corinth, 182
-
- φελλεῖς, 308
-
- Pherecrates, _Metalleis_, cited 51 n. 2
-
- Pheron, 97 n. 1
-
- Philadelphia, 130 n. 7
-
- Philaidae, Philaids, 33, 63
-
- Philemonides, 12
-
- Philetairos, 284–286, 288
-
- Philip of Macedon, 36, 54 n. 1, 282, 330
-
- Philip, son of Butacides, 239, 255
-
- Philippi (Macedonia), 39 n. 4, 50
-
- Philippi (A.), _Beiträge zu einer Geschichte d. Attischen
-    Bürgerrechtes_, cited 329
-
- Philistus, 30
-
- Philochorus, cited 36 n. 3, 39, 65, 66 n. 3, 134 n. 5
-
- Philokypros, tyrant of Soli, 158, 303 n. 1
-
- _Philolog. Obozrenie_, see Hirschensohn
-
- _Philologus_, see Foerster, Forchhammer, Gutschmid, Landwehr, Unger
-
- φιλοπότης, 126
-
- Philostratus, _Vita Apollonii_, cited 151 n. 4
-
- Phocaea, 130 n. 6, 221, 240, 246, 282 n. 2
-
- Phocians, 22
-
- Phoenicia, Phoenicians, 87, 89, 90 n. 4, 93 n. 4, 106, 120, 239, 278 n.
-    2, 293, 321 n. 5, 324, 325, 326 n. 3
-
- Phoenician standard, 132
-
- _Phoronid_, 44 n. 4
-
- φορτία, 68, 89
-
- Photius, cited 19 n. 3, 54 n. 2, n. 4, 56 n. 4, 70 n. 5, 71 n. 1, 79 n.
-    2, 151 n. 1, 257 n. 2, 326 n. 9, 327, 328, 330 n. 3
-
- Phrygia, 49, 62 n. 4, 140, 146, 147, 155 n. 2, 208, 213 n. 4, 293
-
- Phye, 51, 52, 54, 55, 58–60, 291
-
- φυλή τε καὶ φρατρία, 217
-
- Pianchi, 88 n. 1, 95, 98, 99 n. 3, 100 n. 4
-
- piece work, 20
-
- Pi-emro, 106 n. 3
-
- Pieria, 147
-
- S. Pietro in Carcere, church of, 224 n. 5
-
- Piganiol (A.), _Journal d. Savants_, cited 335
-
- Pigres, 58, 59, 62
-
- Pillars of Herakles, 68
-
- πίμπρημι, 81
-
- Pindar, 9–10, 290;
-   _Isthmians_, cited 156 n. 1;
-   _Nemeans_, cited 177 n. 7;
-   _Olympians_, cited 10 n. 1, n. 2;
-   _Pythians_, cited 10 n. 3, 275, 289 n. 2, 336 n. 1;
-   Schol. _Nemeans_, cited 258 n. 2, 259–261;
-   Schol. _Olympians_, cited 157 n. 6, 176 n. 3, 182, 186 n. 2, 195 n.
-      3, 275 n. 5;
-   Schol. _Pythians_, cited 275 n. 2
-
- Pindaros, tyrant of Ephesus, 272, 273
-
- Pinza (G.), _Bullettino della Commissione Archeologica Municipale di
-    Roma_, cited 221 n. 2, 224 n. 5, 243, 336 n. 1, n. 2, 338 n. 1;
-   _Monumenti Antichi_, cited 244 n. 1, 252, 338 n. 2;
-   _Roemische Mitteilungen_, cited 243
-
- Pipin, diploma, cited 261 n. 2
-
- piracy, 70, 71, 129, 292, 321 n. 5, 324, 329, 330
-
- Pisa (Italian), 2;
-   (Peloponnesian), 159, 160
-
- Pisamiilki, see Psammetichus (Assyrian form)
-
- Pitane, 285
-
- πίθος, 207
-
- plague, 92
-
- plain, party of the, 35, 47, 48, 291, 307, 312
-
- Plaka, 42
-
- Plass (H. G.), _Die Tyrannis_, cited 70 n. 2, 71 n. 5, 198 n. 9, 269,
-    272 n. 4
-
- Plataea, 26; in Libya, 68
-
- Platner (S. B.), _Topography of Rome_^2, cited 247 n. 5, 248 n. 1
-
- Plato, 6, 28 n. 1, 29, 280, 281, 283, 286, 288, 290;
-   _Alcibiades_, cited 18;
-   _Amator_, cited 18;
-   _Apology_, cited 18;
-   _Critias_, cited 16, 40, 308 n. 2, 309;
-   _Gorgias_, cited 18, 208 n. 1;
-   _Hipparchus_, cited 302;
-   _Laws_, cited 16, 18, 176 n. 2, 181 n. 3, 290;
-   _Letters_, cited 30 n. 1, 189 n. 8, 280 n. 1, 283 n. 3;
-   _Meno_, cited 24 n. 5, 85 n. 1;
-   _Minos_, cited 336 n. 1;
-   _Phaedo_, cited 26 n. 2;
-   _Phaedrus_, cited 198;
-   _Protagoras_, cited 16 n. 7, 189 n. 8;
-   _Republic_, cited 18, 20 n. 6, 24 n. 5, 26, 27, 28 n. 4, n. 5, 29 n.
-      6, 30, 129 n. 3, 145, 149, 151, 189 n. 8, 302, 304;
-   _Timaeus_, cited 122 n. 1, 214 n. 4;
-   Schol. _Hippias Major_, cited 190 n. 1;
-   Schol. _Phaedrus_, cited 198 n. 3
-
- Plautus, _Captivi_, cited 12 n. 3
-
- plebeians, 216, 217 n. 2, 223–225, 227, 228, 230, 233, 234
-
- πλεκταί, 200
-
- Pliny, _Natural History_, cited 17 n. 3, 40 n. 9, 44 n. 1, 68 n. 1, 70
-    n. 3, 71 n. 2, 80 n. 6, 87 n. 1, 122 n. 4, 129 n. 7, 135 n. 4, 146,
-    171 n. 3, 172 n. 5, 186 n. 1, n. 2, 211 n. 7, 215 n. 2, 217, 218,
-    220, 222 n. 3, 224 n. 5, 226 n. 3, 228 n. 1, n. 2, n. 4, 238 n. 3,
-    240 n. 2, 244 n. 1, 263 n. 5, 266, 275 n. 2, n. 5, 311 n. 1
-
- πλοῖον, 269
-
- Plotheia, 38, 41 n. 3, 45
-
- ploughmen, 20
-
- πλούσιοι, 269
-
- Ploutis, Plontis (?), 269
-
- Plutarch, 22, 39, 181, 183, 196, 269;
-   Lives: _Agesilaus_, cited 20;
-     _Aratus_, cited 336 n. 1;
-     _Brutus_, cited 229 n. 2;
-     _Cato Major_, cited 166 n. 6;
-     _Cimon_, cited 50 n. 7, 59 n. 1;
-     _Demetrius_, cited 93;
-     _Demosthenes_, cited 12 n. 6;
-     _Dio_, cited 284 n. 1;
-     _Fabius Maximus_, cited 162 n. 1, 164 n. 1;
-     _Lycurgus_, cited 336 n. 1;
-     _Lysander_, cited 23, 58, 162 n. 1, 164 n. 1;
-     _Nikias_, cited 12 n. 4, 151 n. 2;
-     _Numa_, cited 160, 222;
-     _Pericles_, cited 13 n. 3, 14, 15, 17, 49 n. 2, 70 n. 5;
-     _Phocion_, cited 336 n. 1;
-     _Poplicola_, cited 223 n. 5, 337 n. 5;
-     _Romulus_, cited 238 n. 3;
-     _Solon_, cited 12 n. 1, 13, 16 n. 5, 34 n. 4, 35 n. 1, n. 2, n. 5,
-        37 n. 6, 49 n. 3, 63 n. 3, 65 n. 6, 169 n. 1, 170 n. 4, 308, 309
-        n. 4, 328 n. 5;
-     _Themistocles_, cited 46;
-     _Theseus_, cited 16 n. 4, 329 n. 8;
-     _Timoleon_, cited 302 n. 6, 336 n. 1;
-   Moralia: _de Alexandri Magni Fortuna aut Virtute_, cited 158 n. 6;
-     _Amatoriae Narrationes_, cited 180;
-     _Amatorius_, cited 35 n. 2, 37 n. 6, 275 n. 1;
-     _Apophthegmata Laconica_, cited 57 n. 5, 130 n. 4;
-     _de Ei apud Delphos_, cited 189 n. 8;
-     _de Exilio_, cited 168, 199 n. 5;
-     _de Fortuna Romanorum_, cited 238 n. 3;
-     _Instituta Laconica_, cited 336 n. 1;
-     _de Iside et Osiride_, cited 100 n. 4, n. 8;
-     _de Malignitate Herodoti_, cited 191 n. 3, 195 n. 1, 263 n. 5;
-     _de Mulierum Virtutibus_, cited 49 n. 1, 123 n. 5, 140 n. 3, 278 n.
-        5, 279 n. 2;
-     _Parallela_, cited 275 n. 2;
-     _Paroemia_, cited 76 n. 6, 77 n. 2, n. 4;
-     _Praecepta Gerendae Reipublicae_, cited 35 n. 2, 37 n. 6, 276 n. 3;
-     _cum Principibus Philosophandum_, cited 276 n. 3;
-     _de Pythio Oraculo_, cited 136 n. 3, 137 n. 1, 167;
-     _Quaestiones Graecae_, cited 69 n. 3, n. 5, 144 n. 6, 145 n. 4, 264
-        n. 6, 268;
-     _Quaestiones Romanae_, cited 337 n. 1, n. 5;
-     _Regum et Imperatorum Apophthegmata_, cited 179 n. 3, 208 n. 4;
-     _Septem Sapientum Conuiuium_, cited 104 n. 3, 124 n. 1, 191 n. 2,
-        195, 197, 198, 207 n. 3, 213 n. 4;
-     _de Sera Numinis Vindicta_, cited 257 n. 3, 262 n. 4, 275 n. 1;
-     _de Tranquillitate Animi_, cited 134 n. 4;
-     _de Vita et Poesi Homeri_, cited 134 n. 2;
-     _de Vitioso Pudore_, cited 95 n. 1
-
- Poehlmann (R.), _Geschichte d. socialen Fragen u. des Socialismus i. d.
-    antik. Welt_, cited 4 n. 2, 267, 269 n. 5;
-   _Grundriss der griechischen Geschichte_, cited 37 n. 7, 192 n. 1, 304
-      n. 3
-
- polemarch, 194, 196, 197, 258, 270, 273, 300, 327 n. 9
-
- Polledrara, 119 n. 3
-
- Pollux, cited 13 n. 5, 19, 54 n. 2, 57 n. 5, 129 n. 2, n. 7, 138 n. 1,
-    143 n. 3, 147 n. 3, 152 n. 1, 155 n. 2, 156 n. 1, 162 n. 1, 172 n.
-    2, n. 6, 175 n. 2, 199 n. 6, n. 7, n. 8, n. 9, 200 n. 2, 264, 282 n.
-    2, 320 n. 4, 326 n. 8, n. 9, 327, 328
-
- πῶλος (coin), 57
-
- Polyaenus, cited 10 n. 6, 20 n. 4, 51 n. 2, 52, 69 n. 5, 70 n. 2, 90 n.
-    1, 96 n. 4, 140 n. 3, 145 n. 3, 147 n. 5, 211 n. 6, 259 n. 2, 272 n.
-    1, 273, 274 n. 4, 275–278, 283 n. 3
-
- Polybius, cited 45 n. 3, 189 n. 4, 196 n. 5, 209, 210, 215 n. 2, 216,
-    275 n. 2, 285 n. 4, 302 n. 6, 305, 306, 336 n. 1
-
- Polycharmus, cited 103, 118, 119
-
- Polycrates, 10, 14, 21, 24 n. 5, 31, 49, 62, chap. III _passim_, 123,
-    124, 169, 177, 215, 260 n. 5, 267, 270 n. 7, 292, 303 n. 2, 305
-
- Pompey, 23, 32
-
- Pontic amphorae, 246
-
- “pony” (coin), 57
-
- Pope, 304;
-   see also papal
-
- populares, 225
-
- πόρυη, 139
-
- Porphyrius, _de Antro Nympharum_, cited 201 n. 3
-
- Porzio (G.), _I Cipselidi_, cited 27 n. 5, 31 n. 2, 192 n. 1, 194 n. 6,
-    196, 197 n. 4
-
- Poseidon, 169 n. 2, 305
-
- Postumius Tubertus, Postumii, 337
-
- Potamos, Potamioi, 44 n. 3, 50
-
- ποτήρια, 80
-
- Potidaea, 190 n. 3
-
- potteries, 21, 115, 207, 210, 214, 263
-
- potters, 20, 139 n. 2, 186, 207–211, 217, 222, 243–246, 295, 323
-
- potter’s wheel, 186, 210
-
- pottery, 34, 53, 87, 105–119, 121 n. 5, 139 n. 1, 163, 164, 167–170,
-    174, 175, 185–187, 200–203, 205–208, 210, 212 n. 8, 214, 241–245,
-    248, 251, 252, 255, 263, 287, 295, 314–325, 333–335
-
- Pottier (E.), 245 n. 1;
-   _Musée du Louvre, Catalogue des Vases Antiques_, cited 321 n. 4, n.
-      6;
-   _Vases Antiques du Louvre_ (Album), 242 n. 1, 255 n. 3, 335;
-   _apud_ Saglio, _Dict. d. Antiq._, cited 201, 315 n. 2, 317 n. 1
-
- Poulsen (F.), _Dipylongräber_, cited 315 n. 1, n. 3, 316 n. 7, 321;
-   _Der Orient u. die frühgriechische Kunst_, cited 93 n. 3, n. 4, 112
-      n. 1, 119
-
- _praedives_, 229
-
- Praeneste, 219 n. 3, 238 n. 3
-
- Prasiae, 330
-
- Preller, _Archäologische Zeitung_, cited 198 n. 9
-
- priest, 92, 272 n. 3, 303, 305
-
- _primores ciuitatis_, 227
-
- Prinz (H.), _Funde aus Naukratis_, cited 92 n. 2, 109, 110, 111 n. 2,
-    112 n. 2, n. 7, 113, 114 n. 2, 116 n. 4, n. 6, 117 n. 4, n. 5, 120
-    n. 1, n. 2, 123 n. 12, 212 n. 8, 315 n. 2, n. 5, 316 n. 4, n. 8, n.
-    10, 320 n. 6
-
- private coinage, 141, 142, 143, 150, 152, 294
-
- Procles of Epidaurus, 167
-
- Proclus, _Comment. in Platonis Rempublicam_, cited 151 n. 4;
-   _in Timaeum_, cited 16 n. 7
-
- Prodicus, cited 19 n. 4
-
- προστὰς τοῦ δήμου, προστάτης, 27, 271
-
- Proto-Attic pottery, 92 n. 2, 113, 315, 318, 319, 321
-
- Proto-Corinthian pottery, 109, 117, 163, 185, 186, 244 n. 1, 248, 249,
-    263, 315–319, 334
-
- Protogenes, 286–288, 297
-
- prytanis, 270
-
- Psammetichus of Corinth, 212–214
-
- Psammetichus (Psamtek) I of Egypt, chap. IV _passim_, 212, 214, 292,
-    293, 298, 299
-
- Psammetichus II of Egypt, 88 n. 1, 90
-
- Psammetichus III of Egypt, 88 n. 1
-
- Psammetichus the Libyan, 92 n. 2
-
- Psammetichus, priest, 212 n. 6
-
- Psammetichus son of Theocles, 212
-
- Psammouthis, see Psammetichus II
-
- Psaumis, 10 n. 2
-
- Psellus (M.), cited 313 n. 4
-
- Ptah, 97, 98
-
- Ptolemaic story, 102 n. 1
-
- Ptolemies, 160, 203 n. 4
-
- Ptolemy Keraunos, 284, 285
-
- Ptolemy, _Geographike Syntaxis_, cited 122 n. 4, 179
-
- Ptoon, Mt, 108 n. 2
-
- Publicola (Valerius), 229 n. 1, 337
-
- Punic Wars, 32, 233
-
- Pylaimenes, 48
-
- Pyrrhic War, 32
-
- Pythaenetus, cited 167 n. 4
-
- Pythagoras of Ephesus, 271, 272
-
- Pythagoras of Samos, 69 n. 1
-
- Pythes, 49, 140, 147 n. 1, 152, 293
-
- Pytheus, 140;
-   see also Pythes
-
- Pythia, 144 n. 3
-
- Pythian games, 260–262
-
- Pytho, 137;
-   see also Delphi
-
- pyxides, 248
-
-
- quarries, quarrying, 21, 224, 225, 230, 233, 237, 276, 295
-
- Quirinal, 253, 254
-
- Radet (G.), _La Lydie et le Monde grec_, cited 2, 77 n. 3, 130 n. 1, n.
-    2, n. 3, 131, 132 n. 3, 133 n. 4, 134 n. 5, 35, 136, 138, 139 n. 2,
-    141, 143 n. 3, 144, 145 n. 2, n. 3, n. 4, 146, 147 n. 3, 148, 273;
-   _Revue des Universités du Midi_, cited 128 n. 1, 135, 143 n. 3, 159
-      n. 5
-
- Ramsay (W. M.), _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, cited 147 n. 3
-
- Ramses II, 87 n. 9, 101
-
- Ramses III, 44 n. 5
-
- Rayet (O.), _Monuments de l’Art Antique_, cited 240 n. 2, 253 n. 4
-
- Red Figure pottery, 107 n. 4, 108, 204, 326 n. 3, 335
-
- Red Sea, 87
-
- Regling (K.), _apud_ Pauly Wissowa, 148 n. 5, 156 n. 2, 162 n. 3
-
- Regulini-Galassi tomb, 93 n. 3, 243, 335
-
- Reinach (A. J.), _Journal des Savants_, cited 110 n. 8
-
- Reinach (S.), _Chroniques d’Orient_, cited 147 n. 3;
-   _Cultes, Mythes, et Religions_, cited 169;
-   _Revue Archéologique_, cited 70 n. 3
-
- Reinach (Th.), _L’Histoire par les Monnaies_, cited 128 n. 1, 129 n. 3,
-    130 n. 2, 159 n. 5, 172 n. 4;
-   _Revue Numismatique_, cited 161 n. 2, 162 n. 3
-
- Renaissance, 3, 32, 286
-
- Revillout (E.), _Précis du droit égyptien_, cited 93 n. 2;
-   _Les Rapports historiques et légaux des Quirites et des Égyptiens_,
-      cited 93 n. 4;
-   _Revue Égyptologique_, cited 102 n. 1, n. 2,123 n. 7;
-   _Society of Biblical Archaeology Proceedings_, cited 123 n. 7
-
- _Revue Archéologique_, see Dumont, Reinach (S.), Torr
-
- _Revue de l’Instruction Publique en Belgique_, see Brants
-
- _Revue des Universités du Midi_, see Radet
-
- _Revue Égyptologique_, see Revillout
-
- _Revue d’Ethnologie et de Sociologie_, see Macfie
-
- _Revue Historique_, see Waltz
-
- _Revue Numismatique_, see Babelon, Reinach (Th.)
-
- _rex_, 303
-
- Rhagon, 38
-
- Rhegium, 74, 75, 210
-
- _Rheinisches Museum f. Philologie_, see
- Beloch, Gelzer, Hirschfeld, Holwerda, Koehler, Meyer (E.), Ruehl
-
- Rheneia, 70, 71, 112
-
- Rhitsona (Mykalessos), 106–108, 109 n. 4, 110, 113 n. 1, 114, 248, 335
-
- Rhodes, 109, 112, 114, 119 n. 3, 171 n. 1, 187 n. 4
-
- Rhodian pottery, see Milesian pottery
-
- Rhodopis, 56 n. 3, 68
-
- Rhoecus, 69 n. 1, 76, 80 n. 6
-
- de Ridder (E.), _de Ectypis quibusdam aeneis quae falso uocantur
-    Argiuo-Corinthiaca_, cited 316 n. 9
-
- Ridgeway (W.), _Origin of Metallic Currency and Weight Standards_,
-    cited 132 n. 3, 148 n. 6, 150, 160, 170–172;
-   _Companion to Greek Studies_, cited 128 n. 2, 150 n. 5;
-   _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, cited 172;
-   _Numismatic Chronicle_, cited 129 n. 7
-
- ring of Gyges, 145–152, 293;
-   of Midas, 146, 151;
-   of Minos, 169;
-   of Polycrates, 70 n. 3, 83, 169;
-   of Venetian doge, 169;
-   rings as money, 148, 149, 171 n. 1, 293;
-   rings (seal), 150
-
- Riviera, 312
-
- _Rivista di Storia Antica_, see Costanzi
-
- Rizzo (G. E.), 245 n. 1;
-   _Bullettino della Commissione Archeologica Municipale di Roma_, cited
-      243 n. 4, 244, 246, 247
-
- road makers, 14
-
- roads, 130, 136, 190 n. 3, 232, 233, 273
-
- Roberts (E. S.), _Introduction to Greek Epigraphy_, cited 106 n. 7, 123
-    n. 9
-
- Rockefellers, 12
-
- _Roemische Mitteilungen_, see _Mitteilungen des deutschen
-    archäologischen Instituts in Rom_
-
- Rohde (E.), _Psyche_, cited 336 n. 1
-
- Roland, 193 n. 7
-
- Rome, Romans, 12 n. 3, 14, 15 n. 6, 20 n. 2, 22 n. 3, 23, 25, 32, 63 n.
-    4, 65 n. 3, 149, 160, 162 n. 3, 183 n. 6, 207, 211, chap. VIII
-    _passim_, 261 n. 2, 277, 278, 287–289, 295, 296, 298, 303, 336–338
-
- Roman Empire, 139 n. 2, 232;
-   Emperors, 60, 303
-
- Romulus, 197, 198, 209, 221 n. 7, 239 n. 5
-
- rope makers, 14
-
- Roscher (W. H.), _Lexikon_, cited 336 n. 2
-
- de Rougé (E.), _Inscription Historique du roi Pianchi Mériamoun_, cited
-    96 n. 2;
-   _Notice de quelques textes hiéroglyphiques récemment publiés par M.
-      Greene_, cited 99 n. 3, n. 4;
-   (ed. J. de Rougé) _Chrestomathie Égyptienne_, cited 95 n. 3
-
- de Rougé (J.), _Étude sur les textes géographiques du temple d’Edfou_,
-    cited 99 n. 3
-
- royal road, great road, 130, 136, 273
-
- Rud Amen, see Ammeris
-
- Ruehl, _Rheinisches Museum_, cited 56 n. 2
-
- Rufous (or Eastern) Swallow, 211 n. 4
-
- Russia, 1, 110, 112 n. 1, 114, 142, 287
-
- _Rylands Library, Manchester, Catalogue of Greek Papyri_, cited 66 n.
-    2;
-   _Catalogue of the Demotic Papyri_, see Griffith
-
-
- Sabacon (Shabaka), 88 n. 1, 93, 96, 97
-
- Sacred War, 65, 66, 247 n. 2, 258 n. 4, 259–261, 264
-
- Sadyattes, King, 145 n. 3
-
- Sadyattes, merchant, 137, 138, 152
-
- Saglio (E.), _Dictionnaire des Antiquités grecques et romaines_, cited
-    44 n. 5, 46 n. 7, 56 n. 4, 142 n. 4, 162 n. 3, 201 n. 2, 203, 222 n.
-    6, 315 n. 2, 317 n. 1
-
- sailors, 14
-
- Sais, 87–89, 96, 98, 100, 102 n. 1, 104, 120 n. 3, 123, 124
-
- Saite dynasty, 88, 95, 97, 99–103, 105, 121–124, 125 n. 3, 212, 214,
-    293
-
- Salamis, 26, 29 n. 1, 166 n. 2, 168, 326 n. 3, 328
-
- von Sallet (A.), _Zeitschrift f. Numismatik_, cited 75 n. 1
-
- Sallust, cited 324 n. 5
-
- Salonika, 190 n. 3
-
- Salvioli (G.) (French translation by Bonnet (A.)), _Le Capitalisme dans
-    le Monde Antique_, cited 5, 230 n. 3, n. 5
-
- Samaina, 70, 74, 75, 84
-
- Samnite War, 32
-
- Samos, Samians, 14, 21, 33, 49, chap. III _passim_, 86, 110, 112, 116,
-    117, 124, 150 n. 6, 151, 177, 178, 215, 251, 266 n. 1, 267, 292, 324
-    n. 6, 325, 326
-
- Samian pottery, see Fikellura
-
- Samtavi Tafnekht, 100
-
- Samwer (C.), _Geschichte des älteren römischen Münzwesens_, cited 219
-    n. 1
-
- De Sanctis (G.), _Atthis_^2, cited 34 n. 2, 51 n. 4, 328, 329;
-   _Journal des Savants_, cited 249
-
- Sandys (J.), ed. Ἀθηναίων Πολιτεία^2, cited 35 n. 2, 37 n. 7
-
- Sappho, 56 n. 3, 104, 120
-
- sarcophagus, 246 n. 7
-
- Sardis, 1, 33, 58, 76, 83, 129–131, 135, 138 n. 9, 139, 140, 152, 187,
-    191 n. 3, 273
-
- Sargon of Akkad, 197
-
- Saronic Gulf, 169 n. 4, 182, 329–331
-
- satni (title), 97
-
- Satni Khamois, 97, 100–102
-
- Satni Tafnekhte, 102
-
- Satrai, 59 n. 1
-
- satrap, satrapy, 83, 132, 270 n. 7
-
- Satricum (Conca), 219 n. 4, 246
-
- Satyrus, cited 156
-
- Saulmugina, 99 n. 3
-
- Saxon, see Anglo-Saxon
-
- Sayce (A. H.), ed. Herodotus, cited 87 n. 11, 89 n. 3, 90 n. 1, 91 n.
-    4;
-   _Encyclopaedia Britannica_, cited 197 n. 5
-
- Scandinavian, 238 n. 1
-
- scarabs, 105, 106, 109, 118 n. 2, 119 n. 3, 124
-
- Schiaparelli, _Monumenti Antichi_, cited 93 n. 3, n. 4
-
- Schoemann (G. F.), _de Comitiis Atheniensium_, cited 40 n. 5;
-   _Jahrbücher f. Classische Philologie_, cited 326 n. 6, 328 n. 3, 329
-
- Scholia, see under authors concerned
-
- Schow (N.), ed. Hesychius, cited 312 n. 2
-
- Schrader (E.), _Cuneiform Inscriptions and the Old Testament_, cited 98
-    n. 3
-
- Schubert (R.), _Geschichte der Könige von Lydien_, cited 135 n. 4, 138
-    n. 7, 144, 145 n. 4;
-   _Geschichte des Agathokles_, cited 209 n. 3, n. 4, 210 n. 2, n. 4
-
- Schubring (J.), _de Cypselo Corinthiorum tyranno_, cited 194 n. 3, 196
-    n. 5, 197, 198 n. 9, 199 n. 10, 211
-
- Schweighaeuser (J.), ed. Athenaeus, cited 270 n. 2
-
- Schweinfurth (G.), see Erman
-
- Scotland, 162
-
- sculptors, sculpture, 14, 53 n. 2, 81, 101, 128, 206, 228 n. 3, n. 4,
-    252, 253, 263, 285, 302
-
- Scyllis, 263 n. 5
-
- (Pseudo-) Scymnus, cited 91 n. 1
-
- Scythia, 72, 271
-
- sea power, 68, 70–73, 81–83, 87, 95–97, 103, 165, 168, 169, 177, 184,
-    321–331;
-   see also thalassocracy
-
- seals, 149–151
-
- secessions, 227, 233, 235 n. 2, 296
-
- Seeck (O.), _Klio_, cited 34 n. 2, 53 n. 2, 56 n. 2
-
- Seeley (J.), ed. Livy I, cited 246 n. 1
-
- Segesta, 80 n. 5;
-   see also Egestaeans
-
- Seleucus, Seleucids, 284, 285
-
- Selinus, 265
-
- Sem of Ptah, 98, 100
-
- Semachos, Semacheion, Semachidai, 38, 39, 41 n. 3, 50, 291
-
- σήμαντρον, 150
-
- Semites, 278 n. 2
-
- Semitic origin of χιτών, 333 n. 2
-
- Sennacherib, 92, 97, 100, 325
-
- serfs, 13, 24
-
- Servilius Ahala, 230
-
- Servius, _ad Vergil. Aeneid._, cited 224 n. 5, 238 n. 3, 311 n. 1, 336,
-    337 n. 1
-
- Servius Tullius, 218–223, 224 n. 5, 238 n. 2, n. 3, 245, 246, 249, 295
-
- seruus rex, 249
-
- Sethon, Sethos, 88 n. 1, 92, 93, 97–103, 105 n. 2, 292, 293, 303 n. 1
-
- Seti I, 87 n. 9
-
- setmi, 97
-
- Seven against Thebes, 262
-
- seven sages, 189
-
- Sevenoaks, 125 n. 3
-
- Shabaka, see Sabacon
-
- Shabataka, 88 n. 1, 97, 98 n. 3, n. 4, 125 n. 3
-
- Sharpe (S.), _History of Egypt_^6, cited 121 n. 3
-
- sheep breeding, 266
-
- shekel, 132, 133
-
- Shelley (P. B.), trans. Euripides, _Cyclops_, cited 40 n. 9
-
- Shepnepet, 99 n. 3
-
- shipbuilders, shipbuilding, 20, 62, 68, 70, 75, 184, 271, 292, 309,
-    324, 325, 326
-
- ships, 164, 169, 242, 315 n. 3, 317
-
- shires, 237
-
- shoemakers, 20, 233 n. 6
-
- shops, 135, 218, 224, 247
-
- Sicily, Sicilian, 10, 30, 45, 75, 80 n. 5, 112, 180 n. 4, 181, 182,
-    187, 189, 209, 220, 228, 239, 265, 273–278, 284 n. 2, 315
-
- Siceliot Greek, 224 n. 5
-
- Sicyon, 28, 66, 157, 178–180, 186 n. 1, 193, 215, 257–264 _passim_,
-    293, 296, 304, 306 n. 1, 316, 317, 336 n. 1
-
- Sidonians, 325
-
- Sieveking (H.), _Vierteljahrschrift f. Social- u.
-    Wirtschafts-Geschichte_, cited 3, 26 n. 2, 267 n. 1, 304 n. 4
-
- Sieveking (J.) and Hackl (R.), _Die königliche Vasensammlung zu
-    Muenchen_, cited 251 n. 3, 252 n. 2, 334
-
- Sigeium, 63
-
- Sigismund, Emperor, 3
-
- _signauit_, 218
-
- silphium, 74 n. 3
-
- silver, 80 n. 4, 81, 144 n. 3, 177, 227;
-   currency, 4, 18, 57, 58, 61, 127, 128, 131–133, 140, 152, 155, 164 n.
-      1, 172, 218, 219, 220 n. 4, 221, 294;
-   mines, 38–40, 47, 54 n. 1, 59 n. 1, 62, 68, 271, 291;
-   see also Laurium
-
- Sinope, 50, 135 n. 7, 271
-
- Siphnos, 243 n. 1
-
- Siphnian mines, 44 n. 5, 46, 47
-
- Sipylus, Mt, 129
-
- σιτοφύλακες, 12
-
- _Sitzungsberichte d. preussischen Akademie d. Wissenschaften zu
-    Berlin_, see Koehler, Wiegand
-
- _Sitzungsberichte d. bayerischen Akademie d. Wissenschaften zu
-    Muenchen_, see Wecklein
-
- _Sitzungsberichte d. Akademie d. Wissenschaften in Wien_, see Bauer,
-    Klein
-
- Six (J.), _Numismatic Chronicle_, cited 53 n. 1, 56 n. 2, 64, 128 n. 4,
-    131
-
- Skabala (? Kavalla), 37
-
- Skapte Hyle, 50 n. 7
-
- Skias (A.), _Archaiologike Ephemeris_, cited 324 n. 1, 333 n. 4
-
- Skiddaw, 40
-
- skyphoi, 248, 334
-
- slaves, slavery, slave labour, 12, 13, 15, 18–23, 30 n. 3, 45, 47 n. 7,
-    48, 51, 67, 79, 150 n. 6, 151 n. 2, 187 n. 8, 191, 192, 218,
-    222–225, 234, 235, 266, 280–282, 284, 287;
-   see also helots, πενέσται, serfs, thetes
-
- slave revolts, 23, 45, 234 n. 3
-
- smelting, 44, 48
-
- Smith (G.), _Assurbanipal_, cited 88 n. 2, 91 n. 7, 99 n. 3, 101 n. 2,
-    143 n. 2, 144 n. 5, 214 n. 3
-
- Smith (K. F.), _American Journal of Philology_, cited 147 n. 6, 148 n.
-    4
-
- Smith (W.), _Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology_,
-    cited 336 n. 5
-
- smiths, 14, 17, 20, 223, 225
-
- Smyrna, 77, 130, 131
-
- Snooks, Mrs, 125 n. 3
-
- Snowdon, 40
-
- _Society of Biblical Archaeology Proceedings_, see Revillout
-
- _Sociological Review_, see Zimmern
-
- Socrates, 17, 18, 19 n. 4
-
- Soli, 158
-
- Solon, 7, 8, 9, 12, 13, 16, 17, 28, 33–35, 49, 53 n. 2, 63 n. 3, 65, 95
-    n. 1, 150 n. 3, 158, 166, 170–172, 258 n. 4, 261, 290, 301, 303 n.
-    1, 308, 309 n. 4, 327, 328;
-   cited 7, 8, 9 n. 3, 14, 28 n. 1, 48, 55
-
- Solonium, 239 n. 5
-
- Sophanes, 174
-
- Sophocles, _Antigone_, cited 129;
-   _Oedipus Tyrannus_, cited 9, 174 n. 3;
-   fragments cited 16 n. 7, 313
-
- Sosias, 51
-
- Sostratos, 68, 177
-
- Σουνιακὸς γουνός, 41, 44
-
- Sourdille (C.), _Hérodote et la Religion d’Égypte_, cited 98 n. 3
-
- σῴζω, 82
-
- Spain, 1, 46, 68, 117, 177
-
- Sparta, Spartans, 20, 23–25, 45, 53, 57, 63 n. 4, 74 n. 5, 84, 144 n.
-    4, 164 n. 1, 175–177, 178 n. 1, 180, 196 n. 5, 239, 263 n. 5, 282,
-    330, 332, 333, 336 n. 1
-
- Spartacus, 23
-
- Spermos, 135, 136, 152, 293
-
- σφραγίς, 149
-
- Spiegelberg, _Orientalische Litteraturzeitung_, cited 125 n. 3
-
- spits as coins, 149, 162–164
-
- Spurius Cassius, see Cassius
-
- Spurius Maelius, see Maelius
-
- Staffordshire, 80 n. 6
-
- Stais (V.), 318
-
- Stallbaum (G.), _Platonis Meno_, cited 85 n. 1
-
- Standard Oil Company, 5, 26
-
- stater, 57, 130, 132 n. 3, 137;
-   see also daric, Croeseids
-
- σταθμός, 171
-
- Statius, _Thebais_, cited 308, 309
-
- statuettes (figurines), 118, 119
-
- Stein (H.), ed. Herodotus, cited 51 n. 3
-
- στέφανος, στεφανόπωλις, στεφανηφόρος ἥρως, 55–57
-
- Stephanus Byzantinus, cited 37, 38 n. 4, 40 n. 2, 41 n. 3, 68 n. 7, 96
-    n. 4, 103, 104, 135 n. 3, 212 n. 1, 313
-
- Stephinates, 88 n. 1, 98, 99, 100
-
- von Stern (E.), _Zeitschrift f. aegyptische Sprache_, cited 125 n. 3
-
- Stesichorus, 275 n. 4;
-   cited 177 n. 6
-
- stm, stne, 97
-
- stone masons, 14, 224
-
- stove, 204, 205
-
- Strabo, cited 40, 41 n. 3, n. 4, 54 n. 1, 59 n. 2, 63 n. 7, 65 n. 5, 70
-    n. 3, 71 n. 2, 79 n. 2, 80, 84 n. 2, 87 n. 9, 90, 91, 92 n. 2, 103,
-    104 n. 4, 122 n. 1, n. 4, 129 n. 6, 138 n. 3, n. 4, 139, 146 n. 7,
-    148, 149 n. 1, 155 n. 2, 157 n. 2, 158, 159, 167 n. 2, 175 n. 3,
-    176, 177 n. 3, 178, 179, 180 n. 4, 183 n. 2, 184, 187 n. 1, 189 n.
-    4, 190 n. 3, 191 n. 3, 192 n. 5, 195 n. 1, 198, 215 n. 2, 217, 224
-    n. 5, 225, 240 n. 1, 246 n. 1, 255, 257 n. 1, 259 n. 5, 260 n. 4,
-    261 n. 2, 280 n. 1, 282 n. 2, 283 n. 6, 284 n. 3, n. 5, 288, 289 n.
-    1, 305 n. 2, 310 n. 3, 312 n. 3, n. 6, 313 n. 2, n. 6, 324 n. 2,
-    330, 336 n. 1
-
- Strack (M. L.), see Muenzer
-
- Strattis, 50 n. 2
-
- στρωμναί, 79
-
- Strymodorus, 59 n. 1
-
- Strymon (Struma), 36, 37, 50, 54, 58, 59, 62, 148
-
- Studniczka (F.), _Athenische Mitteilungen_, cited 318 n. 6;
-   _Beiträge zur Geschichte der altgriech. Tracht_, cited 166 n. 1, n.
-      7, 170 n. 1, 332 n. 2, 333 n. 2
-
- Suetonius, cited 221 n. 7;
-   _Caligula_, cited 76 n. 4;
-   _Tiberius_, cited 233, 337 n. 6
-
- Suez Canal, 87
-
- Suidas, cited 16 n. 7, 41 n. 3, 50 n. 2, 58 n. 1, 59 n. 1, 70 n. 5, 71
-    n. 1, 74, 75, 79 n. 1, n. 2, 95 n. 1, 104 n. 4, 137 n. 3, 145 n. 1,
-    n. 6, 171 n. 4, 189, 195 n. 5, 199 n. 2, n. 3, n. 5, n. 8, 200 n. 3,
-    201 n. 2, 221 n. 7, 224 n. 5, 226 n. 3, 268 n. 3, 269, 271 n. 5,
-    272, 275 n. 5, 280 n. 1, 281 n. 1, 283 n. 5, n. 6, 305 n. 2, 313,
-    326 n. 9, 327 n. 2
-
- σύλη, συλον, 81, 82
-
- Sunium, 40, 41, 44, 291, 313
-
- Superbus, see Tarquinius Superbus
-
- Susemihl (F.), 213 n. 4
-
- Svoronos, _Journal International d’Archéologie Numismatique_, cited 37,
-    53 n. 2, 60 n. 1, 62 n. 2, 64 n. 3, 156 n. 2, 160, 163, 171 n. 1,
-    183 n. 6
-
- swallow, 211 n. 4, n. 7
-
- Swansea, 106 n. 3
-
- Swoboda (H.), _apud_ Pauly Wissowa, 268 n. 4
-
- Sybaris, 112, 266
-
- Syloson, 69 n. 5, 79, 80, 82, 84
-
- symmories, 328 n. 2
-
- Symonds (J. A.), _Renaissance in Italy, Age of the Despots_, cited 3
-
- Syncellus, cited 95, 156 n. 3
-
- Syracuse, 10, 24, 27, 30, 58, 72, 138 n. 9, 151, 180, 182, 208–210,
-    221, 274 n. 1, 276, 278 n. 2, 280, 284, 291, 316 n. 8
-
- Syria, 99 n. 3, 123, 131
-
-
- Tabalos, 139
-
- Tacitus, _Annals_, cited 311 n. 1;
-   _Histories_, cited 223 n. 5
-
- Tafnekht, see Tnefachthus
-
- Taharqa (Tirhakah), 88 n. 1, 97, 98, 99 n. 3, n. 5
-
- tailors, 20
-
- Tanaquil, 236 n. 2
-
- Tanis, 121 n. 3
-
- tanners, 20, 222
-
- Tarbell (I. M.), _History of the Standard Oil Company_, cited 5 n. 8
-
- Tarchon, 237 n. 1
-
- Tarentum, 336 n. 1
-
- Tarpeian Mount, Tarpeius, 223, 237
-
- Tarquinii (Corneto), 93, 94, 182, 187, 215–219, 225, 240–243, 244 n. 1,
-    249, 251
-
- Tarquinius (name), 237
-
- Tarquinius Priscus, Lucius, 215–218, 221, 222 n. 7, 224 n. 5, 227–229,
-    238, 239 n. 5, 240, 242, 256, 287, 295, 299
-
- Tarquinius Superbus, 183 n. 6, 218, 223–227, 233, 234 n. 3, 247, 251,
-    278, 295
-
- Tarquins, 14, 207, 215, 218, 223, 224 n. 5, 225–227, 230, 233, 234,
-    236, 237, 239, 240, 245, 247, 249, 255, 256, 289, 295, 296, 298
-
- Tartessus (Tarshish), 68, 69, 81, 82, 177
-
- taxation, taxes, 189, 190, 192 n. 1, 259, 287
-
- tax-collector, 274, 305, 326 n. 9, 327 n. 1
-
- τέχνη, 49
-
- τεχνῖται, 21
-
- Tefnakhte, see Tnefachthus
-
- Tegea, 24 n. 1
-
- Τειχιούσης, 81
-
- Teisias, 106
-
- Tellus, 228 n. 2
-
- Temenos, 154, 156–159, 176, 178–180, 183 n. 3, 294, 316
-
- temple, 162, 224, 277;
-   in Aegina (Aphaia), 318–320;
-     (Aphrodite), 318, 319;
-     (Damia and Auxesia), 167, 170, 174, 175, 320;
-   Agrigentum (Zeus Polieus), 274, 276;
-   Argos (Hera), 161–164, 175, 316 n. 7, 318–320, 333 n. 4;
-   Athens (Athena), 63;
-     (Olympian Zeus), 14, 63, 76 n. 5;
-   Corcyra, 244 n. 1;
-   Corinth (Aphrodite), 191 n. 3;
-     (Apollo), 76 n. 5;
-   Delphi (Apollo), 65;
-   Eleusis, 15;
-   Ephesus (Artemis), 128, 130 n. 6, 245, 272 n. 3;
-   Naukratis, 108;
-     (Aphrodite), 118, 119;
-     (Apollo), 110;
-   Olympia, 159;
-   Pallene in Attica (Athena), 52;
-   Rome (Artemis, Diana), 224 n. 5, 245, 246 n. 1;
-     (Ceres), 240 n. 2;
-     (Jupiter Tarpeius), 223, 237;
-     (Tellus), 228 n. 2;
-   Sabine (Feronia), 261 n. 2;
-   in Samos (Hera), 76, 82;
-   Syracuse (Athena), 276;
-   Tiryns (Hera), 320
-
- Tenedos, 162 n. 3
-
- tent-makers, 17
-
- terra cottas, architectural, 243, 244 n. 1, 246, 250–252;
-   see also antefix
-
- terra cotta tablets, 46, 186, 187, 207 n. 2, 242
-
- Terrien de la Couperie (A.), see _British Museum Catalogue of Chinese
-    Coins_
-
- Tertullian, _Apologia adversus Gentes_, cited 280 n. 1
-
- tetradrachm, 131
-
- Tetrapolis, 41 n. 3
-
- Thackeray (W. M.), _Virginians_, cited 157 n. 4
-
- thalassocracy, 76, 83, 95, 96, 165 n. 3, 174, 191 n. 2, 268 n. 3, 324,
-    330;
-   see also sea power
-
- Thales, 1, 2, 12
-
- Thasos, Thasians, 36 n. 3, 47, 271 n. 4
-
- Theagenes, 9, 14, 30, 62 n. 6, 76 n. 5, 264–268, 296
-
- _Thebais_ (Homeric), 262 n. 1
-
- Thebes, Boeotian, 24 n. 5, 108 n. 2, 164 n. 1, 261, 262
-
- Thebes, Egyptian, 90 n. 1, 97, 99 n. 3
-
- Themistius, _Orations_, cited 65 n. 5
-
- Themistocles, 46, 47, 239 n. 4, 312 n. 5
-
- Theocharides, 273
-
- Theocles, 212
-
- Theocritus, cited 69 n. 2, 79, 201 n. 8, 280 n. 1
-
- Theodorus, 69 n. 1, 73, 76, 80, 83
-
- Theognis, 7–9, 16 n. 2, 195 n. 5, 268, 290;
-   cited 8, 9, 47 n. 2, 57 n. 5, 266, 302
-
- Theomestor, 84
-
- Theophrastus, 189;
-   _Historia Plantarum_, cited 56 n. 2, 308 n. 2;
-   _de Lapidibus_, cited 129 n. 7
-
- Theopompus, cited 144 n. 3, 156, 158 n. 6, 195 n. 2
-
- Thera, Theraeans, 82 n. 1, 315 n. 2, 320 n. 5
-
- θεράπαιναι, 22
-
- Thero, 10 n. 1
-
- Thersites, 28 n. 1
-
- Theseus, 16, 169, 327, 329
-
- Thesmophoria, 274
-
- Thessalos, 56 n. 2
-
- Thessaly, 24, 193
-
- thetes, θῆτες, θητικὸς ὄχλος 14, 16, 19, 49
-
- Thiersch (H.), see Furtwaengler
-
- Thirlwall (C.), _History of Greece_, cited 51 n. 3
-
- Thoas of Miletus, 268, 269
-
- Thomas (E.), _Ancient Indian Weights_, cited 142 n. 3;
-   _Chronicles of the Pathan Kings of Delhi_, cited 142 n. 3
-
- Thonis, 93
-
- Thoricus, 40 n. 9, 41, 44 n. 1
-
- Thrace, 36 n. 1, n. 3, 37, 50–52, 54–56, 58–62, 64, 72, 199–201, 271,
-    284, 288, 291, 292, 296
-
- Thracian Chersonese, 53, 63 n. 7, 199 n. 10, 245 n. 2
-
- Thrasybulus, 124, 191, 268–270
-
- Thucydides, 25, 26, 33, 290, 299;
-   cited 9, 15 n. 2, 23 n. 1, n. 2, 24 n. 2, n. 4, 28 n. 5, 30 n. 3, 31
-      n. 1, 34 n. 3, 36 n. 1, 45 n. 5, 50, 51 n. 2, 62 n. 5, 63 n. 6, 68
-      n. 1, 70, 80 n. 5, 170, 174, 177, 178 n. 1, 180 n. 4, 184, 185,
-      190 n. 3, 193 n. 7, 212 n. 1, 260 n. 2, 264 n. 6, 294, 308 n. 2,
-      310, 313, 321, 325, 326, 329 n. 8, 331–334, 336 n. 1
-
- Thyessos, 135
-
- Tiber, 197, 221
-
- Tilden (Mr), 5
-
- Tillyard (H. J. W.), _Agathocles_, cited 209 n. 2, n. 3, 210 n. 1, n. 4
-
- Tilsit, 311
-
- Timaeus of Cyzicus, 281, 283, 288
-
- Timaeus of Sicily, 210;
-   cited 22, 209, 220, 275 n. 2
-
- Timarchus, 12
-
- timber, 62, 271
-
- _Times_, cited 5
-
- Timoleon, 209
-
- Tintoretto, 244
-
- Tirhakah, see Taharqa
-
- Tiryns, 163, 318
-
- Tmolus, Mount, 129, 148
-
- Tnefachthus I (Tafnekht), 88 n. 1, 95, 96, 98, 100, 101 n. 1
-
- Tnefachthus II, 88 n. 1
-
- Torr, _Revue Archéologique_, cited 169, 321 n. 2, n. 3, n. 4, 324 n. 5
-
- “tortoises” (coins), 57 n. 5, 64 n. 3, 143 n. 1, 154, 156, 183 n. 6
-
- touch-stone, 129
-
- trade unions, 3
-
- treasuries at Delphi (Corinthian, Caeretan), 187 n. 8, 255
-
- treasury at Olympia (Sicyonian), 263
-
- Triakon, 176 n. 3
-
- trial by jury, 237
-
- tribunes, military, 338
-
- Trinakria, 44
-
- Triptolemus, 238
-
- triremes, 68, 165, 177, 191, 239, 325
-
- Tritonis (Lake), 54, 55
-
- Troezen, 169 n. 4
-
- Trojan wars, 180 n. 4, 259 n. 1
-
- Troy, 149, 298
-
- trusts, 3, 5
-
- Truth’s Investigator, _The Great Oil Octopus_, cited 5 n. 8
-
- Tudors, 101, 267
-
- Tullianum, see Mamertine prison
-
- Tullus Hostilius, 261 n. 2, 337
-
- τυραννὶς τελευταία, 29
-
- τύραννος, 134, 302 n. 8
-
- Turkey, 50, 270
-
- Twelve Tables, 221, 336
-
- Tyburn, 247
-
- Tyrrhenians, 134 n. 5
-
- Tyrrhenian amphora, 319
-
- Tzetzes, _Chiliades_, cited 70 n. 3, 79 n. 4, 87 n. 9, 134 n. 5, 176 n.
-    3;
-   _ad Lycophronem_, cited 59 n. 1, 195 n. 2, n. 3
-
-
- unemployment, 13 n. 5
-
- Unger, _Philologus_, cited 159, 160, 183 n. 5
-
- United States of America, 4, 5, 142, 267
-
- University College, Oxford, 237
-
- Ure (P. N.), _Black Glaze Pottery from Rhitsona in Boeotia_, cited 108
-    n. 1, n. 6, 248 n. 3, 287 n. 3;
-   _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, cited 38, 81, 155;
-   see also Burrows (R. M.)
-
- Usimares, pharaoh of Egypt, 101
-
- usurers, 2
-
-
- Valerii, 337;
-   see also Publicola
-
- Valerius (Marcus), 227
-
- Valerius Maximus, cited 17 n. 3, 35 n. 3, 51 n. 2, 70 n. 3, 184 n. 2,
-    217 n. 5, 228 n. 1, n. 2, n. 4, 229 n. 2, 233, 275 n. 1, 337 n. 4
-
- Varro, _de Lingua Latina_, cited 218 n. 3, 224 n. 5, 229 n. 2, 237, 248
-    n. 1;
-   _de Re Rustica_, cited 201 n. 5, n. 6, n. 8;
-   _apud_ Charisium, cited 218;
-   _apud_ Nonium Marcellum, cited 223 n. 1;
-   (?) _apud_ Plutarchum, cited 222 n. 3
-
- Vasco da Gama, 87
-
- Vedic, 134 n. 5
-
- Veii, 230, 234, 235, 296
-
- Velabrum, 12 n. 3
-
- Velia, near Paestum, 221 n. 2;
-   in Rome, 221 n. 2, 337 n. 5
-
- Velletri, 246
-
- Venice, 56 n. 3, 70 n. 3
-
- Verrius Flaccus, cited 134 n. 5
-
- Verviers, 311
-
- Vestal virgins, 336 n. 1, 337
-
- Vetterfeld, 171 n. 1
-
- Via Appia, 232, 233
-
- Victoria, Queen, 157 n. 4
-
- Victorian age, 194
-
- Vicus Tuscus, 221 n. 2
-
- _Vierteljahrschrift f. Social- u. Wirtschafts-Geschichte_, see
-    Cavaignac, Sieveking (H.)
-
- Vignate, Giovanni, 3
-
- Virgil, _Aeneid_, cited 238 n. 3, 311 n. 1;
-   Schol. Veron. 238 n. 3
-
- “Virgin” (coin), 54–57, 291
-
- Vitruvius, cited 13 n. 5
-
- Vittorio Emanuele monument, 65 n. 3
-
- Volsinii, 249
-
- Vourva pottery, 315 n. 5, 318 n. 1
-
- Vroulia, 109, 114
-
- Vulci, 119 n. 3, 251 n. 1
-
-
- Wachsmuth (C.), _Die Stadt Athen_, cited 269 n. 2, 327 n. 5, 329 n. 4
-
- wages, 14, 15, 18, 20, 21, 48, 49, 77, 226, 230, 295
-
- waggoners, 14
-
- Waldstein (C.), _Argive Heraeum_, cited 317 n. 3, 318, 319 n. 5, n. 6,
-    n. 7, 320 n. 2
-
- Walker (A.), 187 n. 2
-
- Wallon (H.), _Histoire de l’Esclavage dans l’Antiquité_, cited 16 n. 8,
-    23 n. 1, 47 n. 7
-
- Walter (F. A.), trans. Niebuhr, _History of Rome_, cited 239 n. 2
-
- Walters (H. B.), see _British Museum Catalogue of Terracottas_
-
- Walters (H. B.) and Birch (S.), _History of Ancient Pottery_, cited 323
-    n. 2
-
- Waltz (P.), _Revue Historique_, cited 22 n. 6
-
- Walzius, _Rhetores Graeci_, cited 51 n. 2
-
- Watson (Mr), 11 n. 2
-
- weaving, 187
-
- Webb (S.), _History of Trade Unionism_, cited 233 n. 6
-
- Wecklein, _Sitzungsberichte d. bayerisch. Akad. d. Wissenschaften zu
-    Muenchen_, cited 269 n. 2, 326 n. 7, 327 n. 5, 329 n. 8
-
- Wedgwood, 80 n. 6
-
- Weissenborn (H.), _Hellen_, cited 159 n. 2
-
- Welldon (J. E. C.), trans. Aristotle, _Politics_, quoted 35 n. 5
-
- Wells (H. G.), 125 n. 3;
-   _Anticipations_, cited 306;
-   _Tono Bungay_, cited 306 n. 5
-
- Westminster, 306 n. 5
-
- wheelwrights, 14, 20
-
- Whiskey Combination, 267
-
- Wiedemann (A.), _Aegyptische Geschichte_, cited 91 n. 4, 95 n. 1, 97 n.
-    4, 99 n. 5, 125 n. 3, 212 n. 6;
-   _Geschichte Aegyptens_, 122 n. 4;
-   _Herodotus II_, cited 87 n. 9, 89 n. 3, 90 n. 4, 91 n. 9, 102 n. 1,
-      104 n. 6, 106 n. 8, 122 n. 1, n. 4, n. 5, 214 n. 5
-
- Wiegand (Th.), _Abhandlungen_ and _Sitzungsberichte d. preussisch.
-    Akademie d. Wissenschaften zu Berlin_, cited 76 n. 2, 110 n. 4, 111
-    n. 3
-
- _Wiener Studien_, see Endt
-
- _Wiener Vorlegeblätter_, cited 323 n. 2
-
- von Wilamowitz-Moellendorf (U.), _Aristotel u. Athen_, cited 173 n. 2,
-    329 n. 7
-
- Wilisch (E.), _Eumelus_, cited 195 n. 2, n. 4;
-   _Goettingsche Gelehrte Anzeigen_, cited 180 n. 3, 191 n. 3, 194, 195
-      n. 1, 196 n. 4;
-   _Jahresbericht d. Gymnas. Zittau_, cited 46 n. 7, 187 n. 7, 188 n. 1,
-      191 n. 3, 192 n. 1, n. 4, 242 n. 3;
-   _Jahrbücher f. Classische Philologie_, cited 180 n. 2, 183 n. 5
-
- Willers (H.), _Geschichte der roemischen Kupferprägung_, cited 156 n.
-    2, 171 n. 6, 219
-
- Wilson, President Woodrow, cited 5, 290
-
- Wimmer (F.), see Aubert
-
- _Winckelmannsfeste Program_, see Furtwaengler
-
- Winckler (H.), _Altorientalische Forschungen_, cited 143 n. 2
-
- wine trade, 104, 120, 125, 126, 143 n. 1, 286
-
- Winter (F.), _Jahrbuch d. deutsch. archäologischen Instituts_, cited
-    205 n. 1
-
- Wisbech, 233 n. 6
-
- _Wochenschrift f. klassische Philologie_, see Bluemner, Graef
-
- wolf, Capitoline, 253, 254
-
- women in industry, 20 n. 1;
-   political status of, 236 n. 2
-
- woollen industry, 2, 3, 21, 69, 74, 79, 265–267, 292
-
- “working girls,” 139
-
- Wyttenbach, 158 n. 3
-
-
- Xanthias, 68
-
- Xanthus, cited 130 n. 2, 144 n. 1
-
- Xenophanes, cited 129, 131, 133
-
- Xenophon, _Anabasis_, cited 265 n. 6;
-   _Cyropaedia_, cited 123 n. 3, 144 n. 4;
-   _Hellenica_, cited 20 n. 4, 27 n. 5, 148 n. 2;
-   _Hiero_, cited 302 n. 6;
-   _Memorabilia_, cited 13 n. 3, 17, 18 n. 1, 20 n. 1, 265 n. 3, 267;
-   _Oeconomicus_, cited 17, 19 n. 4;
-   _de Republica Lacedaemoniorum_, cited 17;
-   _de Vectigalibus_, cited 12 n. 4, 18, 44 n. 1, 46, 47, 51 n. 1, 150
-      n. 6, 308 n. 2, 310
-
- Xerxes, 24 n. 5, 140, 152, 293, 332
-
- ξυλινὴ κιβωτός, 198
-
-
- _Year’s Work in Classical Studies_, see Lamb (D.)
-
- Young Turks, 270
-
-
- _Zeitschrift f. aegyptische Sprache_, see v. Stern
-
- _Zeitschrift f. Numismatik_, see Brandis, v. Fritze, Hammer, v. Sallet
-
- _Zeitschrift. f. Socialwissenschaft_, see Beloch
-
- Zenobius, cited 71 n. 1, 73, 78 n. 7, 79 n. 2, 95 n. 1, 308 n. 3
-
- zeugitai, 16, 49
-
- Zeus, 138 n. 9, 198, 303;
-   Olympios, temple of, 14, 63, 76 n. 5;
-   Patroos, altars of, 180;
-   Polieus, temple of, 274, 276
-
- Zimmern (A. E.), _Greek Commonwealth_, cited 309 n. 9;
-   _Sociological Review_, cited 15 n. 5, 20 n. 6
-
- Zonaras, cited 215 n. 2, 223 n. 5, 337 n. 4.
-
- Zopyrion, 287
-
------
-
-Footnote 1:
-
-  Aristot. _Pol._ I. 1259_a_. The authenticity of the story may be
-  questioned, but the fact of its being attached to Thales is in itself
-  significant.
-
-Footnote 2:
-
-  _E.g._ Busolt, _Gr. G._ I.^2 pp. 626–7.
-
-Footnote 3:
-
-  _La Lydie_, p. 163; cp. _ibid._ p. 274, “wealth acquires an importance
-  it had never had.”
-
-Footnote 4:
-
-  J. A. Symonds, _Renaissance in Italy, Age of the Despots_^2, pp.
-  103–4; cp. _ibid._ pp. 65 n. 1, 66, 73, 76, 77–78.
-
-Footnote 5:
-
-  Some lecturers at Oxford are inclined to minimize the analogies
-  offered by the seventh and sixth centuries B.C. to modern industrial
-  conditions. In so doing they appear to me to be falling into the
-  commonest of modern fallacies, that of overestimating the importance
-  of size and numbers. For a better appreciation of the analogies see
-  _e.g._ Ciccotti, _Tramonto d. Schiavitù n. Mondo ant._ p. 45.
-
-Footnote 6:
-
-  E. Meyer, _Jahrb. f. Nationalök._ IX. (1895), p. 713 and below
-  _passim_.
-
-Footnote 7:
-
-  Sieveking, _Viert. f. Soc. u. Wirts._ VII. p. 87.
-
-Footnote 8:
-
-  Cobbett, _Paper against Gold_, pp. 5, 6 (Aug. 30th, 1810).
-
-Footnote 9:
-
-  Jevons, _Money_^{23}, p. 203; cp. _ibid._ p. 285: “It is surprising to
-  find to what an extent paper documents have replaced coin as a medium
-  of exchange in some of the principal centres of business.”
-
-Footnote 10:
-
-  Cp. Thos. W. Lawson, _Frenzied Finance_ (published 1906), pp. 33, 35.
-
-Footnote 11:
-
-  Cp. Poehlmann, _Sozialismus i. d. ant. Welt_^2, I. p. 170.
-
-Footnote 12:
-
-  Hy. D. Lloyd, _Wealth against Commonwealth_ (1894), p. 2.
-
-Footnote 13:
-
-  Hy. D. Lloyd, _op. cit._ p. 494; see also pp. 297–8, 311; ch. XXVIII:
-  (on a Standard Oil secretary of U.S.A. treasury), 434, 511.
-
-Footnote 14:
-
-  _New York Daily Commercial Bull._ June 4th, 1894, _ap._ Hy. D. Lloyd,
-  _op. cit._ p. 450.
-
-Footnote 15:
-
-  New York _Sun_, May 27th, 1884, _ap._ Hy. D. Lloyd, p. 387.
-
-Footnote 16:
-
-  _Times_, Nov. 4th, 1916.
-
-Footnote 17:
-
-  Anatole France, _L’Île des Pingouins_, pp. 242 f., 309.
-
-Footnote 18:
-
-  Salvioli, _Capitalisme dans le Monde Antique_ (traduit A. Bonnet), p.
-  267.
-
-Footnote 19:
-
-  von Bernhardi, _Germany and the Next War_, p. 65.
-
-Footnote 20:
-
-  See _e.g._ Thos. W. Lawson, _Frenzied Finance_, pp. 6, 35; Hy. D.
-  Lloyd, _Wealth against Commonwealth_, pp. 341, 353, 386 (quoting the
-  _National Baptist of Philadelphia_, the Cincinnati _Commercial
-  Gazette_, and Senator Hoar); J. Ramsay MacDonald, _Unemployment and
-  the Wage Fund_; I. M. Tarbell, _Hist. Standard Oil Co._ II. pp. 114,
-  116, 137 (quoting the _Butler County Democrat_, Senator Frye, N.Y.
-  State Investigation Report, 1888), 124, 126–7, 290, 291; Truth’s
-  Investigator, _The Great Oil Octopus_, p. 227.
-
-Footnote 21:
-
-  Hy. D. Lloyd, _op. cit._ p. 493.
-
-Footnote 22:
-
-  von Bernhardi, _loc. cit._
-
-Footnote 23:
-
-  Karl Marx objected to applying the words Capital and Capitalism to the
-  condition of things in antiquity. But see E. Meyer, _Gesch. d. Alt._
-  III. p. 550.
-
-Footnote 24:
-
-  Extant some 300 lines in 35 fragments.
-
-Footnote 25:
-
-  Extant 1389 lines of continuous verse.
-
-Footnote 26:
-
-  Fr. 2 (13), 5–7.
-
-Footnote 27:
-
-  μονάρχου.
-
-Footnote 28:
-
-  Fr. 7 (17), 3–4.
-
-Footnote 29:
-
-  Fr. 3 (14), 3.
-
-Footnote 30:
-
-  For his hatred of tyranny see _e.g._ 1181–2, 1203–4.
-
-Footnote 31:
-
-  Cp. of the Greeks in general, Theognis’ contemporary Cyrus (_ap._ Hdt.
-  I. 153), “these taunts Cyrus flung at the Greeks, because they secure
-  marketplaces and engage in buying and selling.”
-
-Footnote 32:
-
-  679, φορτηγοὶ δ’ ἄρχουσι κ.τ.λ., the “bad” is the regular term in
-  aristocratic writers for their political opponents.
-
-Footnote 33:
-
-  717–8.
-
-Footnote 34:
-
-  315.
-
-Footnote 35:
-
-  523.
-
-Footnote 36:
-
-  699.
-
-Footnote 37:
-
-  621.
-
-Footnote 38:
-
-  823; cp. Solon quoted above.
-
-Footnote 39:
-
-  ὑβριστήν.
-
-Footnote 40:
-
-  1081–2.
-
-Footnote 41:
-
-  Cp. _e.g._ Hdt. III. 80, ὕβρι κεκορημένος.
-
-Footnote 42:
-
-  ὑβρίζῃ, 749–751.
-
-Footnote 43:
-
-  47–52.
-
-Footnote 44:
-
-  Other interpretations would be possible if in line 51 we read “from
-  this” (ἐκ τοῦ) instead of “from these” (ἐκ τῶν), but the MSS. all
-  support ἐκ τῶν.
-
-Footnote 45:
-
-  Is it possible to see in Solon, 12 (4). 29–32, a reference to the
-  fates of the various tyrant families of the seventh century?
-
-Footnote 46:
-
-  φορτηγός, Theognis, 679.
-
-Footnote 47:
-
-  Soph. _O.T._ 540–542.
-
-Footnote 48:
-
-  I. 13.
-
-Footnote 49:
-
-  _Olymp._ II. 58–9 (to Thero, tyrant of Acragas).
-
-Footnote 50:
-
-  _Olymp._ V. 15–16 (to Psaumis of Camarina). The poem ends with a
-  warning to Psaumis not to emulate the tyrants (μὴ ματεύσῃ θεὸς
-  γενέσθαι).
-
-Footnote 51:
-
-  _Pyth._ I. 48.
-
-Footnote 52:
-
-  ἀλλ’ ὅμως τὸ τοιοῦτον ἔτη δέκα κατέσχεν (Ἀγαμέμνων), οὐ μισθοφοραῖς
-  μεγάλαις οὐδὲ χρημάτων δαπάναις, οἷς νῦν ἅπαντες δυναστεύουσιν, Isocr.
-  _Panath._ 82 (249).
-
-Footnote 53:
-
-  Jebb, _Attic Orators_^2, II. p. 110.
-
-Footnote 54:
-
-  _Pol._ VII. (V.), 1314_b_. Endt, _Wien. Stud._ XXIV. (1901), p. 47,
-  sees here a reference to Gelo of Syracuse and quotes Diod. XI. 26;
-  Ael. _V.H._ VI. 11; Polyaen. I. 27, which tell how Gelo appeared naked
-  before the Syracusans and gave an account of his government and
-  offered to resign. But the only reference to the Exchequer is in
-  Polyaenus; and there it is only incidental (εὐθύνας δοὺς τῆς
-  αὐτοκράτορος ἀρχῆς, τῆς δαπάνης, τῶν καιρῶν, τῶν ὅπλων, τῶν ἵππων, τῶν
-  τριήρων).
-
-Footnote 55:
-
-  See below on Solon, pp. 34–5, and chapter XI. p. 301, and cp. Aristot.
-  _Pol._ II. 1267; III. 1285_a-b_.
-
-Footnote 56:
-
-  _E.g._ Lord James of Hereford, Sir D. Dale, Mr Watson and Mr Mundella,
-  quoted by W. T. Layton, _Capital and Labour_, p. 198. In a simpler and
-  smaller state than the modern kingdom or republic, during an epoch of
-  industrial war between evenly matched parties, it is easy to imagine
-  individuals in a similar position acquiring or even having thrust upon
-  them almost autocratic powers.
-
-Footnote 57:
-
-  _Pol._ VI. (IV.), 1296_a_.
-
-Footnote 58:
-
-  VI. (IV.), 1295–6.
-
-Footnote 59:
-
-  Plut. _Sol._ 2, 14.
-
-Footnote 60:
-
-  Aristot. _Pol._ I. 1259_a_.
-
-Footnote 61:
-
-  Lysias, _c. Frument._ 16 (165). For an oil ring in the Rome of Plautus
-  see _Captivi_, 489, “omnes conpecto rem agunt quasi in Velabro
-  olearii.”
-
-Footnote 62:
-
-  Xen. _de Vect._ 4. 14–15; cp. Plut. _Nikias_, 4.
-
-Footnote 63:
-
-  Lysias, _c. Eratosth._ 19 (121).
-
-Footnote 64:
-
-  Dem. _c. Aphob._ A. 9–11 (816, 817); cp. Plut. _Demosth._ 4.
-
-Footnote 65:
-
-  Aeschines, _c. Timarch._ 97 (13–14).
-
-Footnote 66:
-
-  Dion. Hal. _Isocr._ 1, θεράποντας αὐλοποιούς. For θεράπων = slave, cp.
-  Aristoph. _Plut._ 518–521.
-
-Footnote 67:
-
-  _c. Olymp._ 12 (1170).
-
-Footnote 68:
-
-  _E.g._ Xen. _Mem._ II. 7. 3, 6. The contract for building the long
-  walls of Athens in the days of Pericles is said to have been given to
-  a single individual, by name Kallikrates (Plut. _Per._ 13): of his
-  employees we know nothing except that according to the contemporary
-  comic poet Cratinus they were very slow about their work.
-
-Footnote 69:
-
-  Athen. VI. 272_e_ actually speaks of Nikias as a millionaire
-  (ζάπλουτος) owning slaves as capital (ἐπὶ προσόδοις).
-
-Footnote 70:
-
-  Plut. _Sol._ XXII. πρὸς τὰς τέχνας (cp. χειροτέχνης = artizan) ἔτρεψε
-  τοὺς πολίτας. Note too, _ibid._ (cp. Galen, _Protrept._ 8 init.;
-  Vitruv. VI. praef.) the law that a son was not obliged to support his
-  father if the father had not taught him a trade, and further Poll.
-  VIII. 42 (in the days of Solon a person thrice convicted of
-  unemployment lost his vote).
-
-Footnote 71:
-
-  Aristot. _Ath. Pol._ 2. In ch. 12 the _Ath. Pol._ alludes to the
-  difficulties (ἀπορία) of the poor and of those previously slaves who
-  were liberated as a result of the σεισαχθεία (Solon’s measure for
-  dealing with slavery and debt), and proceeds to quote Solon himself.
-
-Footnote 72:
-
-  Plut. _Sol._ XXIV.
-
-Footnote 73:
-
-  Aesch. _c. Timarch._ 27 (4).
-
-Footnote 74:
-
-  _Anth. Lyr._ Solon, 12 (4), 49–50.
-
-Footnote 75:
-
-  Notably at Athens and Rome.
-
-Footnote 76:
-
-  Aristot. _Pol._ VII. (V.), 1313_b_.
-
-Footnote 77:
-
-  Below, pp. 267, 274 f., 279, 223 f.
-
-Footnote 78:
-
-  _E.g._ by Endt, _Wien. Stud._ XXIV. (1901), p. 55.
-
-Footnote 79:
-
-  Hy. D. Lloyd, _Wealth against Commonwealth_, p. 364.
-
-Footnote 80:
-
-  Plut. _Per._ 12.
-
-Footnote 81:
-
-  Building of the Erechtheum, 408 B.C. _C.I.A._ I. 321, 324.
-
-Footnote 82:
-
-  Plut. _Per._ 16, τὴν δύναμιν αὐτοῦ ... κακοήθως παρεμφαίνουσιν οἱ
-  κωμικοί, Πεισιστρατίδας μὲν νέους τοὺς ἀμφὶ αὐτὸν ἑταίρους καλοῦντες,
-  αὐτὸν δ’ ἀπομόσαι μὴ τυραννήσειν κελεύοντες.
-
-Footnote 83:
-
-  Cp. Mauri, _Cittadini Lavoratori dell’ Attica_, p. 56.
-
-Footnote 84:
-
-  Cp. Thuc. II. 65, of Athens under Pericles, “nominally it was a
-  democracy, but in fact it was government by the foremost man.”
-
-Footnote 85:
-
-  _Arch. Eph._ 1883, pp. 109 f. = _C.I.A._ II. ii. 834_b_ (329–8 B.C.).
-
-Footnote 86:
-
-  Zimmern, _Sociological Review_, 1909, p. 166.
-
-Footnote 87:
-
-  Cp. Cic. _de Off._ I. 42. 151, mercatura, si tenuis est, sordida
-  putanda est, sin magna et copiosa ... non est admodum uituperanda;
-  atque etiam si ... ex portu in agros se possessionesque contulerit,
-  uidetur iure optimo posse laudari: a view that was doubtless as firmly
-  held in Greece as it has been since in Rome and England.
-
-Footnote 88:
-
-  A fairly complete collection of the authorities for ancient Greek
-  views on manual labour is to be found in Frohberger, _De Opificum apud
-  vet. Graec. condit._ chap. II.
-
-Footnote 89:
-
-  Hom. _Od._ XXIII. 189; _Il._ VI. 313–5; _Od._ VI. 52 f.; cp. also
-  _Il._ V. 59 f.; XXI. 37; _Od._ V. 241 f.
-
-Footnote 90:
-
-  In Megara the aristocratic Theognis has contempt enough for the
-  working classes, but he wrote after the overthrow of tyranny in his
-  city.
-
-Footnote 91:
-
-  Plato, _Critias_, 110_c_.
-
-Footnote 92:
-
-  Plut. _Thes._ 25.
-
-Footnote 93:
-
-  Plut. _Sol._ 2.
-
-Footnote 94:
-
-  Aristot. _Ath. Pol._ 7.
-
-Footnote 95:
-
-  _Laws_, XI. 920_d_. For the character of Athens’ patron deities cp.
-  Proclus ad Plat. _Timae._ 52_b_, Athena Ergane (so called) as
-  patroness of the works of craftsmen (δημιουργικῶν ἔργων); cp. Soph.
-  fr. 844 (Jebb and Pearson); Plato, _Protag._ 321_e_, the common abode
-  in which they (Athena and Hephaestus) practised their crafts
-  (ἐφιλοτεχνείτην); Harpocrat. and Suid. s.v. χαλκεῖα, “A feast common
-  to artizans (χειρώναξι) and especially to smiths”: Suid. adds that it
-  was originally a public feast, not till later observed only by
-  artizans (τεχνιτῶν): A. Mommsen, _Heortologie_, p. 313, thinks that
-  the change may be due to Peisistratus.
-
-Footnote 96:
-
-  Wallon, _Histoire de l’Esclavage_, I. 142.
-
-Footnote 97:
-
-  Aristot. _Ath. Pol._ 13.
-
-Footnote 98:
-
-  Xen. _de Rep. Lac._ 7; _Mem._ IV. 2. 22; _Oecon._ IV. 2.
-
-Footnote 99:
-
-  Ael. _V.H._ II. 1; so Xen. _Mem._ III. 7. 6.
-
-Footnote 100:
-
-  Aristoph. _Ach._ 478; _Thes._ 387; _Frogs_, 840; cp. Plin. _N.H._
-  XXII. 38; Aul. Gell. XV. 20; Val. Max. III. 4, ext. 2.
-
-Footnote 101:
-
-  Hdt. II. 167. Mauri therefore, _Cittadini Lavoratori dell’ Attica_, p.
-  65, rather postdates when he says that our authorities for Athenian
-  contempt of manual work are fourth century and later.
-
-Footnote 102:
-
-  Isocrat. _Areop._ 32 (146).
-
-Footnote 103:
-
-  Mauri, _Cittadini Lavoratori dell’ Attica_, p. 69.
-
-Footnote 104:
-
-  Xen. _Mem._ IV. 2. 22.
-
-Footnote 105:
-
-  Plato, _Apol._ 22_c-e_; cp. Xen. _Mem._ II. 7, where Socrates strongly
-  deprecates the prejudice against manual labour.
-
-Footnote 106:
-
-  Xen. _de Vect._ V. 4.
-
-Footnote 107:
-
-  Plato, _Rep._ VII. 522_b_, IX. 590_c_; _Laws_, V. 741_e_; _Gorg._
-  517_d_–518_a_; _Alcib._ I. 131_b_; _Amator_, 136_b_, 137_b_.
-
-Footnote 108:
-
-  Plato, _Laws_, VIII. 846_d_.
-
-Footnote 109:
-
-  _Ibid._ XI. 918.
-
-Footnote 110:
-
-  _Ibid._ IV. 705_b_.
-
-Footnote 111:
-
-  _Rep._ II. 371_e_.
-
-Footnote 112:
-
-  οὔτε βάναυσον βίον οὔτ’ ἀγοραῖον, Aristot. _Pol._ IV. (VII.), 1328_b_;
-  cp. _Rhet._ I. 9. 27.
-
-Footnote 113:
-
-  γεωργοὶ μὲν γὰρ καὶ τεχνῖται καὶ πᾶν τὸ θητικὸν ἀναγκαῖον ὑπάρχειν
-  ταῖς πόλεσιν, μέρη δὲ τῆς πόλεως τό τε ὁπλιτικὸν καὶ βουλευτικόν,
-  Aristot. _Pol._ IV. (VII.), 1329_a_; cp. VII. (V.), 1317_a_.
-
-Footnote 114:
-
-  _Pol._ III. 1278_a_.
-
-Footnote 115:
-
-  _Pol._ IV. (VII.), 1326_a_. The _Politics_ was based on a series of
-  studies of particular constitutions one of which, the _Constitution of
-  Athens_, was recovered from an Egyptian rubbish heap some thirty years
-  ago. When Aristotle says that a city of artizans cannot attain to
-  greatness we may feel fairly sure that artizans had played no
-  prominent part in any of the Greek cities since the Persian wars. For
-  the period before that his information must have been less reliable.
-
-Footnote 116:
-
-  _c. Eubulidem_, 32 (1308).
-
-Footnote 117:
-
-  Pollux, III. 82; cp. Photius s.v. “θητεία· δουλεία.”
-
-Footnote 118:
-
-  See _e.g._ Xen. _Oecon._ IV. 2–3, and cp. the unusually sympathetic
-  account of the working classes in the sophist Prodicus, a contemporary
-  of Socrates: “let us proceed to the artizans and mechanics
-  (χειρωνακτικοὺς καὶ βαναύσους), toiling from night to night and with
-  difficulty providing themselves with the necessities of life and
-  bewailing themselves and filling all their sleepless hours with
-  lamentation and tears.” Mullach, _Frag. Phil. Gr._ II. 139.
-
-Footnote 119:
-
-  _Arbeit. u. Comm._ p. 46.
-
-Footnote 120:
-
-  Women were of course involved in the consequences of the Peloponnesian
-  war. “I am told that many women citizens (ἀσταὶ γυναῖκες) became wet
-  nurses and day labourers and grape pickers (τιτθαὶ καὶ ἔριθοι καὶ
-  τρυγήτριαι) as a result of the misfortunes of the city in those
-  times.” Dem. _c. Eubul._ 45 (1313); cp. Xen. _Mem._ II. 7 f.
-
-Footnote 121:
-
-  Cp. the trouble that the Romans were always having with their
-  disbanded troops.
-
-Footnote 122:
-
-  Aristoph. _Plut._ 510–525.
-
-Footnote 123:
-
-  Plut. _Ages._ 26; Polyaen. II. 1. 7; cp. Xen. _Hell._ VI. 1. 5.
-
-Footnote 124:
-
-  Aristot. _Pol._ III. 1278_a_. Aristotle is of course a more valuable
-  authority for his own days than for his “ancient times.”
-
-Footnote 125:
-
-  Plato, _Rep._ II. 371_e_. So Cic. _de Off._ I. 42, “est ipsa merces
-  auctoramentum seruitutis.” Cp. Zimmern, _Sociological Review_, 1909,
-  p. 174, who however, when he says that “the Greeks never took kindly
-  to wage earning” is thinking mainly of the fifth and fourth centuries
-  B.C. and rather disregarding the evidence for conditions at that
-  period being of comparatively recent growth.
-
-Footnote 126:
-
-  Ciccotti, _Tramonto d. Schiavitù_, pp. 124 f. In the extant fragments
-  of the Erechtheum accounts for 409 B.C. the payments are partly by the
-  piece, partly by the day.
-
-Footnote 127:
-
-  Cavaignac, _Études Financ._ p. 173. For the large growth of the
-  servile population in fourth century Attica see Beloch, _Rhein. Mus._
-  1890, pp. 555 f.
-
-Footnote 128:
-
-  Cavaignac, _Études Financ._ p. 172; E. Meyer, _Kleinschrift._ p. 198.
-
-Footnote 129:
-
-  See Brants, _Rev. de l’Instruct. Publ. Belg._ XXVI. p. 106.
-
-Footnote 130:
-
-  Athen. XII. 540_d_.
-
-Footnote 131:
-
-  Cp. on fifth century Athens Xen. (?) _Ath. Pol._ I. 12, “the city
-  needs resident aliens owing to the number of its handicrafts (δεῖται
-  μετοίκων διὰ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν τεχνῶν).”
-
-Footnote 132:
-
-  Below, p. 192.
-
-Footnote 133:
-
-  Cp. Phaleas, Aristot. _Pol._ II. 1267.
-
-Footnote 134:
-
-  Hdt. VI. 137, οὐ γὰρ εἶναι τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον σφίσι κω οἰκέτας.
-
-Footnote 135:
-
-  Timaeus, _ap._ Athen. VI. 264_c_.
-
-Footnote 136:
-
-  Clerc, _Métèques Athén._ pp. 324 f.
-
-Footnote 137:
-
-  Ciccotti, _Tramonto d. Schiavitù_, p. 47.
-
-Footnote 138:
-
-  Buechsenschuetz, _Besitz u. Erwerb._ pp. 321, 341, 193; cp. Waltz,
-  _Rev. Hist._ 117 (1914), pp. 5–41.
-
-Footnote 139:
-
-  In the oriental Greek states of the Hellenistic period, as also in the
-  Roman East, the government seems sometimes to have run big industrial
-  concerns whose employees have been held to have been free men. Beloch,
-  _Zeits. f. Socialwiss._ II. pp. 24–25. But these establishments belong
-  to a quite different political order from that with which we are now
-  concerned.
-
-Footnote 140:
-
-  For slave revolts in Greece see Diod. XXXIV. 2. 19 and Athen. VI. 272
-  f. (Laurium, probably latter part of second century B.C.); Athen. VI.
-  265_c_ (Chios, apparently later still, _pace_ Boeckh, _Public Econ. of
-  Athens_, II. pp. 470–471); cp. Wallon, _l’Esclavage_^2, I. pp. 318 f.,
-  483–484. The movements at Laurium and Chios in the Peloponnesian war,
-  Thuc. VII. 27, VIII. 40, seem to have been not so much revolts against
-  slavery as desertions from one set of masters to another. When Holm,
-  _Hist. Greece_ (English trans.), I. p. 263, says that the essence of
-  tyranny was that it rested on force he makes a statement which, so far
-  as it is true, differentiates tyranny from no other ancient form of
-  government.
-
-Footnote 141:
-
-  ἀεὶ ἀτυράννευτος ἦν, Thuc. I. 18.
-
-Footnote 142:
-
-  Plut. _Lysander_, 17.
-
-Footnote 143:
-
-  Hill, _Handbook of Greek and Roman Coins_, p. 17, quoting Lenormant.
-  Hill himself inclines to think that the Spartan coinage may have
-  resembled the iron pieces of Aeginetan weight attributed to Tegea and
-  Argos. But these latter are not “heavy and hard to carry.”
-
-Footnote 144:
-
-  οὐ ξυνοικισθείσης πόλεως ... κατὰ κώμας δὲ ... οἰκισθείσης, Thuc. I.
-  10.
-
-Footnote 145:
-
-  Aristot. _Pol._ II. 1269_a_.
-
-Footnote 146:
-
-  Thuc. I. 132.
-
-Footnote 147:
-
-  In the days of Plato Thebes contained one citizen of extraordinary
-  wealth in Ismenias, “the man who had just recently received the wealth
-  of Polycrates.” Ismenias is classed with Periander, Perdiccas, and
-  Xerxes as a wealthy man who thought he possessed great power; but he
-  is not called a tyrant. He had become rich not through his own wisdom
-  and care, but suddenly as the result of a bequest, so that his wealth
-  would apparently fall under a different category from that of the
-  seventh and sixth century tyrants, and he is in fact placed by Plato
-  in a very miscellaneous company. Plato, _Meno_, 90_a_; _Rep._ I.
-  336_a_.
-
-Footnote 148:
-
-  See below, pp. 30 f.
-
-Footnote 149:
-
-  Aristot. _Pol._ VIII. (VI.), 1316_b_.
-
-Footnote 150:
-
-  _Thucydides Mythistoricus_, p. 32.
-
-Footnote 151:
-
-  Rep. VIII. 562_a_; cp. 564_a_, 565_d_.
-
-Footnote 152:
-
-  On tyrants as plunderers cp. Hdt. V. 92: “(Cypselus) deprived many
-  people of their property.” So Ephorus, _F.H.G._ III. p. 392, “He
-  banished the Bacchiads and confiscated their possessions.” Cp. Plato,
-  _Phaedo_, 82_a_; _Rep._ VIII. end. The spoils of victory however are
-  quite a different thing from the litigious confiscations of fifth and
-  fourth century demagogues. The way the early tyrants used their wealth
-  is sufficient proof that it was not mainly plunder. There is nothing
-  of the condottiere about the typical early tyrant. Cp. H. Sieveking,
-  _Kapitalist. Entwick. i. d. ital. Städt. d. Mittelalt._ in _Viertelj.
-  f. Soc. u. Wirts._ VII. pp. 64 f.
-
-Footnote 153:
-
-  Pol. VII. (V.), 1305_a_; cp. VII. (V.), 1310_b_, ὁ δὲ τύραννος
-  (καθίσταται) ἐκ τοῦ δήμου καὶ τοῦ πλήθους.
-
-Footnote 154:
-
-  “Pheidon and others became tyrants with a kingship to start from ...
-  those in the parts about Ionia, and Phalaris, from their offices,”
-  _Pol._ VII. (V.), 1310_b_; cp. _ibid._, “through starting with power,
-  some that of kingly office,” and _ibid._, “other (tyrannies) from
-  kings overstepping their inherited positions”; VII. (V.), 1308_a_,
-  “attempts at tyranny are made in some places by demagogues, in other
-  places by dynasts, or those who hold the highest offices when they
-  hold them for a long time.”
-
-Footnote 155:
-
-  Cp. also _Pol._ VII. (V.), 1305_a_, where “modern times” means since
-  rhetoric developed and demagogues ceased to be soldiers.
-
-Footnote 156:
-
-  Or else for no historical period at all. As pointed out to me by my
-  colleague Professor W. G. de Burgh, Plato’s order is confessedly an
-  order of ascending injustice (_Rep._ VIII. 545_a_; cp. 344_a_), in
-  introducing which he invokes the muses of Homer and asks them not to
-  be too serious (545_e_). Plato’s evidence on this point need not be
-  taken so literally as that of the historically minded Aristotle.
-
-Footnote 157:
-
-  Hdt. III. 82. See also Xen. _Hell._ VII. 1. 44–46; and cp. Porzio,
-  _Cipselidi_, p. 207, n. 1.
-
-Footnote 158:
-
-  Neither the Homeric Thersites nor the “leaders of the people” of Solon
-  show any of the essential features of the demagogue as known to
-  Herodotus, Plato, and Aristotle. Individual early tyrants are often
-  said to have been demagogues, but only by the writers of the fourth
-  century or later, whose evidence on this point is valueless; cp.
-  below, pp. 30 f.
-
-Footnote 159:
-
-  “The demagogues of the present day win favour with the democracies by
-  securing many confiscations through the law courts.” Aristotle, _Pol._
-  VIII. (VI.), 1320_a_.
-
-Footnote 160:
-
-  Hdt. VI. 131.
-
-Footnote 161:
-
-  πολεμοποιός, Aristot. _Pol._ VII. (V.), 1313_b_; cp. 1305_a_ (οἱ
-  προστάται τοῦ δήμου, ὅτε πολεμικοὶ γένοιντο, τυραννίδι ἐπετίθεντο) and
-  Plato, _Rep._ VIII. 566_e_ (πολέμους ἀεὶ κινεῖ).
-
-Footnote 162:
-
-  Cp. Thuc. I. 17, δι’ ἀσφαλείας ὅσον ἐδύναντο μάλιστα τὰς πόλεις ὤκουν.
-  Hermann, _Staatsaltertümer_^5 p. 253, n. 5, notices that this passage
-  contradicts Plato, _Rep._ VIII. 566_e_ and Aristot. _Pol._ VII. (V.),
-  1313_b_, 1305_a_, which make the typical tyrant warlike. He does not
-  realize that Thucydides is describing the tyrants of an earlier age.
-
-Footnote 163:
-
-  Below, pp. 257 f.
-
-Footnote 164:
-
-  Aristot. _Pol._ VII. (V.), 1315_b_. The same change is recorded in the
-  tyranny at Corinth: there Cypselus the first tyrant is said to have
-  been a demagogue, possibly because he became tyrant and was not stated
-  in Aristotle’s sources to have previously waged any war.
-
-Footnote 165:
-
-  Hdt. I. 59; according to the _Ath. Pol._ 17, “it is obvious nonsense
-  to say that Peisistratus was general in the war for Salamis against
-  the Megareans.” But this statement based on chronological arguments
-  can only call in question the date and character of Peisistratus’
-  warlike achievements, not their whole historicity.
-
-Footnote 166:
-
-  _Pace_ E. Meyer, _G. d. A._ II. p. 666, following Justin II. 8 (quasi
-  sibi non patriae uicisset, tyrannidem per dolum occupat).
-
-Footnote 167:
-
-  On the essentially peaceful character of the Athenian tyranny, see
-  Ciccotti, _Tramonto d. Schiavitù_, p. 49.
-
-Footnote 168:
-
-  _Pol._ VII. (V.), 1312_b_.
-
-Footnote 169:
-
-  III. 82.
-
-Footnote 170:
-
-  Mixed of course with earlier features. _E.g._ in Plato (_Rep._ VIII.
-  566_a-b_) the banishment and forcible return and the bodyguard are all
-  genuine Peisistratus.
-
-Footnote 171:
-
-  Plato, _Letters_ 1, 2, 3, 4, 7, 8, 13. On the genuineness of the
-  Platonic letters see Burnet, _Thales to Plato_, pp. 206, 207 and note.
-
-Footnote 172:
-
-  Diog. Laert. II. 7. 63; 8. 67 f.
-
-Footnote 173:
-
-  Aristotle, _Pol._ VII. (V.), 1307_a_, where Hanno of Carthage,
-  Aristotle’s contemporary, is also quoted. Both these would-be tyrants
-  tampered with the slave population (see Thucydides, I. 132
-  (Pausanias), Orosius, IV. 6 (Hanno)), and may thus have further helped
-  to obliterate the picture of the peace-loving early tyrant and his
-  relationship to free labour.
-
-Footnote 174:
-
-  Cp. Thuc. I. 20; VI. 54 on the inaccurate accounts of the
-  Peisistratids prevalent in Athens in the historian’s own days.
-
-Footnote 175:
-
-  On the way that Aristotle’s ideas often colour the facts he quotes see
-  Muretus, _Var. Lect._ I. 14; Koehler, _Sitzungsb. Preuss. Akad._ 1892,
-  p. 505; Endt, _Wien. Stud._ XXIV. (1901), pp. 50–51, quoted Porzio,
-  _Cipselidi_, p. 244.
-
-  On the general dubiousness of fifth and fourth century explanations of
-  seventh and sixth century motives, see Macan on the _Athenaion
-  Politeia_ in _J.H.S._ XII. pp. 34 f.
-
-Footnote 176:
-
-  Aristot. _Pol._ VII. (V.) 1313_a_.
-
-Footnote 177:
-
-  Aristot. _Pol._ VII. (V.) 1315_b_.
-
-Footnote 178:
-
-  Mommsen, _Hist. Rome_ (Eng. trans.), III. p. 333.
-
-Footnote 179:
-
-  Cp. Dion. Hal. VII. 1, on the statement in his oldest authorities that
-  Dionysius sent corn to Rome in the time of Spurius Cassius (492 B.C.).
-  The name Dionysius appears here a good half century before his birth,
-  doubtless as the Sicilian tyrant _par excellence_.
-
-Footnote 180:
-
-  Beloch, _Gr. G._^2 I. ii. p. 295, is surely underestimating the value
-  of Thucydides’ express statements about the Peisistratids when he
-  calls them “merely oral traditions about the relations of a family
-  that had been expelled from Athens 100 years before.” This way of
-  putting it hardly suggests that less than 20 years may have separated
-  the death of Hippias from the birth of Thucydides, and that the
-  tyrant’s family was still sufficiently flourishing at the end of the
-  Peloponnesian war to be excluded from the amnesty that restored
-  Thucydides to Athens (Didymus _ap._ Marcellin. _Vit. Thuc._ 32).
-
-Footnote 181:
-
-  See also chapter III, p. 69.
-
-Footnote 182:
-
-  Beloch, _Rhein. Mus._ L. (1895), p. 252, n. 1, puts Cylon’s attempt
-  into the time between Solon and Peisistratus, De Sanctis, _Atthis_^2,
-  pp. 280 f., into the time of Peisistratus’ exile; O. Seeck, _Klio_,
-  IV. pp. 318 f., puts it at earliest early in the career of
-  Peisistratus; Costanzi, _Riv. d. Stor. Ant._ V. pp. 518–19, about 570
-  B.C.; so also Lenschau _ap._ Bursian, _Jahresbericht_ 176 (1918), p.
-  190. But see _e.g._ Ledl, _Stud. z. d. ält. ath. Verfassungsges._ pp.
-  77 f.
-
-Footnote 183:
-
-  Thuc. I. 126.
-
-Footnote 184:
-
-  Plut. _Solon_, 24.
-
-Footnote 185:
-
-  Plut. _Solon_, 2; cp. Aristot. _Ath. Pol._ 6, where Solon’s enemies
-  accuse him of (dishonest) financial speculations. Aristotle dismisses
-  the charge.
-
-Footnote 186:
-
-  Hdt. I. 59; Plut., _Solon_, 13, _Amat._ 18, _Praecept._ 10 (_Moral._
-  763, 805), imagines this third party as existing at the time of
-  Solon’s reforms: but his account is inconsistent in itself and
-  contradicts Hdt. See Sandys, _Ath. Pol._^2 p. 55, Busolt, _Gr. G._^2
-  (1895), II. p. 302, n. 2, following Diels, _Abh. Berl. Akad._ 1885, p.
-  20, and Landwehr, _Philol._ Suppl. V. (1889), p. 155.
-
-Footnote 187:
-
-  So Isocr. _Panath._ 148 (263); Aristot. _Pol._ VII. (V.), 1310_b_; cp.
-  Cic. _de Orat._ III. 34; _Brutus_, 27, 41; Val. Max. VIII. 9; Dio
-  Chrys. XXII.
-
-Footnote 188:
-
-  _Pace_ Aristot. _Ath. Pol._ 22 (ὅτι Πεισίστρατος δημαγωγὸς καὶ
-  στρατηγὸς ὢν τύραννος κατέστη).
-
-Footnote 189:
-
-  Cp. Plut. _Solon_, 29, “helping the needy” of Peisistratus when first
-  suspected by Solon of aiming at tyranny: cp. also Aristot. _Pol._ VII.
-  (V.), 1305_a_ (tr. Welldon), “the ground of this confidence being
-  their detestation of the wealthy classes. This was the case at Athens
-  with Peisistratus in consequence of his feud with the (wealthy landed)
-  proprietors of the plain.”
-
-Footnote 190:
-
-  Hdt. I. 64. Grote’s translation, III. (ed. 1888), p. 329, n. 4, which
-  makes the money come from Athens and the mercenaries from Thrace, is
-  highly improbable. Amphipolis, the chief fifth century city on the
-  lower Strymon, is described by Thucydides, IV. 108, as useful to
-  Athens “from its revenues of money.” Grote’s objections to making
-  Peisistratus a Thracian mining magnate are met below.
-
-Footnote 191:
-
-  So Perdrizet, _Klio_, X. (1910), p. 5.
-
-Footnote 192:
-
-  Guiraud, _La Main-d’Œuvre dans l’Ancienne Grèce_, pp. 30, 31; cp. von
-  Fritze, _Zeits. f. Num._ XX. (1897), p. 154, who notes that Maronea,
-  the name of the place in the Laurium district mined in the time of
-  Peisistratus, is also the name of a town in Thrace opposite Thasos
-  (said by Philochorus, _F.H.G._, I. p. 404, to have been alluded to by
-  Archilochus; cp. Hom. _Od._ IX. 197). E. Curtius (quoted _ibid._)
-  regards the Attic Maronea as having been named after the Thracian.
-
-Footnote 193:
-
-  Aristot. _Ath. Pol._ 15.
-
-Footnote 194:
-
-  Hdt. I. 62, 64.
-
-Footnote 195:
-
-  Of iron and copper, Steph. Byz. s.v. Αἴδηψος, Χαλκίς, Eustath. _ad
-  Dion. Perieget._ 764.
-
-Footnote 196:
-
-  Svoronos, _Journ. Int. d’Arch. Num._ XV. (1913), pp. 233–4.
-
-Footnote 197:
-
-  Cp. Muenzer u. Strack, _Münz. Nord-Griech._ II. i. p. 8, n. 1.
-
-Footnote 198:
-
-  Hdt. I. 9; so Dion. Hal. I. 13.
-
-Footnote 199:
-
-  Aristot. _Ath. Pol._ 13.
-
-Footnote 200:
-
-  Plut. _Solon_, 13; _Praecept._ 10 (_Moral._ 805); _Amat._ 18 (_Moral._
-  763).
-
-Footnote 201:
-
-  See _e.g._ Poehlmann, _Grundriss_^4 p. 85; E. Meyer, _G. d. A._ II. p.
-  663; Sandys, _Ath. Pol._^2 p. 55; Mauri, _Cittadini Lavoratori dell’
-  Attica_, p. 29; Grundy, _Thucydides and Hist. of his Age_, p. 116;
-  Haase, _Abhand. Hist. Phil. Gesell. Breslau_, I. p. 105.
-
-Footnote 202:
-
-  Below, Appendix A.
-
-Footnote 203:
-
-  _J.H.S._ XXVI. pp. 136–8.
-
-Footnote 204:
-
-  _A.J.A._ 1889, p. 426; cp. Haase, _Abhand. Hist. Phil. Gesell.
-  Breslau_, I. p. 69, n. 16.
-
-Footnote 205:
-
-  _Ath. Mitt._ XXXV. (1910), p. 286, ll. 18–21, μέταλλον ἀνασάξιμον ἐπὶ
-  Λαυρέωι ... ὧι γε(ιτνιᾷ ... πρὸς) νότο(ν) ἡ ὁδὸς ἡ ἔξω τοῦ Ῥαγῶνος ἐπὶ
-  Λαύρεον φέρουσα καὶ τὸ Σημάχειον.
-
-Footnote 206:
-
-  Steph. Byz. s.v.
-
-Footnote 207:
-
-  _Abh. Berl. Akad._ 1892, p. 37; cp. _ibid._ 47; _Ath. Mitt._ XVII. pp.
-  422, 424.
-
-Footnote 208:
-
-  _Ath. Mitt._ 1910, p. 309. The single tombstone of “Aeschines of
-  Semachidai, the son of Pamphilus” (_C.I.A._ II. 2534), found at
-  Brahami, three and a half kilometres South of the Acropolis, is
-  probably to be classed with _ibid._ 2535–9 as belonging to a Semachid
-  who died at Athens. So too with the fragment ΙΑΧΙΔΟΥ _C.I.A._ III.
-  3897, found at Alopeke, the modern Ampelokipi, one of the Eastern
-  terminuses of the Athenian tramways. Demesmen seem to have been
-  generally buried either in Athens or in the deme to which they
-  belonged. The ordinary Attic word for travel, ἀποδημεῖν (lit. “to quit
-  one’s deme”), seems to have been still appropriate even in the fourth
-  century.
-
-Footnote 209:
-
-  _F.H.G._ I. p. 396.
-
-Footnote 210:
-
-  _F.H.G._ I. p. 396.
-
-Footnote 211:
-
-  _Ath. Mitt._ XXXV. (1910), p. 277, l. 25; 278, l. 42; 281, l. 46; the
-  word may have been semi-technical. Appian, _Bell. Civ._ IV. 106,
-  speaks of a λόφος not far from Philippi, “in which are the gold mines
-  called the Asyla.”
-
-Footnote 212:
-
-  Cp. Hesych. Ἐπάκριος· Ζεὺς ὁ ἐπὶ τῶν ἄκρων τῶν ὀρῶν ἱδρύμενος. ἐπὶ γὰρ
-  τῶν ὀρῶν τοὺς βωμοὺς αὐτῷ ἵδρυον ὡς ἐπιπολύ.
-
-Footnote 213:
-
-  _I.e._ with the hill country of the Cleisthenic Interior. Inscriptions
-  (_C.I.A._ II. 602, 603), of the fourth century or later, mention men
-  of the Interior (Mesogeioi) who formed a similar organization to the
-  Epakrioi of _C.I.A._ II. 570, and were possibly composed of lowlanders
-  of the Cleisthenic Interior (Mesogeia). The name Mesogeia is now
-  applied to the “undulating district of hill and plain stretching to
-  the spurs of Pentelicon on the North, to Hymettus on the West, to the
-  vicinity of Marcopoulo on the South, and to the coast hills on the
-  East,” Baedeker, _Greece_, 1905, p. 117.
-
-Footnote 214:
-
-  See _e.g._ J. A. R. Munro’s note _J.H.S._ XIX. (1899), p. 187.
-
-Footnote 215:
-
-  _Odyss._ III. 278; cp. Steph. Byz. Σούνιον· δῆμος Λεοντίδος φυλῆς.
-  Ὅμηρος δὲ ἄκρον καλεῖ.
-
-Footnote 216:
-
-  Aristoph. _Clouds_, 401.
-
-Footnote 217:
-
-  Strabo, IX. 390.
-
-Footnote 218:
-
-  Palmerius (Le Paulmier), _Exerc._ p. 4, quoted Schoemann, _de Comit.
-  Ath._ p. 343, n. 4.
-
-Footnote 219:
-
-  Albertus, _Hesych._ s.v. Alii aliter; _e.g._ Casaubon _ad_ _Diog.
-  Laert._, _Solon_, 58 appears to locate the Diakrioi on the Acropolis.
-
-Footnote 220:
-
-  Plato, _Critias_, 110_d_.
-
-Footnote 221:
-
-  Strabo, IX. 391; cp. XIV. 632 f. on the Milesian district where Hdt.,
-  VI. 20, mentions the existence of a Hyperakria: Strabo distinguishes
-  clearly the ἄκραι on the coast from the ὄρη of the interior.
-
-Footnote 222:
-
-  No mines are marked actually at Sunium in the map attached to
-  Ardaillon’s careful study of the mines of Laurium, but a mine at
-  Sunium (μέταλλον ἐπὶ Σουνίῳ) is mentioned in the inscription published
-  by Oikonomos, _Ath. Mitt._ XXXV. (1910), p. 277, l. 9; so also
-  _C.I.A._ II. 781: cp. also Eurip. _Cycl._ 293–4, “aery Sunium’s
-  silver-veined crag (ὑπάργυρος πέτρα),” tr. Shelley. Sunium and
-  Thoricus, also in the mining district (“at Thoricus and Laurium are
-  mines of silver,” schol. Aesch. _Pers._ 238), are coupled together by
-  Pliny, _N.H._ IV. 11 (7), as “promontoria.”
-
-Footnote 223:
-
-  Hdt. IV. 99.
-
-Footnote 224:
-
-  There were Diakrioi in Rhodes (Cavaignac, _Étud. Financ._ pp. xl, xli)
-  and Euboea (Hesych. s.v.) as well as Attica. Miletus had its
-  Hyperakrioi (Hdt. VI. 20).
-
-Footnote 225:
-
-  Besides its connexion with (_a_) Semachidai and (_b_) the party of
-  Peisistratus, we find it as (_c_) one of twelve cities founded by
-  Cecrops (Strabo, IX. 397, Steph. Byz. s.v.), (_d_) one of three groups
-  of cities founded by Cecrops (Suid. and _Et. Mag._ s.v.), (_e_) a
-  country near Tetrapolis (Bekker, _Lex. Seguer._ p. 259), (_f_) a
-  trittys (trittys of the Epakrians: _C.I.A._ II. 1053 and (?) I.
-  517_b_; cp. Loeper, _Ath. Mitt._ XVII. p. 355, n. 3), and (_g_) the
-  recipient of payments from Plotheia (_C.I.A._ II. 570, about 420
-  B.C.). It is recognized by Milchhoefer that the word is used in a
-  broader and a more restricted sense (_ap._ Pauly Wissowa s.v.
-  Epakria). Though note _à propos_ of the Epakrian trittys of the
-  inscriptions that trittyes are generally named after not the district
-  but the chief place in the district, _e.g._ trittys of the
-  Eleusinians, of the Peiraeans, _C.I.A._ I. 517. Semachidai and
-  Plotheia belong to different tribes (Antiochis and Aegeis), and
-  consequently to different trittyes.
-
-Footnote 226:
-
-  Strabo, XI. 499.
-
-Footnote 227:
-
-  _E.g._ Oikonomos, _Ath. Mitt._ XXXV. (1910), pp. 277, l. 25; 278, l.
-  42; 281, l. 46; cp. Xen. _de Vect._ IV. 2, τῶν ὑπαργύρων λόφων; Pliny,
-  _N.H._ IV. 11 (7), Thoricus promontorium.
-
-Footnote 228:
-
-  Bursian, _Gr. Geog._ I. pp. 254–5. Boeckh, _Pub. Econ._ II. p. 416, n.
-  6, quotes Λαύριον ὄρος, but gives no reference.
-
-Footnote 229:
-
-  A site between Kamaresa (Maronea?) and Sunium, which Loeper identifies
-  with Potamos, is described by him as “im Inneren liegend,” _Ath.
-  Mitt._ XVII. pp. 333–4.
-
-Footnote 230:
-
-  Schol. Ap. Rhod. _Argon._ I. 1129, quoting the _Phoronid_,
-
-                                    ἄνδρες ὀρέστεροι,
-              οἱ πρῶτοι τέχνην πολυμήτιος Ἡφαίστοιο
-              εὗρον ἐν οὐρείῃσι νάπαις, ἰόεντα σίδηρον,
-              ἐς πῦρ τ’ ἤνεγκον καὶ ἀρίπρεπες ἔργον ἔδειξαν.
-
-Footnote 231:
-
-  Binder, _Laurion_, p. 25 (cp. de Launay in Saglio, _Dict. d. Ant._
-  s.v. ferrum, p. 1087), who says this is still the practice in Peru.
-  Smelting was carried on close by the mines, see Ardaillon in Saglio,
-  _Dict. d. Ant._ s.v. metalla. The sites of the ancient Siphnian mines
-  are to this day called Kaminia (furnaces) and Kapsala (slag?), Bent,
-  _J.H.S._ VI. pp. 196–7.
-
-  Note too that at a still earlier epoch gold from mines, as
-  distinguished from alluvial gold, was known in Egypt as “gold of the
-  mountain,” Breasted, _Records Anc. Egypt_, IV. 30: so _ibid._ 28,
-  “electrum of the mountains,” temp. Ramses III.
-
-Footnote 232:
-
-  _Abh. Berl. Acad._ _d._ 1892, p. 47.
-
-Footnote 233:
-
-  _Ath. Mitt._ XVII.
-
-Footnote 234:
-
-  Polyb. XXXIV. 9.
-
-Footnote 235:
-
-  Athen. VI. 272_e_; cp. Oros. V. 9, who dates what is apparently the
-  same revolt in the time of the first Sicilian slave war (139–132
-  B.C.).
-
-Footnote 236:
-
-  Thuc. VII. 27; cp. Bury, _Hist. Greece_, p. 485.
-
-Footnote 237:
-
-  Hdt. VII. 144; Plut. _Themist._ 4; Aristot. _Ath. Pol._ 22.
-
-Footnote 238:
-
-  Ardaillon, _Les Mines de Laurium_ (the best book on the subject), pp.
-  132, 133; where see also a technical explanation of the veins.
-
-Footnote 239:
-
-  Plut. _Themist._ 4.
-
-Footnote 240:
-
-  Xen. _de Vect._ IV. 2.
-
-Footnote 241:
-
-  F. Cauer, _Parteien in Megara und Athen_, p. 17.
-
-Footnote 242:
-
-  Hdt. III. 57; they appear to have been exhausted before 490 B.C.
-  (Perdrizet, _Klio_, X. (1910), p. 7, quoting Hdt. III. 57 and Paus. X.
-  11. 2), a fact that suggests an early discovery.
-
-Footnote 243:
-
-  Furtwaengler, _Berl. Vas._ 871 B, 639, 831 A: Wilisch, _Jahresb. Gym._
-  _Zittau_, 1901, figs. 19 (Saglio, _Dict. d. Ant._ fig. 4987), 20 and
-  p. 20.
-
-Footnote 244:
-
-  Hdt. VII. 144.
-
-Footnote 245:
-
-  Hdt. III. 57; cp. E. Meyer, _Ges. d. Alt._ II. p. 610, on Theognis,
-  667 f.
-
-Footnote 246:
-
-  _E.g._ Perdrizet, _Klio_, X. (1910), p. 2.
-
-Footnote 247:
-
-  Aeschyl. _Persae_, 240 (238).
-
-Footnote 248:
-
-  Hdt. VI. 46.
-
-Footnote 249:
-
-  _Pace_ Cavaignac, _Viertelj. f. Soc. u. Wirts. Ges._ IX. p. 7.
-
-Footnote 250:
-
-  Xen., _de Vect._ IV. 17, advised the Athenian state to buy slaves to
-  the number of three for each citizen and let them out to work the
-  mines. The number of Athenian citizens at the time was about 20,000
-  (cp. Wallon, _l’Esclavage_^2, I. pp. 222 f.), which makes the proposed
-  number of slave miners about 60,000. This was admittedly many more
-  than the number actually employed at the time of the proposal, and
-  Xenophon suggests starting with 10,000, which Wallon, _ibid._ p. 230,
-  thinks to have been probably the existing number of privately owned
-  mining slaves. But even so these numbers show how influential a free
-  mining population might well have been. See also _de Vect._ IV. 14, 15
-  and _passim_; Andoc. _de Myst._ 38 (6); Hyp. frag. 33 (Blass); and
-  above, p. 45.
-
-Footnote 251:
-
-  Dem. _c. Phaenipp._ 20 (1044–5).
-
-Footnote 252:
-
-  Bérard, _B.C.H._ XII. (1888), p. 246, τέχνη δ’ οὔτις ἔριζε.
-
-Footnote 253:
-
-  Ardaillon, _Les Mines de Laurium_, p. 91.
-
-Footnote 254:
-
-  Solon, Bergk, frag. 12 (4), 49–50,
-
-                ἄλλος Ἀθηναίης τε καὶ Ἡφαίστου πολυτέχνεω
-                  ἔργα δαεὶς χειροῖν ξυλλέγεται βίοτον.
-
-Footnote 255:
-
-  Aristot. _Ath. Pol._ 13.
-
-Footnote 256:
-
-  A means of equation would be to accept the reading of the Berlin
-  papyrus ἀποίκων for ἀγροίκων and then, _pace_ Busolt, _Gr. G._ II.^2
-  p. 96, n. 1, identify the ἄποικοι (men away from home; cp. the
-  Milesian ἀειναῦται, men always at sea) with the πάραλοι (men of the
-  coast). The demiourgoi would then be identified with the Diakrioi, and
-  it would have to be assumed that the youthful Peisistratus was already
-  leading his faction. Laurentius Lydus, _de Magistr._ I. 47, makes
-  Solon import from Egypt a triple division into philosopher nobles,
-  warrior farmers, and mechanics (τὴν βάναυσον καὶ τεχνουργόν). The
-  statement appears among the fragments of Diodorus IX. in Dindorf’s
-  text; but the attribution is disputed, _e.g._ by Landwehr, _Philol._
-  Suppl. V. (1889), p. 141. The reading ἄγροικοι rather than ἄποικοι is
-  supported by Dion. Hal. II. 9; see further Gilliard, _Réformes de
-  Solon_, p. 105, n. 2.
-
-Footnote 257:
-
-  Plut. _de Mul. Virt._ 27 (_Moral._ 262).
-
-Footnote 258:
-
-  Plut. _Pericl._ 12.
-
-Footnote 259:
-
-  Aristot. _Ath. Pol._ 13; Plut. _Sol._ 29.
-
-Footnote 260:
-
-  Perdrizet, _Klio_, X. (1910), p. 22, quoting Appian, _Bell. Civ._ IV.
-  106. Cp. above, p. 39, n. 4.
-
-Footnote 261:
-
-  Harpocrat. s.v. Ποταμός· “they were lampooned as readily admitting
-  illegal claims to citizenship (ὡς ῥᾳδίως δεχόμενοι τοὺς
-  παρεγγράπτους), as others proclaim and particularly Menander in _The
-  Twins_”; _Potamioi_ was the name of a comedy by Strattis; Athen. VII.
-  299_b_; Suid. s.v. Ποταμοί.
-
-Footnote 262:
-
-  _Ath. Mitt._ XVII. (1892), pl. xii. Inscriptions mention three
-  Potamioi, see _Ath. Mitt._ XVII. pp. 390–1, Π. καθύπερθεν, Π.
-  ὑπένερθεν, Π. Δειραδιῶται. The first two are grouped together apart
-  from the third, and Loeper is probably right, as against Koehler,
-  _Ath. Mitt._ X. (1885), pp. 105 f.; cp. IV. (1879), p. 102, in
-  assigning them to the city trittys of Leontis and making P.
-  Deiradiotai the mining village. καθύπερθεν is therefore no evidence
-  for an inland mining Potamioi. But “Deiradiotai” means “on the ridge,”
-  and supports Loeper’s location of Potamioi Deiradiotai, no matter
-  whether the adjective means “P. on the ridge,” or “P. near
-  Deiradiotai” (a separate deme, see _C.I.A._ II. 864).
-
-Footnote 263:
-
-  Milchhoefer, _Ath. Mitt._ XVIII. (1893), p. 284.
-
-Footnote 264:
-
-  _C.I.A._ II. 3343.
-
-Footnote 265:
-
-  Hdt. V. 23, “by the river Strymon ... a city ... where are mines of
-  silver; and a large Greek population dwells around, and a large
-  barbarian.”
-
-Footnote 266:
-
-  Thuc. IV. 105, “Brasidas, ... learning that Thucydides owned workings
-  in the gold mines in that part of Thrace, and as a result was one of
-  the most influential men on the mainland”; Marcellinus, _Vit. Thuc._
-  19, “(Thucydides) married a wife from Skapte Hyle in Thrace, who was
-  very wealthy and owned mines in Thrace”; Plut. _Cimon_, 4.
-
-Footnote 267:
-
-  Xen. _de Vect._ IV. 14.
-
-Footnote 268:
-
-  Hdt. I. 60; Aristot. _Ath. Pol._ 14; Athen. 609_c_; Polyaen. I. 21. 1;
-  Val. Max. I. 2. 2 (ext.); Hermog. περὶ εὑρεσ. I. 3. 21 (ed. Spengel);
-  cp. schol. _ibid. ap._ Walzium, _Rhet. Gr._ V. p. 378. In schol.
-  Aristoph. _Eq._ 447 Phye appears to be confused with Myrrina who
-  appears to have been either wife (_ibid._) or daughter (schol. Dem.
-  _Aristoc._) of Peisistratus or more probably wife of Hippias (Thuc.,
-  and Hesych. s.v. Βυρσίνης). Athenaeus marries Phye to Hipparchus. The
-  confusion may possibly be due to the fact that myrrina, as a common
-  noun, sometimes means garland (_e.g._ Pherecr. _Metall._ I. 25;
-  Aristoph. _Vesp._ 861; _Nub._ 1364, etc.), while Phye is described as
-  a garland seller (_Ath. Pol._ and Athen.).
-
-Footnote 269:
-
-  See _e.g._ Thirlwall, _Hist._^2 II. pp. 67–8; Babelon, _Journ. Int.
-  d’Arch. Num._ VIII. (1905), pp. 17, 18; Stein, Hdt. I. 60; Beloch,
-  _Gr. G._^2 I. i. p. 370; cp. also Beloch, _Gr. G._^2 I. ii. p. 299.
-
-Footnote 270:
-
-  Hirschensohn, _Philolog. Obozrenie_, X. (1896), Moscow, pp. 119 f.;
-  Beloch, _Gr. G._^2 I. ii. pp. 290 f., _Rhein. Mus._ XLV. (1890), p.
-  469; so De Sanctis, _Atthis_^2, p. 278, n. 5; Costanzi, _Riv. d. Stor.
-  Ant._ V. pp. 516 f., _Boll. Fil. Class._ IX. pp. 84 f., 107 f.
-
-Footnote 271:
-
-  Euseb. _Chron._ Armenian vers. 544/3 B.C., Pisistratus Atheniensibus
-  iterum imperauit.
-
-Footnote 272:
-
-  Jerome, _Chron._ 539 B.C., Pisistratus secunda uice Athenis regnat.
-
-Footnote 273:
-
-  Hdt. I. 62.
-
-Footnote 274:
-
-  Cp. below, chap. VIII. pp. 237–9.
-
-Footnote 275:
-
-  Beloch, _Gr. G._^2 I. ii. pp. 292–3, 297.
-
-Footnote 276:
-
-  Hdt. VI. 35, “Peisistratus held supreme power, but Miltiades also had
-  influence (ἐδυνάστευε)” suggests some sort of co-operation (cp. Hdt.
-  VI. 39, below, p. 63), though Hdt. VI. 35, “annoyed with the
-  government of Peisistratus,” shows that it was not cordial.
-
-Footnote 277:
-
-  Busolt, _Gr. G._^2 II. p. 316, n. 3.
-
-Footnote 278:
-
-  _Journ. Int. d’Arch. Num._ VIII. (1905), p. 19.
-
-Footnote 279:
-
-  Six, _Num. Chron._ 1895, pl. VII. 8, 7, 1.
-
-Footnote 280:
-
-  _E.g._ P. Gardner, _Earliest Coins of Greece Proper_, p. 28; Hill,
-  _Hist. Gk. Coins_, p. 17; v. Fritze, _Zeits. f. Num._ XX. (1897), pp.
-  153–5, emphasizing the connexion of Peisistratus with silver as well
-  as with Athena; Lermann, _Athenatypen_, pp. 3 f.
-
-  For a somewhat earlier date see Head, _Num. Chron._ 1893, pp. 249,
-  251; Earle Fox, _Corolla Numismat. B. V. Head_, p. 43; Svoronos,
-  _Journ. Int. d’Arch. Num._ XIV. (1912), p. 3, nos. 1109–1120; Seeck,
-  _Klio_, IV. (1904), p. 176 (Solon or even Draco).
-
-  For a date after Peisistratus see Imhoof-Blumer, Howorth, Six, and
-  (_Neue Jahrb._ 1896, pp. 537 f.) Gilbert, all completely answered by
-  Head, _Num. Chron._ 1893, pp. 247 f.; Babelon, _J. I. d’A. N._ 1905,
-  pp. 12–16. Holwerda, _Album Herwerden_, p. 117, who follows Six, only
-  adds some inconclusive comparisons with Greek sculpture.
-
-Footnote 281:
-
-  There is no need to assume with E. Meyer, _Ges. d. Alt._^1 IV. p. 28,
-  and others, that Peisistratus’ Pangaion mines were gold. In the days
-  of Philip and Alexander the Great they were best known for their gold;
-  but silver was also mined abundantly, see Hdt. V. 17; VII. 112;
-  Strabo, 331, 34; Livy, XLV. 29; Justin, VIII. 3; Orosius, III. 12.
-
-Footnote 282:
-
-  Pollux, IX. 74, 75, quoting Euripides (_d._ 406 B.C.), Hyperides
-  (_fl._ 350 B.C.), Eubulus Comicus (_fl._ 350 B.C.); cp. Hesych. s.v.
-  Παλλάδος πρόσωπον, Photius s.v. Παλλάδος πρόσωπον.
-
-Footnote 283:
-
-  Schol. Aristoph. _Birds_, 1106, “the tetradrachm was at that time
-  called an owl.”
-
-Footnote 284:
-
-  Cp. Photius s.v. Παλλάδος πρόσωπον, “the staters, from the stamp: for
-  on one side there was a head of Athena.” The stater is the didrachm.
-
-Footnote 285:
-
-  Hill, _Hist. Gk. Coins_, p. 16; _Brit. Mus. Coins Central Greece_, pl.
-  XXIV. 18, 19.
-
-Footnote 286:
-
-  Hdt. IV. 180, “They dress up together on each occasion their fairest
-  maiden in a Corinthian helmet and full Greek armour, and, mounting her
-  on a chariot, drive her all round the lake.” See further Macan, _Hdt._
-  IV.-VI. _ad loc._, who quotes Phye.
-
-Footnote 287:
-
-  Aristot. _Ath. Pol._ 14; cp. Athen. XIII. 609_c_.
-
-Footnote 288:
-
-  Solon, frag. 2 (13), ll. 5–6
-
-                αὐτοὶ δὲ φθείρειν μεγάλην πόλιν ἀφραδίῃσιν
-                  ἀστοὶ βούλονται, χρήμασι πειθόμενοι.
-
-Footnote 289:
-
-  _E.g._ _B.C.H._ XXX. (1906), p. 69, fig. 2; Brit. Mus. from Bunbury
-  sale.
-
-Footnote 290:
-
-  Archil. frag. 54 (53), τὸν κεροπλάστην ἄειδε Γλαῦκον.
-
-Footnote 291:
-
-  Bremer, _Haartracht_, p. 64.
-
-Footnote 292:
-
-  Garlands of flowers worn on the head appear in Attica during the
-  second half of the sixth century; see Pauly Wissowa s.v. Haartracht,
-  p. 2132; cp. Bremer, _Haartracht_, p. 15, vogue begins with red figure
-  vase style.
-
-Footnote 293:
-
-  Time of Hippias, Head, _Hist. Num._^2 p. 368 (but cp. _ibid._ n. 3);
-  Seeck, _Klio_, IV. (1904), pp. 173–5; 508 B.C., Holwerda, _Album
-  Herwerden_, p. 119; 500 B.C. or after, V. Fritze, _Zeits. f. Num._ XX.
-  (1897), p. 142: Kampanes, _B.C.H._ XXX. p. 75; 490 B.C., Six, _Num.
-  Chron._ 1895, p. 176: Earle Fox, _Coroll. Num. B. V. Head_, p. 43:
-  Babelon, _Coroll. Num. B. V. Head_, p. 8: _J. I. d’A. N._ VIII.
-  (1905), pp. 44 f.; 480 B.C., Howorth, _Num. Chron._ 1893, p. 245:
-  Lermann, _Athenatyp._ pp. 28 f. As regards a post-Hippias dating, the
-  ungarlanded head of a coin with Hippias’ name is not decisive. The
-  coin, which is abnormal, was probably struck by the tyrant in exile,
-  and the absence of garland may indicate either the exile’s grief or
-  the local coiner’s incompetence. Or was the embarrassed despot casting
-  away the ornaments of sovereignty in the hope of retaining or
-  regaining the reality? “The olive again has been known to lose its
-  leaves and yet produce its fruit; this is said to have happened to
-  Thessalos the son of Peisistratos,” Theophrast. _Hist. Plant._ II. 3.
-  3; cp. Ruehl, _Rhein. Mus._ 1892, p. 460.
-
-Footnote 294:
-
-  Just as was probably the case with the flower girls at Naukratis, the
-  most famous centre of the garland trade, where the Thracian hetaera
-  Rhodopis won such great fame in the days of Sappho and Aesop. See
-  Mallet, _Prem. Étab. Gr. en Égypte_, p. 238, who compares the fioraie
-  of Venice and Florence.
-
-Footnote 295:
-
-  Phot., Harpocrat. s.v. στεφανηφόρος; cp. Boeckh, _Pub. Econ._ I. pp.
-  193 f. Lenormant, _Monnaies et Médailles_, p. 60; Saglio, _Dict. d.
-  Ant._ s.v. drachmae Stephanephori, p. 403. The inscriptions, however,
-  in which the expression occurs date only from the end of the second
-  century B.C., _C.I.A._ II. i. 466–8, 476.
-
-Footnote 296:
-
-  Bekker, _Anecd. Gr._ I. 301, 19.
-
-Footnote 297:
-
-  Livy, XXXVII. 46, 58, 59; XXXIX. 7; Cic. _ad Att._ II. 6, 16; XI. 1.
-
-Footnote 298:
-
-  Diamantaras, _Ath. Mitt._ XIV. (1889), p. 413.
-
-Footnote 299:
-
-  The practice of course is not exclusively Greek; cp., _e.g._,
-
-                   il maledetto fiore
-       ch’ ha disviate le pecore e gli agni.
-
-                                       Dante, _Paradiso_, IX. 130.
-
-Footnote 300:
-
-  Plut. _Apophth. Lac._, _Agesilaus_, 40 (_Moral._ 211); cp. the proverb
-  τὰν ἀρετὰν καὶ τὰν σοφίαν νικᾶντι χελῶναι (virtue and wisdom are
-  vanquished by tortoises), alluding to the famous coins of Aegina; cp.
-  too βοῦς ἐπὶ γλώσσῃ (there’s an ox on my tongue), Theognis 815, Aesch.
-  _Agam._ 35, Pollux IX. 61, which, whether the ox meant is a gold
-  stater, on which the ox was one of the commonest types, or, as P.
-  Gardner suggests, a leather gag, _Num. Chron._ 1881, p. 289, is an
-  instance of a similar _jeu de mot_ dating from the actual epoch of
-  Peisistratus.
-
-Footnote 301:
-
-  Aristoph. _Birds_, 1106; cp. Schol. _ad loc._ “the tetradrachm was at
-  that time (_i.e._ of Aristophanes) called an owl”; Suid. s.v. γλαῦκες
-  Λαυρεωτικαί· “of those who have much money,” is a misunderstanding of
-  the phrase; cp. his statement that the Laurium mines were gold.
-
-Footnote 302:
-
-  Plut. _Lysander_, 16.
-
-Footnote 303:
-
-  The modern Liopesi, Milchhoefer, _Abh. Berl. Akad._ 1892, p. 17.
-
-Footnote 304:
-
-  Hdt. V. 12.
-
-Footnote 305:
-
-  Cp. _e.g._ Hdt. V. 23, 126 (Myrcinus on Strymon called Thracian), VII.
-  75, 115; Aristoph. _Ach._ 273 (“the Thracian daughter of
-  Strymodorus”); Diod. XII. 68. 1, “this city (Ennea Hodoi on the
-  Strymon) Aristagoras the Milesian had tried previously to settle; ...
-  but he had met his death, and the occupants had been driven out by the
-  Thracians” (about 500 B.C.); cp. _ibid._ XI. 70. 5; Plut. _Cimon_, 7,
-  “Eion ... a city in Thrace on the Strymon.” Cp. Suid. s.v. χρυσὸς
-  Κολοφώνιος; Tzetzes _ad_ Lycoph. _Cass._ V. 417 (Hill, _Sources Gk.
-  Hist._ p. 87). For Pangaion see Hdt. VII. 112, “Mt Pangaion, in which
-  are gold and silver mines, which are worked by ... most of all the
-  Satrai,” with which cp. _ibid._ 110, where the Satrai occur in a list
-  of Thracian tribes.
-
-Footnote 306:
-
-  Hdt. V. 15, 16; Strabo VII. 331.
-
-Footnote 307:
-
-  Hdt. V. 1, 13, 98.
-
-Footnote 308:
-
-  Meyer, _Ges. d. Alt._ III. p. 297; Macan, _Hdt._ IV.-VI. app. III.,
-  IV. particularly IV. sect. 8; neither of whom sufficiently emphasizes
-  the political importance for Hippias of these Northern mines.
-  Perdrizet, _Klio_, X. (1910), p. 12, denies this removal when he says
-  that the Peisistratid’s Thracian possessions had perhaps remained in
-  Athenian hands between 512 and 475.
-
-Footnote 309:
-
-  (_a_) The Paianian (Phye): γυνὴ ... μέγαθος ἀπὸ τεσσάρων πηχέων
-  ἀπολείπουσα τρεῖς δακτύλους καὶ ἄλλως εὐειδής. ταύτην τὴν γυναῖκα
-  σκευάσαντες, Hdt. I. 60; γυναῖκα μεγάλην καὶ καλὴν ἐξευρών ... τὴν
-  θεὸν ἀπομιμούμενος τῷ κόσμῳ, Aristot. _Ath. Pol._ 14.
-
-  (_b_) The Paionian: ἀδελφεὴν μεγάλην τε καὶ εὐειδέα ... σκευάσαντες ὡς
-  εἶχον ἄριστα, Hdt. V. 12.
-
-Footnote 310:
-
-  Nic. Dam. frag. 71, _F.H.G._ III. p. 413, gives the same story, but
-  calls the woman a Thracian and the king Alyattes. Macan, _ad_ _Hdt._
-  V. 12 (cp. _ibid._ (_Hdt._ IV.-VI.), app. IV. sect. 7) thinks we
-  probably have a local story transferred to Darius; but the transport
-  of Thracians to Asia, recorded also by Nic. Dam., suggests rather that
-  Hdt. is right in attaching the story to Darius. The Lydian king of the
-  Nic. Dam. version is perhaps due to Sardis being the scene of the
-  story.
-
-Footnote 311:
-
-  Paionian coins, like Athenian, bore the helmeted head of Athena,
-  _e.g._ _Boston Mus. Rep._ XXII. (1897), p. 40; Svoronos, _J. I. d’A.
-  N._ 1913, p. 197 (fourth century).
-
-Footnote 312:
-
-  The corkscrew hair of the most archaic looking garland coins, above,
-  pp. 55–56, is found on an obol, Babelon, _Corolla Num. B. V. Head_,
-  pp. 1 f., inscribed ΗΙ𐅃, presumably short for Hippias. Probably
-  it was struck by him in exile, _ibid._ p. 7, but in any case it
-  associates the corkscrew curls with the tyranny. _Num. Chron._ 1908,
-  pp. 278 f. shows the same corkscrew curls, and the inscription ΙΠ.
-  This has been expanded both as Hippias and as Peisistratus, but cp.
-  Muenzer and Strack, _Münz. Nord-Griech._ II. i. p. 8, n. 1.
-
-Footnote 313:
-
-  Hdt. V. 94.
-
-Footnote 314:
-
-  Hdt. V. 1.
-
-Footnote 315:
-
-  πρῆγμα εὐηθέστατον μακρῷ, Hdt. I. 60; cp. Aristot. _Ath. Pol._ 14,
-  ἀρχαϊκῶς καὶ λίαν ἁπλῶς.
-
-Footnote 316:
-
-  Aristoph. _Birds_, 1106.
-
-Footnote 317:
-
-  Schol. Aristoph. _Knights_, 1092.
-
-Footnote 318:
-
-  Hdt. V. 11.
-
-Footnote 319:
-
-  Hdt. V. 23. Cp. below, p. 271.
-
-Footnote 320:
-
-  Above, p. 58; cp. Svoronos, _Journ. Int. d’Arch. Num._ XV. (1913), p.
-  277.
-
-Footnote 321:
-
-  V. 11.
-
-Footnote 322:
-
-  Cp. also with the Histiaeus incident the intrigues of Aristagoras with
-  the deported Paionians whom Darius had settled in Phrygia (a famous
-  mining country), Hdt. V. 98.
-
-Footnote 323:
-
-  Thuc. II. 15; Paus. I. 14. 1.
-
-Footnote 324:
-
-  _Brit. Mus. Cat. Vas._ II. B 331, where, however, it is called
-  Kallirrhoe (more precisely καλιρεκρενε, perhaps a confusion of
-  Καλλιρρόη and Ἐννεάκρουνος). The aqueduct by which Peisistratus
-  improved and enlarged the supply of water has been discovered by
-  Doerpfeld, _Arch. Eph._ 1894, pp. 3 f.; cp. Theagenes (Paus. I. 40),
-  Polycrates (Hdt. III. 60), and the Corinthian Peirene.
-
-Footnote 325:
-
-  E. Gardner, _Gk. Sculp._ fig. 34.
-
-Footnote 326:
-
-  Doerpfeld, _Ath. Mitt._ XXVII. (1902), pp. 379 f.; E. Curtius,
-  _Stadtg. v. Athen_, pp. 73 f.; Michaelis, _Cent. Arch. Discov._ pp.
-  240–2.
-
-Footnote 327:
-
-  Plut. _Solon_, 31, “the law against idleness was passed, not by Solon
-  but by Peisistratus.”
-
-Footnote 328:
-
-  Aristoph. _Lysistr._ 1150 f. “Do you not know that it was the Spartans
-  again, who when you were wearing the labourer’s dress (κατωνάκας
-  φοροῦντες), came under arms and slew ... many friends and allies of
-  Hippias, ... and set you free, and clothed your people like gentlemen
-  instead of labourers once again (ἀντὶ τῆς κατωνάκης τὸν δῆμον ὑμῶν
-  χλαῖναν ἤμπισχον πάλιν).” Cp. the charges made by fifth century Roman
-  republicans against the kings: below, pp. 223–4.
-
-Footnote 329:
-
-  Beloch, _Gr. G._^2 I. i. 387–8; Hdt. V. 94, “(Peisistratus) having
-  secured it (Sigeium), established as tyrant his illegitimate son”; cp.
-  Periander and Corcyra.
-
-Footnote 330:
-
-  Thuc. VI. 59.
-
-Footnote 331:
-
-  Hdt. VI. 39; cp. above, p. 52. For numismatic evidence of Hippias’
-  ties with both Lampsacus and the Thracian Chersonese see Head, _Hist.
-  Num._^2 p. 377, Lermann, _Athenatypen_, pp. 17–21, coins of (_a_)
-  Chersonese, _obv._ Athena head, _rev._ Milesian lion (for Milesian
-  colonies in Chersonese see Strabo, XIV. 635; VII. 331, frag. 52);
-  (_b_) Lampsacus, _obv._ Athena head, _rev._ type of Lampsacus. This
-  alliance currency points to a broad and far-reaching commercial
-  policy.
-
-Footnote 332:
-
-  Ps.-Aristot. _Oec._ II. 1347_a_, τό τε νόμισμα τὸ ὂν Ἀθηναίοις
-  ἀδόκιμον ἐποίησε, τάξας δὲ τιμὴν ἐκέλευσε πρὸς αὑτὸν ἀνακομίζειν.
-  συνελθόντων δὲ ἐπὶ τῷ κόψαι ἕτερον χαρακτῆρα, ἐξέδωκε τὸ αὐτὸ
-  ἀργύριον.
-
-Footnote 333:
-
-  Head, _Num. Chron._ 1893, p. 248 (change very slight); Gilbert, _Neue
-  Jahrb._ 1896, pp. 537 f. (Hippias issued fresh coins from the same
-  silver).
-
-Footnote 334:
-
-  _Num. Chron._ 1895, p. 178; _J. I. d’A. N._ VIII. (1905), pp. 23 f.
-
-Footnote 335:
-
-  _Ath. Pol._ 10.
-
-Footnote 336:
-
-  Cp. Svoronos, _J. I. d’A. N._ V. (1902), p. 32 f. (cp. below, p. 183,
-  n. 6), on a hint that Pheidon may have debased the Aeginetan
-  “tortoises” shortly before his fall.
-
-Footnote 337:
-
-  Cp. Isocr. _de Big._ 25, 26 (351).
-
-Footnote 338:
-
-  Hdt. VI. 125; cp. Isoc. _de Big._ 25 (351).
-
-Footnote 339:
-
-  E. Meyer, _Ges. d. Alt._ II. p. 637.
-
-Footnote 340:
-
-  Note, however, Hdt. V. 62 (see next note), χρημάτων εὖ ἥκοντες.
-
-Footnote 341:
-
-  δεῖ δὲ πρὸς τούτοισι ἔτι ἀναλαβεῖν τὸν κατ’ ἀρχὰς ἤϊα λέξων λόγον, ὡς
-  τυράννων ἐλευθερώθησαν οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι. Ἱππίεω τυραννεύοντος ...
-  Ἀλκμαίωνιδαι, ... φεύγοντες Πεισιστρατίδας, ... ἐνθαῦτα ... πᾶν ἐπὶ
-  τοῖσι Πεισιστρατίδῃσι μηχανώμενοι, παρ’ Ἀμφικτυόνων τὸν νηὸν
-  μισθοῦνται τὸν ἐν Δελφοῖσι, τὸν νῦν ἔοντα, τότε δὲ οὔκω, τοῦτον
-  ἐξοικοδομῆσαι, οἷα δὲ χρημάτων εὖ ἥκοντες, καὶ ἔοντες ἄνδρες δόκιμοι
-  ἀνέκαθεν ἔτι, τόν τε νηὸν ἐξεργάσαντο τοῦ παραδείγματος κάλλιον, τά τε
-  ἄλλα καὶ, συγκειμένου σφι πωρίνου λίθου ποιέειν τὸν νηὸν, Παρίο τὰ
-  ἔμπροσθεν αὐτοῦ ἐξεποίησαν. Hdt. V. 62.
-
-Footnote 342:
-
-  Hdt. V. 63, ἀνέπειθον τὴν Πυθίην χρήμασι.
-
-Footnote 343:
-
-  Aristot. _Ath. Pol._ 19. For huge sums made in this way in recent
-  times on classic ground see the _causes célèbres_ of the Vittorio
-  Emanuele monument and the Palazzo di Giustizia at Rome.
-
-Footnote 344:
-
-  _F.H.G._ I. p. 395, frag. 70.
-
-Footnote 345:
-
-  Isoc. _Antid._ 232, “Cleisthenes, having been banished from the city
-  by the tyrants, persuaded the Amphictyons to lend him some of the
-  money of the god, and restored the democracy, and banished the
-  tyrants”; Dem. _Meid._ 144 (561), “(the Alcmaeonids), they say ...
-  having borrowed money from Delphi, freed the city and expelled the
-  sons of Peisistratus.” Themistius, _Orat._ IV. 53_a_, gives the
-  Alcmaeonidae as the contractors without any mention of means or
-  motives. Hdt. II. 180, Strabo IX. 421, and Paus. X. 5. 13 mention the
-  rebuilding of the temple without referring to the Alcmaeonidae.
-
-Footnote 346:
-
-  Plut. _Sol._ II.
-
-Footnote 347:
-
-  Grote, _Hist. Greece_, ed. 1888, II. pp. 412–413.
-
-Footnote 348:
-
-  _Atti R. Accad. Torino_, 1916, pp. 303–4, quoting _Cat. Greek Pap.
-  Rylands_, vol. I. p. 31.
-
-Footnote 349:
-
-  That the Peisistratids were unfriendly to Delphi is perhaps to be
-  inferred from the report highly dubious in itself, but prevalent in
-  various quarters, that they had actually caused the fire which
-  destroyed the temple, Philoc. frag. 70, _F.H.G._ I. p. 395.
-
-Footnote 350:
-
-  Cleisthenes’ parents appear to have married before 570 B.C. Beloch,
-  _Gr. G._^2 I. ii. p. 286.
-
-Footnote 351:
-
-  Aristot. _Pol._ III. 1275_b_.
-
-Footnote 352:
-
-  Hdt. V. 66, τὸν δῆμον προσεταιρίζεται. Cp. _ibid._ 69, ἦν τε τὸν δῆμον
-  προσθέμενος πολλῷ καθύπερθε τῶν ἀντιστασιωτέων.
-
-Footnote 353:
-
-  Thuc. I. 13; cp. Pliny, _N.H._ VII. 57 (56). Panofka, _Res Samiorum_,
-  p. 15, quotes Pliny, _ibid._, for attributing to the Samians the
-  invention of horse-transports, but the reading is doubtful: edd.
-  hippagum Samii (inuenerunt), but for Samii MSS. give Damiam.
-
-Footnote 354:
-
-  Hdt. III. 47 (Messenian war), III. 59 (against Aegina), V. 99
-  (Lelantine war).
-
-Footnote 355:
-
-  Hdt. IV. 152.
-
-Footnote 356:
-
-  Macan, _Hdt._ IV.-VI. i. p. 106.
-
-Footnote 357:
-
-  Hdt. II. 135.
-
-Footnote 358:
-
-  Hdt. II. 178.
-
-Footnote 359:
-
-  Hdt. II. 178; cp. Steph. Byz. s.v. Ἔφεσος. On the Greek τεμένη at
-  Naukratis see below, Chapter IV. pp. 116–7.
-
-Footnote 360:
-
-  Hdt. II. 179.
-
-Footnote 361:
-
-  The most famous names connected with this industry are Rhoecus and
-  Theodorus (below, pp. 73, 76, 80, 83) and Mnesarchus, father of the
-  philosopher Pythagoras (see Diog. Laert. VIII. 1. 1; cp. Iambl.
-  _Pyth._ 5, 9).
-
-Footnote 362:
-
-  Theocr. XV. 125–6.
-
-Footnote 363:
-
-  Plut. _Qu. Gr._ 57 (_Moral._ 304–5).
-
-Footnote 364:
-
-  Apul. _Florid._ II. 15; Aesch. _Pers._ 883.
-
-Footnote 365:
-
-  For possible early tyrants in Samos see Meyer, _Ges. d. Alt._ II. pp.
-  614, 616, who names Amphikrates (Hdt. III. 59), Demoteles (Plut. _Qu.
-  Gr._ 57), and Syloson (Polyaen. VI. 45). All three are extremely
-  doubtful. Amphikrates was probably a legitimate king of the period
-  before the abolition of monarchy: very possibly he was a contemporary
-  of the Argive Pheidon (below, pp. 177–8). Demoteles was, according to
-  our only authority, the monarch whose murder led to the ascendancy of
-  the geomoroi: he is naturally assumed to have been the last sovereign
-  of the legitimate royal house. The Syloson of Polyaenus, VI. 45, is
-  probably a confused recollection of the brother of Polycrates. He
-  helps the Samians during a war with the Aeolians to observe a festival
-  of Hera held outside the city and makes himself tyrant during the
-  celebration. The connexion with Hera points to the family of
-  Polycrates (see below, pp. 76, 81): the Aeolian war may be a disguised
-  version of the struggle waged by Polycrates against the Great King who
-  was in possession of the Aeolian mainland. This struggle went back to
-  the beginning of the reign of Polycrates, when he was associated in
-  his tyranny with his brother Syloson: see also Babelon, _Rev. Num._
-  1894, p. 268.
-
-Footnote 366:
-
-  Meyer, _Ges. d. Alt._ II. p. 777, following Grote III. (ed. 1888), p.
-  453.
-
-Footnote 367:
-
-  Busolt, _Gr. G._^2 II. pp. 508–9, n. 3, who notes that Lygdamis was
-  already tyrant of Naxos (Polyaen. I. 23, _pace_ Plass, _Tyrannis_, p.
-  236).
-
-Footnote 368:
-
-  Thuc. I. 13; Hdt. III. 39, 122; Strabo, XIV. 637. Max. Tyr. (Teubner),
-  XXIX. 2; Euseb. _Chron._ Armenian vers. “mare obtinuerunt Samii,” Lat.
-  vers. “Dicearchiam Samii condiderunt,” both just after notice of
-  Polycrates’ accession. Cp. S. Reinach’s interpretation of the ring
-  which Polycrates cast into the sea (Hdt. III. 41; Strabo, XIV. 638;
-  Paus. VIII. 14. 8; Pliny, _N.H._ XXXVII. 1; Cic. _de Fin._ V. 30. 92;
-  Val. Max. VI. 9. 5 (ext.); Tzetz. _Chil._ VII. 121; Galen, _Protrept._
-  4; Eustath. _ad_ Dionys. V. 534), with which the French scholar
-  compares the ring with which the doge of Venice annually wedded his
-  mistress the sea (S. Reinach, _Rev. Arch._ ser. IV. vol. VI. (1905),
-  pp. 9 f.), but cp. Marshall, _Brit. Mus. Cat. Rings_, p. xxi, n. 7,
-  who points out that wedding rings seem unknown among the Greeks.
-
-Footnote 369:
-
-  Hdt. III. 60.
-
-Footnote 370:
-
-  Suid. and Phot. Σαμίων ὁ δῆμος; Plut. _Pericles_, 26; Athen. XII.
-  540_e_; cp. Hesych. Σαμιακὸς τρόπος; Phot. Σάμαιναι.
-
-Footnote 371:
-
-  Thuc. I. 13, III. 104.
-
-Footnote 372:
-
-  Phot. and Suid. Πύθια καὶ Δήλια. So Zenob. _ap._ Leutsch u.
-  Schneidewin, _Paroem. Graec._ I. p. 165; cp. Diogenian. _ibid._ p.
-  311.
-
-Footnote 373:
-
-  ἐμπορικὸν πρᾶγμα, Strabo, X. 486; cp. Pliny, _N.H._ XXXIV. 4.
-
-Footnote 374:
-
-  See below, p. 260.
-
-Footnote 375:
-
-  Malalas _ap._ Migne, _Bibl. Patr. Gr._ vol. 97, p. 260. So Cedren.
-  _Synops._ 243; _ibid._ vol. 121, p. 277.
-
-Footnote 376:
-
-  Plass, _Tyrannis_, p. 240.
-
-Footnote 377:
-
-  Hdt. III. 47, where observe the causes to which the war is attributed.
-
-Footnote 378:
-
-  Hence the relevance of the long account of the Thraco-Scythian
-  expedition in the fourth book of Herodotus, immediately preceding the
-  first attack upon Persia by European Greeks, that namely of Athens and
-  Eretria during the Ionian revolt described in Book V.
-
-Footnote 379:
-
-  Hdt. III. 44.
-
-Footnote 380:
-
-  Hdt. III. 120.
-
-Footnote 381:
-
-  Malalas, _loc. cit._
-
-Footnote 382:
-
-  κιθαρίζειν τε καὶ ψάλλειν καὶ καπηλεύειν, Hdt. I. 155. So Justin, I.
-  7, iussi cauponias et ludicras artes et lenocinia exercere.
-
-Footnote 383:
-
-  Zenob. V. 1, Λυδὸς καπηλεύει, _ap._ Leutsch u. Schneidewin, _Paroem.
-  Graec._ I. p. 115.
-
-Footnote 384:
-
-  pp. 76–7.
-
-Footnote 385:
-
-  Cp. Hdt. III. 39 with Diod. I. 95, 98.
-
-Footnote 386:
-
-  ὑπὸ τρυφῆς τὰ πανταχόθεν συνάγειν, Athen. XII. 540_c_.
-
-Footnote 387:
-
-  Hdt. I. 51; Athen. XII. 514 f.
-
-Footnote 388:
-
-  Athen. XII. 540_c-d_.
-
-Footnote 389:
-
-  Hdt. IV. 155; cp. _ibid._ 159.
-
-Footnote 390:
-
-  Arcesilaus II is represented on a famous kylix in the Louvre as
-  presiding over the weighing and shipment of a cargo of silphium, and
-  has in that connexion been called by Michaelis a silphium merchant,
-  _Cent. Arch. Discov._ p. 235.
-
-Footnote 391:
-
-  Hdt. IV. 162–4.
-
-Footnote 392:
-
-  Hdt. III. 56. The recipients are Spartan invaders of Samos.
-
-Footnote 393:
-
-  Archaic Milesian hects of lead plated with electrum, Brandis,
-  _Münzwesen_, pp. 327–8; F. Lenormant, _La Monnaie dans l’Antiq._ I. p.
-  225.
-
-Footnote 394:
-
-  Suid. s.v. Σαμίων ὁ δῆμος.
-
-Footnote 395:
-
-  On Aiakes see Hdt. VI. 13, 22, 25; on the Samaina coins see Head,
-  _Hist. Num._^2 pp. 153, 603–4; P. Gardner, _Samos_, p. 17, Pl. I. 17,
-  18; Babelon, _Rev. Num._ 1894, pp. 281–2, Pl. X.; V. Sallet, _Zeit. f.
-  Num._ III. p. 135, V. p. 103.
-
-Footnote 396:
-
-  Hdt. III. 60.
-
-Footnote 397:
-
-  Fabricius, _Ath. Mitt._ IX. (1884), pp. 165 f.; _Jahrb._ IV. _Arch.
-  Anz._ pp. 39–40; Wiegand, _Abhand. preuss. Akad._ Phil. Hist. Class.
-  1911; Dennis, _Academy_, 1882, Nov. 4, pp. 335–6; Guérin, _Patmos et
-  Samos_, pp. 196–7. The great tunneled aqueduct that took the water
-  through the mountain which separates the city from the source of the
-  supply is still in existence.
-
-Footnote 398:
-
-  Hdt. IV. 87, 88.
-
-Footnote 399:
-
-  ἔργα Πολυκράτεια, Aristot. _Pol._ VIII. 1313_b_; cp. Athen. XII.
-  540_d_; Suet. _Calig._ 21 (regia).
-
-Footnote 400:
-
-  Water supplies: Cypselids at Corinth (Πειρήνη), Theagenes at Megara
-  (the home of Eupalinus), Peisistratus at Athens (Καλλιρρόη). Temples:
-  Corinth, Athens (the huge Olympiaeum completed by Hadrian 700 years
-  later).
-
-Footnote 401:
-
-  Clearchus _ap._ Athen. 540 f.; cp. Ps.-Plut. I. 61, s.v. Σαμίων ἄνθη,
-  καὶ Σαμιακὴ λαύρα _ap._ Leutsch u. Schneidewin, _Paroem. Graec._ I. p.
-  330.
-
-Footnote 402:
-
-  Burrows, _Discoveries in Crete_, pp. 117 f.; cp. Conway, _ibid._ pp.
-  227 f. The ancient derivations are interesting but not helpful: see
-  _Et. Mag._ s.v. παρὰ τὸ λίαν ἔχειν αὖραν· ἢ δι’ ἧς ὁ λαὸς ῥεῖ εἰς τὴν
-  ὁδόν.
-
-Footnote 403:
-
-  Casaubon _ad_ Athen. XII. cap. 10.
-
-Footnote 404:
-
-  Ps.-Plut. I. 61; cp. Athen. 541_a_, Eustath. _ad Odyss._ XXII. 128.
-
-Footnote 405:
-
-  See _Encyc. Brit._^{11} s.v. Bazaar: “Persian (bazar, market), a
-  permanent market or street of shops or a group of short narrow streets
-  of stalls under one roof.” A similar picture is given by Radet,
-  _Lydie_, pp. 298–9, of the Lydian γλυκὺς ἄγκων.
-
-Footnote 406:
-
-  See Macarius VII. 55_ap._ Leutsch u. Schneidewin, _Paroem. Graec._ II.
-  p. 207, “Samian laura: of those indulging in luxury” (ἐπὶ τῶν εἰς
-  τρυφὴν ἐκκεχυμένων); Ps.-Plut. I. 61_ap._ eosd. I. p. 330, “of those
-  indulging in extreme pleasures (ἐπὶ τῶν ὑστάταις ἡδοναῖς χρωμένων).”
-
-Footnote 407:
-
-  It goes on to state that “Polycrates, the tyrant of luxurious Samos,
-  perished through his intemperate mode of life.”
-
-Footnote 408:
-
-  ἀσχολίαν καὶ πενίαν τῶν ἀρχομένων, Aristot. _Pol._ 1313_b_.
-
-Footnote 409:
-
-  See above, pp. 26–32.
-
-Footnote 410:
-
-  Athen. 540_d_, μετεστέλλετο δέ, φησί, καὶ τεχνίτας ἐπὶ μισθοῖς
-  μεγίστοις: Hdt. III. 131.
-
-Footnote 411:
-
-  Athen. 541_a_, ἔτι δὲ τῆς συμπάσης πόλεως ἐν ἑορταῖς τε καὶ μέθαις.
-  The sentence is corrupt, but probably ἔτι = furthermore, and the
-  subject is still Polycrates. It occurs in an extract from Clearchus
-  that appears to deal exclusively with the Samian tyrant. If Polycrates
-  is not the subject ἔτι is probably temporal, and the sentence
-  described a state of affairs that had persisted from the time of the
-  tyranny.
-
-Footnote 412:
-
-  Diod. I. 95, “behaving with violence both to the citizens and to
-  strangers who sailed in to Samos.”
-
-Footnote 413:
-
-  Athen. 602_d_, “there are some who regarded παλαῖστραι (wrestling
-  schools) as counter-fortifications to their own citadels and set them
-  on fire and demolished them, as was done by Polycrates the tyrant of
-  Samos.”
-
-Footnote 414:
-
-  Hdt. III. 39 and 45.
-
-Footnote 415:
-
-  Hdt. III. 120.
-
-Footnote 416:
-
-  They consisted of “hired mercenaries” and “native bowmen,” Hdt. III.
-  45.
-
-Footnote 417:
-
-  _Ap._ Zenob. V. 64, s.v. Πολυκράτης μητέρα νέμει in Leutsch u.
-  Schneidewin, _Paroem. Graec._ I. p. 146.
-
-Footnote 418:
-
-  Cp. the story in Hdt. III. 119 of the woman who preferred to save her
-  brother rather than her husband, because the latter was replaceable,
-  but the former not.
-
-Footnote 419:
-
-  Suid. Σαμίων ὁ δῆμος.
-
-Footnote 420:
-
-  Strabo, XIV. 638; Heraclides, _F.H.G._ II. p. 216; Zenobius, III. 90
-  (_ap._ Leutsch u. Schneidewin, _Paroem. Graec._ I. p. 79), and
-  Eustath. _ad_ _Dion. Perieg._ 534, ἕκητι Συλοσῶντος εὐρυχωρίν; Suid.
-  and Phot. s.v. Σαμίων ὁ δῆμος. Cp. Argos after the massacre of
-  Cleomenes (about 494 B.C.): “Argos was so denuded of men that the
-  slaves had the whole situation in their hands, ruling and
-  administrating until the sons of the victims grew to manhood,” Hdt.
-  VI. 83.
-
-Footnote 421:
-
-  πρὸ δὲ τοῦ τυραννῆσαι κατασκευασάμενος στρωμνὰς πολυτελεῖς καὶ ποτήρια
-  ἐπέτρεπε χρῆσθαι τοῖς ἢ γάμον ἢ μείζονας ὑποδοχὰς ποιουμένοις, Athen.
-  540_d_.
-
-Footnote 422:
-
-  Cp. Tzetz. _Chil._ X. 347, τὸ παλαιὸν περὶ στρωμνὰς ἦν τῇ Μιλήτῳ φήμη.
-
-Footnote 423:
-
-  Hdt. III. 139.
-
-Footnote 424:
-
-  Grote, III. p. 461.
-
-Footnote 425:
-
-  Strabo, XIV. 638.
-
-Footnote 426:
-
-  Athen. XI. 464_a_.
-
-Footnote 427:
-
-  Bronze, Hdt. II. 37; silver, gold, Hdt. III. 148; Boeckh, _C.I.G._
-  138. 7, 19, 27.
-
-Footnote 428:
-
-  Cp. the borrowed metal vessels used for the entertainment of the
-  Athenian envoys to Segesta just before the Athenian expedition to
-  Sicily, Thuc. VI. 46.
-
-Footnote 429:
-
-  Some ancient authorities held that Theodorus flourished more than a
-  century before Polycrates (Plin. _N.H._ XXXV. 43 (152); cp. Frazer,
-  _Paus._ IV. p. 237). Theodorus is always associated with Rhoecus and
-  the two names may have been borne in alternate generations by one
-  family of artists. This would not require the Rhoeci to have
-  flourished longer in Samos than the Wedgwoods have in Staffordshire.
-  Whether or no this explanation holds, the divergence in dates points
-  to the industry having flourished for a long time in the island. If
-  one date for Theodorus is insisted on, that of Hdt. (I. 51), which
-  makes him the elder contemporary of Polycrates, must be chosen.
-
-Footnote 430:
-
-  Hdt. IV. 152.
-
-Footnote 431:
-
-  L. Curtius, _Ath. Mitt._ XXXI. (1906), pp. 151 f.
-
-Footnote 432:
-
-  Illustrated, _ibid._ pp. 151, 152, Pl. XIV.; _Amer. Journ. Arch._ XI.
-  (1907), p. 84.
-
-Footnote 433:
-
-  _E.g._ Gardner, _Gk. Sculp._, Fig. 8.
-
-Footnote 434:
-
-  Hence perhaps the friendship of Polycrates with Arcesilaus of Cyrene;
-  cp. Hdt. IV. 152, “It was from this action that the Cyreneans and
-  Theraeans first struck up great friendships with the Samians.”
-
-Footnote 435:
-
-  _Ath. Mitt._ XXXI. (1906), pp. 160, 161.
-
-Footnote 436:
-
-  Hdt. III. 39, 125.
-
-Footnote 437:
-
-  Hdt. III. 40.
-
-Footnote 438:
-
-  Hdt. III. 43.
-
-Footnote 439:
-
-  Hdt. III. 43.
-
-Footnote 440:
-
-  So E. Meyer, _Ges. d. Alt._ II. p. 792; cp. above, p. 72.
-
-Footnote 441:
-
-  Hdt. III. 120 f.
-
-Footnote 442:
-
-  Hdt. III. 121.
-
-Footnote 443:
-
-  πᾶσα ἡ ποίησις πλήρης ἐστι τῆς περὶ αὐτοῦ μνήμης, Strabo, XIV. 638.
-
-Footnote 444:
-
-  Hdt. III. 55.
-
-Footnote 445:
-
-  Hdt. VIII. 85, IX. 90.
-
-Footnote 446:
-
-  The wealth of Polycrates was still proverbial in the days of Plato,
-  see _Meno_, 90_a_, and Stallbaum, _Platonis Meno_, _ad loc._
-
-Footnote 447:
-
-  Hdt. II. 177; Plin. _N.H._ V. 11; Mela, I. 9 (60).
-
-Footnote 448:
-
-  Hdt. II. 177.
-
-Footnote 449:
-
-  Breasted, _Hist._^2 p. 574, apparently an inference from Herodotus’
-  inaccurate statement that a strict caste system prevailed among the
-  Egyptians: only the priests became an exclusive caste, _ibid._ p. 575.
-
-Footnote 450:
-
-  Griffith, _Dem. Pap. Rylands_, III. p. 10.
-
-Footnote 451:
-
-  Griffith, _Encyc. Brit._^{11}, Egypt, p. 87.
-
-Footnote 452:
-
-  Mallet, _Prem. Étab. des Grecs en Ég._ p. 292, quoting Erman u.
-  Schweinfurth, _Abh. Ak. Berl._ 1885.
-
-Footnote 453:
-
-  Diod. Sic. I. 66.
-
-Footnote 454:
-
-  Hdt. II. 159; on technical progress in shipbuilding in seventh century
-  Egypt see Mallet, _Prem. Étab._ pp. 99 f.
-
-Footnote 455:
-
-  Hdt. II. 158, IV. 42; cp. Aristot. Meteor. I. 14 (352 b); Strabo,
-  XVII. 804; Diod. I. 33; Tzetz. _Chil._ VII. 446. A canal connecting
-  the two seas appears (_pace_ Wiedemann, _Hdt._ II. 158) to have been
-  in use 700 years earlier under Seti I and Ramses II; see Petrie,
-  _Hist._ III. p. 13; Maspero, _Hist. Anc._^5 p. 228. Necho’s work was
-  apparently completed by Darius (How and Wells, _ad_ _Hdt._ II. 158).
-
-Footnote 456:
-
-  Hdt. IV. 42 and How and Wells, _ad loc._; cp. Hdt. II. 159 on Necho’s
-  fleets of triremes on both the Mediterranean and the Red Sea.
-
-Footnote 457:
-
-  _Hdt._ I.-III. p. 338.
-
-Footnote 458:
-
-  For convenience of reference I give here a list of the rulers with
-  whom in this chapter we shall be concerned. The bracketed forms of the
-  names are Egyptian. The dates are taken from Petrie’s _History of
-  Egypt_. In the case of acknowledged kings of all Egypt the number of
-  their Dynasty is added after the date.
-
-                           A. _Saite rulers._
-
-    Tnefachthus (Tafnekht)                          749–721
-    Bocchoris or (?) Anysis (Bakenranf)             721–715 (XXIV)
-    Stephinates or (?) Sethon (Tafnekht II)         715–678
-    Nechepsus (Nakauba)                             678–672
-    Necho I (Nekau)                                 672–664
-    Psammetichus I (Psamtek)                        664–610 (XXVI)
-    Necho II (Nekau)                                610–594 (XXVI)
-    Psammouthis or Psammetichus II (Psamtek)        594–589 (XXVI)
-    Apries (Haa ab ra, Biblical Hophra)             589–570 (XXVI)
-    Amasis (Aahmes)                                 570–526 (XXVI)
-    Psammetichus III (Psamtek)                      526–525 (XXVI)
-
-                         B. _Ethiopian rulers._
-
-    (Pianchi)                                       748–725 or later
-    Sabacon (Shabaka)                               715–707 (XXV)
-    (Shabataka)                                     707–693 (XXV)
-    Taharqa (Biblical Tirhakah)              (701–) 693–667 (XXV)
-    Ammeris (Amen Rud, Rud Amen, Nut Amen)          667–664 (XXV)
-
-                      C. _Dates of the dynasties._
-
-    XXIV (early Saite)                              721–715
-    XXV (Ethiopian)                                 715–664
-    XXVI (Saite)                                    664–525
-
-Footnote 459:
-
-  G. Smith, _Assurbanipal_, pp. 20, 27, 28; cp. Petrie, _Hist._ III. p.
-  299, “Niku of Mempi and Sa’a.”
-
-Footnote 460:
-
-  II. 151.
-
-Footnote 461:
-
-  Herodotus (II. 147) says that these kings had been set up by the
-  Egyptians themselves. It is generally recognized that his “dodecarchy”
-  is an Egyptian description of the Assyrian administration, but the
-  Assyrians may well have taken over a previously existing state of
-  things, and the dodecarchy have developed out of the Libyan
-  penetration of Egypt much as the heptarchy resulted from the
-  Anglo-Saxon invasion of Britain.
-
-Footnote 462:
-
-  Hdt. II. 152.
-
-Footnote 463:
-
-  The Assyrian record gives twenty. Twelve may have been the number of
-  kings in Lower Egypt (Mallet, _Prem. Étab._ p. 36, quoting Lenormant),
-  or the total number at times (Wiedemann, _Hdt._ II. 147), or Herodotus
-  may have got the number twelve from the twelve courts of the labyrinth
-  that he erroneously ascribes to this period (Sayce, _Hdt._ _ad loc._).
-
-Footnote 464:
-
-  Diod. I. 66.
-
-Footnote 465:
-
-  Diod. III. 11.
-
-Footnote 466:
-
-  Mallet, _Prem. Étab._ p. 39. Polyaen. VII. 3 (= Aristagoras and Theban
-  tradition, Gutschmid, _Philol._ 1855, p. 692) makes Psammetichus
-  employ Carians because an oracle had warned his rival to beware of
-  cocks and “the Carians were the first to put crests on their helmets.”
-  Here too the armour is the main thing. The Egyptian warriors (μάχιμοι)
-  were called Kalasiries and Hermotybies (Hdt. II. 164). According to
-  Sayce, _ad loc._, Kalasiries = armed with leather; but cp. How and
-  Wells, _ad loc._
-
-Footnote 467:
-
-  He says Psammetichus “sent for” mercenaries from Caria and Ionia.
-
-Footnote 468:
-
-  Diod. III. 11 quotes and praises two lost writers on Egypt,
-  Agatharchides of Cnidus (second century B.C.) and Artemidorus of
-  Ephesus (about 100 B.C.).
-
-Footnote 469:
-
-  _E.g._ Wiedemann, _Hdt._ II. 152; Meyer, _Ges. Alt._ II. p. 461 (but
-  cp. I. p. 562); Mallet, _Prem. Étab._ pp. 37–8 (but cp. p. 41). Only
-  Mallet, however, sees features typical of the rulers of the period and
-  he quotes only Lydian and Phoenician parallels.
-
-Footnote 470:
-
-  Strabo XVII. 801; cp. Eustath. _Comment. ad Dion. Perieg._ 823_ap._
-  _Geog. Gr. Min._ (Didot), II. p. 362; Strabo knew Egypt personally,
-  cp. II. 118.
-
-Footnote 471:
-
-  Cp. however Pseudoscymn. 748–750 _ap. Geog. Gr. Min._ (Didot), I. p.
-  226, Ὀδησσός, ἣν Μιλήσιοι κτίζουσιν Ἀστυάγης ὅτ’ ἦρχε Μηδίας. This
-  method of dating might have its origin in some work that described the
-  expansion of Greece and Media previous to the great clash of 490–479.
-
-Footnote 472:
-
-  _Rhein. Mus._ 1887, pp. 211 f.
-
-Footnote 473:
-
-  Mallet, _Prem. Étab._ p. 29.
-
-Footnote 474:
-
-  II. 151–2. Mallet, _Prem. Étab._ p. 38, cautiously quotes the Horus
-  myth as a parallel for this flight. Nobody now would agree with Sayce
-  (cp. Wiedemann, _Aeg. Ges._ p. 608) that “the story of Psammetichus’
-  retreat in the marshes is clearly (_sic_) borrowed from the myth of
-  Horus.” It is far more likely that the story of Horus borrowed from
-  the life of some early Egyptian ruler. Psamtek’s flight to the marshes
-  is as natural and well attested as that of Alfred or of Hereward, the
-  latter of whom is suspiciously like Horus in name as well as in
-  behaviour.
-
-Footnote 475:
-
-  In Diodorus’ version of the same affair they are specifically stated
-  to have done so.
-
-Footnote 476:
-
-  Diod. _loc. cit._
-
-Footnote 477:
-
-  G. Smith, _Assurbanipal_, pp. 64, 66, 67.
-
-Footnote 478:
-
-  Radet, _Lydie_, p. 177, translates “où l’on franchit la mer.”
-
-Footnote 479:
-
-  Assyrian Pisamiilki: see Mallet, _Prem. Étab._ p. 49, n. 1; but cp.
-  Wiedemann, _Hdt._ II. 152.
-
-Footnote 480:
-
-  Breasted, _Hist._ p. 566. This view is now commonly accepted. Against
-  it, see Gutschmid, _Neue Beiträge Ges. Or._ pp. x.-xi.
-
-Footnote 481:
-
-  Strabo XIII. 590: see Mallet, _Prem. Étab._ p. 48, n. 1. Later in his
-  reign Psamtek is said by Diodorus (I. 67) to have “made an alliance
-  with the Athenians and some of the other Greeks”; but here we may
-  follow Mallet (_ib._ p. 97; cp. pp. 212, 284) and suspect a reflexion
-  backwards of events of the time of Psammetichus the Libyan (_circ._
-  445 B.C.), who took part in the uprising against Persia in which Egypt
-  received much help from Athens (Mallet, _ib._ p. 149, n. 3). On the
-  very few examples from Naukratis of late Proto-Attic vases (Attic of
-  about 600 B.C.) see Prinz, _Funde aus Naukratis_, pp. 75 f.
-
-Footnote 482:
-
-  Isaiah XXXVII. 36; II Kings XIX. 35; II Chron. XXXII. 21.
-
-Footnote 483:
-
-  Hdt. II. 141, ἕπεσθαι δὲ οἱ τῶν μαχίμων μὲν οὐδένα ἀνδρῶν, καπήλους δὲ
-  καὶ χειρώνακτας καὶ ἀγοραίους ἀνθρώπους.
-
-Footnote 484:
-
-  Africanus and Euseb. _F.H.G._ II. p. 593; John of Antioch, _F.H.G._
-  IV. p. 540.
-
-Footnote 485:
-
-  Their significance is well put by Griffith, _Dem. Pap. Rylands_, III.
-  pp. 9–10; cp. Moret, _de Bocchori_, pp. 76 f. quoting Revillout,
-  _Précis droit égy._ pp. 190 f. The Diodorus passages are from I. 94
-  and I. 79; cp. also Plut. _Demetr._ 27 and Clem. Alex. _Strom._ IV.
-  18, Bocchoris as clever judge in a claim for payment; Iambl. (Didot,
-  _Erot. Scrip._ p. 517) on Bocchoris’ skill in assessment of values
-  (cup, nosegay, kiss). Moret is scarcely right in saying (_de Bocch._
-  p. 55) that every kind of story is told to illustrate the wisdom of
-  Bocchoris: cp. Revillout _ap._ Moret, p. 78, “Bocchoris avait voulu
-  surtout faire un code commercial.” Diod. I. 94 places Bocchoris fourth
-  among the reputed lawgivers of Egypt. No similar measures are
-  attributed to any of the earlier three.
-
-Footnote 486:
-
-  Schiaparelli, _Mon. Ant._ VIII. pp. 90–100 and Tav. II. The context in
-  which the vase was found (Poulsen, _Orient u. frühgriech. Kunst_, pp.
-  125–6) recalls the Regulini-Galassi and Bernardini graves.
-
-Footnote 487:
-
-  See Poulsen, _Orient u. frühgr. Kunst_, p. 64; cp. Kinch, _Vroulia_,
-  p. 249. Schiaparelli, Revillout (_Quirites et Ég._ p. 4), and Moret
-  (_de Bocch._ pp. 27–8) think it of Phoenician make and provenance.
-
-Footnote 488:
-
-  Plut. _Demetr._ 27.
-
-Footnote 489:
-
-  πάντων φιλοχρηματώτατον (Diod. I. 94), a trait quite reconcilable with
-  the statement of Zenobius (II. 60), that he was remembered for his
-  justice (cp. Suid. s.v. Βάκχυρις) and ingenuity (ἐπίνοια) as a judge.
-  The statement of Aelian that Bocchoris was hated by his countrymen
-  (_H.A._ XI. 11; cp. Plut. _Vit. Pud._ 3, φύσει χαλεπός) proves only
-  that he, like Solon and Cypselus, excited different feelings in
-  different quarters: nobody would now follow Wiedemann (_Aeg. Ges._ p.
-  579) and quote it against reports favourable to him, as a proof that
-  neither are of any use for serious history.
-
-Footnote 490:
-
-  Manetho, _F.H.G._ II. pp. 592–3; see further below, p. 100, n. 4.
-
-Footnote 491:
-
-  Breasted, _Records_, IV. 858; J. de Rougé, _Chrestom. Egypt_, IV.
-
-Footnote 492:
-
-  _J.H.S._ XXVI. p. 103; cp. pp. 91–2, 94 f. The main divergence is in
-  the Lesbian thalassocracy, where the Armenian version of the canon of
-  Eusebius gives the dates ann. Abr. 1345–1441 (= 96 years), whereas
-  Jerome gives the duration as 68 years.
-
-Footnote 493:
-
-  Note that he probably began his career at a small town near Canopus,
-  E. de Rougé (quoting Brugsch), _Inscr. Hist. Pianchi_ _ap._ Maspero,
-  _Bibl. Égypt._ XXIV. p. 290. De Rougé notes that Tafnekht’s name has
-  no cartouche and no qualification announcing royal birth and from
-  these facts argues that he was of comparatively humble origin.
-
-Footnote 494:
-
-  Note that the unrevised dating of the Egyptian thalassocracy makes it
-  fall into the reign of Bocchoris as dated by Eusebius, Fotheringham,
-  _J.H.S._ XXVII. p. 87.
-
-Footnote 495:
-
-  Cp. perhaps Steph. Byz. Ἑλληνικὸν καὶ Καρικόν, τόποι ἐν Μέμφιδι ἀφ’ ὧν
-  Ἑλληνομεμφῖται, ὡς Ἀρισταγόρας. ibid. Καρικόν· τόπος ἰδιάζων ἐν
-  Μέμφιδι, ἔνθα Κᾶρες οἰκήσαντες ἐπιγαμίας πρὸς Μεμφίτας ποιησάμενοι
-  Καρομεμφῖται ἐκλήθησαν. Cp. Polyaen. VII. 3, ἀπὸ τῶν Καρῶν ἐκείνων
-  μέρος τι τῆς Μέμφεως κέκληται Καρομεμφῖται. These Caromemphites and
-  Hellenomemphites are generally recognized as descendants of Psamtek’s
-  mercenaries who were transplanted by Amasis to Memphis (Hdt. II. 154).
-
-Footnote 496:
-
-  Griffith, _High Priests of Memphis_, p. 8, who compares the Herodotean
-  king Pheron of Egypt (Hdt. II. 111) who plainly is simply a nameless
-  Pharaoh.
-
-Footnote 497:
-
-  See below, p. 101.
-
-Footnote 498:
-
-  So apparently Breasted, _Hist. Eg._^2 pp. 552–3.
-
-Footnote 499:
-
-  Wiedemann, _Aeg. Ges._ p. 587; Lauth, _Aeg. Vorzeit_, p. 439 f;
-  Oppert, _Rapp. Eg. et Assyr._ pp. 14 n. 1, 29 n. 1, quoting Brugsch.
-
-Footnote 500:
-
-  Joseph., _Antiq. Iud._ X. 1. 4 (17); cp. Petrie, _Hist. Eg._ III. p.
-  296.
-
-Footnote 501:
-
-  Cp. Hdt. II. 30.
-
-Footnote 502:
-
-  Griffith, _High Priests of Memphis_, p. 10.
-
-Footnote 503:
-
-  _Ibid._
-
-Footnote 504:
-
-  _Königsbuch_, p. 47.
-
-Footnote 505:
-
-  II Kings XVIII. 21; XIX. 9; Isaiah XXXVI. 6; XXXVII. 9.
-
-Footnote 506:
-
-  Schrader, _Cun. Inscr. and O.T._, (marginal) pp. 292, 303; cp. 357.
-  This fact by itself is fatal to Sourdille (_Hdt. et la relig. de
-  l’Ég._ p. 141) when he places Sethon on his index mythologique on the
-  ground that Shabataka was king of Egypt at this time.
-
-Footnote 507:
-
-  Hence the equation with Shabataka, while Tirhaka is equated (Oppert,
-  _Rapp. Égy. et Assyr._ p. 29) with the king of Meroe, is impossible,
-  quite apart from its making nonsense of the reference to the bruised
-  reed.
-
-Footnote 508:
-
-  Petrie, _Hist. Eg._ III. p. 312; Griffith, _Dem. Pap. Rylands_, III.
-  p. 6.
-
-Footnote 509:
-
-  Griffith, _High Priests of Memphis_, p. 10; Breasted, _Records_, IV.
-  830 (Pianchi stele).
-
-Footnote 510:
-
-  G. Smith, _Assurbanipal_, p. 20.
-
-Footnote 511:
-
-  See above, p. 88, n. 1.
-
-Footnote 512:
-
-  _F.H.G._ II. p. 593.
-
-Footnote 513:
-
-  Hdt. II. 151; Diod. I. 66; the Apis stelai.
-
-Footnote 514:
-
-  _F.H.G._ II. p. 594.
-
-Footnote 515:
-
-  Psamtek’s daughter Nitokris was adopted by Shepnepet, daughter of
-  Taharqa (or, according to J. de Rougé, _Ét. sur les textes géogr. du
-  temple d’Edfou_, p. 62, of Pianchi), sacerdotal princess of Thebes,
-  Breasted, _Records_, IV. 935 f.; cp. E. de Rougé, _Notice de quelques
-  textes hiérogl. publ. par M. Greene_, _ap._ Maspero, _Bibl. Égypt._
-  XXIII. pp. 70 f.; J. de Rougé, _Ét. sur les textes géogr. du temple
-  d’Edfou_, pp. 59–63; neither of whom understood that N. was daughter
-  of S. only by adoption. From the omission of the revolt of Gyges and
-  Psamtek from the earlier Assurbanipal cylinders and the statement that
-  Miluhha (Ethiopia) revolted with Saulmugina (brother of Assurbanipal),
-  G. Smith, _Assurbanipal_, p. 78, cp. pp. 154–5, infers that the revolt
-  of Gyges and Psammetichus took place at the time of the general rising
-  against Assyria, which means that Psammetichus was allied with
-  Ethiopia at that time. His early flight into Syria, Hdt. II. 152, is
-  to be connected with his father’s policy rather than with his own.
-
-Footnote 516:
-
-  Against this identification see Maspero, _Hist. Anc._^5 p. 459, n. 3;
-  E. de Rougé, _Textes pub. par M. Greene_, _ap._ Maspero, _Bibl.
-  Égypt._ XXIII. pp. 74–75.
-
-Footnote 517:
-
-  Psamtek himself acknowledged the Ethiopian Taharqa as his predecessor:
-  Wiedemann, _Aeg. Ges._ p. 600.
-
-Footnote 518:
-
-  There can be no doubt that the reigns of rival rulers of the period
-  largely overlap. Otherwise, as pointed out long ago by Gutschmid
-  (_Philol._ 1855, p. 659), we have Psamtek I surviving his father for
-  over 100 years.
-
-Footnote 519:
-
-  _Hist. Eg._ III. p. 318.
-
-Footnote 520:
-
-  Below, p. 101.
-
-Footnote 521:
-
-  _E.g._ by Breasted.
-
-Footnote 522:
-
-  Diod. I. 45; Plut. _de Is. et Os._ 8 (_Moral._ 354); cp. Moret, _de
-  Bocch._ pp. 6–8, quoting Mariette and Maspero; Breasted, _Records_,
-  IV. 811, 884, _Hist._^2 p. 546; Griffith, _Dem. Pap. Rylands_, p. 6.
-  The Pianchi stele mentions one son of Tafnekht as killed in Pianchi’s
-  campaign against Tafnekht, and another as spared by him (Breasted,
-  _Records_, IV. 838, 854; cp. Moret, _de Bocch._ p. 6, n. 2).
-
-Footnote 523:
-
-  _Hist. Eg._ III. p. 334.
-
-Footnote 524:
-
-  _Hist. Eg._ III. p. 327.
-
-Footnote 525:
-
-  Athen. X. 418_e_.
-
-Footnote 526:
-
-  In Diod. (I. 45) and Plut. (_de Is. et Os._ 8) Tnefachthos, the father
-  of Bocchoris, is said to have accidentally discovered while
-  campaigning against the Arabians the joys of the simple life. In
-  Athen. (418_e_) Neochabis and his son Bocchoris are said both to have
-  been moderate in their diet (μετρίᾳ τροφῇ κεχρῆσθαι). But even if we
-  have here variants of a single story, it would be no proof that we are
-  up against the same individuals.
-
-Footnote 527:
-
-  It is implied by Breasted, _Hist._^2 p. 556, when he calls Necho I
-  “doubtless a descendant of Tefnakhte.”
-
-Footnote 528:
-
-  Necho I enjoyed the favours of the Assyrian conqueror (G. Smith,
-  _Assurbanipal_, pp. 20, 23, 27–28), but his revolt shows that he was
-  making a virtue of necessity.
-
-Footnote 529:
-
-  Translated Griffith, _High Priests of Memphis_, chaps. II., III.:
-  Maspero, _Pop. Stories_, pp. 115 f.
-
-Footnote 530:
-
-  Petrie, _Hist._ III. fig. 139.
-
-Footnote 531:
-
-  Hdt. II. 173; cp. Athen. VI. 261_c_, X. 438_b_.
-
-Footnote 532:
-
-  Maspero, _Pop. Stories_, pp. 281–2; the story, however, is Ptolemaic
-  and may be influenced by Hdt.; cp. Wiedemann, _Hdt._ II. 173. E.
-  Meyer, _Ges. Aeg._ p. 366, n. 1, uses the demotic stories about
-  Amasis’ drunkenness as proof that the Saite Pharaohs were not popular
-  with their Egyptian subjects. It might as well be argued that Edward
-  VII must have been unpopular in England because the masses like to
-  associate him with horse-racing and cigars. When the Egyptians
-  represented Amasis as drunken they paid him the compliment of making
-  him like themselves. The catastrophe of 525 B.C. was helped on by the
-  drunkenness of the servants sent by Amasis to capture Phanes the
-  captain of the Greek mercenaries when he was on his way to desert to
-  Persia (Hdt. III. 4). The Egyptian who “complained before his majesty
-  King Cambyses on the subject of all the strangers who dwelt in the
-  sanctuary of Neith (at Sais) to the end that they might be expelled”
-  (so-called demotic chronicle, _ap._ _Rev. Égy._ 1880, p. 75) is a
-  better witness as to the policy of Cambyses than as to the
-  unpopularity of Amasis; cp. the sequel: “His Majesty ordained: expel
-  all the strangers who dwell in the sanctuary of Neith: destroy their
-  houses.”
-
-Footnote 533:
-
-  Hdt. II. 172; Hellanicus, _F.H.G._ I. p. 66; but cp. Revillout, _Rev.
-  Égypt._ 1881, pp. 96–98.
-
-Footnote 534:
-
-  _Pop. Stories_, pp. 151 f.
-
-Footnote 535:
-
-  _Hist. Anc._^5 p. 531. Maspero refers to the evidence of excavations;
-  Mallet, _Prem. Étab._ pp. 52–53.
-
-Footnote 536:
-
-  Hdt. II. 179.
-
-Footnote 537:
-
-  _Naukratis_, I. pp. 1 f.
-
-Footnote 538:
-
-  Hieron. VIII. (Migne), pp. 365–6.
-
-Footnote 539:
-
-  s.v. Naukratis.
-
-Footnote 540:
-
-  _Ap._ Athen. XV. 675.
-
-Footnote 541:
-
-  Strabo, XVII. 801.
-
-Footnote 542:
-
-  Hdt. II. 178.
-
-Footnote 543:
-
-  Plutarch, _Sept. Sap. Conviv._ 2 (_Moral._ 146), speaks of a certain
-  Niloxenos the Naukratite as entertained by Periander. If the setting
-  of the dialogue was strictly historical, this would be evidence for
-  the existence of Naukratis before 590 B.C. But Amasis is introduced as
-  reigning in Egypt and Croesus apparently as already King of Lydia, so
-  that chronological inferences from this fictitious dialogue would be
-  rash.
-
-Footnote 544:
-
-  Strabo, XVII. 808; cp. Hdt. II. 135; Athen. XIII. 596_b_; Suid. s.v.
-  Ῥοδώπιδος ἀνάθημα.
-
-Footnote 545:
-
-  _Oxyr. Pap._ I. pp. 10–13.
-
-Footnote 546:
-
-  So Gutschmid, _ap._ Wiedemann, _Hdt._ II. 178.
-
-Footnote 547:
-
-  It is forcing the sense of Herodotus’ words to regard them, as does
-  Petrie, _Nauk._ I. p. 4, as proof positive of a pre-Amasis occupation.
-  Still less is Kirchhoff justified (_Stud. Gr. Alph._^4 p. 47) in
-  regarding them as proving that there were no Greeks in Naukratis
-  before the reign of Amasis.
-
-Footnote 548:
-
-  _E.g._ Mallet and E. Meyer.
-
-Footnote 549:
-
-  I was first led to apply to Egypt my views about the Greek tyranny,
-  before I had read Diodorus on Psammetichus, from Herodotus’ account of
-  Sethon and his following of tradesmen and artizans; above, p. 92.
-
-Footnote 550:
-
-  _Nauk._ I. pp. 5, 6, 21.
-
-Footnote 551:
-
-  _J.H.S._ XXV. pp. 110 f.
-
-Footnote 552:
-
-  _B.S.A._ V. p. 39 f.; _J.H.S._ XXV. p. 109; cp. especially the finds
-  there of vases dedicated “to the gods of the Greeks” and also to
-  various different individual Greek deities. The size of the bricks
-  dates this enclosure as earlier half of sixth century, _B.S.A._ V. p.
-  35.
-
-Footnote 553:
-
-  _B.S.A._ V. pp. 41 n. 2, 48; _J.H.S._ XXV. p. 107. In 1899 there was
-  found in Petrie’s “Great Temenos” a fourth century Egyptian
-  inscription that speaks of “Pi-emro which is called Naukratis.” This
-  is, however, _pace_ Hogarth, _J.H.S._ XXV. p. 106, evidence not for
-  but against thinking of Piemro Naukratis as a double town like
-  Buda-Pesth rather than as a bilingual like Swansea Abertawe.
-
-Footnote 554:
-
-  _J.H.S._ XXV. p. 107; _B.S.A._ V. p. 43.
-
-Footnote 555:
-
-  _B.S.A._ V. p. 49.
-
-Footnote 556:
-
-  _Nauk._ I. pp. 54 f.
-
-Footnote 557:
-
-  Hirschfeld, _Rhein. Mus._ 1887, pp. 215–219; Kirchhoff, _Stud._^4 p.
-  44 f.; cp. Edgar, _B.S.A._ V. pp. 50 f. For Gardner’s reply see
-  _Nauk._ II. pp. 70 f. For a _résumé_ of the epigraphical evidence see
-  E. S. Roberts, _Gk. Epig._ I. pp. 159 f., 323 f.
-
-Footnote 558:
-
-  Wiedemann accepts them, _Hdt._ II. 178.
-
-Footnote 559:
-
-  _B.S.A._ XIV. p. 263.
-
-Footnote 560:
-
-  _B.S.A._ V. p. 52.
-
-Footnote 561:
-
-  _Prem. Étab._ pp. 167 f.
-
-Footnote 562:
-
-  Hogarth’s publication of the additional inscriptions found in 1903 is
-  still more deficient. Edgar’s account of those found in 1899 is
-  better, though by no means adequate. Of 108 probable dedications (some
-  are too fragmentary to be certain), 48 are on vases (black glaze,
-  black figure, red figure) that cannot have been made before the reign
-  of Amasis, 33 are on cups of types that certainly lasted into his
-  reign, 6 on Naukratite fragments (phase not stated), 2 on (late)
-  Milesian. The rest are on fabrics difficult to date from the meagre
-  descriptions. Unfortunately this collection is not typical. It is to
-  be regretted that Edgar thought it “unnecessary to state the
-  provenance of each separate inscription” (_B.S.A._ V. p. 53). Sixteen
-  have dedications to the gods of the Greeks, and only two to Apollo. We
-  may conclude that a large percentage come from the Hellenium and are
-  therefore after 570. But this does not prove a late date for graffiti
-  generally. Of the sixteen dedications to the gods of the Greeks
-  fifteen are on black figure or black glaze vases: the other is on one
-  of the 33 cups mentioned above. This fact suggests that the
-  dedications generally could have been dated from the vases they are
-  inscribed on if the data had been made available, and that Gardner was
-  fairly right in his main conclusion although wrong in his method of
-  reaching it. Of the Milesian fragments one has a dedication to Apollo,
-  of the Naukratite two (both from the old Southern “Temenos”) are to
-  Aphrodite. It is significant that among the finds of the reign of
-  Amasis “the early local pottery was disappointingly scarce” (_B.S.A._
-  V. p. 57). It is surprising that the excavators did not draw the
-  obvious conclusion.
-
-Footnote 563:
-
-  _B.S.A._ XIV. p. 263; _J.H.S._ XXIX. p. 320; Ure, _Black Glaze
-  Pottery_, pp. 59–61. Others still unpublished from Burrows’
-  excavations of 1909.
-
-Footnote 564:
-
-  For later Boeotian examples see _Ath. Mitt._ XV. pp. 412–413 (Theban
-  Kabeirion) and probably those from Mt Ptoon alluded to in _B.C.H._ IX.
-  479, 523.
-
-Footnote 565:
-
-  Occasional earlier inscriptions are no evidence against this later
-  dating for the beginning of the real vogue.
-
-Footnote 566:
-
-  The inscriptions are largely dedications to deities.
-
-Footnote 567:
-
-  _B.S.A._ V. p. 57.
-
-Footnote 568:
-
-  Ure, _Black Glaze Pottery_, pp. 32 f.
-
-Footnote 569:
-
-  Three of the stamped black sherds from Naukratis (_B.S.A._ V. p. 56,
-  nos. 113–15) are inscribed, one with a very secular inscription, one
-  with a Cypriote abbreviation, and one with what may be the beginning
-  of a dedication. The secular inscription on one example of a very
-  common fabric is no argument against the use of other examples for
-  religious purposes.
-
-Footnote 570:
-
-  The vases so classed by Prinz, _Funde aus Naukratis_, p. 69, do not
-  belong to the style (cp. Kinch, _Vroulia_, pp. 134 f.). His
-  conclusions _ib._ p. 72 therefore do not hold.
-
-Footnote 571:
-
-  _B.S.A._ V. p. 57.
-
-Footnote 572:
-
-  Kinch, _Vroulia_, p. 26.
-
-Footnote 573:
-
-  Cp. Rhitsona, _passim_.
-
-Footnote 574:
-
-  Cp. also Daphnae, which flourished contemporaneously with Corinthian
-  and some phases of proto-Corinthian pottery, but yielded no remains of
-  Corinthian nor, apparently, of proto-Corinthian: Petrie, _Tanis_, II.
-  p. 62.
-
-Footnote 575:
-
-  Brit. Mus. 1886, 6–I. 40; Prinz, _Funde aus Nauk._ p. 102.
-
-Footnote 576:
-
-  _J.H.S._ XXV. p. 136.
-
-Footnote 577:
-
-  Edgar, _B.S.A._ V. p. 52.
-
-Footnote 578:
-
-  See _e.g._ _Nauk._ I. Pl. IV. 3.
-
-Footnote 579:
-
-  Wiegand, _Sitz. Preuss. Akad._ 1905, pp. 545–6; _Arch. Anz._ 1914, p.
-  222, p. 219, figs. 29–31; Kinch, _Vroulia_, pp. 194–231.
-
-Footnote 580:
-
-  _Funde aus Nauk._ p. 37.
-
-Footnote 581:
-
-  The Boeotian Kylix style of _B.S.A._ XIV. pp. 308 f., Pls. VIII. and
-  XV.
-
-Footnote 582:
-
-  _Arch. Anz._ 1904, p. 105; 1905, p. 62; 1910, p. 224.
-
-Footnote 583:
-
-  A. J. Reinach, _Journ. d. Sav._ 1909, p. 357.
-
-Footnote 584:
-
-  Boehlau, _Nekrop._ Taf. XII. 2, 4, 5, 6, 8, 9, 11; cp. pp. 30, 31.
-
-Footnote 585:
-
-  An important fact, not sufficiently taken into account by Boehlau and
-  his followers.
-
-Footnote 586:
-
-  Boehlau, _Nekrop._ p. 75; Prinz, _Funde aus Nauk._ p. 33.
-
-Footnote 587:
-
-  _Sitz. Preuss. Akad._ 1905, p. 545.
-
-Footnote 588:
-
-  The ware has often been called Rhodian and more recently (Kinch,
-  _Vroulia_, _passim_) Camirian. Rhodes has produced far the most
-  specimens, but probably only because tomb-robbing has been
-  particularly prevalent in the island. Rhodian provenance is maintained
-  by Poulsen (_Orient u. frühgr. Kunst_, p. 91), but on dangerous
-  stylistic grounds. His treatment of the Russian finds is particularly
-  unconvincing. All the same Perrot does well (_Hist. de l’Art_, IX. pp.
-  390, n. 2, 403 f.) to remind us that the Milesian attribution is not a
-  certainty.
-
-Footnote 589:
-
-  Prinz, _Funde aus Nauk._ pp. 39 f.
-
-Footnote 590:
-
-  Petrie, _Tanis_, II. Pls. XXVII., XXVIII.
-
-Footnote 591:
-
-  Petrie, _Tanis_, II. pp. 51, 52 (quoting Hdt. II. 30, 154). Duemmler’s
-  doubts as to the identity of Daphnae and the Greek “Camps” (_Jahrb._
-  X. p. 36) seem somewhat superfluous.
-
-Footnote 592:
-
-  Boehlau, _Ion. Nekrop._ pp. 52 f.; cp. Edgar, _Cat. Vases, Cairo_, pp.
-  10, 13, 14.
-
-Footnote 593:
-
-  _Hist. de l’Art_, IX. p. 404.
-
-Footnote 594:
-
-  Prinz, _Funde aus Nauk._ pp. 73–74.
-
-Footnote 595:
-
-  _C.R._ II. 233_e_, Oxford Ashmolean Museum, G. 127. 2, 3 (the latter
-  two excavated 1903). For an illustration of this type see _J.H.S._
-  XXX. p. 354, fig. 18.
-
-Footnote 596:
-
-  See the evidence of the Rhitsona grave catalogues, _B.S.A._ XIV.;
-  _J.H.S._ XXIX., XXX.
-
-Footnote 597:
-
-  _Nauk._ I. Pl. VI. 1, 2; II. Pl. IX. 5; cp. Prinz, pp. 75 f.
-
-Footnote 598:
-
-  _E.g._ Petrie and Gardner, _Nauk._ I. Pl. V. and (coloured) _J.H.S._
-  VIII. pl. 79.
-
-Footnote 599:
-
-  _Nauk._ I. p. 51; II. p. 39: cp. Prinz, pp. 87 f.
-
-Footnote 600:
-
-  _Vroulia_, pp. 7, 34, 89.
-
-Footnote 601:
-
-  _J.H.S._ XXIX. pl. 25 and pp. 332 f.
-
-Footnote 602:
-
-  Cp. Buschor, _Gr. Vasenmal._^1 p. 81; Frickenhaus, _Tiryns_, I. p. 53.
-
-Footnote 603:
-
-  _Arch. Anz._ 1910, pp. 224–5; 1914, p. 227.
-
-Footnote 604:
-
-  Its absence from Daphnae, the military station from which the Greeks
-  were removed by Amasis soon after 570 B.C., was formerly thought to
-  indicate that at that date it had not yet been invented or at least
-  not yet become popular. But the chief wares found at Daphnae,
-  including the typical (Clazomenian?) Daphnae ware, and excepting only
-  a peculiar local type of situla, are not uncommon at Naukratis
-  (_B.S.A._ V. pp. 60–61). This could hardly be the case, at least not
-  to the same extent, if Naukratis started only when Daphnae ceased. We
-  must seek some other explanation of the lack of Naukratite at Daphnae.
-  May it not have been simply that such delicate ware was ill-suited for
-  a camp? The Naukratite cups show a fabric as fragile as the modern
-  teacup.
-
-Footnote 605:
-
-  Over 350; _Nauk._ I. pp. 60 f.
-
-Footnote 606:
-
-  _Nauk._ I. p. 11.
-
-Footnote 607:
-
-  Its central and crowded position is (_pace_ Edgar, _B.S.A._ V. p. 53)
-  no argument against this view, but rather the reverse, especially if
-  it is remembered that Miletus and presumably as a consequence the
-  Milesian part of Naukratis was in a bad way in the days of Amasis.
-
-Footnote 608:
-
-  On the evidence of excavation as to these temene see Prinz, _Funde aus
-  Nauk._ pp. 12–13.
-
-Footnote 609:
-
-  Note, however, Perrot’s comments, _Hist. de l’Art_, IX. p. 415.
-
-Footnote 610:
-
-  Prinz, pp. 39–42; _B.S.A._ V. pp. 41, 60.
-
-Footnote 611:
-
-  _Nauk._ II. p. 60.
-
-Footnote 612:
-
-  There is little evidence for the attractive suggestion (A. G. Dunham,
-  _Hist. Miletus_, p. 68) that the establishment should be connected
-  with the victory of the Samian side and the defeat of the Milesian in
-  the (seventh century) Lelantine war.
-
-Footnote 613:
-
-  IV. 152.
-
-Footnote 614:
-
-  Athen. VII. 283_e_. Hirschfeld may be right in inferring that
-  Apollonius took the foundation of Naukratis back to mythical times
-  (_Rhein. Mus._ 1887, p. 220).
-
-Footnote 615:
-
-  Prinz, _Funde aus Nauk._ p. 75, connects with it the Corinthian
-  sherds, some of which are much earlier than Amasis. Better evidence
-  for early Aeginetan dealings with Naukratis are the Naukratite sherds,
-  some of them of the earliest phase, found in Aegina, Prinz, p. 88.
-
-Footnote 616:
-
-  Hirschfeld, _Rhein. Mus._ 1887, p. 212; E. Meyer, _Ges. Aeg._ p. 368;
-  Prinz, _Funde aus Nauk._ p. 1.
-
-Footnote 617:
-
-  Over 100 are recorded, _Nauk._ II. p. 62 f.; others, _B.S.A._ V. p.
-  41.
-
-Footnote 618:
-
-  Not apparently on it: cp. _Nauk._ II. pl. 3 (section of the site down
-  to the basal mud with no black stratum marked); _B.S.A._ V. p. 44
-  (spoken of as at South end of Greek quarter); _J.H.S._ XXV. p. 107.
-  Considering that the temple lies so very near the scarab factory and
-  due West of it and that the line of cleavage between Greek and
-  Egyptian runs East and West it is strange that no explicit statement
-  is made on this point.
-
-Footnote 619:
-
-  _B.S.A._ V. pp. 38, 44.
-
-Footnote 620:
-
-  _J.H.S._ XXV. p. 114.
-
-Footnote 621:
-
-  Athen. XV. 675 f.
-
-Footnote 622:
-
-  _Nauk._ II.
-
-Footnote 623:
-
-  _Nauk._ II. Pl. XIV. 11.
-
-Footnote 624:
-
-  _Orient u. frühgr. Kunst_, pp. 93–99 (Cyprus for examples with an
-  Oriental character, Rhodes for those that are purely Greek). An
-  example found at Polledrara (Vulci) comes from a grave (“tomb of
-  Isis,” Montelius, _Civ. Prim. en Ital._ Sér. B, pl. 266. 3) that
-  contained also a scarab of Psammetichus I and is probably to be dated
-  in the second half of the seventh century.
-
-Footnote 625:
-
-  _Nauk._ I. Pls. XVI., XVII. For Pl. XVI. 4 see below, fig. 17.
-
-Footnote 626:
-
-  _Nauk._ I. p. 21; cp. p. 42; but cp. Petrie, _B.S.A._ V. p. 41, “I
-  found nothing but Egyptian South of Aphrodite.”
-
-Footnote 627:
-
-  Prinz, _Funde aus Nauk._ p. 84. Prinz, _ibid._ pp. 86–87, regards some
-  of the early jars from Naukratis as Ionian, comparing the shapes of
-  painted Ionian jars. Whether, as Prinz thinks (_ibid._ p. 13), they
-  prove an early Greek settlement in the South quarter is another
-  question.
-
-Footnote 628:
-
-  For Phoenician remains at Naukratis see _B.S.A._ V. p. 49, where they
-  are probably overestimated; cp. Prinz, _Funde aus Nauk._ p. 102.
-
-Footnote 629:
-
-  For connecting jars of this sort with Greco-Saite trade cp. perhaps
-  Epiphan. _de Mens. et Pond._ 182_d_ ὁ ἀληθινὸς Σαΐτης ξεστῶν ἐστι κβ
-  (= 44 kotylai).
-
-Footnote 630:
-
-  For a more modest estimate of early Naukratis see Mallet, _Prem.
-  Étab._ p. 178. The view of Kahrstedt (Pauly Wissowa, S.V. Herostratos)
-  and Hirschfeld (_Rhein. Mus._ 1887, p. 219) (cp. Endt, _Ion.
-  Vasenmal._ p. 68), that Greek Naukratis dates only from 570, is
-  untenable.
-
-Footnote 631:
-
-  One great gap in the evidence would be filled if ever the site of the
-  Milesians’ Fort was found and excavated.
-
-Footnote 632:
-
-  See below, pp. 122–3.
-
-Footnote 633:
-
-  Petrie, _Hist. Eg._ III. pp. 351–2; _Tanis_, II. pp. 51 f.; cp.
-  Mallet, _Prem. Étab._ pp. 129–130.
-
-Footnote 634:
-
-  Sharpe, _Hist. Eg._^6 I. p. 167, thought it directed against Tanis,
-  Mendes and Bubastis; but there is nothing to show that Amasis had
-  anything to fear from these seats of earlier dynasties in the Eastern
-  part of the Delta.
-
-Footnote 635:
-
-  Hdt. II. 154; cp. II. 30; Diodorus (I. 67) dates the foundation of The
-  Camps after Psamtek’s victory. The site confirms the date. Daphnae
-  could become the military base of the Saite prince only after he had
-  disposed of the dodecarchy and was mainly concerned with the Assyrian
-  peril; see Petrie, _Tanis_, II. p. 48.
-
-Footnote 636:
-
-  Whether troops were actually transferred from the “Fort” to the “Camp”
-  is doubtful. There is little trace of Miletus at Daphnae, where the
-  Greek pottery appears to have been mainly from Samos (Fikellura ware,
-  Petrie, _Tanis_, II. pls. 27, 28) and Clazomenae (Daphnae ware,
-  _ibid._ pls. 29–31). The marked differences between the pottery finds
-  at Naukratis and Daphnae are now generally recognized as being local,
-  not temporal, except in so far as the Daphnae series ends earlier. But
-  the fact of these local differences still awaits a satisfactory
-  explanation. Cp. above, p. 115, n. 2.
-
-Footnote 637:
-
-  Meyer, _Ges. d. Alt._^1 I. 384; cp. Mallet, _Prem. Étab._ pp. 43, 80.
-  Mallet, _ibid._ pp. 79–80, makes Herodotus’ μάχιμοι a sort of militia,
-  but this hardly suits their description as a caste. Egyptian documents
-  do indeed show that, in spite of Herodotus II. 164, VI. 60; Plato,
-  _Tim._ 23–24; Isocr. _Bus._ 15–17 (224); Diod. I. 28, 73–74; Strabo
-  XVII. 787; there was no hard caste system in ancient Egypt; cp.
-  Wiedemann, _Hdt._ II. 164; Mallet, _Prem. Étab._ p. 411. But the
-  μάχιμοι, though not a caste, were plainly a sharply defined class.
-
-Footnote 638:
-
-  _Prem. Étab._ p. 80.
-
-Footnote 639:
-
-  _Ges. d. Alt._^1 I. 561.
-
-Footnote 640:
-
-  Hdt. II. 30; Diod. I. 67; Strabo XVI. 770 and XVII. 786 (where they
-  are said to have been still in Ethiopia in the days of the historian);
-  Pliny, _N.H._ VI. 35 (30); Ptol. _Geog._ IV. 7 (Didot, i. p. 783);
-  Hesych. s.v. Μαχλαίονας. On the authenticity of this story see
-  Wiedemann, _Hdt._ II. 30, pp. 128 f., _Ges. Aeg._ pp. 137–8
-  (sceptical); Mallet, _Prem. Étab._ pp. 77 f. Herodotus says there were
-  240,000, Diodorus over 200,000. These numbers will not now be regarded
-  as sceptically as they were in the last century.
-
-Footnote 641:
-
-  Wiedemann, _Hdt._ II. 161; Breasted, _Records_, IV. 1000, 1001.
-
-Footnote 642:
-
-  Hdt. II. 169; Diod. I. 68; Petrie, _Hist. Eg._ III. 351–2; Breasted,
-  _Records_, IV. 1003.
-
-Footnote 643:
-
-  Hdt. II. 178.
-
-Footnote 644:
-
-  Hdt. I. 77; cp. Xen. _Cyrop._ VI. 2. 10.
-
-Footnote 645:
-
-  Hdt. III. 39.
-
-Footnote 646:
-
-  Maspero, _Passing of the Empires_, p. 645; cp. Plut. _Mor._ 261 (_Mul.
-  Virt._ 25).
-
-Footnote 647:
-
-  Hdt. II. 180.
-
-Footnote 648:
-
-  From a demotic chronicle published by E. Revillout, _Proc. Soc. Bib.
-  Arch._ XIV. (Mar. 1892), pp. 251–4; cp. _Rev. Égyptol._ 1880, p. 60.
-
-Footnote 649:
-
-  Hdt. II. 159; Hirschfeld, _Rhein. Mus._ 1887, p. 219, suggests that
-  the fleet with which Necho defeated the Syrians may have owed much to
-  the Milesians’ Fort.
-
-Footnote 650:
-
-  Cp. Hdt. II. 161; Lepsius, _Denkm._ III. 274_d_, _e_; Roberts, _Gk.
-  Epig._ I. 151 f.
-
-Footnote 651:
-
-  Hdt. II. 160; according to Diod. I. 95, the appeal was made to Amasis.
-
-Footnote 652:
-
-  Hdt. II. 163; Diod. I. 68.
-
-Footnote 653:
-
-  Heuzey, _Fig. Ant._ pl. 7. 2; Mallet, _Prem. Étab._ fig. 27; Prinz,
-  _Funde aus Nauk._ p. 107.
-
-Footnote 654:
-
-  For Amasis and trade cp. Plut. _Sept. Sap. Conv._ 6 (_Moral._ 151),
-  ἐκείνῳ γὰρ (sc. Ἀμάσιδι) ἂν γένοιτο πλέονος ἀξία τῆς ἐμπορίας ἡ
-  παρενθήκη.
-
-Footnote 655:
-
-  Mallet, _Prem. Étab._ p. 414.
-
-Footnote 656:
-
-  Cp. Griffith, _Dem. Pap. Rylands_, III. p. 44, n. 5.
-
-Footnote 657:
-
-  _Ibid._ p. 201. The word analyses p (article)—san (man, vendor)—mtk.
-
-Footnote 658:
-
-  Earlier Egyptologists derived the word quite differently, explaining
-  it as Libyan (_e.g._ V. Stern, _Z. f. Aeg. Spr._ 1883, pp. 24 f. and
-  references, _ad loc._) or Ethiopian (= son of the Sun), (Brugsch,
-  _Ges. Aeg._ pp. 731 f., but cp. Wiedemann, _Aeg. Ges._ p. 623). Meyer,
-  _Ges. Aeg._ p. 363, describes it simply as “not Egyptian,” presumably
-  as not occurring before the Saite period. But this is no argument if
-  the name was till then extremely plebeian. Petrie rejects “man (vendor
-  of) mixing bowls,” as manifestly absurd and analyses P-sam-te-k = the
-  (Egyptian) lion’s (Upper Egyptian) son (Ethiopian) the (Ethiopian
-  suffix) (_Hist. Eg._ III. p. 320, accepted as probable by How and
-  Wells, _ad Hdt._ II. 151). He compares Shaba-ta-ka (Ethiopian dynasty,
-  707–693) = wild cat’s son the; but this is no parallel for the real
-  difficulty, which is the extraordinary hybrid composition. Linguistic
-  hybrids are legion. Our own forefathers enriched Latin with the word
-  quicksethedgavit. But so complicated a hybrid as Petrie implies cannot
-  be considered seriously without some very solid evidence for really
-  parallel monstrosities. Spiegelberg (_Orient. Litt. Zeit._ 1905, p.
-  560), after arguing convincingly against Petrie, accepts “bowl vendor”
-  as a popular etymology, but rejects it as the real meaning, “denn kein
-  König wird Mischkrughändler heissen wollen.” He explains the word as
-  really meaning “man of the god Mtk”; only no such god is known. Even
-  if there were, Spiegelberg’s explanation cuts both ways. If, as the
-  evidence has shown, there is a probability that Psammetichus I had
-  really been a vendor of something like mixing bowls, and got his name
-  from his occupation, some such aristocratic explaining away of the
-  plebeian name may perhaps have induced him and his successors to keep
-  it, just as Mrs Snooks in one of Wells’ stories became more than
-  reconciled to her name after it had been explained as an abbreviation
-  of Sevenoaks and spelt accordingly.
-
-Footnote 659:
-
-  _Dem. Pap. Rylands_, III. pp. 44, n. 5: 201, n. 3.
-
-Footnote 660:
-
-  _Ibid._ p. 201, n. 3.
-
-Footnote 661:
-
-  Hdt. II. 151.
-
-Footnote 662:
-
-  Griffith, _ibid._ p. 44, n. 5, quoting Hdt. II. 174; cp. Ael. _V.H._
-  II. 41; Athen. VI. 261, X. 438.
-
-Footnote 663:
-
-  There is little evidence for a trade in mixed wine. The ancient Greeks
-  habitually drank mixed wine, but the mixing was done at home. In
-  England there is no wholesale trade in claret cup. But note Mod. Gk.
-  κρασί, = mixture, the normal word for wine.
-
-Footnote 664:
-
-  _Ibid._ p. 44, n. 5.
-
-Footnote 665:
-
-  Babelon, _Rev. Num._ 1894, pp. 267 f.; Th. Reinach, _L’Hist. par les
-  Monnaies_, pp. 32–3; Head, _Hist. Num._^2 p. 643; Macdonald, _Coin
-  Types_, pp. 6–8; Radet, _Rev. des Univ. du Midi_, 1895, p. 120;
-  Busolt, _Gr. G._^2 I. p. 493.
-
-Footnote 666:
-
-  Evans in _Corolla Numismatica B. V. Head_, pp. 363–7; Ridgeway,
-  _Compan. Gk. Stud._^3 p. 537.
-
-Footnote 667:
-
-  _Brit. Mus. Excavations at Ephesus_ (1908), chaps. IV., V.
-
-Footnote 668:
-
-  Three have the ‏𐤥𐤠𐤩𐤥𐤤𐤦‎ inscription that Six explained as an
-  abbreviation of Alyattes’ name, _Num. Chron._ 1890, pp. 203 f.
-
-Footnote 669:
-
-  Babelon, _Origines_, pp. 181 f.
-
-Footnote 670:
-
-  Xen. _ap._ Poll. IX. 83; Hdt. I. 94.
-
-Footnote 671:
-
-  Cp. Th. Reinach, _Hist. par les Monn._ p. 32. Cp. also the account of
-  the invention of money in _Rep._ II. 371, where Plato connects it with
-  the rise of middlemen.
-
-Footnote 672:
-
-  See below, p. 148.
-
-Footnote 673:
-
-  Soph. _Antig._ 1037.
-
-Footnote 674:
-
-  Strabo XIII. 626 (cp. XIV. 680); Archilochus, quoted below, p. 134;
-  cp. Justin I. 7.
-
-Footnote 675:
-
-  Bacchyl. ed. Jebb, fr. 10 (Λυδία λίθος μανύει χρυσόν); Theophr. _de
-  Lap._ 4; Pliny, _N.H._ XXXIII. 43; Pollux VII. 102; Hesych. s.v.
-  βασανίτης and χρυσῖτις λίθος; cp. Ridgeway, _Num. Chron._ 1895, pp.
-  104 f.
-
-Footnote 676:
-
-  Hdt. V. 52 f.; cp. Radet, _Lydie_, pp. 23 f. and references p. 23, n.
-  1.
-
-Footnote 677:
-
-  Radet, pp. 31 f. On the political importance of the great highways of
-  trade in Lydia see Radet, _Lydie_, pp. 108 (tolls along caravan routes
-  in eighth century B.C., Nic. Dam. _F.H.G._ III. p. 381, fr. 49), 227–8
-  (ferry tolls levied by the state under the dynasty founded by Gyges,
-  and state compensation for damage done by the flooding of the
-  waterways, Xanthus, _F.H.G._ I. p. 37, fr. 4).
-
-  For Sardis as geographically more likely than any coast city to have
-  evolved a metal coinage see Radet, _Lydie_, p. 156; Th. Reinach,
-  _Hist. par les Monn._ p. 22. For the contrary view see Babelon, _Rev.
-  Num._ 1895, pp. 352 f., _Origines_, p. 218.
-
-Footnote 678:
-
-  _E.g._ P. Gardner, _Gold Coinage of Asia_, p. 4, _Hist. Anc. Coin._ p.
-  69; Brandis, _Münzwesen_, p. 201; cp. also Radet, _Lydie_, p. 293.
-
-Footnote 679:
-
-  Plut. _Apophth. Lac._, _Agesil._ 40 (_Mor._ 211_b_).
-
-Footnote 680:
-
-  Hdt. I. 54.
-
-Footnote 681:
-
-  The fact that 73 out of 87 early electrum coins found recently in the
-  Artemision at Ephesus are of types usually assigned to Lydia is thus
-  no argument against the usual attribution. Of the rest two are
-  Phocaean, two possibly Phocaean, four possibly belong to Cyme, one
-  perhaps to Ephesus, while five are quite uncertain. Head, _Brit. Mus.
-  Excav. Ephesus_, pp. 79 f.
-
-Footnote 682:
-
-  F. Lenormant, _Monn. royal. de la Lydie_, p. 28, quotes two early
-  electrum coins, one _obv._ striated, _rev._ three incuses, as found in
-  the Plain of Sardis, the other, _obv._ four petals, _rev._ one incuse,
-  as found at Nymphi, about 12 miles inland from Smyrna. An electrum
-  third (67·6 grains) _obv._ lion’s head, _rev._ one incuse, _Brit. Mus.
-  Coins, Lydia_, p. 2, no. 4, is said to have been found at Ala Shehr
-  (Philadelphia), 30 miles S.E. of Sardis.
-
-Footnote 683:
-
-  Borrell, _Num. Chron._ VI. (1843), p. 156; cp. _Brit. Mus. Coins,
-  Troas_, etc. p. lvii.
-
-Footnote 684:
-
-  _Num. Chron._ 1890, p. 210, n. 69; cp. Babelon, _Rev. Num._ 1895, pp.
-  354 f., _Origines_, pp. 215 f.
-
-Footnote 685:
-
-  _Rev. Num._ 1895, p. 303; _ib._ Pl. VI. 3.
-
-Footnote 686:
-
-  Head, _Brit. Mus. Coins, Ionia_, p. xviii.
-
-Footnote 687:
-
-  Head, _Hist. Num._^2 p. 643, Ridgeway, _Metal. Curr._ p. 293, and
-  others have stated that the 168 gr. standard was in regular use for
-  early electrum, but their only evidence appears to be this one coin;
-  cp. Head, _ib._ p. xl., who notes that no divisions of this standard
-  are known in electrum. They are fully represented in Lydian gold and
-  silver. Others, _e.g._ Radet, _Lydie_, p. 233, explain it as a
-  three-quarter stater of the Phoenician standard normally employed for
-  Lydian electrum, but a three-quarter stater is most unlikely. Nobody
-  has suggested that the coin was meant to pass as gold.
-
-Footnote 688:
-
-  _Rev. Num._ 1895, p. 303.
-
-Footnote 689:
-
-  Head, _Brit. Mus. Coins of Ionia_, p. xxxviii.
-
-Footnote 690:
-
-  _Ibid._ p. 184, nos. 6–11. Babelon himself ascribes three small early
-  silver pieces to Miletus (his nos. 18, 23, 39 = Pl. VI. 7, 10, 17).
-  They weigh 1·26 grammes, 1·75 grammes, 1·10 grammes and are hardly
-  helpful from the metrological point of view.
-
-Footnote 691:
-
-  _La Chine et les Chinois_ (1847), p. 173; this, though he refers
-  _ibid._ to ingots of silver mingled with gold dust, called “syce,” of
-  which the literal translation is “fine silk.”
-
-Footnote 692:
-
-  See further, Radet, _Lydie_, pp. 155 f.; Macdonald, _Coin Types_, pp.
-  6–8.
-
-Footnote 693:
-
-  _F.H.G._ III. p. 72, fr. 1; so _Et. Mag._ and _Et. Gud._ s.v.
-  τύραννος.
-
-Footnote 694:
-
-  Cp. Hippias of Elis, _F.H.G._ II. p. 62; Schol. Aesch. _P.V._ 224;
-  Plut. _Vit. Hom._, Didot V. p. 153.
-
-Footnote 695:
-
-  Hdt. I. 12.
-
-Footnote 696:
-
-  _Ap._ Aristot. _Rhet._ III. 17 and Plut. _De Tranqu. An._ 10 (_Mor._
-  470_c_). The two lines quoted above were not consecutive. Plutarch
-  quotes them thus:
-
-                    οὔ μοι τὰ Γύγεω τοῦ πολυχρύσου μέλει
- καὶ                οὐδ’ εἷλέ πω με ζῆλος, οὐδ’ ἀγαίομαι
-                    θεῶν ἔργα, μεγάλης δ’ οὐκ ἐρέω τυραννίδος.
-
-  But the καὶ appears to connect two extracts from a single passage.
-  Aristotle, who quotes only οὔ μοι τὰ Γύγεω, states that the passage
-  was put by Archilochus into the mouth of Charon the carpenter
-  (τέκτων).
-
-Footnote 697:
-
-  Cp. _Et. Gud._ quoted above, defended by Radet, pp. 146–8. -αννος, so
-  R. S. Conway writes to me, is neither Greek nor Latin, but occurs
-  often in Etruscan (= Lydian?) and several times in Lycian: “tyrant” is
-  derived from “Tyrrhenian” (= Etruscan) by Philochorus (_ap._ Schol.
-  Lucian, _Catapl._ I: τύραννος εἴρηται ἀπὸ τῶν Τυρρηνῶν ... ὥς φησι
-  Φιλόχορος. οἱ οὖν Ἀθήνησι ῥήτορες ἔθος ἔχουσι τοὺς βασιλέας τυράννους
-  καλεῖν ἀντὶ τῆς παρ’ αὐτοῖς βίας τῶν Τυρρηνῶν: the reference is to the
-  Tyrrhenians of Lemnos and Imbros), Tzetzes, _Chil._ VIII. 890–1 (ἐκ
-  τούτων καὶ τὸ τύραννος ὁμοίως ἐπεκλήθη· βίαιοι γὰρ οἱ Τυρρηννοὶ καὶ
-  θηριώδεις ἄγαν), Verrius Flaccus (_ap._ Festum s.v. turannos, ed.
-  Teubner, p. 484, a cuius gentis (sc. Tyrrhenicae) praecipua
-  crudelitate etiam tyrannos dictos ait Verrius), and the _Et. Mag._
-  (ἤτοι ἀπὸ τῶν Τυρσηνῶν· ὠμοὶ γὰρ οὗτοι). On Vedic affinities of the
-  word τύραννος see Peile, _ap._ Jebb, _Soph. O. T._ p. 5.
-
-Footnote 698:
-
-  _F.H.G._ III. p. 380.
-
-Footnote 699:
-
-  Radet, _Lydie_, p. 79.
-
-Footnote 700:
-
-  _F.H.G._ III. pp. 380–1; cp. Steph. Byz. s.v. Θυεσσός, “πόλις
-  Λυδίας ... ἀπὸ Θυεσσοῦ καπήλου.”
-
-Footnote 701:
-
-  _F.H.G._ III. pp. 381–2. The scene of the story is doubtless
-  Hermocapelia, put by Pliny, _N.H._ V. 33, in Pergamene territory, by
-  Hierocles 670, Teub. p. 21, in the eparchy of Lydia. Schubert, _Könige
-  v. Lydien_, p. 20, identifies Thyessos with Hermes himself.
-
-Footnote 702:
-
-  _Lydie_, p. 98.
-
-Footnote 703:
-
-  Radet, _Lydie_, p. 79; _Rev. des Univ. du Midi_, 1895, p. 117.
-
-Footnote 704:
-
-  Radet, pp. 95 f. and _Rev. des Univ. du Midi_, 1895, pp. 118–9
-  (foundation of Sinope by Milesians, 756 B.C., implies knowledge on
-  part of Miletus of great eastern caravan routes).
-
-Footnote 705:
-
-  Heraclides, _F.H.G._ II. p. 216, fr. 11.
-
-Footnote 706:
-
-  _Rhein. Mus._ XXXV. (1880), p. 520.
-
-Footnote 707:
-
-  Hdt. I. 7 f.; Plut. _Mor._ 622_f_; Justin I. 7. In Nic. Dam. _F.H.G._
-  III. pp. 384–5 she does not aid Gyges.
-
-Footnote 708:
-
-  _Lydie_, p. 134; cp. Nic. Dam. _F.H.G._ III. pp. 396, 397, fr. 63, 65;
-  Ael. _V.H._ III. 26. The Ephesian connexion is (_pace_ Radet) only
-  attested for the later rulers of Gyges’ house. Cp. Gelzer, _Rhein.
-  Mus._ XXXV. p. 521. Cp. too with the attempt to poison Cadys the
-  attempt to poison Croesus, Plut. _de Pyth. Orac._ 16 (_Mor._ 401).
-
-Footnote 709:
-
-  Nic. Dam. _F.H.G._ III. p. 397, fr. 65; cp. Ael. _V.H._ IV. 27; Hdt.
-  I. 92. For a different version or phase of the struggle see Plut. _de
-  Pyth. Orac._ 16 (_Mor._ 401).
-
-Footnote 710:
-
-  Babelon, _Origines_, p. 105, calls him a banker, on what authority I
-  cannot discover: Nic. Dam. calls him simply εὖ μάλα εὐπόρου.
-
-Footnote 711:
-
-  Note that Sadyattes (_ap._ Suid. (s.v. Κροῖσος), Alyattes) bears a
-  royal name, and that he is almost certainly the rival ἀντιστασιώτης of
-  Croesus of Hdt. I. 92. A _var. lect._ in Nic. Dam. has ἔπαρχος
-  (governor) instead of ἔμπορος (merchant). Sadyattes may therefore well
-  have been a great noble: but that is no reason, _pace_ Gelzer, _Rhein.
-  Mus._ XXXV. 520, for not assigning the chief rôle to his wealth.
-
-Footnote 712:
-
-  Pp. 37 f.
-
-Footnote 713:
-
-  Hdt. I. 54.
-
-Footnote 714:
-
-  Poll. III. 87, _Brit. Mus. Coins, Lydia_, p. XX.
-
-Footnote 715:
-
-  Aristot. (?) _Mirab. Ausc._ 52 (834_a_).
-
-Footnote 716:
-
-  Strabo XIII. 626; Justin I. 7.
-
-Footnote 717:
-
-  Strabo, _ibid._; Hdt. I. 92.
-
-Footnote 718:
-
-  Nic. Dam. _F.H.G._ III. fr. 65 end.
-
-Footnote 719:
-
-  _Lydie_, p. 242.
-
-Footnote 720:
-
-  The ἀνὴρ ἐχθρός of Hdt. I. 92 is almost certainly the Sadyattes of
-  Nic. Dam. See Gelzer, _Rhein. Mus._ XXXV. 520; Schubert, _Könige v.
-  Lydien_, p. 61.
-
-Footnote 721:
-
-  Hdt. I. 88–89; the story is repeated but with the point omitted, Diod.
-  IX. 33.
-
-Footnote 722:
-
-  Cp. Bacchyl. III., the earliest reference to the fall of Lydia,
-  written for Hiero of Syracuse in 468 B.C., where Croesus is made
-  during the sack of Sardis to immolate himself and his family and to be
-  saved by Zeus and carried off by Apollo to the land of the
-  Hyperboreans.
-
-Footnote 723:
-
-  Hdt. I. 93; cp. Hipponax, fr. 5 παρὰ τὸν Ἀττάλεω τύμβον κ.τ.λ. (an
-  almost contemporary reference); Strabo XIII. 627. For excavations of
-  this monument see _Abh. Preuss. Akad._ 1858, pp. 539 f. and Pls. IV.
-  (tomb) and V. (pottery from the tomb). The pottery suits very well the
-  period of the Mermnad dynasty.
-
-Footnote 724:
-
-  Radet, _Lydie_, p. 226, infers for the time of Croesus corporations of
-  artizans (potters, boot-makers, dyers, etc.) such as existed in Lydia
-  in the time of the Roman empire, but his suggestion is too speculative
-  to build on.
-
-Footnote 725:
-
-  Strabo XIII. 627; cp. Athen. XIII. 573_a_, “Clearchus in Book I. of
-  his Erotica says Gyges, king of Lydia, ... when (his mistress) died,
-  gathered all the Lydians of the land and raised what is called the
-  tomb of the hetaera.” This looks like the version preserved by Strabo
-  with details borrowed from Herodotus: note that the work is here
-  ascribed to Gyges.
-
-Footnote 726:
-
-  Hdt. I. 153–4.
-
-Footnote 727:
-
-  Hdt. VII. 27, 28.
-
-Footnote 728:
-
-  Hdt. VII. 27, 28; Plut. _de Mul. Virt._ 27 (_Mor._ 262); Polyaen.
-  VIII. 42.
-
-Footnote 729:
-
-  Gelzer, _Rhein. Mus._ XXXV. p. 521.
-
-Footnote 730:
-
-  How and Wells, _Hdt._ VII. 27.
-
-Footnote 731:
-
-  _Lydie_, pp. 155 f., and particularly pp. 162–3.
-
-Footnote 732:
-
-  Early in his reign before the Cimmerian invasions (on which see
-  Gelzer, _Rhein. Mus._ XXX. pp. 256 f.), _Lydie_, p. 166. So Cruchon,
-  _Banques dans l’Antiq._ pp. 15–16.
-
-Footnote 733:
-
-  _Monn. dans l’Antiq._ I. p. 110; cp. Babelon, _Origines_, pp. 39–40.
-
-Footnote 734:
-
-  Cp. Babelon, _Origines_, p. 94, quoting Terrien de la Couperie, _Brit.
-  Mus. Cat. Chinese Coins_, p. 4, on period before fourth century A.D.
-  So also _ibid._ (_Cat. Chinese Coins_), p. xlviii. 5. Bonacossi, _La
-  Chine et les Chinois_ (1847), pp. 172–3, says there is no government
-  mint: the precious metals are formed into ingots by private bankers:
-  these ingots bear the name of districts, bankers, etc. To the present
-  day Chinese bankers stamp foreign coins with their own countermarks,
-  Babelon, _Origines_, pp. 121–2.
-
-Footnote 735:
-
-  Babelon, _Origines_, pp. 41, 42.
-
-Footnote 736:
-
-  Babelon, _Origines_, p. 98.
-
-Footnote 737:
-
-  E. Thomas, _Chron. Pathan Kings Delhi_, p. 344 (cp. E. Thomas, _Anc.
-  Indian Weights_, p. 57, n. 4), goldsmiths and merchants struck coins
-  in fourteenth century A.D.; J. Malcolm, _Mem. Central India_, II. 80,
-  similar issues still in 1832 but with permit from central government;
-  cp. Babelon, _Origines_, p. 95.
-
-Footnote 738:
-
-  Babelon, _Origines_, p. 83, at Kieff and Novgorod in the Middle Ages
-  ingots weighing rouble or multiple stamped, sometimes with name, by
-  merchants, bankers or goldsmiths. This practice arose before the
-  Russian government first struck coins. On Greek and Roman stamped
-  ingots see Saglio, _Dict. d. Antiq._ s.v. Metalla, p. 1865; all appear
-  to be centuries later than the invention of money, on which
-  accordingly they throw no light.
-
-Footnote 739:
-
-  Babelon, _Origines_, p. 100; _e.g._ Chalmers’ shillings struck by a
-  goldsmith named Chalmers in 1783, numerous private issues in
-  California, 1831–1851, with the legend “native gold” or “pure gold”
-  and the name and sometimes address of the striker.
-
-Footnote 740:
-
-  Jevons, _Money_^{23}, p. 65.
-
-Footnote 741:
-
-  _Origines_, pp. 110 f.
-
-Footnote 742:
-
-  _Ibid._ p. 123.
-
-Footnote 743:
-
-  Head, _Hist. Num._^2 pp. lvii. and 644–5, dates private issues
-  687–610; P. Gardner, _Gold Coinage of Asia_, p. 9, attributes the
-  first state coinage anywhere to Croesus, against which view see the
-  whole of the present chapter. Gardner’s own objection to his own
-  theory, based on the ϝαλϝει coins, is not cogent. Alyattes might, of
-  course, have struck coins as a private venture. The late King George
-  of Greece traded largely in wine grown on the royal estates, but the
-  wine was in no sense a state beverage; cp. also Cruchon, _Banques dans
-  l’Antiq._ pp. 11 f. For Babelon himself see further _Rev. Num._ 1895,
-  pp. 332–3, on the early electrum coin, _obv._ stag, φανος ἐμι σεμα;
-  _rev._ one oblong incuse between two square, which Babelon ascribes to
-  Ephesus and suggests was issued by “one of those rich bankers who lent
-  to kings and whose safes were filled with precious metals”; see Hdt.
-  VII. 27–29; but cp. Macdonald, _Coin Types_, p. 51. Against Babelon’s
-  view has been urged the fact that his supposed collections of private
-  marks on such coins as our fig. 19. _a_ (p. 127) form in each case a
-  single group all stamped together. But such a stereotyped grouping on
-  the earliest extant specimens is no argument against his explanation
-  of the origin of these curious marks, which on other very early coins
-  occur in positions which show them to be counter-stamps: see _e.g._
-  that on the back of the tortoise of our fig. 20. _b_.
-
-Footnote 744:
-
-  His accession is variously dated 716 B.C. (Hdt.), 708 (Euphorion), 698
-  (African.), 687 (Euseb. Arm. vers.); he was still alive after 660 B.C.
-  and perhaps after 650 (Geo. Smith, _Assurbanipal_, pp. 64–68; cp.
-  _ibid._ pp. 341–2, Winckler, _Altorient. Forsch._ VI. pp. 474 f., 494
-  f.).
-
-Footnote 745:
-
-  The Γυγάδας χρυσός of Poll. III. 87 and VII. 98 was not, _pace_ Radet,
-  _Lydie_, p. 162; _Rev. d. Univ. du Midi_, 1895, p. 119, necessarily or
-  even probably coined, but the history of Croesus shows that a king who
-  unquestionably coined might yet be famous for his uncoined gold.
-  Archilochus calls Gyges “the golden.”
-
-Footnote 746:
-
-  Hdt. I. 8, 91; cp. Xanthus, _ap._ Nic. Dam. _F.H.G._ III. fr. 49, p.
-  383 ἐκέλευσε (τὸν Γύγην) μετὰ τῶν δορυφόρων εἶναι.
-
-Footnote 747:
-
-  _Könige von Lydien_, p. 30.
-
-Footnote 748:
-
-  _Ibid._ p. 34; cp. Athen. VI. 231_e_, “The Delphian dedications of
-  silver and gold were started by Gyges the king of the Lydians (ὑπὸ
-  πρώτου Γύγου ... ἀνετέθη): before his reign the Pythia had neither
-  silver nor gold, as is stated by Phanias the Ephesian and Theopompus,”
-  and Hdt. I. 13, 14, “he won the throne and was confirmed on it by the
-  Delphic oracle”.... “In this way the Mermnadae won the tyranny ... and
-  Gyges, having become tyrant, sent offerings to Delphi not a few, but
-  most of the silver offerings at Delphi are his, and besides the silver
-  he offered vast sums of gold.”
-
-Footnote 749:
-
-  “He is dedicating golden bricks to the Pythian as payment for his
-  oracles,” Lucian, _Charon_, II; Hdt. I. 50 f.; “we may suppose that
-  the liberality of Croesus was intended to secure the Lacedaemonian
-  alliance through Delphic influence,” How and Wells, _Hdt._ I. 53
-  (doubtless in view of Xen. _Cyr._ VI. 2. 11 (news is brought to Cyrus)
-  “that Croesus had sent to Sparta about an alliance”); μέγιστα θνατῶν
-  ἐς ἀγαθέαν ἀνέπεμψε Πυθώ (Κροῖσος), Bacchyl. III. 61–62.
-
-Footnote 750:
-
-  Smith, _Assurbanipal_, pp. 64–68.
-
-Footnote 751:
-
-  _Lydie_, pp. 57 f.; cp. Plut. _Qu. Gr._ 45 (_Moral._ 302), “when Gyges
-  revolted and made war on him (Candaules)”: cp. also Hdt. I. 13, “when
-  the Lydians much resented the way Candaules was treated and took up
-  arms.” But Herodotus goes on to say that the two factions came to an
-  understanding to refer the dispute to Delphi.
-
-Footnote 752:
-
-  Hdt. I. 14; _F.H.G._ III. Nic. Dam. fr. 62; IV. p. 401, fr. 6; Paus.
-  IV. 21, 5; IX. 29, 4; Suid. s.v. Γύγης and Μάγνης.
-
-Footnote 753:
-
-  Radet, _Lydie_, p. 214; cp. _ib._ 243 on the commercial necessities
-  that drove Croesus to make war on Cyrus when the Persians, “who are
-  accustomed to make no use of markets and have no market at all” (Hdt.
-  I. 153), threatened the great trade routes of the East.
-
-Footnote 754:
-
-  Radet, _Lydie_, p. 171; cp. Hdt. I. 17, on the way Sadyattes and
-  Alyattes warred against Miletus, and also Ael. _V.H._ III. 26;
-  Polyaen. VI. 50 on Croesus’ war with Ephesus.
-
-Footnote 755:
-
-  Plut. _Qu. Gr._ 45 (_Moral._ 302_a_): ἦλθεν Ἄρσηλις ἐκ Μυλέων
-  ἐπίκουρος τῷ Γύγῃ μετὰ δυνάμεως, καὶ τὸν Κανδαύλην ... διαφθείρει.
-  This notice is “historisch wertlos,” Meyer, _G. d. A._ I. p. 547,
-  following Duncker, _G. d. A._^5 I. p. 488, but cp. Gelzer, _Rhein.
-  Mus._ XXXV. p. 528; Schubert, _Könige v. Lydien_, p. 33; Radet,
-  _Lydie_, pp. 124 f., 133 f., 136, n. 2. It is more than a coincidence
-  that Carian mercenaries become famous just at this time: cp.
-  Archilochus. In Lydia, as in Egypt (pp. 89, 123), mercenaries, in
-  great part Greek, play an important part throughout the period of the
-  tyrant dynasty. Croesus raised a force of mercenaries before he became
-  king, Nic. Dam. fr. 65, _F.H.G._ III. p. 397; mercenaries fought for
-  Croesus against Cyrus, Hdt. I. 77; cp. Radet, _Lydie_, p. 261.
-
-Footnote 756:
-
-  Nic. Dam. fr. 49; _F.H.G._ III. p. 385.
-
-Footnote 757:
-
-  _Rep._ II. 359_d_; cp. Cic. _de Off._ III. 9 (38); Suid. s.v. Γύγου
-  δακτύλιος.
-
-Footnote 758:
-
-  Nic. Dam. _F.H.G._ III. p. 382; cp. Gelzer, _Rhein. Mus._ XXXV. pp.
-  515 f.; Radet, pp. 80 f.; cp. also Hdt. I. 8.
-
-Footnote 759:
-
-  _Lydie_, pp. 89, 120.
-
-Footnote 760:
-
-  Cp. below, pp. 149 f.
-
-Footnote 761:
-
-  _Lydie_, p. 224. For Gyges’ invisibility Radet, p. 153, compared that
-  of Deiokes the Mede who, when he became king, withdrew himself from
-  the sight of his subjects, ὁρᾶσθαι βασιλέα ὑπὸ μηδενός, Hdt. I. 99.
-
-Footnote 762:
-
-  _N.H._ XXXIII. 4.
-
-Footnote 763:
-
-  Gelzer, _Rhein. Mus._ XXX. pp. 256 f. According to Eusebius Midas
-  became king in B.C. 738.
-
-Footnote 764:
-
-  Hammer, _Zeits. f. Num._ XXVI. 4; Midas himself worked the mines of Mt
-  Bermion, Strabo XIV. 680. The fame of the Phrygians as metal workers
-  went back to mythical times, see Schol. Ap. Rhod. I. 1129, with which
-  cp. Diod. V. 64; Clem. Alex. _Strom._ I. p. 360 (132 edit. Sylburg.).
-
-Footnote 765:
-
-  Note that Kelainai (the home of the rich Pythes, above, p. 140), which
-  lies in East Phrygia near the source of the Maeander, occupied “a
-  central point from which trade routes radiated in every direction. It
-  became a commercial junction where goods arriving by caravan routes
-  from the East were packed in chests to be forwarded to various sea
-  ports.” These words (Head, _Hist. Num._^2 p. 666) refer to Apamea,
-  which, from its occupation, was nicknamed Kibotos (Box), but Apamea
-  was only a revised version of Kelainai, which lay on the heights above
-  it and was supplanted by the lower city in the time of Antiochus I.
-
-Footnote 766:
-
-  Ovid, _Met._ XI. 100 f.; Hyginus, fab. 191.
-
-Footnote 767:
-
-  Poll. IX. 83; so Heraclides, _F.H.G._ II. p. 216; Radet, p. 160,
-  acutely argues from the association here of Cyme and Phrygia that this
-  account associates the invention of money with the great caravan
-  route, of which Cyme was the main terminus before the rise of the
-  Lydian Mermnadae, about which time it was replaced by Ephesus, the
-  Greek city with which the Lydians maintained the most friendly terms;
-  cp. Ramsay, _J.H.S._ IX. (1888), pp. 350 f., followed by S. Reinach,
-  _Chroniques d’Orient_, I. p. 574, Radet, _Lydie_, p. 172.
-
-Footnote 768:
-
-  Hdt. I. 14.
-
-Footnote 769:
-
-  Polyaen. VII. 5 makes Midas secure his throne (Μίδαν τύραννον
-  ἀνηγόρευσαν) “by pretending to celebrate by night rites in honour of
-  the great gods.”
-
-Footnote 770:
-
-  On Midas and the ring see also K. F. Smith, _Amer. Journ. Phil._
-  XXIII. p. 273.
-
-Footnote 771:
-
-  Aristot. (?) _Mirab. Ausc._ 45, 47 (833_b_).
-
-Footnote 772:
-
-  Strabo XIII. 591, XIV. 680. See also Radet, _Lydie_, p. 44, on Eurip.
-  _Bacch._ 13.
-
-Footnote 773:
-
-  Strabo XIII. 590–1, XIV. 680; cp. Xen. _Hell._ IV. viii. 37.
-
-Footnote 774:
-
-  It is not known when the river was first exploited, but an early date
-  may be safely assumed. The gold washings of the Phasis are said to
-  have been the objective of the Argonauts (Strabo XI. 499; cp. Hammer,
-  _Zeits. f. Num._ XXVI. p. 4). In Egypt “gold of the water,” _i.e._
-  river gold, is recorded about 1200 B.C. (Lepsius, _Abh. Berl. Akad._
-  1871, p. 35). The Pactolus washings went back at least some
-  generations beyond Croesus (Strabo XIII. 626; cp. Dio Chrys. _Orat._
-  78, Teubner, p. 280).
-
-Footnote 775:
-
-  _Don Juan_, XII. xii. For Gyges and Aladdin see K. F. Smith, _Amer.
-  Journ. Phil._ XXIII. p. 271.
-
-Footnote 776:
-
-  E. Meyer, _Ges. d. Alt._ I. p 580; cp. Regling _ap._ Pauly Wissowa
-  s.v. Geld, p. 972.
-
-Footnote 777:
-
-  Ridgeway, _Orig. Metallic Currency_, pp. 35 f., 44, 82, 128, 242, 399
-  f.; Babelon, _Origines_, chap. II. The rings appear not to have always
-  a fixed weight, but the ring, especially if not closed, is a very
-  convenient form for weighing, v. Bergmann, _Num. Zeits._ 1872, pp.
-  172–4.
-
-Footnote 778:
-
-  Strabo XIII. 590, see above, p. 148.
-
-Footnote 779:
-
-  Genesis XXIV. 22; cp. Job XLII. 11.
-
-Footnote 780:
-
-  Macdonald, _Coin Types_, p. 52; cp. Brandis, _Zeits. f. Num._ I. p.
-  55.
-
-Footnote 781:
-
-  Macdonald, _Coin Types_, p. 46.
-
-Footnote 782:
-
-  Cp. Diog. Laert. I. 2. 9 (from a law of Solon’s), δακτυλιογλύφῳ μὴ
-  ἐξεῖναι σφραγῖδα φυλάττειν τοῦ πραθέντος δακτυλίου.
-
-Footnote 783:
-
-  See Macdonald, _Coin Types_, p. 45.
-
-Footnote 784:
-
-  I incline to the view that the types are in part heraldic (_e.g._ the
-  lion), but I see nothing in Macdonald’s arguments to invalidate
-  Ridgeway’s illuminating explanation of many early coin types as
-  indicating the previous unit of exchange (_e.g._ tunny fish or
-  tortoise shell; cp. Ridgeway, _Cambridge Companion to Greek Studies_,
-  § 503).
-
-Footnote 785:
-
-  Xen. _de Vect._ IV. 21, referring to public slaves; Ael. _V.H._ II. 9
-  (Samian prisoners branded with an owl).
-
-Footnote 786:
-
-  Photius, _F.H.G._ II. p. 483.
-
-Footnote 787:
-
-  Plut. _Nikias_, 29, the captive Athenians in 413 were branded on the
-  forehead with a horse, but after being branded they were sold as
-  domestic slaves (οἰκέται), which makes it possible that the branding
-  was an act of simple revenge.
-
-Footnote 788:
-
-  _Timbres Amphoriques de Lindos_, Copenhagen, 1909.
-
-Footnote 789:
-
-  _Cic. de Off._ III. 38; Lucian, _Nav._ 42, _Bis Acc._ 21;
-  Philostratus, _Vit. Apoll._ III. 8; Plato, _Rep._ 612_b_. The version
-  which makes the hero an ancestor of Gyges is found in Proclus, _Comm.
-  in Remp._ 614_b_ (Teubner, II. p. 111).
-
-Footnote 790:
-
-  Pollux III. 87, VII. 98.
-
-Footnote 791:
-
-  Babelon, in his account of the origin of money, rightly points out
-  (_Origines_, p. 167) that “in general the prince has at his disposal a
-  greater quantity of precious metal than any banker or merchant.” This
-  fact does not however affect our argument. As Babelon himself goes on
-  to observe, the princes of this period, like modern monarchs in the
-  East, “had in reserve in their treasuries enormous quantities of gold
-  and silver ingots.” He cites Midas, Alyattes, Croesus and Darius as
-  coining according to their various requirements from this reserve. But
-  there is a point that Babelon does not touch. What started these
-  monarchs coining? If, as Babelon assumes, it was simply the fact that
-  the previous private coiners supplied bad coins, the position of coins
-  is on a par with that of any other commodity. We might expect to hear
-  of kings who became butchers and bakers to ensure their subjects good
-  bread and good meat. It is therefore more than doubtful whether the
-  initiative is likely to have come generally from the ruling sovereign.
-  To imagine again a popular clamour for state control, as is done by
-  Babelon, _ibid._ pp. 168–9, is probably an anachronism. The platform
-  would be too constructive and original for a popular agitation. As a
-  general rule constructive movements begin or at least take shape with
-  outstanding individuals. Parallels from later periods, such as quoted
-  by Babelon, p. 171, are dangerous. A populace can of course clamour
-  for the restoration of lost rights and advantages, that of a state
-  coinage among the rest. In the days that we are considering no
-  precedents could be quoted for a state currency. On the other hand,
-  the situation as conceived either by Babelon or myself implies
-  outstanding individuals in the mercantile class. It is surely among
-  these that it is most natural to look for the beginnings alike of a
-  state coinage and of the new statesmanship that sprang up with it.
-  This need not, of course, imply that occasionally a monarch of the old
-  regime did not grasp the situation and himself institute a state
-  coinage. Pheidon of Argos is a case in point.
-
-Footnote 792:
-
-  Hdt. VI. 127.
-
-Footnote 793:
-
-  See below, pp. 156–158.
-
-Footnote 794:
-
-  Aristot. _Pol._ VII. (V.), 1310_b_.
-
-Footnote 795:
-
-  _J.H.S._ XXVI. p. 140. Note that in later times Pheidon was regarded
-  as a typical miser, οἱ λοιποὶ τῶν Ἀθήνησι νεοπλούτων Φείδωνός τε εἰσι
-  καὶ Γνίφωνος μικροπρεπέστεροι, Alciphron, III. 34, where, however, the
-  statement may be an inference from the name.
-
-Footnote 796:
-
-  Strabo VIII. 376, “Ephorus says that in Aegina money was first coined
-  by Pheidon”; _Marm. Par._ (Jacoby) under 895 B.C. “Pheidon the
-  Argive ... made a silver coinage in Aegina (ἀφ’ οὗ Φείδων ὁ Ἀργεῖος
-  ἐδήμευσε τὰ μέτρα καὶ σταθμὰ κατεσκεύασε καὶ νόμισμα ἀργυροῦν ἐν
-  Αἰγίνῃ ἐποίησεν)”: _Et. Mag._ s.v. ὀβελίσκος, “the first of all men to
-  strike a coinage was Pheidon the Argive in Aegina”; Eustath. _Comm.
-  Iliad._ II. 562, “silver was first coined by Pheidias (_sic_) there
-  (sc. in Aegina).” So, but with no mention of Aegina, and an
-  implication of other metals besides silver, Strabo VIII. 358, “and he
-  (sc. Pheidon) invented the measures called Pheidonian, and weights,
-  and a stamped coinage, particularly that in silver,” and Pollux IX.
-  83, “whether Pheidon the Argive was first to strike money or Demodike
-  of Cyme when married to Midas of Phrygia or Erichthonios and Lykos or
-  the Lydians or the Naxians.” Aelian, _V.H._ XII. 10, in a list of
-  Aeginetan achievements mentions their invention of money: he has no
-  occasion to mention Pheidon but rather the reverse, so that no
-  conclusion can be drawn from the omission of the name.
-
-Footnote 797:
-
-  For Aegina as the first place in Greece to coin see Pindar, _Isthm._
-  IV. (V.), 1–3:
-
-                    Μᾶτερ Ἀελίου πολυώνυμε Θεία
-                    σέο γ’ ἕκατι καὶ μεγασθενῆ νόμισαν
-                    χρυσὸν ἄνθρωποι περιώσιον ἄλλων.
-
-  The statement of the _Et. Mag._ s.v. Εὐβοικὸν νόμισμα that “Pheidon
-  king of Argos struck a gold coinage in Euboea, a place in Argos,” is
-  manifestly a hopeless confusion. For the Aeginetan tortoise as the
-  coin of the Peloponnesus see Pollux IX. 74.
-
-Footnote 798:
-
-  _Pace_ Macan, Hdt. IV.-VI., vol. I. p. 382. See _e.g._ Hill, _Hist.
-  Greek Coins_, p. 4; Regling _ap._ Pauly Wissowa s.v. Geld, p. 975;
-  about the middle of the seventh century, Head, _Hist. Num._^2 p. 394;
-  rather after than before 650, Willers, _Roem. Kupferpräg._ pp. 8–9,
-  Svoronos, _J. I. d’A. N._ V. p. 44; about 620 Earle Fox, _Corolla Num.
-  B. V. Head_, pp. 40, 46; there is no specific evidence either way, but
-  the earlier date seems much more probable, particularly since the
-  discovery of the Cretan and Cyprian dumps and the coins from Ephesus
-  discussed in the preceding chapter.
-
-Footnote 799:
-
-  Satyrus, fr. 21, _F.H.G._ III. p. 165; Marm. Par. _F.H.G._ I. pp.
-  546–7. Theopompus (_ap._ Diod. VII. fr. 17 and Syncellus, _F.H.G._ I.
-  p. 283) makes Pheidon sixth from Temenos, but this may be due to the
-  accidental omission of a name. For fifth century pedigrees of the
-  royal house of Macedon see Hdt. VIII. 137–9.
-
-Footnote 800:
-
-  Busolt, _Gr. G._^2 I. p. 616.
-
-Footnote 801:
-
-  On Karanos see also Justin VII. 1. How and Wells, _ad_ Hdt. VI. 127,
-  refer wrongly to Theopompus as making Karanos a brother of Pheidon.
-
-Footnote 802:
-
-  Hence the date 894 B.C. assigned to Pheidon by the Parian Marble.
-
-Footnote 803:
-
-  Strabo VIII. 358; cp. Paus. II. 19. 2.
-
-Footnote 804:
-
-  _Pindar, Nem._ p. 255.
-
-Footnote 805:
-
-  See further Busolt, _Gr. G._ I.^2 p. 619, n. 2, and text. Long
-  pedigrees are not in any case infallible material for arriving at a
-  precise date. There is always _e.g._ the possibility that here and
-  there a son who died before his father may have been left out of the
-  list. A pedigree of the house of Hanover might easily omit Frederic
-  the father of George III, as is in fact done by Thackeray, who, in
-  chapter XXX. of the _Virginians_, speaks of Queen Victoria’s great
-  grandfather, meaning George II.
-
-Footnote 806:
-
-  Hdt. VI. 127.
-
-Footnote 807:
-
-  Cp. Schol. Pindar, _Ol._ XIII. 17, παῖδας εἶπεν ... ὡς ἀπογόνους. The
-  usage is poetical, and if accepted here might point to a poetical
-  source for the Agariste story.
-
-Footnote 808:
-
-  Bury, _Pindar, Nem._ pp. 255–6. Bury’s arguments are scarcely affected
-  by the question (Macan, _Hdt._ IV.-VI., vol. I. _ad_ VI. 127. 11; cp.
-  _ibid._ _ad_ VI. 127. 2) whether an Argive and Dorian suitor for
-  Agariste is conceivable.
-
-Footnote 809:
-
-  _Ap._ Gercke u. Norden, _Einleit. i. d. Altertumsw._ III. pp. 80–105.
-
-Footnote 810:
-
-  See below, p. 159.
-
-Footnote 811:
-
-  Hdt. V. 113.
-
-Footnote 812:
-
-  Paus. II. 19. 2.
-
-Footnote 813:
-
-  Beloch, _Gr. G._^2 I. ii. pp. 193 f., following Wyttenbach: see Hitzig
-  and Bluemner, _Paus._ II. 19. 2.
-
-Footnote 814:
-
-  He is perhaps to be equated also with the luxurious Lakydes, king of
-  Argos, of Plut. _Mor._ 89_e_.
-
-Footnote 815:
-
-  Hdt. VII. 149.
-
-Footnote 816:
-
-  Cp. Paus. IV. 35. 2, Damocratidas, king during the second Messenian
-  war who does not appear in Theopompus’ list. Plut., _de Fort. Alex._ 8
-  (_Mor._ 340_c_), actually declares that the Heraclid royal family
-  became extinct, and that a certain Aegon was indicated by the oracle
-  to succeed them. Of this dynastic change there is no hint in
-  Theopompus. Modern sceptics again, distrusting every statement about
-  Pheidon not contained in Hdt. VI. 127, have doubted Pheidon’s royal
-  descent, regarding it as an invention of Theopompus, beyond whom it
-  cannot be traced. But if we assume that Theopompus glorified Pheidon
-  to please the Macedonian royal family, we must suppose that the latter
-  were anxious from the beginning to have their connexion with Pheidon
-  brought into prominence, which would hardly have been the case if
-  Pheidon had been regarded as an upstart; cp. Hdt. VIII. 137.
-
-Footnote 817:
-
-  Paus. VI. 22. 2.
-
-Footnote 818:
-
-  First suggested by Falconer, _ad_ Strab. VIII. 355, and first fully
-  discussed by Weissenborn, _Hellen_, pp. 18 f.; accepted by Busolt,
-  Bury, and Macan, and by many earlier scholars, see E. Curtius, _Gr.
-  G._ I.^6 p. 660, n. 72.
-
-Footnote 819:
-
-  Paus. VI. 22. 2.
-
-Footnote 820:
-
-  Strabo VIII. 355.
-
-Footnote 821:
-
-  Unger, _Philol._ XXVIII. (1869), pp. 399 f., followed by Duncker,
-  _Ges. d. Alt._ V.^5 p. 546; Holm, _Hist. Greece_ (Eng. trans.), I. p.
-  213; Reinach, _L’Hist. par les Monnaies_, p. 35; Radet, _Rev. Univ. du
-  Midi_, 1895, pp. 120–1; P. Gardner, _Earliest Coins of Greece Proper_,
-  p. 7; and very tentatively by Head, _Hist. Num._^2 p. xliv.
-
-Footnote 822:
-
-  _Philol._ XXVIII. pp. 401 f.; Euseb. _Chron._ I. 33, Olymp. 28, “the
-  Eleians being occupied through their war against the Dymaeans.”
-
-Footnote 823:
-
-  Strabo VIII. 358.
-
-Footnote 824:
-
-  _J.H.S._ II. pp. 164–178.
-
-Footnote 825:
-
-  Busolt, _Gr. G._^2 I. p. 586.
-
-Footnote 826:
-
-  Plut. _Numa_, 1.
-
-Footnote 827:
-
-  C. Mueller, _Aeginetica_, p. 58, ignored by Jacoby, _Marm. Par._
-  (1904), pp. 158–162.
-
-Footnote 828:
-
-  See further, Bury, _Pindar, Nemeans_, pp. 253–4, and _ibid._ Bury’s
-  discussion of the tyrants’ connexions with the great games.
-
-Footnote 829:
-
-  Ridgeway, _Orig. Met. Curr._ p. 216.
-
-Footnote 830:
-
-  Svoronos, _J. I. d’A. N._ V. (1902), p. 44: their other main mint was
-  at Alexandria.
-
-Footnote 831:
-
-  _E.g._ Head, _Hist. Num._^2 pp. xliv, 394–5; G. F. Hill, _Hist. Greek
-  Coins_, p. 4; cp. Babelon, _Origines_, pp. 211–3; Earle Fox, _Corolla
-  Numis. B. V. Head_, p. 34.
-
-Footnote 832:
-
-  _E.g._ Th. Reinach, _Rev. Num._ 1894, pp. 2–3; P. Gardner, _Earliest
-  Coins Greece Proper_, p. 8; F. Cauer _ap._ Pauly Wissowa s.v. Argolis,
-  p. 733; Macan, _Hdt._ IV.-VI. vol. I. p. 382; How and Wells, _Hdt._
-  vol. II. pp. 117–8.
-
-Footnote 833:
-
-  Lehmann-Haupt, _Hermes_, XXVII. (1892), p. 557; Beloch, _Gr. G._^2 I.
-  ii. p. 196.
-
-Footnote 834:
-
-  Plut. _Lys._ 17; Pollux VII. 105; IX. 77–8; cp. Plut. _Fab. Max._ 27;
-  Hdt. II. 135; and perhaps Caes. _B.G._ V. 12 (reading “taleis” as
-  against “anulis”).
-
-Footnote 835:
-
-  Jevons, _Money_^{23}, p. 28.
-
-Footnote 836:
-
-  See Homolle _ap._ Saglio, _Dict. Ant._ s.v. donarium, pp. 374, n. 155
-  and 378. It is hardly surprising (_pace_ Th. Reinach, _Rev. Num._
-  1894, p. 5) that no instance there quoted is contemporary with the
-  first recorded event in Greek history. Nor is Reinach’s psychology
-  sound when he maintains (_ibid._) that giving away what one no longer
-  needs is an action that by its sentimental or archaeological character
-  betrays a rather recent epoch. Reinach, _Rev. Num._ 1894, pp. 1–8,
-  notes that the ancients often kept in their temples samples of weights
-  and measures and quotes examples from Athens, Delos, Lebadea, Rome
-  (see also Homolle _ap._ Saglio, _Dict. Ant._ s.v. donarium, n. 176),
-  whereas there is no other certain instance of the dedication of a
-  disused currency (Paus. X. 14. 1, dedication at Delphi of double axes
-  by Periklytos of Tenedos, is so interpreted by Babelon, _Origines_,
-  pp. 75 f., 208, but see Regling _ap._ Pauly Wissowa s.v. Geld, p. 974
-  and references _ibid._ Coins have been found in temples superscribed
-  ἀνάθεμα (dedication) and ἱαρόν (sacred), Babelon, _Origines_, p. 208,
-  but these may be nearer in intention to the modern offertory than to
-  Pheidon’s reputed dedication). He therefore maintains that the
-  ὀβελίσκοι were not called in by Pheidon, but first issued by him:
-  Pheidon’s invention thus becomes something that happened in Argos not
-  in Aegina, and must be put back at least into the eighth century.
-  Reinach accordingly dates the tyrant eighth Olympiad (748 B.C.). His
-  conjecture only carries weight if that is regarded as the most
-  probable date for Pheidon, against which see above, pp. 159–160.
-
-Footnote 837:
-
-  Svoronos, _J. I. d’A. N._ IX. (1906), pls. X.-XII. For connecting iron
-  spits with the coinage at Argos cp. perhaps the Argive iron coins of
-  usual shape and type, Koehler, _Ath. Mitt._ VII. pp. 1–7, dating,
-  however, only from the fourth century B.C.
-
-Footnote 838:
-
-  _Tiryns_, I. p. 114. It does not follow simply from this that they
-  were demonetized offerings, and not standard samples. Spits on the new
-  standard may have circulated concurrently with the new silver coinage.
-  In Thebes and Sparta very heavy iron spits were used as currency as
-  late as the fourth century, Plut. _Fab. Max._ 27; _Lysand._ 17. On the
-  other hand the spits published by de Cou in the _Argive Heraeum_ (vol.
-  II. pp. 300–323, pls. CXXVII.-CXXXII.; cp. vol. I. p. 63), appear to
-  be mainly of the Geometric period, and discountenance the view that a
-  spit currency was instituted by Pheidon and went on after him.
-
-Footnote 839:
-
-  V. 82–89.
-
-Footnote 840:
-
-  Hdt. V. 83; cp. VIII. 46 and Paus. II. 29. 5.
-
-Footnote 841:
-
-  Hdt. V. 83. “The thalassocracy might be local and relative to
-  Epidaurus,” Macan, _ad loc._
-
-Footnote 842:
-
-  Hdt. V. 88.
-
-Footnote 843:
-
-  Hence too, _pace_ How and Wells, it is improbable that the Argives who
-  helped Aegina were merely mercenaries.
-
-Footnote 844:
-
-  Hdt. V. 84.
-
-Footnote 845:
-
-  Cp. ἐκ τόσου, Hdt. V. 88 (89), and Macan, _ad loc._
-
-Footnote 846:
-
-  Macan, _Hdt. IV-VI._ vol. II. p. 106; cp. How and Wells, _Hdt._ V. 86.
-  4; so C. Mueller, _Aeginetica_, p. 73 (“coniectura satis uaga”),
-  _F.H.G._ II. p. 481; Duncker, _Ges. d. Alt._ IV.^1 p. 312, n. 1;
-  Helbig, _Homer. Epos._^2 p. 162; Hirschfeld _ap._ Pauly Wissowa s.v.
-  Aigina, p. 966; Amelung, _ibid._ s.v. χιτών, p. 2327; Studniczka,
-  _Altgr. Tracht_, p. 4; Abrahams, _Gk. Dress_, p. 39.
-
-Footnote 847:
-
-  Macan, _Hdt. IV-VI._ vol. II. p. 106, successful war with Megara,
-  conquest of Salamis, new coinage, development of trade and commerce,
-  patronage of Delos.
-
-Footnote 848:
-
-  _Pace_ Duncker, _Ges. d. Alt._ VI.^5 p. 52.
-
-Footnote 849:
-
-  How and Wells, _Hdt._ V. 84. 1.
-
-Footnote 850:
-
-  Hdt. V. 87.
-
-Footnote 851:
-
-  Hdt. I. 61; Aristot. _Ath. Pol._ 17; cp. Hdt. V. 94; Plut. _Cato Mai._
-  24.
-
-Footnote 852:
-
-  Studniczka, _Altgr. Tracht_, p. 4.
-
-Footnote 853:
-
-  Hdt. III. 50–52; Her. Pont. _ap._ Diog. Laert. I. 7. 1; Paus. II. 28.
-  8; Athen. XIII. 589 f.
-
-Footnote 854:
-
-  His father-in-law is said to have perished in the second Messenian
-  war; cp. Diog. Laert. I. 7. 1 with Strabo VIII. 362; Paus. IV. 17. 2,
-  22. 7.
-
-Footnote 855:
-
-  _Aeginetica_, pp. 63–73.
-
-Footnote 856:
-
-  Plut. _de Pyth. Or._ 19 (_Moral._ 403). Neither Plutarch’s story nor
-  Mueller’s inference is confirmed by the fact that the story of the
-  wooing of Procles’ daughter is quoted by Athenaeus XIII. 589 f. from
-  “Pythaenetus in his third book about Aegina.”
-
-Footnote 857:
-
-  Hdt. V. 88; cp. Athen. XI. 502_c_.
-
-Footnote 858:
-
-  This fact is obscured by Hoppin’s translation of the passage, _Argive
-  Heraeum_ II. p. 175, who renders τῶν θεῶν τούτων “_their_ gods,” ἱρόν
-  “temples,” and omits αὐτόθι.
-
-Footnote 859:
-
-  Macan, _Hdt. IV.-VI._ _ad loc._; cp. How and Wells, _ad loc._
-
-Footnote 860:
-
-  Below, Appendix B.
-
-Footnote 861:
-
-  Cp. its continuation, if continuation it was, under the tyrants. For
-  Athens with no fleet about 650 B.C. see B. Keil, _Solon. Verfass._ p.
-  94. For Athens and Mitylene, E. Meyer, _Ges. d. Alt._ II. sect. 402,
-  n.
-
-Footnote 862:
-
-  E. Meyer, _ibid._ sect. 403 n.
-
-Footnote 863:
-
-  Plut. _de Exil._ 10 (_Moral._ 603) (Cyclades settled first by the sons
-  of Minos, later by those of Kodros and Neilos); Plut. _Solon_, 26
-  (Aipeia in Cyprus founded by a son of Theseus).
-
-Footnote 864:
-
-  Bacchyl. XVI.; cp. Paus. I. 17. 3. Theseus fetches the ring to prove
-  himself a true son of Poseidon, and brings with it a crown.
-
-Footnote 865:
-
-  Perrot et Chipiez, X. pl. ix.; Buschor, _Gr. Vasenmal._^1 fig. 113.
-
-Footnote 866:
-
-  S. Reinach, _Cultes, Mythes, et Relig._ II. p. 218. Theseus’ connexion
-  with Troezen, Paus. I. 27. 7, points to the Athens of the period as
-  powerful in the Saronic Gulf.
-
-Footnote 867:
-
-  _Rev. Arch._^3 XXV. (1894), pp. 14–15. Add _Arch. Eph._ 1898, pl. V. 1
-  (Eleusis).
-
-Footnote 868:
-
-  _Mém. Acad. Inscr. et B.-L._ XXXVI. (1898), p. 390.
-
-Footnote 869:
-
-  _Ibid._ p. 421, based on Brueckner and Pernice, _Ath. Mitt._ XVIII.
-  (1893), p. 153. For further discussion of this naval question see
-  below, Appendix C.
-
-Footnote 870:
-
-  _E.g._ Lady Evans, _Greek Dress_, pp. 24 and 29; cp. p. 28:
-  Studniczka, _Ges. Altgr. Tracht_, pp. 13, 29; Helbig, _Epos._^2 pp.
-  162–163.
-
-Footnote 871:
-
-  See below, Appendix D.
-
-Footnote 872:
-
-  A paper on this subject is being prepared by my wife.
-
-Footnote 873:
-
-  Plut. _Sol._ 21.
-
-Footnote 874:
-
-  Bury, _Hist. Greece_^2, p. 174.
-
-Footnote 875:
-
-  Cp. the 346 iron brooches (peronai) in the extant (fifth century)
-  inventory of this temple, Furtwaengler, _Berl. Phil. Woch._ 1901, pp.
-  1004–5, 1597–9.
-
-Footnote 876:
-
-  Rings, pp. 35, 394; ear-rings, p. 35; fibulae (but not with pins), p.
-  42. Add _Brit. Mus. Cat. Jewellery_, early Greek fibula no. 1089
-  (Rhodes); Furtwaengler, _Winckelmannspr._ 1883, pp. 5–10, archaic
-  Greek gold ornaments found at Vetterfeld, all apparently weighing some
-  multiple of the Attic drachma. On the whole question of ring money,
-  see above, chapter V, p. 148. Ridgeway is criticized by Svoronos, _J.
-  I. d’A. N._ IX. p. 184, who, however, admits the main fact that
-  “goldsmiths habitually make their ornaments from a specific weight of
-  metal in agreement with the prevalent standard of weight.” We must of
-  course beware of arguing from the practice of places like modern
-  Nigeria, where the native jewellers are in the habit of making up
-  rings and other objects out of coins supplied for the purpose by their
-  customers, see _e.g._ J. W. Scott Macfie, _Rev. d’Ethn. et de Sociol._
-  1912, p. 282.
-
-Footnote 877:
-
-  As in Aristot. _Ath. Pol._ 10, “the increase of the μέτρα and of the
-  σταθμοί.”
-
-Footnote 878:
-
-  Pheidon’s invention is described by Pliny, _N.H._ VII. 57 as
-  concerning “mensuras et pondera.”
-
-Footnote 879:
-
-  Suid. s.v.; Harpocrat. s.v.
-
-Footnote 880:
-
-  Cp. the Delos inventory.
-
-Footnote 881:
-
-  _E.g._ (didrachms), _J. I. d’A. N._ 1912, pp. 17, 18, nos. 1727, 1728,
-  1732 (12·06, 12·14, 12·26); _Hermes_, XXVII. p. 558 (13·44); cp. Head,
-  _Hist. Num._^2 p. xlv. Note, however, Willers, _Roem. Kupf._ p. 9, in
-  Brit. Mus. 38, very archaic weigh 11·713; 20 more advanced weigh
-  12·266.
-
-Footnote 882:
-
-  P. Gardner, _Hist. of Anc. Coinage_, p. 152.
-
-Footnote 883:
-
-  _E.g._ _J. I. d’A. N._ 1912, pp. 1, 3, drachmae nos. 1038, 1044, 1083,
-  1093 (3·60, 4·12, 4·10, 3·95), didrachms nos. 1042, 1043 (8·48, 8·20).
-
-Footnote 884:
-
-  Of the weights found at Naukratis, Petrie, _Naukratis_, I. pp. 83–4,
-  87, notes that the earliest Aeginetan are the heaviest, the earliest
-  Attic the lightest.
-
-Footnote 885:
-
-  According to Pollux IX. 76, the Aeginetan drachma contained ten Attic
-  obols, and was thus a little _more_ than half as heavy again as the
-  Attic drachma, which contained six Attic obols. This statement is not
-  easily explained. It is doubtful what period it refers to.
-
-Footnote 886:
-
-  Ridgeway, _Metallic Currency_, pp. 219–228; cp. _ibid._ 307, 311, and
-  _J.H.S._ VIII. (1887), pp. 140 f.; cp. also, Head, _Hist. Num._^2 p.
-  395.
-
-Footnote 887:
-
-  For the gradual rise in value of silver, see Reinach, _Hist. par les
-  Monnaies_, pp. 72–3; in 438 B.C. gold was to silver as 14 : 1, in 408
-  as 12 : 1, in 356 as 10 : 1. For the fall in weight of the Attic
-  silver pieces struck on the gold standard, cp. the fall from the
-  Homeric gold talent of 135 grains to the Persian gold Daric of 130
-  grains, Ridgeway, _Met. Curr._ p. 126.
-
-Footnote 888:
-
-  Hdt. VI. 127; cp. Pliny, _N.H._ VII. 57. 7; Euseb. _Chron._ anno
-  Abrahami 1201; Jerome, anno Abrahami 1198.
-
-Footnote 889:
-
-  Pollux IX. 74.
-
-Footnote 890:
-
-  Koehler, _Rhein. Mus._ XLVI. (1891), p. 3.
-
-Footnote 891:
-
-  Wilamowitz, _Aristot. u. Athen._ II. pp. 280–288; so E. Meyer, _Ges.
-  d. Alt._ II. sect. 341 n. (p. 538).
-
-Footnote 892:
-
-  Hdt. VI. 87–93.
-
-Footnote 893:
-
-  _Ibid._ VI. 92.
-
-Footnote 894:
-
-  Cp. Soph. _O.T._ 1269; Eurip. _Hec._ 1170.
-
-Footnote 895:
-
-  Hdt. VI. 92, IX. 73–5.
-
-Footnote 896:
-
-  Thuc. I. 41; cp. the inscription _ap._ Koehler, _Rhein. Mus._ XLVI.
-  (1891), p. 5, n. 1.
-
-Footnote 897:
-
-  Macan, _Hdt. IV-VI._ vol. II. p. 103.
-
-Footnote 898:
-
-  _Ibid._ p. 106.
-
-Footnote 899:
-
-  Cp. Macan, _Hdt. IV-VI._ vol. II. p. 107.
-
-Footnote 900:
-
-  Pollux IX. 76.
-
-Footnote 901:
-
-  Strabo VIII. 358.
-
-Footnote 902:
-
-  Above, pp. 162–4.
-
-Footnote 903:
-
-  _Ap._ Strabo VIII. 358.
-
-Footnote 904:
-
-  Plato, _Laws_, III. 683_c-d_; Diod. VII. 13.
-
-Footnote 905:
-
-  Strabo VIII. 389; Paus. II. 29. 5, VII. 4. 2; cp. Hdt. VIII. 46, but
-  contrast Schol. Pind. _Ol._ VIII. 39, “a certain Triakon of Argos
-  settled Aegina.” Mueller, _Aeginetica_, p. 67 reconciles the two
-  versions by stating that Deiophontes, “per Triaconem Aeginam
-  occupaverat.” Triakon appears in Tzetzes, _Chil._ VII. 133 (ll. 317,
-  319) as developing Aeginetan shipping after Aeacus:
-
-                ὁ Αἰακὸς κατάρξας δὲ ποιεῖν αὐτοῖς ὁλκάδας
-                ὥσπερ καὶ μετὰ θάνατον τοῦ Αἰακοῦ Τριάκων.
-
-Footnote 906:
-
-  The troubles that led up to the war had begun with a refusal of the
-  Epidaurians to make their annual payment to Athens, Hdt. V. 82, 84.
-
-Footnote 907:
-
-  Hdt. I. 82.
-
-Footnote 908:
-
-  Strabo VIII. 358.
-
-Footnote 909:
-
-  Paus. II. 24. 7.
-
-Footnote 910:
-
-  C. Mueller, _Aeginetica_, p. 53.
-
-Footnote 911:
-
-  Strabo VIII. 362; Paus. IV. 14. 8, 15. 1, 7, 17. 7. Beloch and his
-  followers, _e.g._ Costanzi, _Riv. Stor. Ant._ V. p. 522, follow their
-  general practice and post-date the war.
-
-Footnote 912:
-
-  Hdt. III. 47.
-
-Footnote 913:
-
-  Thuc. I. 13.
-
-Footnote 914:
-
-  παγὰς ἀργυρορίζους, Stesich. fr. 4 (5). The river is the Baetis
-  (Guadalquivir).
-
-Footnote 915:
-
-  Hdt. IV. 152. For Aeginetan aspirations towards the Spanish Eldorado,
-  see perhaps Pindar, _Nem._ III. 21, IV. 69.
-
-Footnote 916:
-
-  C. Mueller, _Aeginetica_, p. 73.
-
-Footnote 917:
-
-  _F.H.G._ II. p. 481. Duris makes the Spartans take the place of the
-  Argives, and the hapless Athenian is blinded before being put to
-  death. Duris, however, is plainly based on Herodotus: Spartans are
-  substituted for Argives as the enemies of Athens under fifth century
-  influence, and a little archaeology is thrown in, borrowed perhaps
-  from Thucydides, I. 6. The position of the story in the narrative of
-  Duris might indicate his view (not necessarily correct) as to its
-  date, but we know only that it occurred in the second book of his
-  Horae (Schol. Eurip. _Hec._ 915, where the fragment is preserved, “ἐν
-  τῷ ιβ τῶν Ὡρῶν”; “recte procul dubio Hullemanus ἐν τῷ β,” _F.H.G._ _ad
-  loc._), which mentioned events of the sixth century, and may have
-  dealt with the seventh also.
-
-Footnote 918:
-
-  Paus. II. 6. 7, 7. 1, 13. 1; cp. Strabo VIII. 389.
-
-Footnote 919:
-
-  Hdt. V. 67, war of Cleisthenes, the third tyrant of the family, with
-  Argos, and his device for inducing the Argive hero Adrastus, who was
-  buried in Sicyon, to quit the city.
-
-Footnote 920:
-
-  Paus. IV. 15. 1, 23. 4. This is firmer evidence, _pace_ Hicks,
-  _Cambridge Comp. Greek Stud._^1 p. 58, n. 3, than Plut. _Moral._ 194
-  (_Reg. et Imp. Apoph._), where Epaminondas, speaking in 369 B.C.,
-  declares “that he had refounded Messene after an interval of 230
-  years.” Plutarch may equally well be used as evidence that the
-  extinction of archaic Messene did not synchronize with the end of the
-  second Messenian war.
-
-Footnote 921:
-
-  Paus. IV. 15. 7, 17. 7.
-
-Footnote 922:
-
-  Cp. Paus. II. 6. 7, 7. 1: “Phalkes, son of Temenos with his Dorians
-  seized Sicyon,” ... “from that time the Sicyonians became Dorians and
-  formed part of Argolis.”
-
-Footnote 923:
-
-  For its lapse in the interval see references below, p. 183, n. 3. On
-  the tyranny at Sicyon, see below, chapter IX.
-
-Footnote 924:
-
-  Strabo VIII. 389, cp. 369, 335; Ptol. III. 14. 33, 34.
-
-Footnote 925:
-
-  _Il._ VI. 152, ἔστι πόλις Ἐφύρη μυχῷ Ἄργεος ἱπποβότοιο.
-
-Footnote 926:
-
-  Paus. II. 1. 1.
-
-Footnote 927:
-
-  Paus. II. 4. 2 (trans. Frazer). “Like every attentive reader of Homer,
-  I am persuaded that Bellerophon was not an independent monarch, but a
-  vassal of Proetus, king of Argos. Even after Bellerophon had migrated
-  to Lycia, the Corinthians are known to have been still subject to the
-  lords of Argos or Mycenae. Again, in the army which attacked Troy, the
-  Corinthian contingent was not commanded by a general of its own, but
-  was brigaded with the Mycenaean and other troops commanded by
-  Agamemnon.”
-
-Footnote 928:
-
-  Apollodorus II. 8. 4.
-
-Footnote 929:
-
-  Plut. _Amat. Narr._ B (_Moral._ 772); Schol. _ap._ Rhod. _Arg._ IV.
-  1212; see also Diod. VIII. 10; Alex. Aetol. _Anth. Lyr._ I. 208; Max.
-  Tyr. (ed. Teubner), XVIII.: cp. Wilisch, _Jahrb. Class. Phil._ 1876,
-  pp. 586 f.
-
-Footnote 930:
-
-  Cleisthenes, the tyrant of Sicyon, regarded with particular favour one
-  of his daughter’s suitors, “because he was related by descent to the
-  Cypselids of Corinth,” Hdt. VI. 128 (quoted by Grote in this
-  connexion). For friendship between Corinth and Sicyon at this time,
-  see perhaps also Nic. Dam. _F.H.G._ III. p. 395; cp. Wilisch, _Goett.
-  Gel. Anz._ 1880, II. p. 1195.
-
-Footnote 931:
-
-  Thuc. VI. 3, 4; Thucydides must be preferred to Strabo VI. 269, 267,
-  who says the first Greek cities in Sicily included Syracuse, and were
-  founded in the tenth generation after the Trojan wars (_i.e._ about
-  800 B.C., E. Meyer, _Ges. d. Alt._ II. sect. 302 n.).
-
-Footnote 932:
-
-  Jacoby, _Marm. Par._ p. 158.
-
-Footnote 933:
-
-  _Ibid._ _ad loc._
-
-Footnote 934:
-
-  See perhaps Plato, _Laws_, 690_d-e_.
-
-Footnote 935:
-
-  Aristot. _Pol._ II. 1265_b_.
-
-Footnote 936:
-
-  Schol. Pind. _Ol._ XIII. 20.
-
-Footnote 937:
-
-  _Ad_ _Ol._ XIII. 27.
-
-Footnote 938:
-
-  A quotation at length is needed to illustrate our authority’s
-  mentality. He explains τίς γὰρ ἱππείοις ἐν ἔντεσσιν μέτρα ἐπέθηκε,
-  _Ol._ XIII. 27, thus: “by gear he is meaning quarts and bushels owing
-  to their hollowness ... now of this gear for measures he says that the
-  Corinthians were the inventors. But why did he call them equestrian?
-  Because Pheidon, who first struck their measures for the Corinthians,
-  was an Argive, and the poets call Argos equestrian: Eurip. (_I.T._
-  700), ‘when to Hellas and to equestrian Argos thou dost come’.”
-
-Footnote 939:
-
-  Justin VII. 1; cp. above, p. 156.
-
-Footnote 940:
-
-  Strabo VII. 326.
-
-Footnote 941:
-
-  For the lot of Temenos having been really dissipated, see Paus. II.
-  26. 2, 28. 3; VIII. 27. 1; II. 36. 5; III. 7. 4; IV. 8. 3, 14. 3, 34.
-  9.
-
-Footnote 942:
-
-  _F.H.G._ III. p. 378, fr. 41.
-
-Footnote 943:
-
-  The Argive tyrant’s overlordship in Corinth is accepted, but put into
-  the eighth century by Unger, _Philol._ XXVIII. pp. 399 f., XXIX. pp.
-  245 f., and Wilisch, _Neue Jahrb._ 1876, pp. 585 f.
-
-Footnote 944:
-
-  Svoronos, _J. I. d’A. N._ V. p. 42 states that some of the earliest
-  “tortoises” are bad money (κίβδηλα), and suggests that Pheidon debased
-  the coinage when his prosperity began to diminish towards the end of
-  his reign. This suggestion has no direct confirmation, but it
-  harmonizes with what is known of the fall of the tyranny in other
-  places, notably Athens, where it coincides with the loss of the
-  Paionian mines, and Rome, where Tarquin fell, “exhaustus munificentia
-  publicorum operum.”
-
-Footnote 945:
-
-  I. 13.
-
-Footnote 946:
-
-  Cp. Livy XXXIII. 32; Val. Max. IV. 8. 5; Aristid. _Isthmic._ p. 102.
-
-Footnote 947:
-
-  Thuc. I. 13; cp. Strabo VIII. 378.
-
-Footnote 948:
-
-  cp. δυνατωτέρας γενομένης τῆς Ἑλλάδος καὶ τῶν χρημάτων τὴν κτῆσιν ἔτι
-  μᾶλλον ποιουμένης τυραννίδες ἐν ταῖς πόλεσι καθίσταντο, τῶν προσόδων
-  μειζόνων γιγνομένων with οἱ Κορίνθιοι ... χρήμασί τε δυνατοὶ ἦσαν ...
-  καὶ ἐμπόριον ...; παρέχοντες δυνατὴν ἔσχον χρημάτων προσόδῳ τὴν πόλιν.
-
-Footnote 949:
-
-  Cp. perhaps the tradition which makes the artist Butades migrate from
-  (proto-Corinthian?) Sicyon to Corinth. Pliny, _N.H._ XXXV. 43 (12).
-
-Footnote 950:
-
-  Pliny, _N.H._ VII. 57 (56), figlinas (inuenit) Coroebus Atheniensis,
-  in iis orbem Anarcharsis Scythes, ut alii Hyperbius Corinthius. Schol.
-  Pind. _Ol._ XIII. 27 (on achievements of Corinthians), Δίδυμος δέ φησι
-  δηλοῦσθαι τὸν κεραμεικὸν τρόχον ἐκ μεταφορᾶς.
-
-Footnote 951:
-
-  Birch, _Hist. Pott._ p. 185. For Corinthian textiles see Barth,
-  _Corinth. Comm._ pp. 22 f. quoting Athen. I. 27_d_, XII. 525_d_.,
-  XIII. 582d, Aristoph. _Ranae_ 440. For general industrial activities
-  see Strabo 382, γραφική τε καὶ πλαστικὴ καὶ πᾶσα ἡ τοιαύτη δημιουργία;
-  Oros. V. 3, officina omnium artificum atque artificiorum.
-
-Footnote 952:
-
-  From recent excavations of the American School. I am indebted for the
-  photograph to Miss A. Walker.
-
-Footnote 953:
-
-  Cp. below, p. 242.
-
-Footnote 954:
-
-  _E.g._ 79 vases in one grave in Rhodes, _Jahrb._ I. 144.
-
-Footnote 955:
-
-  _Gr. G._^2 I. 459, n. 6.
-
-Footnote 956:
-
-  See for instance the story of Demaratus and Tarquinii, discussed in
-  the chapter on Rome.
-
-Footnote 957:
-
-  Bluemner, _Gewerb. Tätig._ 35–37; Wilisch, _Jahrb. Gym. Zittau_, 1901,
-  p. 7.
-
-Footnote 958:
-
-  Gyges used the Corinthian treasury at Delphi (Hdt. I. 14). Periander
-  sent slaves to Alyattes (Hdt. III. 49).
-
-Footnote 959:
-
-  The revolts from Corinth of Corcyra and Megara are also associated by
-  Busolt (_Lakedaim._ I. 200) with the rise of Cypselus. If they helped
-  it, it was probably by discrediting the ruling Bacchiads.
-
-Footnote 960:
-
-  _Gr. G._^2 I. 627 (where “seventh” century is a misprint for “sixth”;
-  cp. p. 651); cp. p. 499 and Wilisch, _Jahrb. Gym. Zittau_, 1901, p.
-  25.
-
-Footnote 961:
-
-  _Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Corinth_, p. xviii; _Hist. Num._^2 _ad loc._
-
-Footnote 962:
-
-  _Earliest Coins Greece Proper_, pp. 22 f.
-
-Footnote 963:
-
-  Aristot. _Pol._ VII. (V.), 1315_b_; Nic. Dam. _F.H.G._ III. p. 392.
-
-Footnote 964:
-
-  Hdt. V. 92. 21.
-
-Footnote 965:
-
-  For full references see Busolt, _Gr. G._^2 I. pp. 642–3.
-
-Footnote 966:
-
-  Strabo X. 452; cp. Busolt, _Gr. G._^2 I. 642, who quotes also Strabo
-  I. 59, Polyb. V. 5. 12.
-
-Footnote 967:
-
-  Aristot. _Oecon._ II. 1346_a-b_.
-
-Footnote 968:
-
-  Suid. s.v. Κυψελιδῶν ἀναθήματα.
-
-Footnote 969:
-
-  Cp. Knapp, _Korrespondenz-Bl. Gelehrt-Schulen Wuerttembergs_, 1888, p.
-  120, n. 1, who compares fourteenth century Italian tyrants.
-
-Footnote 970:
-
-  Plut. _de Ei ap. Delph._ 3 (_Moral._ 385); Dio Chrys. XXXVII. 456M
-  (103 R); Plato, _Ep._ 2. The unfriendly Nic. Dam. _F.H.G._ III. p.
-  393, quotes this view, but adds τὸ δὲ οὐκ ἦν; cp. Plato, _Rep._ I.
-  336; _Protag._ 343_a_. Appian (_bell. Mithr._ 28) does not mention
-  Periander, but accepts his claim: “of the seven sages so called all
-  who engaged in active life ruled and tyrannized more savagely than the
-  normal tyrant (ὠμότερον τῶν ἰδιωτικῶν τυράννων).”
-
-Footnote 971:
-
-  “Periander first changed the government (πρῶτος μετέστησε τὴν ἀρχήν),”
-  Heraclides, _F.H.G._ II. p. 213; “Periander, the son of Cypselus king
-  of Corinth, received the kingdom by inheritance from his father and
-  out of savagery and violence turned it into a tyranny,” Nic. Dam.
-  _F.H.G._ III. p. 393; “they say that Periander the Corinthian was
-  originally popular (δημοτικόν), but afterwards changed his policy and
-  became tyrannical,” Greg. Cypr. III. 30 = Leutsch, _Paroem. Gr._ II.
-  p. 89; cp. (almost the same words) Schol. _Hipp. Maj._ 304 E; cp. also
-  Diog. Laert. I. 7. 5. Hdt. V. 92. 23 regards Periander’s early
-  mildness as a change from Cypselus, but his account is frankly
-  anti-Cypselid.
-
-Footnote 972:
-
-  “Cypselus was a demagogue and throughout his reign remained without a
-  bodyguard: but Periander proved tyrannical but warlike,” Aristot.
-  _Pol._ VII. (V.), 1315_b_, where Cypselus’ alleged demagogism is
-  probably only a late inference from a genuine tradition that he was
-  not a soldier: see chap I. p. 31. The passages quoted in the last note
-  from Heraclides and Nicolaus go on at once to mention that Periander
-  instituted an armed bodyguard, and Nicolaus adds that “he made
-  repeated campaigns and was warlike.” This statement may be accepted
-  though the context of the last passage shows that the picture of the
-  tyrannical Periander is influenced by the conception of the tyrant as
-  a military despot prevalent since Aristotle (see chap. I. pp. 28 f.).
-  The maxim καλὸν ἡσυχία (peace is a good thing) is attributed to
-  Periander by Diog. Laert. I. 7. 4, but such utterances are notoriously
-  quite consistent with the most aggressive military policy.
-
-Footnote 973:
-
-  Nic. Dam. _F.H.G._ III. p. 393 (a son of Periander founded Potidaea);
-  cp. How and Wells, _Hdt._ vol. II. p. 341 on Potidaea and Epidamnus
-  (founded 626 B.C. Euseb.; cp. Thuc. I. 24) as controlling the great
-  road from Durazzo to Salonika. The road traversed the land of the
-  Lynkestai, whose kings claimed Corinthian descent, Strabo VII. 326.
-
-Footnote 974:
-
-  Heraclides, _F.H.G._ II. p. 213.
-
-Footnote 975:
-
-  Nic. Dam. _ibid._
-
-Footnote 976:
-
-  Hdt. V. 92; Aristot. _Pol._ III. 1284_a_, VII. (V.), 1311_a_; Dion.
-  Hal. IV. 56. Myres, _J.H.S._ XXVI. pp. 110 f. makes Periander an
-  active partner in the Milesian thalassocracy, which he dates at this
-  period. Reasons for not accepting Myres on the Milesian thalassocracy
-  are suggested in the chapter on Egypt, but his account of Periander’s
-  naval support of Thrasybulus is valuable and convincing. Myres quotes
-  the story of Arion and his wonderful adventure with the pirates and
-  the dolphins on the Corinthian merchant ship that was bearing him to
-  Periander’s court, Hdt. I. 23–4; Plut. _Sept. Sap. Conv._ 18 f.
-  (_Moral._ 161).
-
-Footnote 977:
-
-  Hdt. III. 48, 49; Nic. Dam. _F.H.G._ III. pp. 393–4; Plut. _de Mal.
-  Hdt._ 22, 23 (_Moral._ 859–861); Diog. Laert. I. 7. 2. Hence Movers,
-  _Phoen._ II. iii. 109, calls Periander a slave dealer; so also
-  Wilisch, _Gœtt. Gel. Anz._ 1880, p. 1202, _Jahrb. Gym. Zittau_, 1901,
-  p. 22, n. 9, who refers also to Hdt. VIII. 105 (on Panionios the Chian
-  who in the early part of the fifth century “made his living” by
-  mutilating boys whom “he took and sold at Sardis and Ephesus for great
-  sums”). Wilisch infers also, _ibid._ p. 22, from the ἱερόδουλοι or
-  consecrated prostitutes of the Corinthian temple of Aphrodite, an
-  import from Asia to Corinth of female slaves: see Athen. XIII. 573;
-  Strabo VIII. 378 and perhaps 347. This view is not necessarily
-  contradicted by Heraclides, who declares (_F.H.G._ II. p. 213) that
-  Periander drowned all the procuresses in the city (Steinmetz however
-  reads ἀπέδυσε, stripped). Heraclides is not indeed discredited by the
-  fact that Athenaeus X. 443_a_, makes not only Periander but also
-  Cleomenes or Cleomis tyrant of Methymna dispose of loose women in this
-  Napoleonic way. The double assignation decides neither whether the
-  story is true or false nor which way went the borrowing. But Wilisch
-  and Heraclides may both be right. A tyrant who traded in prostitutes
-  might yet be most severe on unlicensed prostitution.
-
-Footnote 978:
-
-  Busolt, _Gr. G._^2 II. 466.
-
-Footnote 979:
-
-  See below, pp. 212–4.
-
-Footnote 980:
-
-  Diog. Laert. I. 7. 6; cp. E. Curtius, _Pelop._ I. 13; Gerster, _Isthme
-  de Corinthe_, _B.C.H._ VIII. (1884), pp. 225 f.
-
-Footnote 981:
-
-  Cp. the epitaph, Diog. Laert. I. 7. 3,
-
-             πλούτου καὶ σοφίης πρύτανιν πατρὶς ἥδε Κόρινθος
-                 κόλποις ἀγχίαλος γῆ Περίανδρον ἔχει.
-
-Footnote 982:
-
-  _F.H.G._ III. p. 393; cp. Heraclides, _F.H.G._ II. p. 213, “putting a
-  complete stop to the acquisition of slaves and to luxury.” These
-  statements are treated sceptically by Busolt, _Gr. G._^2 I. p. 646
-  (mainly on the dangerous ground that Periander’s behaviour is too
-  typical to be true), and by Poehlmann, _Grundr. Gr. G._^1 62, ^479,
-  but accepted or defended by Knapp, _op. cit._ p. 119; Duncker, _G. d.
-  A._ VI.^5 63; Wilisch, _Jahrb. Gym. Zittau_, 1901, p. 17; cp. p. 12;
-  Meyer, _G. d. A._ II. 621; Beloch, _Gr. G._^2 I. i. p. 270. These
-  writers mainly explain the measures as intended to protect small home
-  industries against large slave factories (so Busolt, _Lakedaim._ p.
-  201). Porzio, _Cipselidi_, p. 235, n., rightly points out that the
-  authors who preserve this notice did not so understand it, but wrongly
-  maintains that this fact is fatal to the explanation. Porzio’s own
-  explanation (that the Cypselids’ taxation led to discontent which
-  endangered the tyrants whose “main care was therefore to empty the
-  city by forcing their subjects to live solitary and scattered in the
-  country,” _ibid._ p. 236) runs counter to the facts, which show that
-  cities increased under the tyranny.
-
-Footnote 983:
-
-  _F.H.G._ II. 213.
-
-Footnote 984:
-
-  Diog. Laert. I. 7. 5.
-
-Footnote 985:
-
-  Cp. Wilisch, _Jahrb. Gym. Zittau_, 1901, p. 13, “promotion of home
-  industries, attitude towards slave labour, introduction of the
-  coinage, these were the main questions for the government of the
-  Cypselids, especially Periander”; so Busolt, _Lakedaim._ I. 202, 211.
-
-Footnote 986:
-
-  Strabo VIII. 378; cp. Barth, _Corinth. Comm._ p. 14. Strabo calls the
-  Bacchiads tyrants, probably in the later sense of bad despotic rulers.
-  Note, however, that he associates their “tyranny” with great wealth
-  and commercial connexions. “The Bacchiads too became tyrants, and
-  being wealthy and many and of distinguished family for some two
-  hundred years they held rule and exploited the market with impunity.
-  These Cypselus put down and himself became tyrant.... Of the wealth
-  associated with this house there is evidence in the dedication of
-  Cypselus at Olympia, a hammered gold statue of large size.” Busolt,
-  _Lakedaim._ I. 201–3, thinks that the Bacchiads had the industry of
-  Corinth in their own hands, and that they employed in it numerous
-  slaves who proved irresistible competitors to the crowd of _petit
-  bourgeois_, and that Cypselus made himself tyrant by putting himself
-  at the head of the latter. Servile competition was put out of the way
-  when Cypselus had made himself tyrant, and the working classes of the
-  citizen population were occupied in numerous public works. Busolt
-  rightly recognizes the commercial element in Cypselus’ power, but the
-  evidence is all against a highly organized servile industry at this
-  early date; in Corinth itself the legislation against servile labour
-  is attributed to Periander, and the date of the legislation is a good
-  indication of the date at which servile labour first seriously
-  threatened free; the exploiting of the market by the Bacchiads is not
-  evidence for commercial undertakings on the part of the Bacchiads, but
-  rather of their having held aloof from commerce.
-
-Footnote 987:
-
-  This suggestion is quite consistent with the vague statement of
-  Aelian, _V.H._ I. 19, that they fell “through immoderate luxury” (διὰ
-  τρυφὴν τὴν ἔξω τοῦ μέτρου).
-
-Footnote 988:
-
-  Busolt, _Gr. G._^2 I. p. 637; E. Meyer, _Rhein. Mus._ 1887, p. 91.
-
-Footnote 989:
-
-  _Et. Mag._ βλαισός· ὁ τοὺς πόδας ἐπὶ τὰ ἔξω διεστραμμένος καὶ τῷ Λ
-  στοιχείῳ ἐοικώς· διὰ τοῦτο καὶ Λάμβδα ἐκαλεῖτο ἡ γυνὴ μὲν Ἠετίωνος
-  μήτηρ δὲ Κυψέλου τοῦ Κορίνθου τυράννου. Knapp, _op. cit._ p. 33, notes
-  that Bacchis, ancestor of the Bacchiads, was also lame, Heraclid.
-  _F.H.G._ II. p. 212.
-
-Footnote 990:
-
-  Hdt. V. 92. 7.
-
-Footnote 991:
-
-  Paus. II. 4. 4; cp. V. 18. 7.
-
-Footnote 992:
-
-  _Hdt._ _ad loc._
-
-Footnote 993:
-
-  Thuc. IV. 42. His family lived at Petra, Hdt. V. 92. 7, which has led
-  Knapp, _op. cit._ pp. 33–34, n. 5, to compare Cypselus with the
-  Paladin Roland who was son of Charlemagne’s sister Bertha and a poor
-  knight named Milo. Roland was born among the rocks and was called
-  Roland because he rolled across the cave in which he was born.
-
-Footnote 994:
-
-  _F.H.G._ III. pp. 391–2.
-
-Footnote 995:
-
-  _Gr. G._^2 I. p. 636, n. 2.
-
-Footnote 996:
-
-  Cp. Schubring, _de Cypselo_ (Goettingen, 1862), pp. 62 f.; Wilisch,
-  _Goett. Gel. Anz._ 1880, p. 1198.
-
-Footnote 997:
-
-  _Goett. Gel. Anz._ 1880, pp. 1196–1197.
-
-Footnote 998:
-
-  Wilisch, _Goett. Gel. Anz._ 1880, p. 1197; Knapp, _op. cit._ p. 115;
-  Busolt, _Gr. G._^2 I. p. 637, quoting Ar. _Pol._ VII. (V.), 1310_b_,
-  Κύψελος ἐκ δημαγωγίας.
-
-Footnote 999:
-
-  _Gr. G._^2 I. p. 637. So more recently Porzio, _Cipselidi_, p. 180,
-  who thinks the Ephorean version a mere amplification of Herodotus. In
-  uncritical incredulity Porzio rivals Pais (see _e.g._ _op. cit._ pp.
-  164–5 and cp. below, pp. 236 f.).
-
-Footnote 1000:
-
-  Cp. Wilisch, _Goett. Gel. Anz._ 1880, pp. 1198–9, quoting Plut. _de
-  Mal. Hdt._ 22 (_Moral._ 860), Strabo XIII. 600.
-
-Footnote 1001:
-
-  Wilisch, _Eumelus_ (Zittau, 1875). The Κορινθιακὰ were known to
-  Theopompus (_b._ 380 B.C., quoted eight lines, Tzetz. _ad Lyc._ 174)
-  and Apollonius Rhodius (_b._ 265 B.C., used them for his
-  _Argonautica_). To judge from slight extant fragments they dealt with
-  the mythical period. But even so they may well, when complete, have
-  contained material for eighth century Corinthian history. They were
-  not known to Pausanias in the original; Paus. II. 1. 1.
-
-Footnote 1002:
-
-  Tzetzes, _ad Lyc._ 174; Schol. Pind. _Ol._ XIII. 74.
-
-Footnote 1003:
-
-  Paus. II. 1. 1. Groddech and Wilisch think the συγγραφὴ a prose précis
-  of the ἔπη.
-
-Footnote 1004:
-
-  ὑποθήκας εἰς ἔπη δισχίλια, Diog. Laert. I. 7. 4; cp. Suid. s.v.
-  Περίανδρος· ὑποθήκας εἰς τὸν ἀνθρώπειον βίον, ἔπη δισχίλια. The maxims
-  quoted by Diogenes as from this work are utterly commonplace, but they
-  might none the less be derived from a poem or collection as valuable
-  as that of Theognis.
-
-Footnote 1005:
-
-  Plut. _Sept. Sap. Conviv._ 21 (_Moral._ 163).
-
-Footnote 1006:
-
-  Porzio, _Cipselidi_, p. 195.
-
-Footnote 1007:
-
-  Diog. Laert. I. 7. 1.
-
-Footnote 1008:
-
-  On the family of Cypselus see above, p. 193. The accounts make it on
-  the father’s side older than that of the ruling Bacchiads.
-
-Footnote 1009:
-
-  Cp. Wilisch, _Goett. Gel. Anz._ 1880, p. 1198, Knapp, _op. cit._ p. 41
-  (who realizes that ancient lists of Corinthian magistrates may have
-  survived till the days of Ephorus and been used by him).
-
-Footnote 1010:
-
-  Polemarch was a common title (Knapp, _op. cit._ p. 39). The duties of
-  the office varied and were by no means always military: see Schubring,
-  _de Cyps._ pp. 62–63, quoting Sparta, Athens, Boeotia, Aetolia (Polyb.
-  IV. 18. 2).
-
-Footnote 1011:
-
-  Aristot. _Pol._ VII. (V.), 1315_b_.
-
-Footnote 1012:
-
-  _de Cypselo_, p. 64.
-
-Footnote 1013:
-
-  Hdt. V. 92.
-
-Footnote 1014:
-
-  _Sept. Sap. Conv._ 21 (_Moral._ 163–4). Periander’s court poet
-  Chersias (above, p. 195) tells of Cypselus “whom those who were sent
-  to destroy him when a new born child refrained from slaying because he
-  smiled on them. And afterwards they repented and sought for him, but
-  did not find him, since he had been put away by his mother in a
-  cypsele.”
-
-Footnote 1015:
-
-  As is done by Porzio, _Cipselidi_, p. 198.
-
-Footnote 1016:
-
-  Sayce, _Encyc. Brit._^{11} s.v. Babylonia and Assyria, p. 103;
-  Maspero, _Hist. Anc._^5 pp. 157–8.
-
-Footnote 1017:
-
-  For other parallels cp. Bauer, _Sitz. Ak. Wiss. Wien_, vol. 100
-  (1882), pp. 553 (German), 557 (Indian).
-
-Footnote 1018:
-
-  The fact that Cypselus smiled before being put in his cypsele while
-  Moses cried when left in his ark hardly proves the identity of the
-  legends, _pace_ Knapp, _op. cit._ 1888, p. 32, n. 1.
-
-Footnote 1019:
-
-  As also in those quoted by Bauer, _Sitz. Ak. Wiss. Wien_, vol. 100,
-  pp. 553, 557.
-
-Footnote 1020:
-
-  Paus. V. 17. 5.
-
-Footnote 1021:
-
-  Note _e.g._ the human-legged centaurs, the winged Artemis, and the
-  misreadings by Pausanias of inscriptions plainly in the archaic
-  Corinthian alphabet (with its σὰν κίβδηλον ἀνθρώποις), Paus. V. 19. 7,
-  19. 5; Stuart Jones, _J.H.S._ XIV. p. 40.
-
-Footnote 1022:
-
-  _Phaedrus_, 236_b_ and schol. _ad loc._
-
-Footnote 1023:
-
-  _Pol._ VII. (V.) 1313_b_.
-
-Footnote 1024:
-
-  _Sept. Sap. Conv._ 21 (_Moral._ 164), “and found him not, since he had
-  been put into a cypsele by his mother. Wherefore Cypselus built his
-  house at Delphi.” The omission here is particularly striking.
-  Plutarch, living in Boeotia, has a reason for referring to offerings
-  at Delphi rather than at Olympia: but the counter-motive for quoting
-  Olympia would surely have been stronger still if Plutarch had believed
-  that the actual cypsele was there.
-
-Footnote 1025:
-
-  VIII. 353, 378. No other dedications by Cypselus are mentioned.
-
-Footnote 1026:
-
-  _Or._ XI. 163 M. (325 R.).
-
-Footnote 1027:
-
-  V. 17. 5.
-
-Footnote 1028:
-
-  So Hitzig, _Pausan._ _loc. cit._ (vol. II. p. 396); Schubring, _de
-  Cyps._ p. 26 f.; Overbeck, _Abh. Saechs. Ges. Wiss._ 1865, p. 611. The
-  equation of cypsele with coffer was accepted without question by many
-  scholars of the last century, _e.g._ Preller, _Arch. Zeit._ 1854, p.
-  297; Klein, _Sitz. Ak. Wiss. Wien_, CVIII. pp. 56, 69 f.; Plass,
-  _Tyrannis_, p. 151; Duncker, _G. d. A._ VI.^5 pp. 39, 40; Curtius,
-  _Gr. G._^6 I. pp. 262–3; Holm, _Gk. Hist._ I. 307 (cp. _ibid._ Pref.
-  p. v. where Holm claims to have endeavoured to bring into clear relief
-  what may be regarded as proved and what as hypothesis).
-
-Footnote 1029:
-
-  See _e.g._ Bluemner’s despairing agnosticism, _Woch. Kl. Phil._ 1885,
-  p. 609.
-
-Footnote 1030:
-
-  Suid. s.v.
-
-Footnote 1031:
-
-  Suid. s.v.; Schol. Aristoph. _Pax_, 631; Hesych. s.v.; Schol. Lucian,
-  _Lexiphanes_, 1.
-
-Footnote 1032:
-
-  Hesych. s.v.
-
-Footnote 1033:
-
-  Aristot. _H.A._ IX. 627_b_ (in form κυψέλιον); Plut. _de Exil._ 6
-  (_Moral._ 601); Suid. s.v.; Hesych. s.v.
-
-Footnote 1034:
-
-  Pollux X. 92.
-
-Footnote 1035:
-
-  Pollux VI. 13.
-
-Footnote 1036:
-
-  Suid. s.v.; Hesych. s.v.; Pollux II. 85.
-
-Footnote 1037:
-
-  Pollux II. 82, so _ibid._ II. 82, 85, κυψελίς; Hesych. s.v. κυψέλαι,
-  κυψελίς; Schol. Aristoph. _Pax_, 631; Lucian, _Lexiphanes_, 1, and
-  Schol. _ibid._; cp. Alex. Aphrod. _Prob._ II. 63; Cassius Iatrosoph.
-  _Prob._ 32.
-
-Footnote 1038:
-
-  Steph. Byz. s.v. For other references see Pape, _Gr. Eigennamen_, s.v.
-  Schubring, _de Cypselo_, p. 14, thinks the Thracian Cypsela founded by
-  Miltiades of the Chersonese and named after his father Cypselus, a
-  relation of the Corinthian.
-
-Footnote 1039:
-
-  _Abh. Bay. Ak._, _Phil. Class._, 1890, pl. I. 7, 8.
-
-Footnote 1040:
-
-  _Abh. Bay. Ak._, _Phil. Class._, 1890, pl. I. 6; Imhoof, _Monn. Gr._
-  pls. C 5, C 6, C 7 and pp. 51, 52. These coins have been found mainly
-  in the Hebrus valley, some of them during the construction of the
-  railway from Adrianople to Aenus.
-
-Footnote 1041:
-
-  Pollux II. 86 says that “physicians invented these names. Aristotle
-  thought the parts of the ear to be nameless except the lobe.”
-
-Footnote 1042:
-
-  Suid. s.v. and Schol. Aristoph. _Pax_, 631 speak of a “six bushel
-  kypsele” (ἑξμέδιμνος κυψέλη).
-
-Footnote 1043:
-
-  For terra cotta corn jars cp. probably Hor. _Ep._ I. vii. 29 f.
-  Earthenware offers the best protection against damp as well as
-  rodents.
-
-Footnote 1044:
-
-  Saglio, _Dict. d. Ant._ s.v. citing also Suid., _Et. Mag._, Plut.
-  _Mor._ 601_c_.
-
-Footnote 1045:
-
-  _Od._ XIII. 105; cp. Porphyr. _de Antro Nymph._ 17.
-
-Footnote 1046:
-
-  Bluemner’s view that the poet meant simply natural holes in the rock
-  may be right, but his inference that the passage is no evidence for
-  artificial hives is absurd, especially in the light of the stone looms
-  (ἱστοὶ λίθεοι) described in the same passage and actually quoted by
-  Bluemner (_ap._ Hermann, _Lehrb. Gr. Antiq._^3 IV. p. 120, n. 1).
-
-Footnote 1047:
-
-  Varro, _de Re Rust._ III. 16. 15, (alui) deterrimae fictiles;
-  Columella IX. 6, deterrima conditio fictilium; Pallad. I. 38,
-  (aluearia) fictilia deterrima sunt.
-
-Footnote 1048:
-
-  Varro, _de Re Rust._ III. 16. 15, ex uiminibus rotundos; Pallad. I.
-  38, salignis uiminibus.
-
-Footnote 1049:
-
-  γαυλοῦ δὲ σμικροῖο, τόθι γλυκὺ νᾶμα μέλισσα | πηγάζει, _Anth. Pal._
-  IX. 404.
-
-Footnote 1050:
-
-  “Ex ferulis quadratas,” Varro, _de Re Rust._ III. 16. 15; “the best
-  are those made of boards,” Florentinus, _Geopon._ XV. 2. 7; cp.
-  _ibid._ 2. 21, “Juba king of the Libyans says bees should be kept in a
-  wooden box (ἐν λάρνακι ξυλίνῃ)”; “figura cerarum talis est qualis et
-  habitus domicilii; namque et quadrata et rotunda spatia nec minus
-  longa suam speciem uelut formae quaedam fauis praebent,” Columella IX.
-  15. 8. For possible earlier evidence for square hives see Aristoph.
-  _Vesp._ 241 with Schol. _ad loc._ In Theocr. VII. 78 f. bees occupy a
-  large rectangular box (λάρναξ) of sweet cedar wood, but they are
-  taking part in a miracle and it would be rash to generalize from their
-  behaviour. See further Pauly Wissowa s.v. Bienenzucht.
-
-Footnote 1051:
-
-  Iron rather than copper is suggested by the heavy hammers in the
-  picture, but cp. below, n. 4.
-
-Footnote 1052:
-
-  Saglio s.v. Fer, p. 1090. Bluemner, _Gewerbe u. Künste_, IV. p. 363,
-  with unnecessary vagueness calls it an Aufsatz. But _ibid._ p. 331 he
-  calls the vase on Saglio, fig. 937 a “gefäss- oder kesselartiger
-  Aufsatz.”
-
-Footnote 1053:
-
-  = _Berl. Cat. Vases_, 2294; the whole vase in colours Gerhard,
-  _Trinkschalen_, Pls. XII., XIII.
-
-Footnote 1054:
-
-  Mau, _ap._ Pauly Wissowa s.v. fornax, calls all three furnaces (_i.e._
-  Saglio, figs. 937, 2964–5) Schmiedeöfen and says they served a double
-  purpose, partly to raise iron to a glowing heat for the smithy, partly
-  to smelt metals more easily molten (_e.g._ copper, bronze). On these
-  vases as melting pots cp. Gerhard, _Trinkschalen_, p. 22
-  (Schmelzkessel); Furtwaengler, _Berl. Cat._ 2294 [“above, a round
-  cauldron with lid (inside it metal?)”]. So Saglio and de Launay _ap._
-  Saglio _Dict. d. Ant._ s.v. Caelatura, p. 790, ferrum, p. 1090, n. 6.
-  For the way metals may have been smelted in these vases cp. Diod. III.
-  14 (from Agatharcides, describing the mining and working of gold in
-  “Furthest Egypt” (περὶ τὰς ἐσχατιὰς τῆς Αἰγύπτου) under the
-  Ptolemies). When the metal has been pounded and washed and the gold
-  dust (ψῆγμα) is left behind “finally other skilled workmen (τεχνῖται)
-  take what has been collected and cast it into earthenware pots (εἰς
-  κεραμεοὺς χύτρους); and mixing in the right proportions lumps of lead
-  and grains of salt and further a little tin and some barley bran, they
-  put that in too, and having made a well fitting lid and carefully
-  sealed it (περιχρίσαντες) with clay, they heat it on a furnace for
-  five days and nights without a break. Then letting it cool they find
-  nothing left in the vases (ἀγγείοις) but the gold.” If the process
-  thus described is open to criticism it should be remembered (Bluemner,
-  _Gewerbe u. Künste_, IV. 132) that Diodorus was not a metallurgist,
-  and that ancient methods were probably far from perfect, even of their
-  kind. Bluemner, _ibid._ IV. p. 363, regards Saglio 2964 (above, fig.
-  27) as a smithy. For κάμινος = smithy cp. _e.g._ Lucian, _Prometh._ 5.
-  But the furnace here is too big and elaborate for a smithy. None of
-  our three vase pictures shows an anvil. What Bluemner _ibid._ calls a
-  small anvil is too small to be an anvil at all; cp. the lump of iron
-  in the same picture and also Bluemner’s own fig. 53, which shows an
-  anvil of a natural size; cp. too the similar projections to Bluemner’s
-  supposed anvil in the corresponding position on the furnaces of our
-  other two vase pictures, both of which projections are obviously not
-  anvils. The picture of an unquestionable smithy, Bluemner, fig. 53,
-  shows a quite different type of furnace, not half a man’s height,
-  called in Bluemner “ein niedriger konisch geformter Schmelzherd.” The
-  heavy hammers in Saglio, _Dict. d. Ant._ fig. 2964, do not prove a
-  smithy; they may have been used for various other purposes, _e.g._
-  breaking up the ore; cp. Diod. V. 13 (Aithalia in Etruria), τοὺς
-  λίθους καίουσιν ἔν τισι φιλοτέχνοις καμίνοις ... (καὶ) ...
-  καταμερίζουσιν εἰς μεγέθη σύμμετρα ... ταῦτα ἔμποροι κομίζουσιν εἰς τὰ
-  ἐμπόρια. Or smelting and forging may have gone on simultaneously in
-  the same works.
-
-Footnote 1055:
-
-  Style of Brygos, Furtwaengler, _Berl. Cat. Vases_, p. 596.
-
-Footnote 1056:
-
-  Winter, _Jahrb._ XII. pp. 160 f. and fig. 1.
-
-Footnote 1057:
-
-  Conze, _Jahrb._ V. pp. 118 f.
-
-Footnote 1058:
-
-  For well preserved examples see those figured by Conze, _Jahrb._ V.
-  pp. 134, 137.
-
-Footnote 1059:
-
-  Dumont had already inferred that these stoves were regularly intended
-  “à soutenir les plats ou les autres ustensiles qu’on plaçait sur ces
-  sortes de réchauds.” See _Jahrb._ V. p. 135, and Conze, _ibid._
-  Neither writer suggests cypselae.
-
-Footnote 1060:
-
-  _Rev. Arch._ 1869, II. Pl. XVII.
-
-Footnote 1061:
-
-  _Ibid._ II. p. 423.
-
-Footnote 1062:
-
-  Third to second century B.C., Conze, _Jahrb._ V. pp. 138–9.
-
-Footnote 1063:
-
-  _Rev. Arch._ 1869, II. p. 432.
-
-Footnote 1064:
-
-  Above, figs. 27, 28, 29.
-
-Footnote 1065:
-
-  Similar cypselae are perhaps depicted on the Corinthian terra cotta
-  tablets from Penteskuphia, _Berl. Cat. Vas._ nos. 616, 631, 802; but
-  see Furtwaengler, _ad loc._
-
-Footnote 1066:
-
-  Cp. Plut. _Sept. Sap. Conv._ 21 (_Moral._ 164). Cypselus erected the
-  house in Delphi believing that it was a god who on that occasion
-  prevented his crying.
-
-Footnote 1067:
-
-  Pauly Wissowa s.v.
-
-Footnote 1068:
-
-  _Thesm._ 505 f. The Scholiast explains that the pot was used “because
-  they used to expose children in pots.”
-
-Footnote 1069:
-
-  Aristoph. _Clouds_, 1065.
-
-Footnote 1070:
-
-  See below, pp. 217, 244–5.
-
-Footnote 1071:
-
-  Cypselus may have been chosen rather than a more general name or a
-  name derived from some other shape, owing to the huge size of the
-  cypsele. Modern potters have a great respect for a man who can throw a
-  particularly large vase. So, too, had the ancients, as is shown by the
-  proverb ἐν τῷ πίθῳ τὴν κεραμείαν ἐπιχειρεῖν μανθάνειν, Plato, _Gorg._
-  514_e_. What is probably the earliest allusion to actual Corinthian
-  vases in all Greek literature speaks of a parasite hurrying to dinner
-  and not stopping to admire his host’s κάδοι. “οὐδὲ δοκιμάζω τοὺς
-  Κορινθίους κάδους,” Diphilus _ap._ Athen. VI. 236_b_. The κάδος was a
-  vessel of large size and might be of pottery; cp. Athen. XI. 472_e_,
-  473_b_ and especially Κλείταρχος ἐν ταῖς Γλώσσαις τὸ κεράμιόν φησιν
-  Ἴωνας κάδον καλεῖν. For the archaic period the large number of
-  furnaces depicted on the Penteskuphia tablets suggests that the
-  furnace cypsele may have been an article of much importance, assuming
-  that all the furnaces were provided with cypselae for use as occasion
-  required. Their comparatively rare appearance in the pictures is
-  sufficiently explained on artistic grounds if the flames blazed up
-  better when they were removed.
-
-Footnote 1072:
-
-  _C.I.G_. III. pp. 709–10, where the word, _e.g._ τρίπους, precedes the
-  name.
-
-Footnote 1073:
-
-  Head, _Hist. Num._^2 p. 666.
-
-Footnote 1074:
-
-  Diod. XIX. 2; Justin XXII. 1; Plut. _Reg. et Imp. Apophth._ s.v.
-  (_Moral._ 176); Athen. XI. 466_a_; Amm. Marc. XIV. fin.
-
-Footnote 1075:
-
-  XII. 15, XV. 35.
-
-Footnote 1076:
-
-  Bauer, _Sitz. Ak. Wiss. Wien_, vol. 100, pp. 564–5; cp. Tillyard,
-  _Agathocles_, p. 13, n. 2.
-
-Footnote 1077:
-
-  _Ibid._, so Schubert, _Agathokles_, p. 29 (quoting Ferrari,
-  _Agathokles_, p. 10 (1872)), Tillyard, _Agathocles_, p. 26.
-
-Footnote 1078:
-
-  The bees that are said to have settled on the hips of a stone statue
-  of him set up by his mother when he was well over seven years old are,
-  _pace_ Schubert, _Agathokles_, p. 30, hardly a substitute.
-
-Footnote 1079:
-
-  Cp. _e.g._ Hdt. V. 92. 10, πολλῶν δ’ ὑπὸ γούνατα λύσει (oracle about
-  Cypselus) and _ibid._ 92. 16, ἔδει ἐκ τοῦ Ἠετίωνος γόνου Κορίνθῳ κακὰ
-  ἀναβλαστεῖν with Diod. XIX. 2, ἐξέπεσε χρησμὸς ὅτι μεγάλων ἀτυχημάτων
-  ὁ γεννηθεὶς αἴτιος ἔσται Καρχηδονίοις καὶ πάσῃ Σικελίᾳ. In this point
-  the Romulus story is still more remote from the Agathocles than is
-  that of Cyrus.
-
-Footnote 1080:
-
-  Head, _Hist. Num._^2 p. 179.
-
-Footnote 1081:
-
-  Cp. Hdt. V. 92. 21: “when Cypselus became tyrant this is the sort of
-  man he proved: many of the Corinthians he banished, etc.” Agathocles
-  and Cypselus both reigned about the same length of time, a fact that
-  would attract Timaeus, who was excessively interested in such
-  coincidences or parallels of time (Tillyard, p. 14). [Cypselus reigned
-  657–627; Agathocles’ reign is usually dated 317–289; but cp. _Ath.
-  Mitt._ XXII. p. 188 (new fragment of Marmor Parium), 319/8, Ἀγαθοκλῆν
-  Συρακόσιοι εἵλοντο αὐτοκράτορα στρατηγόν, which may indicate what
-  Agathocles himself regarded as the date of his accession.]
-
-Footnote 1082:
-
-  But cp. Schubert, _Agath._ p. 31, “wie man darauf kam, den Karkinos
-  (father of Agathocles) gerade zum Töpfer zu machen, lässt sich
-  natürlich nicht mehr erkennen.” Schubert, _ibid._ pp. 26 f., discovers
-  two sources for the story of the tyrant’s early days, and ascribes the
-  pottery making to one (Timaeus), and to the other the rescue of the
-  infant from attempted murder. His division appears to be very
-  arbitrary.
-
-Footnote 1083:
-
-  Polyb. XV. 35.
-
-Footnote 1084:
-
-  Diod. XIX. 3; cp. Tillyard, _Agath._ p. 28; Schubert, _Agath._ p. 31.
-
-Footnote 1085:
-
-  _Gr. G._ III. i. 186, n. 3.
-
-Footnote 1086:
-
-  Diod. XIX. 3; Justin XXII. 1.
-
-Footnote 1087:
-
-  _Hist. Animal._ IX. 618_a_.
-
-Footnote 1088:
-
-  So Aubert and Wimmer ad _Hist. Animal._ IX. 108.
-
-Footnote 1089:
-
-  Mr W. Warde Fowler has suggested to me that the cypselus is the Rufous
-  or Eastern Swallow, which builds a more elaborate nest than the House
-  Martin and has not the white rump that so distinguishes the House
-  Martin but is absent from Aristotle’s description of the cypselus.
-
-Footnote 1090:
-
-  Πάγασαι, Κορυθεῖς, _de Cypselo_, pp. 29 f.
-
-Footnote 1091:
-
-  Paus. IV. 3. 6; VIII. 5. 6, 29. 5; cp. Polyaen. I. 7 (Cypselus’
-  stratagem against the Heraclids); Nic. Dam. _ap. F.H.G._ III. p. 377;
-  Athen. XIII. 609_e_.
-
-Footnote 1092:
-
-  As a traveller according to Pliny, _N.H._ X. 55 (39), it excelled even
-  the other birds of the swallow tribe.
-
-Footnote 1093:
-
-  Steph. Byz. s.v., an outpost fortified by the Mantineans, Thuc. V. 33.
-
-Footnote 1094:
-
-  Paus. VIII. 5. 4 f.; Diog. Laert. I. 7. 1.
-
-Footnote 1095:
-
-  Niese, _Hermes_, XXVI. p. 30, thinks the Arcadian pedigree of Melissa
-  a late invention, but his argument from the silence of Herodotus is of
-  very little weight.
-
-Footnote 1096:
-
-  See above, Chapter IV.
-
-Footnote 1097:
-
-  _E.g._ by Bury, _Hist. Greece_^2, p. 152.
-
-Footnote 1098:
-
-  _E.g._ the priest Psammetichus, Breasted, _Records_, IV. 1026–9
-  (_circ._ 610–544 B.C.). For a list of its bearers see Wiedemann, _Aeg.
-  Ges._ p. 623.
-
-Footnote 1099:
-
-  See above, p. 123: written probably between 594 and 589 B.C.
-
-Footnote 1100:
-
-  In Naukratis, which became under Psammetichus of Egypt the chief Greek
-  trading-centre in the country, Corinthian potsherds take the second
-  place among the vase finds of the earlier period of the Greek
-  settlement, Milesian coming first (Prinz, _Funde aus Nauk._ p. 75),
-  though note that Corinth was not among the Greek cities that had an
-  establishment at Naukratis, the Aeginetans being the only European
-  Greeks to possess one. On Egypt and Miletus see above, Chapter IV. To
-  the evidence usually quoted for Egyptian influence on Periander we
-  should perhaps add a story told by Diog. Laert. I. 7. 3. When
-  Periander was an old man he is said to have provided for his own death
-  and burial in the following way. He directed two men to kill and bury
-  a man they would meet on a certain night at a certain lonely spot. He
-  arranged with four others that they should kill these two on their way
-  back. The four in their turn were to be disposed of in like manner by
-  a larger band. At the appointed hour Periander himself went to the
-  spot to which the two had been directed and was there killed and
-  buried by them. The essence of this story is that Periander took
-  extraordinary precautions to prevent anyone knowing the place of his
-  burial. Such precautions at once recall Egypt. Can the story have
-  originated as a skit on Periander’s Egyptianizing tendencies?
-
-Footnote 1101:
-
-  Above, p. 125.
-
-Footnote 1102:
-
-  _Pol._ VII. (V.), 1315_b_.
-
-Footnote 1103:
-
-  _F.H.G._ III. p. 394.
-
-Footnote 1104:
-
-  In Aristotle Gorgos is Susemihl’s emendation for Gordios. In
-  Plutarch’s _Sept. Sap. Conv._ 17 (_Moral._ 160) Gorgos (Didot,
-  Gorgias) brother of Periander takes part, and the name occurs too
-  often to be a mistake for some quite different name. Nic. Dam.
-  _F.H.G._ III. p. 393 mentions a Gorgos son of Periander who broke his
-  neck when chariot racing. There can be little doubt that in all these
-  passages the same name should be read, and that that name should be
-  Gorgos, which appears on Ambracian coins as that of a local hero. See
-  _Mon. Ined. Inst._ I. pl. XIV. nos. 1, 2. The name Gordios was much
-  used in the Phrygian royal family. But as in Aristot. _Pol._ 1315_b_
-  it is probably only an intrusion for the less familiar Gorgos it is no
-  evidence for connexion between the Cypselids and the house of Midas.
-
-Footnote 1105:
-
-  _Gr. G._^2 I. p. 657, n. 4.
-
-Footnote 1106:
-
-  _Ibid._ So Knapp, _op. cit._ pp. 123–4.
-
-Footnote 1107:
-
-  Geo. Smith, _Assurbanipal_, p. 28. The identification is not certain,
-  but we find Neboshazban where we should look for Psammetichus: the
-  Assyrian practice is illustrated, in a repetition of this very
-  sentence in question, by the double name of Neboshazban’s fief: “and
-  Neboshazban his (_i.e._ Necho’s) son in Athribis, which
-  Limir-patesi-Assur is its name, to the kingdom I appointed” (_ibid._
-  pp. 46–47).
-
-Footnote 1108:
-
-  _E.g._ Plato, _Tim._ 21_e_, Neith = Athena.
-
-Footnote 1109:
-
-  _E.g._ Chem Peh’-resu (?) = Perseus, Wiedemann, _Hdt._ II. pp. 368–9.
-
-Footnote 1110:
-
-  Phacussa atque Mylonpolis sunt Graeca nomina ex Aegyptiacis translata,
-  Gutschmid, _Philol._ X. p. 528.
-
-Footnote 1111:
-
-  There is of course the alternative possibility (assumed by Duncker,
-  _G. d. A._ VI.^5 p. 72, n. 1), that one of the names is merely a
-  mistake. The Lycophron son of Periander of Herodotus is plainly the
-  Nikolaos of Nic. Dam. _F.H.G._ III. p. 393.
-
-Footnote 1112:
-
-  See below, p. 256.
-
-Footnote 1113:
-
-  Polyb. VI. fr. ii.; Strabo V. 219–20, VIII. 378; Dion. Hal. III. 46;
-  Diod. VIII. 31; Cic. _de Rep._ II. 19–20 (34–36); Schol. Bob. ad Cic.
-  _pro Sulla_, 22; Livy I. 34, IV. 3; Florus, _Epitome Liui_, I. 5. 1;
-  Pliny, _N.H._ XXXV. 5, 43; cp. XXXIII. 4; Aurel. Vict. _de Vir. Ill._
-  6; cp. _C.I.L._ I. i. p. 43 and _Roem. Mitt._ XIX. p. 117 (acta
-  triumphorum Capitolina), L.TARQUINIUS.DEMARATI.F.PRISCUS; _C.I.L._
-  XIII. 1668 (Claudius at Lyons); Zonaras VII. 8.
-
-Footnote 1114:
-
-  Dion. Hal. III. 47; cp. Livy I. 34, Lucumoni contra ... cum divitiae
-  iam animos facerent.
-
-Footnote 1115:
-
-  Livy I. 34.
-
-Footnote 1116:
-
-  Dion. Hal. III. 48.
-
-Footnote 1117:
-
-  _de Vir. Ill._ 6.
-
-Footnote 1118:
-
-  Diod. VIII. fr. 31.
-
-Footnote 1119:
-
-  Polyb. VI. fr. ii. 10. Polybius insists on this point: πιστεύων ἁυτῷ
-  τε καὶ τοῖς χρήμασι ... διὰ τὴν χορηγίαν ... μεγάλης ἀποδοχῆς
-  ἔτυχε ... τῇ τοῦ βίου χορηγίᾳ μεγαλοψύχως εἰς τὸ δέον ἑκάστοτε καὶ σὺν
-  καιρῷ χρώμενος.
-
-Footnote 1120:
-
-  Cp. Diod. VIII. fr. 31, “he was introduced to the king, Ancus Martius,
-  and became his greatest friend, and helped him much in the
-  administration of the kingdom”; Dion. Hal. III. 48, “he very soon
-  became friends with the king” ... “being held in high honour by the
-  king”; also the passage from the same chapter quoted above; Livy I.
-  34, Tarquinius gets himself made guardian of Ancus’ young sons; Aur.
-  Vict. _de Vir. Ill._ 6, “he even secured the friendship of King
-  Ancus.”
-
-Footnote 1121:
-
-  Cp. Diod. VIII. fr. 31, “making himself agreeable to everyone (πᾶσι
-  προσφιλῶς ὁμιλῶν)”; Dion. Hal. III. 48, “by courteous greetings and
-  ingratiating discourses” (cp. VI. 60, “every tyrant develops out of a
-  mob flatterer”); Livy I. 34, “benigno alloquio, comitate inuitandi,”
-  I. 35, “he is said to have been the first to canvass for the throne
-  and to have made a speech designed to win over the plebeians.”
-
-Footnote 1122:
-
-  Or perhaps rather increasing; cp. Strabo VIII. 378, “Demaratus ...
-  brought such great wealth from home to Etruria that he became ruler of
-  the city that received him, and his son was actually made king of
-  Rome.”
-
-Footnote 1123:
-
-  Strabo V. 220.
-
-Footnote 1124:
-
-  Pliny, _N.H._ XXXV. 43 (12); so (multo uero elegantius) Val. Max. III.
-  4. 2.
-
-Footnote 1125:
-
-  Livy I. 34. 2, “bonorum omnium heres,” so also 34. 4.
-
-Footnote 1126:
-
-  Dion. Hal. III. 47, κληρονόμον ἁπάσης τῆς οὐσίας.
-
-Footnote 1127:
-
-  Dion. Hal. III. 47.
-
-Footnote 1128:
-
-  Livy I. 38, “ut non quietior populus domi esset quam militiae
-  fuisset.”
-
-Footnote 1129:
-
-  Livy I. 35.
-
-Footnote 1130:
-
-  Dion. Hal. III. 67. On the forum shops see also Livy XXVI. 27; Varro,
-  _L.L._ VI. 59.
-
-Footnote 1131:
-
-  Livy I. 39; Dion. Hal. IV. 1 (but cp. IV. 2; Pliny, _N.H._ XXXVI. 70
-  (204)).
-
-Footnote 1132:
-
-  _Ap._ Charisii, _Art. Gramm._ I. p. 105, ed. Keil.
-
-Footnote 1133:
-
-  _N.H._ XVIII. 3, XXXIII. 13.
-
-Footnote 1134:
-
-  Variae, VII. 32.
-
-Footnote 1135:
-
-  See Samwer, _ält. roem. Münzwesen_, p. 43; T. Frank, _Class. Phil._
-  XIV. (1919), pp. 314 f.
-
-Footnote 1136:
-
-  For copious illustrations see Haeberlin’s sumptuous _Aes Grave_.
-
-Footnote 1137:
-
-  See _e.g._ Pasqui, _Notiz._ 1897, pp. 265_p_, 267_a_ (Praeneste).
-
-Footnote 1138:
-
-  _Aes rude_ is recorded among the finds of the earlier stips at Conca
-  (Satricum in South Latium) which appears to belong exclusively to the
-  seventh and sixth centuries B.C., _Notiz._ 1896, pp. 29–31, 101.
-
-Footnote 1139:
-
-  _Roem. Kupferpräg._ pp. 21–22.
-
-Footnote 1140:
-
-  _Aes Grave_, p. 5.
-
-Footnote 1141:
-
-  _N.H._ XXXIII. 13.
-
-Footnote 1142:
-
-  XXXIII. 13, so XVIII. 3, ouium boumque effigie.
-
-Footnote 1143:
-
-  _E.g._ _Brit. Mus. Rep. Coins_, I. p. 3.
-
-Footnote 1144:
-
-  As is done by Babelon, _Origines_, pp. 186 f., who quotes as a
-  possible example of regal “aes signatum,” Garrucci, pl. XVII. figs.
-  1_a_, 1_b_; but cp. _ibid._ p. 195, where he much antedates the
-  earliest silver coins of Rome.
-
-Footnote 1145:
-
-  Mueller-Deecke, _Etrusker_, I. p. 382.
-
-Footnote 1146:
-
-  Justin XLIII. 3. The traditional date is 600 B.C. Cp. the statements
-  as to Servius’ intercourse with Ephesus, Livy I. 45: Dion. Hal. IV.
-  25–26 (quoting an ancient inscription); Aur. Vict. _de Vir. Ill._ 7.
-  The Phocaeans expelled from Corsica about 537 B.C. ultimately settled
-  at Velia near Paestum, a fact that has led Pinza, _Bull. Comm._ 1898,
-  p. 269, to see a Phocaean quarter in the Velia at Rome: he compares
-  the Vicus Tuscus, but even so the evidence hardly justifies the
-  inference.
-
-Footnote 1147:
-
-  _de Vir. Ill._ 7.
-
-Footnote 1148:
-
-  Cruchon, _Banques dans l’Antiq._ pp. 13, 14, 16, so regards him, and
-  compares the laws of Manu (fourteenth century B.C.).
-
-Footnote 1149:
-
-  Cic. _de Rep._ II. 60 (35); Gellius XI. 1, 2; Festus s.v. peculatus.
-
-Footnote 1150:
-
-  _Compan. Lat. Stud._ sect. 685.
-
-Footnote 1151:
-
-  On the whole question of the origin of Roman coinage see most recently
-  Haeberlin’s _Aes Grave_, especially pp. 1–6, and Grueber, _Brit. Mus.
-  Coins Rom. Rep._ vol. I., especially p. 1, n. 1, p. 3, n. 1. The
-  introduction of money of bronze and iron was attributed by Suetonius
-  to Numa, Suid. s.v. Ἀσσάρια: “Assaria: obols. Numa the first king of
-  Rome appointed after Romulus was the first to present the Romans with
-  (money) of iron and bronze, all his predecessors having paid with
-  (money of) leather and earthenware: these from his own name he named
-  nummia, as stated by Tragkylios” (_i.e._ Suetonius Tranquillus).
-  Conflicting versions where both are doubtful tend to discredit one
-  another. But the whole notice about Numa hardly affects those about
-  Servius. The temptation to equate Numa with nummus must have been
-  great. Yet nobody before Suetonius appears to have succumbed to it,
-  and the claim he makes for Numa is concerned only with a very
-  primitive stage in the history of the currency.
-
-Footnote 1152:
-
-  Livy I. 42.
-
-Footnote 1153:
-
-  Florus I. 6. 3.
-
-Footnote 1154:
-
-  Plut. _Num._ 17 (from Varro (?), see Pauly Wissowa s.v. collegium, p.
-  391); cp. Pliny, _N.H._ XXXIV. 1, XXXV. 46.
-
-Footnote 1155:
-
-  Mommsen, _Roem. Staatsr._ III. 287, who connects the Servian
-  organization of the collegia with the Servian centuries of artizans.
-
-Footnote 1156:
-
-  For other views see Kornemann _ap._ Pauly Wissowa s.v. collegium; cp.
-  also Mommsen, _de Colleg._ 31.
-
-Footnote 1157:
-
-  Mommsen, _Hist. Rome_^2, I. p. 249; Humbert _ap._ Saglio, _Dict. d.
-  Antiq._ s.v. collegium, p. 1292.
-
-Footnote 1158:
-
-  _E.g._ Dion. Hal. IV. 4, “seducing the poor citizens by benevolences
-  and gifts.” So, _ibid._ 3, 9, 10, 40, and Livy I. 47; Cic. _de Rep._
-  II. 21 (38), “Servius began to reign ... because, when Tarquin was
-  falsely said to be seriously wounded but alive, he assumed the royal
-  insignia, and gave judgments and freed debtors at his own expense.”
-
-Footnote 1159:
-
-  Dion. Hal. _IV._ 13, “immediately upon securing the throne he
-  (Servius) distributed the public land to the poorer class of Romans
-  (τοῖς θητεύουσι Ῥωμαίων)”: Livy I. 46, “Servius, ... having first
-  conciliated the goodwill of the plebeians by dividing among them
-  individually land taken from the enemy, dared to put to the people the
-  question whether they wished and bade him to be king”; cp. Varro _ap._
-  Non. p. 43, “uiritim: et extra urbem in regiones XXVI. agros uiritim
-  liberis attribuit”; Aur. Vict. _de Vir. Ill._ VII. 7, “he distributed
-  corn to the plebs.”
-
-Footnote 1160:
-
-  _C.I.L._ XIII. 1668.
-
-Footnote 1161:
-
-  Gardthausen, _Mastarna_, p. 27. Professor R. S. Conway tells me that
-  tarna = Tarcna strikes him as _a priori_ possible.
-
-Footnote 1162:
-
-  Dion. Hal. IV. 30.
-
-Footnote 1163:
-
-  Livy I. 56. On the building of this temple see also Livy I. 38; Cic.
-  _de Repub._ II. 36 (20); Dion. Hal. III. 69; IV. 59; Tac. _Hist._ III.
-  72; Plut. _Popl._ 13; Florus I. 1. 7; Aur. Vict. _de Vir. Ill._ 8;
-  Zonaras VII. 11.
-
-Footnote 1164:
-
-  Livy I. 59.
-
-Footnote 1165:
-
-  Dion. Hal. IV. 44.
-
-Footnote 1166:
-
-  Reading doubtful.
-
-Footnote 1167:
-
-  Dion. Hal. IV. 59.
-
-Footnote 1168:
-
-  Dion. Hal. IV. 81.
-
-Footnote 1169:
-
-  For other public works ascribed to the Tarquin dynasty see Livy I. 45;
-  Dion. Hal. IV. 26 (Servius, temple of Diana on the Aventine).
-
-  Livy I. 44 (agger, fosse, and wall of Servius; cp. Strabo V. 234);
-  Livy I. 36–8 (well begun by Priscus); Dion. Hal. III. 67; Aur. Vict.
-  _de Vir. Ill._ 6 (wall of Tarquinius Priscus); Eutrop. I. 6 (walls and
-  cloacae of Tarquinius Priscus).
-
-  Pliny, _N.H._ III. 9 (agger of Tarquinius Superbus on the East side of
-  the city).
-
-  It was in the reputed period of the Tarquins that the people of Latium
-  seem to have first learned to make walls of squared stones, Pinza,
-  _Bull. Comm._ 1897, pp. 228 f.
-
-  Serv. ad _Aen._ XII. 603 f. (Cass. Hem., second century B.C.),
-  (Superbus, cloaca), Pliny, _N.H._ XXXVI. 24 (Priscus, cloaca), the
-  Chronographer of 354 A.D., Joh. Laur. Lyd. (sixth century), _de Mens._
-  IV. 24, Joh. Antioch. (seventh century), _F.H.G._ IV. p. 553, Isidore
-  of Seville (seventh century), _Etym._ V. 27. 23, Suid. (tenth
-  century), s.v. Σούπερβος, all say that Tarquinius Superbus introduced
-  into Rome penal labour (see below, p. 226) in mines and quarries.
-  There appear to have been quarries on the slopes of the Capitol which
-  may have been worked in the regal period. Pais argues that they could
-  not have been worked before the fifth century because they were called
-  lautumiae, a name borrowed from Siceliot Greek: his view is based on
-  the groundless assumptions (i) that a Siceliot word could not reach
-  Rome before the fifth century, and (ii) that the quarries cannot be
-  older than their name. In point of fact the quarries have been
-  inferred from the name being frequently applied by Livy in his third
-  decade to a prison known also as the Tullianum, Varro, _L.L._ V. 151,
-  or Mamertine prison, or more recently as the church of San Pietro in
-  Carcere. The prison is one of the most ancient structures in Rome, and
-  has been compared with the beehive tombs of Greece.
-
-  The whole Capitol and Palatine are completely catacombed to a great
-  depth by shafts and passages of most uncertain dates, discussed by
-  Boni, _J.R.S._ III. pp. 247–250, and called by him favissae. Can
-  Boni’s favissae, or any part of them, be the lautumiae of the
-  Tarquins? See Dion. Hal. IV. 44.
-
-Footnote 1170:
-
-  Livy I. 57.
-
-Footnote 1171:
-
-  Cicero probably regarded the wealth of Superbus as military spoil; cp.
-  _de Rep._ II. 46 (25), “deinde uictoriis diuitiisque subnixus
-  exsultabat insolenter,” but on a point like this his words are of
-  little weight. Equally valueless as evidence for the state of things
-  in regal Rome are his contemptuous references to artizans, _de Off._
-  I. 150 (42), “opifices omnes in sordida arte uersantur: neque enim
-  quidquam ingenuum habere potest officina.”
-
-Footnote 1172:
-
-  Dion. Hal. IV. 71, οὔτε δωρεαῖς ἔτι κατεχόμενοι ὡς πρότερον.
-
-Footnote 1173:
-
-  Cic. _Phil._ III. 10 (4).
-
-Footnote 1174:
-
-  Pliny, _N.H._ XXXVI. 24; Dio Cass. II. fr. xi. 6; the Chronographer of
-  354 A.D.; Joh. Laur. Lyd. _de Mens._ IV. 24; Joh. Ant. _F.H.G._ IV. p.
-  553; Isid. _Etym._ V. 27. 23; Suid. s.v. Σούπερβος.
-
-Footnote 1175:
-
-  Florus I. 7.
-
-Footnote 1176:
-
-  Cic. _pro Rab._ 13 (4) is, however, no evidence for Superbus
-  personally, but only for the severity of ancient law.
-
-Footnote 1177:
-
-  Bloch, _Répub. Rom._ p. 57.
-
-Footnote 1178:
-
-  Livy II. 2.
-
-Footnote 1179:
-
-  Dion. Hal. V. 5. Note, _ibid._ V. 12, C.’s banishment was ultimately
-  arranged on a financial understanding. He took with him 25 talents
-  into exile.
-
-Footnote 1180:
-
-  Dion. Hal. V. 64.
-
-Footnote 1181:
-
-  Dion. Hal. VI. 74.
-
-Footnote 1182:
-
-  Livy II. 5; so Dion. Hal. V. 13.
-
-Footnote 1183:
-
-  Livy II. 9.
-
-Footnote 1184:
-
-  Dion. Hal. V. 22.
-
-Footnote 1185:
-
-  Diod. XI. 37; Livy II. 41; Dion. Hal. VIII. 69, 77; Cic. _de Rep._ II.
-  35 (60), 27 (49), _de Amicit._ 8 (28), 11 (36), Phil. II. 44 (114);
-  Pliny, _N.H._ XXXIV. 9 (4), 14; Val. Max. V. 8. 2 (the above all
-  quoted Mommsen, _Roem. Forsch._ II. p. 173, n. 37); Florus I. 17. 26.
-  The Greek writers say he aimed at a tyranny.
-
-Footnote 1186:
-
-  So specifically Livy, Dion. Hal., Val. Max., Florus, in the passages
-  cited above; cp. Pliny, _N.H._ XXXIV. 14, “eam (statuam) quam apud
-  aedem Telluris statuisset sibi Sp. Cassius qui regnum affectauerat.”
-
-Footnote 1187:
-
-  Livy. Note the bronze statue of Ceres erected from the proceeds of his
-  property after his fall. See next note.
-
-Footnote 1188:
-
-  Cp. Dion. Hal. VIII. 78. At his death his peculium (personal fortune)
-  was confiscated and dedicated to Ceres, Val. Max. V. 8. 2, but there
-  is no hint that it was very large. It appears to have only sufficed to
-  make a single bronze statue, Livy II. 41, Pliny, _N.H._ XXXIV. 9 (4).
-  Dionysius speaks of the great wealth of Cassius’ opponents.
-
-Footnote 1189:
-
-  _E.g._ Livy II. 16, Publicola (perhaps, however, merely a wrong
-  inference from the statement that the government paid for his funeral
-  (so also Dion. Hal. V. 38); but cp. the way that in fifth century
-  Athens enormously rich men like Nikias avoided anything that might
-  draw attention to their wealth).
-
-Footnote 1190:
-
-  Livy IV. 13–16; so Dion. Hal. XII. 1. 1, “most potent in wealth,
-  having recently inherited his father’s estate” (whence Mommsen, _Roem.
-  Forsch._ II. p. 211, describes him as “according to Dionysius a rich
-  merchant’s son”); Florus, _Epit._ I. 17. 26, “Spurium largitione
-  suspectum regiae dominationis praesenti morte (populus) multauit.”
-  Maelius is repeatedly said to have aimed at the kingship, so Cic. _de
-  Rep._ II. 27 (50), _de Senect._ 16 (56), _de Amic._ 11 (36), _Phil._
-  II. 11, 34, 44 (26 and 27, 87, 114) (cp. also _in Cat._ I. 1. 3);
-  Varro, _L.L._ V. 157; Val. Max. VI. 3. 1 (Rom.); Diod. XII. 37
-  (ἐπιθέμενος τυραννίδι); Dion. Hal. XII. 1 (ἐπιθέσει τυραννίδος); Plut.
-  _Brut._ I.
-
-Footnote 1191:
-
-  Livy IV. 13; cp. Dion. Hal. XII. 1. 2, “having many associates and
-  employees (ἑταίρους καὶ πελάτας) he sent them in various directions
-  supplied with money from his own pocket to collect food.”
-
-Footnote 1192:
-
-  See especially Mommsen, _Roem. Forsch._ II. p. 189, who follows Dion.
-  Hal. and believes the seditio Manliana to have been an armed revolt.
-  Note, however, that Livy says that at Manlius’ trial he brought to
-  court 400 individuals whom, at his own expense, he had saved from
-  financial ruin (VI. 20; cp. VI. 14: so also Aur. Vict. _de Vir. Ill._
-  24), and that the site of his house became the mint (Livy VI. 20).
-  Aurelius Victor, _loc. cit._, states further that he was accused by
-  the senate of having secreted Gallic treasures.
-
-Footnote 1193:
-
-  It does not for the moment matter whether the misrepresentation goes
-  back to Brutus or only to Livy or somewhere in between.
-
-Footnote 1194:
-
-  Mommsen, _Rom. Hist._^2 (English translation), I. p. 328.
-
-Footnote 1195:
-
-  Cp. Salvioli (French translation), _Capitalisme dans le Monde
-  Antique_, p. 77.
-
-Footnote 1196:
-
-  Livy IV. 59–60; cp. Dion. Hal. IV. 19.
-
-Footnote 1197:
-
-  Salvioli, _Capitalisme_, p. 227.
-
-Footnote 1198:
-
-  Mommsen, _Hist. Rome_ (English translation^2), I. p. 495 f.
-
-Footnote 1199:
-
-  Dion. Hal. V. 40.
-
-Footnote 1200:
-
-  _Ibid._ p. 498.
-
-Footnote 1201:
-
-  Hdt. V. 66.
-
-Footnote 1202:
-
-  _Ibid._ pp. 500–1.
-
-Footnote 1203:
-
-  Diod. XX. 36; cp. Livy, IX. 29, uiam muniuit et aquam in urbem duxit
-  _eaque unus perfecit_.
-
-Footnote 1204:
-
-  Hill, _Historical Roman Coins_, p. 18; see also _ibid._ pp. 10–18,
-  based on Haeberlin’s _Systematik_.
-
-Footnote 1205:
-
-  Val. Max. VIII. 13. 5 (Rom.).
-
-Footnote 1206:
-
-  Mommsen, _Hist. Rome_ (English translation^2), I. p. 504.
-
-Footnote 1207:
-
-  Suet. _Tiberius_, 2.
-
-Footnote 1208:
-
-  Mommsen, _op. cit._ II. p. 94.
-
-Footnote 1209:
-
-  _E.g._ Bloch, _Répub. Rom._ p. 58. One of the earliest recorded
-  strikes in England is that of the Wisbech shoemakers who in 1538 left
-  the town and established themselves on a neighbouring hill from which
-  they summoned their masters to come out and meet them and hear their
-  demands for higher wages. Webb, _Hist. of Trade Unionism_, p. 3.
-
-Footnote 1210:
-
-  Livy IV. 9.
-
-Footnote 1211:
-
-  Below, p. 235.
-
-Footnote 1212:
-
-  The reported attempts at servile insurrections in fifth century Rome
-  (Livy III. 15–16; Dion. Hal. V. 51) seem never to have had plebeian
-  support, and are perhaps to be partly explained as a result of a more
-  complete severance between the free and servile population. The
-  alleged participation of ambitious slaves “seduced by hopes of
-  freedom” (Dion. Hal. V. 53) in a conspiracy to restore Tarquinius
-  Superbus is not the same thing.
-
-Footnote 1213:
-
-  Livy V. 1.
-
-Footnote 1214:
-
-  _Ibid._ This sudden withdrawal of the supply of labour by the
-  subsequent king of Veii should be noted in connexion with the
-  discussion (above, p. 233) of the significance of the Roman
-  “secessions.”
-
-Footnote 1215:
-
-  The story of his interference in the national games might perhaps be
-  regarded with suspicion. It recalls Pheidon. But the essence of the
-  story, the sudden withdrawal of the supply of labour, is not in the
-  Pheidon story. It rather recalls what happened at Columbus, Ohio, in
-  midwinter, 1891, when the gas kings suddenly cut off the gas. Hy. D.
-  Lloyd, _Wealth against Commonwealth_, p. 365.
-
-Footnote 1216:
-
-  Pais’ most recent works are his _Storia Critica_ and _Ricerche_; but
-  for English readers I have thought it better to refer mainly to his
-  earlier but equally characteristic _Ancient Legends of Roman History_
-  (1906).
-
-Footnote 1217:
-
-  The method is of course much older than Pais; cp. G. C. Lewis,
-  _Credib. Early Rom. Hist._ I. p. 228, “we have no difficulty in
-  explaining the fictitious character of the events of that early period
-  provided we consider them fictitious.” For an early instance see
-  Bachofen, _Tanaquil_ (1870), where the Etruscan Tarquin-Tanaquil are
-  equated with the Lydian Heracles (ancestor of Demaratus)-Omphale; cp.
-  Damonno, the wife of Gyges, etc. (above, p. 135). Bachofen’s
-  comparison may be not altogether groundless, but it is sufficiently
-  explained by assuming, as these stories perhaps imply, that the
-  political status of women among the Lydo-Etruscans was not quite so
-  backward as it has hitherto been in Europe generally. The traces of
-  impropriety which Bachofen detected in these ladies’ behaviour may be
-  merely a reflexion of the European attitude towards the claims of
-  women for any sort of political equality with men.
-
-Footnote 1218:
-
-  Tarquin = Tarchon the friend of Aeneas.
-
-Footnote 1219:
-
-  Pais, _Legends_, pp. 105, 122.
-
-Footnote 1220:
-
-  Varro, _L.L._ V. 41; Dion. Hal. III. 69; Pais, _Legends_, pp. 109–116.
-
-Footnote 1221:
-
-  Pais, _Legends_, pp. 116–127.
-
-Footnote 1222:
-
-  Cp. G. C. Lewis, _Credib. Early Rom. Hist._ I. p. 472.
-
-Footnote 1223:
-
-  Note, too, the curious history of his successor, who, though claimed
-  as a Saxon king, is said to have been of Danish extraction. He bears
-  the name of a son of Knut, and spends his brief reign in disposing of
-  another king Harold, who is admittedly a Scandinavian. All this must
-  surely be a clumsy attempt to anglicize the last of the Danish kings.
-
-Footnote 1224:
-
-  Cp. Pais’ explanation of Servius Tullius as the fugitive slave god of
-  Aricia, _Legends_, pp. 142 f.
-
-Footnote 1225:
-
-  Ovid, _Fasti_, IV. 549 f. Caeculus, the mythical founder of Praeneste,
-  was found as a babe in a hearth, Virg. _Aen._ VII. 681 (cp. X. 544),
-  and Cato _ap._ Schol. Veron. _ad loc._ He was conceived by a spark and
-  manifested by a fire, Serv. ad _Aen._ VII. 681. Servius Tullius
-  himself offers a still closer analogy. He was the issue of the union
-  between a disguised princess (cp. Livy I. 39) and a burning hearth
-  (according to Frazer, _Magic Art_, II. 267–8, the normal form of
-  parentage among the early kings of Rome; cp. Plut. _Romulus_, 2),
-  which made known its passion for her when she was bringing it cakes
-  (πελάνους). Subsequently Servius announced his coming kingship by
-  himself catching fire, Dion. Hal. IV. 2; Pliny, _N.H._ XXXVI. 70;
-  Plut. _Fort. Rom._ 10 (_Moral._ 323); Ovid, _Fasti_, VI. 627–36. These
-  four references have both birth and burning. For birth see also Arnob.
-  _adv. Gent._ V. 18 (quoting Flaccus); for burning Florus I. 1. 6;
-  Serv. ad _Aen._ II. 683; Aur. Vict. _de Vir. Ill._ 7; Laur. Lyd. _de
-  Ostent._ 279 (18 B, C); Cic. _Divin._ I. 53 (121).
-
-Footnote 1226:
-
-  Cp. S. Luke XXIV. 30, 31.
-
-Footnote 1227:
-
-  Pelham, _Outlines_^2, p. 7; cp. Niebuhr, _History of Rome_ (trans.
-  Walter), I. p. 231.
-
-Footnote 1228:
-
-  Dion. Hal. IV. 73.
-
-Footnote 1229:
-
-  οἰκηίῃ τε τριήρει καὶ οἰκηίῃ ἀνδρῶν δαπάνῃ, Hdt. V. 46–7; cp. VIII.
-  62, where Themistocles threatens to sail to the far West with the
-  whole population of Athens.
-
-Footnote 1230:
-
-  Pais, _Legends_, p. 312, n. 7, asserts that “that tradition which
-  makes him (Tarquinius Priscus) a contemporary of Romulus was received
-  among the official versions.” But Dion. Hal. II. 37, which alone he
-  quotes in support, speaks only of a nameless lucumo from Solonium.
-
-Footnote 1231:
-
-  Strabo V. 220, 226.
-
-Footnote 1232:
-
-  There are the same two _a priori_ possibilities about the Greek
-  artists Gorgasus and Damophilus, said by Pliny (_N.H._ XXXV. 45) to
-  have adorned the temple of Ceres in the Circus Maximus, which is said
-  to have been dedicated in 494 B.C. In this case there is the further
-  complication that the adornment may have been indefinitely later than
-  the dedication. But there is no evidence that it was. Greek
-  inscriptions on the temple recorded that the right side was the work
-  of Demophilus, the left of Gorgasus. It is begging the question to say
-  that these artists must be later than 390 B.C. because the
-  inscriptions are mentioned by Pliny. Rayet (_Mon. de l’Art Ant._ I. p.
-  7 of chapter entitled “Louve en Bronze”) regards Pliny’s statement as
-  confirming the extant archaeological evidence for Greek artistic
-  influence on early republican Rome. This is going too far in the
-  opposite direction: but Rayet’s view has no inherent impossibility.
-  Nothing is said about restoration or reconstruction in the account of
-  the work of these Greek artists on the Roman temple.
-
-Footnote 1233:
-
-  Hdt. V. 92.
-
-Footnote 1234:
-
-  Martha, _l’Art Étrusque_, p. 120, n. 1.
-
-Footnote 1235:
-
-  Cic. _de Rep._ II. 20 (36).
-
-Footnote 1236:
-
-  Cic. _de Rep._ II. 19 (34).
-
-Footnote 1237:
-
-  _E.g._ from Caere, Pottier, _Album_, I. nos. E 629–40; _Roem. Mitt._
-  II. p. 155, XXII. pp. 133–4, 150–1; _Bullettino dell’ Inst._ 1884, pp.
-  122–3, 1885, p. 211.
-
-Footnote 1238:
-
-  Cp. above, fig. 22 from Corinth. The Corinthian pottery from Tarquinii
-  is well illustrated Montelius, _Civ. Prim. Ital._ Sér. B, plates 297,
-  298.
-
-Footnote 1239:
-
-  _Cat. Berl. Vas._ 831 = _Ant. Denk._ I. pl. 8, fig. 3_a_. In
-  discussing this tablet Wilisch, _Jahresb. Gymn. Zittau_, 1901, p. 20
-  and fig. 22, associates it with the Demaratus tradition.
-
-Footnote 1240:
-
-  For travelling potters cp. Bent, _J.H.S._ VI. (1885), p. 198, on the
-  modern potters of Siphnos: “In springtime they start on their travels
-  far and wide and settle in towns and villages for days and weeks until
-  the place is supplied with large and well made earthenware, amphorae,
-  and cooking utensils.”
-
-Footnote 1241:
-
-  _Roem. Mitt._ XXII. p. 122; so _Bull. Comm._ 1898, p. 273, n. 3.
-
-Footnote 1242:
-
-  _Roem. Mitt._ XXII. p. 162; cp. Furtwaengler, _Ant. Gemm._ III. pp.
-  174–5; see also _Roem. Mitt._ XXII. p. 156, quoting Furtwaengler,
-  _Olymp._ IV. 114 f.
-
-Footnote 1243:
-
-  Vases and bronzes have been attributed to local workshops on stylistic
-  grounds. The frescoes must obviously have been executed _in situ_. As
-  regards the architectural terra cottas, their size and the number
-  required for each building raise the question of local fabric quite
-  apart from their style and technique. Unfortunately hitherto remains
-  of this sort have been inadequately excavated and no less inadequately
-  published. Rizzo, whose valuable article on the Conca finds is
-  referred to more fully below, regards the earliest Conca series as “di
-  manufattura non di arte locale.”
-
-Footnote 1244:
-
-  See further pp. 245–6, 251–4. The absence in some cases of seventh
-  century Corinthian counterparts to the sixth century Ionic finds is
-  due mainly to the accidents of discovery. The earliest architectural
-  terra cottas from the regions round Rome are for instance all sixth
-  century and Ionic: but the literary tradition ascribes the invention
-  of terra cotta antefixes to Butades, who worked at Corinth (Pliny,
-  _N.H._ XXXV. 43 (12); cp. _ibid._ 45; cp. also _Year’s Work Class.
-  Stud._ 1914, p. 2 (D. Lamb on recent finds at Corfu)). We may expect
-  therefore that when more attention has been paid to excavation and
-  publication we shall find that seventh century Italy possessed (which
-  probably means produced) architectural terra cottas, and that these
-  terra cottas were in style Corinthian. A fresco at Tarquinii, _Bull.
-  Comm._ 1911, p. 26, fig. 9, depicts a gable which recalls that of the
-  actual temple recently unearthed in the Corinthian colony of Corcyra.
-  At Conca the votive offerings, which go back further than the
-  architectural terra cottas, include both Proto-Corinthian and
-  Corinthian pottery (Pinza, _Mon. Ant._ XV. p. 494; Barnabei and Cozza,
-  _Notiz._ 1896, pp. 29 f.). That the Conca finds lend plausibility to
-  the Demaratus story is recognized by Rizzo, _Bull. Comm._ 1911, p. 44,
-  who, however, does not appear to recognize the historical significance
-  of the material being Ionian.
-
-Footnote 1245:
-
-  Rizzo, _Bull. Comm._ 1911, pp. 43–6.
-
-Footnote 1246:
-
-  Klein, _Meistersig._^2 p. 72, nos. 1–3. For the absurdity of saying
-  that the name Eucheir is obviously fictitious, cp. the fact that one
-  of the greatest composers of early English church music (dominantly
-  vocal) bears the name of Byrd. What too does Rizzo think about the
-  historicity of M. Pottier, the distinguished French archaeologist to
-  whom we owe the catalogue of the Greek vases in the Louvre?
-
-Footnote 1247:
-
-  Demaratus is said to have fled from the tyranny of Cypselus (above, p.
-  216). He may have been an unsuccessful rival of Cypselus for the
-  Corinthian tyranny. Cp. the facts quoted, p. 52, as to Miltiades the
-  rival of Peisistratus tyrant of Athens, and the tyranny that Miltiades
-  secured for himself in the Thracian Chersonese.
-
-Footnote 1248:
-
-  Livy I. 45.
-
-Footnote 1249:
-
-  Dion. Hal. IV. 25–6.
-
-Footnote 1250:
-
-  Aur. Vict. _de Vir. Ill._ 7.
-
-Footnote 1251:
-
-  Strabo, IV. 179, 180, remarks on the similarity of the images of
-  Artemis at Ephesus, at Marseilles, and in the Servian temple at Rome;
-  see Seeley, _Livy I._ chap. 45.
-
-Footnote 1252:
-
-  _E.g._ _Brit. Mus. Cat. Vases_, II. fig. 41 and pl. II., Buschor, _Gr.
-  Vasenmal._^1 p. 94.
-
-Footnote 1253:
-
-  Buschor, _Gr. Vasenmal._^1 pp. 97–9 and figs. 62, 63.
-
-Footnote 1254:
-
-  _Ibid._ pp. 87–90 and fig. 56. Clazomenae lay only 20 miles from
-  Phocaea, the city with which we have just seen reasons for associating
-  Servius.
-
-Footnote 1255:
-
-  _Roem. Mitt._ IX. (1894), pp. 253 f. and especially 254–5, 269 (where
-  Petersen compares with Ephesian work) and 287–296 (particularly close
-  parallels from Clazomenae).
-
-Footnote 1256:
-
-  _E.g._ Montelius, _Civ. Prim. Ital._ Sér. B, pl. 342; Rizzo, _Bull.
-  Comm._ 1910, p. 320, 1911, p. 43, discussing representations of temple
-  gables in some of the frescoes.
-
-Footnote 1257:
-
-  Graillot, _Mélanges d’Arch. et d’Hist._ 1896, pp. 148 f.; Barnabei and
-  Cozza, _Notiz. d. Scav._ 1896, pp. 28 f.; Rizzo, _Bull. Comm._ 1910,
-  pp. 307 f.; cp. Walters, _Brit. Mus. Cat. Terracottas_, pp. xvii. and
-  171–9 (Ionic Greek architectural terra cottas from Lanuvium and
-  Caere), 183 (Etruscan terra cotta sarcophagus under Ionic influence
-  from Caere).
-
-Footnote 1258:
-
-  Rizzo, _Bull. Comm._ 1910, p. 318. The Velletri examples show a
-  striking resemblance to finds made in Asia Minor at Larissa near
-  Phocaea.
-
-Footnote 1259:
-
-  _Bull. Comm._ 1911, pp. 46–7; cp. 1910, p. 313.
-
-Footnote 1260:
-
-  _Bull. Comm._ 1911, p. 47.
-
-Footnote 1261:
-
-  Perhaps after the “Sacred” war of the beginning of the sixth century
-  when the fall of Krisa cut off Cumae from her mother city, see below,
-  pp. 259–260.
-
-Footnote 1262:
-
-  Cic. _Tusc. Quaest._ III. 12 (27); Livy II. 21; Dion. Hal. VI. 21; cp.
-  VII. 2, 12.
-
-Footnote 1263:
-
-  See below, pp. 278–9.
-
-Footnote 1264:
-
-  Platner, _Topography of Rome_^2 (1911), p. 106. Cp. Huelsen, _Forum
-  Romanum_, trans. Carter, 1906, p. 3.
-
-Footnote 1265:
-
-  Platner, _ibid._ p. 105. Pais claims the story of Curtius (445 or 362
-  B.C.; Varro, _L.L._ V. 148; Livy VII. 6) as an alternative version of
-  the draining of the Forum. The existence of two conflicting versions
-  would not, _pace_ Pais, _Legends_, pp. 35–6, prove that neither was
-  true; in this particular case we have not two rival stories, since the
-  Curtius legend refers not to the original draining of the site, but to
-  a sudden flood, such as that which so alarmed the Romans in the days
-  of Horace (_Odes_, I. ii. 12–20). The Forum continues to be seriously
-  flooded from time to time.
-
-Footnote 1266:
-
-  On this pottery and its provenance see below, Appendix B, pp. 315–319.
-  Considering the claims of Corinth to have produced ware of this style
-  it is interesting to note that some quantity of it has been found in
-  Rome, _e.g._ _Mon. Ant._ XV. figs. 88_a_, _b_, and 89, pp. 109 f., pl.
-  IX. 9, 10, 14, 15, 18, pl. X. 1, 4, 5, pl. XVII. 9. See also below,
-  nn. 4, 5.
-
-Footnote 1267:
-
-  Ure, _Black Glaze Pottery_, pls. X. 3, XI. 1, 2.
-
-Footnote 1268:
-
-  _Notiz._ 1903, p. 380; 1911, p. 161.
-
-Footnote 1269:
-
-  1903, p. 388, fig. 17; 1911, p. 160, fig. 3_d_.
-
-Footnote 1270:
-
-  See Appendix E.
-
-Footnote 1271:
-
-  See Appendix F.
-
-Footnote 1272:
-
-  _Etrusker_, I. p. 114.
-
-Footnote 1273:
-
-  _Journal des Savants_, 1909, p. 213.
-
-Footnote 1274:
-
-  _Mastarna_, p. 43.
-
-Footnote 1275:
-
-  _Legends_, pp. 142 f.
-
-Footnote 1276:
-
-  _Ibid._ p. 134.
-
-Footnote 1277:
-
-  Above, p. 231. Ceres, Liber, and Libera, whose worship is said to have
-  been introduced into Rome in the seventh year of the republic, are
-  plainly the Attic-Eleusinian triad.
-
-Footnote 1278:
-
-  Martha, _L’Art Étrusque_, p. 125, mentions several thousand Attic
-  vases from the single city of Vulci.
-
-Footnote 1279:
-
-  _E.g._ _Mon. Ant._ XV. p. 242_a_, _b_, _c_, pl. IX. 16, pl. X. 3, pl.
-  XVII. 11.
-
-Footnote 1280:
-
-  Except perhaps _Notiz._ 1903, p. 137, fig. 17; cp. Sieveking and
-  Hackl, _Cat. vases Munich_, 613, pl. 30, classified as Italian
-  Corinthian.
-
-Footnote 1281:
-
-  _Notiz._ 1903, pp. 407, 412, 424, 425, figs. 36, 42, 55, 57.
-
-Footnote 1282:
-
-  Sieveking and Hackl, pl. 18, 481.
-
-Footnote 1283:
-
-  _Mon. Ant._ XV. fig. 157 and p. 508.
-
-Footnote 1284:
-
-  Pl. XIII. 6.
-
-Footnote 1285:
-
-  _Mon. Ant._ XV. fig. 153_b_.
-
-Footnote 1286:
-
-  Dickens, _Cat. Acrop. Mus._ p. 193 on Athens Nat. Mus. no. 654.
-
-Footnote 1287:
-
-  _Mon. Ant._ XV. p. 263, fig. 105.
-
-Footnote 1288:
-
-  _J.R.S._ III. p. 249. Such vague language is unworthy of its
-  distinguished author, particularly in a paper in which he repeatedly
-  pleads for scientific precision.
-
-Footnote 1289:
-
-  Petersen, _Klio_, 1908, pp. 440 f.; 1909, pp. 29 f.; cp. Michaelis,
-  _Cent. Arch. Discov._ p. 250. Experts have differed to the extent of
-  eighteen centuries in the dating of this fine animal. Early scholars
-  attributed it to a dedication of 296 B.C. recorded by Livy X. 23, when
-  the consuls “simulacria infantium conditorum urbis sub uberibus lupae
-  posuerunt.” But 296 B.C. is no time for so archaic a work. This led
-  certain German scholars, including Bode, to regard it as a work of the
-  twelfth or thirteenth century A.D., and the cast of it at Berlin was
-  expelled from the Classical collections. Already, however, in 1867
-  Bachofen in the _Annali dell’ Inst._ pp. 184–8 had incidentally
-  suggested (as possible though not likely) a date at the end of the
-  sixth century B.C. A reasoned argument for this dating was first put
-  forward by Rayet, _Mon. de l’Art Ant._ I. vii. Rayet shows that the
-  wolf was in existence in the ninth century A.D., that the animals of
-  the twelfth and thirteenth centuries A.D. are stylistically different,
-  and that the Capitoline wolf has close affinities with other
-  representations of animals that are unquestionably archaic Greek. The
-  children are of course much later.
-
-Footnote 1290:
-
-  It has not been thought necessary to combat the ultra-sceptical views
-  of Mommsen (_Roem. Forsch._ II. pp. 156 f., 199 f.) and Pais (_Ancient
-  Italy_, pp. 276 f.; _Ancient Legends_, chap. XI.), as to the
-  historical existence of Cassius and Maelius.
-
-Footnote 1291:
-
-  Above, p. 239.
-
-Footnote 1292:
-
-  Martha, _L’Art Étrusque_, p. 123; _Roem. Mitt._ XXII. pp. 131, 133–4,
-  150–1, 162; Pottier, _Album_, I. E 629–40.
-
-Footnote 1293:
-
-  Strabo V. 220.
-
-Footnote 1294:
-
-  Hdt. I. 167.
-
-Footnote 1295:
-
-  In Chapter I of this book I have tried to show that this conception of
-  the tyrant disappears from Greek literature with the advent of
-  Dionysius of Syracuse. If, therefore, the Tarquin story is only
-  pseudo-history, it must have been concocted in the fifth century.
-
-Footnote 1296:
-
-  Aristot. _Pol._ VII. (V.), 1315_b_; Strabo (where, however, the
-  reference includes the third century Aratus) VIII. 382.
-
-Footnote 1297:
-
-  Diod. VIII. 24; Liban. _Orat. c. Severum_, III. p. 251 Reiske; Hellad.
-  _ap._ Phot. 530_a_ Bekker. Cp. Foerster, _Phil._ XXXV. p. 710.
-
-Footnote 1298:
-
-  Plut. _Ser. Num. Vind._ 7 (_Moral._ 553).
-
-Footnote 1299:
-
-  _Oxyrhync. Pap._ XI. no. 1365.
-
-Footnote 1300:
-
-  _Pace_ De Gubernatis, _Atti R. Accad. Torino_, 1916, p. 293.
-
-Footnote 1301:
-
-  See above, pp. 26f. De Gubernatis, _ibid._ pp. 294–7, suggests as
-  author Menaechmus of Sicyon, who probably flourished about the time of
-  the Diadochoi, see Abel, _Schol. Pind. Nem._ IX. p. 254.
-
-Footnote 1302:
-
-  Paus. VI. 19. 2.
-
-Footnote 1303:
-
-  He took part with Solon in the Sacred War (about 590 B.C.) and was the
-  grandfather of the Athenian Cleisthenes who reformed the Athenian
-  constitution in 508 B.C.
-
-Footnote 1304:
-
-  Aristot. _Pol._ VII. (V.), 1316_a_.
-
-Footnote 1305:
-
-  Nic. Dam. _F.H.G._ III. p. 394.
-
-Footnote 1306:
-
-  Aristot. _Pol._ 1315_b_ (διὰ τὸ πολεμικὸς γενέσθαι Κλεισθένης).
-
-Footnote 1307:
-
-  Hdt. V. 67 (Κλεισθένης γὰρ Ἀργείοισι πολεμήσας...). Athen. XIII.
-  560_c_ implies that Argos and Sicyon were on the same side in the
-  Krisaian war, but no conclusions can be based on this romantic passage
-  which ascribes the war (like the Trojan war) to the rape of some
-  Argive women. An Argive (Leokedes, son of the tyrant Pheidon) appears
-  among the suitors of Agariste, Cleisthenes’ daughter. He has been
-  suspected by the moderns as being chronologically impossible, as being
-  the only Dorian, and as raising the number from twelve to thirteen
-  (Macan ad Hdt. VI. 127); but his _a priori_ improbability is not
-  decisive against his historical reality. Cleisthenes may have changed
-  his policy towards the end of his career, though against this must be
-  set the evidence for rivalry between Sicyon and Argos over the
-  foundation (?) of the Nemean games right at the end of Cleisthenes’
-  reign, Bury, _Nemean Odes_, pp. 250–1.
-
-Footnote 1308:
-
-  Paus. II. 9. 6; X. 37. 6 (“so the Amphictyons resolved to make war on
-  the Kirrhaians, and they appointed Cleisthenes, tyrant of Sicyon, to
-  the command”); Polyaen. III. 5 (cp. VI. 13); Frontin. _Strat._ III. 7.
-  6; Schol. Pind. pref. to _Nem._ IX. (quoted below).
-
-Footnote 1309:
-
-  Cp. Hom. _Il._ II. 520; _Hymn. Apoll._ 438; Paus. VII. 19. 7.
-
-Footnote 1310:
-
-  Hdt. VI. 129; cp. Nic. Dam. _F.H.G._ III. p. 395.
-
-Footnote 1311:
-
-  Strabo IX. 418 εὐτυχήσαντες γὰρ οἱ Κρισαῖοι διὰ τὰ ἐκ τῆς Σικελίας καὶ
-  τῆς Ἰταλίας τέλη πικρῶς ἐτελώνουν τοὺς ἐπὶ τὸ ἱερὸν ἀφικνουμένους.
-  _ibid. supra_, πόλις ἀρχαία Κίρρα ἐπὶ τῇ θαλάττῃ ἱδρυμένη ... ἵδρυται
-  δ’ ἀπαντικρὺ Σικυῶνος, πρόκειται δὲ τῆς Κίρρας τὸ Κρισαῖον πεδίον
-  εὔδαιμον. πάλιν γὰρ ἐφεξῆς ἐστιν ἄλλη πόλις Κρῖσα, ἀφ’ ἧς ὁ κόλπος
-  Κρισαῖος, cp. Mariéjol, _de Orthagoridis_, pp. 29 f.; Beloch, _Gr.
-  G._^2 I. i. p. 337, n. 3. Whether Kirrha is either geographically or
-  etymologically distinct from Krisa is immaterial for our enquiry.
-
-Footnote 1312:
-
-  Schol. Pind. preface to _Nem._ IX. φησὶ δὲ ἐν τῷ πολέμῶ τῶν Κρισαίων
-  κατὰ θάλασσαν ῥᾳδίως τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ποριζομένων καὶ διὰ τοῦτο μακρᾶς
-  γενομένης τῆς πολιορκίας Κλεισθένην τὸν Σικυώνιον ναυτικὸν ἰδίᾳ
-  παρασκευάσαντα κωλῦσαι τὴν σιτοπομπίαν αὐτῶν, καὶ διὰ ταύτην τὴν
-  εὐεργεσίαν τὸ τρίτον τῶν λαφύρων ἔδοσαν τῷ Κλεισθένει καὶ Σικυωνίαν
-  (alii Σικυωνίοις), αφ’ οὗ καὶ Σικυώνιοι τὰ Πύθια πρῶτον παρ’ ἑαυτοῖς
-  ἔθεσαν. The authority here used by the scholiast is uncertain.
-  Possibly it is Menaechmus of Sicyon, on whom see above, p. 258, n. 2.
-
-Footnote 1313:
-
-  Sicyon has not much of a harbour (Bursian, _Geog. Gr._ II. i. p. 30),
-  but it managed to raise a respectable squadron of ships for the
-  Persian and Peloponnesian wars (Hdt. VIII. 43; Thuc. II. 9), when its
-  importance was far less than in the age of the tyrants.
-
-Footnote 1314:
-
-  According to one reading of the scholium to Pindar, _Nem._ IX. it was
-  to these proceedings that Cleisthenes owed his throne: καὶ διὰ ταύτην
-  τὴν εὐεργασίαν τὸ τρίτον τῶν λαφύρων ἔδοσαν τῷ Κλεισθένει καὶ
-  Σικυωνίαν. (See above, n. 1.) But the name of a country in the
-  objective accusative without the article is unusual, and MS. evidence
-  appears to support the reading Σικυωνίοις.
-
-Footnote 1315:
-
-  Bury, _Nemean Odes_, Appendix D. The year 586 B.C. is generally given
-  as the date of the first Pythian games; but our authorities state that
-  the festival was older. What happened after the Sacred War was a
-  change in the character of the festival, which from being purely
-  musical became largely athletic (Strabo IX. 421; Paus. X. 7. 2–5).
-
-Footnote 1316:
-
-  To the instances quoted by Bury add perhaps the interferences of
-  Polycrates in the great Delian festival, above, pp. 70, 71.
-
-Footnote 1317:
-
-  See especially Isocr. _Panegyr._ 43 (49).
-
-Footnote 1318:
-
-  Strabo X. 486; cp. Livy I. 30, “Tullus (_i.e._ Tullus Hostilius, king
-  of Rome) ad Feroniae fanum mercatu frequenti negotiatores Romanos
-  comprehensos querebatur”; S. Matt. XXI. 12, “and Jesus entered into
-  the temple of God, and cast out all them that sold and bought in the
-  temple, and overthrew the tables of the money-changers.” From this
-  point of view the Greek games may be compared, too, with some of the
-  great fairs of mediaeval Europe; see, _e.g._, Dagobert I, diplom. ann.
-  629; Pipin, diplom. ann. 753, de festo S. Dionysii, cited Barth,
-  _Corinth. Comm._ p. 9, n. 1. Cp. also the fairs held in the
-  neighbourhood of sanctuaries in pre-Mohammedan Arabia, Margoliouth,
-  _Mohammed_, p. 6.
-
-Footnote 1319:
-
-  Cornford, _Thucydides Mythistoricus_, p. 35.
-
-Footnote 1320:
-
-  Cp. Grote (ed. 1888), II. pp. 65–66, who acutely argues that
-  Cleisthenes aimed mainly at suppressing not our Homer but the lost
-  _Thebais_ when he prohibited the recitation of Homer in Sicyon. The
-  _Thebais_ glorified the Dorian heroes who overthrew prehistoric
-  Thebes.
-
-Footnote 1321:
-
-  Macan ad Hdt. VI. 127.
-
-Footnote 1322:
-
-  A. B. Cook, _C.R._ XXI. p. 169, but cp. _ibid._ p. 233.
-
-Footnote 1323:
-
-  The oracle had prophesied, and therefore presumably favoured, the
-  establishment of the tyranny by Orthagoras, _Oxyrhync. Pap._ XI. 1365;
-  Diod. VIII. 24; Plut. _Ser. Num. Vind._ 7 (_Moral._ 553) (where the
-  tyranny of Orthagoras is made to result from an outrage committed at
-  the Pythian games).
-
-Footnote 1324:
-
-  “Sikyon ist keine Handelstadt,” _Ges. d. Alt._ II.^1 p. 628.
-
-Footnote 1325:
-
-  Below, pp. 316–7 and references, _ibid._
-
-Footnote 1326:
-
-  Paus. VI. 19. 2.
-
-Footnote 1327:
-
-  Frazer, Paus. _ad loc._
-
-Footnote 1328:
-
-  Frazer, _ibid._
-
-Footnote 1329:
-
-  The Cretan sculptors Dipoenus and Scyllis came about 580 B.C. to
-  Sicyon, “which was long the home of all such crafts. The Sicyonians
-  contracted with them for statues of the gods, but before they were
-  completed the artists complained that they were ill used and departed
-  to Aetolia” (Pliny, _N.H._ XXXVI. 4). Gardner suggests that the
-  artists left Sicyon on the death of Cleisthenes (_Gk. Sculp._^2 p.
-  103). The wild and half civilized Aetolia seems an odd refuge for such
-  highly skilled craftsmen. Beyond Aetolia from Sicyon lay the city of
-  Ambracia, which Pliny declares to have been crammed with works of
-  Dipoenus (_N.H._ XXXVI. 4). On the strength presumably of this
-  statement, Gardner (_ibid._) makes the artists retire to Ambracia from
-  Sicyon. Ambracia was a Corinthian colony and appears to have continued
-  under a tyrant of the house of Cypselus after the fall of the great
-  tyrant houses in the isthmus states. The Sicyonians were ordered by
-  Apollo to recall the artists and let them finish their work, and this
-  was done though it cost the Sicyonians dear (magnis mercedibus
-  impetratum est, Pliny, _N.H._ XXXVI. 4). It may be noted that tyranny
-  too was revived at Sicyon. A tyrant Aeschines was expelled by the
-  Spartans, presumably towards the end of the sixth century, Plut. _de
-  Hdt. Malig._ 21 (_Moral._ 859). The wanderings of Dipoenus and Scyllis
-  thus point to a possible connexion between the tyrannical form of
-  government and good conditions for skilled labour.
-
-Footnote 1330:
-
-  Paus. II. 9. 6.
-
-Footnote 1331:
-
-  Poll. VII. 685; Mariéjol, _de Orthagoridis_, pp. 11–12, compares the
-  Megareans who
-
-                  πρόσθ’ οὔτε δίκας ᾔδεσαν οὔτε νόμους,
-                ἀλλ’ ἀμφὶ πλευρῇσι δορὰς αἰγῶν κατέτριβον,
-                  ἔξω δ’ ὥστ’ ἔλαφοι τῆσδε νέμοντο πόλεος
-                καὶ νῦν εἴσ’ ἀγαθοί. THEOGNIS 54–7.
-
-Footnote 1332:
-
-  _Pace_ Bury, _Hist. Greece_^2, p. 155.
-
-Footnote 1333:
-
-  Aristot. _Pol._ VII. (V.), 1315_b_; cp. _Oxyrhync. Pap._ XI. 1365, ll.
-  58 f.
-
-Footnote 1334:
-
-  Busolt, _Gr. G._^2 I. p. 663. Cleisthenes, the last and best
-  remembered of the dynasty, seems to have made himself particularly
-  obnoxious to the upper classes. His marked antipathy to Homer, the
-  poet of aristocracy and divine right, may have had a social as well as
-  a racial basis, as may have been the case also with his treatment of
-  the Argive-Sicyonian hero, king Adrastus, whose festival, which
-  doubtless savoured of aristocratic ancestor worship, he replaced by
-  the cult of the parvenu and plebeian wine-god Dionysus.
-
-Footnote 1335:
-
-  Thuc. I. 126; Aristot. _Rhet._ I. 2; Aristot. _Pol._ VII. (V.),
-  1305_a_; Paus. I. 28. 1, 40. 1, 41. 2; Plut. _Qu. Gr._ 18 (_Moral._
-  295).
-
-Footnote 1336:
-
-  Euseb. _Chron._ I. ch. 33. Theagenes is brought down by Beloch into
-  the sixth century, but on the weakest possible evidence.
-
-Footnote 1337:
-
-  Aristot. _Pol._ VII. (V.), 1305_a_. Cauer’s idea, _Part. u. Polit. in
-  Megara u. Athen_, p. 16, that the rise of Theagenes coincided with a
-  severe blow to the colonial power of Megara in the Black Sea has no
-  evidence to support it.
-
-Footnote 1338:
-
-  Xen. _Mem._ II. 7. 6; cp. Aristoph. _Ach._ 519, _Pax_ 1002.
-
-Footnote 1339:
-
-  _Kleinschr._ pp. 116–17; cp. 119, n. 1. Meyer quotes Isoc. _de Pace_,
-  117 (183), on the humble beginnings of Megara, but the passage
-  suggests no particular dates.
-
-Footnote 1340:
-
-  _Gr. G._^2 I. p. 470.
-
-Footnote 1341:
-
-  Xen. _Anab._ VI. 2. 1; Arrian, _Perip._ 18.
-
-Footnote 1342:
-
-  On the relationships between Megara and Miletus at this period
-  practically nothing is known. They appear to have been friendly,
-  Meyer, _G. d. A._ II. p. 676 (but cp. Cauer, _Part. u. Polit. in
-  Megara u. Athen_, pp. 14 f.). Corinth on the other hand appears to
-  have been friendly to Samos the rival of Miletus, and we hear of an
-  early collision between Corinth and Megara (Meyer, _G. d. A._ II. p.
-  449). It is therefore not unlikely that the great wool trade of
-  Miletus with the far West passed through Megara rather than through
-  the rival isthmus state of Corinth.
-
-Footnote 1343:
-
-  Paus. I. 44. 4.
-
-Footnote 1344:
-
-  _N.H._ VII. 57.
-
-Footnote 1345:
-
-  _Hauptstätten d. Gewerbfleisses_, p. 89.
-
-Footnote 1346:
-
-  _Gewerbliche Tätigkeit_, p. 71.
-
-Footnote 1347:
-
-  Theog. 183–4.
-
-Footnote 1348:
-
-  _Part. u. Polit. in Megara u. Athen_, p. 24.
-
-Footnote 1349:
-
-  H. Sieveking, _Viertelj. f. Soc. u. Wirt._ VII. p. 64.
-
-Footnote 1350:
-
-  _Sozialismus_^2, I. p. 195, n. 2.
-
-Footnote 1351:
-
-  Hy. D. Lloyd, _Wealth against Commonwealth_, chap. III.
-
-Footnote 1352:
-
-  _Ibid._ chap. XVIII.
-
-Footnote 1353:
-
-  Paus. I. 40. 1, 41. 2.
-
-Footnote 1354:
-
-  Meyer, _Ges. d. Alt._ I.^1 p. 567. Hezekiah came to the throne 714
-  B.C.
-
-Footnote 1355:
-
-  Plut. _Qu. Gr._ 18 (_Moral._ 295).
-
-Footnote 1356:
-
-  So Cauer, _Part. u. Polit. in Megara u. Athen_, p. 31.
-
-Footnote 1357:
-
-  Hdt. I. 20–22, V. 28, VI. 46; Aristot. _Pol._ III. 1284_a_, VII. (V.),
-  1305_a_; Plut. _Qu. Gr._ 32 (_Moral._ 298); Suid. s.v. Γέργηθες,
-  Περιβολή, Τύρβη; Athen. XII. 523_f_–524_b_; Myres, _J.H.S._ XXVI.
-  110–115 (on Milesian thalassocracy).
-
-Footnote 1358:
-
-  Swoboda _ap._ Pauly Wissowa s.v. Damasenor. This possibility is stated
-  as a fact by A. G. Dunham, _Hist. Miletus_, p. 127.
-
-Footnote 1359:
-
-  So Beloch _Gr. G._^2 I. i. p. 359.
-
-Footnote 1360:
-
-  For a quite different interpretation see Wecklein, _Sitzb. Bay. Akad.
-  Muenchen: philos.-philol. Kl._ 1873, p. 45; Wachsmuth, _Stadt Athen_,
-  I. 481.
-
-Footnote 1361:
-
-  _Tyrannis_, p. 226.
-
-Footnote 1362:
-
-  Eustath. ad _Odyss._ I. 399. He himself so uses it ad _Odyss._ XII.
-  103 and _Opusc. de emen. vita monach._ 126.
-
-Footnote 1363:
-
-  Poehlmann, _Sozialismus_^2, I. 183, regards Cheiromache as consisting
-  mainly of “the compact masses of journeymen, labourers and
-  tradespeople, whom the great developments of industry, trade, and
-  shipping were concentrating in ever growing numbers in the cities.”
-
-Footnote 1364:
-
-  _Apud_ Athen. XII. 524_a_.
-
-Footnote 1365:
-
-  How and Wells, ad _Hdt._ V. 28.
-
-Footnote 1366:
-
-  Athen. XII. 524_b_.
-
-Footnote 1367:
-
-  Casaubon _ap._ Schweighaeuser, _Athen._, _ad loc._ explains
-  “unwarlike” as referring to the children who were tarred and burnt
-  along with their elders; but there is no indication that the oracle is
-  thinking particularly of the children, nor would unwarlike be a very
-  appropriate adjective for them.
-
-Footnote 1368:
-
-  _Pol._ VII. (V.), 1305_a_.
-
-Footnote 1369:
-
-  Hdt. V. 92; so Aristot. _Pol._ III. 1284_a_.
-
-Footnote 1370:
-
-  Hdt. I. 21–22.
-
-Footnote 1371:
-
-  E. Meyer, _G. d. A._ III. 1, p. 57.
-
-Footnote 1372:
-
-  Miletus must have profited enormously by the fall of Polycrates (about
-  523 B.C.) and the raising of the blockade that he had maintained
-  against all the subjects or allies of the Great King.
-
-  Hdt. IV. 137 makes Histiaeus assert that it was thanks to Darius that
-  the Ionian tyrants were on their thrones, and that if the power of
-  Darius was destroyed neither would he (Histiaeus) be able to rule the
-  Milesians nor any other tyrant any other people. But the Greek does
-  not say that Darius had put the tyrants on their thrones, and the
-  words of Histiaeus are described as an opinion, not as an assertion of
-  fact. Herodotus therefore neither states nor suggests that the Ionian
-  tyrannies were due to the active interference of Darius. After the
-  Ionian revolt the Persian satrap “established democracies in the Greek
-  cities,” or in other words openly proclaimed that they might govern
-  themselves.
-
-Footnote 1373:
-
-  Hdt. V. 11.
-
-Footnote 1374:
-
-  Hdt. V. 23. Cp. above, p. 62.
-
-Footnote 1375:
-
-  Grundy, _Great Persian War_, p. 66.
-
-Footnote 1376:
-
-  For this view cp. my remarks in Chapter II on the part played by the
-  Thracian mines in “rooting” and maintaining the tyranny of
-  Peisistratus. Cp. also the later attempt of Histiaeus to secure the
-  Thracian island of Thasos with its great fleet and extremely
-  productive mines, Hdt. VI. 46.
-
-Footnote 1377:
-
-  _Ap._ Suid. s.v. Pythagoras.
-
-Footnote 1378:
-
-  Athen. VII. 289_c_.
-
-Footnote 1379:
-
-  Ael. _V.H._ III. 26; Polyaen. VI. 50; cp. Hdt. I. 26.
-
-Footnote 1380:
-
-  Suid. s.v. Hipponax.
-
-Footnote 1381:
-
-  Pauly Wissowa s.v. Ephesus, pp. 2788–9, quoting Suid. s.v.
-  Aristarchos. The rope with which the Ephesians bound their city to the
-  temple during the siege by Croesus and the liberal contribution by
-  Croesus to the rebuilding of the temple are no evidence, _pace_ E.
-  Curtius, _Ephesus_, pp. 14–15, that the government of the city at this
-  period passed for a time into the hands of the priesthood.
-
-Footnote 1382:
-
-  So Buerchner _ap._ Pauly Wissowa s.v. Ephesus, p. 2788. Plass,
-  however, _Tyrannis_, pp. 229–30, regards Melas and Pindaros as
-  Basilids and Pythagoras as later than them.
-
-Footnote 1383:
-
-  τῷ δήμῳ καὶ τῇ πλήθυι ἦν τε καὶ ἐδόκει κεχαρισμένος, ἅμα τὰ μὲν αὐτοὺς
-  ἐπελπίζων ὑποσχέσεσιν, τὰ δὲ ὑποσπείρων αὐτοῖς ὀλίγα κέρδη.
-
-Footnote 1384:
-
-  τούς γε μὴν ἐν ἀξιώσει τε καὶ δυνάμει περισυλῶν καὶ δημεύων.
-
-Footnote 1385:
-
-  Cp. _e.g._ ἀπέχρησε μὲν οὖν καὶ ταῦτα (his behaviour to his subjects)
-  ἂν κάκιστα ἀνθρώπων ἀπολέσαι αὐτόν· ἤδη δὲ καὶ τοῦ θείου κατεφρόνει,
-  κ.τ.λ.
-
-Footnote 1386:
-
-  Ael. _V.H._ III. 26.
-
-Footnote 1387:
-
-  Radet, _Lydie_, p. 172. There is, however, _pace_ Radet (pp. 82, 134),
-  no evidence that the Melas, son-in-law of Gyges, described by Nic.
-  Dam. _F.H.G._ III. p. 396 as prince of Daskylion was an ancestor of
-  Melas the father of Pindarus (so also Gelzer, _Rhein. Mus._ XXXV. pp.
-  520–1) and a predecessor of this later Melas as tyrant of Ephesus.
-  Radet assumes the Daskylion of Nic. Dam. to be a mistake for Ephesus.
-
-Footnote 1388:
-
-  Nic. Dam. _F.H.G._ III. p. 397; see above, p. 137.
-
-Footnote 1389:
-
-  Euseb. and Hieron. _Chron._
-
-Footnote 1390:
-
-  Polyaen. V. 47.
-
-Footnote 1391:
-
-  Pol. VII. (V.), 1310_b_ 29, 1316_a_ 37 (based perhaps on Antiochus of
-  Syracuse, Endt, _Wien. Stud._ XXIV. p. 53).
-
-Footnote 1392:
-
-  Above, Chap. I, pp. 26 f.
-
-Footnote 1393:
-
-  Freeman, _History of Sicily_, II. 56, used it to rebut the view that
-  the struggle that ended with the tyranny of Panaitios was “only a
-  strife between the rich and the poor” and to infer that it was
-  probably racial. The significant “only” sufficiently explains the
-  inference.
-
-Footnote 1394:
-
-  Polyaen. V. 1. 1.
-
-Footnote 1395:
-
-  Cic. _ad Att._ VII. 12. 2, 20. 2; _de Div._ I. 23; Val. Max. III. iii.
-  extern. 2; Plut. _Ser. Num. Vind._ 7 (_Moral._ 553); Lucian, _Ver.
-  Hist._ II. 23; _bis Acc._ 8; _Phalaris_, A and B _passim_ (_ibid._ A
-  6, Phalaris declares that he punished conspirators savagely, cp. Plut.
-  _Amat._ 16 (_Moral._ 760), simply because they thwarted his intention
-  of governing mildly; _ibid._ A 8, 9, men naturally kindly like himself
-  are more pained by inflicting punishments than by receiving them);
-  Athen. XIII. 602_a-b_; Ael. _V.H._ II. 4. The last two give an
-  anecdote where Phalaris shows that he can be merciful as well as
-  cruel.
-
-Footnote 1396:
-
-  Pind. _Pyth._ I. 95 f., cp. Schol. _ad loc._; Timaeus _F.H.G._ I. pp.
-  221–2 (Polyb. XII. 25; Diod. XIII. 90; Schol. Pind. _Pyth._ I. Timaeus
-  appears to have denied the historical existence of the bull); Diod.
-  XIX. 108; Cic. _Verr._ IV. 33; Ovid, _A.A._ I. 653; _Trist._ III. xi.
-  41 f.; _Ib._ 441; Pliny, _N.H._ XXXIV. 19; Plut. _Parall._ 39
-  (_Moral._ 315); Lucian, _Phalaris_, A 1, 11; B 11.
-
-Footnote 1397:
-
-  Pind. _Pyth._ I. 95 f.
-
-Footnote 1398:
-
-  Aristot. _Pol._ VII. (V.), 1310_b_; and (?) _Rhet._ II. 20 (possibly
-  referring to another Phalaris). The fable of the horse and stag is
-  attributed to Stesichorus when Phalaris was στρατηγὸς αὐτοκράτωρ of
-  Himera and asking for the bodyguard with which he intended to make
-  himself tyrant.
-
-Footnote 1399:
-
-  Euseb. Ol. 52. 3–56. 3; Suid. s.v.; cp. Schol. Pind. _Ol._ III. 68
-  (38). For an earlier date see Euseb. Ol. 32. 3–39. 2 and Pliny, _N.H._
-  VII. 57 (tyrannus primus fuit Phalaris Agrigenti), but these two
-  passages make the tyrant flourish before the foundation of the city
-  that he ruled.
-
-Footnote 1400:
-
-  Holm, _Gesch. Sic._ I. 149 (cp. _Hist. of Greece_, I. p. 363), who,
-  however, fails to see the full application of his own words.
-
-Footnote 1401:
-
-  Lucian, _Phalaris_, A 3.
-
-Footnote 1402:
-
-  Aristot. _Pol._ VII. (V.), 1310_b_, τύραννοι κατέστησαν ... ὁι περὶ
-  τὴν Ἰωνίαν καὶ Φάλαρις ἐκ τῶν τιμῶν.
-
-Footnote 1403:
-
-  Plut. _Praec. Ger. Rep._ 28 (_Moral._ 821); on the overthrow of
-  Phalaris see also Plut. _cum Princ. Philosoph._ 3 (_Moral._ 778).
-
-Footnote 1404:
-
-  Diod. VIII. 11.
-
-Footnote 1405:
-
-  Pauly Wissowa s.v. Agathokles, 14_b_ (in Supplement Heft I).
-
-Footnote 1406:
-
-  Cp. perhaps the use of ἐπίστασις above, p. 81.
-
-Footnote 1407:
-
-  Dem. _Olynth._ III. 25–6; _Aristocr._ 207; περὶ Συντάξ. 29 (= III. 35;
-  XXIII. 689; XIII. 174).
-
-Footnote 1408:
-
-  The military stratagems attributed to Phalaris by Polyaenus, V. 1. 3,
-  4, and Frontinus, III. 4. 6, are not very illuminating, but note that
-  in one of them Phalaris is made to achieve his aim by a fraudulent
-  deal in corn.
-
-Footnote 1409:
-
-  Somewhere about the time of Phalaris Sicily was invaded by a
-  Carthaginian army under a commander named Malchus, Justin XVIII. 7. It
-  has been suggested that Phalaris was pre-eminently the leader of the
-  Agrigentines against the Punic peril (Bury, _Hist. Greece_^2, p. 297),
-  and that he played a similar part to that played during a later
-  invasion by the Syracusan Dionysius. For this suggestion there is no
-  evidence whatsoever. There is no certainty either that the invasion of
-  Malchus occurred in the age of Phalaris or that Agrigentum was
-  endangered by it or even alarmed. On the other hand there are hints
-  that Phalaris was the reverse of anti-Carthaginian. The Semites of
-  Carthage were devoted to the cult of Moloch, in whose worship no small
-  part was played by the molten image of a calf and the offering to it
-  of human sacrifices. Perhaps the most likely origin of the story of
-  the bull of Phalaris is to be sought in this Moloch worship. The
-  tyrant may have had a large Phoenician contingent among his foreign
-  employees and have very much shocked his Greek subjects by allowing
-  these Semites to practise Semitic rites in Agrigentum. Meyer, however,
-  _Ges. d. Alt._ II. p. 682 n., suggests a connexion between the bull of
-  Phalaris and the Cretan bull cult. Note that the story of the bull of
-  Phalaris impressed Grote as having a historical basis: “The reality of
-  the hollow bull appears to be better authenticated than the nature of
-  the story would lead us to presume,” _Hist. Greece_, ed. 1888, IV. p.
-  65; cp. _ibid._ p. 296, n. 1.
-
-Footnote 1410:
-
-  Livy II. 21, 34; Dion. Hal. VI. 21.
-
-Footnote 1411:
-
-  Dion. Hal. VII. 3.
-
-Footnote 1412:
-
-  Dion. Hal. VII. 4, 5; Plut. _Mul. Virt._ 26 (_Moral._ 261).
-
-Footnote 1413:
-
-  Dion. Hal. VII. 4. 5, 6. 4.
-
-Footnote 1414:
-
-  Plut. _Mul. Virt._ 26.
-
-Footnote 1415:
-
-  See Niese _ap._ Pauly Wissowa s.v. Aristodemus (8).
-
-Footnote 1416:
-
-  Strabo XIII. 610; cp. 614. See further Diod. XVI. 52; Diog. Laert. V.
-  1. 3–11 (quoting Demetrius Magnes and Theocritus); Dion. Hal. _Ep. ad
-  Amm._ 5; Demetrius, _de Eloc._ 293; Hesych. Miles. _F.H.G._ IV. p.
-  156; Harpocrat. s.v. Ἑρμίας; Hesych. s.v. Τάρνη; Suid. s.v.
-  Ἀριστοτέλης; _Et. Mag._ s.v. Ἑρμῆς; Lucian, _Eunuch._ 9; Himerius, VI.
-  6; Tertull. _Apol. adv. Gent._ 46; Euseb. _Prep. Ev._ XV. 2. Suid.
-  s.v. Ἀριστοτέλης and Hesych. Miles. make Aristotle marry a daughter of
-  Hermias; Diog. Laert. “a daughter or niece”; Euseb., Harpocrat., Suid.
-  s.v. Ἑρμίας and _Et. Mag._ an adopted daughter who was by birth the
-  tyrant’s sister (Euseb.).
-
-  Plato (?), _Ep._ VI., implies that two of Hermias’ companions had
-  attended the Academy, but not Hermias himself. But even so the letter,
-  if genuine, is evidence of intercourse between Hermias and Plato.
-
-  The sources for Hermias are collected and discussed by Boeckh, _Klein.
-  Schrift._ VI. 188 f. and Larcher, _Mém. Acad. Insc. et B.-Lettr._
-  XLVIII. pp. 208 f. Larcher, writing in 1792, is less complete, but
-  extremely interesting from his attitude towards Hermias’ rebellion
-  from the king of Persia. “Moi-même, j’ai longtemps été persuadé qu’un
-  rebelle qui avoit été justement puni du dernier supplice, n’étoit pas
-  un personnage assez important pour mériter qu’on s’en occupât. Mais en
-  le voyant célébré par Aristote j’ai pensé qu’un homme qui s’étoit
-  attiré les louanges d’un grand philosophe devoit sortir de l’espèce
-  d’obscurité à laquelle il étoit en quelque sort condamné”; p. 208; cp.
-  p. 225, where Larcher explains the Greek conception of the rights of
-  nationality and their refusal to submit to a foreign conqueror. This
-  perverted attitude of the Greeks he attributes to their benighted
-  religion.
-
-Footnote 1417:
-
-  _J.H.S._ XXXV. p. 167. Note that Hermias was famed for fair dealing.
-  “If ever he made any purchase and this happened frequently in the case
-  of books, the vendor, being his subject (ἰδιώτης), would demand a
-  price less than their value. But Hermias used to correct the mistake
-  and declare that the book was worth more and pay accordingly” (Suid.).
-
-Footnote 1418:
-
-  Diog. Laert. III. 1. 31 (46).
-
-Footnote 1419:
-
-  Athen. XI. 508 f.
-
-Footnote 1420:
-
-  _J.H.S._ XXXV. p. 167.
-
-Footnote 1421:
-
-  Athen. XI. 509_a_.
-
-Footnote 1422:
-
-  Boswell, ed. Fitzgerald, I. p. 422.
-
-Footnote 1423:
-
-  Orosius IV. 6; cp. Aristot. _Pol._ VII. (V.), 1307_a_ above.
-
-Footnote 1424:
-
-  Euboulos (the unnamed banker of Strabo XIII. 610; cp. Diog. Laert. V.
-  I. 5 (3)) is quoted by Aristotle (_Pol._ II. 1267_a_) as demonstrating
-  to a Persian satrap that it would not pay for him to besiege Atarneus,
-  on which Boeckh observes that “the idea is worthy of a banker,” _Kl.
-  Schr._ VI. p. 188. He seems to have been notoriously accessible to
-  economic arguments. “Anyhow Kallisthenes in his Apophthegms says that
-  the poet Persinos, being neglected by Euboulos of Atarneus went to
-  Mitylene, and when Euboulos expressed surprise wrote to him that it
-  was because he found it more pleasing exchanging in Mitylene than in
-  Atarneus the Phocaean staters he had brought with him,” Poll. IX. 93.
-
-Footnote 1425:
-
-  Besides his connexions with Hermias Aristotle had been brought up παρά
-  τινι Προξένῳ Ἀταρνεῖ, Ammon. _Vita Arist._
-
-Footnote 1426:
-
-  Boeckh, _Kleine Schriften_, VI. p. 191, says of Hermias, “seine Macht
-  darf man nicht gering anschlagen”; but Atarneus τὸ τοῦ Ἑρμείου
-  τυραννεῖον (Strabo XIII. 614) is described by Himerius (_Or._ VI. 6)
-  as πόλις μέγεθος οὐ μεγάλη. Even on the most liberal estimate it sinks
-  into utter insignificance in the light of the conquests of Alexander,
-  which so shortly followed it.
-
-Footnote 1427:
-
-  _Pol._ II. 1273_a_; III. 1280_a_.
-
-Footnote 1428:
-
-  _Pol._ VIII. (VI.), 1318_a_.
-
-Footnote 1429:
-
-  Hicks, _Manual Gk. Hist. Inscr._ no. 100. The expression occurs four
-  times in the thirty-two extant lines of the inscription. Hermias is
-  mentioned without his partners only once, right at the end.
-
-Footnote 1430:
-
-  Perhaps also the reality. Plato’s sixth letter, which is addressed to
-  Hermias and Erastos and Koriskos (cp. Diog. Laert. III. 1. 31 (46)),
-  urges the three to form a “single bond of friendship” (μίαν φιλίας
-  συμπλοκήν). Boeckh, _Kl. Schr._ VI. p. 191, describes Hermias’ tyranny
-  as “eine Hetairie mehrerer, an deren Spitze ein anerkanntes Haupt
-  stand.” Hermias was at least primus inter pares; cp. the use made of
-  his seal, Polyaen. VI. 48.
-
-Footnote 1431:
-
-  Diog. Laert. V. 1. 7 (6); Athen. XV. 696; cp. also the epigram
-  ascribed to Aristotle on Hermias’ statue at Delphi, Diog. Laert.
-  _ibid._
-
-Footnote 1432:
-
-  Suid. s.v. Ἀριστοτέλης; cp. Athen. XV. 696_a-b_; Diog. Laert. V. 1. 7;
-  Hesych. Miles. _F.H.G._ IV. 156–7.
-
-Footnote 1433:
-
-  _Pace_ Endt, _Wien. Stud._ XXIV. pp. 67–68. He is not called tyrant by
-  Aristotle either in the Paean (where he is called Ἀταρνέος ἔντροφος,
-  v.l. ἔντροπος (= ἐπίτροπος, viceroy, steward?), see Larcher, _op.
-  cit._ p. 244), or in the epitaph Diog. Laert. V. 1. 7. The
-  _Oeconomica_, included among the works of Aristotle and probably
-  written by one of his pupils, refers to him without calling him tyrant
-  (II. 28: on authorship see ed. Teubner, introd. p. viii). Nor is
-  Euboulos so called where mentioned in the _Politics_ (II. 1267_a_).
-  Demetrius may be following the Aristotelian tradition when he calls
-  Hermias simply ὁ τοῦ Ἀταρνέως ἄρξας (but cp. _ibid._ παρὰ τοῖς
-  τυράννοις). So Suid. ὅστις ἦν ἄρχων Ἀταρνέως. In other writers Hermias
-  is generally styled tyrant (so Strabo, Diod., Diog. Laert., Dion.
-  Hal., Lucian).
-
-Footnote 1434:
-
-  Diod. XV. 7; Plut. _Dio_, 5; Diog. Laert. III. 1. 14 (19). The story
-  may be a fiction (Burnet, _Thales to Plato_, p. 211), but if so it is
-  probably based on the fact of a quarrel between the tyrant and the
-  philosopher.
-
-Footnote 1435:
-
-  Dionysius himself had a clearer conception of the danger of a
-  monopolist becoming a political potentate, as appears from a passage
-  of Aristotle himself. “In Sicily a certain person who had had money
-  deposited with him bought up all the iron from the iron works
-  (σιδηρείων), and after that, when the merchants came from the emporia,
-  he was the sole salesman. He did not greatly overcharge; but none the
-  less on fifty talents he made a hundred. When Dionysius perceived this
-  he told him to take off the money, but not to remain any longer in
-  Syracuse, since he had discovered a source of income that was
-  prejudicial to his interests.” (Arist. _Pol._ II. 1259_a_.) The
-  incident as described hardly, however, suggests that the monopolist
-  was Dionysius’ greatest danger.
-
-Footnote 1436:
-
-  Strabo XIII. 623.
-
-Footnote 1437:
-
-  An inscription published _J.H.S._ XXII. p. 195 gives his father the
-  Greek name of Attalus, but he is described by Athenaeus, XIII. 577_b_,
-  quoting Carystius, as the son of a courtesan flute girl from
-  Paphlagonia, and by Pausanias, I. 8. 1, as a Paphlagonian eunuch.
-
-Footnote 1438:
-
-  Strabo XIII. 623; Paus. I. 10. 4.
-
-Footnote 1439:
-
-  Appian XI. 10 (_Syr._ 63).
-
-Footnote 1440:
-
-  Fraenkel, _Inschr. v. Perg._ no. 245, fr. C, l. 44; Bevan, _House of
-  Seleucus_, I. p. 156.
-
-Footnote 1441:
-
-  _J.H.S._ XXII. p. 193 f.
-
-Footnote 1442:
-
-  Polyb. XXIII. 8.
-
-Footnote 1443:
-
-  Holm, _Hist. Greece_, IV. p. 280.
-
-Footnote 1444:
-
-  Mommsen, _Hist. Rome_ (English trans.), II. p. 403.
-
-Footnote 1445:
-
-  Holm, _Hist. Greece_ (English trans.), IV. pp. 280, 296.
-
-Footnote 1446:
-
-  Published in full by Minns, _Greeks and Scythians_, pp. 641–2, and
-  discussed, _ibid._ pp. 460–3 and _passim_.
-
-Footnote 1447:
-
-  Minns, p. 641, l. 65.
-
-Footnote 1448:
-
-  Minns, p. 642, l. 59.
-
-Footnote 1449:
-
-  Ure, _Black Glaze Pottery_, p. 35, n. 6.
-
-Footnote 1450:
-
-  Macrob. _Sat._ I. xi. 33.
-
-Footnote 1451:
-
-  Minns, p. 459.
-
-Footnote 1452:
-
-  Cp. Minns, p. 462, n. 2.
-
-Footnote 1453:
-
-  Strabo XIII. 624. The significance of this proceeding cannot be put
-  better than in the words of Holm, _Hist. Greece_, IV. p. 527: “It is
-  characteristic of the Pergamene dynasty that it concluded its career
-  in the spirit in which it began it. Its rule was of private origin:
-  Philetairos had appropriated treasure and treasury. After that the
-  Pergamene rulers had raised themselves to the rank of kings by their
-  money and their clever policy, and as such had achieved much good. The
-  last sovereign of the line, however, reverted to the view that his
-  position was of a private nature and he disposed of everything that he
-  claimed as if it were private property.”
-
-Footnote 1454:
-
-  Strabo XIII. 624. The friendship dated from at least 211 B.C., Livy
-  XXVI. 24.
-
-Footnote 1455:
-
-  οὐ ψθίνει Κροίσου φιλόφρων ἀρετά, Pind. _Pyth._ I. 93–94; but cp. what
-  the poet says _ibid._ 95–98, about what was probably a similar
-  government (see above, pp. 274–8), that the Greeks knew from the
-  inside: “Phalaris men tell of everywhere with hate” (ἐχθρὰ Φάλαριν
-  κατέχει παντᾷ φάτις).
-
-Footnote 1456:
-
-  Beloch, _Gr. G._^2 I. i. 348.
-
-Footnote 1457:
-
-  Beloch, _Gr. G._^2 I. i. 359.
-
-Footnote 1458:
-
-  Cp. recent days, when a relapse into some of the conditions of the
-  dark ages turned “business men” into polemarchs or publicists and in
-  some notorious cases into both combined.
-
-Footnote 1459:
-
-  Except perhaps Pheidon, who is exceptional in other ways as well.
-
-Footnote 1460:
-
-  The lawgiver and the tyrant are often sharply contrasted, _e.g._
-  Lucian, _Phalaris_ A, 8.
-
-Footnote 1461:
-
-  _Rep._ 566_a_.
-
-Footnote 1462:
-
-  V. 92.
-
-Footnote 1463:
-
-  1181–2; cp. 1203–4.
-
-Footnote 1464:
-
-  E. Gardner, _Greek Sculpture_^2 figs. 44, 45.
-
-Footnote 1465:
-
-  _E.g._ the famous drinking song beginning ἐν μύρτου κλαδί.
-
-Footnote 1466:
-
-  For hatred and condemnation of tyranny or praise of tyrannicides see
-  further Aristoph. _Thesm._ 335 f.; Polyb. V. 11; Cic. _de Off._ III.
-  6; Xenoph. _Hiero_, II. 8; Plut. _Timol._ 5, 37; Ael. _V.H._ XIV. 22.
-
-Footnote 1467:
-
-  See above, pp. 133–4.
-
-Footnote 1468:
-
-  Nordin, _Klio_, V. pp. 402 f., explains the title τύραννος as adopted
-  in the seventh century because kingship was then revived as a reality
-  while king meant a functionary who was essentially powerless. This
-  explanation may well be true, but it throws no light on the character
-  of the revived reality.
-
-Footnote 1469:
-
-  _E.g._ I. 7, 73, 100, 109; II. 147 (the dominions of the twelve rulers
-  who divided Egypt after Sethon are called tyrannies, the rulers
-  themselves are called kings); V. 113 (“Philokypros, whom Solon of
-  Athens, when he came to Cyprus, praised in his poems most of all
-  tyrants” (τυράννων μάλιστα)); VII. 52, 99, 164; VIII. 67, 137, 142.
-
-Footnote 1470:
-
-  The term has of course at different periods been applied to
-  governments that differed widely from one another both in the
-  character and in the basis of their power. There is no reason for
-  classing Cypselus and Dionysius together as the same kind of ruler, as
-  Holm (_Gk. Hist._ I. p. 266, n. 15), followed by Bury (_Gk. Hist._^2
-  p. 147; cp. Francotte, _Mélanges_, pp. 62 f.), has gone out of his way
-  to do. Holm’s points have already been met: they are (1) For Phalaris,
-  Peisistratus and Polycrates brute force was as indispensable as for
-  later tyrants like Dionysius and Agathocles. (2) These latter owed
-  their rise as much as earlier tyrants to the hatred that the lower
-  classes bore the nobles. (3) Herodotus does not distinguish king from
-  tyrant. Bury’s dogmatism on this point and his denial of the existence
-  of an “age of tyrants” is responsible for the inception of this book.
-
-Footnote 1471:
-
-  _Pol._ VII. (V.), 1310_b_.
-
-Footnote 1472:
-
-  _Rep._ 552_b_.
-
-Footnote 1473:
-
-  Cp. Isocr. _Paneg._ 62 (105), “thinking it monstrous that the few
-  should be masters of the many and that those who are below them in
-  point of property but in other respects not a whit their inferiors
-  should be excluded from office.”
-
-Footnote 1474:
-
-  Poehlmann, _Grundriss_^4, p. 73, n. 1 (my theory a “falsche
-  Verallgemeinerung”).
-
-Footnote 1475:
-
-  Sieveking, _Viertelj. Soc. Wirt._ VII. p. 81.
-
-Footnote 1476:
-
-  How and Wells, _Hdt._ V. 92 β 1, regard an anti-Dorian reaction as a
-  usual feature of early Peloponnesian tyrannies.
-
-Footnote 1477:
-
-  Busolt, _Lakedaim._ I. p. 209; cp. Hdt. I. 23; Suid. s.v. Ἀρίων;
-  Strabo VIII. 378.
-
-Footnote 1478:
-
-  Busolt, _Lakedaim._ I. p. 210.
-
-Footnote 1479:
-
-  Polyb. XII. 13.
-
-Footnote 1480:
-
-  Except at Sicyon it seldom lasted more than two generations; cp. Hdt.
-  V. 92, where the oracle prophesies that Cypselus and his sons shall be
-  kings of famed Corinth, but not his sons’ sons, αὐτὸς καὶ παῖδες,
-  παῖδων γε μὲν οὐκέτι παῖδες.
-
-Footnote 1481:
-
-  _Anticipations_, pp. 156–7; cp. the North of England saying that it is
-  three generations from clogs to clogs.
-
-Footnote 1482:
-
-  _Varieties of Religious Experience_, p. 319.
-
-Footnote 1483:
-
-  _Ibid._ p. 318.
-
-Footnote 1484:
-
-  Cp. H. G. Wells, _Tono Bungay_^1, p. 486, on the governing classes of
-  Great Britain as seen at Westminster, “the realities are greedy trade,
-  base profit-seeking, bold advertisement—and kingship and chivalry ...
-  are dead.”
-
-Footnote 1485:
-
-  See _e.g._ Mauri, _Citt. Lav. dell’ Attica_, p. 30.
-
-Footnote 1486:
-
-  Aristot. _Pol._ VIII. (VI.), 1319_a_.
-
-Footnote 1487:
-
-  _Ibid._ 1318_b_.
-
-Footnote 1488:
-
-  Aristot. _Ath. Pol._ 16; cp. Ael. _V.H._ IX. 25 and Max. Tyr. XXIII.
-  (Teubner, = Duebner, p. 117).
-
-Footnote 1489:
-
-  Grundy, _Thuc. and his Age_, p. 117.
-
-Footnote 1490:
-
-  For a full discussion of these people see Gilliard, _Réformes de
-  Solon_, chap. VI.
-
-Footnote 1491:
-
-  Aristot. _Ath. Pol._ 2.
-
-Footnote 1492:
-
-  οἱ τῷ γένει μὴ καθαροί ... ὡς πολλῶν κοινωνούντων τῆς πολιτείας οὐ
-  προσῆκον. Aristot. _Ath. Pol._ 13.
-
-Footnote 1493:
-
-  θητικὸς ὄχλος, Plut. _Sol._ 29.
-
-Footnote 1494:
-
-  Thuc. I. 2. Xenophon indeed, _de Vect._ I. 3, calls Attica all
-  productive (παμφορωτάτη), and declares that things that could not even
-  grow in many places bear fruit in Attica. But the context shows that
-  this only applies to the most favoured districts, cp. _ibid._ 5,
-  quoted below; the reference, too, is strictly to the variety of Attic
-  crops (doubtless a result of Athenian luxury and enterprise); cp.
-  Plato, _Critias_, 110_e_–111_a_: “(fifth century) Attica can vie with
-  any land in the variety and excellence of its products (τῷ πάμφορον
-  εὔκαρπον τε εἶναι); but in those days” (_i.e._ in the mythical past)
-  “in addition to their quality it produced them in great abundance.”
-  Theophrastus, _Hist. Plant._ VIII. 8, says that “at Athens the barley
-  produces more meal than anywhere else, since it is an excellent land
-  for that crop”; but this says nothing as to the amount of land in
-  Attica under barley. Boeckh, _Public Economy_, I. p. 109, calculates
-  that in ancient Attica 955,500 plethra out of a total area of
-  2,304,000 were under corn; but his calculation is based on a series of
-  conjectures as to the yearly consumption and import which hardly weigh
-  against the considerations adduced below.
-
-Footnote 1495:
-
-  Aristot. _Ath. Pol._ 16. So (_ap._ Leutsch, _Paroemiograph. Gr._ II.
-  p. 756) Mantissa, I. 76 (where Peisistratus expresses surprise at
-  anyone farming such land, τίνας καρποὺς ἀναιρούμενος τοιαῦτα γεωργοίη
-  χωρία), and, with no reference to Hymettus, Zenob. IV. 76 (_ap._ eosd.
-  I. p. 105).
-
-Footnote 1496:
-
-  Hdt. VI. 137.
-
-Footnote 1497:
-
-  Stat. _Theb._ XII. 622, 620.
-
-Footnote 1498:
-
-  Athen. I. 28_d_, θύμον Ὑμήττιον.
-
-Footnote 1499:
-
-  Paus. I. 32; cp. Plut. _Sol._ 23 (Solon offered rewards for killing
-  wolves).
-
-Footnote 1500:
-
-  Plato, _Critias_, 111_c_; cp. references, Bursian, _Geog. Gr._ I. p.
-  254.
-
-Footnote 1501:
-
-  Cp. the “forest clad mountain (ὄρος καταειμενον ὕλῃ)” of _Odyss._
-  XIII. 351.
-
-Footnote 1502:
-
-  Columella IX. 2.
-
-Footnote 1503:
-
-  Aristot. _Hist. Anim._ IX. 624_b_.
-
-Footnote 1504:
-
-  Zimmern, _Greek Commonwealth_, p. 44, quoting J. L. Myres.
-
-Footnote 1505:
-
-  Bursian, _Gr. Geog._ I. p. 252; cp. Cavaignac, _Études Financ._ p. 13;
-  Guiraud, _Prop. Fonc._ p. 505, n. 5. Bursian is based on Paus. I. 32
-  (quoted above).
-
-Footnote 1506:
-
-  Thuc. II. 20, 23; cp. Loeper, _Ath. Mitt._ XVII. (1892), p. 394, n. 1.
-
-Footnote 1507:
-
-  Another possibility is to equate the Plain of Thucydides with the
-  Parts round the City of Cleisthenes. This is only probable on the
-  assumption that the Cleisthenic triple division followed the lines of
-  the old local parties, and that the old names persisted in unofficial
-  usage. It implies that the Peisistratan Diakria corresponded roughly
-  to the Cleisthenic Mesogeia and extended far south of Brauron (see p.
-  311). But more probably Thucydides is using “plain” in its natural
-  sense of low-lying level open country.
-
-Footnote 1508:
-
-  Xen. _de Vect._ I. 5; cp. Strabo IX. 400, “far the best honey comes
-  from the mining district.” The passage from the _de Vect._ is
-  misunderstood by Grundy, _Thuc. and his Age_, p. 151, n. 2, who says,
-  “the reference is certainly to a widespread system of market-gardening
-  and perhaps also to the purchasing power of the product of vine
-  cultivation.” Grundy gives no evidence that cabbages or other
-  vegetables or even wine were many times as valuable as corn; he
-  plainly takes ὀρυττομένη as though it were σκαπτομένη, and appears to
-  think that the sentence refers to Attica at large, a view that is
-  rendered most unlikely both by the language (ἔστι δὲ καὶ γῆ ἡ
-  σπειρομένη οὐ φέρει καρπόν, not καὶ σπειρομένη μὲν ἡ γῆ οὐ φέρει
-  καρπόν), and the context (the crops of Attica are finished with in I.
-  4, and the sentence just quoted follows a statement about the Attic
-  quarries and precedes the declaration that the mines are the gift of
-  God).
-
-Footnote 1509:
-
-  Schol. Aesch. _c. Timarch._ 97 (13); cp. Harpocrat. s.v. ἐσχατιά, and
-  _Lex. Seguer._ _ap._ Bekker, _Anec. Gr._ p. 256. See further Boeckh,
-  _Pub. Econ._ I. p. 86.
-
-Footnote 1510:
-
-  Lucret. V. 1370–5; Virg. _Aen._ XI. 316–20 and Servius, _ad loc._; cp.
-  _Aen._ XI. 569; Tac. _Ann._ I. 17. The Latin evidence all shows that
-  when Pliny, _N.H._ XVIII. 12, says that foreign wheat can only be
-  compared with the mountain crops of Italy (montanis Italiae agris), he
-  is using “mons” of anything that is not valley. Caesar, it should be
-  remembered, speaks of the mountains of Kent.
-
-Footnote 1511:
-
-  _C.I.A._ II. 782; Aeschin. _c. Timarch._ 121 (17).
-
-Footnote 1512:
-
-  The MS. is much abbreviated and very corrupt, Schow, _Hesych._ p. x.
-
-Footnote 1513:
-
-  Cp. Strabo IX. 391.
-
-Footnote 1514:
-
-  Cp. the maps of Milchhoefer, _Abh. Berl. Acad._ 1892 after p. 48, and
-  Loeper, _Ath. Mitt._ XVII. pl. XII. Milchhoefer’s “coast” goes
-  considerably further North than Loeper’s.
-
-Footnote 1515:
-
-  Perhaps not altogether so, at least after the Persian peril and
-  Themistocles had given the mining district something of a naval
-  character. See _Ath. Mitt._ X. p. 111.
-
-Footnote 1516:
-
-  “It would be tedious to enumerate the demes of the interior owing to
-  their number,” Strabo IX. 399, just after a (presumably full)
-  enumeration of the Attic coast demes. The city was probably growing
-  rapidly at the time of Cleisthenes’ reforms.
-
-Footnote 1517:
-
-  “First they ravaged the land that looks towards the Peloponnesus, then
-  (ἔπειτα δέ) that which faces Euboea and Andros.” “The addition of δέ
-  emphasizes the antithesis,” Marchant, _Thuc._ II. _ad loc._
-
-Footnote 1518:
-
-  Hdt. V. 81; Strabo IX. 395, 400; _C.I.A._ II. 1059 (cp. Strabo IX.
-  398), 1194, 1206_b_, 1195.
-
-Footnote 1519:
-
-  γουνὸς Σουνιακός, Hdt. IV. 99. The meaning of γουνός is not certain,
-  but see Liddell and Scott s.v.: Macaulay translates “hill region.”
-
-Footnote 1520:
-
-  Hesych. and Suid. explain παραλία and πάραλος by παραθαλάσσιος,. M.
-  Psellus by ἐπιθαλαττίδιον.
-
-Footnote 1521:
-
-  See Loeper, _Ath. Mitt._ XVII. p. 429.
-
-Footnote 1522:
-
-  Strabo IX. 392.
-
-Footnote 1523:
-
-  _Vesp._ 1223, _Lysis_, 58.
-
-Footnote 1524:
-
-  Suid. s.v.
-
-Footnote 1525:
-
-  Steph. Byz. s.v.
-
-Footnote 1526:
-
-  See _e.g._ Kroker, _Jahrb._ I. pp. 112–13; Buschor, _Gr. Vasenmal._^1
-  p. 39; Mueller and Oelmann, _Tiryns_, I. p. 161.
-
-  The Geometric of the Argolid is described by Poulsen, _Dipylongräber_,
-  p. 66, as a “featureless variety” (unpersönliche Gattung).
-
-Footnote 1527:
-
-  On export of Dipylon ware see Pottier _ap._ Saglio, _Dict. d. Ant._
-  s.v. vases, p. 634; Prinz, _Funde aus Naukratis_, p. 77 (Cyprus and
-  Thera).
-
-Footnote 1528:
-
-  Beloch, _Rhein. Mus._ 1890, p. 590, following Kroker, _Jahrb._ I. pp.
-  95 f., who however is mistaken (_ibid._ p. 113) in dating Dipylon
-  vases with war ships depicted in action as necessarily later than 664
-  B.C. See below, pp. 321 f. So also F. Poulsen, _Dipylongräber_, pp. 13
-  (seventh? century Egyptian objects in Dipylon graves), 27–28
-  (Proto-Corinthian vases in Attic Geometric graves).
-
-Footnote 1529:
-
-  Boehlau, _Jahrb._ II. (1887), pp. 33–66. For the name Phaleron see
-  _Jahrb._ II. p. 44.
-
-Footnote 1530:
-
-  Late seventh century Attic ware, style of Netos amphora, has been
-  found at Naukratis, where Prinz, _Funde_, p. 77, argues that it must
-  have been taken by Aeginetans, since Aegina was the only European
-  Greek city with a concession at Naukratis. But for the general poverty
-  of Athens at that period cp. the Acropolis finds, which show some
-  thousand Dipylon sherds, as against only about forty Proto-Attic, 160
-  Vourva (Attic with zones of animals and rosette fill-ornament, date
-  probably about 600 B.C.), fifteen Proto-Corinthian, and 125
-  Corinthian; Graef, _Vasen Acrop. Athen_, pp. 23, 34, 41, 44, 51. At
-  least two of the Proto-Corinthian sherds, and a very considerable
-  number of the Corinthian may be sixth century.
-
-Footnote 1531:
-
-  Thiersch _ap._ Furtwaengler, _Aegina_, p. 451.
-
-Footnote 1532:
-
-  _Ath. Mitt._ 1897, p. 262 (Aegina); Furtwaengler, _Aegina_, p. 448.
-
-Footnote 1533:
-
-  Above, pp. 176 f.
-
-Footnote 1534:
-
-  Prinz, _Funde aus Naukratis_, p. 69, following Loeschcke, _Ath. Mitt._
-  XXII. p. 264.
-
-Footnote 1535:
-
-  Above, pp. 185–7, 241–3.
-
-Footnote 1536:
-
-  Thiersch, _Aegina_, p. 448; Graef, _Woch. Klass. Phil._ 1893, p. 139.
-
-Footnote 1537:
-
-  Hoppin, _Argive Heraeum_, I. p. 59, II. pp. 119 f. (arguing from the
-  unbroken development of the style that can be traced in the Heraeum
-  finds); Dragendorff, _Thera_, II. p. 193; but cp. Furtwaengler,
-  _Aegina_, p. 477; _Berl. Phil. Woch._ 1895, p. 202; Poulsen,
-  _Dipylongräber_, p. 75.
-
-Footnote 1538:
-
-  Cp. finds at Corinth itself and at the Corinthian Syracuse. Corinthian
-  is admittedly not a development of Proto-Corinthian; but from this to
-  argue with Prinz, _Funde aus Nauk._ p. 70, that Proto-Corinthian
-  cannot be a Corinthian product is to assume that an industry once in
-  existence makes it impossible for a rival concern, producing a
-  different style of article, to be started in the same city, even in
-  the case of so cosmopolitan a centre as Corinth.
-
-Footnote 1539:
-
-  Gabrici, _Mon. Ant._ XXII. p. 362; de Ridder, _de Ectypis_, p. 56, n.
-  4.
-
-Footnote 1540:
-
-  Furtwaengler, _Aegina_, p. 477; Thiersch, _Aegina_, p. 448; Prinz,
-  _Funde aus Nauk._ p. 70; K. F. Johansen, _Sikyoniske Vaser_. The Chigi
-  vase, a Proto-Corinthian masterpiece, has an inscription in an
-  alphabet that is neither Argive, Aeginetan, nor Chalcidian (see
-  especially the lambda), but may well be Sicyonian.
-
-Footnote 1541:
-
-  Pottier in Saglio, _Dict. d. Ant._ s.v. Vases, p. 637, sums up for
-  North Peloponnesus not far from Corinth; Frickenhaus, _Tiryns_, I. p.
-  103, Argolis but not Argos (cp. _ibid._ pp. 145–6, Mueller and Oelmann
-  on a type of geometric Kraterskyphos common in the Argolid that leads
-  up directly to Proto-Corinthian).
-
-Footnote 1542:
-
-  Above, pp. 179–180.
-
-Footnote 1543:
-
-  For Sicyonian potteries being important at this time see Waldstein,
-  _Arg. Heraeum_, II. p. 166, n. 1, and cp. above, p. 316, n. 10.
-
-Footnote 1544:
-
-  _Argive Heraeum_, II. p. 175.
-
-Footnote 1545:
-
-  Busolt, _Gr. G._^2 II. p. 200, thinks it dates “probably as early as
-  the seventh century.”
-
-Footnote 1546:
-
-  Below, pp. 321 f.
-
-Footnote 1547:
-
-  _B.S.A._ XI. pp. 226–7; Furtwaengler, _Aegina_, p. 478; Thiersch,
-  _ibid._ p. 458; Pallat, _Ath. Mitt._ 1897, p. 324.
-
-Footnote 1548:
-
-  Thiersch _ap._ Furtwaengler, _Aegina_, p. 458 (Vourva).
-
-Footnote 1549:
-
-  _Aegina_, p. 436; cp. Furtwaengler, _ibid._ p. 474.
-
-Footnote 1550:
-
-  _Ath. Mitt._ 1897, pp. 265 f.
-
-Footnote 1551:
-
-  _Argive Heraeum_, II. pp. 121–2. Hoppin, _ibid._ p. 102, thinks the
-  Heraeum Geometric probably Argive rather than Attic. As regards the
-  abrupt termination of Geometric on the Heraeum site, it should be
-  remembered that the temple only dates from the eighth to the seventh
-  century, Frickenhaus, _Tiryns_, p. 118, and that a previous secular
-  settlement appears to have come to a violent end.
-
-Footnote 1552:
-
-  And for much else as well, including some Argive.
-
-Footnote 1553:
-
-  Pallat, _Ath. Mitt._ 1897, pp. 273 f., 315; cp. Studniczka, _Ath.
-  Mitt._ 1899, pp. 361 f.
-
-Footnote 1554:
-
-  _Ath. Mitt._ 1897, p. 332; cp. Buschor, _Gr. Vasenmal._^1 pp. 64, 66.
-
-Footnote 1555:
-
-  _Ath. Mitt._ 1897, p. 263.
-
-Footnote 1556:
-
-  See _Arch.-epig. Mitt. aus Oesterreich_, II. pp. 17 f.
-
-Footnote 1557:
-
-  Visited by the writer in the spring of 1914.
-
-Footnote 1558:
-
-  How and Wells, _Hdt._ V. 88. 2.
-
-Footnote 1559:
-
-  _Argive Heraeum_, II. p. 175; _C.R._ XII. pp. 86–87.
-
-Footnote 1560:
-
-  _Argive Heraeum_, II. p. 177, nos. 14, 16.
-
-Footnote 1561:
-
-  _Argive Heraeum_, II. p. 173.
-
-Footnote 1562:
-
-  Frickenhaus, _Tiryns_, I. pp. 97–98.
-
-Footnote 1563:
-
-  _Argive Heraeum_, II. pp. 96–97; cp. _Tiryns_, I. pp. 97–98, 117.
-
-Footnote 1564:
-
-  _Tiryns_, I. p. 95.
-
-Footnote 1565:
-
-  Furtwaengler, _Aegina_, p. 441, quoting “pot dealer” (χυτρόπωλις),
-  applied to Aegina by Pollux VII. 197.
-
-Footnote 1566:
-
-  _E.g._ Thera, see Dragendorff, _Thera_, II. p. 231.
-
-Footnote 1567:
-
-  Cp. Prinz, _Funde aus Naukratis_, p. 69.
-
-Footnote 1568:
-
-  Thuc. I. 13.
-
-Footnote 1569:
-
-  Torr, _Rev. Arch._^3 XXV. p. 25.
-
-Footnote 1570:
-
-  Torr, _ibid._ figs. 3, 6 (probably), 10, 11, 12; Cartault, _Mon. Gr._
-  1882–4, p. 53, figs. 2, 3.
-
-Footnote 1571:
-
-  _Jahrb._ I. pp. 111–13; cp. Torr, _Rev. Arch._^3 XXV. p. 25. Kroker
-  and Torr are answered by Pernice, _Ath. Mitt._ XVII. (1892), pp.
-  304–6; Pottier, _Cat. Vases Louvre_, I. pp. 222–3.
-
-Footnote 1572:
-
-  On the same psychological grounds, quite apart from the historical
-  evidence for Athenian naval power during the dark ages, we must reject
-  Assmann’s suggestion, _Arch. Anz._ 1895, pp. 118–19, that the Dipylon
-  ships are the vessels of “the dreaded Phoenician pirates.”
-
-Footnote 1573:
-
-  Brueckner and Pernice, _Ath. Mitt._ XVIII. pp. 135–7; Pottier, _Cat.
-  Vases Louvre_, I. pp. 231–3; Helbig, _Mém. Acad. Inscr. et B.-L._
-  XXXVI. (1898), p. 390.
-
-Footnote 1574:
-
-  _Arch. Eph._ 1898, pl. V. 1.
-
-Footnote 1575:
-
-  Poulsen, _Dipylongräber_, p. 100.
-
-Footnote 1576:
-
-  _Mém. Acad. Inscr. et B.-L._ XXXVI. (1898), p. 400; _pace_ Kroker,
-  _Jahrb._ I. p. 111.
-
-Footnote 1577:
-
-  Suggested and rejected by Brueckner and Pernice, _Ath. Mitt._ XVIII.
-  p. 153.
-
-Footnote 1578:
-
-  _Wiener Vorlegeblätter_, 1888, pl. I. 8; Walters-Birch, _Hist. Anc.
-  Pott._ I. pl. XVI.; Buschor, _Gr. Vasenmal._^1 pp. 60–61.
-
-Footnote 1579:
-
-  _Mém. Acad. Inscr. et B.-L._ XXXVI. (1898), p. 394, fig. _e_ = _Arch.
-  Zeit._ XLIII. (1885), pl. VIII. 1. Just after Helbig’s publication
-  another Attic Geometric vase was published by Skias from his
-  excavations at Eleusis, which shows a ship’s crew attacking men on
-  land, _Arch. Eph._ 1898, p. 110, and pl. V. 1.
-
-Footnote 1580:
-
-  Strabo II. 99.
-
-Footnote 1581:
-
-  _Arch. Zeit._ 1885, p. 133; so Assmann, _Berl. Phil. Woch._ 1899, p.
-  18.
-
-Footnote 1582:
-
-  _Op. cit._ pp. 397–400.
-
-Footnote 1583:
-
-  As noticed by Torr, _Rev. Arch._^3 XXV. p. 25, the only naval
-  engagement mentioned in Homer occurs between a fleet and a land force,
-  _Il._ XV. 367 f.; cp. Sallust, “nauigationem inuadendarum terrarum
-  causa ortam.”
-
-Footnote 1584:
-
-  Hdt. V. 83. Duris of Samos, Schol. Eurip. _Hec._ 934, attributes the
-  Athenian attack on Aegina to previous Aeginetan raids on Attica.
-
-Footnote 1585:
-
-  Kinkel, _Epic. Frag._ p. 118, fr. 96.
-
-Footnote 1586:
-
-  Cp. Myres, _J.H.S._ XXVI. p. 85.
-
-Footnote 1587:
-
-  See above, p. 109.
-
-Footnote 1588:
-
-  Hdt. V. 86.
-
-Footnote 1589:
-
-  Hdt. V. 86.
-
-Footnote 1590:
-
-  Athens, Hdt. V. 85; Aegina, Hdt. V. 86. 2.
-
-Footnote 1591:
-
-  So Macan, _Hdt._ IV.-VI. ad VI. 82. 2 and vol. II. pp. 105–6.
-
-Footnote 1592:
-
-  Thuc. I. 13.
-
-Footnote 1593:
-
-  _Ath. Mitt._ XVII. p. 298, figs. 5, 6; p. 303, figs. 9, 10; Pernice,
-  _ibid._ pp. 294, 306; cp. _Mon. Grecs_, 1882–4, pl. IV. 2, 3 and pp.
-  51–2.
-
-Footnote 1594:
-
-  Layard, _Mon. of Nineveh_, series I. pl. 71.
-
-Footnote 1595:
-
-  Hdt. II. 159.
-
-Footnote 1596:
-
-  Clem. Alex. _Strom._ I. 16.
-
-Footnote 1597:
-
-  Against this view see Kroker, _Jahrb._ I. p. 110, n. 39; cp. Beloch,
-  _Gr. G._^2 I. i. p. 275, n. 1; Busolt, _Gr. G._^2 I. p. 449.
-
-Footnote 1598:
-
-  Above, pp. 177–8.
-
-Footnote 1599:
-
-  Hdt. III. 59.
-
-Footnote 1600:
-
-  Brueckner and Pernice, _Ath. Mitt._ XVIII. p. 153, followed by _e.g._
-  Helbig, _Mém. Acad. Inscr. et B.-L._ XXXVI. (1898), pp. 387 f. Against
-  this view see Assmann, _Berl. Phil. Woch._ 1899, pp. 16 f., who argues
-  merely (1) that the dead on the ships proves them Phoenician, (2) that
-  if the Athenians depicted their own ships, there would be more ships
-  on Black and Red Figure Attic vases. But against this note (1) that
-  the Dipylon vases are funeral vases, (2) that, in spite of Salamis,
-  fifth century Attic vases do not abound with pictures of enemy ships.
-
-Footnote 1601:
-
-  Hdt. V. 71.
-
-Footnote 1602:
-
-  Thuc. I. 126.
-
-Footnote 1603:
-
-  Forchhammer, _Philol._ 1874, p. 472; Schoemann, _Jahrb. Class. Phil._
-  CXI. (1875), p. 451; J. W. Headlam, _C.R._ VI. p. 253; Busolt, _Gr.
-  G._^2 II. p. 190, n. 2.
-
-Footnote 1604:
-
-  Wecklein, _Sitz. bayr. Akad., philos.-philol. Kl._ 1873, pp. 33–34; G.
-  Gilbert, _Jahrb. Class. Phil._ CXI. p. 10; Macan, _Hdt._ IV.-VI., and
-  How and Wells, _Comment. Hdt._ ad Hdt. V. 71.
-
-Footnote 1605:
-
-  Aristot. _Ath. Pol._ 8; Pollux VIII. 108.
-
-Footnote 1606:
-
-  Aristot. _Ath. Pol._ 8, “organized for the collection of taxes and
-  their disbursement (τὰς εἰσφορὰς καὶ τὰς δαπάνας τὰς γιγνομένας)”: cp.
-  Pollux VIII. 108; Photius s.v. ναύκραροι; perhaps also s.v. ναύκληρος;
-  Suidas; and _Lex. Seguer._ _ap._ Bekker, _Anec. Gr._ p. 282.
-
-Footnote 1607:
-
-  Mitchell and Caspari’s edit, of Grote, p. 8, quoting Aristot. _Ath.
-  Pol._ 8. 3; cp. Hesych. s.v. ναύκλαροι (_sic_, but in error for
-  ναύκραροι; cp. _ibid._ “afterwards they were called demarchs”), who
-  describes naukraroi simply as “the men who collected the taxes from
-  each district.”
-
-Footnote 1608:
-
-  Aristot. _Ath. Pol._ 21 (quoted Harpocrat. s.v. ναυκραρικά); Schol.
-  Aristoph. _Clouds_, 37; Pollux VIII. 108; Photius s.v. ναυκραρία,
-  Suidas s.v. δήμαρχοι.
-
-Footnote 1609:
-
-  Pollux VIII. 108, “ship, from which perhaps naukrary has got its
-  name.”
-
-Footnote 1610:
-
-  Grote, _Hist._, edit. 1888, II. p. 426. Cp. Pollux I. 74–5, X. 20, the
-  master of the (whole) house is called ναύκληρος (_sic_).
-
-Footnote 1611:
-
-  Wecklein, _Sitz. bayr. Akad._ 1873, p. 43; Wachsmuth, _Stadt Athen_,
-  I. 481, n. 4; the derivation from ναῦς is denied also by Assmann,
-  _Berl. Phil. Woch._ 1899, p. 19, and Keil, _Solon. Verfass._ p. 94,
-  and doubted by Buechsenschuetz, _Berl. Phil. Woch._ 1907, p. 815.
-
-Footnote 1612:
-
-  Pollux I. 74. So X. 20.
-
-Footnote 1613:
-
-  Hesych. s.v. ναύειν, “to supplicate, from the fact that suppliants
-  flee for refuge to the hearth”; _ib._ s.v. ναύκληρος (_sic_)· ὁ
-  συνοικίας προεστώς.
-
-Footnote 1614:
-
-  G. Meyer in G. Curtius, _Stud._ VII. pp. 176–9.
-
-Footnote 1615:
-
-  To the evidence for nau- in naukrary meaning ship add _Lex. Seguer._
-  in Bekker, _Anecd. Gr._ 283. 20 s.v. naukraroi, “Those who equip the
-  ships, and act as trierarchs, and are subordinate to the polemarch.”
-
-Footnote 1616:
-
-  Glotz, _Et. Soc. et Jurid._ p. 246; cp. _Odyss._ VIII. 391, ἄρχοι
-  κραίνουσι.
-
-Footnote 1617:
-
-  Unless, as maintained by Boeckh, _Public Econ._ II. p. 327, n. 285,
-  one is to be inferred from the comparison made by the Atthidograph
-  Kleidemos between naukraries and the symmories of his own day; Phot.
-  s.v. ναυκραρία; cp. Pollux VIII. 108.
-
-Footnote 1618:
-
-  _Jahrb. Cl. Phil._ CXI. (1875), pp. 12 f. (answered by Schoemann,
-  _Jahrb. Cl. Phil._ CXI. (1875), pp. 452 f., and Duncker, _Ges. d.
-  Alt._ VI.^5 p. 120, n. 2); so also Lenschau ap. Bursian, _Jahresb._
-  176 (1918), pp. 194–5.
-
-Footnote 1619:
-
-  _Clouds_ 37, “whether established by Solon or even earlier.”
-
-Footnote 1620:
-
-  Plut. _Solon_, 9.
-
-Footnote 1621:
-
-  De Sanctis, _Atthis_^2, pp. 305 f.: so Costanzi, _Riv. Stor. Ant._ V.
-  pp. 514–15.
-
-Footnote 1622:
-
-  _Jahrb. Cl. Phil._ CXI. (1875), p. 454.
-
-Footnote 1623:
-
-  _Ges. d. Alt._ V.^5 p. 474.
-
-Footnote 1624:
-
-  _Attisch. Bürgerrecbt_, p. 152; cp. Wachsmuth, _Stadt Athen_, I. pp.
-  473–4.
-
-Footnote 1625:
-
-  _Gr. G._^2 II. p. 189, n. 1; cp. p. 191.
-
-Footnote 1626:
-
-  Glotz, _Et. Soc. et Jurid._ pp. 231–43; but cp. Buechsenschuetz,
-  _Berl. Phil. Woch._ 1907, pp. 815–16.
-
-Footnote 1627:
-
-  Helbig, _Mém. Acad. Inscr. et B.-L._ XXXVI. p. 405; cp. Wilamowitz,
-  _Aristot. u. Athen_, II. 54; Gilliard, _Réformes de Solon_, p. 108, n.
-  2.
-
-Footnote 1628:
-
-  Wecklein, _Sitz. bayr. Akad., philos.-philol. Kl._ 1873, p. 30–48;
-  Forchhammer, _Philol._ XXXIV. p. 472, on the meagre evidence of Thuc.
-  II. 15; Plut. _Theseus_, 24.
-
-Footnote 1629:
-
-  Above, p. 169.
-
-Footnote 1630:
-
-  Mitchell and Caspari, p. 8 of their edition of Grote.
-
-Footnote 1631:
-
-  With this last remark contrast my whole account of the first Aeginetan
-  war. Boeckh, _Public Econ._ I. p. 341, notes that in the time of
-  Cleisthenes the number of ships in the fleet is fifty (Hdt. VI. 89),
-  corresponding to that of the naukraries, which had been raised from
-  the earlier forty-eight, Photius, s.v. ναυκραρία.
-
-Footnote 1632:
-
-  Strabo VIII. 374, ὑπὲρ τῶν Ναυπλιέων Ἀργεῖοι συνετέλουν, ὑπὲρ Πρασιέων
-  δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι; cp. C. Mueller, _Aeginetica_, I. § 7.
-
-Footnote 1633:
-
-  “There was a sort of Amphictyonic council” at Kalauria, Strabo VIII.
-  374 (Ephorus), who quotes
-
-                 ἴσον τοι Δῆλόν τε Καλαυρείαν τε νέμεσθαι
-                 Πυθώ τ’ ἠγαθέην.
-
-Footnote 1634:
-
-  Paus. IV. 24. 4, 35. 2.
-
-Footnote 1635:
-
-  Paus. III. 7. 4, IV. 14. 3.
-
-Footnote 1636:
-
-  So F. Cauer in Pauly Wissowa s.v. Argolis, p. 730, “about the time of
-  the second Messenian war.”
-
-Footnote 1637:
-
-  Thuc. I. 6.
-
-Footnote 1638:
-
-  πέπλοισι Δωρικοῖσιν, _Persae_, 182–3.
-
-Footnote 1639:
-
-  As already noted by Studniczka, _Ges. Altgr. Tracht_, p. 18, although
-  (like Helbig, _Hom. Epos_^2, 163, 164, and Holwerda, _Rhein. Mus._
-  1903, p. 520) he overlooks the important word αὖ. Partly perhaps
-  because he wrote before the excavations of Sparta, partly because of
-  his preconceived views on other points, Studniczka has failed to see
-  the full force of his own observations.
-
-Footnote 1640:
-
-  _B.S.A._ XIII. pp. 77 f.
-
-Footnote 1641:
-
-  G. Dickens, _J.H.S._ XXXII. pp. 17–19.
-
-Footnote 1642:
-
-  Dorian states followed Sparta in this revival earlier than did Athens;
-  see Kalkmann, _Jahrb._ XI. pp. 41–42.
-
-Footnote 1643:
-
-  Hdt. V. 88; cp. Studniczka, _Ges. Altgr. Tracht_, pp. 14 f. on the
-  Semitic origin of χιτών, the distinguishing garment of the Ἰάονες
-  ἑλκεχίτωνες (Hom. _Il._ XIII. 685). The discrepancy with Hdt. that
-  some scholars have found in Thuc. I. 6 is only apparent, see Holwerda,
-  _Rhein. Mus._ 1903, p. 520.
-
-Footnote 1644:
-
-  See especially the pottery of the period.
-
-Footnote 1645:
-
-  Skias, _Arch. Eph._ 1898, p. 103, n. 3 (Eleusis); Furtwaengler,
-  _Aegina_, p. 474. As compared with the Geometric pin the archaic
-  (post-geometric) type is shorter, but thicker, stronger, and the
-  ornamental knobs thicker and closer. This type is particularly well
-  represented at the Argive Heraeum (Thiersch _ap._ Furtwaengler,
-  _ibid._ p. 414): that is to say, the period when dress-pins became
-  heavier in the Argolid is once again the end of the Geometric period.
-
-Footnote 1646:
-
-  So Studniczka, _Ges. Altgr. Tracht_, p. 19. The distinction is rightly
-  disregarded in Abrahams, _Gk. Dress_, pp. 42, 58.
-
-Footnote 1647:
-
-  Serv. ad _Aen._ XI. 206, V. 64, VI. 152. Burial within the village,
-  near, or more often in the house itself, was usual in Latium in the
-  neolithic period from which the Romans inherited much ritual (_e.g._
-  the use of stone knives in sacrifice and stone arrow-heads in
-  declaring war), Pinza, _Bull. Comm._ 1898, pp. 77, 84–85, 116 f. Hence
-  possibly the practice of burying vestal virgins within the city.
-
-  Intramural burial was practised at Megara (Paus. I. 43, 44; Plut.
-  _Phoc._ 37), Sicyon (Plut. _Arat._ 53; Hdt. V. 67; cp. Becker,
-  _Charicles_, Eng. trans.^8 p. 393), Sparta (Plut. _Lycurg._ 27, _Inst.
-  Lac._ 18 (_Moral._ 238)), and Tarentum (Polyb. VIII. 30; cp. Athen.
-  XII. 522 f. and _Notiz. d. Scav._ 1895, p. 238). For graves of
-  particularly distinguished individuals the market-place was the usual
-  spot (Pindar, _Pyth._ V. 93; Thuc. V. 11, which, however, implies that
-  the market-place was subsequent to the tomb; Paus. II. 13. 6; Plut.
-  _Timol._ 39; Strabo VIII. 371). Cp. also (Plato), _Minos_, 315_d_, and
-  Rohde, _Psyche_, I. p. 228, n. 3, II. p. 340, n. 2.
-
-Footnote 1648:
-
-  Cp. Frazer, _Magic Art_, II. p. 232, cases (differently explained by
-  Frazer) of new-born children being brought to the hearth as a mode of
-  introducing them to the ancestral spirits. Pinza, _Bull. Comm._ 1898,
-  pp. 116–17 _à propos_ of early burials within the house quotes the
-  lares grundules, explained in the light of the statement of
-  Fulgentius, _Serm. Ant._ 7, that till late times children were buried
-  sub grundo. Unfortunately Fulgentius is a doubtful authority on a
-  point of this sort: see Roscher, _Lex._ s.v. Lares, p. 1886.
-
-Footnote 1649:
-
-  _Ap._ Cic. _de Leg._ II. 23 (58).
-
-Footnote 1650:
-
-  Marquardt, _Privatleben_^2, p. 360.
-
-Footnote 1651:
-
-  Serv. _Aen._ XI. 206. Smith, _Dict. Biog. and Myth._, states that the
-  Duilius in question is the consul of 260 B.C. The first Duilius to
-  attain the office was K. Duilius in 336 B.C., a sufficiently late
-  date. The prohibition was again re-enacted in the reign of Hadrian,
-  _Dig._ 47, 12, 3, sect. 5.
-
-Footnote 1652:
-
-  Serv. ad _Aen._ XI. 206; Plut. _Qu. Rom._ 79 (_Moral._ 283).
-
-Footnote 1653:
-
-  Dion. Hal. III. 1.
-
-Footnote 1654:
-
-  Casagrandi, _Nouem Combusti_ (appendix to _Minores Gentes_), gives all
-  the restorations of the gloss; his own runs “_nouem combusti_ fuerunt
-  legati] T. Sicinii. Volsci [eos interfecerunt cum proelium] inissent
-  aduersus [Romanos. sumptu publi]co combusti feruntur [et sepulti in
-  crepidi]ne quae est proxime Cir[cum, ubi locus est la]pide albo
-  constratus.” If the locus lapide albo constratus was proxime Circum,
-  it may have been, technically at least, outside the city at the time
-  of the obsequies.
-
-  Mommsen, _Roem. Forsch._ II. p. 168 (Sp. Cassius), speaks of the
-  cremation as having taken place “auf dem roemischen Markt”: he gives
-  no evidence for the locality. The nouem combusti were in any case
-  exceptional personages. But even so they are a warning against hasty
-  conclusions from the archaeological evidence.
-
-Footnote 1655:
-
-  Val. Max. VI. 3. 2 (Rom.); cp. Dio Cass. V. fr. 22; Zonaras VII. 17.
-
-Footnote 1656:
-
-  The Valerii were buried “close to the Forum (σύνεγγυς τῆς ἀγορᾶς)
-  under the Velia,” Dion. Hal. V. 48; cp. Plut. _Poplic._ 23. Plutarch
-  _Qu. Rom._ 79 says that the Fabricii as well as the Valerii had the
-  right of burial in the Forum, but made only formal use of it. Cicero
-  and Plutarch are easily reconciled by supposing that some formality in
-  the Forum took place always and the actual burial occasionally.
-
-Footnote 1657:
-
-  Suet. _Tib._ I.
-
-Footnote 1658:
-
-  Festus s.v. Romanam portam and Argea; cp. Jordan, _Topog. Rom_ I. i.
-  p. 176, n. 40; p. 190, n. 64; II. p. 283; but cp. Pinza, _Bull. Comm._
-  1898, p. 116.
-
-Footnote 1659:
-
-  Graffunder, _Klio_, XI. pp. 116–20, one on the Palatine, the other on
-  the Esquiline. Being nowhere near the Forum they are probably cases of
-  inherited rather than strictly individual merit: cp. Pinza, _Mon.
-  Ant._ XV. p. 778.
-
-
-          PRINTED IN ENGLAND AT THE CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS
-
-
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-
- 1. Silently corrected typographical errors and variations in spelling.
-
- 2. Anachronistic, non-standard, and uncertain spellings retained as
-      printed.
-
-
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-<body>
-<h1 class="pgx" title="">The Project Gutenberg eBook, The Origin of Tyranny, by P. N. (Percy
-Neville) Ure</h1>
-<p>This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States
-and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no
-restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or re-use it
-under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this
-eBook or online at <a
-href="http://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>.  If you are not
-located in the United States, you'll have to check the laws of the
-country where you are located before using this ebook.</p>
-<p>Title: The Origin of Tyranny</p>
-<p>Author: P. N. (Percy Neville) Ure</p>
-<p>Release Date: June 10, 2020  [eBook #62364]</p>
-<p>Language: English</p>
-<p>Character set encoding: UTF-8</p>
-<p>***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE ORIGIN OF TYRANNY***</p>
-<p>&nbsp;</p>
-<h4 class="pgx" title="">E-text prepared by Richard Tonsing, Turgut Dincer,<br />
-    and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team<br />
-    (<a href="http://www.pgdp.net">http://www.pgdp.net</a>)<br />
-    from page images generously made available by<br />
-    Internet Archive<br />
-    (<a href="https://archive.org">https://archive.org</a>)</h4>
-<p>&nbsp;</p>
-<table border="0" style="background-color: #ccccff;margin: 0 auto;" cellpadding="10">
-  <tr>
-    <td valign="top">
-      Note:
-    </td>
-    <td>
-      Images of the original pages are available through
-      Internet Archive. See
-      <a href="https://archive.org/details/originoftyranny00urepuoft">
-      https://archive.org/details/originoftyranny00urepuoft</a>
-    </td>
-  </tr>
-</table>
-<p>&nbsp;</p>
-<hr class="pgx" />
-
-<div class='section ph1'>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c001'>
-    <div><span class='xlarge'>THE</span></div>
-    <div>ORIGIN OF TYRANNY</div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c001'>
-    <div>CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS</div>
-    <div>C. F. CLAY, <span class='sc'>Manager</span></div>
-    <div>LONDON: FETTER LANE, E.C. 4</div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='figcenter id001'>
-<img src='images/i_p002.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-</div>
-
-<div class='lg-container-b'>
-  <div class='linegroup'>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line'>NEW YORK: THE MACMILLAN CO.</div>
-    </div>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line'>BOMBAY&#8196;&#8196; }</div>
-      <div class='line'>CALCUTTA }  MACMILLAN AND CO., <span class='sc'>Ltd.</span></div>
-      <div class='line'>MADRAS&#8196;&#8196; }</div>
-    </div>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line'>TORONTO: THE MACMILLAN CO. OF CANADA, <span class='sc'>Ltd.</span></div>
-    </div>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line'>TOKYO: MARUZEN-KABUSHIKI-KAISHA</div>
-    </div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-  <div class='nf-center'>
-    <div>ALL RIGHTS RESERVED</div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div class='titlepage'>
-
-<div>
-  <h1 class='c002'><span class='xlarge'>THE</span><br /> ORIGIN OF TYRANNY</h1>
-</div>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c003'>
-    <div>BY</div>
-    <div><span class='large'>P. N. URE, M.A.</span></div>
-    <div><span class='small'>GONVILLE AND CAIUS COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE</span></div>
-    <div><span class='small'>PROFESSOR OF CLASSICS, UNIVERSITY COLLEGE, READING</span></div>
-    <div class='c004'><span class='large'>CAMBRIDGE</span></div>
-    <div>AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS</div>
-    <div>1922</div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c001'>
-    <div><span class='small'>PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN.</span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div class='pbb'>
- <hr class='pb c004' />
-</div>
-<div class='chapter'>
-  <span class='pageno' id='Page_v'>v</span>
-  <h2 class='c005'>PREFACE</h2>
-</div>
-
-<p class='drop-capa0_0_6 c006'>The views expressed in the following chapters were first published
-in the <cite>Journal of Hellenic Studies</cite> for 1906 in a short paper
-which gave a few pages each to Samos and Athens and a few
-sentences each to Lydia, Miletus, Ephesus, Argos, Corinth, and
-Megara. The chapters on Argos, Corinth, and Rome are based on
-papers read to the Oxford Philological Society in 1913 and to the
-Bristol branch of the Classical Association in 1914.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>As regards the presentation of my material here, it has been my
-endeavour to make the argument intelligible to readers who are
-not classical scholars and archaeologists. The classics have ceased
-to be a water-tight compartment in the general scheme of study and
-research, and my subject forms a chapter in general economic history
-which might interest students of that subject who are not classical
-scholars. On the other hand classical studies have become so specialised
-and the literature in each department has multiplied so enormously
-that unless monographs can be made more or less complete in themselves
-and capable of being read without referring to a large number
-of large and inaccessible books, it will become impossible for
-classical scholars to follow the work that is being done even in their
-own subject beyond the limits of their own particular branch.
-For these reasons ancient authorities have been mainly given in
-literal English translations, and when, as happens in almost every
-chapter, information has to be sought from vases, coins, or inscriptions,
-I have tried to elucidate my point by means of explanatory
-descriptions and illustrations.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The work has involved me in numerous obligations which I
-gladly take this opportunity of acknowledging. In 1907 I received
-grants from the Worts travelling bachelors’ fund of Cambridge
-University and from Gonville and Caius College to visit Greece
-for the purpose of collecting archaeological evidence upon the
-history of the early tyranny. This purpose was partially diverted
-because shortly after reaching Greece I became associated with the
-late Dr R. M. Burrows in the excavation of the Greek cemetery
-at Rhitsona in Boeotia and in the study and publication of the
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_vi'>vi</span>pottery found there. This pottery dates mainly from the age of the
-tyrants, and the results of my work at it appear in several of the
-succeeding chapters. To Dr Burrows I owe also the encouragement
-that led me to start working on the early tyranny: my main idea
-on the subject first occurred to me when I was lecturing on Greek
-history as his assistant at University College, Cardiff.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>I have also received much assistance at various times and in
-various ways from Professor G. A. T. Davies, another former
-colleague of mine at Cardiff, and from several of my Reading
-colleagues, particularly Professor W. G. de Burgh, Mr D. Atkinson,
-and my wife. Many other debts are recorded in the body of the
-book: but considering how many and various they have been, I can
-scarcely hope that none has been passed over without acknowledgement.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>But of all my obligations the earliest and chiefest is to Sir William
-Ridgeway. It is to the unique quality of his teaching at Cambridge
-that I owe the stimulus that suggested to me the explanation here
-offered of the origin of tyranny.</p>
-
-<div class='lg-container-r'>
-  <div class='linegroup'>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line'>P. N. URE.</div>
-    </div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div class='lg-container-l'>
-  <div class='linegroup'>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line'><span class='sc'>University College,</span></div>
-      <div class='line in4'><span class='sc'>Reading.</span></div>
-      <div class='line in8'><em>October 1920.</em></div>
-    </div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div class='chapter'>
-  <span class='pageno' id='Page_vii'>vii</span>
-  <h2 class='c005'>CONTENTS</h2>
-</div>
-
-<table class='table0' summary='CONTENTS'>
-<colgroup>
-<col width='7%' />
-<col width='86%' />
-<col width='5%' />
-</colgroup>
-  <tr>
-    <th class='c008'><span class='small'>CHAP.</span></th>
-    <th class='c009'>&nbsp;</th>
-    <th class='c010'><span class='small'>PAGE</span></th>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>I</td>
-    <td class='c009'>INTRODUCTION</td>
-    <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_1'>1</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>II</td>
-    <td class='c009'>ATHENS</td>
-    <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_33'>33</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>III</td>
-    <td class='c009'>SAMOS</td>
-    <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_68'>68</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>IV</td>
-    <td class='c009'>EGYPT</td>
-    <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_86'>86</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>V</td>
-    <td class='c009'>LYDIA</td>
-    <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_127'>127</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>VI</td>
-    <td class='c009'>ARGOS</td>
-    <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_154'>154</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>VII</td>
-    <td class='c009'>CORINTH</td>
-    <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_184'>184</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>VIII</td>
-    <td class='c009'>ROME</td>
-    <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_215'>215</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>IX</td>
-    <td class='c009'>SICYON, MEGARA, MILETUS, EPHESUS, LEONTINI, AGRIGENTUM, CUMAE</td>
-    <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_257'>257</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>X</td>
-    <td class='c009'>CAPITALIST DESPOTS OF THE AGE OF ARISTOTLE, THE MONEY POWER OF THE RULERS OF PERGAMUM, PROTOGENES OF OLBIA</td>
-    <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_280'>280</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>XI</td>
-    <td class='c009'>CONCLUSION</td>
-    <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_290'>290</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c009'>APPENDICES</td>
-    <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_307'>307</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c009'>INDEX</td>
-    <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_339'>339</a></td>
-  </tr>
-</table>
-
-<div class='chapter'>
-  <span class='pageno' id='Page_ix'>ix</span>
-  <h2 class='c005'>ILLUSTRATIONS</h2>
-</div>
-
-<table class='table0' summary='ILLUSTRATIONS'>
-<colgroup>
-<col width='5%' />
-<col width='88%' />
-<col width='5%' />
-</colgroup>
-  <tr>
-    <th class='c008'><span class='small'>FIG.</span></th>
-    <th class='c011'>&nbsp;</th>
-    <th class='c010'><span class='small'>PAGE</span></th>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>1</td>
-    <td class='c011'>Lophos Loutrou from Daskalio station</td>
-    <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_42'>42</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>2</td>
-    <td class='c011'>On the road from Daskalio station to Plaka</td>
-    <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_42'>42</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>3</td>
-    <td class='c011'>Kamaresa</td>
-    <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_43'>43</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>4</td>
-    <td class='c011'>Kitsovouno from Kamaresa</td>
-    <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_43'>43</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c011'><span class='pad'>Figs. 1–4 from photographs by the author)</span></td>
-    <td class='c010'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>5</td>
-    <td class='c011'>Corinthian terra cotta tablet depicting a miner at work</td>
-    <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_46'>46</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c011'><span class='pad'><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Antike Denkmäler</span></cite>, <span class='fss'>I</span>)</span></td>
-    <td class='c010'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>6</td>
-    <td class='c011'>Coin of Athens with Athena and owl</td>
-    <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_53'>53</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c011'><span class='pad'>Macdonald, <cite>Evolution of Coinage</cite>)</span></td>
-    <td class='c010'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>7</td>
-    <td class='c011'>Athenian coins: the wreath on the head of Athena</td>
-    <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_56'>56</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c011'><span class='pad'><cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Bulletin de Correspondance hellénique</span></cite>, <span class='fss'>XXX</span>)</span></td>
-    <td class='c010'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>8</td>
-    <td class='c011'>Persian “archer”</td>
-    <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_57'>57</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>9</td>
-    <td class='c011'>Samian coin with Samaina and Messanian coin with hare</td>
-    <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_75'>75</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c011'><span class='pad'>Hill, <cite>Historical Greek Coins</cite>)</span></td>
-    <td class='c010'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>10</td>
-    <td class='c011'>Aiakes, father of Polycrates</td>
-    <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_82'>82</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c011'><span class='pad'><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Athenische Mitteilungen</span></cite>, 1906)</span></td>
-    <td class='c010'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>11</td>
-    <td class='c011'>Psamtek I</td>
-    <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_86'>86</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c011'><span class='pad'>Petrie, <cite>Hist. Egypt</cite>, <span class='fss'>III</span>)</span></td>
-    <td class='c010'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>12</td>
-    <td class='c011'>Vase with cartouche of Bocchoris found at Tarquinii</td>
-    <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_94'>94</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c011'><span class='pad'><cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Monumenti Antichi della R. Acc. dei Lincei</span></cite>, <span class='fss'>VIII</span>)</span></td>
-    <td class='c010'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>13</td>
-    <td class='c011'>Rhodian or (?) Milesian vase found at Naukratis</td>
-    <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_111'>111</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c011'><span class='pad'>Gardner, <cite>Naukratis II</cite>. By permission of the Egypt Exploration Fund)</span></td>
-    <td class='c010'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>14</td>
-    <td class='c011'>Fikellura or (?) Samian vase found at Daphnae</td>
-    <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_113'>113</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c011'><span class='pad'>Petrie, <cite>Tanis II</cite>. By permission of the Egypt Exploration Fund)</span></td>
-    <td class='c010'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>15</td>
-    <td class='c011'>Naukratite vase found at Rhitsona in Boeotia</td>
-    <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_115'>115</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c011'><span class='pad'><cite>Journ. Hellenic Studies</cite>, 1909)</span></td>
-    <td class='c010'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>16</td>
-    <td class='c011'>Perfume vase found at Naukratis</td>
-    <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_119'>119</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c011'><span class='pad'>Gardner, <cite>Naukratis II</cite>. By permission of the Egypt Exploration Fund)</span></td>
-    <td class='c010'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>17</td>
-    <td class='c011'>Greek wine jar found at Naukratis</td>
-    <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_120'>120</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c011'><span class='pad'>Petrie, <cite>Naukratis I</cite>. By permission of the Egypt Exploration Fund)</span></td>
-    <td class='c010'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_x'>x</span>18</td>
-    <td class='c011'>Corinthian vase with cartouche of Apries</td>
-    <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_124'>124</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c011'><span class='pad'><cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Gazette Archéologique</span></cite>, 1880)</span></td>
-    <td class='c010'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>19</td>
-    <td class='c011'>Coins of (<em>a</em>) Gyges (?), (<em>b</em>) Croesus</td>
-    <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_127'>127</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c011'><span class='pad'>Macdonald, <cite>Evolution of Coinage</cite>)</span></td>
-    <td class='c010'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>20</td>
-    <td class='c011'>Early Aeginetan “tortoises”</td>
-    <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_154'>154</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c011'><span class='pad'>Babelon, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Traité des Monnaies Gr. et Rom.</span></cite>)</span></td>
-    <td class='c010'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>21</td>
-    <td class='c011'>Bundle of spits found in the Argive Heraeum</td>
-    <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_163'>163</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>22</td>
-    <td class='c011'>Corinthian vase found at Corinth</td>
-    <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_185'>185</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c011'><span class='pad'>From a photograph supplied by Miss Walker of the American School of Archaeology at Athens)</span></td>
-    <td class='c010'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>23</td>
-    <td class='c011'>Corinthian terra cotta tablet depicting a potter at his wheel</td>
-    <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_186'>186</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c011'><span class='pad'><cite>Gazette Archéologique</cite>, 1880)</span></td>
-    <td class='c010'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>24</td>
-    <td class='c011'>Corinthian terra cotta tablet depicting the interior of a kiln</td>
-    <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_186'>186</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c011'><span class='pad'><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Antike Denkmäler</span></cite>, <span class='fss'>I</span>)</span></td>
-    <td class='c010'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>25</td>
-    <td class='c011'>Coins of Corinth</td>
-    <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_188'>188</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c011'><span class='pad'><cite>Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Corinth</cite>)</span></td>
-    <td class='c010'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>26</td>
-    <td class='c011'>Coins of Cypsela</td>
-    <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_200'>200</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c011'><span class='pad'><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Abhandl. Bayerische Akad. Phil. Class.</span></cite> 1890)</span></td>
-    <td class='c010'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>27, 28</td>
-    <td class='c011'>Attic vase paintings, perhaps depicting cypselae</td>
-    <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_202'>202</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c011'><span class='pad'>Saglio, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Dict. d. Antiq.</span></cite> figs. 2964, 2965)</span></td>
-    <td class='c010'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>29</td>
-    <td class='c011'>Attic vase painting, perhaps depicting a cypsele</td>
-    <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_203'>203</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c011'><span class='pad'>Saglio, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Dict. d. Antiq.</span></cite> fig. 937)</span></td>
-    <td class='c010'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>30</td>
-    <td class='c011'>Vase on stove found at Iasos</td>
-    <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_205'>205</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c011'><span class='pad'><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahrb. d. arch. Inst.</span></cite> 1897)</span></td>
-    <td class='c010'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>31</td>
-    <td class='c011'>Relief, perhaps depicting a small cypsele</td>
-    <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_206'>206</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c011'><span class='pad'><cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Revue Archéologique</span></cite>, 1869)</span></td>
-    <td class='c010'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>32</td>
-    <td class='c011'><i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Aes signatum</span></i></td>
-    <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_220'>220</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c011'><span class='pad'>Haeberlin, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Aes Grave</span></cite>)</span></td>
-    <td class='c010'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>33</td>
-    <td class='c011'><em>Aes grave</em> with wheel</td>
-    <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_232'>232</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c011'><span class='pad'>Hill, <cite>Historical Roman Coins</cite>)</span></td>
-    <td class='c010'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>34</td>
-    <td class='c011'>Corinthian vase found at Tarquinii</td>
-    <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_241'>241</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>35</td>
-    <td class='c011'>Corinthian terra cotta tablet depicting the export of vases</td>
-    <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_242'>242</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c011'><span class='pad'><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Antike Denkmäler</span></cite>, <span class='fss'>I</span>)</span></td>
-    <td class='c010'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>36</td>
-    <td class='c011'>Proto-Corinthian vase found in the Roman Forum</td>
-    <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_249'>249</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c011'><span class='pad'><cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Notiz. d. Scavi della R. Acc. dei Lincei</span></cite>, 1903)</span></td>
-    <td class='c010'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_xi'>xi</span>37</td>
-    <td class='c011'>Ionic terra cotta antefix found in Rome</td>
-    <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_250'>250</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c011'><span class='pad'><cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Monumenti Antichi della R. Acc. dei Lincei</span></cite>, <span class='fss'>XV</span>)</span></td>
-    <td class='c010'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>38</td>
-    <td class='c011'>Similar antefix found in Samos</td>
-    <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_251'>251</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c011'><span class='pad'>Boehlau, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Aus ion. u. ital. Nekropolen</span></cite>)</span></td>
-    <td class='c010'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>39</td>
-    <td class='c011'>Terra cotta head found on the Roman Capitol</td>
-    <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_252'>252</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c011'><span class='pad'><cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Monumenti Antichi della R. Acc. dei Lincei</span></cite>, <span class='fss'>XV</span>)</span></td>
-    <td class='c010'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>40</td>
-    <td class='c011'>Stone head found on the Acropolis at Athens</td>
-    <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_253'>253</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c011'><span class='pad'><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Athenische Mitteilungen</span></cite>, 1879)</span></td>
-    <td class='c010'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>41</td>
-    <td class='c011'>Vase in Attic black figure style found on the Quirinal</td>
-    <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_254'>254</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c011'><span class='pad'><cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Monumenti Antichi della R. Acc. dei Lincei</span></cite>, <span class='fss'>XV</span>)</span></td>
-    <td class='c010'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>42</td>
-    <td class='c011'>The Capitoline wolf</td>
-    <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_254'>254</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c011'><span class='pad'>How and Leigh, <cite>Hist. of Rome</cite>. By arrangement with Messrs Longmans Green &amp; Co.)</span></td>
-    <td class='c010'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>43</td>
-    <td class='c011'>Dipylon vase</td>
-    <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_314'>314</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c011'><span class='pad'><cite>Companion to Greek Studies</cite>, Cambridge)</span></td>
-    <td class='c010'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>44</td>
-    <td class='c011'>Proto-Corinthian vase</td>
-    <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_315'>315</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c011'><span class='pad'><cite>Journ. of Hellenic Studies.</cite> By permission of the Council of the Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies)</span></td>
-    <td class='c010'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>45</td>
-    <td class='c011'>Dipylon Ships</td>
-    <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_322'>322</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c011'><span class='pad'><cite>Rev. Arch.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXV</span>, 1894; <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Athenische Mitt.</span></cite> 1876; <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. Zeitung</span></cite>, 1885; Perrot and Chipiez, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Hist. de l’Art dans l’Antiquité</span></cite>)</span></td>
-    <td class='c010'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>46</td>
-    <td class='c011'>Vase painting signed by Aristonothos</td>
-    <td class='c010'><a href='#Page_323'>323</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c008'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c011'><span class='pad'>Walters and Birch, <cite>Hist. of Ancient Pottery</cite>)</span></td>
-    <td class='c010'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-</table>
-<div class='lg-container-b c012'>
-  <div class='linegroup'>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τοῖσι ἐμφανέσι τὰ μὴ γιγνωσκόμενα τεκμαιρόμενος.</span></div>
-    </div>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line in24'><span class='sc'>Hdt. ii.</span> 33.</div>
-    </div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div class='chapter'>
-  <span class='pageno' id='Page_1'>1</span>
-  <h2 class='c005'>Chapter I. <em>Introduction</em></h2>
-</div>
-
-<div class='lg-container-b c013'>
-  <div class='linegroup'>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Δόξαιεν γὰρ ‹ἂν› οὐδὲν λέγειν δίκαιον οἱ διὰ τὸν πλοῦτον ἀξιοῦντες ἄρχειν.</span></div>
-    </div>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line in44'><span class='sc'>Aristot.</span> <cite>Pol.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> 1283<em>b</em>.</div>
-    </div>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Φαῦλον τὸ τὰς μεγίστας ὠνητὰς εἶναι τῶν ἀρχῶν.</span></div>
-    </div>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line in44'><span class='sc'>Aristot.</span> <cite>Pol.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 1273<em>a</em>.</div>
-    </div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>The seventh century B.C. is the age</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>The seventh and sixth centuries <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> constitute from many points
-of view one of the most momentous periods in the
-whole of the world’s history. No doubt the greatest
-final achievements of the Greek race belong to the
-two centuries that followed. But practically all that is meant by the
-Greek spirit and the Greek genius had its birth in the earlier period.
-Literature and art, philosophy and science are at this present day
-largely following the lines that were then laid down for them, and
-this is equally the case with commerce. <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>(<em>a</em>) of the first known metal coins,<span class='hidev'>|</span></span>
-It was at the opening of
-this epoch that the Greeks or their half hellenized
-neighbours the Lydians brought about perhaps the
-most epoch-making revolution in the whole history
-of commerce by the invention of a metal coinage like those that
-are still in circulation throughout the civilized world.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>It was no accident that the invention was made precisely at this
-time. Industry and commerce were simultaneously making enormous
-strides. About the beginning of the seventh century the new
-Lydian Dynasty of the Mermnadae made Sardis one of the most
-important trading centres that have arisen in the world’s history.
-The Lydian merchants became middlemen between Greece and the
-Far East. Egypt recovered its prosperity and began rapidly to develop
-commercial and other relations with its neighbours, including
-the Greeks. Greek traders were pushing their goods by sea in all
-directions from Spain to the Crimea. Concrete evidence of this
-activity is still to be seen in the Corinthian and Milesian pottery
-of the period that has been so abundantly unearthed as far afield as
-Northern Italy and Southern Russia. It was a time of extraordinary
-intellectual alertness. Thales and the numerous other philosophers
-of the Ionian School were in close touch with the merchants and
-manufacturers of their age. They were in fact men of science rather
-than philosophers in the narrow modern sense of the latter word,
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_2'>2</span>and most of them were ready to apply their science to practical and
-commercial ends, as for example Thales, who is said to have made a
-fortune by buying up all the oil presses in advance when his agricultural
-observations had led him to expect a particularly plentiful
-harvest<a id='r1' /><a href='#f1' class='c014'><sup>[1]</sup></a>. A corner in oil sounds very modern, and in fact the whole
-of the evidence shows that in many ways this ancient epoch curiously
-anticipated the present age.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>and (<em>b</em>) of the first rulers to be called tyrants.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>Politically these two centuries are generally known as the age of
-tyrants. The view that the prevalence of tyranny was
-in some way connected with the invention of coinage
-has been occasionally expressed<a id='r2' /><a href='#f2' class='c014'><sup>[2]</sup></a>. Radet has even
-gone so far as to suggest that the first tyrant was
-also the first coiner<a id='r3' /><a href='#f3' class='c014'><sup>[3]</sup></a>. He does not however go further than to suggest
-that the tyrant started a mint and coinage when already on
-the throne.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>The new form of government was, I believe, based on the new form of capital.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>The evidence appears to me to point to conclusions of a more
-wide-reaching character. Briefly stated they are these:
-that the seventh and sixth century Greek tyrants
-were the first men in their various cities to realize the
-political possibilities of the new conditions created by
-the introduction of the new coinage, and that to a
-large extent they owed their position as tyrants to a financial or
-commercial supremacy which they had already established before
-they attained to supreme political power in their several states.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>In other words their position as I understand it has considerable
-resemblances to that built up in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries
-<span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">A.D.</span></span> by the rich bankers and merchants who made themselves
-despots in so many of the city states of Italy. The most famous of
-these are the Medici, the family who gave a new power to the
-currency by their development of the banking business, and mainly
-as a result of this became tyrants of Florence. Santo Bentivoglio
-of Bologna passed from a wool factory to the throne. Another
-despot of Bologna was the rich usurer Roméo Pepoli. At Pisa the
-supreme power was grasped by the Gambacorti with an old merchant
-named Pietro at their head. At Lodi it was seized by the millionaire
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_3'>3</span>Giovanni Vignate. The above instances are taken from Symonds’
-sixth class of despots of whom he says that “in most cases great
-wealth was the original source of despotic ascendancy<a id='r4' /><a href='#f4' class='c014'><sup>[4]</sup></a>.”</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>This view deserves examination in the light of the modern financial revolution,</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>Still closer analogies lie at our very door. It is a commonplace
-that we are in the midst of an industrial revolution.
-This modern movement was already beginning a
-century ago, when Byron pleaded the cause of the
-frameworkers before the House of Lords. There are
-of course obvious differences between the two revolutions.
-That of the seventh and sixth centuries <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>
-was mainly financial, that of the present time is mainly industrial.
-But the difference is not so great as it at first sight appears<a id='r5' /><a href='#f5' class='c014'><sup>[5]</sup></a>. The
-invention of a metal coinage was accompanied by great industrial
-changes<a id='r6' /><a href='#f6' class='c014'><sup>[6]</sup></a>, and we can no more divide sharply the financial and
-industrial activities of the great houses of archaic Greece than we
-can separate the banking and the mercantile enterprises of the great
-families of the cities of Italy at the time of the renaissance, such as
-the wealthy Panciatighi of Florence, who lent money to the emperor
-Sigismund and exported cloths to London, Avignon and North
-Africa<a id='r7' /><a href='#f7' class='c014'><sup>[7]</sup></a>. On the other hand the modern industrial movement,
-with its development of machinery and its organization of masters
-and men into trusts and trade unions, has been accompanied by a
-revolution in the nature of the currency. The modern financial
-revolution began at the same time as the industrial.
-<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>which has replaced metal coins by paper,<span class='hidev'>|</span></span>
-Its earliest phases are described and discussed in
-William Cobbett’s <cite>Paper against Gold</cite><a id='r8' /><a href='#f8' class='c014'><sup>[8]</sup></a>. Since
-Cobbett’s days the paper currency which so distressed him has developed
-enormously. Even before 1914 we were told that “Gold
-already acts in England only as change for notes<a id='r9' /><a href='#f9' class='c014'><sup>[9]</sup></a>.”</p>
-
-<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_4'>4</span>It is not necessary here to examine in detail the various forms
-taken by this new paper currency. It is enough to point out that
-it enables property to be transferred and manipulated far more
-rapidly and on far larger a scale than was previously possible<a id='r10' /><a href='#f10' class='c014'><sup>[10]</sup></a>. Only
-one other point in the history of the new currency needs to be here
-mentioned. It cannot be better expressed than in the words used
-by the Chancellor of the Exchequer in the House of Commons
-on November 28th, 1914:</p>
-
-<p class='c015'>I have been much struck since I have been dealing with these transactions
-(bills of exchange) with how little even traders who form a part of this great
-machinery know about the mechanism of which they form an essential part....
-I do not think that the general public—and I am putting myself among
-them—ever realized the extent to which the business not merely of this
-country, but of the whole world, depended upon this very delicate and
-complicated paper machinery.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Apparently it needed a European war to bring home to the modern
-world of commerce the nature of its currency. This fact should
-warn us against expecting to find in early Greece any very clear
-recognition of the revolution in the currency that then took place.
-When gold and silver coins were first circulated they had a corresponding
-effect to the modern issues of paper. They enabled property
-to be transferred with greater ease and rapidity. We may be sure
-however that the character and possibilities of the new currency
-did not at once receive universal recognition<a id='r11' /><a href='#f11' class='c014'><sup>[11]</sup></a>. The merchants in
-the bazaars of Lydia and Ionia who best understood how to make
-use of it must have profited enormously.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>and led many people to fear a new tyranny of wealth.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>The experts in the new finance of the last two generations have
-been exercising a profound influence upon politics
-and government. There are many people, particularly
-in America, who believe that there is a possibility
-of this influence becoming supreme. It is worth
-while quoting a few of these opinions:</p>
-
-<p class='c015'>This era is but a passing phase in the evolution of industrial Caesars, and
-these Caesars will be of a new type—corporate Caesars<a id='r12' /><a href='#f12' class='c014'><sup>[12]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c015'>The flames of a new economic evolution run around us, and we turn to
-find that competition has killed competition, that corporations are grown
-greater than the state and have bred individuals greater than themselves,
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_5'>5</span>and that the naked issue of our time is with property becoming master
-instead of servant<a id='r13' /><a href='#f13' class='c014'><sup>[13]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c015'>For some months past the sugar trust has been the Government of the
-United States<a id='r14' /><a href='#f14' class='c014'><sup>[14]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>In 1884 there seems even to have been an idea of running a
-Standard Oil senator for the United States presidency. “Henry B.
-Payne is looming up grandly in the character of a possible and not
-altogether improbable successor to Mr Tilden as the Democratic
-candidate for the presidency<a id='r15' /><a href='#f15' class='c014'><sup>[15]</sup></a>.”</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The danger of supreme power in America passing into the hands
-of a few capitalists has even been publicly acknowledged by a President
-of the United States during his period of office. “Mr Wilson
-also discussed the division between capital and labour. He dwelt
-for the greater part of the speech on the effort of ‘small bodies of
-privileged men to resume control of the Government,’ and added:
-‘We must again convince these gentlemen that the government of
-this country belongs to us, not to them<a id='r16' /><a href='#f16' class='c014'><sup>[16]</sup></a>.’”</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Similar views are expressed by French, German and Italian
-writers. According to the most brilliant of modern Frenchmen the
-government of France has in some recent periods been in the hands
-of three or four groups of financiers<a id='r17' /><a href='#f17' class='c014'><sup>[17]</sup></a>. Salvioli in his <cite>Capitalism in
-the Ancient World</cite> speaks of the “kings of finance who exercise in
-our states a secret but pervading sway<a id='r18' /><a href='#f18' class='c014'><sup>[18]</sup></a>.” Even the warlike von
-Bernhardi fears an impending “tyranny of capital<a id='r19' /><a href='#f19' class='c014'><sup>[19]</sup></a>.”</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>These quotations might be multiplied<a id='r20' /><a href='#f20' class='c014'><sup>[20]</sup></a>, but enough have been
-given to show that the opinion which they express is widely held.
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_6'>6</span>There is no need to discuss the honesty of particular expressions of it.
-If any of them could be shown to have been insincere, it would be
-only additional evidence of the plausibility of the opinion. Nor is
-this the place to discuss from a more general point of view
-the extent to which that opinion has been or seems likely to be
-verified. To have indicated how widely prevalent is the fear of an
-impending “new tyranny of wealth<a id='r21' /><a href='#f21' class='c014'><sup>[21]</sup></a>” or “tyranny of capital<a id='r22' /><a href='#f22' class='c014'><sup>[22]</sup></a>” is
-by itself enough to show that the relation between the tyranny
-and the new form of wealth that arose in the seventh and sixth
-centuries before our era is a subject that deserves investigation, and
-to show also that the particular view as to those relations that is
-maintained in these pages has <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">a priori</span></i> plausibility<a id='r23' /><a href='#f23' class='c014'><sup>[23]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>The evidence:</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>It should however be said at once that my view appears to have
-been held by no one who has published opinions on
-the subject from the fourth century <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> onwards.
-This however is not fatal. Later in this chapter reasons will be
-suggested for holding that the true character of the early tyranny
-was lost sight of in the days of Plato and Aristotle. Why truer views
-on this particular subject should be recovered precisely at the present
-period may be sufficiently explained by the modern financial revolution,
-which makes it possible to approach the question from a point
-which has scarcely been accessible during the last two thousand
-years. With this warning we may proceed to state the nature of the
-evidence in favour of this view that the earliest tyrannies were
-founded and based on wealth.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>(1) The greater part of it is drawn from anecdotes and incidental
-statements of fact about particular seventh or sixth century tyrants
-preserved in Herodotus and later Greek and Latin writers. The
-various tyrants are dealt with individually in the remaining chapters
-of the book.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>(2) Glimpses into the economic and political life of the seventh
-and sixth centuries are occasionally to be got from the scanty remains
-of the poets of the period, supplemented by cautious references to
-later writers. It will be convenient to examine at once this more
-general evidence.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>(<em>a</em>) statements from the extant writings of the sixth century (Solon and Theognis),</div>
-
-<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_7'>7</span>The only two writers of the age of the tyrants of whom more
-than the merest scraps have come down to us are
-Solon<a id='r24' /><a href='#f24' class='c014'><sup>[24]</sup></a> and Theognis<a id='r25' /><a href='#f25' class='c014'><sup>[25]</sup></a>. Both deal professedly with
-the social and political problems of their day. But
-both address audiences who are familiar with those
-problems. Even if their whole works had been preserved
-instead of a few hundred lines in either case, we should not
-expect to have the fundamental problems explicitly stated. It would
-be possible to read a large selection of articles and speeches by quite
-the best journalists and politicians on many recent political measures
-and at the end of it to be left in uncertainty as to the content and
-purport of the measure in question. We must expect the same difficulty
-in reading Solon and Theognis. And it must be confessed
-that we find it. But there is nothing in the extant fragments of
-either writer which discredits the theory. More than that there
-are passages in both of them that become of the utmost significance
-if the early tyrants owed their power to their previous wealth but
-are rather pointless on any other hypothesis.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Solon’s position in relation to the tyranny is explained in the
-chapter dealing with Athens. But a few lines may be quoted here:</p>
-
-<div class='lg-container-b c016'>
-  <div class='linegroup'>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line'>But of themselves in their folly the men of the city are willing</div>
-      <div class='line in2'>Our great city to wreck, being won over by wealth.</div>
-      <div class='line'>False are the hearts of the people’s leaders<a id='r26' /><a href='#f26' class='c014'><sup>[26]</sup></a>.</div>
-    </div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>By the wreck of the city the poet means the establishment of a
-tyranny, as is indicated by another couplet:</p>
-
-<div class='lg-container-b c016'>
-  <div class='linegroup'>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line'>Great men ruin a city: for lack of understanding</div>
-      <div class='line in2'>Under a despot’s<a id='r27' /><a href='#f27' class='c014'><sup>[27]</sup></a> yoke lieth the people enslaved<a id='r28' /><a href='#f28' class='c014'><sup>[28]</sup></a>.</div>
-    </div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>These last two lines were presumably written after Peisistratus
-had made himself tyrant of Athens. Solon’s fears had been realized.
-The citizens had been “won over by wealth” to “wreck their
-great city.” Is not the best sense made out of these lines by assuming
-that what Solon feared and what actually happened was that the
-popular leader had made use of his wealth to establish himself as
-tyrant? Neither the “people’s leaders” of the first quotation
-nor the “great men” of the second are specifically stated to have
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_8'>8</span>been extremely rich, but to quote again the words of Solon, both
-may be plausibly identified with the foremost of</p>
-
-<div class='lg-container-b c016'>
-  <div class='linegroup'>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line'>Those who had power and made men to marvel because of their riches<a id='r29' /><a href='#f29' class='c014'><sup>[29]</sup></a>.</div>
-    </div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>The political aim of Theognis was to prevent a recurrence of
-tyranny in Megara<a id='r30' /><a href='#f30' class='c014'><sup>[30]</sup></a>. What does the poet bid his townsmen beware
-of? Not of eloquence, not of violence, not of rashly appointing a
-lawgiver or <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">αἰσυμνήτης</span>. All his warnings are directed against
-wealth. The whole town of Megara had become commercial<a id='r31' /><a href='#f31' class='c014'><sup>[31]</sup></a>.
-Birth had lost its prestige, and wealth acquired unprecedented power.
-He complains how</p>
-
-<div class='lg-container-b c016'>
-  <div class='linegroup'>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line'>Tradesmen reign supreme: the bad lord it over their betters<a id='r32' /><a href='#f32' class='c014'><sup>[32]</sup></a>.</div>
-    </div>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line'>This is the lesson that each and all must thoroughly master:</div>
-      <div class='line in2'>How that in all the world wealth has the might and the power<a id='r33' /><a href='#f33' class='c014'><sup>[33]</sup></a>.</div>
-    </div>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line'>Many a bad man is rich, and many a good man needy<a id='r34' /><a href='#f34' class='c014'><sup>[34]</sup></a>.</div>
-    </div>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line'>Not without cause, O wealth, do men honour thee above all things<a id='r35' /><a href='#f35' class='c014'><sup>[35]</sup></a>.</div>
-    </div>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line'>Most men reckon the only virtue the making of money<a id='r36' /><a href='#f36' class='c014'><sup>[36]</sup></a>.</div>
-    </div>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line'>Everyone honours those that are rich, and despises the needy<a id='r37' /><a href='#f37' class='c014'><sup>[37]</sup></a>.</div>
-    </div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>When he explicitly alludes to the dangers of the establishment of
-a tyranny, his references to wealth are no less prominent:</p>
-
-<div class='lg-container-b c016'>
-  <div class='linegroup'>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line'>Neither exalt thou in hope, <em>by yielding to gain</em>, any tyrant<a id='r38' /><a href='#f38' class='c014'><sup>[38]</sup></a>.</div>
-    </div>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line'>Cyrnus, this city is pregnant. I fear lest a man it may bear us</div>
-      <div class='line in2'>Swollen with insolent pride<a id='r39' /><a href='#f39' class='c014'><sup>[39]</sup></a>, leader in stern civil strife<a id='r40' /><a href='#f40' class='c014'><sup>[40]</sup></a>.</div>
-    </div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>The couplet last quoted almost certainly refers to a possible
-tyrant. Insolent pride (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὕβρις</span>) is one of the tyrant’s stock characteristics<a id='r41' /><a href='#f41' class='c014'><sup>[41]</sup></a>.
-There is no reference to wealth in this particular context.
-But there can be little doubt that this same character is also referred
-to earlier in the poem. Who, the poet asks, can preserve his reverence
-for the Gods:</p>
-
-<div class='lg-container-b c016'>
-  <div class='linegroup'>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line'>When that a man unjust and presumptuous, one that regardeth</div>
-      <div class='line in2'>Neither the wrath of a man, no, nor the wrath of a God,</div>
-      <div class='line'><em>Glutted with wealth</em> waxes proud and insolent<a id='r42' /><a href='#f42' class='c014'><sup>[42]</sup></a>?</div>
-    </div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c017'><span class='pageno' id='Page_9'>9</span>In this last passage the pride and insolence are directly attributed to
-enormous wealth.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Or again:</p>
-
-<div class='lg-container-b c016'>
-  <div class='linegroup'>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line'>Be thou sure that not long will that city remain unshaken,</div>
-      <div class='line in2'>Even though now it may lie wrapped in the deepest repose,</div>
-      <div class='line'>Soon as soever to those that are bad these things become pleasing—</div>
-      <div class='line in2'>Gains that, whenever they come, bring with them ill for the state.</div>
-      <div class='line'>For from these arise factions, murders of men by their kindred,</div>
-      <div class='line in2'>Despots withal<a id='r43' /><a href='#f43' class='c014'><sup>[43]</sup></a>.</div>
-    </div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>What are the gains that lead up to tyranny? Is it not most
-probable that they are some form of payment received by the commons
-(“those that are bad”) from the would-be tyrant<a id='r44' /><a href='#f44' class='c014'><sup>[44]</sup></a>?</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Solon and Theognis wrote with the examples of Gyges, Pheidon,
-Orthagoras, Cypselus, Theagenes and the rest of the seventh century
-tyrants before them<a id='r45' /><a href='#f45' class='c014'><sup>[45]</sup></a>. If they constantly feared that some wealthy
-tradesman<a id='r46' /><a href='#f46' class='c014'><sup>[46]</sup></a> would make himself tyrant, it must surely have been
-because the tyrants had sprung from or been allied with this new
-class of wealthy traders and financiers.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>(<em>b</em>) the fifth century writers (Thucydides, Herodotus, Pindar),</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>The view here set forth as to the basis of the tyrant’s power finds
-nothing to contradict it in the fifth century references
-to the early tyranny. On the contrary such few
-references as are explicitly made to the origin of the
-tyranny by writers of the fifth century bear it out.
-“Is it not folly,” says Oedipus to Kreon in the <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Oedipus Tyrannus</span></cite>
-of Sophocles, “this attempt of yours, without a host of followers
-and friends to seek a tyranny, a thing that’s gained only with
-hosts of followers and money<a id='r47' /><a href='#f47' class='c014'><sup>[47]</sup></a>?” “When Greece,” says Thucydides,
-in his introductory sketch of early Greek history, “had grown more
-powerful, and was still more than before engaged in the acquisition
-of wealth, tyrannies were established in the cities<a id='r48' /><a href='#f48' class='c014'><sup>[48]</sup></a>.” Herodotus
-gives no account of the rise of tyranny, but a large proportion of
-the evidence as to the careers of individual tyrants is derived from
-his work. Perhaps the fifth century writer who might be expected
-to throw most light on the question is Pindar, who visited the courts
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_10'>10</span>of the Sicilian tyrants and wrote odes in their honour. His poems
-contain many references to the supreme importance of wealth:</p>
-
-<div class='lg-container-b c016'>
-  <div class='linegroup'>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line'>Wealth adorned with virtues</div>
-      <div class='line'>Brings opportunity for this and that<a id='r49' /><a href='#f49' class='c014'><sup>[49]</sup></a>.</div>
-    </div>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line'>Ever in the quest of noble achievements</div>
-      <div class='line'>Toil and outlay strive after the issue<a id='r50' /><a href='#f50' class='c014'><sup>[50]</sup></a>.</div>
-    </div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>So elsewhere<a id='r51' /><a href='#f51' class='c014'><sup>[51]</sup></a> in a similar spirit he describes Hiero’s great victory
-over the Etruscans as “the crown of his lordly wealth.” The
-Syracusan monarchs of the early fifth century seem to have had
-fewer affinities with the commercial tyrants of the two preceding
-centuries than with the military despots of a later age. It is therefore
-all the more significant that wealth is so frequently regarded
-by Pindar, who more than any other writer represents the transition
-from the sixth century to the fifth, rather as a means to power than
-as one of its rewards. Later documents, as has been said already,
-give a different account of the early tyrants’ antecedents. But here
-and there statements are to be found in them that, though perhaps
-reconcilable with other views, only become fully significant on the
-commercial theory.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Isocrates for instance speaks of the “huge wage bills and expenditures
-of money by which all modern dynasts maintain their power<a id='r52' /><a href='#f52' class='c014'><sup>[52]</sup></a>.”
-He wrote these words between 342 and 339 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span><a id='r53' /><a href='#f53' class='c014'><sup>[53]</sup></a>, but as his modern
-times are contrasted with those of Agamemnon and he himself was
-nearly thirty years old at the close of the fifth century, his modern
-dynasts may well include sixth century tyrants like Peisistratus and
-Polycrates, the more so as “dynasts” arose so seldom in fifth
-century Greece.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>(<em>c</em>) some statements of fourth century writers,</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>Aristotle preserves the tradition that the early tyrants were good
-business men. He speaks of “rendering account of
-their receipts and expenditure, as has been done already
-by certain of the tyrants. For by this kind of
-administration he would give the impression of being
-a manager (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">οἰκονόμος</span>) and not a tyrant<a id='r54' /><a href='#f54' class='c014'><sup>[54]</sup></a>.”</p>
-
-<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_11'>11</span>That the early tyrants had previously been men of wealth is also
-perhaps to be inferred from certain remarks of Aristotle about the
-“lawgivers” of the same period. The general character of these
-“lawgivers” is a matter of some dispute; but they appear to have
-differed from the tyrants in at least two points. They governed by
-general consent and they marked an earlier stage in the economic
-evolution of the city state<a id='r55' /><a href='#f55' class='c014'><sup>[55]</sup></a>. They are perhaps to be compared with
-the “arbitrators” between employers and employed who in recent
-times have sometimes enjoyed considerable influence<a id='r56' /><a href='#f56' class='c014'><sup>[56]</sup></a>. When Aristotle<a id='r57' /><a href='#f57' class='c014'><sup>[57]</sup></a>
-emphasizes the fact that the best “lawgivers” were all drawn
-from the citizens of moderate means (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐκ τῶν μέσων πολιτῶν</span>) he
-is making a fairly pointless remark unless the same could not be
-said of the tyrants of the period. That Aristotle did actually recognize
-the connexion between tyranny and extremes of wealth and
-poverty is shown by another passage of the <cite>Politics</cite><a id='r58' /><a href='#f58' class='c014'><sup>[58]</sup></a>:</p>
-
-<p class='c015'>For this reason it is very fortunate when those engaged in politics have
-moderate but sufficient means, for where some have very great possessions
-and others none, the result is either extreme democracy or unmitigated
-oligarchy or tyranny, which is caused by both extremes. For unbridled
-democracy and oligarchy lead to tyranny, the intermediate and more closely
-allied forms of government do so far less.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The philosopher himself may have pictured some of the early
-tyrants as having risen from being penniless demagogues. The difficulties
-in the way of accepting the view that a poor man ever
-became a tyrant before the democratic development of the fifth
-century will be set forth later in this chapter. If there is any basis
-of fact for Aristotle’s statement, the early tyrants must have come
-from among the wealthiest of the citizens.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>(<em>d</em>) evidence as to industrial conditions during and after the age of the tyrants,</div>
-
-<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_12'>12</span>There is nothing surprising in this conclusion. In the age that
-saw merchants like Solon made practical dictators in
-their native cities<a id='r59' /><a href='#f59' class='c014'><sup>[59]</sup></a>, and philosophers like Thales anticipating
-the Rockefellers by making a corner in oil<a id='r60' /><a href='#f60' class='c014'><sup>[60]</sup></a>,
-there must have been individuals with something of
-the abilities of these great men, but little of their
-disinterestedness, who would be quick to grasp the possibility of
-reaching through the corner to the crown.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>At a later date cornering became less easy. In fifth century
-Athens there were statutes and magistrates (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">σιτοφύλακες</span>) to prevent
-corners in corn, and we still have a speech of Lysias directed against
-some speculators who had bought beyond the legal limit. The context
-of a passage in this speech suggests that the general controllers
-of the market (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀγορανόμοι</span>) were expected to be on their guard
-against corners in other articles<a id='r61' /><a href='#f61' class='c014'><sup>[61]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The detailed evidence in favour of this view is given in the
-chapters that follow. It will be found however that these men who
-made themselves tyrants through their riches were not all of them
-mere speculators. Some at least had acquired their wealth from trade
-or industry. This means that they were large employers of labour.
-There are reasons for thinking that from this point of view they
-would be politically far more influential than their successors in
-business in the days of the Athenian democracy.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The big merchants and manufacturers of the fifth and fourth
-centuries relied largely, and more and more as time went on, on
-servile labour. The thousand miners whose services Nikias commanded
-were all slaves. Six hundred slave miners were owned by
-his contemporary Hipponikos and three hundred by Philemonides<a id='r62' /><a href='#f62' class='c014'><sup>[62]</sup></a>.
-The hundred and twenty hands in the shield factory of the orator
-Lysias were all slaves<a id='r63' /><a href='#f63' class='c014'><sup>[63]</sup></a>. So too were the fifty-two in the knife and
-bedstead factories inherited by Demosthenes<a id='r64' /><a href='#f64' class='c014'><sup>[64]</sup></a>, and the nine or ten
-in the boot-making establishment of Timarchus<a id='r65' /><a href='#f65' class='c014'><sup>[65]</sup></a>, as also those in
-the flute-making establishment from which the father of Isocrates
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_13'>13</span>made his living<a id='r66' /><a href='#f66' class='c014'><sup>[66]</sup></a>, and the sail-makers and drug-pounders who appear
-in Demosthenes <cite>contra Olympiodorum</cite><a id='r67' /><a href='#f67' class='c014'><sup>[67]</sup></a>. These instances might be
-multiplied<a id='r68' /><a href='#f68' class='c014'><sup>[68]</sup></a>. Slaves were of course only a form of wealth<a id='r69' /><a href='#f69' class='c014'><sup>[69]</sup></a>. As
-human beings they were entirely without influence on politics. It
-would have been another matter if Nikias had had a big constituency
-of miner citizens at his entire disposal. That I believe was one of
-the great differences between Nikias and Peisistratus and generally
-speaking between the captains of industry in the fifth and fourth
-centuries and their predecessors in the seventh and sixth. The
-evidence is not decisive, but as far as it goes it all points in this
-direction.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>At Athens in the generation that preceded the tyranny it is
-reported of Solon that “he encouraged the citizens to take up
-manual trades<a id='r70' /><a href='#f70' class='c014'><sup>[70]</sup></a>,” a policy perhaps to be connected with his release
-from debt and semi-slavery of the “pelatai” and the “hektemoroi<a id='r71' /><a href='#f71' class='c014'><sup>[71]</sup></a>,”
-since fresh employment had possibly to be found for many of these
-liberated serfs. It is further reported of Solon that he offered the
-citizenship to any who “transplanted themselves to Athens with
-their whole family for the sake of exercising some manual trade<a id='r72' /><a href='#f72' class='c014'><sup>[72]</sup></a>.”
-Aeschines quotes Solon, laws attributed to whom were still in force
-when the orator flourished, to the effect that “he does not drive
-a man from the platform” (<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">i.e.</span></i> he allows him to speak in the
-assembly of citizens) “even if he is practising some handicraft, but
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_14'>14</span>welcomes that class most of all<a id='r73' /><a href='#f73' class='c014'><sup>[73]</sup></a>.” Solon himself, describing the
-various paths by which men pursue riches, declares that</p>
-
-<p class='c015'>Another learns the works of Athena and Hephaestus of the many crafts,
-and with his hands gathers a livelihood<a id='r74' /><a href='#f74' class='c014'><sup>[74]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The tyrants themselves are repeatedly found making it part of
-their policy to keep their subjects employed on big industrial concerns.
-In more than one case we shall see their power collapsing
-just when this policy becomes financially impossible<a id='r75' /><a href='#f75' class='c014'><sup>[75]</sup></a>. This part of
-the tyrants’ policy is noticed by Aristotle, who quotes the dedications
-(buildings and works of art) of the Cypselids at Corinth, the building
-of the temple of Olympian Zeus at Athens by the Peisistratids, and
-the works of Polycrates round Samos<a id='r76' /><a href='#f76' class='c014'><sup>[76]</sup></a>. To these names we may
-add Theagenes of Megara, Phalaris of Agrigentum, Aristodemus
-of Cumae, and the Tarquins of Rome, all of whom are associated
-with works of this kind<a id='r77' /><a href='#f77' class='c014'><sup>[77]</sup></a>. Aristotle says that the object of these
-works was to keep the people busy and poor. This explanation is
-more than doubtful, as has been already recognized<a id='r78' /><a href='#f78' class='c014'><sup>[78]</sup></a>. It is not
-employment that leads to poverty. More probably the tyrants pursued
-this industrial policy because, to quote an expression used in another
-context by Plutarch, “stimulating every craft and busying every
-hand it made practically the whole city wage earners (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἔμμισθον</span>),”
-employed, as in the case Plutarch is describing, by the government
-of the state. In other words may not the tyrants have been building
-up an industrial state of employee subjects who in their turn involved
-an army of “customer subjects<a id='r79' /><a href='#f79' class='c014'><sup>[79]</sup></a>”? The words just quoted come
-from the life of Pericles<a id='r80' /><a href='#f80' class='c014'><sup>[80]</sup></a> and refer to the way that he employed
-the poorer citizens (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τὸν θητικὸν ὄχλον</span>) in the rebuilding and
-adornment of Athens. Among the people so employed he mentions
-carpenters, sculptors, coppersmiths, stone masons, dyers, moulders
-of gold and ivory, painters, embroiderers, engravers, merchants,
-sailors, wheelwrights, waggoners, drivers, rope-makers, flax workers,
-leather cutters, road-makers, miners. We still possess fragments of
-the accounts of payments made to these workmen or their successors
-some years after Pericles’ death<a id='r81' /><a href='#f81' class='c014'><sup>[81]</sup></a>. The Alcmaeonids, the family to
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_15'>15</span>which Pericles belonged, had been opponents of the house of Peisistratus
-for ages, and had consistently fought it with its own weapons.
-Pericles himself was commonly called the new Peisistratus<a id='r82' /><a href='#f82' class='c014'><sup>[82]</sup></a>. His
-public works were a continuation of those of Peisistratus<a id='r83' /><a href='#f83' class='c014'><sup>[83]</sup></a>. The
-whole situation as well as our scanty information about industrial
-conditions in the age of the tyrants alike suggest that in this use
-of public works to convert the industrial classes into an army of
-his own employees, which is what they very nearly were<a id='r84' /><a href='#f84' class='c014'><sup>[84]</sup></a>, Pericles
-was in a very particular sense a new Peisistratus.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>To judge too from the purely industrial evidence Pericles seems
-to have been continuing the traditions of an earlier age. It is true
-that free labour was largely employed on the restoration of the great
-sanctuary at Eleusis some eighty years after the operations just
-referred to. An inscription relating to the wages paid during this
-later undertaking shows that the employees included 36 citizens,
-39 resident aliens, 12 strangers, 2 slaves, besides 57 persons of uncertain
-status<a id='r85' /><a href='#f85' class='c014'><sup>[85]</sup></a>. But this evidence only tends to show that building
-was always a free man’s trade<a id='r86' /><a href='#f86' class='c014'><sup>[86]</sup></a>. We must beware of arguing from
-one trade to another or from one particular trade to trade in general.
-There were doubtless many subtle shades of status depending on
-the nature of either the work or the profits<a id='r87' /><a href='#f87' class='c014'><sup>[87]</sup></a>. As servile industry
-develops, it drives free labour from work thought to be particularly
-damaging to body or mind such as employment underground in
-mines. Speaking generally, however, there are signs that in Athens
-at least between the days of the tyranny and those of the Periclean
-democracy the conditions of free labour had been radically changed.
-This is most obvious as regards the status of the citizen artizan<a id='r88' /><a href='#f88' class='c014'><sup>[88]</sup></a>.
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_16'>16</span>Solon refers to him without a trace of contempt and is careful to
-maintain his political dignity. In so doing he appears to have been
-conservative and simply following the tradition of the Homeric age,
-when a prince was proud to make his own bedstead or build his
-own house and a princess took pleasure in acting as palace laundress<a id='r89' /><a href='#f89' class='c014'><sup>[89]</sup></a>.
-In Attica at any rate manual labour appears to have enjoyed an
-equally honourable reputation from the heroic age onwards till the
-end of the age of the tyrants<a id='r90' /><a href='#f90' class='c014'><sup>[90]</sup></a>. In the good old days, so Plato
-declares in the <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Critias</span></cite><a id='r91' /><a href='#f91' class='c014'><sup>[91]</sup></a>, “the other classes of citizens were engaged
-in handicrafts (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">δημιουργίαι</span>) and agriculture.” The earliest division
-of the free population, ascribed to the half historical Theseus, comprised
-three classes—nobles, farmers, and artizans (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">δημιουργοί</span>)<a id='r92' /><a href='#f92' class='c014'><sup>[92]</sup></a>.
-When Solon, who was himself a merchant<a id='r93' /><a href='#f93' class='c014'><sup>[93]</sup></a>, reorganized the population
-he divided it (or perhaps simply preserved an existent division)
-into four classes, of which the lowest were <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">θῆτες</span> or day labourers<a id='r94' /><a href='#f94' class='c014'><sup>[94]</sup></a>.
-The names of the others (pentekosiomedimnoi, hippeis, zeugitai)
-show that this class must have included all the artizans, the men
-who, in the lawgiver’s own words, “learn the works of Athena and
-Hephaestus of the many crafts.” This description of the ancient
-Athenian craftsmen as sons of Pallas and Hephaestus recurs in
-Plato<a id='r95' /><a href='#f95' class='c014'><sup>[95]</sup></a>. A class that is described in this way plainly rests under no
-stigma. As Wallon puts it, “le travail, loin d’être un titre d’exclusion,
-était un moyen d’arriver au pouvoir<a id='r96' /><a href='#f96' class='c014'><sup>[96]</sup></a>.” Some five years after
-Solon’s legislation the old classification of the free population as
-nobles, farmers and artizans (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">δημιουργοί</span>) reappears and the artizans
-secure two out of ten seats on the board of chief magistrates<a id='r97' /><a href='#f97' class='c014'><sup>[97]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_17'>17</span>But in the fifth century this has changed. Contrast the tone of
-Solon with that of Xenophon<a id='r98' /><a href='#f98' class='c014'><sup>[98]</sup></a>, who states that some citizens
-“actually” live by handicrafts, and that mechanical occupations are
-rightly held in contempt by civilized communities. When Socrates
-has demonstrated to Alcibiades that the Athenian ecclesia is made
-up of working men (cobblers, criers, tent-makers and the like), he
-proceeds to this inference: “if you have a contempt for them individually,
-then you must have a contempt for them as a body<a id='r99' /><a href='#f99' class='c014'><sup>[99]</sup></a>.”
-This contempt for manual work appears in Aristophanes, as for
-instance in his constant contemptuous references to Euripides’
-mother, who had been a greengrocer<a id='r100' /><a href='#f100' class='c014'><sup>[100]</sup></a>. It is recognized and discussed
-by Herodotus, who regards it as of comparatively recent
-growth: as he puts it, “most of the Greeks have learned to despise
-artizans<a id='r101' /><a href='#f101' class='c014'><sup>[101]</sup></a>.” His view is supported by Isocrates, who when describing
-the state of things that prevailed in the Athens of Solon and Cleisthenes,
-declares that “the propertied classes, so far from despising
-those who were not so well off,&nbsp;... relieved their necessities, giving
-some of them farms at moderate rents, sending out others to travel
-as merchants, supplying others with capital for their various employments
-(<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐργασίας</span>)<a id='r102' /><a href='#f102' class='c014'><sup>[102]</sup></a>.” The passage just quoted is no doubt tendencious.
-But, as maintained by Mauri<a id='r103' /><a href='#f103' class='c014'><sup>[103]</sup></a>, it does indicate that labour
-was not despised in archaic Athens. More than that it suggests
-that in the days of Solon and Cleisthenes there was a good deal
-of free labour under the patronage, if not in the actual employment,
-of rich individuals. The transformation that began in the fifth
-century seems to have occurred gradually. It had not been completed
-when Herodotus wrote. Among the Athenian citizens who
-just at that time were being employed by Pericles on the Athenian
-acropolis we have seen from Plutarch that there were included
-carpenters, smiths, and leather workers. In the next generation
-we find Xenophon declaring that most of those who understand
-these crafts are servile. The words are put into the mouth of Socrates,
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_18'>18</span>who was the younger contemporary of Herodotus by some fifteen
-years<a id='r104' /><a href='#f104' class='c014'><sup>[104]</sup></a>. Socrates and Xenophon however sometimes voice the earlier
-view. In the <cite>Apology</cite> for instance artizans are compared favourably
-with politicians, poets, and the like<a id='r105' /><a href='#f105' class='c014'><sup>[105]</sup></a>. Similarly in the <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Vectigalibus</span></cite>
-of Xenophon, in which the writer expresses some of his own personal
-views, artizans are placed with no suggestion of inferiority in the
-company of sophists, philosophers, poets, and sight-seers<a id='r106' /><a href='#f106' class='c014'><sup>[106]</sup></a>. In Plato,
-except for the passage just quoted from the <cite>Apology</cite>, manual labour
-is consistently condemned as unworthy of a free man in a free
-city<a id='r107' /><a href='#f107' class='c014'><sup>[107]</sup></a>. He would have no member of a state or even the slave of a
-citizen among those engaged in manual trades<a id='r108' /><a href='#f108' class='c014'><sup>[108]</sup></a>. He admits that
-there is nothing inherently ignoble in trade, but explains at length
-how all trading has in fact become so<a id='r109' /><a href='#f109' class='c014'><sup>[109]</sup></a>. Trade has come to imply
-money-making and to mean that the city where it flourishes is
-“infected with money of silver and gold, than which, speaking
-generally, no greater evil could arise for a city that aimed at producing
-just and noble characters<a id='r110' /><a href='#f110' class='c014'><sup>[110]</sup></a>.” When Plato is building up his
-ideal state wage earning is left to those citizens who are mentally
-deficient<a id='r111' /><a href='#f111' class='c014'><sup>[111]</sup></a>. Plato is above all things an independent thinker with
-no great respect for the masses and less still for popular opinion.
-But in this particular point his views do not seem to be unusual. He
-is echoed again and again by Aristotle: “Citizens ought not to live
-the life of an artizan or tradesman<a id='r112' /><a href='#f112' class='c014'><sup>[112]</sup></a>.” “Farmers and artizans and
-all the working-class element must exist in cities: but the real
-constituents of the city are the military class and the parliamentarians<a id='r113' /><a href='#f113' class='c014'><sup>[113]</sup></a>.”
-“The best city will not make the artizan a citizen<a id='r114' /><a href='#f114' class='c014'><sup>[114]</sup></a>.”
-“The city where the artizans are numerous and men at arms are
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_19'>19</span>few cannot attain to greatness<a id='r115' /><a href='#f115' class='c014'><sup>[115]</sup></a>.” The speech of Demosthenes against
-Euboulides makes it plain that in the fourth century a doubtful
-claim to Athenian citizenship might be damaged by pointing out
-that the claimant was a small tradesman. “It is your duty,” the
-orator makes his client say to the jury, “to uphold the laws and
-not to regard as outlanders people who work for their living (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τοὺς
-ἐργαζομένους</span>)<a id='r116' /><a href='#f116' class='c014'><sup>[116]</sup></a>.” Aristotle and Euboulides would have agreed
-with Pollux<a id='r117' /><a href='#f117' class='c014'><sup>[117]</sup></a>, our earliest lexicographer (second century <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">A.D.</span></span>), that
-thetes is a name for free men who out of poverty do slave’s work
-for money (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐπ’ ἀργυρίῳ δουλευόντων</span>).</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The Greeks despised the artizan largely because of his lack of
-leisure and impaired physique which to their minds necessarily
-implied a lack of culture and a weakened intelligence<a id='r118' /><a href='#f118' class='c014'><sup>[118]</sup></a>. This being
-the ground of their contempt, the feeling must plainly have grown
-up when the claims of culture and of industry had become exacting.
-This means that it was probably subsequent to and a result of the
-industrial developments of the age of the tyrants; and this dating
-is confirmed by other considerations.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The growth of contempt for labour has been explained by
-Drumann<a id='r119' /><a href='#f119' class='c014'><sup>[119]</sup></a> as due in part at least to the Persian wars and the resultant
-plunder, which must have made a good many citizens financially
-independent. The payment of the huge panels of jurymen,
-which at Athens did so much to release the poorer citizens from
-the necessity to work, was an ultimate outcome of the Persian
-wars. The Peloponnesian war may have completed the process. It
-lasted through nearly thirty campaigns (431–404 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>) and must
-have deeply disorganized the labour market. Slaves must in all
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_20'>20</span>directions have supplanted the free men who were wanted for
-military service, just as women took men’s places in the modern
-counterpart of the Greek disaster<a id='r120' /><a href='#f120' class='c014'><sup>[120]</sup></a>. The continued campaigning is
-sure to have left many of the fighting men with a distaste for the
-dull routine of industry<a id='r121' /><a href='#f121' class='c014'><sup>[121]</sup></a>. In the <cite>Plutus</cite> of Aristophanes, brought
-out in 388 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>, Poverty argues against an even distribution of
-wealth on the ground that it would destroy the slave trade and
-drive free men to manual labour as smiths, shipbuilders, tailors,
-wheelwrights, shoemakers, brickmakers, laundrymen, tanners and
-ploughmen<a id='r122' /><a href='#f122' class='c014'><sup>[122]</sup></a>. Rather than return to their trades they preferred active
-service in distant lands. When early in the fourth century Agesilaus
-of Sparta was campaigning in Asia Minor against the King of
-Persia we are told that most of his troops except his own Spartans
-were potters, smiths, carpenters and the like<a id='r123' /><a href='#f123' class='c014'><sup>[123]</sup></a>. Mechanical occupations
-are said by Aristotle to have been in his own days in some
-Greek cities mainly in the hands of slaves and outlanders: “in
-ancient times in some cities the artizan element (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τὸ βάναυσον</span>) was
-servile or alien, for which reason most of them are such now<a id='r124' /><a href='#f124' class='c014'><sup>[124]</sup></a>.”
-This growing contempt and dislike for manual labour as such, combined
-with the passion for freedom and independence, would make
-free citizens particularly unwilling to become factory hands or
-miners or anything that meant working under a master for a daily
-wage, the receipt of which tended to be regarded as a degradation<a id='r125' /><a href='#f125' class='c014'><sup>[125]</sup></a>.
-Ciccotti<a id='r126' /><a href='#f126' class='c014'><sup>[126]</sup></a> observes that piece work becomes much commoner at this
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_21'>21</span>period. He explains the tendency in abstract Marxian principles.
-The change may be due to much more human causes, such as the
-workman’s growing desire to work his own hours at his own pace.
-The work that the free man refused to do was undertaken by the
-growing population of slaves. There was at this time a glut in the
-slave market, as is sufficiently proved by the single fact that while
-the prices of all other commodities went up in the fifth and fourth
-centuries, that of slaves went down<a id='r127' /><a href='#f127' class='c014'><sup>[127]</sup></a>. Among the unpleasant occupations
-that fell more and more completely into servile hands were
-mining and quarrying<a id='r128' /><a href='#f128' class='c014'><sup>[128]</sup></a>, two of the occupations with which we shall
-find that the early tyrants were most frequently concerned.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>If therefore in the fifth and fourth centuries citizen craftsmen
-appear to have worked mainly in small individual concerns<a id='r129' /><a href='#f129' class='c014'><sup>[129]</sup></a>, it by
-no means follows that the same was the case in the seventh and
-sixth centuries. The conditions during the later period were due
-to causes that only began to operate during that period. On the
-other hand industry must have begun to organize itself into considerable
-concerns somewhere about the beginning of the earlier
-period, at the time of the developments that are admittedly associated
-with the beginnings of tyranny. What was the status of the employees
-in these earlier enterprises such as the potteries of Corinth, the sixth
-century mines at Laurium, or the metal and woollen works at
-Samos? Almost our only piece of direct evidence on this subject
-is a statement of Alexis<a id='r130' /><a href='#f130' class='c014'><sup>[130]</sup></a> that Polycrates the tyrant of Samos, whose
-connexion with Samian industry is established in Chapter III, “used
-to send for skilled artizans at very high wages (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">μετεστέλλετο
-τεχνίτας ἐπὶ μισθοῖς μεγίστοις</span>).” These highly paid artizans
-may have been foreigners—Athenians, Milesians, or the like<a id='r131' /><a href='#f131' class='c014'><sup>[131]</sup></a>—but
-they can scarcely have been slaves. Indirect evidence in the same
-direction is more abundant. Periander for example, the second
-tyrant of Corinth (about 620–580 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>), is said to have forbidden
-the purchase of slaves<a id='r132' /><a href='#f132' class='c014'><sup>[132]</sup></a>. This regulation looks like an attempt towards
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_22'>22</span>the end of the period of tyranny at Corinth to stem an influx of
-servile labour.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>It is doubtful whether slave owning on a large scale existed at
-this period<a id='r133' /><a href='#f133' class='c014'><sup>[133]</sup></a>. The Greeks of the fifth and fourth centuries regarded
-slavery as they knew it as a modern development<a id='r134' /><a href='#f134' class='c014'><sup>[134]</sup></a>. Timaeus says<a id='r135' /><a href='#f135' class='c014'><sup>[135]</sup></a>
-that till recently the Locrians had a law and likewise the Phocians
-against possessing either maid servants or slaves (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">οὔτε θεραπαίνας
-οὔτε οἰκέτας</span>) and that Mnason the friend of Aristotle having
-acquired a thousand slaves was ill-spoken of (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">διαβληθῆναι</span>) among
-the Phocians as having deprived that number of the citizens of their
-daily bread. There is much therefore to be said for the view expressed
-by Clerc<a id='r136' /><a href='#f136' class='c014'><sup>[136]</sup></a> that free labour flourished afresh in the seventh
-and sixth centuries <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> with the overthrow of aristocracies, or in
-other words in the age of the early tyrants. Ciccotti has recently
-well observed that in all the literature from the hymn of Demeter
-to the writings of Plutarch slaves occupy no place in the picture
-of social conditions at this period<a id='r137' /><a href='#f137' class='c014'><sup>[137]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>It was long ago recognized by Buechsenschuetz<a id='r138' /><a href='#f138' class='c014'><sup>[138]</sup></a> that in preclassical
-Greece the manual trades were in the hands of free men, but each
-man was his own master, there being no factories or division of
-labour. In classical times there was considerable division of labour
-and there were businesses employing a large number of hands, but
-citizens seldom worked in them. The age of the tyrants falls between
-the two epochs just formulated. It is the one short epoch in Greek
-history when there were probably considerable industrial enterprises
-employing citizen labour. Thus it is the age in Greek history when
-apart from all details of evidence there would be the greatest <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">a priori</span></i>
-possibility of an individual having secured the political power which
-may fall to the employer of organized free labour on a large scale<a id='r139' /><a href='#f139' class='c014'><sup>[139]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>It is difficult in these days to realize how unique a situation is here
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_23'>23</span>implied. We are apt to forget how completely slaves were excluded
-from any part whatsoever in the life of the state. Politically they
-were non-existent, and the whole free population was vitally concerned
-in keeping them so. The slave was an essential form of
-property. To question the institution of slavery in ancient Greece
-was like questioning the fundamental claims of property in modern
-Europe. It was a proclamation of war to the knife against the
-whole established order of things. Individual slaves might win freedom
-and political rights, but any organized effort at emancipation
-on the part of the slaves themselves was put down with merciless
-severity. When in 71 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> Pompey and Crassus had crushed the
-slave rebellion of Spartacus, the moderate and statesmanlike revolutionary
-whose name has come again to such prominence in recent
-days, six thousand of his followers were crucified along the road
-from Rome to Naples. The distance is about 150 miles. At the
-time therefore of this exemplary punishment if anyone had occasion
-to pass along the road in question, one of the most frequented in
-the whole Roman state, he would see some forty of these victims
-writhing in agony or hanging dead upon the cross for every mile
-of his journey. No piece of frightfulness quite so thorough and
-methodical is to be found in all the frightful history of the present
-century. The punishment of 71 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> is typical of the whole attitude
-of the ancient republics of Greece and Rome towards rebellious
-slaves. No wonder then if in their history servile labour played
-no active part<a id='r140' /><a href='#f140' class='c014'><sup>[140]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>(<em>e</em>) the history of the states where there was never a tyrant,</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>Some parts of Greece never passed under a tyrant. The most
-conspicuous of these is Sparta<a id='r141' /><a href='#f141' class='c014'><sup>[141]</sup></a>. The Spartans never
-struck real coins. The iron pieces “heavy and hard
-to carry<a id='r142' /><a href='#f142' class='c014'><sup>[142]</sup></a>” that formed the classical Spartan currency
-seem to be a survival of a premonetary medium of
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_24'>24</span>exchange<a id='r143' /><a href='#f143' class='c014'><sup>[143]</sup></a>. Sparta was also practically without any urban population<a id='r144' /><a href='#f144' class='c014'><sup>[144]</sup></a>.
-It may be more than an accidental coincidence that the most
-anti-tyrannical state in Greece was without a real coinage, and
-backward in trade and industry.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Another region where nothing is heard of early tyrants is Thessaly.
-Thessaly had a large serf population called <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πενέσται</span>, whose position
-much resembled that of the Spartan helots<a id='r145' /><a href='#f145' class='c014'><sup>[145]</sup></a>. Both were mainly
-agricultural labourers, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">asscripti glebae</span></i>. Such a population might
-serve the purpose of a would-be military despot. Pausanias, the
-Spartan generalissimo against the Persians, had dealings with the
-helots when he was trying to make himself tyrant of all Greece<a id='r146' /><a href='#f146' class='c014'><sup>[146]</sup></a>.
-But for a commercial tyrant they would not be very useful material.
-The other important district that seems to have been immune
-from tyrants is Boeotia. It is natural to associate this immunity
-with the dominantly agricultural character of the district where
-Hesiod wrote his <cite>Works and Days</cite><a id='r147' /><a href='#f147' class='c014'><sup>[147]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>(<em>f</em>) steps taken to prevent a recurrence of tyranny.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>When the tyrants had been suppressed or expelled, or their families
-became extinct, the government in most cases either
-reverted to an oligarchy or developed into a democracy.
-Oligarchs and democrats (or at least democratic
-governments) seem to have been equally inspired with
-a hatred of the tyranny. The steps that they took and the fears that
-they displayed under that influence may be expected to throw light
-on the source of the tyrant’s power. Once more however it is
-necessary to limit ourselves to the fifth century, when the conception
-of the tyrant had not yet undergone the great change that came over
-it in the days of Dionysius of Syracuse<a id='r148' /><a href='#f148' class='c014'><sup>[148]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_25'>25</span>Of the oligarchic Greek states our knowledge is comparatively
-slight. History has preserved for us no oligarchic counterpart to
-the picture that we still possess of democratic Athens. But thanks
-to the <cite>Politics</cite> of Aristotle, that precious storehouse of incidental
-statements and remarks, the fact has come down to us that<a id='r149' /><a href='#f149' class='c014'><sup>[149]</sup></a> “in
-many oligarchies it is not allowed to engage in business (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">χρηματίζεσθαι</span>,
-perhaps better construed ‘money-making’), but there are
-laws forbidding it.”</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Of the anti-tyrannical measures of democratic Athens during the
-century that followed the expulsion of the Peisistratids we are better
-informed. So are we also as to the measures taken in the early days
-of republican Rome to prevent a re-establishment of the kingship.
-The evidence supports the view that in both cases what the established
-government mainly feared was the rich man becoming politically
-powerful by means of his riches.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Only, if that view is right, why is it nowhere specifically formulated
-in extant records?</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>The evidence is not conclusive; but contemporary documents are meagre and no Greek writers say much about economic causes.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>One set of causes has already been incidentally indicated. The
-state of things that could lead to a tyranny of the
-early type was passing away at the time of the Persian
-wars. The payment of jurymen rendered a recurrence
-of it in Athens finally impossible. Sparta had always
-been equally averse from making either coins or
-tyrants. What Athens and Sparta both disapproved
-of had little chance of finding a home in fifth century
-Greece. It was during this period that Herodotus
-and Thucydides, our earliest Greek historians, composed their
-works. Each wrote the history of a great war. But even if their
-themes had been more peaceful, it would be a mistake to imagine
-that their enquiries into economic causes would have been any more
-searching. Cornford in his illuminating study of Thucydides<a id='r150' /><a href='#f150' class='c014'><sup>[150]</sup></a> complains
-of the general blindness of the Greeks in this direction. This
-is hardly fair on the Greeks. Thucydides and his successors are not
-unusually blind. It is the moderns who are unusual in the way
-they fix their eyes upon this particular aspect of history. Only in
-times of financial and industrial revolution does the world at large
-become distinctly conscious of the financial and industrial basis of
-its social and political organization. The revolution now proceeding
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_26'>26</span>has produced this effect. It has led modern historians to concentrate,
-perhaps unduly, upon the investigation of economic causes and conditions.
-From this modern point of view the Bank of England or
-the Standard Oil Company is as fruitful and important a subject
-of historical research as the policy of a prime minister or the strategy
-of a general. But this attitude is unusual. The financial revolution
-associated with the realms of Gyges and Pheidon had been accepted
-by the whole Greek world before the outbreak of the Persian wars.
-For writers of the new epoch that began with Salamis and Plataea
-economic conditions must have appeared a changeless and somewhat
-boring factor. If the early tyrants had previously been kings of
-finance or industry, we must not expect many statements or illustrations
-of the fact in the <cite>Persian Wars</cite> of Herodotus, or the <cite>Peloponnesian
-War</cite> of Thucydides. It should satisfy us if, as is the case,
-their allusions to the tyranny are all in complete harmony with
-that hypothesis.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>The view is at variance with statements of Plato, Aristotle, and subsequent writers:</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>The writers of the fourth century offer a more serious difficulty.
-Both Plato and Aristotle deal at some length with
-the origin of tyranny, and both give explanations
-quite different from the one that is here offered. As
-their accounts have been the basis of all subsequent
-views, it is necessary to state briefly what they are.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>According to Plato<a id='r151' /><a href='#f151' class='c014'><sup>[151]</sup></a> “it is fairly plain that tyranny
-develops out of democracy.”</p>
-
-<p class='c015'>When a tyrant comes into being, the root he springs from is the people’s
-champion, and no other.... What then is the beginning of the change from
-protector to tyrant?... The people’s champion finding a multitude very
-ready to follow him&nbsp;... enslaves and slaughters, and hints at the abolition of
-debts and the partition of land. When such a man so behaves, is he not
-subsequently bound and doomed either to be destroyed by his enemies or
-to become tyrant and be changed from a man into a wolf? This is what
-becomes of the leader of the rebellion against the owners of property<a id='r152' /><a href='#f152' class='c014'><sup>[152]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c017'><span class='pageno' id='Page_27'>27</span>Plato goes on to describe how the tyrant either gets banished and
-effects his return by force or avoids exile only by the famous expedient
-of demanding a bodyguard.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Aristotle’s account is similar, but less rigid, and emphasizes the
-military element. “In ancient times, whenever the same individual
-became both demagogue and general, the result was a tyranny. It
-is fairly true to say that the majority of the early tyrants have
-developed out of demagogues<a id='r153' /><a href='#f153' class='c014'><sup>[153]</sup></a>.” Other tyrants he describes as establishing
-themselves as such after having previously either reigned as
-kings or held for a long period some important office<a id='r154' /><a href='#f154' class='c014'><sup>[154]</sup></a>. In ancient
-times Aristotle includes the fifth century (and perhaps the beginning
-of the fourth), as is shown by his quoting Dionysius of Syracuse<a id='r155' /><a href='#f155' class='c014'><sup>[155]</sup></a>.
-Plato’s treatment is less historical, but as he specifically excludes the
-possibility of any other sort of tyrant pedigree than that he gives,
-his account is plainly meant to hold good for all periods<a id='r156' /><a href='#f156' class='c014'><sup>[156]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>but their picture of the rise of tyranny clashes with known facts about the period,</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>In short both Plato and Aristotle regard their accounts of the
-tyrant’s origin as being of general application. As
-such they have always been accepted, and not at first
-sight without reason. The Platonic-Aristotelian pedigree
-(with an alternative) is already ascribed to the
-tyrant by Herodotus: “under a democracy it is impossible
-for corruption not to prevail&nbsp;..., until some
-individual, championing the people (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">προστὰς τοῦ δήμου</span>) blossoms
-out into a monarch (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ρεϡτε μούναρχος</span> = tyrant)<a id='r157' /><a href='#f157' class='c014'><sup>[157]</sup></a>.” But what are the
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_28'>28</span>facts? The process just described makes the early tyrant develop
-out of a demagogue who is usually also a general. Demagogues
-may have existed in Greece before tyrannies began to be established;
-but the evidence for their having done so is extraordinarily meagre<a id='r158' /><a href='#f158' class='c014'><sup>[158]</sup></a>,
-and it is highly doubtful whether Aristotle adds to it. He does not
-attempt a picture of a seventh or sixth century demagogue. Those
-of his own day secured their influence by confiscations effected
-through the popular courts<a id='r159' /><a href='#f159' class='c014'><sup>[159]</sup></a>. They are essentially the product of a
-full-blown democracy, and pretyrannical democracies are extremely
-doubtful. Athens is a special and only partial case, and even there,
-in spite of Solon, Herodotus<a id='r160' /><a href='#f160' class='c014'><sup>[160]</sup></a> can speak of Cleisthenes, who overthrew
-the tyranny, as “the man who established the democracy.”
-The demagogues from whom Aristotle derives his early tyrants are
-mainly military demagogues: “the tyrant,” he says, “is also prone
-to make war<a id='r161' /><a href='#f161' class='c014'><sup>[161]</sup></a>.”</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>This statement is hardly borne out by the facts. As a body, in
-spite of the times they lived in, the early tyrants were remarkable
-for their works not of war but of peace<a id='r162' /><a href='#f162' class='c014'><sup>[162]</sup></a>. Some of them indeed, as
-for instance Orthagoras and Peisistratus, are reported to have distinguished
-themselves as soldiers before they became tyrants. The
-warlike exploits of the youthful Orthagoras are discussed below<a id='r163' /><a href='#f163' class='c014'><sup>[163]</sup></a>.
-He cannot have been really prone to militarism, since Aristotle
-declares that a successor of his altered the character of the Sicyonian
-tyranny by becoming warlike<a id='r164' /><a href='#f164' class='c014'><sup>[164]</sup></a>. Peisistratus’ early feats of war are
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_29'>29</span>well attested. Naturally enough he made political capital out of
-them. “He asked of the people that he should receive from them
-a bodyguard, having previously distinguished himself in the expedition
-against Megara, when he captured Nisaea and performed other
-great deeds<a id='r165' /><a href='#f165' class='c014'><sup>[165]</sup></a>.” But earlier in the same chapter Herodotus has made
-it perfectly plain that Peisistratus was not a military despot. “Having
-formed designs on the tyranny he raised a third faction, and having
-collected partizans, and posing as a champion of the Hillmen, he
-devised as follows.” It was the faction of the Hillmen and not<a id='r166' /><a href='#f166' class='c014'><sup>[166]</sup></a> the
-Megarean expedition, that was the stepping-stone to the tyranny.
-Who the Hillmen were is discussed in the chapter on Athens. It
-has never been suggested that they were military<a id='r167' /><a href='#f167' class='c014'><sup>[167]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>A military demagogue who makes himself tyrant is essentially
-the product of an advanced democracy threatened by invasion from
-without. When the tyrants of the seventh and sixth centuries secured
-their positions there was no foreign invader without the gates and
-no democracy within. Aristotle<a id='r168' /><a href='#f168' class='c014'><sup>[168]</sup></a> calls democracy “the last word
-in tyranny” (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἡ τελευταία τυραννίς</span>). From the point of view
-of historical development the converse comes much nearer to the
-truth, and tyranny is the first word in democracy. <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>and is due to false generalizations from the conditions of their own days,<span class='hidev'>|</span></span>
-The evolution
-of the tyrant as described in Aristotle and Plato cannot
-have taken place until after the reforms of Cleisthenes
-or precisely the period when the last of the
-early tyrants was finally banished from Greece. The
-two philosophers, and likewise Herodotus in the passage just quoted<a id='r169' /><a href='#f169' class='c014'><sup>[169]</sup></a>,
-must be reading into more ancient times a state of things that
-only became prevalent shortly before their own<a id='r170' /><a href='#f170' class='c014'><sup>[170]</sup></a>. The words of
-Herodotus are put into the mouth of Darius. This means that they
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_30'>30</span>really hang loose and may be influenced by the careers of contemporary
-demagogues like Cleon.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>and particularly from the career of Dionysius of Syracuse.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>But the main source of error lies in Plato and Aristotle, and is
-still more obvious. The most distinguished figure in
-the political history of the early part of the fourth
-century was Dionysius of Syracuse. Dionysius is, like
-Plato’s tyrant in the <cite>Republic</cite>, the product of democracy:
-like Aristotle’s in the <cite>Politics</cite> he begins his career as a military
-demagogue. The resemblances are not accidental. Dionysius made
-himself tyrant when Plato was just reaching manhood. Plato visited
-his court and few political experiments have become more famous
-than Plato’s attempt to turn the tyrant’s son into the ideal philosopher
-king<a id='r171' /><a href='#f171' class='c014'><sup>[171]</sup></a>. Aristotle naturally shared his master’s interest in the famous
-Syracusan. His <cite>Politics</cite> bears frequent witness to the fact. It contains
-only eight references each to the tyrant houses of Corinth and
-Athens as against twenty to those of Syracuse (eleven to the Dionysii
-and Dion, nine to the Deinomenidae). Of the three individuals,
-Theagenes, Peisistratus, Dionysius, chosen to illustrate the way a
-tyrant may be produced out of a military demagogue, Dionysius is
-the only one whose career the process fits.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Other philosophers of the period wrote under the same dominant
-influence, notably Aeschines the Socratic, and Aristippus, both
-of whom had stayed with the tyrant<a id='r172' /><a href='#f172' class='c014'><sup>[172]</sup></a>. Similarly with the fourth
-century historians: their notion of a tyrant was Dionysius
-as described by that potentate’s own historian, his fellow-citizen
-Philistus.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Everything tended to confirm this view. The greatness of Dionysius
-naturally drew attention to that of Gelo and Hiero, his predecessors
-at Syracuse. Gelo and Hiero were, like Dionysius, military
-despots. To later generations they were the great soldiers who had
-saved Sicily from the Carthaginians and Etruscans. Their contemporary
-Pausanias had tried to raise himself from generalissimo of the
-Greek army to tyrant of all Greece<a id='r173' /><a href='#f173' class='c014'><sup>[173]</sup></a>. These events were still in
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_31'>31</span>men’s minds. Of the earlier tyrants they had only hazy notions<a id='r174' /><a href='#f174' class='c014'><sup>[174]</sup></a>.
-The best remembered were probably the Peisistratids, both from
-their late date and from the fact that they were Athenians. Peisistratus,
-as has been already noticed, chanced early in his career to
-have distinguished himself as a soldier. It so happened that Polycrates,
-the other great tyrant of the latter half of the sixth century,
-also engaged in war. It was forced upon him by the Persians.
-The evidence is all against the view that it was the basis of his
-power. But the warlike achievements of these two rulers, the last
-and perhaps the greatest of the earlier tyrants, lent colour to
-Aristotle’s hasty generalizations<a id='r175' /><a href='#f175' class='c014'><sup>[175]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Aristotle himself, speaking of the ways of maintaining a tyranny,
-says that “the traditional method, in accordance with which most
-tyrants conduct their government, is said to have been mainly instituted
-by Periander of Corinth<a id='r176' /><a href='#f176' class='c014'><sup>[176]</sup></a>?” Only a few pages later in the
-same work<a id='r177' /><a href='#f177' class='c014'><sup>[177]</sup></a> we are told that Periander abandoned the policy of his
-father Cypselus and that he did so by becoming warlike or in other
-words by approximating more to Dionysius of Syracuse. Once more
-then the typical tyrant of Aristotle is a ruler who departs from the
-policy of a typical founder of an early tyranny.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>For an example of the victory of the Aristotelian view over the
-truth we may compare Herodotus, <span class='fss'>I.</span> 59, which states that Peisistratus,
-who had fought against Megara, made himself tyrant by means of
-the faction of the Hillmen, with Justin, <span class='fss'>II.</span> 8, according to whom
-“Peisistratus, as though he had conquered (the Megareans) for himself,
-not for his country, seized by craft the tyranny.” Justin is a
-perversion of a passage in Chapter 14 of the Aristotelian <cite>Constitution
-of Athens</cite>, which states that Peisistratus, “having the reputation
-of being a great friend of the people, and having greatly distinguished
-himself in the war against Megara,” secured his bodyguard and the
-tyranny. Aristotle misinterprets the Hillmen and exaggerates the
-importance of the Megarean expedition. Justin omits the former
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_32'>32</span>altogether and makes the latter the sole cause of Peisistratus obtaining
-the tyranny.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Aristotle’s conception of the tyrant class as drawn mainly from
-that of the military demagogue was taken over by the Romans. In
-the chapter on Rome it will be shown how little this conception
-fits in with the Romans’ own early history. But the times before
-the great wars at Rome (Samnite, Pyrrhic, Punic) are like those
-before the Persian wars in Greece. They belong to a different epoch
-from those that follow. The later history of the Roman republic
-harmonizes with Aristotle’s view. The Gracchi may be represented
-as demagogues who failed to make themselves supreme for lack of
-military power<a id='r178' /><a href='#f178' class='c014'><sup>[178]</sup></a>. Marius, Pompey, and Caesar succeeded in proportion
-as they realized the Aristotelian combination. The fourth
-century conception was therefore unchallenged by Roman writers,
-the more so since Dionysius appears for a while to have dominated
-the Roman conception of a Greek tyrant<a id='r179' /><a href='#f179' class='c014'><sup>[179]</sup></a>. Fortunately however,
-owing to the careless way the Roman historians worked over their
-material, they have left us glimpses of the different conditions that
-had once existed.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The view that was thus disseminated in classical Greece and
-Rome was naturally accepted by the scholars of the renaissance and
-has prevailed ever since.</p>
-
-<div class='chapter'>
-  <span class='pageno' id='Page_33'>33</span>
-  <h2 class='c005'>Chapter II. <em>Athens</em></h2>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='c003'></div>
-<div class='sidenote'>Exceptional position of Athens.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>Of all the tyrants of the seventh and sixth centuries none are
-so well known to us as those who reigned at Athens.
-No other city has left us so clear a picture of the
-state of things not only during the tyranny but also
-immediately before and after it. Solon lived to see Peisistratus make
-himself supreme. Herodotus, born a Persian subject about 484 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>,
-must have had opportunities of questioning first-hand authorities
-on the later years of the Athenian tyranny, while his younger contemporary
-Thucydides was in a particularly favoured position for
-getting information on this subject through his relationship with
-the Philaidae, of whose rivalry with the Peisistratidae there will be
-occasion to speak later in this chapter<a id='r180' /><a href='#f180' class='c014'><sup>[180]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>This comparative abundance of information is the reason why
-Athens has been made the starting-point of this enquiry. But even
-so our knowledge is meagre enough. And there is a special reason
-for using it with caution. So far in the history of the world there
-has been only one Athens. The developments that took place in the
-city during the first two centuries of the democracy are without
-parallel. Can we be certain that Athens was not already unique
-in the period immediately preceding? One point in which the
-Athenian tyranny was exceptional meets us at the
-first glance. <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Athens before the establishment of the tyranny.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span>
-With the single exception of Samos, all
-the other famous tyrannies of the earlier type, at least
-in the Aegean area, arose in the seventh century. But
-apart from this fact it will be found that the tyranny at Athens in
-the sixth century followed the same course as it appears to have
-done at places like Corinth and Argos, Sardis and Miletus in the
-seventh. The more highly developed an organism is, the longer it
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_34'>34</span>takes to reach maturity. This is perhaps the reason why Athens in
-the sixth century appears in some respects to be a hundred years
-behind some of the cities whom she was destined so completely to
-eclipse.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Athens was not exclusively commercial. Her large territory made
-her partly agricultural. To this fact may be due her failure to compete
-commercially in the seventh century with cities like Aegina
-and Corinth<a id='r181' /><a href='#f181' class='c014'><sup>[181]</sup></a>. Hence too the late rise of the tyranny. It appears
-only when the commercial and industrial element had got the upper
-hand. There was indeed the attempt of Cylon, who conspired to
-make himself tyrant within a generation of the first appearance of
-tyranny on the mainland of Greece<a id='r182' /><a href='#f182' class='c014'><sup>[182]</sup></a>. But Cylon failed because,
-though wealthy (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὀλυμπιονίκης</span>) and influential (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">δυνατός</span>), he
-could not possibly, in the Athens of his day, be the leader of any
-dominant organized commercial activity. He was merely an ambitious
-member of the aristocracy (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τῶν πάλαι εὐγενής</span>), connected
-with the great band of merchant princes only by marriage<a id='r183' /><a href='#f183' class='c014'><sup>[183]</sup></a>. The
-attempt and its result are both what might have been expected from
-the position of Athens at the time.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Soon after Cylon’s attempt Athens began to rival Corinth in the
-pottery trade, and the influence of the rich city merchants and
-exporters doubtless increased. But even in pottery the great vogue
-of Attic ware was still to come, and Solon’s measures for encouraging
-the growth of olives and the export of olive oil also belong
-to this period<a id='r184' /><a href='#f184' class='c014'><sup>[184]</sup></a>: the importance of the landed aristocracy who owned
-the olive yards must have increased almost equally. No merchant
-therefore attempted by means of the wealth that he had amassed or
-the labour that he employed to seize the tyranny. The landed
-aristocracy were also wealthy and they too employed much labour,
-and it so happened that the best part of the Attic plain, where
-lay their estates, was situated round the city, as Cylon discovered
-to his cost when he seized the Acropolis. Tyranny was almost
-impossible.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_35'>35</span>The leading man at Athens was not a mere millionaire, as in the
-more exclusively trading states. Solon had indeed some experience
-of trade<a id='r185' /><a href='#f185' class='c014'><sup>[185]</sup></a>, but he was essentially a politician with a gift for finance,
-not a financier or merchant with political ambitions. He became
-not a tyrant but a lawgiver.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Peisistratus makes himself tyrant by organizing a new party.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>Solon tried to provide for the difficulties that he saw resulting
-from the existence of two evenly matched parties,
-the landowners of the plain and the traders of the
-coast. The tyranny arose from the political organization
-of a new interest by Peisistratus, who, to quote
-the exact words of Herodotus:</p>
-
-<p class='c015'>While the coast men of Athens and those of the plain were at strife&nbsp;... having
-formed designs on (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">καταφρονήσας</span>) the tyranny, proceeded to raise (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἤγειρε</span>)
-a third faction<a id='r186' /><a href='#f186' class='c014'><sup>[186]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Some ancient writers represent Peisistratus as owing his tyranny
-to his gifts as an orator or demagogue<a id='r187' /><a href='#f187' class='c014'><sup>[187]</sup></a>. Reasons are given in
-Chapter <span class='fss'>I</span> for not accepting this view, and also for not believing
-that it was mainly as a successful soldier that Peisistratus secured
-the throne<a id='r188' /><a href='#f188' class='c014'><sup>[188]</sup></a>. It was as founder and leader of the “third faction”
-of Herodotus that Peisistratus made himself tyrant, and he seems
-largely to have built up his influence with them by rendering them
-aid, doubtless financial<a id='r189' /><a href='#f189' class='c014'><sup>[189]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>To understand the position of Peisistratus and to ascertain the
-basis of his power it is obviously of the first importance that we
-should know who precisely were the men who made up this third
-faction. Unfortunately this question cannot be answered directly
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_36'>36</span>from the information that has come down to us. So before sifting
-the evidence that bears on it, it will be well to examine some later
-and better known phases of the tyrant’s career.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>How Peisistratus “rooted” his power.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>After the tyrant had first established himself he is reported to
-have been twice banished and twice restored. After
-his second restoration “he proceeded to root his
-tyranny with many mercenaries, and with revenues
-of money, of which part was gathered from the home country, part
-from the river Strymon<a id='r190' /><a href='#f190' class='c014'><sup>[190]</sup></a>.”</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The Strymon (Struma) flows through the famous mining district
-which was afterwards annexed by Philip of Macedon, and brought
-him his enormous wealth. It is scarcely conceivable that Peisistratus’
-revenues from this region came from any other source than the
-mines<a id='r191' /><a href='#f191' class='c014'><sup>[191]</sup></a>. Hence Guiraud, in his interesting but sober account of
-ancient Greek industry, has already been led to suggest that
-Peisistratus’ Attic revenues were derived from a similar source, and
-that he worked the mines of Laurium<a id='r192' /><a href='#f192' class='c014'><sup>[192]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>How he secured his second restoration.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>Peisistratus was not using revenues from mines for the first time
-in his career, when he proceeded to “root his tyranny”
-in the manner just described. He had already used
-the same means to compass his second restoration.
-When driven from Athens for the second time he had
-“proceeded to the parts round Pangaion, where he made money,
-and having hired soldiers he went back to Eretria, and in the eleventh
-year made his first attempt to recover his position by force<a id='r193' /><a href='#f193' class='c014'><sup>[193]</sup></a>.”
-Herodotus appears to think that all the period of exile was spent at
-Eretria; but he too states it to have been spent in collecting money
-(<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἕως&nbsp;... τὰ χρήματα ἤγειρε</span>). The result was that “he now held
-the tyranny securely<a id='r194' /><a href='#f194' class='c014'><sup>[194]</sup></a>.” Mt Pangaion is the name of the great
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_37'>37</span>mining district to the East of the lower Strymon. The mention of
-it confirms the view that Peisistratus had a personal connexion with
-the Thracian mines. Eretria, on the West coast of Euboea, is an
-obvious place from which to swoop down on East Attica, but on
-the other hand in Euboea too there were mining districts<a id='r195' /><a href='#f195' class='c014'><sup>[195]</sup></a>, and
-Eretria had a settlement just to the East of Mount Pangaion, if
-Svoronos is right in his very plausible identification of the modern
-Kavalla with the “Skabala: a place of the Eretrians” of Stephanus
-Byzantinus<a id='r196' /><a href='#f196' class='c014'><sup>[196]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>About the tyrant’s first restoration there is only a story in
-Herodotus which the historian himself describes as a “very silly
-business.” Its consideration is best left over till we have dealt with
-his original seizure of the throne. If for this earlier stage of his
-career the evidence is less specific, we must not be surprised. Like
-Augustus, Peisistratus was careful, especially at first, to observe the
-outward forms of the constitution which he overthrew, so that the
-realities of the situation would not be patent to everybody<a id='r197' /><a href='#f197' class='c014'><sup>[197]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>The “Hillmen” through whom Peisistratus made himself tyrant</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>The party through which Peisistratus made himself tyrant is
-called by Herodotus the <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Ὑπεράκριοι</span><a id='r198' /><a href='#f198' class='c014'><sup>[198]</sup></a>. The Aristotelian
-<cite>Constitution of Athens</cite> calls them the <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Διάκριοι</span><a id='r199' /><a href='#f199' class='c014'><sup>[199]</sup></a>,
-Plutarch sometimes <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Διακριεῖς</span> sometimes <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Ἔπακροι</span><a id='r200' /><a href='#f200' class='c014'><sup>[200]</sup></a>.
-The English terminology is equally fluctuating. Hill,
-Mountain, and Upland have all been used.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Modern historians have mostly explained the party as made up
-of small farmers, agricultural labourers, herdsmen and the like, and
-have generally assigned them to one special district, the mountainous
-region of North and North-east Attica<a id='r201' /><a href='#f201' class='c014'><sup>[201]</sup></a>. But this view, as shown
-below in detail in an appendix<a id='r202' /><a href='#f202' class='c014'><sup>[202]</sup></a>, is based on a misunderstanding of
-the texts that are quoted in its support, and is at variance with all
-the ancient evidence, whether as regards the political propensities
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_38'>38</span>of agricultural labourers or the state of cultivation of the
-Attic mountains. It takes no account of the facts just brought
-forward as to how the tyrant regained and maintained his
-power.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>were probably the miners of the Laurium district</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>In a paper that I published in 1906<a id='r203' /><a href='#f203' class='c014'><sup>[203]</sup></a> these facts were made the
-basis of a new explanation of the Hillmen of Peisistratus.
-According to the view there put forward the
-most important section of Peisistratus’ followers were
-the miners who worked the famous silver mines of
-South Attica, and it was as leader of this mining population that
-Peisistratus raised himself to the tyranny. At the time this view
-was little more than a conjecture, topographically dubious. Of
-the only two places, Plotheia and Semachidai, known to have
-been situated in the Hill Country, Plotheia had been shown by
-tombstones to lie somewhere between Marathon and Kephisia<a id='r204' /><a href='#f204' class='c014'><sup>[204]</sup></a>, and
-as this fact seemed to confirm the theory of an exclusively Northern
-Hill Country, Semachidai, for the site of which as within the limits
-of the three trittyes of its tribe no evidence was available, was placed
-up in the North in the inland trittys. But that this location was
-wrong is made practically certain by the discovery of an inscription,
-published in 1910 by the Greek scholar Oikonomos,
-that bears directly on the point. <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>which was certainly part of the Hill Country<span class='hidev'>|</span></span>
-It dates from 349–8
-<span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> and defines the position of various mining concessions.
-One of them is described as near Laurium
-and bordered on the South by the road leading past Rhagon to
-Laurium and the Semacheion<a id='r205' /><a href='#f205' class='c014'><sup>[205]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The Semacheion is convincingly explained by Oikonomos as the
-shrine of Semachos, who gave his name to the deme Semachidai<a id='r206' /><a href='#f206' class='c014'><sup>[206]</sup></a>.
-From this fact he proceeds quite logically to argue that we must
-decide on a more Southerly position for that deme than those
-proposed by Milchhoefer and Loeper<a id='r207' /><a href='#f207' class='c014'><sup>[207]</sup></a>, “since the mine to the
-South of which Semachidai lay, was situated in the neighbourhood
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_39'>39</span>of Laurium<a id='r208' /><a href='#f208' class='c014'><sup>[208]</sup></a>.” Semachidai belonged to the tribe Antiochis<a id='r209' /><a href='#f209' class='c014'><sup>[209]</sup></a>.
-In the electoral organization of Cleisthenes the coast trittys of the
-tribe Antiochis occupied the Western part of the mining district,
-including the villages of Amphitrope (Metropisi), Besa, and Anaphlystus.
-Thus Oikonomos’ conclusions are confirmed by the fact
-that his Semacheion falls within the borders of Antiochis. But
-whereas technically this mining district formed the coast trittys of
-the tribe, we have the evidence of Philochorus, writing early in
-the third century <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>, that it was spoken of as part of the Epakria
-or hill country<a id='r210' /><a href='#f210' class='c014'><sup>[210]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>How suitable this name was may be illustrated from the Semacheion
-inscription itself, in which the sites of mining claims are three
-times defined by reference to a ridge or hill crest (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">λόφος</span>)<a id='r211' /><a href='#f211' class='c014'><sup>[211]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>As seen from <cite>C.I.A.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 570, the Epakria of 400 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> was a
-religious organization<a id='r212' /><a href='#f212' class='c014'><sup>[212]</sup></a>, apparently with only a local political significance.
-<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>and probably the Hill Country <i><span lang="fr	" xml:lang="fr	">par excellence</span></i>.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span>
-This fact makes it probable that the name was already
-ancient, and that Plutarch and the <cite>Lexicon Seguerianum</cite>
-were right in equating it with Diakria and
-Hyperakria<a id='r213' /><a href='#f213' class='c014'><sup>[213]</sup></a>. There is indeed the possibility of a confusion
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_40'>40</span>of names. But on the other hand the names suggest a common
-origin. They are all compounds of <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἄκρον</span>. It is curious that nobody
-in recent times seems to have asked what was the ordinary connotation
-of <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἄκρον</span> to the Athenian of antiquity<a id='r214' /><a href='#f214' class='c014'><sup>[214]</sup></a>. There seems little
-doubt as to what it was.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>In Attica the <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἄκρον</span> <i><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">par excellence</span></i> was Sunium. Already in the
-<cite>Odyssey</cite> Sunium is the <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἄκρον Ἀθηνῶν</span><a id='r215' /><a href='#f215' class='c014'><sup>[215]</sup></a>. The same phrase reappears
-in Aristophanes<a id='r216' /><a href='#f216' class='c014'><sup>[216]</sup></a>. Strabo refers to Sunium as <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τὸ τῆς Ἀττικῆς ἄκρον</span><a id='r217' /><a href='#f217' class='c014'><sup>[217]</sup></a>.
-Some early scholars recognized this fact. Palmerius explained the
-Diakrioi as the people living between the two capes, Sunium and
-Cynosura, and the Hyperakrioi as those who dwelt beyond Sunium,
-“beyond” being used presumably from the point of view of those
-coming by sea from Athens<a id='r218' /><a href='#f218' class='c014'><sup>[218]</sup></a>. Albertus held that the Diakrioi were
-so called because they lived “in promontoriis Atticae<a id='r219' /><a href='#f219' class='c014'><sup>[219]</sup></a>.”</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Plato indeed in the <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Critias</span></cite><a id='r220' /><a href='#f220' class='c014'><sup>[220]</sup></a> speaks of <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Πάρνηθος τῶν ἄκρων</span>; but
-for the Athenians the peaks of Parnes are <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἄκρα</span> with a local qualification,
-not simply <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τὸ ἄκρον</span> or <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τὰ ἄκρα</span>; just as we in England speak
-of the peaks of Snowdon or Skiddaw, but apply the word unqualified
-to the heights of Derbyshire. The unqualified expression
-applied to the Northern heights of Attica was “the land of the
-mountain (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἡ ὀρεινή</span>)<a id='r221' /><a href='#f221' class='c014'><sup>[221]</sup></a>,” not “the land of the <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἄκρον</span>.” The name
-Diakria appears therefore to be derived geographically not from
-Mount Parnes but from Cape Sunium<a id='r222' /><a href='#f222' class='c014'><sup>[222]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_41'>41</span>Herodotus, as already noticed, gives the Sunium district another
-name. He calls the country between Sunium, Thoricus, and Anaphlystus,
-<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">i.e.</span></i> the Laurium mining district, by the name of the <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">γουνὸς
-Σουνιακός</span><a id='r223' /><a href='#f223' class='c014'><sup>[223]</sup></a>. But as in the same sentence he speaks of the <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἄκρη</span>
-of this district, his allusion is less of a difficulty to regarding this
-district as the original Diakria than it is to the orthodox view, which
-identifies it with the Paralia (Coast). Especially is this so if we assume
-that by his days the name Diakria had spread Northward beyond the
-mining region, so that a new name was wanted for the Southern
-apex of the peninsula. This assumption is of course only a reversal
-of the current view, that extends the name indefinitely Southwards
-from Parnes.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>It has sometimes been forgotten in the discussion of these names
-that we are dealing with common nouns that were used by the
-Greeks with different connotations at different places and periods
-like the English downs or forest<a id='r224' /><a href='#f224' class='c014'><sup>[224]</sup></a>. Epakria appears to have been
-used in more than one sense even within the limits of Attica<a id='r225' /><a href='#f225' class='c014'><sup>[225]</sup></a>.
-Possibly the name was applied at large to any region of <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἄκρα</span>. If
-we prefer to assume that it spread from a single district the balance
-of probabilities points to the name having spread Northwards from
-the district round Sunium.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>From yet another point of view the words Diakria, Hyperakria,
-Epakria favour the mining interpretation. The inhabitants of El
-Dorado of Greek legend, the land of the Golden Fleece, are said
-to have occupied the <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἄκρα</span> of the Caucasus<a id='r226' /><a href='#f226' class='c014'><sup>[226]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div><span class='pageno' id='Page_42'>42</span></div>
-<div class='center'>
-
-<div  class='figcenter id002'>
-<img src='images/i_p042a.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic002'>
-<p>Fig. 1. Lophos Loutrou from Daskalio station.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='figcenter id002'>
-<img src='images/i_p042b.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic002'>
-<p>Fig. 2. On the road from Daskalio station to Plaka.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='figcenter id002'>
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_43'>43</span>
-<img src='images/i_p043a.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic002'>
-<p>Fig. 3. Kamaresa.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='figcenter id002'>
-<img src='images/i_p043b.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic002'>
-<p>Fig. 4. Kitsovouno from Kamaresa.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-  <div class='nf-center'>
-    <div>Views in the Laurium mining district.</div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-</div>
-
-<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_44'>44</span>The <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἄκρα</span> of the Caucasus are of course not capes but peaks.
-Trinakria on the other hand is the land of the three capes. It is
-important to remember that the word <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἄκρον</span> has no equivalent in
-English. It means peak or height as well as cape or headland. To
-attempt to keep these two meanings separate is to commit a mental
-mistranslation. Though Sunium is the <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἄκρον</span> <i><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">par excellence</span></i>, the
-whole <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Σουνιακὸς γουνός</span> abounds in <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἄκρα</span>, or as the inscriptions
-call them, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">λόφοι</span> (crests, ridges)<a id='r227' /><a href='#f227' class='c014'><sup>[227]</sup></a>. Bursian describes the hills of
-Laurium (Lauriongebirge) as a continuous mountain chain, and
-includes it with Parnes, Brilessos, and Hymettos among the main
-ridges (grössere Gebirgszüge) of Attica<a id='r228' /><a href='#f228' class='c014'><sup>[228]</sup></a>. The writer has spent
-some days walking in the mining district. The sea is always near,
-and glimpses of it may be had frequently. But it is the hills that
-dominate the landscape, not the sea. More particularly is this the
-case in the district that was most mined in the sixth century, where
-the ground varies in height from 170 m. to 370 m. (550–1200 feet),
-and lies well inland<a id='r229' /><a href='#f229' class='c014'><sup>[229]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>In the light of this probability that the Diakrioi occupied the
-mining district of Attica, and of the fact that their name means
-hill men, it is interesting to note that the Idaean Dactyls, who “are
-said to have been the first miners,” are stated also to have been
-men of the mountains<a id='r230' /><a href='#f230' class='c014'><sup>[230]</sup></a>, and that in German and Welsh the words
-for miners (Bergleuten, gwyr y mynyddau) mean literally “hill men.”</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The Greek word Diakrioi would have a peculiar appropriateness
-for miners. The <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἄκρον</span> is precisely the part of a hill that the farmer
-has least use for. Miners on the other hand preferred to carry on
-their smelting operations on the hill tops, because a better draught
-is thus secured<a id='r231' /><a href='#f231' class='c014'><sup>[231]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_45'>45</span>It has been pointed out by Milchhoefer<a id='r232' /><a href='#f232' class='c014'><sup>[232]</sup></a> that the mining district
-is considerably broken up by the Cleisthenic division of Attica into
-trittyes. Milchhoefer’s arrangement of the trittyes in the mining
-district has been convincingly simplified by Loeper<a id='r233' /><a href='#f233' class='c014'><sup>[233]</sup></a>, but Loeper
-himself leaves the mines divided between three trittyes of three
-different tribes. We may therefore still follow Milchhoefer in thinking
-that Cleisthenes took special precautions to break up this district.
-The same fact is noticed by Milchhoefer about the district round
-Plotheia, the Northern deme already noticed as belonging to the
-Epakria. Here too the Russian scholar has simplified, but here too
-only to a limited extent. “In a breaking up like this of the old hill
-country of the Peisistratids” Milchhoefer sees unmistakable signs
-of “measures directed against the Peisistratids.” Now that we have
-as good reason for seeing Peisistratan hill country round Laurium
-as round Plotheia, we must either reject Milchhoefer altogether,
-or, more probably, see in both districts centres of Peisistratan influence,
-of which the Southernmost was the more important. Mining
-operations in antiquity were conducted on a large scale. Forty
-thousand workers were employed in mines near Carthagena<a id='r234' /><a href='#f234' class='c014'><sup>[234]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Athenaeus<a id='r235' /><a href='#f235' class='c014'><sup>[235]</sup></a> speaks of tens of thousands of chained slaves as
-working in the Laurium mines and losing their lives in an unsuccessful
-revolt at the time of the second slave war in Sicily
-(103–99 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>). Of the 20,000 who deserted to Decelea when it was
-occupied by the Spartans in 413 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> it is not unlikely that large
-numbers were miners from Laurium<a id='r236' /><a href='#f236' class='c014'><sup>[236]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>But what was the state of the Laurium district in the days of
-Peisistratus?</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>The mines were almost certainly in full work at this period,</div>
-
-<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_46'>46</span>The mines of Laurium do not appear in history till 484 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span><a id='r237' /><a href='#f237' class='c014'><sup>[237]</sup></a>,
-when Themistocles persuaded the Athenians to devote
-the profits from them to the building of a navy.
-The <cite>Constitution of Athens</cite> speaks of a discovery of
-mines in that year. This however is probably rather
-loose language. The writer’s words are “on the discovery of the
-mines at Maronea.” The “discovery” of 484 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> was of the mines
-in this particular part of the Laurium district, or rather, in all
-probability, of an extraordinarily rich vein in this particular part.
-“The disposition of the strata” (at Maronea) “is such that the richest
-are not those that could be first reached.... Some centuries of
-search and effort were therefore necessary in order to suspect their
-existence and to reach their level” (<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">i.e.</span></i> of the rich veins “discovered”
-in 484)<a id='r238' /><a href='#f238' class='c014'><sup>[238]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div  class='figcenter id002'>
-<img src='images/i_p046.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic002'>
-<p>Fig. 5. Corinthian terra cotta tablet depicting a miner at work.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>Plutarch says that before this time the Athenians were in the
-habit of distributing the Laurium
-revenues among themselves, and
-that Themistocles had the courage
-to persuade them to give the habit
-up<a id='r239' /><a href='#f239' class='c014'><sup>[239]</sup></a>. This agrees with Xenophon
-where he declares that “no one
-even attempts to say from what
-period people have tried to work
-them<a id='r240' /><a href='#f240' class='c014'><sup>[240]</sup></a>.” The mines of Lydia, Cyprus,
-and Spain all appear to have
-been developed in the seventh century
-<span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span><a id='r241' /><a href='#f241' class='c014'><sup>[241]</sup></a>. The Siphnian mines
-were at full work about 525 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span><a id='r242' /><a href='#f242' class='c014'><sup>[242]</sup></a>.
-Mining operations are depicted on
-several Corinthian clay tablets, that
-cannot be later than the early part
-of the sixth century<a id='r243' /><a href='#f243' class='c014'><sup>[243]</sup></a>. One of them is here reproduced (fig. 5).</p>
-
-<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_47'>47</span>Herodotus says nothing about the date of discovery of the Attic
-mines in his account of the proceedings of 484 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span><a id='r244' /><a href='#f244' class='c014'><sup>[244]</sup></a>. It would not
-be like him to keep silence about an epoch-making discovery, or
-even a phenomenal “rush,” if any had occurred just at this time.
-Elsewhere he tells us that the Siphnians were already distributing
-among themselves the money from their mines about the year
-525 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span><a id='r245' /><a href='#f245' class='c014'><sup>[245]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Modern writers have been inclined to talk of the great “rush”
-of 484<a id='r246' /><a href='#f246' class='c014'><sup>[246]</sup></a>. But against the silence of Herodotus they can set only
-the reference in the <cite>Constitution of Athens</cite> to the “discovery” at
-Maronea, which has been discussed already. What made the great
-impression at this time was probably not so much the output as the
-employment of the output on the building of a fleet. That surely is
-the point of the contemporary allusion in the <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Persae</span></cite> of Aeschylus.
-The chorus of Persian elders tells the Persian queen about the
-Athenians’</p>
-
-<div class='lg-container-b c016'>
-  <div class='linegroup'>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line'>Fount of silver, treasure of the land<a id='r247' /><a href='#f247' class='c014'><sup>[247]</sup></a></div>
-    </div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c017'>just after mentioning the prowess of the Athenian troops, and just
-before explaining the weapons that they use.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The idea proposed in 484 by Themistocles was not original.
-Seven years earlier the Thasians had used the revenues from their
-mines to build a fleet against the Persians<a id='r248' /><a href='#f248' class='c014'><sup>[248]</sup></a>. It was doubtless the
-success of the Athenian fleet in a supreme crisis that caused the
-Athenians to remember with such pride this triumph of the voluntary
-system.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>There can therefore be no question that the mines were worked
-in the sixth century<a id='r249' /><a href='#f249' class='c014'><sup>[249]</sup></a>. But if we are to understand the position of
-the leader of the mining interests at that period, we must learn
-something about the conditions and position of the miners.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>and the miners free men, good material for a political faction.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>The leaders of the Plain and Coast had a powerful body of
-citizens behind their backs. The mines on the other
-hand, at least from the time of Xenophon, were
-worked almost exclusively by slaves<a id='r250' /><a href='#f250' class='c014'><sup>[250]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>In the fourth century very occasionally poor citizens
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_48'>48</span>worked their own allotments<a id='r251' /><a href='#f251' class='c014'><sup>[251]</sup></a>. Skilled work like smelting seems
-always to have been done by free men. The tombstone of “Atotes
-the miner,” carved in letters of the second half of the fourth
-century, declares that he was a Paphlagonian “of the root of Pylaimenes,
-who fell slain by the hand of Achilles,” and boasts of his
-unrivalled skill<a id='r252' /><a href='#f252' class='c014'><sup>[252]</sup></a>. But there is no recorded instance of a citizen
-working in a mine for wages<a id='r253' /><a href='#f253' class='c014'><sup>[253]</sup></a>. This however does not prove that
-they did not do so in the days of Peisistratus, when, as pointed out
-in the introductory chapter, the conditions of labour must have been
-very different from what they became in the fifth and fourth
-centuries, and industrial slavery had scarcely yet begun. A fragment
-of Solon suggests that it was quite usual in his days for citizens to
-work with their own hands, though whether for pay or on their
-own account is not stated and no particular occupations are specified<a id='r254' /><a href='#f254' class='c014'><sup>[254]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>About ten years after Solon’s legislation the Athenians are found
-resolving “on account of their factions to elect ten archons, five
-from the nobility (Eupatridai), three from the farmers (agroikoi),
-two from the craftsmen (demiourgoi)<a id='r255' /><a href='#f255' class='c014'><sup>[255]</sup></a>.” The equation of these
-three groups of archons with the three factions of the Plain, Coast,
-and Hill is more than doubtful<a id='r256' /><a href='#f256' class='c014'><sup>[256]</sup></a>. The farmers <i><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">par excellence</span></i> are
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_49'>49</span>naturally located in the plain: also it is doubtful whether Peisistratus
-had already “raised the third faction” twenty years before he became
-tyrant, and over fifty before his death. The two different sets of
-names point in themselves to two different groupings of the population.
-Solon’s quadruple division into pentekosiomedimnoi, hippeis,
-zeugitai, and thetes proves a certain fluidity and tendency to cross
-grouping. But in any case the two craftsman magistrates prove that
-craftsmen or artizans were already an important element in the free
-population.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>In this matter of free labour in an industry such as mining, fifth
-century Phrygia is perhaps a better guide than the Attica of Nikias
-or Demosthenes as to the state of things in Attica during the sixth
-century. In Phrygia a generation after the Samian tyrant Polycrates,
-who died about 522 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>, Pythes was working mines with citizen
-labour<a id='r257' /><a href='#f257' class='c014'><sup>[257]</sup></a>. Even in Athens in the early days of Pericles the earlier
-conditions seem still to have prevailed. “Each trade <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τέχνη</span> had
-its body of (free) labourers organized (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τὸν θητικὸν ὄχλον συντεταγμένον</span>)”
-to carry out the great public works that were financed
-from the Delian treasury. A long list of the trades thus organized
-ends with miners<a id='r258' /><a href='#f258' class='c014'><sup>[258]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Considering the evidence already adduced for equating the sixth
-century miners at Laurium with the presumably free Diakrioi, may
-we not use the notices already quoted about the latter as being of
-impure race and a mob of hirelings<a id='r259' /><a href='#f259' class='c014'><sup>[259]</sup></a>, and infer that in the sixth
-century the mines of Laurium were worked by free men, partly
-of foreign extraction and mainly working for hire?</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>This is of course conjecture. But it produces for the first time
-a picture of the Diakrioi that harmonizes with the notices in
-question. Alien shepherds and alien small farmers are most unlikely
-in autochthonous Attica.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Outlander miners on the other hand have always been familiar,
-wherever there have been mines to work. When mining operations
-were resumed at Laurium some thirty years ago, the immediate
-result was a very mixed population, the local supply of labour being
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_50'>50</span>supplemented from France, Italy, and Turkey. One of the ancient
-gold mines near Philippi bore the significant name of the asylum<a id='r260' /><a href='#f260' class='c014'><sup>[260]</sup></a>.
-In the Laurium district itself in ancient times the people of at least
-one deme, Potamioi, were famous for their readiness to admit
-foreigners to citizenship<a id='r261' /><a href='#f261' class='c014'><sup>[261]</sup></a>. Potamioi is placed by Loeper right in
-the centre of the mining district, well away from the sea<a id='r262' /><a href='#f262' class='c014'><sup>[262]</sup></a>, and very
-near the probable site of Maronea<a id='r263' /><a href='#f263' class='c014'><sup>[263]</sup></a>. A member of the deme
-Semachidai is found sharing a tombstone with two strangers from
-Sinope<a id='r264' /><a href='#f264' class='c014'><sup>[264]</sup></a>. We have just had occasion to notice a Paphlagonian miner,
-though of a later date, and we shall see in a moment that in the
-sixth century the mines of Laurium were worked in close connexion
-with those of Thrace. There are no records of specific
-Thracians employed in the Attic mines during the sixth century.
-We only know that just after the Persians conquered Thrace, at
-the close of the reign of Hippias, there was a large Greek element in
-the mining population near the Strymon<a id='r265' /><a href='#f265' class='c014'><sup>[265]</sup></a>. But in the fifth century
-we have a famous case of a Thracian mine-owner settling in Athens
-in the person of Thucydides, whose father was a Thracian, and whose
-Thracian mines probably lost him his command in the Athenian
-navy, and turned a second-rate admiral into the greatest of historians<a id='r266' /><a href='#f266' class='c014'><sup>[266]</sup></a>.
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_51'>51</span>Nikias hired out a thousand hands whom he owned in the mines
-to Sosias the Thracian<a id='r267' /><a href='#f267' class='c014'><sup>[267]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>This ends our examination of the various steps by which Peisistratus
-made himself tyrant, effected his second restoration, and
-finally rooted his power. In all three cases the evidence points to
-the conclusion that the secret of the tyrant’s power was his control
-of mines either in Attica or Thrace. To complete the enquiry it
-is necessary now to examine the accounts of his first restoration.
-As observed already, this event is recorded only in anecdotal form.
-As independent evidence it would hardly be worth considering. All
-that is here claimed for it is that it can be so interpreted as to
-corroborate the conclusions already reached.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>The strange story of Peisistratus’ first restoration</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>According to the story Peisistratus persuaded the Athenians to
-take him back by dressing up a stately woman named
-Phye to personate Athena and order his recall<a id='r268' /><a href='#f268' class='c014'><sup>[268]</sup></a>. It
-is generally agreed that this story will not do as it
-stands. Various attempts have been made to explain
-it away<a id='r269' /><a href='#f269' class='c014'><sup>[269]</sup></a>, but all of them are equally unconvincing. Perhaps
-the reason is that all alike are based on some single unessential
-detail of the story. None of them interprets it in the light of the
-better known parts of the tyrant’s career, and more particularly
-of the matter of fact accounts of his second restoration. Beloch
-indeed, like the Russian Hirschensohn, believes that there was only
-one restoration, with which the Phye story and the account of
-Peisistratus’ return from the Thracian mining district are both to
-be connected<a id='r270' /><a href='#f270' class='c014'><sup>[270]</sup></a>. He notes that the cause of banishment is the same
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_52'>52</span>in both cases; that the chronology is suspiciously symmetrical; that
-Polyaenus combines incidents from the two restorations; and that
-Eusebius<a id='r271' /><a href='#f271' class='c014'><sup>[271]</sup></a> and Jerome<a id='r272' /><a href='#f272' class='c014'><sup>[272]</sup></a> both make Peisistratus begin his second reign
-about the time that Herodotus begins his third, while neither of
-them mentions a third reign at all. Note too that corresponding
-to Phye in the first restoration we have in the second a “sacred
-procession” from the temple of Athena Pallenis conducted by an
-Acarnanian soothsayer<a id='r273' /><a href='#f273' class='c014'><sup>[273]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>These points are not convincing. Similar improbabilities, and
-repetitions and chronological symmetries can often be discovered in
-narratives of the most unquestionable authenticity<a id='r274' /><a href='#f274' class='c014'><sup>[274]</sup></a>. The fact that
-Polyaenus combines the two accounts proves nothing, unless we
-assume him to be incapable of confusing two similar events. Further,
-Beloch is forced to make the marriage of Peisistratus with Megacles’
-daughter precede his first exile, since he sees that the childlessness of
-the marriage led to the breach with the Coast<a id='r275' /><a href='#f275' class='c014'><sup>[275]</sup></a>. In this he goes dead
-against the tradition on a point where there is no reason to suspect it.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>What Beloch’s arguments do emphasize is the fact that the situations
-during Peisistratus’ two periods of exile were in some ways
-very similar. The sameness of the two situations may in fact be the
-reason why so little has been remembered about the earlier. It
-raises the question whether the tyrant mined and coined during his
-first exile. There is no certainty that he did either, but the probability
-is that he did both. As regards Thrace we know that Miltiades,
-probably with Peisistratus’ permission and approval<a id='r276' /><a href='#f276' class='c014'><sup>[276]</sup></a>, had settled in
-the Gallipoli peninsula soon after the tyranny was first established
-at Athens<a id='r277' /><a href='#f277' class='c014'><sup>[277]</sup></a>. Thrace is the one region that we can be sure that the
-tyrant must have considered as a possible place of exile. <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>is connected by Babelon with the Athena-head coins of Athens<span class='hidev'>|</span></span>
-As regards
-the coinage it has been suggested on the high authority
-of Babelon<a id='r278' /><a href='#f278' class='c014'><sup>[278]</sup></a>, that the famous series with the
-owl on one side, and the head of Athena on the
-other (fig. 6), which remained for centuries the coin
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_53'>53</span>types of the city, was actually started to commemorate the help
-that the tyrant claimed to have received from his patron goddess
-at the time of his first restoration.</p>
-
-<div  class='figcenter id003'>
-<img src='images/i_p053.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic002'>
-<p>Fig. 6. Coin of Athens with Athena and owl.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>The evidence is not conclusive. The arguments for and against
-this date are based on a few literary
-references that are too vague to
-be of much use, on points of style
-and technique from which it is
-notoriously dangerous to draw
-conclusions, on a comparison of
-the coin and pottery statistics from
-Naukratis which it is no less
-dangerous to use as evidence, on a hoard found in 1886 among the
-pre-Persian remains on the Athenian Acropolis which, as far as the
-circumstances of the find are concerned, may have been lost or
-deposited there long before the catastrophe, and only establish a
-<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">terminus ante quem</span></i> that nobody would think of disputing, and on
-certain alliance coins (Athens-Lampsacus, Athens-Sparta?, Athens
-and the Thracian Chersonese)<a id='r279' /><a href='#f279' class='c014'><sup>[279]</sup></a>. These last look more promising
-at first sight, but only the Athens-Lampsacus coins can be dated
-with any certainty, and they, unfortunately, are very small, and may
-have been struck under difficulties, so that it is not easy to be sure of
-their chronological position in the Athenian series.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>We are driven back therefore on to the impressions of experts,
-most of whom agree with Babelon that the owl-Athena series
-cannot begin either much before or much after 550 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span><a id='r280' /><a href='#f280' class='c014'><sup>[280]</sup></a>. That is to
-say that this double type was certainly in vogue when the tyrant
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_54'>54</span>secured his second restoration by means of his Thracian silver<a id='r281' /><a href='#f281' class='c014'><sup>[281]</sup></a>, and
-“rooted his tyranny” in revenues derived “partly from the river
-Strymon, partly from home.”</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>nicknamed (probably just about this time) girl, virgin, Pallas.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>Pieces with the double type were sometimes colloquially called
-girls (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">κόραι</span>), sometimes virgins (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">παρθένοι</span>), sometimes
-by the virgin goddess’ own name of Pallas
-(<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Παλλάδες</span>)<a id='r282' /><a href='#f282' class='c014'><sup>[282]</sup></a>. Sometimes they got their nickname
-from the reverse type, and were called owls<a id='r283' /><a href='#f283' class='c014'><sup>[283]</sup></a>.
-“Virgin” is used by Euripides, “girl” by Hyperides, “Pallas”
-by Eubulus, “owl” by Aristophanes. “Owl” is said by the
-Aristophanes Scholiast to have been applied to the tetradrachms;
-the “girl” of Hyperides is some smaller coin<a id='r284' /><a href='#f284' class='c014'><sup>[284]</sup></a>. In the fifth and
-fourth centuries therefore the bird name, and the virgin goddess
-names seem to have been used side by side, like our sovereign and
-crown, to indicate two different denominations. When the names
-were first used is nowhere stated. The most likely time for a type to
-give rise to a nickname is when the type itself is still a novelty. If
-this holds good for the coins of Athens, the nicknames Pallas, virgin,
-and girl go back to the time of Peisistratus. The owl had already
-appeared on earlier issues, stamped on the reverse with a simple
-incuse<a id='r285' /><a href='#f285' class='c014'><sup>[285]</sup></a>, and would therefore at this time attract less attention than
-the Athena head.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Is it possible that we have here the clue to the Phye story? The
-details about her being dressed up in full armour and placed in a
-chariot are not the essence of the story: they all appear in Herodotus
-in quite a different setting, as part of the ritual of the worship of
-Athena in North Africa by Lake Tritonis<a id='r286' /><a href='#f286' class='c014'><sup>[286]</sup></a>. It can hardly be
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_55'>55</span>doubted that one of these passages is plagiarized from the other,
-and it is scarcely less certain that Phye is indebted to the ritual of
-Lake Tritonis and not <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">vice versa</span></i>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Was the Athena who restored Peisistratus the lady of the coins?</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>The kernel of the Phye story lies in the tradition that Peisistratus
-was restored by a woman, “as Herodotus says, from
-the deme of the Paianians, but as some say, a Thracian
-flower girl from the deme of Kollytos<a id='r287' /><a href='#f287' class='c014'><sup>[287]</sup></a>.” In fact
-Phye, the human goddess four cubits high, said by
-some to come from Attica, and by others from
-Thrace, who brought Peisistratus back to Athens for the first time,
-bears a suspicious likeness to the coins called sometimes girls and
-sometimes goddesses, derived some from Attica, and some from
-Thrace, with which Peisistratus secured his second return, and
-finally established his power.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Assume for the moment that they were indeed identical, and it
-is easy to see how the Phye story may have arisen. Peisistratus
-certainly claimed to rule by the grace of Athena. Everyone is agreed
-in inferring from the Phye story that he attributed his restoration
-to the intervention of the goddess. After the citizens had fulfilled
-Solon’s prophecy, and “consented to ruin their great city, induced
-by money<a id='r288' /><a href='#f288' class='c014'><sup>[288]</sup></a>,” what more natural than that one of the tyrant’s
-opponents should sarcastically agree that it was indeed Athena who
-had restored Peisistratus: on which another might comment that
-it was not the virgin goddess of Athens who had restored the tyrant,
-but an alien being of quite a different order, a Thracian flower girl.
-<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>cp. (i) details in the story that suggest a derivation from the coins,<span class='hidev'>|</span></span>
-The name of flower girl (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">στεφανόπωλις</span>) is never
-applied to Athenian drachmae. If we accepted Head’s
-early dating for the Athena type, and assumed a
-Peisistratan date for certain Athenian coins<a id='r289' /><a href='#f289' class='c014'><sup>[289]</sup></a> where
-the goddess has had her hair done by a <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">κεροπλάστης</span><a id='r290' /><a href='#f290' class='c014'><sup>[290]</sup></a> in corkscrew
-curls (fig. 7<em>a</em>) that suggest an early date<a id='r291' /><a href='#f291' class='c014'><sup>[291]</sup></a>, and wears the garland
-(<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">στέφανος</span>) of olive leaves (fig. 7<em>a</em>, <em>b</em>) that appears regularly on
-coins of the fifth century, we might find in flower girl (lit. garland
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_56'>56</span>seller, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">στεφανόπωλις</span>) an allusion to this detail. The garland seller
-may often have advertised her garlands by wearing one herself<a id='r292' /><a href='#f292' class='c014'><sup>[292]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div  class='figcenter id003'>
-<img src='images/i_p056.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic002'>
-<p>Fig. 7. Athenian coins: the wreath on the head of Athena.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>Numismatists however are now unanimous in making the earliest
-<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">στέφανοι</span> on Athenian coins later
-than Peisistratus<a id='r293' /><a href='#f293' class='c014'><sup>[293]</sup></a>. To describe
-the coins as flower girls would
-however be natural enough on the
-simple supposition that Athenian
-flower girls had no high moral
-reputation<a id='r294' /><a href='#f294' class='c014'><sup>[294]</sup></a>, and further perhaps
-that the business was in the hands
-of Thracians, just as that of organ-grinding
-in England is in the
-hands of Italians. Or conceivably <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">στεφανόπωλις</span> on our present
-hypothesis is to be explained by reference to the phrase <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">δραχμαὶ
-(τοῦ) Στεφανηφόρου</span> (drachmae of the garland bearer)<a id='r295' /><a href='#f295' class='c014'><sup>[295]</sup></a>, applied
-at Athens to coins fresh from the mint, such as must have been put
-into circulation in large quantities when Peisistratus returned after
-his money-making in the districts round Mt Pangaion.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_57'>57</span>How readily to the Greek the garland suggested the flower girl
-is seen from an explanation in the <cite>Lexicon Seguerianum</cite> of a certain
-“garland-bearing hero (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">στεφανηφόρος ἥρως</span>).” It runs: “Either
-because the hero is so called, or by way of nickname, because he
-had many garlands round him, <em>or because garlands were sold near
-him</em><a id='r296' /><a href='#f296' class='c014'><sup>[296]</sup></a>.” The coins themselves, especially when the garland was the
-new feature, may possibly have been sometimes called garland
-bearers (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">στεφανηφόροι</span>), as is shown to be possible by the analogy
-of such descriptive coin names as “chest bearer (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">κιστοφόρος</span>)<a id='r297' /><a href='#f297' class='c014'><sup>[297]</sup></a>”
-and “harp bearer (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">κιθαρηφόρος</span>)<a id='r298' /><a href='#f298' class='c014'><sup>[298]</sup></a>.”</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>(ii) attested instances of <i><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Jeu de mot</span></i> on coin types,</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>Such bitter jesting is quite in keeping with the Greek language;
-the Greeks were particularly fond of attributing appropriate
-life and action to types of living things that
-figured on their coins<a id='r299' /><a href='#f299' class='c014'><sup>[299]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div  class='figcenter id003'>
-<img src='images/i_p057.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic002'>
-<p>Fig. 8. Persian “archer.”</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>The best known instance of a play on such a nickname
-is that of Agesilaus of Sparta, who complained that he had
-been driven out of Asia by thirty thousand of the Great King’s
-archers, a colloquial name for the Persian
-gold stater or Daric (fig. 8), derived from
-its type<a id='r300' /><a href='#f300' class='c014'><sup>[300]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>In Athens itself we find Euripides, in
-a fragment of the <cite>Sciron</cite>, playing on the
-double meaning of “virgin,” as also on that
-of “pony” (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πῶλος</span>), the colloquial name
-of the Corinthian drachma, that bore on one side the image of the
-winged steed Pegasus:</p>
-
-<div class='lg-container-b c016'>
-  <div class='linegroup'>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line'>Some you will secure if you offer a pony,</div>
-      <div class='line'>others with a pair of horses, while others are brought</div>
-      <div class='line'>on four horses, all of silver; and they love</div>
-      <div class='line'>the maidens from Athens when you bring plenty of them.</div>
-    </div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_58'>58</span>The reverse type of the Athenian drachma is punned upon by
-Aristophanes, who speaks of the owls of Laurium nesting in the
-purses of the Athenians and hatching small change<a id='r301' /><a href='#f301' class='c014'><sup>[301]</sup></a>. In 404 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>,
-during the final operations against Athens, Gylippus, the hero of
-the siege of Syracuse, misappropriated a large amount of Athenian
-coin, and hid it under the tiles of his roof. The theft was revealed
-by a servant, who informed the ephors that “there were many owls
-nesting under the tiles<a id='r302' /><a href='#f302' class='c014'><sup>[302]</sup></a>.”</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>These examples are enough to show that there is nothing improbable
-in the suggestion that the Phye story grew out of a remark
-made by the tyrant’s enemies about his silver drachmae. Our explanation
-is of course pure conjecture, and even at that it has one
-weak point. The statement that Phye was a Thracian, so essential
-to our interpretation, does not appear in Herodotus, according to
-whom she came from the Paianian deme in Attica<a id='r303' /><a href='#f303' class='c014'><sup>[303]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Can this omission be accounted for?</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>There is an anecdote told by Herodotus in quite another connexion<a id='r304' /><a href='#f304' class='c014'><sup>[304]</sup></a>
-which suggests that it can.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>(iii) the story of the dressed-up woman</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>In the days just after King Darius had made his conquests
-in Thrace (about 512 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>), there lived on the banks
-of the Strymon two brothers named Pigres and
-Mantyes, who wished to become tyrants of the land
-in which they lived. To carry out this aim “they went to Sardis,
-taking with them their sister, who was tall and handsome.” Then
-waiting till Darius was sitting in state before the city, having dressed
-up their sister as well as they possibly could, they sent her for water
-with a pitcher on her head and leading a horse with her hand and
-spinning flax. She was noticed by the king, but the result was that
-he sent an expedition to her country, and deported her people to
-Asia.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_59'>59</span>The Strymon and Pangaion mines are at this period, before the
-expansion of Macedonia, naturally described as Thracian<a id='r305' /><a href='#f305' class='c014'><sup>[305]</sup></a>. But in
-the days of King Darius, who began his reign about five years after
-the death of Peisistratus, part of the country round Mt Pangaion<a id='r306' /><a href='#f306' class='c014'><sup>[306]</sup></a>,
-and part of the banks of the Strymon<a id='r307' /><a href='#f307' class='c014'><sup>[307]</sup></a> were occupied by another
-race called Paionians. It was to this latter race that Pigres and
-Mantyes belonged. <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>who caused Hippias to lose his throne<span class='hidev'>|</span></span>
-They failed to secure the tyranny
-that they sought; but the expedition sent by Darius
-to deport the Paionians to Asia probably caused Hippias
-to lose his.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>as a result of losing his Paionian (Thracian) possessions.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>It can scarcely be an accident that the tyranny at Athens ended
-almost immediately after the removal of one of its two
-roots, the mines of the country of the Thracians and
-Paionians<a id='r308' /><a href='#f308' class='c014'><sup>[308]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Thus we find the restoration of the tyranny at
-Athens and its abolition both ascribed to the dressing up of a tall
-handsome woman<a id='r309' /><a href='#f309' class='c014'><sup>[309]</sup></a>. It is hardly conceivable that both these events
-were brought about by the same “primitive and excessively simple”
-means. The Paionian dressing up has every appearance of being the
-original<a id='r310' /><a href='#f310' class='c014'><sup>[310]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_60'>60</span>It is possible that the whole Phye story arose at the time of the
-Paionian incident, just as the good stories about some of the bad
-Roman emperors must have first had a circulation only after the
-emperor had ceased to reign. When Hippias had lost his Thracian
-and Paionian mines, and consequently his throne, it might be said
-with additional point that the Athena who had restored the father
-had now deserted the son<a id='r311' /><a href='#f311' class='c014'><sup>[311]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>If the Paionian story is contemporary, as it well may be without
-being either true or original, it accounts for the appearance in the
-Peisistratus story of a dressed-up woman. Further we have brought
-the story down to a period in the history of Athenian coinage when
-the garland may already have made its first appearance on the head
-of Athena<a id='r312' /><a href='#f312' class='c014'><sup>[312]</sup></a>, in which case “Thracian garland seller” becomes an
-effective description of the type.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Thus the whole story, as it appears in the Aristotelian <cite>Constitution
-of Athens</cite>, has been accounted for. In this, as in the account of
-Peisistratus’ second exile, the author of the treatise seems to be
-following a better authority than Herodotus. Herodotus’ deviations
-appear to be attempts at rationalistic explanation in the best Herodotean
-style. From Herodotus’ account of Peisistratus’ second exile
-it is plain that he knew nothing of the tyrant’s connexions with
-Thrace, of which we are informed in the Aristotelian treatise.
-According to Herodotus the whole period of the second exile was
-spent in Euboea. Hence the Thracian reference had to be rationalized
-away. But a fact mentioned by Herodotus in another connexion<a id='r313' /><a href='#f313' class='c014'><sup>[313]</sup></a>
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_61'>61</span>points to Hippias having maintained some sort of position in the
-North Aegean till the end of his reign. When in 510 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> he was
-banished, a home was offered him by the king of Macedon.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Thrace and Paionia might be used indifferently in the original
-account, the latter being the more accurate name, the former the
-more popular. Herodotus takes Paionian as a corruption of Paianian,
-and Thracian as a popular version of Paionian. That Herodotus
-himself was personally responsible for the emendation Paianian is
-made probable by the words of the <cite>Constitution of Athens</cite>, “as
-Herodotus says, a Paianian, as some say, a Thracian.” The Paionians
-are made by Herodotus<a id='r314' /><a href='#f314' class='c014'><sup>[314]</sup></a> to recognize their own name in the paian
-or war-cry of their enemies. Only the verb appears in the anecdote,
-and that in the form <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">παιωνίζω</span>, but Herodotus must have been
-equally familiar with the forms in -<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">α-, παιανίζω, παιάν</span>, and the
-anecdote shows how ready he would be to equate Paionian with
-Paianian. I am dealing here with pure speculation, but so too has
-been every one else who has tried to explain away this “extraordinarily
-silly business<a id='r315' /><a href='#f315' class='c014'><sup>[315]</sup></a>.” The explanation just offered is at least in
-harmony with the rest of our knowledge about both Peisistratus
-and Thrace.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Greeks were certainly capable of misunderstanding a <i><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">jeu de mot</span></i>
-based on a coin type. Mention has been made already of Aristophanes’
-invocation of the “owls of Laurium” to nest in his purse<a id='r316' /><a href='#f316' class='c014'><sup>[316]</sup></a>.
-A Scholiast on the <cite>Knights</cite> has turned these owls of silver into real
-birds. “The owl,” he says, “is the sacred bird of Athena, that
-haunts Laurium in Attica<a id='r317' /><a href='#f317' class='c014'><sup>[317]</sup></a>.”</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>The tyrant Histiaeus and the Thracian mines.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>Whatever the truth of these speculations there is no doubt that
-the Greeks of the end of the sixth century were fully
-alive to the political possibilities of the Thracian
-mines. Just after the Persian conquest of Thrace and
-Paionia Histiaeus of Miletus, one of the Persian
-king’s Greek vassals, almost succeeded in securing from the Great
-King possession of Myrcinus, a mining centre in the very district
-from which Peisistratus had got so much of his wealth<a id='r318' /><a href='#f318' class='c014'><sup>[318]</sup></a>. He was in
-fact granted the gift by Darius, who however was persuaded by the
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_62'>62</span>far-sighted Megabazus to recall it. What alarms the Persian
-statesman is the prospect of an able Greek like Histiaeus establishing
-himself in a place where there are silver mines and forests
-suitable for ship-timber and a large mixed population. He
-prophecies that this population will quickly become the employees
-of the new owner and do his bidding day and night<a id='r319' /><a href='#f319' class='c014'><sup>[319]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The Myrcinus incident is bound up in the narrative of Herodotus
-with the story of Pigres and Mantyes and their efforts to become
-tyrants of the Paionians<a id='r320' /><a href='#f320' class='c014'><sup>[320]</sup></a>. Herodotus says definitely that Histiaeus
-did not aim at establishing a tyranny at Myrcinus<a id='r321' /><a href='#f321' class='c014'><sup>[321]</sup></a>. But this statement
-seems to be simply an inference from the fact that Histiaeus
-was already tyrant of his own city of Miletus. Even if it is correct,
-the protests of Megabazus and their effect on Darius, who at once
-removed Histiaeus to a sort of honourable captivity in Persia, sufficiently
-show that according to Herodotus himself Myrcinus would
-have made Histiaeus in the eyes of Darius and Megabazus a different
-and altogether more dangerous sort of ruler<a id='r322' /><a href='#f322' class='c014'><sup>[322]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>It was still comparatively recently that Peisistratus had “rooted”
-his power at Athens partly on revenues from the river Strymon.
-When Histiaeus’ activities near that river so greatly alarmed the
-Persians, it is hard to believe that they were not thinking largely
-of the Peisistratids. Thus we have a confirmation of the view that
-the Peisistratids’ Thracian revenues had been derived from the
-silver mines, and the large mixed population that worked them.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Labour and commerce under the tyranny.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>When once established Peisistratus certainly set himself to secure
-control of a large amount of labour by the public
-works that he promoted. Kallirrhoe (the Fair Spring),
-the best source of the Athenian water supply, was
-improved by him into Enneakrounos (the Nine
-Fountains)<a id='r323' /><a href='#f323' class='c014'><sup>[323]</sup></a>. The building that shelters the actual jets is depicted
-on a black figure vase<a id='r324' /><a href='#f324' class='c014'><sup>[324]</sup></a>. Like Polycrates and the seventh century
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_63'>63</span>tyrants, he was a great builder; the group of Athena slaying a giant,
-excavated on the Acropolis in the eighties of the last century<a id='r325' /><a href='#f325' class='c014'><sup>[325]</sup></a>,
-probably belongs to the temple that he built to Athena<a id='r326' /><a href='#f326' class='c014'><sup>[326]</sup></a>; his temple
-of the Olympian Zeus was not completed till the time of Hadrian.
-Like Periander of Corinth, he severely repressed idleness<a id='r327' /><a href='#f327' class='c014'><sup>[327]</sup></a>. To
-Aristophanes, writing just a century after the fall of the tyranny,
-the Athens of Hippias appeared as a city of labourers<a id='r328' /><a href='#f328' class='c014'><sup>[328]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Beloch well insists on the acute commercial instinct of Peisistratus
-in getting a footing on the coast of the Hellespont by the seizure
-of Sigeium<a id='r329' /><a href='#f329' class='c014'><sup>[329]</sup></a>. Hippias not only kept his hold on the town to the last,
-and eventually retired there, but actively developed his father’s line
-of policy by forming a close personal connexion with the tyrants
-of Lampsacus<a id='r330' /><a href='#f330' class='c014'><sup>[330]</sup></a>, and effecting a reconciliation with the Philaids, his
-rivals on the European side of the strait<a id='r331' /><a href='#f331' class='c014'><sup>[331]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Financial troubles of the tyranny before its overthrow.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>According to the pseudo-Aristotelian <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Oeconomica</span></cite>, Hippias on one
-occasion called in the Attic coinage at a fixed valuation,
-and then reissued the same money<a id='r332' /><a href='#f332' class='c014'><sup>[332]</sup></a>. Some
-scholars have tried to explain away this last statement,
-and assume a change in the type<a id='r333' /><a href='#f333' class='c014'><sup>[333]</sup></a>. But if, as
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_64'>64</span>is natural to suppose, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">χαρακτήρ</span> in this passage means type, then
-the Greek implies that no such change was made. The other
-actions of Hippias recorded in the same passage are confiscations of
-property (front doors, projecting top stories of houses, etc.), sold
-again, with no alteration whatever, to the original owners. Six and
-Babelon<a id='r334' /><a href='#f334' class='c014'><sup>[334]</sup></a> maintain that <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">χαρακτήρ</span> means denomination, and that
-Hippias proceeded to give the name of didrachm to a piece that
-had been previously a drachm. They quote with some effect the
-statement of the Aristotelian <cite>Constitution of Athens</cite><a id='r335' /><a href='#f335' class='c014'><sup>[335]</sup></a>, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἦν ὁ ἀρχαῖος
-χαρακτὴρ δίδραχμον</span>. Their arguments, though plausible, are not
-decisive: but whatever the explanation of these particular words,
-the whole passage makes it fairly certain that the step was an attempt
-to avert a financial crisis by some desperate manipulation of the
-coinage. It points to a serious threat of approaching insolvency,
-such as must have been the inevitable result of the loss of the
-Thracian mines<a id='r336' /><a href='#f336' class='c014'><sup>[336]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>The Alcmaeonid opposition to the house of Peisistratus.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>No aspect of the tyranny at Athens can be adequately examined
-without some reference to the remarkable family
-that from first to last with only one brief lapse led
-the opposition to the tyranny<a id='r337' /><a href='#f337' class='c014'><sup>[337]</sup></a>, and after its overthrow
-played the principal part in moulding the destinies of
-the democracy. In the earlier part of the sixth century the Alcmaeonidae
-had become extremely rich. That is the fact that emerges
-from the story of Alcmaeon and the king of Lydia told in Herodotus<a id='r338' /><a href='#f338' class='c014'><sup>[338]</sup></a>.
-They were at the head of the faction of the shore, and Meyer is
-probably right when he says that their “enormous” wealth was
-due to trade with Lydia<a id='r339' /><a href='#f339' class='c014'><sup>[339]</sup></a>. The fall of Lydia must have meant heavy
-losses to the family<a id='r340' /><a href='#f340' class='c014'><sup>[340]</sup></a>. It is probably no accident that Peisistratus
-appears to have “rooted” his tyranny only after his rivals had
-suffered this great financial blow.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Nor is it probably a pure coincidence that as the Peisistratids
-secured their power by a mixture of commercial enterprise and
-political intrigue, so it was by a mixture of political intrigue and
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_65'>65</span>commercial enterprise that they were finally driven out, through the
-Alcmaeonidae undertaking the contract for rebuilding the temple
-at Delphi<a id='r341' /><a href='#f341' class='c014'><sup>[341]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>This building operation was regarded by the Athenian informant
-of Herodotus as an expensive but effective way of purchasing divine
-favour<a id='r342' /><a href='#f342' class='c014'><sup>[342]</sup></a>. But the Aristotelian <cite>Constitution of Athens</cite> says otherwise:
-“the Alcmaeonidae secured the contract for building the temple
-at Delphi, and made a fortune as the result<a id='r343' /><a href='#f343' class='c014'><sup>[343]</sup></a>.” The two versions
-may not be so contradictory as they at first sight appear. A way of
-reconciling them is suggested by Philochorus (early third century
-<span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>), who makes the Alcmaeonids accept the contract, make their
-money, successfully attack the Peisistratids, and then give rich thank-offerings
-to the Delphic god<a id='r344' /><a href='#f344' class='c014'><sup>[344]</sup></a>. Isocrates and Demosthenes confirm
-the statement that Cleisthenes organized the expulsion of the Peisistratids
-with money secured from Delphi, but both regard the money
-as a loan<a id='r345' /><a href='#f345' class='c014'><sup>[345]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>But Delphi recalls yet another field of Alcmaeonid activities.
-According to the official Delphic records not Solon<a id='r346' /><a href='#f346' class='c014'><sup>[346]</sup></a>, but Alcmaeon,
-the paternal grandfather of the Athenian Cleisthenes, was the
-Athenian general in the “sacred” war which early in the sixth
-century was waged by the Amphictyons, and particularly Athens
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_66'>66</span>and Sicyon, against the people of the Delphic port of Krisa. The
-significance of this war is discussed below in the chapter where
-Sicyon is dealt with in detail. Here it is enough to notice that
-Cleisthenes of Athens was, through his mother, the grandson of his
-namesake the tyrant of Sicyon who took so prominent a part in
-this “sacred” war. He was probably also his heir<a id='r347' /><a href='#f347' class='c014'><sup>[347]</sup></a>. In the days of
-Hippias Sicyon seems to have been still under a tyrant, but not of
-the house to which Cleisthenes belonged. His name was Aeschines.
-Evidence has been adduced by De Gubernatis<a id='r348' /><a href='#f348' class='c014'><sup>[348]</sup></a> for believing that
-this Aeschines was an ally of Hippias of Athens. As we shall see
-below when dealing with Sicyon, his attitude towards Delphi was
-a pivotal point in the policy of the Sicyonian Cleisthenes, and in his
-later years Sicyon and Delphi became deadly rivals. Athens can
-hardly have kept out of the feud. We know little of the course of
-events, and the history of recent years shows how idle it would be
-to assume that internal revolutions are always reflected in foreign
-politics. But we may be sure that both in Athens and Sicyon an
-anti-Delphic policy would have its opponents as well as its supporters<a id='r349' /><a href='#f349' class='c014'><sup>[349]</sup></a>.
-It is quite conceivable that the Athenian Cleisthenes had
-once aimed at a union of central Greece with Athens, Sicyon, and
-Delphi as the three chief states of the union and Cleisthenes himself
-as the chief statesman, controlling the immense treasure of the
-oracle and basing on it a tyranny over the two other cities, with
-Sicyon controlling the trade of the Peloponnesus and the far West
-while Athens did the like for the Northern trade and developed
-with the Persian empire those friendly relations which the Alcmaeonidae
-were still suspected of favouring at the time of the battle
-of Marathon. If this is all speculation it at least recalls the fact
-that the received accounts of Cleisthenes are all centred on what
-he did in Athens in the few years following the fall of Hippias.
-That indeed is practically all that is known about the second founder
-of the Athenian democracy; but considering his varied antecedents
-and his remarkable ancestry it is well to consider how small a chapter
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_67'>67</span>this must have been in what was probably a long<a id='r350' /><a href='#f350' class='c014'><sup>[350]</sup></a> as well as an
-eventful life. But to return to the short chapter about which something
-is known we find that the way Cleisthenes secured his position
-against the banished tyrant was by outbidding him. “He enfranchised
-many foreigners and slaves and metics<a id='r351' /><a href='#f351' class='c014'><sup>[351]</sup></a>.” The Peisistratids
-had ruled Athens as masters. Cleisthenes, by the stroke of genius
-so excellently epitomized by Herodotus, “took the people into
-partnership<a id='r352' /><a href='#f352' class='c014'><sup>[352]</sup></a>.”</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>It was this memorable partnership that dealt the cause of tyranny
-at Athens its final blow. Cimon indeed appears to have tried to
-make himself all-powerful in the state by the lavish outlay of his
-enormous wealth. But the result was only to cement the partnership
-between his Alcmaeonid rival and the people. The army, the navy,
-and the civil service became paid professions, or at least paid occupations,
-and the state, with Pericles at its head, perhaps the largest
-and most popular employer of the free population. Individuals of
-outstanding wealth were more and more kept in their political
-place by having to perform expensive liturgies. To make a public
-display of wealth became a perilous thing; anyone who did so was
-suspected of aiming at the tyranny and dealt with by ostracism or
-other effective means.</p>
-
-<div class='chapter'>
-  <span class='pageno' id='Page_68'>68</span>
-  <h2 class='c005'>Chapter III. <em>Samos</em></h2>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='c003'></div>
-<div class='sidenote'>Samian trade and industry in the seventh and sixth centuries B.C.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>The Samians had from early times been great shipbuilders and
-sailors. They were among the first of the Greeks to
-adopt the Corinthian invention of the trireme, somewhere
-about the year 700 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span><a id='r353' /><a href='#f353' class='c014'><sup>[353]</sup></a>, and in most of the
-naval warfare of the next two hundred years they are
-found playing a prominent part<a id='r354' /><a href='#f354' class='c014'><sup>[354]</sup></a>. Still more important were the
-achievements of their merchantmen. It was a Samian ship, commanded
-by Kolaios, that “sailing towards Egypt, put out for Platea
-(in Libya)&nbsp;... and hugging the Egyptian coast, continued their
-voyage, carried along by an east wind: and since the breeze did not
-drop, they passed the pillars of Herakles and arrived at Tartessus,
-enjoying divine guidance. That market was at that time unopened
-(<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀκήρατον</span>)<a id='r355' /><a href='#f355' class='c014'><sup>[355]</sup></a>.” The opening up of the Spanish silver mines through
-the port of Tartessus, the biblical Tarshish, was an event of first-class
-importance. “On their return home these Samians made the
-greatest profits from the carrying trade (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">φορτίων</span>) of all the
-Hellenes of whom we have exact information, excepting only
-Sostratos the Aeginetan<a href='#f355' class='c014'><sup>[355]</sup></a>.” The date of the Samian voyage to
-Tarshish appears to have been about 620 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span><a id='r356' /><a href='#f356' class='c014'><sup>[356]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>It was a Samian, Xanthias by name, who about the same time
-as this brought to Egypt “on business” the famous Greek hetaera
-Rhodopis<a id='r357' /><a href='#f357' class='c014'><sup>[357]</sup></a>. When Amasis, king of Egypt from 569 to 526 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>,
-“showing himself a friend of the Greeks&nbsp;... and to those that came
-to Egypt, gave the city of Naukratis to dwell in<a id='r358' /><a href='#f358' class='c014'><sup>[358]</sup></a>,” Samos was one
-of the three Greek states to set up an establishment of its own there<a id='r359' /><a href='#f359' class='c014'><sup>[359]</sup></a>.
-These establishments were of course commercial. “In the old days
-Naukratis was the only market in Egypt. There was no other<a id='r360' /><a href='#f360' class='c014'><sup>[360]</sup></a>.”</p>
-
-<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_69'>69</span>Samian trade developed side by side with Samian industry. From
-early times the islanders had enjoyed a great reputation as workers
-in metal, especially the fine metals<a id='r361' /><a href='#f361' class='c014'><sup>[361]</sup></a>. The beginning of the connexion
-with Tartessus at the end of the seventh century gives the
-latest probable date for the beginning of this industry. Samian
-woollen goods were no less famous<a id='r362' /><a href='#f362' class='c014'><sup>[362]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Why no tyranny was established till the middle of the sixth century.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>The island was not however exclusively commercial. There was
-a powerful landed aristocracy called <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">γεωμόροι</span><a id='r363' /><a href='#f363' class='c014'><sup>[363]</sup></a>, who
-doubtless owned the rich Samian olive-yards<a id='r364' /><a href='#f364' class='c014'><sup>[364]</sup></a>. The
-late date of the tyranny in Samos is probably to be
-explained by the power of the <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">γεωμόροι</span>. The
-result was something very similar to what occurred under similar
-circumstances at Athens. There may have been attempts like that
-made at Athens by Cylon<a id='r365' /><a href='#f365' class='c014'><sup>[365]</sup></a>, but no tyrant appears to have established
-himself firmly before the rise of Polycrates early in the second half
-of the sixth century. Till then the geomoroi were sufficiently
-powerful to make a tyranny impossible. Then, about 545 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>, the
-Samian landowners received a fatal blow to their power, when the
-Greek cities on the coast of Asia Minor were conquered by the
-Persians. These cities, whether friendly or hostile to Samos, were
-all equally its commercial rivals, and the disturbances connected
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_70'>70</span>with the Persian conquest, which affected them all while leaving
-Samos untouched, must have greatly increased the importance of
-the commercial element on the island<a id='r366' /><a href='#f366' class='c014'><sup>[366]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Polycrates becomes tyrant: his tyranny and Samian trade.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>It was within a few years of these events that Polycrates made
-himself tyrant of Samos. The exact date is not known,
-but it was probably after<a id='r367' /><a href='#f367' class='c014'><sup>[367]</sup></a> the Persian conquest of the
-mainland, and may well have been due in part to the
-increased commercial importance of Samos which
-resulted from that conquest.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>However this may be, Polycrates, when established as tyrant,
-is found controlling the commercial and industrial activities of his
-state. All through his reign he was a great sailor and shipowner<a id='r368' /><a href='#f368' class='c014'><sup>[368]</sup></a>.
-He built the famous breakwater in the Samian harbour<a id='r369' /><a href='#f369' class='c014'><sup>[369]</sup></a>, and was
-credited with the invention of a new type of boat, called the
-Samaina<a id='r370' /><a href='#f370' class='c014'><sup>[370]</sup></a> (see fig. 9).</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>The wars and “piracies” of Polycrates and their possible commercial character.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>The general conception of the Samian tyrant is indeed that he
-used his ships in naval and piratical operations rather
-than for peaceful purposes of trade. Thucydides says
-of him that “having a powerful fleet he made divers
-of the islands subject to him, and in particular captured
-Rheneia and dedicated it to the Delian Apollo<a id='r371' /><a href='#f371' class='c014'><sup>[371]</sup></a>.” But
-even the capture of Rheneia, which Thucydides seems to regard
-as the principal warlike achievement of Polycrates’ fleet, was one
-that may have had important commercial consequences. By capturing
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_71'>71</span>Rheneia Polycrates became practically master of Delos. He
-celebrated the Delian games<a id='r372' /><a href='#f372' class='c014'><sup>[372]</sup></a>. Considering the unrivalled situation
-of Delos it is not unlikely that the festival was even in the sixth
-century the “commercial affair<a id='r373' /><a href='#f373' class='c014'><sup>[373]</sup></a>” that it was in later ages, and such
-as others also of the great Greek games appear to have been from
-the days of the tyrants<a id='r374' /><a href='#f374' class='c014'><sup>[374]</sup></a>. In that case it is not inconceivable that the
-repeated purifications of Delos in the sixth and fifth centuries may
-have had not only a religious signification, but also the purpose of
-restricting a commercial element that was constantly reasserting
-itself.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>We need not be surprised to find a commercial potentate exerting
-his power by means of an army or navy. War has so far in the world’s
-history always stood in the immediate background of even the most
-peaceful political power. There is nothing in the nature of a
-capitalist government to make it anti-militarist. If, as seems to have
-been the case, the early tyrants realized how seldom war does anything
-for commercial prosperity except to ruin it, it only shows
-them to have been men of unusual insight, as indeed there are
-many reasons for thinking that they were. If Polycrates was an
-exception to the generally peaceful character of the early tyranny,
-the fact may be explained by his antagonism to Persia, with which
-he appears to have been openly at war during part of his reign<a id='r375' /><a href='#f375' class='c014'><sup>[375]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Our records of this war contain obvious mis-statements about
-the death of Cyrus, and their whole truth has been questioned<a id='r376' /><a href='#f376' class='c014'><sup>[376]</sup></a>.
-But the hostility of Polycrates to Persia is sufficiently shown by his
-friendship with Egypt. His break with Amasis king of Egypt can
-scarcely be anything but a desertion to the common enemy Persia.
-The catholic character of his piracy, which stopped all shipping
-though it confiscated only hostile craft, is not really explained by his
-jest when he claimed that by this method he not only injured his
-enemies whose ships he kept, but also secured the gratitude of his
-friends, whose ships he released. His proceedings become really
-comprehensible only if we understand them as one of the earliest
-instances of a strict blockade, plainly directed against the great
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_72'>72</span>land power to the east. The Peloponnesian expedition against
-Polycrates shows simply that the neutrals to the west did not yet
-realize who was their real enemy<a id='r377' /><a href='#f377' class='c014'><sup>[377]</sup></a>. The danger from Persia only
-became apparent to European Greece when Darius invaded Scythia
-and Thrace<a id='r378' /><a href='#f378' class='c014'><sup>[378]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>There is every reason to believe that Polycrates supported Cambyses
-half-heartedly and under compulsion. He went over to the
-Persian side only when Cambyses was collecting a force against
-Egypt<a id='r379' /><a href='#f379' class='c014'><sup>[379]</sup></a>, or in other words when the Great King was advancing on
-the Mediterranean with an overwhelming force. He sent to his
-support only a disaffected contingent that was a source of trouble
-and weakness to him at home in Samos<a href='#f379' class='c014'><sup>[379]</sup></a>. He met his death not so
-very long after, in an attempt to break away from Persia at what
-must have been the very first opportunity, just about the time when
-Cambyses fell ill<a id='r380' /><a href='#f380' class='c014'><sup>[380]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>On the whole therefore it seems best to accept as historical the
-account of the war between Cyrus and the Samians, since though
-only mentioned in late authors, it accords so well with all that is
-known of the period from early sources. It is ascribed to the period
-when Samos ruled the waves<a id='r381' /><a href='#f381' class='c014'><sup>[381]</sup></a>, which we have seen already to mean
-the reign of Polycrates, and this indication as to date agrees with the
-statement<a href='#f381' class='c014'><sup>[381]</sup></a> that the war occurred at the end of Cyrus’ reign. It
-brings Polycrates into a situation which alike in its patriotic and
-in its selfish side anticipates the attitude of Dionysius of Syracuse
-towards Carthage. But even this war may have been in part an
-attempt to maintain Samos in her commercial and industrial
-position. From the Samian point of view war with Persia meant
-first and foremost a struggle against Miletus. The island city and
-its neighbour on the mainland had long been rivals, and the
-supremacy of the one had meant the depression of the other.
-Miletus was now under the Persians and had made favourable
-terms with her conquerors. What Cyrus was aiming at in
-Anatolia is made sufficiently plain to us by the description in
-Herodotus of the way that he treated the conquered Lydians. They
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_73'>73</span>were to bring up their children simply to play music and to become
-retail traders<a id='r382' /><a href='#f382' class='c014'><sup>[382]</sup></a>. A similar account is given by Zenobius: “they say
-that Cyrus, having overcome the Lydians, charged them to become
-retail traders (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">καπηλεύειν</span>) and not to acquire arms<a id='r383' /><a href='#f383' class='c014'><sup>[383]</sup></a>.” Zenobius
-says nothing about the music. There can be little doubt that the
-trading was the main thing. Both writers say that Cyrus’ object
-was to prevent the Lydians breaking out into armed rebellion,
-and this may be true as far as it goes. But Cyrus did not treat all
-his rebellious provinces in this way. It looks as though he intended
-to make conquered Sardis, devoted entirely to trade and with the
-Persian army behind it, into the commercial capital of his kingdom,
-with Miletus as its chief seaport. This policy, if successful,
-would have been disastrous to the trade of Samos. May it not
-have been to prevent it that Polycrates organized the fleet and
-pursued the naval policy that won him such fame and unpopularity?
-We have an instance of rivalry between Polycrates and Sardis in
-the “laura” which he constructed at Samos, the significance of
-which is discussed below<a id='r384' /><a href='#f384' class='c014'><sup>[384]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>In any case Polycrates employed his fleet for commercial purposes
-as well as warlike. He traded with Egypt<a id='r385' /><a href='#f385' class='c014'><sup>[385]</sup></a>, which was the one
-Eastern country that was during most of his reign independent of
-Persia and open to Samian trade. The statement of Clytus the
-Aristotelian that “Polycrates the tyrant of the Samians from motives
-of luxury gathered the products of every country<a id='r386' /><a href='#f386' class='c014'><sup>[386]</sup></a>” shows that
-Polycrates had a personal interest in the transport trade. There
-is unfortunately nothing to show that he employed his own
-vessels.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>The tyranny of Polycrates and Samian industry.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>It is difficult again with the available evidence completely to
-identify the tyrant with Samian industry. He was
-the patron of Theodorus, who was famous not only
-as a jeweller, but also as a maker of metal vases<a id='r387' /><a href='#f387' class='c014'><sup>[387]</sup></a>.
-The possible significance of this fact will be seen
-in a moment, when we proceed to examine the statements about
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_74'>74</span>Polycrates’ activities before he became tyrant. There is however no
-evidence that Polycrates was himself engaged in the Samian metal
-industries during his reign. For the woollen industries the evidence
-is stronger. Among the things which Athenaeus<a id='r388' /><a href='#f388' class='c014'><sup>[388]</sup></a> declares that
-Polycrates, when tyrant, introduced into Samos are sheep from
-Miletus. Athenaeus is here quoting Clytus. Later in the same
-passage he quotes another writer, Alexis, as stating that the tyrant
-imported sheep from Miletus and Attica. The sheep were of course
-imported not for their mutton but for their wool: the wools of
-Miletus were particularly famous. During his reign Polycrates lent
-support to Arcesilaus III, king of Cyrene in “sheep-rearing Libya<a id='r389' /><a href='#f389' class='c014'><sup>[389]</sup></a>”
-and himself probably a merchant prince<a id='r390' /><a href='#f390' class='c014'><sup>[390]</sup></a>, who when banished from
-his own dominions sought refuge with the Samian tyrant<a id='r391' /><a href='#f391' class='c014'><sup>[391]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>The tyranny of Polycrates and Samian coinage.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>One reported act of Polycrates seems out of keeping with the
-view that he was a great merchant. “It is said that
-Polycrates struck a large quantity of local coins in
-lead and then gilded them and gave them to them
-in payment<a id='r392' /><a href='#f392' class='c014'><sup>[392]</sup></a>.” Herodotus, our authority for this
-statement, dismisses it as idle (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ματαιότερος</span>). But it is supported
-by numismatic evidence<a id='r393' /><a href='#f393' class='c014'><sup>[393]</sup></a>, and the reason alleged for the issue in
-Herodotus is perfectly plausible. Polycrates was resorting to a
-desperate expedient for getting rid of an invader. Apart from the
-question of its truth, the report is valuable as indicating that Polycrates,
-like his contemporary Hippias, was credited with a tendency
-to make practical experiments with the coinage. This is borne out
-by another report, quoted by Suidas<a id='r394' /><a href='#f394' class='c014'><sup>[394]</sup></a>, according to which the
-Samaina reputed to have been invented by Polycrates was not a
-ship but a coin.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The two reports are not necessarily contradictory. The tyrant
-may have introduced both the ship and the coin, like Anaxilas,
-tyrant of Rhegium, who introduced the hare into his dominions
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_75'>75</span>and commemorated his action by putting a hare on his coins (fig. 9).
-The Samaina is found on extant Samian coins (fig. 9), some of
-which appear to have circulated in Samos itself about the middle
-of the fifth century, while others have been associated with the
-Samian refugees who migrated to the far West in 494 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> and
-occupied Messana in Sicily with
-the aid of Anaxilas of Rhegium,
-whose subjects they became. The
-type cannot be traced back to
-the days of Polycrates himself, but
-the numismatic evidence is not
-abundant enough to make that
-fact decisive. As far as it goes it
-even inclines slightly in favour of
-Suidas. If the coin type used by
-the refugees of 494 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> appears later on the coins of Samos itself,
-the fact is best explained by assuming that it was already in use in
-Samos before the earlier date. Moreover one of the coins generally
-associated with the refugees is inscribed with the letters <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Α Ι</span>, which
-have no obvious connexion with Messana or the Samians who went
-there, but which do on the other hand form the first syllable of the
-name Aiakes, the name of the Samian tyrant from whom the
-refugees fled to Messana. Aiakes was a nephew of Polycrates, so
-that if the <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Α Ι</span> coin is rightly ascribed to him the Samaina type is
-traced back to the family of Polycrates, if not to Polycrates himself.
-Aiakes had been restored to Samos by the Persians after their defeat
-of the Greek fleet at the battle of Lade. In that battle the Samian
-fleet, with the exception of the ships manned by the men who fled
-later to Sicily, had disgraced itself by deserting to the Persians.
-Aiakes profited by their proceedings but he can hardly have been
-proud of them. If he struck coins with the Samaina type it is
-more likely to have been because his uncle had done so before
-him than from any desire to commemorate either his own exploits,
-whether as a shipbuilder or a sailor, or those of his uncle, who
-so successfully defied the Persian power to which the nephew
-owed his throne<a id='r395' /><a href='#f395' class='c014'><sup>[395]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div  class='figcenter id003'>
-<img src='images/i_p075.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic002'>
-<p>Fig. 9. Samian coin with Samaina and Messanian coin with hare.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>The public works of Polycrates during his tyranny, including an aqueduct and a harbour breakwater.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_76'>76</span>In his domestic policy Polycrates won great fame as the promoter
-of great public works. “I have dwelt the longer on
-the Samians,” says Herodotus<a id='r396' /><a href='#f396' class='c014'><sup>[396]</sup></a>, “because they have
-erected three works that surpass those of all the
-Greeks.” The works in question are the harbour
-breakwater already mentioned, the huge temple of
-Hera, and the underground aqueduct constructed by
-Eupalinus of Megara<a id='r397' /><a href='#f397' class='c014'><sup>[397]</sup></a>. Herodotus himself does not
-say who was responsible for these works being undertaken; but the
-context shows that the historian is thinking of the Samos of Polycrates.
-The first architect of the temple is given by him as Rhoecus,
-the partner of Theodorus, who worked for Polycrates. Great
-engineering activities in Samos about this time are indicated by the
-fact that the engineer who shortly afterwards bridged the Bosporus
-for Darius was a Samian<a id='r398' /><a href='#f398' class='c014'><sup>[398]</sup></a>. The breakwater round the harbour is
-naturally ascribed to the time of the Samian thalassocracy under
-Polycrates. There is therefore little doubt that modern scholars
-and archaeologists have been right in identifying these great constructions
-with the “Polycratean works” referred to by Aristotle<a id='r399' /><a href='#f399' class='c014'><sup>[399]</sup></a>
-as typical undertakings of a typical tyrant, the more so as there are
-numerous instances of early tyrants undertaking these particular
-kinds of work<a id='r400' /><a href='#f400' class='c014'><sup>[400]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>One work of a similar kind that Samos owed to Polycrates
-deserves at least a passing notice, namely the “laura” that he erected
-as a rival to what is called in Sardis the <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Ἀγκὼν γλυκύς</span><a id='r401' /><a href='#f401' class='c014'><sup>[401]</sup></a>. Etymologically
-“laura” is probably to be connected with “labyrinth<a id='r402' /><a href='#f402' class='c014'><sup>[402]</sup></a>.”
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_77'>77</span>The word has various meanings<a id='r403' /><a href='#f403' class='c014'><sup>[403]</sup></a>. The laura at Samos appears to
-have been a place for buying and selling<a id='r404' /><a href='#f404' class='c014'><sup>[404]</sup></a>, possibly an early predecessor
-of the labyrinthine bazaars still in use in the great cities
-of the near East such as Smyrna, Cairo, and Constantinople<a id='r405' /><a href='#f405' class='c014'><sup>[405]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>If Polycrates’ laura was in fact a great bazaar, it is easy to imagine
-how it became a byword for luxury<a id='r406' /><a href='#f406' class='c014'><sup>[406]</sup></a> and worse things than that.
-The description of it by Clearchus as a place of ill-repute is plainly
-from a source unfriendly to the tyrant<a id='r407' /><a href='#f407' class='c014'><sup>[407]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>The labour employed on these works appears to have been mainly free.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>Whatever the facts about the laura, the sums that Polycrates
-spent on his public works in general and the number
-of hands that he employed on them must have been
-very large. Of the life led by these employees we
-know little. Aristotle states that the object of the
-tyrant’s works was “the employment and poverty of
-his subjects<a id='r408' /><a href='#f408' class='c014'><sup>[408]</sup></a>.” This implies that the work was ill-paid and unpopular.
-It is doubtful however whether Aristotle quite understood
-the social and economic conditions of sixth century Samos<a id='r409' /><a href='#f409' class='c014'><sup>[409]</sup></a>. On the
-other hand no inferences as to the normal wages in the days of the
-tyrant are to be drawn from occasional instances of high payments
-made by him for exceptional work<a id='r410' /><a href='#f410' class='c014'><sup>[410]</sup></a>. One fact however becomes
-plain from the statement in the <cite>Politics</cite>. The hands employed by
-Polycrates must have been mainly free men.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Like some tyrannical employers of labour in more recent times,
-Polycrates appears to have recognized the value of having his
-employees provided with amusements of not too elevated a type.
-Holidays and drunkenness appear to have been frequent under his
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_78'>78</span>regime<a id='r411' /><a href='#f411' class='c014'><sup>[411]</sup></a>. The encouragement or permission of unprofitable amusements
-for the multitude is of course quite consistent with great
-severity in other directions<a id='r412' /><a href='#f412' class='c014'><sup>[412]</sup></a>, and more particularly with the suppression
-of the liberal forms of recreation popular among citizens
-of the better class<a id='r413' /><a href='#f413' class='c014'><sup>[413]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>The tyrant’s mercenaries.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>He maintained his power by means of mercenaries, native it
-should be noticed, as well as foreign<a id='r414' /><a href='#f414' class='c014'><sup>[414]</sup></a>. These mercenaries
-were in all probability a development of
-the fifteen men at arms<a id='r415' /><a href='#f415' class='c014'><sup>[415]</sup></a> with which he had seized supreme
-power, and, like the original fifteen, they were presumably free
-men<a id='r416' /><a href='#f416' class='c014'><sup>[416]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>His pension scheme for the mothers of fallen soldiers.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>While on the subject of Polycrates’ warlike achievements it is interesting
-to note that he did something to put military
-service on a sound financial basis by providing for the
-mothers of soldiers who fell in his service. The way he
-did so is described by Duris, a historian of Polycrates’
-own island, who was born about 340 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span><a id='r417' /><a href='#f417' class='c014'><sup>[417]</sup></a>. “He gathered together
-the mothers of those who had fallen in war, and gave them to the
-wealthy among the citizens to support, saying to each, ‘I give you
-this woman to be your mother.’” No provision was made for the
-widows; but from the Greek point of view this was hardly required.
-They would naturally be provided for by their second husbands<a id='r418' /><a href='#f418' class='c014'><sup>[418]</sup></a>.
-The method of financing this popular measure recalls the Athenian
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_79'>79</span>liturgies. The measure itself points to the tyrant’s troops having
-been free men.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>One fact recorded of the times just after Polycrates’ fall appears
-at first sight to offer a reason for assuming that Polycrates had relied
-on highly trained servile labour, which the city had found it a
-problem to deal with after his fall. A large number of slaves purchased
-the citizenship<a id='r419' /><a href='#f419' class='c014'><sup>[419]</sup></a>. There is however a simpler explanation of
-this fact. Syloson, the brother of Polycrates, when restored by
-Persia, had almost annihilated the free population<a id='r420' /><a href='#f420' class='c014'><sup>[420]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Polycrates the tyrant has therefore been shown to have taken
-some part in the commercial, the industrial and probably the
-financial activities of the city that he ruled.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Before he became tyrant Polycrates already had a concern in the chief Samian industries.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>Let us now see what is known about his career before he had
-made himself supreme in the state.</p>
-
-<p class='c015'>Before he had become tyrant he used to get expensive
-coverlets and drinking vessels made, and lend
-them out to those who were holding weddings or entertainments
-on a particularly large scale.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>These words are from Athenaeus<a id='r421' /><a href='#f421' class='c014'><sup>[421]</sup></a>. It could scarcely
-be more definitely stated that Polycrates owed his throne to his
-wealth in coverlets and drinking vessels.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The coverlets (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">στρωμναί</span>) are surely the manufactured article
-for which Polycrates subsequently introduced Milesian and Attic
-sheep. The word seems to denote a Samian speciality. A form of
-the corresponding verb (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἔστρωται</span>) is used by Theocritus in the
-passage where he refers to the famous wools of Samos and Miletus<a id='r422' /><a href='#f422' class='c014'><sup>[422]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>It seems probable that Polycrates’ brother and partner at first in
-the tyranny was also a merchant or manufacturer of woollen goods.
-At any rate after his banishment we find Darius wanting to buy
-a cloak (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">χλανίς</span>) from him. According to Herodotus<a id='r423' /><a href='#f423' class='c014'><sup>[423]</sup></a> it was the
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_80'>80</span>one that Syloson was at the moment wearing. The incident took
-place in Egypt. Syloson was one of the Greeks who followed
-Cambyses there after the Persian conquest. Some of these had come
-as traders (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">κατ’ ἐμπορίην</span>), some as soldiers, some as mere sight-seers.
-Syloson, who was in the market place at Memphis at the moment of
-Darius’ request, replied: “I am not selling this at any price; but
-I offer it you for nothing.” What precisely Syloson was doing in
-the market place is unfortunately not certain. According to Grote<a id='r424' /><a href='#f424' class='c014'><sup>[424]</sup></a>
-he was just walking there. The Greek is <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἠγόραζε</span>, which may mean
-“frequenting the market place,” or “buying,” or “selling in the
-market place.” The incident suggests rather the last meaning, and
-that Syloson was in Memphis as a trader (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">κατ’ ἐμπορίην</span>) in cloaks
-(<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">χλανίδες</span>). The unromantic commercial aspect of the transaction
-between Syloson and Darius, which is already obscured in Herodotus’
-account, has quite disappeared in that of Strabo<a id='r425' /><a href='#f425' class='c014'><sup>[425]</sup></a>, who says simply
-that Syloson “made a present to Darius of a garment which he had
-seen him wearing and taken a fancy for&nbsp;..., and received the tyranny
-as a present in return.”</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The drinking vessels (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ποτήρια</span>) were almost certainly of metal.
-<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Ποτήρια</span> of earthenware are only once<a id='r426' /><a href='#f426' class='c014'><sup>[426]</sup></a> mentioned in the passages
-quoted in Liddell and Scott’s <cite>Lexicon</cite>, whereas there are numerous
-passages in which <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ποτήρια</span> are specifically stated to have been of
-metal<a id='r427' /><a href='#f427' class='c014'><sup>[427]</sup></a>. In the case before us the fact that they were lent and for
-entertainments of special importance points strongly to metal<a id='r428' /><a href='#f428' class='c014'><sup>[428]</sup></a>. We
-have just seen that Theodorus, who worked for Polycrates later
-in his career, was a maker of metal <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ποτήρια</span>. It may well be
-the case therefore that Theodorus was something more to Polycrates
-than merely his crown jeweller and silversmith<a id='r429' /><a href='#f429' class='c014'><sup>[429]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_81'>81</span>The Samian silversmiths got their material from Tartessus<a id='r430' /><a href='#f430' class='c014'><sup>[430]</sup></a>.
-Polycrates must therefore have had at least a second-hand
-interest in Samian shipping before his accession. In the outline
-of my views on the origin of the tyranny published in the
-<cite>Journal of Hellenic Studies</cite> for 1906 I observed that there was
-no evidence that Polycrates procured his silver in his
-own ships. <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Aiakes father of Polycrates is probably the Aiakes whom a Samian inscription appears to connect with sea-borne trade.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span>
-That is still the case; but curiously enough
-only a few weeks after this observation was made, a
-find from Samos itself was published<a id='r431' /><a href='#f431' class='c014'><sup>[431]</sup></a>, which, with
-the learned and illuminating comments of the scholar
-who published it, has thrown fresh and interesting
-light on the close concern which the family of Polycrates
-already had in Samian shipping in the days
-when the future tyrant was still a child. The find consists of a
-headless seated statue<a id='r432' /><a href='#f432' class='c014'><sup>[432]</sup></a> (fig. 10) that at once recalls the figures from
-Branchidae now in the British Museum<a id='r433' /><a href='#f433' class='c014'><sup>[433]</sup></a>. The style both of the
-figure and of the lettering of the inscription attached to it point to
-a date about 550 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> The statue was dedicated by Aiakes the son
-of Bryson. Aiakes is not a common name. It was borne by the
-father of Polycrates. It is not improbable that, as L. Curtius
-maintains, the Aiakes who dedicated the statue was none other
-than the tyrant’s father. The date suits exactly: so too does the
-inscription as ingeniously interpreted by Curtius. The actual words
-are:</p>
-
-<div class='lg-container-b c016'>
-  <div class='linegroup'>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Ἀεάκης ἀνέθηκεν ὀ Βρύσωνος ὂς τῇ Ἤρῃ</span></div>
-      <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τὴν σύλην ἔπρησεν κατὰ τὴν ἐπίστασιν.</span></div>
-    </div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>The context makes it difficult to derive <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἔπρησεν</span> from <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πίμπρημι</span>.
-Nor can <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐπίστασις</span> well signify “dream” (visit by night), since the
-analogy of <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">κατ’ ὄναρ, κατ’ ἐνύπνιον</span> shows that in that case <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">κατὰ</span>
-would not be followed by the article. Curtius therefore takes
-<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἔπρησεν</span> as Ionic for <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἔπρασσεν</span> in the common sense of “exacted,”
-“collected”: for the single <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ς</span> he compares <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Τειχιούσης</span> for <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Τειχιούσσης</span>,
-which actually occurs on one of the figures from Branchidae.
-The word <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">σύλη</span> he explains by reference to Herodotus <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 152,
-which describes how the Samians, on their return from the voyage to
-Tarshish, “set apart the tithe of their gains, six talents, and let make
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_82'>82</span>a copper cauldron after the manner of an Argive mixing bowl, and
-dedicated it in the Heraeum<a id='r434' /><a href='#f434' class='c014'><sup>[434]</sup></a>.”</p>
-
-<div  class='figcenter id002'>
-<img src='images/i_p082.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic002'>
-<p>Fig. 10. Aiakes, father of Polycrates.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>The gains from Tarshish, so Curtius suggests, may actually have
-been called <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">σύλη</span>, the idea of which word he thinks had grown to
-include all gains made by ventures on the sea. The name of Polycrates’
-brother Syloson is almost certainly to be derived from <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">σῦλον</span>
-(= <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">σύλη</span>, see above) and <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">σῶν</span> = <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">σαῶν</span> from <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">σαῶ</span> = <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">σῴζω</span> (save)<a id='r435' /><a href='#f435' class='c014'><sup>[435]</sup></a>.
-Curtius rightly observes that this name takes the connexion of
-Polycrates’ family with <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">σύλαι</span>, sea-spoils, sea-gains, back to the time
-when Syloson received his name, that is, presumably, a generation
-or so before he and his two brothers, Pantagnotos and Polycrates,
-seized the tyranny of their native city.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Polycrates is said by Herodotus to have owed his fall to an attempt to get money enough to rule all Greece.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_83'>83</span>The great wave of the Persian invasions of Europe, that began
-only a few years after Polycrates’ death, and the rise
-of the Athenian empire after the Persians’ final
-repulse, have somewhat eclipsed the glory of the
-Samian thalassocracy, which practically synchronized
-with the tyranny of Polycrates. During his
-reign he was unquestionably the most famous Greek
-in the whole Greek world, and his extraordinary
-series of unbroken successes was reported and discussed everywhere<a id='r436' /><a href='#f436' class='c014'><sup>[436]</sup></a>.
-From the Greek point of view, according to which all excesses
-are to be avoided, whether of good things or of bad, he was too
-successful. The end could only be Nemesis or retribution. This
-feeling is expressed by Herodotus in the letter in which he makes
-the king of Egypt advise Polycrates to break the series by voluntarily
-giving up the thing that most he cared for<a id='r437' /><a href='#f437' class='c014'><sup>[437]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The story goes on to tell how Polycrates was moved by the letter
-to cast away in the sea the most precious thing he possessed, a
-ring made by Theodorus, how the ring came back to him in the
-body of a fish served up at the royal table, and how Amasis “learnt
-that it is impossible for one human being to rescue another from the
-event that is to befall him<a id='r438' /><a href='#f438' class='c014'><sup>[438]</sup></a>,” and how accordingly he broke off his
-friendship with him, “that when some great and terrible accident
-overtook Polycrates, he might not himself be grieved at heart with
-the thought that it had befallen a friend<a id='r439' /><a href='#f439' class='c014'><sup>[439]</sup></a>.”</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>In all probability it was not Amasis who broke with Polycrates,
-but Polycrates who deserted Amasis when the Persian peril began
-to look irresistible<a id='r440' /><a href='#f440' class='c014'><sup>[440]</sup></a>. But the dubious historicity of the incident only
-heightens its historical value: it shows that so far as the story of
-the end of Polycrates is false or inaccurate in point of fact, it has
-been altered to suit the requirements of Greek poetic justice and
-to make the way that Polycrates lost the throne a fitting requital
-for the way he had won and held it.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>This is the story as given by Herodotus<a id='r441' /><a href='#f441' class='c014'><sup>[441]</sup></a>. A new Persian satrap
-had been appointed at Sardis, who, learning that Polycrates aspired
-to rule “Ionia and all the islands,” set a trap for him by pretending
-to need his help and promising in return much money. “As far as
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_84'>84</span>money goes,” the promise ran, “thou shalt be ruler of all
-Hellas.” “When Polycrates heard this he was glad and willing.
-And since he greatly desired money, he first sent Maeandrius the
-son of Maeandrius to inspect.... But Oroetes, learning that the
-inspector was expected, did as follows. He filled eight chests with
-stones, except to a very slight depth just round the top, where on
-top of the stones he set gold.” For the events that followed the
-precise words of Herodotus need not be quoted. Maeandrius was
-deceived. Polycrates crossed over to see Oroetes, was seized by
-him, and crucified.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Value of Herodotus on Polycrates.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>It is important to remember how good are the sources for the
-history of the Samian tyranny. The famous Anacreon
-lived at Polycrates’ court<a id='r442' /><a href='#f442' class='c014'><sup>[442]</sup></a>, and “all his poetry” was
-“full of references to him<a id='r443' /><a href='#f443' class='c014'><sup>[443]</sup></a>.” Practically all of it has
-perished, but it was accessible to the writers from whom we draw.
-Herodotus had conversed with Archias the Spartan, whose grandfather,
-also named Archias, had distinguished himself in the Spartan
-expedition against Polycrates, and whose exploits on that occasion
-had led to a permanent connexion between the Spartan family and
-the Samians<a id='r444' /><a href='#f444' class='c014'><sup>[444]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>As mentioned already in discussing the coins stamped with the
-Samaina, a son of Polycrates’ brother Syloson was reinstated by the
-Persians as tyrant of Samos after the battle of Lade in 494 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> He
-is not heard of again, and in 480 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> a certain Theomestor “became
-tyrant of Samos, being set up by the Persians<a id='r445' /><a href='#f445' class='c014'><sup>[445]</sup></a>.” But even if the
-son of Syloson died immediately after his restoration, his reign still
-brings us down to times well within the memory of Herodotus’
-father. With sources like these it is highly likely that the main
-outlines of the facts have been preserved, and that where they have
-been improved on or added to, the changes or additions, whether
-conscious or unconscious, have been made to suit the general history
-of the period. Thus for example we should expect the facts about
-Polycrates’ downfall to be in the main correctly reported: but the
-story of the letter from Amasis shows that we may expect touches
-to be added to emphasize the view that it was a visitation of Nemesis,
-an act of retribution on the part of the divine power.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_85'>85</span>The account in Herodotus states that Polycrates fell because he
-hoped by means of boundless money to make himself tyrant of all
-Greece. The stress laid on money all through the narrative is
-remarkable<a id='r446' /><a href='#f446' class='c014'><sup>[446]</sup></a>. According to all the laws of Greek psychology, the
-inference is surely this: that it was by means of his wealth that he
-had won and maintained his power.</p>
-
-<div class='chapter'>
-  <span class='pageno' id='Page_86'>86</span>
-  <h2 class='c005'>Chapter IV. <em>Egypt</em></h2>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='figcenter id002'>
-<img src='images/i_p086.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic002'>
-<p>Fig. 11. Psamtek I.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c018'>The sixth century tyrants of Athens and Samos may be regarded
-with some probability as rulers who had come to their power by
-means of their wealth. Before proceeding to deal with the earlier
-Greek tyrants, as to whose antecedents the evidence is necessarily
-much more meagre and indecisive, it will be found convenient to
-turn our attention for a while to Egypt and Lydia. In both these
-states we shall find evidence, some of it very positive, that from the
-end of the eighth century onwards the kings were gaining and
-maintaining their power by means of their wealth. With both these
-states the Greeks of the seventh century were in close touch; from
-both they learned and borrowed much, since Egypt and the East
-had still much to teach them. The history therefore both of Egypt
-and Lydia is closely relevant at this period to that of the Greek
-world that they adjoined. It gives a context to the disconnected
-fragments of evidence that will have to be dealt with in some of
-the succeeding chapters, and makes it possible to fit them together
-into something resembling a significant whole.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Commercial and industrial developments in seventh century Egypt.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>Like Greece, Egypt had been through a dark period during the
-first three centuries of the first millennium <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> After
-about two centuries of Libyan rulers (XXIInd and
-XXIIIrd dynasties) whose energies were often devoted
-to dealing with rival kings while subject princes spent
-the resources of the country in feuds among themselves, Egypt had
-fallen during the eighth century under an Ethiopian dynasty which
-she changed occasionally for Assyrian rule. But early in the seventh
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_87'>87</span>century, Egypt recovered its material prosperity. By the middle of
-the next century it is said to have been more prosperous than ever it
-was before<a id='r447' /><a href='#f447' class='c014'><sup>[447]</sup></a>, and this prosperity is reflected in the law of Amasis
-(570–526 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>) against unemployment<a id='r448' /><a href='#f448' class='c014'><sup>[448]</sup></a> as also in the organization
-of industry into “more or less sharply defined classes or guilds<a id='r449' /><a href='#f449' class='c014'><sup>[449]</sup></a>,”
-in improved business methods and mechanical processes. The forms
-of legal and business documents became more precise<a id='r450' /><a href='#f450' class='c014'><sup>[450]</sup></a>; the mechanical
-arts of casting in bronze on a core and of moulding figures and
-pottery were brought to the highest pitch of excellence<a id='r451' /><a href='#f451' class='c014'><sup>[451]</sup></a>. Inscriptions
-of this epoch found in the gold-mining regions prove that the
-work of the ancient kings was taken up with renewed ardour<a id='r452' /><a href='#f452' class='c014'><sup>[452]</sup></a>. The
-ports of Egypt were thrown open to the commerce of all the
-nations<a id='r453' /><a href='#f453' class='c014'><sup>[453]</sup></a>. Strong fleets were maintained both in the Mediterranean
-and in the Red Sea<a id='r454' /><a href='#f454' class='c014'><sup>[454]</sup></a>. An attempt was made by Pharaoh Necho
-(610–594 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>) to anticipate the Suez Canal by one connecting the
-Nile with the Red Sea<a id='r455' /><a href='#f455' class='c014'><sup>[455]</sup></a>; and the exploits of Vasco da Gama were
-anticipated by a Phoenician ship that was sent out by this same
-Pharaoh Necho and circumnavigated Africa<a id='r456' /><a href='#f456' class='c014'><sup>[456]</sup></a>. In these activities
-of Necho Sayce<a id='r457' /><a href='#f457' class='c014'><sup>[457]</sup></a> sees an attempt to make Egypt the chief trading
-country of the world.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>These great developments took place under a single dynasty, the
-XXVIth, which came from Sais on one of the western arms of the
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_88'>88</span>Delta<a id='r458' /><a href='#f458' class='c014'><sup>[458]</sup></a>. <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Psammetichus I (664–610) rose to power<span class='hidev'>|</span></span>
-The history of this dynasty can be traced back at Sais to
-the eighth century <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>, but the first of the family to
-rule all Egypt was Psammetichus (Psamtek), who
-reigned from about 664 to 610. Necho the father of
-this Psammetichus and grandfather of the Necho mentioned just
-above had been king or governor of Sais and Memphis under the
-Assyrian king Assurbanipal<a id='r459' /><a href='#f459' class='c014'><sup>[459]</sup></a>. Psammetichus was driven into war
-and foreign politics to free his country from foreign invaders.
-The details of his warlike achievements do not here concern us.
-What does here concern us is to observe how he secured the power
-that enabled him to set about them.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Early in his career, Psammetichus, so Herodotus informs us<a id='r460' /><a href='#f460' class='c014'><sup>[460]</sup></a>,
-had been one of twelve kings who had each received a twelfth of
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_89'>89</span>the country to reign over<a id='r461' /><a href='#f461' class='c014'><sup>[461]</sup></a>. <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>according to Herodotus by means of Greek and Carian mercenaries,<span class='hidev'>|</span></span>
-One day some bronze-clad Ionian and
-Carian freebooters were driven to Egypt by stress of
-weather. Psammetichus “made friends with the
-Ionians and Carians, and by great promises persuaded
-them to join him: and having persuaded them he
-thereupon, in conjunction with his supporters in
-Egypt and the mercenaries, put down the (other eleven) kings, and
-became master of all Egypt<a id='r462' /><a href='#f462' class='c014'><sup>[462]</sup></a>.”</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The man who among twelve or more rivals<a id='r463' /><a href='#f463' class='c014'><sup>[463]</sup></a> secured the monopoly
-of Greek and Carian mercenaries must have been a man of outstanding
-wealth. But this is not all our information about him.
-A fuller account is preserved in Diodorus<a id='r464' /><a href='#f464' class='c014'><sup>[464]</sup></a>:</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>according to Diodorus by trading with Phoenicians and Greeks.</div>
-
-<p class='c015'>When the twelve had ruled Egypt for fifteen years it befel that the
-kingdom passed into the hands of one of them through the
-following causes. Psammetichus of Sais, who was one of
-the twelve kings, and ruler of the parts beside the sea, used
-to provide cargoes (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">φορτία</span>) for the merchants, and particularly
-for Phoenicians and Greeks; by such means he disposed
-profitably of the products of his own land and secured a share of the
-products of the other nations, and enjoyed not only great wealth (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">εὐπορίαν</span>)
-but also friendship with nations and princes.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Could it be more plainly stated that Psammetichus owed his
-throne to his wealth and his wealth to trade?</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Value of these statements of Herodotus and Diodorus.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>The commercial origin of Psamtek’s power can only be questioned
-by questioning the value of our authorities. The rest
-of this chapter will be devoted to showing that there
-is no reason for doing this, while there is much to
-confirm the passages just quoted.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Herodotus and Diodorus<a id='r465' /><a href='#f465' class='c014'><sup>[465]</sup></a> had both visited Egypt and are among
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_90'>90</span>our best authorities. At first sight indeed they do not seem quite
-in agreement. But the story they tell is essentially the same. The
-difference is one of emphasis. Herodotus seizes on a single incident
-and makes much of the description of the Ionians and Carians as men
-of bronze. The point was worth emphasizing; for from the military
-point of view the first appearance of the heavy-armed hoplite in
-Egyptian history marked an epoch<a id='r466' /><a href='#f466' class='c014'><sup>[466]</sup></a>. Diodorus contradicts Herodotus
-only in stating that it was not an accident that led Psammetichus
-to employ these foreign hoplites<a id='r467' /><a href='#f467' class='c014'><sup>[467]</sup></a>. The rest of his narrative only
-supplements Herodotus, and the silence of Herodotus is no reason
-for thinking that the later historian was not drawing on good and
-early sources<a id='r468' /><a href='#f468' class='c014'><sup>[468]</sup></a>. Even Herodotus could not incorporate in his history
-every scrap of knowledge that he possessed, and for Egypt in the
-seventh century there may well have been contemporary documents
-which were not consulted by Herodotus but were by Diodorus.
-Diodorus’ account has in fact been accepted by a considerable
-number of modern scholars<a id='r469' /><a href='#f469' class='c014'><sup>[469]</sup></a>. <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Cp. Strabo on
-the Fort of the
-Milesians<span class='hidev'>|</span></span>
-They point out that it agrees with
-the statement of Strabo about the Fort of the
-Milesians<a id='r470' /><a href='#f470' class='c014'><sup>[470]</sup></a> that “in the days of Psammetichus the
-Milesians sailed with 30 ships and put in at the
-Bolbitine mouth, and disembarking built the foundation just mentioned.”</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>There is one difficulty in this passage of Strabo. Psammetichus
-is described in it as the contemporary of Cyaxares king of the
-Medes, who reigned from 624 to 584 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>, so that the Psammetichus
-referred to might be Psammetichus II (594–589). But Psammetichus
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_91'>91</span>in Strabo appears elsewhere always to mean the first and
-most important king of that name. Cyaxares too both from his
-date and his nationality is an odd person for a Greek writer to quote
-in order to indicate the date of an Egyptian king<a id='r471' /><a href='#f471' class='c014'><sup>[471]</sup></a>. Hirschfeld is
-therefore probably right in rejecting this parenthesis as a learned
-but unintelligent gloss<a id='r472' /><a href='#f472' class='c014'><sup>[472]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The Bolbitine mouth of the Nile is near the great lake and
-marshes of Bourlos<a id='r473' /><a href='#f473' class='c014'><sup>[473]</sup></a>. Psammetichus I, before he overcame his
-rivals in Lower Egypt, is said by Herodotus<a id='r474' /><a href='#f474' class='c014'><sup>[474]</sup></a> to have spent a period
-of exile in the marshes, and the marshes are shown by the context
-to have lain near the sea<a id='r475' /><a href='#f475' class='c014'><sup>[475]</sup></a>. Thus quite apart from Diodorus, by
-simply comparing Herodotus and Strabo, a case may be made for
-thinking that the arrival of the bronze men from Ionia was not
-the accidental occurrence that Herodotus, after his way, makes it
-out to have been, but that it had some close connexion with the
-Milesians’ Fort.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>and Assurbanipal on help sent to Psammetichus by Gyges of Lydia.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>That Psammetichus made it his policy to cultivate “friendship
-with nations and princes<a id='r476' /><a href='#f476' class='c014'><sup>[476]</sup></a>” in Asia Minor is sufficiently
-shown by the famous clay cylinder of
-Assurbanipal, king of Assyria (about 668–626 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>),
-which states<a id='r477' /><a href='#f477' class='c014'><sup>[477]</sup></a> that</p>
-
-<p class='c015'>Gyges King of Lydia, a district which is across the sea<a id='r478' /><a href='#f478' class='c014'><sup>[478]</sup></a>, a remote place,
-of which the kings my fathers had not heard speak of its name&nbsp;... his forces
-to the aid of Psammetichus<a id='r479' /><a href='#f479' class='c014'><sup>[479]</sup></a> of Egypt, who had thrown off the yoke of my
-dominion, he sent.</p>
-<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_92'>92</span>The troops sent by Gyges may well have been none other than the
-Ionian mercenaries that made Psammetichus master of all Egypt<a id='r480' /><a href='#f480' class='c014'><sup>[480]</sup></a>.
-The alliance of Psammetichus with Gyges adds to the probability
-that the Egyptian was responsible for the foundation and development
-of the Milesian settlement in his country, since we know that
-Gyges had allowed the Milesians to establish the Hellespontine
-Abydos in what was then Lydian territory<a id='r481' /><a href='#f481' class='c014'><sup>[481]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>History of Psammetichus’ predecessors:</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>If trade and riches raised Psammetichus to supreme power about
-the year 664 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> their influence was probably making
-itself felt in Egyptian politics at least some little while
-before that date. It will greatly strengthen the
-credibility of Diodorus on the early history of Psammetichus if this
-can be shown to have been in fact the case.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>(i) Sethon in 701 B.C. based his power on “hucksters and artizans and trades people.”</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>In 701 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> Sennacherib made his famous expedition against
-Palestine and Egypt, which were saved only by the
-plague sent upon the Assyrian host by the Angel
-of the Lord<a id='r482' /><a href='#f482' class='c014'><sup>[482]</sup></a>. According to the Egyptian version
-recorded in Herodotus the king of Egypt at this time
-was Sethon or Sethos, priest of Hephaestus. When the
-priest-king prepared to defend his country against the Assyrian “he
-was followed by none of the warrior class, but by hucksters and
-artizans and trades people<a id='r483' /><a href='#f483' class='c014'><sup>[483]</sup></a>.” No king of the name of Sethon is
-known either to the Egyptian monuments or to the Greek and
-Latin lists of the kings of Egypt: his individuality has been the
-subject of much controversy. Later in this chapter reasons will be
-given for thinking that he was a prince of the same city and probably
-of the same house as Psamtek. The point to be emphasized here is
-the appearance just at this period of a Pharaoh who rests his power
-on the support of the mercantile and industrial classes.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>(ii) King Bocchoris (d. 715 B.C.) and his commercial legislation.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_93'>93</span>Shortly before the days of Sethon another Egyptian king had
-won great fame by his recognition of the commercial
-tendencies of his age. This was Bocchoris the lawgiver,
-the solitary representative of the XXIVth
-dynasty, who appears for a time to have been recognized
-as king of Egypt until in 715 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> he was taken and burnt or
-flayed alive by his successor Sabacon, the first king of the Ethiopian
-(XXVth) dynasty<a id='r484' /><a href='#f484' class='c014'><sup>[484]</sup></a>. Diodorus says that the laws concerning contracts
-were attributed to Bocchoris and that he brought more precision
-into the matter of contracts. These statements are illustrated
-in a remarkable way by actual business documents that have come
-down to us from that time<a id='r485' /><a href='#f485' class='c014'><sup>[485]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>A faience vase (fig. 12) with Egyptian scenes and the name of
-Bocchoris has been found in the Etruscan city of Tarquinii (Corneto)<a id='r486' /><a href='#f486' class='c014'><sup>[486]</sup></a>.
-It is held by Maspero and v. Bissing to be of pure Egyptian
-workmanship<a id='r487' /><a href='#f487' class='c014'><sup>[487]</sup></a>. Before its discovery the only evidence that Bocchoris
-had dealings with Europe was a reference in Plutarch<a id='r488' /><a href='#f488' class='c014'><sup>[488]</sup></a> which makes
-Bocchoris the judge in a case involving a Greek hetaera named
-Thonis. The Plutarch passage is doubtful evidence, but the Corneto
-vase suggests that already in the reign of Bocchoris the Egyptians
-and perhaps the king himself already had dealings with the trading
-nations of the North. This would fit well with the fact that Bocchoris
-was probably the predecessor of a king whose following consisted
-of hucksters and artizans and trades people. Bocchoris himself is
-said by Diodorus to have been reputed the most money-loving of
-men<a id='r489' /><a href='#f489' class='c014'><sup>[489]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div  class='figcenter id002'>
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_94'>94</span>
-<img src='images/i_p094.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic002'>
-<p>Fig. 12. Vase with cartouche of Bocchoris found at Tarquinii.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>(iii) Tafnekht, father of Bocchoris, resisted the Ethiopians thanks apparently to his command of the sea.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_95'>95</span>Bocchoris’ father Tafnekht<a id='r490' /><a href='#f490' class='c014'><sup>[490]</sup></a>, the first of the Saite princes (749–721
-<span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>), is not known to have had any commercial
-interests or connexions. He is best remembered for
-his struggle against Pianchi, the first Ethiopian ruler
-to claim the throne of the Pharaohs. Of this struggle
-we have Pianchi’s own version, preserved in the
-famous Pianchi stele. While Tafnekht’s partizans
-were holding Memphis against the Ethiopians we
-hear of the employment of artizans and master masons as soldiers<a id='r491' /><a href='#f491' class='c014'><sup>[491]</sup></a>.
-The force however is stated to have been small, and it is not quite
-certain which side it was fighting on. Tafnekht, when the struggle
-went against him, retired to “the islands of the sea,” from whence
-he was able to negotiate with Pianchi in complete safety. Tafnekht
-himself described the situation not without tact in a letter to
-Pianchi: “To whatsoever city thou hast turned thy face, thou hast
-not found thy servant there, until I reached the islands of the sea,
-trembling before thy might, and saying ‘his flame is hostile to me.’”
-Eventually he submitted to the Ethiopians, but the submission
-seems to have been little more than nominal. Pianchi after receiving
-it is no more heard of in the Delta, and Tafnekht, to judge from
-the position held after him by his son Bocchoris, must have regained
-considerable power.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>This may have had its base in naval supremacy. In the ancient
-list of thalassocrats, or states that successively ruled the waves,
-preserved to us by Syncellus, Eusebius and Jerome, the thalassocracy
-of Egypt falls at about this period. The only list that gives a precise
-date is that of Jerome, who puts it between 783 and 748 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> But
-the lists give the duration of each thalassocracy as well as absolute
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_96'>96</span>dates, and, as pointed out by J. L. Myres, if, instead of following
-the dates in years from Abraham, we calculate from the duration
-of the various thalassocracies, working backward from the period
-of the Persian wars, then the end of the Egyptian supremacy falls
-not in 748 but in 725<a id='r492' /><a href='#f492' class='c014'><sup>[492]</sup></a>. This dating makes Tafnekht a thalassocrat<a id='r493' /><a href='#f493' class='c014'><sup>[493]</sup></a>,
-and explains how he was able to stand up against Ethiopia and the
-comparatively little damage that he sustained in spite of his military
-failures. In 715 we find another Ethiopian invading the Delta.
-The new prince of Sais, Bocchoris, presumably had no impregnable
-naval base. He was caught by the Ethiopian Sabacon and burnt or
-flayed alive<a id='r494' /><a href='#f494' class='c014'><sup>[494]</sup></a>. It is only when Psamtek formed alliances with the
-naval power that had replaced Egypt that the Saite princes fully
-regained the throne of the Pharaohs. This time their power had a
-sounder financial basis. It lasted for nearly a century and a half,
-and was then suddenly destroyed at its zenith by irresistible forces
-from without. On the reckoning which ends Egyptian naval
-supremacy in 725 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> the command of the sea when Psamtek was
-building up his power was in the hands of the Carians. It is precisely
-the Carians, along with the Milesians (who on the same reckoning
-were thalassocrats from 725 to 707 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>), who are said by all our
-ancient authorities to have been the basis of Psamtek’s power<a id='r495' /><a href='#f495' class='c014'><sup>[495]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>If the king who ruled Egypt in 700 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> based his power on the
-trading and industrial classes, and a king who reigned twenty years
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_97'>97</span>earlier drew up the first commercial code in Egypt, while under
-the predecessor of this latter king Egypt had been supreme at sea,
-then by 670 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> conditions may well have been favourable for
-the commercial activities of Prince Psammetichus as described by
-Diodorus. <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Tafnekht and probably Bocchoris and Sethon were (not kings of all Egypt but) princes of Sais, the city of Psammetichus, and belonged possibly to the same family as Psammetichus.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span>
-But still more will this have been so if, as seems likely,
-both Sethon and Bocchoris were Saite princes of the
-same house as Psammetichus himself. The evidence
-is weak and inconclusive and for that reason difficult
-to summarize shortly. But the conclusions that it
-seems to point to are sufficiently important to make
-the attempt worth while.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>One point seems fairly certain. Sethon was not
-the name of the conqueror of the Assyrians. Far
-more probably it was his title, a graecized form of
-the priestly title stm, stne, setmi, or satni<a id='r496' /><a href='#f496' class='c014'><sup>[496]</sup></a>. If his
-actual name is still doubtful, it is not for lack of suggestions.
-Sethon has been identified with (<em>a</em>) Khamois son of Ramses II<a id='r497' /><a href='#f497' class='c014'><sup>[497]</sup></a>,
-(<em>b</em>) Shabaka, first king of the Ethiopian dynasty<a id='r498' /><a href='#f498' class='c014'><sup>[498]</sup></a>, (<em>c</em>) Shabataka,
-successor of Shabaka<a id='r499' /><a href='#f499' class='c014'><sup>[499]</sup></a>, (<em>d</em>) Taharqa, the Biblical Tirhaka<a id='r500' /><a href='#f500' class='c014'><sup>[500]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>These identifications are all untenable, the first two on account
-of their dates, the rest because they make Sethon an Ethiopian.
-The warrior class that refused to support Sethon was Ethiopian
-in sympathy and not likely to desert an Ethiopian<a id='r501' /><a href='#f501' class='c014'><sup>[501]</sup></a>. The Sethon
-story glorifies the god Ptah (Hephaestus) of Memphis whereas the
-Ethiopian dynasty was devoted to Amon of Thebes<a id='r502' /><a href='#f502' class='c014'><sup>[502]</sup></a>. Griffith
-indeed suggests that Taharqa, who became king of Ethiopia and
-Egypt after 700 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>, may at the time of Sennacherib’s defeat have
-represented the reigning king Shabataka in Lower Egypt, possibly
-with the title of priest of Ptah at Memphis<a id='r503' /><a href='#f503' class='c014'><sup>[503]</sup></a>. But there is no evidence
-for this having been so, and the picture of Taharqa as a king with
-no real soldiers at his back is not easily explained. On the contrary,
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_98'>98</span>as pointed out long ago by Lepsius<a id='r504' /><a href='#f504' class='c014'><sup>[504]</sup></a>, the Biblical account<a id='r505' /><a href='#f505' class='c014'><sup>[505]</sup></a> appears
-to differentiate Pharaoh king of Egypt, whom it calls a broken reed,
-and Tirhaka king of Ethiopia. Similarly the Assyrian cylinders
-distinguish the kings of Egypt from the king of Miluhhi = Meroe
-= Ethiopia<a id='r506' /><a href='#f506' class='c014'><sup>[506]</sup></a>. The kings of Egypt who are thus referred to in the
-plural<a id='r507' /><a href='#f507' class='c014'><sup>[507]</sup></a> are plainly the rulers who at the period divided among
-themselves the lands of the Delta. The evidence all points to the
-conclusion that Sethon was one of these Delta chiefs, and presumably
-one of the most important of them, who acknowledged when
-forced to the suzerainty of Ethiopia or Assyria as the case might
-be, but did his best to keep clear of both great powers.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>It is not improbable that Sethon belonged to the same family
-as Psammetichus, or at any rate that he was one of his predecessors
-on the throne of Sais. As starting-point for identifying him we
-have two facts. He was high priest of Ptah and he was alive in
-701 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> A generation earlier the title Sem of Ptah was borne by
-Tafnekht, the chief of Sais from about 749 to 721 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span><a id='r508' /><a href='#f508' class='c014'><sup>[508]</sup></a> who led the
-Delta in its struggle against the Ethiopian Pianchi<a id='r509' /><a href='#f509' class='c014'><sup>[509]</sup></a>. A generation
-after Sethon the Assyrian cylinders<a id='r510' /><a href='#f510' class='c014'><sup>[510]</sup></a> describe Necho I (672–664
-<span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>) the father of Psammetichus I as king not only of Sais but also
-of Memphis, the home of the Sethon tradition. A whole line of
-Saite rulers may be traced from Tafnekht onwards to Psammetichus
-I<a id='r511' /><a href='#f511' class='c014'><sup>[511]</sup></a>. All of these kings seem to have been something more
-than mere local rulers. The Pianchi stele makes it plain that
-Tafnekht aimed at becoming king at least of the whole of Lower
-Egypt. Bocchoris, the solitary king of the XXIVth dynasty, has
-been discussed already. Stephinates, Nechepsus, and Necho I appear
-in Africanus<a id='r512' /><a href='#f512' class='c014'><sup>[512]</sup></a> as the first three kings of dynasty XXVI, Psammetichus
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_99'>99</span>I coming fourth on the list. This statement is not discredited
-by the fact that other writers<a id='r513' /><a href='#f513' class='c014'><sup>[513]</sup></a> begin the dynasty with
-Psammetichus, while Eusebius<a id='r514' /><a href='#f514' class='c014'><sup>[514]</sup></a> puts Stephinates second, after Ammeris
-the Ethiopian. The three versions need not be mutually
-exclusive. Psammetichus was unquestionably the first of the
-Saites to win for his house the undisputed kingship of all Egypt.
-Hence the position generally assigned to him. In another way too
-he represented a new departure dynastically. He appears to have had
-family connexions with Ethiopia, and to have consistently aimed
-at an entente with the Ethiopian royal house<a id='r515' /><a href='#f515' class='c014'><sup>[515]</sup></a>, who may have
-originally left him a free hand in the Delta from the desire to put
-a buffer state between Ethiopia and Assyria. Ammeris appears to
-be a Greek form of (Ta) Nut-Amen, Rud-Amen, or Amen-Rud,
-as the last of the Ethiopian kings is variously called<a id='r516' /><a href='#f516' class='c014'><sup>[516]</sup></a>. His appearance
-at the head of the XXVIth dynasty is a record of its Ethiopian
-connexions at this time<a id='r517' /><a href='#f517' class='c014'><sup>[517]</sup></a>. Africanus on the other hand, following
-Manetho, who was himself an Egyptian, records Psamtek’s ancestry
-in the direct line, and regards them, rather than any Ethiopian
-or Assyrian conquerors, as the lawful kings of the whole country<a id='r518' /><a href='#f518' class='c014'><sup>[518]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>We are now in a better position for trying to identify the Sethon
-of Herodotus. This Saite dynasty was probably represented at the
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_100'>100</span>time of Sennacherib’s invasion by Stephinates. In Africanus his
-reign as first king of the XXVIth dynasty begins later, about
-685 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> But this leaves a gap of 30 years with no recorded rulers
-of Sais and Memphis. Petrie’s explanation of this hiatus may be
-right. He thinks that Stephinates was probably son and successor
-of Bocchoris, but that after Bocchoris had been crushed and burnt
-by the Ethiopians in 715 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> the Saite power remained for some
-time a very broken reed. It is therefore not unlikely that the
-Stephinates of Manetho is the Sethon of Herodotus. No prince
-of the name appears on Egyptian monuments, but it has been
-plausibly suggested by Petrie<a id='r519' /><a href='#f519' class='c014'><sup>[519]</sup></a> that Stephinates is another Tafnekht
-with perhaps a sigma carried over by a Greek copyist from some
-word before his name. May we not guess what this word was?
-The first Tafnekht styled himself Sem of Ptah. The story of Satni
-Khamois<a id='r520' /><a href='#f520' class='c014'><sup>[520]</sup></a> shows that the title might be prefixed to the personal
-name. May not the strange form Stephinates be simply a Greek
-corruption of Satni Tafnekht or, as the name is sometimes transcribed,
-Tefnakhte<a id='r521' /><a href='#f521' class='c014'><sup>[521]</sup></a>?</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>A family connexion between Bocchoris and the later Saites is
-harder to establish. In support of it there are these facts: a Samtavi
-Tafnekht appears among the officials of Psamtek I; and, as the
-name Tafnekht was borne by the father and predecessor of Bocchoris<a id='r522' /><a href='#f522' class='c014'><sup>[522]</sup></a>,
-this Samtavi Tafnekht has been recognized by Petrie<a id='r523' /><a href='#f523' class='c014'><sup>[523]</sup></a> as
-“doubtless a brother or cousin of the king.” The name Bakenranf
-itself is borne by another of Psamtek’s officials<a id='r524' /><a href='#f524' class='c014'><sup>[524]</sup></a>, who may well be
-the Bocchoris son of Neochabis (Nekauba) mentioned by Athenaeus<a id='r525' /><a href='#f525' class='c014'><sup>[525]</sup></a>,
-in which case he would have been an uncle of the reigning king<a id='r526' /><a href='#f526' class='c014'><sup>[526]</sup></a>.
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_101'>101</span>A direct connexion between the XXIVth and XXVIth dynasties
-has indeed been often suspected<a id='r527' /><a href='#f527' class='c014'><sup>[527]</sup></a>. They may stand to one another
-much as the English Lancastrians to the Tudors, separated by a
-period of eclipse and by the alliance with their rivals that was made
-in each case at the period of the restoration<a id='r528' /><a href='#f528' class='c014'><sup>[528]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Popular stories of Satni Khamois, which probably reflect the atmosphere of Sais under Sethon,</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>It was probably during this period of eclipse that two popular
-stories of an earlier date were revised and received
-the shape in which they have come down to us<a id='r529' /><a href='#f529' class='c014'><sup>[529]</sup></a>, and
-in which also they very possibly have a bearing on
-the history of the Herodotean Sethon. Their hero is
-Satni Khamois, son of Ramses II, who protects the
-king his father not by force of arms but by learning
-and magic.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Satni and Sethon both save their country where the military had
-failed. “The military chieftains of the chief ones of Egypt were
-standing before him (Pharaoh Usimares) each one according to his
-rank at court” when the Ethiopian came and threatened to “report
-the inferiority of Egypt in his country, the land of the Negroes.”
-And just as the captains and the courtiers proved helpless against
-the Assyrians in the days of Sethon, so did they against the Ethiopians
-in the days of Satni. This is the connecting link. The value of the
-Satni story for the history of Sethon is that it probably gives the
-atmosphere of the Sethon period, and that being so it helps to show
-that Sethon was already pursuing in many ways the Saite policy.
-Griffith for instance has observed that Satni is not presented in a
-very heroic light. But neither did any of the later Saites adopt the
-heroic pose. Nothing could be less like the grand monarque than
-Psamtek as pictured on a relief in the British Museum (above fig. 11)<a id='r530' /><a href='#f530' class='c014'><sup>[530]</sup></a>
-or Amasis as pictured in the pages of Herodotus<a id='r531' /><a href='#f531' class='c014'><sup>[531]</sup></a>.
-<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>recall in tone those told of Amasis, the last great Saite pharaoh.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span>
-The same picture of Amasis is presented to us by
-the popular Egyptian stories. “Is it possible,” his
-courtiers ask, “that if it happens to the king to be
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_102'>102</span>drunk more than any man in the world, no man in the world can
-approach the king for business<a id='r532' /><a href='#f532' class='c014'><sup>[532]</sup></a>?”</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Amasis, who was virtually the last of the Saites, is said to have
-been a man of the people<a id='r533' /><a href='#f533' class='c014'><sup>[533]</sup></a>. In the days of Sethon (Satni Tafnekhte),
-who perhaps heads the dynasty, a story of the Satni Khamois cycle
-told how that royal prince had personally visited the kingdom of
-the dead to learn the lesson of Dives and Lazarus<a id='r534' /><a href='#f534' class='c014'><sup>[534]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Conclusions as to the early history of the Saite dynasty.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>This concludes our examination of the history of the early Saites.
-It points to a consistent policy carried out with a
-remarkable combination of perseverance and versatility
-by a succession of rulers who may have been
-all of a single family and who certainly inherited in
-unbroken succession the same aims and the same essential method
-of attaining them, which was marked out for them by the place
-and the age they lived in. The Saite power grew to be supreme in
-Egypt while Ethiopians and Assyrians were contending for the land.
-From force of circumstances Sais had to be a military power. But
-the city owed its victory over its rivals between 721 and 670 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>
-first and foremost to the fact that it lay off the main track of war.
-As always when Egypt is involved in a great war it is the Eastern
-frontier that faces the main enemy. Sais was not always able to
-remain neutral, but lying right away in the West it was able at
-least to preserve and even to develop its commerce. It seized its
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_103'>103</span>opportunity and did so. The commercial code of Bocchoris, the
-hucksters and artizans and tradespeople of Sethon, and the cargoes
-of Psammetichus mark three great stages in the development, at
-the end of which, to quote the words of Maspero, “the valley of
-the Nile becomes a vast workshop, where work was carried on with
-unparalleled activity<a id='r535' /><a href='#f535' class='c014'><sup>[535]</sup></a>.”</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>All these considerations lend a general probability to the narrative
-of Diodorus. They do not however specially confirm his statements
-about Psamtek’s trading with the Greeks.
-<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Sais and Greece: foundation of Naukratis:<span class='hidev'>|</span></span>
-Greek commerce in Egypt in the days of the Saites
-is bound up with the name of Naukratis. “In the
-days of old,” says Herodotus<a id='r536' /><a href='#f536' class='c014'><sup>[536]</sup></a>, “Naukratis was the
-only emporium in Egypt. There was none other.” This is an overstatement
-the origin of which will be seen when we come to deal
-with Amasis, the last but one of the Saite Pharaohs. But it implies
-that Naukratis eclipsed in importance all the other Greek trading
-stations in the country. It concerns us therefore to enquire what
-was the position of Naukratis in the days of Psammetichus. The
-question has been much disputed, especially since the eighties of the
-last century, when the site was excavated by Petrie and Ernest
-Gardner, and an account of the city was published by Petrie<a id='r537' /><a href='#f537' class='c014'><sup>[537]</sup></a> based
-on the literary sources and the results of the dig. As however some
-of the excavators’ archaeological conclusions have been challenged
-in many quarters, and as too some important archaeological evidence
-has only recently come to light, it may be worth while to
-summarise briefly the whole body of available material.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>(<em>a</em>) literary evidence;</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>S. Jerome under the date Olymp. VII 4 (= 749 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>) says “the
-Milesians held the sea for eighteen years and built in
-Egypt the city of Naukratis<a id='r538' /><a href='#f538' class='c014'><sup>[538]</sup></a>.” This statement agrees
-with Stephanus Byzantinus<a id='r539' /><a href='#f539' class='c014'><sup>[539]</sup></a> who calls Naukratis “a city of Egypt
-from the Milesians who were at that time supreme at sea.” Jerome
-and Stephanus are in harmony with Polycharmus<a id='r540' /><a href='#f540' class='c014'><sup>[540]</sup></a> who mentions a
-certain Herostratos as living at Naukratis and trading there and
-making long voyages in the XXIIIrd Olymp. (688 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>). But there
-are other writers who put the foundation later. Strabo, in the passage
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_104'>104</span>already referred to<a id='r541' /><a href='#f541' class='c014'><sup>[541]</sup></a>, after describing the foundation of the Milesians’
-Fort in the days of Psammetichus, continues: “and eventually they
-sailed up to the Saite nome and after defeating Inaros in a naval
-engagement they founded the city of Naukratis.” Lastly we have
-Herodotus<a id='r542' /><a href='#f542' class='c014'><sup>[542]</sup></a> stating that King Amasis (570–526 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>) “gave the
-city of Naukratis for Greeks who came to Egypt to dwell in,” an
-assertion that taken by itself might mean that Naukratis was founded
-in or after 570 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span><a id='r543' /><a href='#f543' class='c014'><sup>[543]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>One further witness remains to be cited. Sappho wrote a poem
-reproaching her brother Charaxos for his devotion to a Naukratite
-hetaera named Doriche, with whom he had fallen in love when
-bringing Lesbian wine to Naukratis by way of trade<a id='r544' /><a href='#f544' class='c014'><sup>[544]</sup></a>. Among the
-papyri discovered by Grenfell and Hunt at Oxyrhynchus is a fragment
-containing sixteen mutilated Sapphic lines that almost certainly
-form part of this very poem<a id='r545' /><a href='#f545' class='c014'><sup>[545]</sup></a>. This means that Naukratis had already
-grown to be a pleasure city in the days of Sappho. Unfortunately
-her dates are not absolutely certain. A recent heresy brought her
-down to the reign of Amasis, but her floruit is generally given as
-the end of the seventh century, and there seem to be no sufficient
-reasons for not accepting that date.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Such is the literary evidence. No single item of it is decisive for
-an early occupation. Those which are definite can be questioned
-on point of fact. Sappho, whose evidence alone cannot be so
-questioned, may conceivably have written after 570. Combined
-however they make it probable that Naukratis rose to importance
-before the days of Amasis, and that Herodotus either confused the
-foundation of the city with that of the Hellenium<a id='r546' /><a href='#f546' class='c014'><sup>[546]</sup></a> or else did not
-intend his words “gave the city for Greeks who came to Egypt to
-dwell in” to imply that the Milesians were not there in force before
-the granting of this concession<a id='r547' /><a href='#f547' class='c014'><sup>[547]</sup></a>. Nevertheless, if we were limited
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_105'>105</span>to these literary sources, we could not be certain that where
-Diodorus seems to supplement his predecessors he was not merely
-adding details that they appear to imply. That is in fact the view of
-his narrative that some modern scholars apparently hold<a id='r548' /><a href='#f548' class='c014'><sup>[548]</sup></a>. Even if
-this were so, his additions would still have a certain value. If
-Diodorus, writing in the first century <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>, read between the lines
-of Herodotus the same unstated implications that have been read
-there in recent times, the coincidence points to the probability that
-this reading is not altogether wrong<a id='r549' /><a href='#f549' class='c014'><sup>[549]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>(<em>b</em>) archaeological evidence:</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>That is as far as the texts take us. For further light we must
-look to archaeology. The new light began by increasing
-the perplexity. Petrie and Gardner both claimed
-that their excavations at Naukratis proved that it
-had been an important Greek city from the middle of the seventh
-century. But their main arguments were before long shown to be
-mistaken, and somewhat naturally it began to be assumed that they
-must be wrong in their conclusions.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>(i) excavations of Petrie, who dated Naukratis from the time of Psammetichus I;</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>Petrie<a id='r550' /><a href='#f550' class='c014'><sup>[550]</sup></a> based his arguments on the following observations. In
-the South part of the town he came across what he
-described as a scarab factory. There were numerous
-scarabs of Psamtek I, some of Psamtek II, and some
-that are probably of Apries; but none of Amasis.
-This seems to date the factory from well before 610
-till after 589. Two feet beneath the factory was a burnt stratum
-of plain potsherds which must take us back a good way further, to
-at least 650 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> and probably earlier. The scarabs are imitation
-Egyptian and are taken by Petrie to be Greek. Further South, but
-also within the area of the burnt stratum, there is a large enclosure
-which he describes as surrounded by a strong brick wall. This he
-identified with the Hellenium, where Herodotus states that nine
-Greek cities had quarters assigned to them by Amasis. The dimensions
-of the bricks point to the early Saite period.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>(ii) further excavations by Hogarth invalidated Petrie’s arguments;</div>
-
-<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_106'>106</span>But in 1899 and 1903 further work was done at Naukratis by
-Hogarth which led him to the following conclusions.
-Petrie’s Hellenium is wrongly identified: it is not a
-walled enclosure: what Petrie took for walls is simply
-débris of houses<a id='r551' /><a href='#f551' class='c014'><sup>[551]</sup></a>. The real Hellenium is to be found
-in what Petrie called the North Temenos<a id='r552' /><a href='#f552' class='c014'><sup>[552]</sup></a>. All
-Petrie’s evidence for a seventh century Naukratis comes from his
-scarab factory and his “Great Temenos,” both in the South part
-of the town, which is marked off by the occurrence there of the
-burnt stratum already referred to, and is shown by the finds to
-have been the Egyptian quarter of the town<a id='r553' /><a href='#f553' class='c014'><sup>[553]</sup></a>. The Greeks would
-naturally have separate quarters and occupy the Northern seaward
-end of the town<a id='r554' /><a href='#f554' class='c014'><sup>[554]</sup></a>. The scarabs, it is maintained, may well be of
-Phoenician make<a id='r555' /><a href='#f555' class='c014'><sup>[555]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>(iii) arguments from the vase inscriptions shown to be indecisive.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>The early arrival of the Greeks in Naukratis has been thought
-by Ernest Gardner to be confirmed by the numerous
-inscriptions, some painted but most (about 700) incised,
-on the pottery from the site<a id='r556' /><a href='#f556' class='c014'><sup>[556]</sup></a>. His arguments
-were criticized by Hirschfeld and Kirchhoff<a id='r557' /><a href='#f557' class='c014'><sup>[557]</sup></a> and have
-received little support<a id='r558' /><a href='#f558' class='c014'><sup>[558]</sup></a>. In some of them the lettering appears
-very crude and primitive; but this may be due simply to the fact
-that they are scratched by hasty and unskilled hands. They are not
-more archaic in appearance than some of the graffiti on vases from
-Rhitsona (Mykalessos) in Boeotia, of which the earliest must be
-dated in the middle of the sixth century, while others are contemporary
-with the finely written signatures of Teisias, who flourished
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_107'>107</span>at the end of the sixth century<a id='r559' /><a href='#f559' class='c014'><sup>[559]</sup></a>. Gardner is certainly wrong in
-thinking that the lettering of any of his inscriptions proves a seventh
-century date. But on the other hand, as well remarked by Edgar<a id='r560' /><a href='#f560' class='c014'><sup>[560]</sup></a>, all
-that his critics have proved is that none of the inscriptions are <em>necessarily</em>
-so early. It by no means follows that they are necessarily not.
-But even supposing that the Naukratite graffiti are all sixth century,
-it does not follow that Greek Naukratis was of no importance till
-then. Both Gardner and his critics and likewise Mallet<a id='r561' /><a href='#f561' class='c014'><sup>[561]</sup></a> discuss
-the inscriptions with too little reference to the particular sherds on
-which they are inscribed. Thirty years ago, when the study of
-archaic Greek pottery was still in its infancy, this was perhaps
-inevitable. But in the present state of our knowledge the style of
-the potsherds would be a natural starting-point for dating the
-graffiti. Unfortunately the information on this point given by
-Gardner is inadequate, and the Naukratite finds have been so dispersed,
-that the task of collating sherds and graffiti must now wait for
-someone who can devote to it his undivided time and attention<a id='r562' /><a href='#f562' class='c014'><sup>[562]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Under these circumstances the best that can be done is to
-turn to some more recently excavated site. At Rhitsona the
-graffiti are nothing like so numerous as at Naukratis. Still they
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_108'>108</span>are numerous enough to justify certain observations. Some 50
-examples have been found<a id='r563' /><a href='#f563' class='c014'><sup>[563]</sup></a>. All of them are on vases of the
-sixth century. Not one occurs on the numerous vases of the
-seventh century also found on the site<a id='r564' /><a href='#f564' class='c014'><sup>[564]</sup></a>. Plainly in Boeotia the
-fashion of scratching inscriptions on pottery only became prevalent<a id='r565' /><a href='#f565' class='c014'><sup>[565]</sup></a>
-in the sixth century. By itself therefore the absence of seventh
-century Greek graffiti from Naukratis would no more prove the
-absence of seventh century Greek worshippers<a id='r566' /><a href='#f566' class='c014'><sup>[566]</sup></a> than the corresponding
-absence from Rhitsona proves the absence of seventh
-century graves. At the other end of the period Edgar has already
-noticed that “the practice of dedicating vases in the temples appears
-to have almost died out at Naukratis before the middle of the fifth
-century<a id='r567' /><a href='#f567' class='c014'><sup>[567]</sup></a>.” Edgar makes this remark at the end of his discussion of
-the inscriptions found in 1899. He is apparently thinking of inscribed
-dedications. Elsewhere, discussing the pottery discovered
-during the same dig, he mentions late red figure (<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">i.e.</span></i> about 450 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>
-onwards) as plentiful and black glazed pottery with stamped ornaments
-inside as particularly common. This latter ware dates from
-about the middle of the fifth century, but its main vogue is later
-still<a id='r568' /><a href='#f568' class='c014'><sup>[568]</sup></a>. Unfortunately not a sherd of this latter ware from Naukratis
-has been published, and not a word is said as to its distribution over
-the site. It was customarily offered to the dead at Rhitsona. It
-may well have been offered to the gods at Naukratis<a id='r569' /><a href='#f569' class='c014'><sup>[569]</sup></a>. There is of
-course no need to assume that the fashion of inscribing vases came
-in and went out simultaneously in Naukratis and Mykalessos.
-Boeotia was often behind the times, the Ionians of the seventh and
-sixth centuries generally ahead of them. But the Boeotian evidence
-shows how cautiously the Naukratite graffiti must be used for
-determining the date of the first Greek settlement.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>(iv) The absence of proto-Corinthian pottery proves little.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_109'>109</span>Nor is there anything against a seventh century date in the
-absence of proto-Corinthian pottery<a id='r570' /><a href='#f570' class='c014'><sup>[570]</sup></a>, which is so
-prevalent on the mainland in seventh century Greece.
-Edgar indeed<a id='r571' /><a href='#f571' class='c014'><sup>[571]</sup></a> infers from this absence that the fabric
-must have been obsolete by the time the Greeks
-came to Naukratis. This argument cannot be maintained. Kinch
-notices that there is none of this ware in a chapel that he excavated
-at Vroulia in Rhodes and in which he found a good deal of seventh
-century Greek pottery<a id='r572' /><a href='#f572' class='c014'><sup>[572]</sup></a>. Within the proto-Corinthian sphere of
-influence the style lasted on side by side with its successors all
-through the sixth century<a id='r573' /><a href='#f573' class='c014'><sup>[573]</sup></a>. This late proto-Corinthian ware is
-equally conspicuous by its absence from Naukratis. To push Edgar’s
-argument to its logical conclusion we should have to doubt the
-existence of Naukratis in the days of Amasis himself<a id='r574' /><a href='#f574' class='c014'><sup>[574]</sup></a>. Of the twelve
-Greek cities that had quarters in Naukratis in the days of Amasis
-only one, Aegina, belonged to European Greece. For the little
-known history of this Aeginetan settlement the absence of proto-Corinthian
-may be of significance. Beyond that it is not.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>So far then all that has been proved is that both Petrie and Gardner
-fixed partly on the wrong material for deciding whether Naukratis
-was a Greek city of importance in the days of Psammetichus I.
-And even here on one important point the criticism of them has
-been shown to be ill founded. Edgar doubted the Greek character
-of the scarab factory: but not only are the types on some of the
-scarabs of Greek origin, but a faience fragment from the site shows
-fragments of a Greek inscription placed on it before the glazing of
-the vase<a id='r575' /><a href='#f575' class='c014'><sup>[575]</sup></a>, a fact that can hardly be explained except by assuming
-a Greek maker.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>A great advance was made by Prinz, whose monograph <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Funde
-aus Naukratis</span></cite> marked the first adequate treatment of the pottery.
-The earlier controversies about the date of Naukratis had made
-little appeal to the potsherds that from their mere numbers
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_110'>110</span>offer the most valuable evidence that has been yielded by the site.
-<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>(v) Positive
-evidence for
-an early foundation
-comes
-from the pottery
-actually
-found, viz.:<span class='hidev'>|</span></span>
-Edgar indeed observed in 1905<a id='r576' /><a href='#f576' class='c014'><sup>[576]</sup></a> that</p>
-
-<p class='c015'>it seems very doubtful whether all the fragments from
-the Naukratite temples can be as late as 570. There is
-at least a probability that some of the temples, especially
-that of the Milesian Apollo, date from the earlier [<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">i.e.</span></i>
-Hogarth’s Egyptian] days of the town.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>But apparently the question was still regarded as “primarily a
-question of historical criticism<a id='r577' /><a href='#f577' class='c014'><sup>[577]</sup></a>.” Since Prinz’s monograph appeared
-the pottery has taken the first place in the discussion, and it has now
-finally confirmed the earlier dating.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Milesian (?) (fig. 13),</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>Much of the pottery belongs to the well-marked style known
-generally as Rhodian or Milesian<a id='r578' /><a href='#f578' class='c014'><sup>[578]</sup></a> (fig. 13) which
-had its chief vogue in the seventh century and the
-first part of the sixth<a id='r579' /><a href='#f579' class='c014'><sup>[579]</sup></a>. The crucial point however for our immediate
-enquiry is to know how long the style may have survived. When
-Prinz states<a id='r580' /><a href='#f580' class='c014'><sup>[580]</sup></a> that it is hard to imagine the style surviving as a
-competitor of the developed black figure (<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">i.e.</span></i> sixth century) style
-he is treading on dangerous ground. The earlier ware has a charm
-of its own. The excavations at Rhitsona show that, in Greece
-Proper at any rate, old styles of pottery often lasted long after a
-new style had been introduced, and that a white ground ware with
-no human figures<a id='r581' /><a href='#f581' class='c014'><sup>[581]</sup></a> maintained itself all through the sixth century.
-Against any such survival of the fabrics under discussion there is
-however the fact that at Berezan in South Russia it does not occur
-with Attic black figure of the style that spread all over the Greek
-world by the middle of the sixth century<a id='r582' /><a href='#f582' class='c014'><sup>[582]</sup></a>. At Naukratis itself it is
-said not to have been found in the Hellenium erected very soon
-after 570 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>, a fact which points to its vogue having ended by
-about that date<a id='r583' /><a href='#f583' class='c014'><sup>[583]</sup></a>. On the other hand fragments, mainly of a later
-phase, have been found in Samos in a cemetery that can hardly
-go back beyond the middle of the sixth century<a id='r584' /><a href='#f584' class='c014'><sup>[584]</sup></a>. The Samian
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_111'>111</span>material is however scanty<a id='r585' /><a href='#f585' class='c014'><sup>[585]</sup></a> and hardly demands any modification
-of the conclusions suggested by the rest of the evidence.</p>
-
-<div  class='figcenter id002'>
-<img src='images/i_p111.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic002'>
-<p>Fig. 13. Rhodian or (?) Milesian vase found at Naukratis.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>Though generally known as Rhodian this ware was probably
-made at Miletus<a id='r586' /><a href='#f586' class='c014'><sup>[586]</sup></a>. It is the dominant ware in archaic Miletus<a id='r587' /><a href='#f587' class='c014'><sup>[587]</sup></a> and
-has been found all over the Milesian sphere of influence, including
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_112'>112</span>the East coast of the Aegean, Rhodes, Rheneia, the Black Sea, and
-to some extent Sicily and Italy (<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">via</span></i> Sybaris?). It has seldom been
-found outside it, scarcely any being recorded from Greece Proper.
-The occurrence at Naukratis in large quantities of what is probably
-seventh century Milesian pottery is distinctly in favour of a Milesian
-occupation in the reign of Psammetichus<a id='r588' /><a href='#f588' class='c014'><sup>[588]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Fikellura (Samian?) (fig. 14),</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>Another fabric of the end of the seventh century and beginning
-of the sixth that is well represented at Naukratis is
-the so-called Fikellura<a id='r589' /><a href='#f589' class='c014'><sup>[589]</sup></a>. This ware is similar to the
-later phases of the “Milesian” that show full silhouettes,
-incisions, and a comparative absence of fill ornament. Its
-distinguishing mark is the zone of crescent-shaped ornament that
-never appears in the “Milesian” style. Its date is sufficiently
-established by its occurrence at Daphnae<a id='r590' /><a href='#f590' class='c014'><sup>[590]</sup></a>, which had its Greek
-garrison removed by Amasis almost certainly in connexion with his
-concentration of Greeks in Naukratis<a id='r591' /><a href='#f591' class='c014'><sup>[591]</sup></a>. This ware is assigned by
-Boehlau to Samos<a id='r592' /><a href='#f592' class='c014'><sup>[592]</sup></a>, but Perrot<a id='r593' /><a href='#f593' class='c014'><sup>[593]</sup></a> well observes how rash it is to
-draw wide general conclusions from the meagre finds published in
-Boehlau’s <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Aus ionischen und italischen Nekropolen</span></cite>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Corinthian (figs. 22, 34),</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>Corinthian sherds are also fairly frequent at Naukratis<a id='r594' /><a href='#f594' class='c014'><sup>[594]</sup></a>. This
-ware prevailed in the seventh century and early sixth
-and survived till the end of the sixth century in certain
-stereotyped forms. Some of the examples from Naukratis appear
-to be fairly early; <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">e.g.</span></i> the aryballi with four warriors<a id='r595' /><a href='#f595' class='c014'><sup>[595]</sup></a> belong to
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_113'>113</span>a type that was very prevalent about 600 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> but had died out before
-Black Figure came in<a id='r596' /><a href='#f596' class='c014'><sup>[596]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div  class='figcenter id002'>
-<img src='images/i_p113.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic002'>
-<p>Fig. 14. Fikellura or (?) Samian vase found at Daphnae (Defenneh).</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Attic (fig. 41)</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>The earliest examples of Attic pottery from Naukratis<a id='r597' /><a href='#f597' class='c014'><sup>[597]</sup></a> likewise
-go back to the very beginning of the sixth
-century. They belong to a series of amphorae called
-Netos amphorae from the name of a centaur painted on one of them
-in Attic lettering. Their general archaic appearance and the survival
-of the fill ornament show that they must be considerably earlier
-than the François vase or the earliest Panathenaic amphorae, which
-date from about 565 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> Prinz puts them back to about 600.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>and Naukratite (fig. 15),</div>
-
-<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_114'>114</span>For dating the Greek settlement at Naukratis this probably imported
-ware is of less importance than a very distinctive
-style of painted pottery<a id='r598' /><a href='#f598' class='c014'><sup>[598]</sup></a> that was found there
-in far larger quantities than any of the fabrics just mentioned, and
-was almost certainly made by Greeks in Naukratis itself<a id='r599' /><a href='#f599' class='c014'><sup>[599]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>For the dating of this pottery Naukratis offered no certain data.
-The decisive evidence is derived from Naukratite vases recently
-found in three other sites, Vroulia in Rhodes, Rhitsona (Mykalessos)
-in Boeotia, and Berezan in South Russia. Vroulia was excavated
-by Kinch in 1907 and 1908. The finds were fully and sumptuously
-published in 1914. They led him to believe that the site was
-occupied only from the first third of the seventh century <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> to
-about 570–560<a id='r600' /><a href='#f600' class='c014'><sup>[600]</sup></a>. Among them were fragments of nine Naukratite
-cups, none of them particularly early examples of the style, and of
-one vase in what seems to be a late development from it. The
-decoration of the Vroulia Naukratite seems moreover to correspond
-to one of the earlier phases of the Milesian (?) pottery from the
-same site.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The Vroulia evidence is confirmed by that of the Naukratite
-chalice (fig. 15) unearthed at Rhitsona just at the time when
-Vroulia was being excavated by Kinch. The vase, which is
-almost complete, belongs to a late phase of the style<a id='r601' /><a href='#f601' class='c014'><sup>[601]</sup></a>. Fill
-ornaments have almost disappeared. Red and incisions are abundantly
-used for details. The vase was found with some hundreds
-of others in a single interment grave that cannot be dated much
-after 550 and maybe a little before that date<a id='r602' /><a href='#f602' class='c014'><sup>[602]</sup></a>. A Naukratite vase
-cannot have been made to order for a Boeotian funeral. The
-Rhitsona chalice by itself renders it practically certain that the
-making of Naukratite ware at Naukratis began long before the
-accession of Amasis.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Finally at Berezan on the Black Sea the Russian excavators
-report that in 1909 Naukratite pottery was found along with
-Rhodian (= Milesian), Fikellura and Clazomenae wares in the
-lowest stratum of the excavations, which they date seventh to sixth
-century, whereas Attic pottery of the middle of the sixth century
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_115'>115</span>(especially Kleinmeister kylikes) first appears in a higher stratum
-(sixth to fifth century <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>)<a id='r603' /><a href='#f603' class='c014'><sup>[603]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div  class='figcenter id002'>
-<img src='images/i_p115.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic002'>
-<p>Fig. 15. Naukratite vase found at Rhitsona in Boeotia.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>all pointing to a foundation in the seventh century.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>In the face of all this evidence it becomes highly probable that
-Naukratite pottery began to be made before the end
-of the seventh century<a id='r604' /><a href='#f604' class='c014'><sup>[604]</sup></a>. It is against all likelihood
-to suppose that the first thing the Greek settlement
-at Naukratis did was to start a large pottery,
-which proceeded at once to turn out a highly original kind of
-ware. And in point of fact we have seen that the finds include
-a good quantity of an earlier style of pottery, that takes us back well
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_116'>116</span>into the reign of Psamtek. We have seen too that this pottery, which
-is one of the starting-points of the Naukratite style, is probably
-Milesian.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Evidence as to Naukratis based on differences observed in different parts of the site, viz. (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">α</span>) the temenos of the Milesians,</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>A further proof of early Milesian influence at Naukratis remains
-to be mentioned. At one spot in the excavations
-literally hundreds of vases were found with incised
-dedications to Apollo<a id='r605' /><a href='#f605' class='c014'><sup>[605]</sup></a>. Some ten of these speak of
-the Milesian Apollo, the god to whom Necho the
-son of Psammetichus made an offering after the
-victory over Josiah at Megiddo<a id='r606' /><a href='#f606' class='c014'><sup>[606]</sup></a>. The Milesian sherds
-that it is natural to put into the seventh century come
-largely from this spot. Herodotus tells us that the
-Milesians did not have quarters in the Hellenium but occupied a
-separate temenos. The spot where these sherds and inscriptions were
-found is unquestionably the site of this temenos. As to why the
-Milesians thus kept apart there can be little doubt that Petrie gives
-the right explanation. It means that they were there before the
-cities that shared the Hellenium<a id='r607' /><a href='#f607' class='c014'><sup>[607]</sup></a>. The finds show that their occupation
-was already on a considerable scale before the end of the seventh
-century.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>(<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">β</span>) the temenos of the Samians,</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>Two other cities had separate temene, namely Samos and Aegina<a id='r608' /><a href='#f608' class='c014'><sup>[608]</sup></a>.
-The Samian has been identified by a find of sherds
-dedicated to the Samian goddess Hera. But there is
-from this temenos no mass of pottery that takes us
-back into the first half of the sixth century or the second of the
-seventh, as there is from the Milesian. “Fikellura” ware that is
-very possibly Samian<a id='r609' /><a href='#f609' class='c014'><sup>[609]</sup></a> and that may date from about 600 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> was
-indeed found, but not in quantities like the Milesian<a id='r610' /><a href='#f610' class='c014'><sup>[610]</sup></a>. The scanty
-finds may be due to Arab farmers who had removed much earth
-from the Samian temenos before the excavations began<a id='r611' /><a href='#f611' class='c014'><sup>[611]</sup></a>. But the
-finds as we have them, with inadequate accounts of the exact spots
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_117'>117</span>they come from, hardly make it likely that the Samian temenos was
-an early establishment<a id='r612' /><a href='#f612' class='c014'><sup>[612]</sup></a>. True Herodotus<a id='r613' /><a href='#f613' class='c014'><sup>[613]</sup></a> tells the tale of a Samian
-ship that set sail for Egypt between 643 and 640 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> But it got to
-Spain by mistake, a fact which suggests an imperfect knowledge
-of the route it wished to take. A Samian nymph appears in a
-fragment of the “Foundation of Naukratis” of Apollonius Rhodius<a id='r614' /><a href='#f614' class='c014'><sup>[614]</sup></a>.
-But we only know that she once went to a festival at Miletus and
-was there carried off by Apollo.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>(<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">γ</span>) the temenos of the Aeginetans,</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>Of the Aeginetan temenos no trace has been found. It might
-be suggested that the Aeginetans had not the habit
-of inscribing their dedications. But the absence of
-proto-Corinthian finds favours the view that this
-temenos was not unearthed. It is idle therefore to speculate on its
-date and importance<a id='r615' /><a href='#f615' class='c014'><sup>[615]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>In any case we have good reason for interpreting the written
-texts in the sense that the Milesians’ Fort made way for the Greek
-Naukratis during the reign of Psammetichus. This is historically
-important. The Milesians’ Fort may have been a fortified trading
-station<a id='r616' /><a href='#f616' class='c014'><sup>[616]</sup></a>: but it never had the commercial importance of Naukratis.
-If, as we have just seen good evidence for believing, Greek Naukratis
-was already a considerable place before Psamtek’s death and owed
-the fact to Psamtek himself, then there is an increased probability
-that Diodorus is right when he says that Psamtek owed his throne
-to commercial dealings with traders from across the sea.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>(<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">δ</span>) the Egyptian quarter, with its early temple of Aphrodite</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>There are two further points in which the Naukratis excavations
-bear out the texts that support this view. Hogarth
-has shown that South Naukratis was the Egyptian
-quarter, and that it goes back probably to before
-King Psamtek’s reign. We have seen too that as early
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_118'>118</span>as 688 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> the Greek merchant Herostratos is said to have made
-offerings at Naukratis in the temple of Aphrodite. There is only
-one spot at Naukratis that compares with the Milesian temenos for
-early Greek finds, and that spot is marked by a long series of dedications
-to Aphrodite<a id='r617' /><a href='#f617' class='c014'><sup>[617]</sup></a> incised or sometimes painted on the pottery,
-which includes Milesian, Naukratite, Ionian buff and black, and
-other seventh and sixth century wares. The site of this temenos
-has a significance that seems to have been overlooked. It lies just
-on the borders<a id='r618' /><a href='#f618' class='c014'><sup>[618]</sup></a> of the black stratum area that appears to mark the
-limits of the original Egyptian town. When excavations were resumed
-in 1899 there was discovered in the North part of the town
-a second Aphrodite shrine forming a sort of side chapel to the real
-Hellenium<a id='r619' /><a href='#f619' class='c014'><sup>[619]</sup></a>. The earliest finds from this Northern Aphrodite shrine
-date from the earlier part of the fifth century<a id='r620' /><a href='#f620' class='c014'><sup>[620]</sup></a>. May not the
-position of the earlier and more southerly shrine be due to the fact
-that it was founded before the occupants of the Milesians’ Fort
-had moved to Naukratis and established a Greek quarter there?
-In other words, may we not see in it a confirmation of Polycharmus<a id='r621' /><a href='#f621' class='c014'><sup>[621]</sup></a>
-when he speaks of a Greek as offering an image of Aphrodite in a
-temple of that goddess at Naukratis in 688 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>? The fact that the
-Aphrodite site was not burnt is no proof that it did not form part
-of the earliest settlement. The men from the Milesians’ Fort who
-defeated Inaros may well have spared the Greek sanctuary when
-they burnt the rest.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>and the statuettes of the goddess found on the temple site.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>The voyage of Herostratos was held in remembrance at Naukratis
-because of a statuette of Aphrodite that he dedicated
-in her temple as a thank-offering for having saved
-him during a storm. The statuette was a span long
-and of archaic workmanship, and had been bought
-by him at Paphos during the voyage. When the storm arose the
-people on board had betaken themselves to this eikon and prayed
-it to save them. The goddess heard their prayers and gave them a
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_119'>119</span>sign by suddenly filling the ship with a most fragrant perfume.
-The story is discussed by Gardner<a id='r622' /><a href='#f622' class='c014'><sup>[622]</sup></a> in his chapter on the statuettes
-from the temenos of Aphrodite, which include a number that may
-represent the Paphian goddess. But he makes no reference to the
-statuette that probably has the closest bearing on
-the tale. The upper half is of the normal draped
-female type, but the lower shows simply the form
-of an alabastron. The whole is a perfume vase<a id='r623' /><a href='#f623' class='c014'><sup>[623]</sup></a>.
-This particular example (fig. 16) cannot be earlier
-than the end of the sixth century. The type
-however is shown both by the style and the
-context of other examples to go back to the
-seventh century, and probably to the earlier part
-of it. The home of the type is thought by Poulsen<a id='r624' /><a href='#f624' class='c014'><sup>[624]</sup></a>
-to be Cyprus. An object that combined the functions
-of an eikon and a smelling-bottle might
-indeed work miracles in a storm. It is tempting
-to believe that such was in fact the image that
-saved Herostratos. The miracle takes place just
-at the period when this type of figurine was
-started. If we are right in associating the two,
-then we are further justified in thinking that
-Polycharmus may have had some solid grounds
-for his dating as well as for the rest of his
-account.</p>
-
-<div  class='figcenter id004'>
-<img src='images/i_p119.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic002'>
-<p>Fig. 16. Perfume vase found at Naukratis.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Evidence of large jars used for merchandise.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>The other point concerns the large plain jars
-that were found on the site<a id='r625' /><a href='#f625' class='c014'><sup>[625]</sup></a>.
-Many of these are of Egyptian
-forms. But others, of which one is shown in fig. 17,
-are unmistakably Greek. This jar was found in the
-burnt deposit in the South end of the city, which represents
-the earlier Egyptian settlement on the site<a id='r626' /><a href='#f626' class='c014'><sup>[626]</sup></a>. These large jars were
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_120'>120</span>used by the Greeks for the transport of wine, oil and the like<a id='r627' /><a href='#f627' class='c014'><sup>[627]</sup></a>. In
-jars such as these Sappho’s brother must have brought to Naukratis
-the wines of Lesbos, and they must
-have figured largely in the cargoes
-brought by Greeks and Phoenicians<a id='r628' /><a href='#f628' class='c014'><sup>[628]</sup></a>
-to Psamtek in exchange for the
-cargoes that they received from
-Psamtek in the days when he was
-building up his power<a id='r629' /><a href='#f629' class='c014'><sup>[629]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div  class='figcenter id005'>
-<img src='images/i_p120.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic002'>
-<p>Fig. 17. Greek wine jar found at Naukratis.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Conclusions about early Naukratis.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>To sum up our conclusions about
-Naukratis: texts and
-excavations confirm
-and supplement one
-another to the effect that there was
-an Egyptian settlement from the
-beginning of the seventh century,
-that Greek traders found their way
-there almost from the first, and that
-about the middle of the seventh
-century the Greek trading settlement
-became of considerable importance<a id='r630' /><a href='#f630' class='c014'><sup>[630]</sup></a>
-through the removal to
-it of the occupants of the Milesians’
-Fort<a id='r631' /><a href='#f631' class='c014'><sup>[631]</sup></a>. Finally about 569 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>
-we have the concentration in the
-city of all the Greek traders in
-Egypt.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>The position of Naukratis under Amasis</div>
-
-<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_121'>121</span>The Greek traders were concentrated by Amasis in Naukratis
-as a concession to the Egyptians with whom they
-had grown more and more unpopular owing to their
-influence and success. Amasis had risen to power as
-the leader of an anti-Greek agitation<a id='r632' /><a href='#f632' class='c014'><sup>[632]</sup></a>, and, as Petrie pointed out<a id='r633' /><a href='#f633' class='c014'><sup>[633]</sup></a>,
-the concentration was an anti-Greek move<a id='r634' /><a href='#f634' class='c014'><sup>[634]</sup></a>. But Amasis cleverly
-contrived that it should be not unpopular, but even the reverse,
-with the Greeks. Naukratis as a monopoly city enjoyed an immense
-reputation during Amasis’ long and prosperous reign. <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>contrasted with its position under Psammetichus.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span>
-But the
-Amasis tradition cannot conceal the fact that the
-time when Greek traders got the freest welcome in
-Egypt was that of Psammetichus, when Greek
-hoplites were being employed to establish the Saite
-dynasty as rulers of all Egypt.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Daphnae and the Greek mercenaries</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>In the early days of Psammetichus, when he was overthrowing
-the dodecarchy, his Greek merchants and his Greek
-soldiers probably had their headquarters together, in
-the Milesians’ Fort. At Naukratis the military element
-does not appear. From about 650 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> till shortly after the
-accession of Amasis in 570 the Greek mercenaries are found
-quartered in a place called The Camps at Daphnae on the most
-Easterly (Pelusian) arm of the Nile<a id='r635' /><a href='#f635' class='c014'><sup>[635]</sup></a>. The history of the transition
-from the Milesians’ Fort to Daphnae is obscure<a id='r636' /><a href='#f636' class='c014'><sup>[636]</sup></a>; but in a broad
-sense there can be little doubt that the Fort was as much the parent
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_122'>122</span>of the camp at Daphnae as of the emporium at Naukratis. Naukratis
-and Daphnae, the Greek emporium and the Greek camp, were
-alike essential to the Saite Pharaohs, and both had plainly gone
-far in their development and organization early in Psamtek’s reign.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>and the Egyptian warrior caste.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>How closely the two were associated may be realized from the
-consistent attitude of the Saite Pharaohs towards
-another element of the population. The Ionian and
-Carian bronze men were not the first mercenaries
-to form the basis of a Pharaoh’s power. The XXIInd and XXIIIrd
-dynasties (<em>c.</em> 943–735 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>) had rested their power on their mercenaries
-from Libya. These Libyan mercenaries had developed into
-a caste of professional soldiers and were still in the land<a id='r637' /><a href='#f637' class='c014'><sup>[637]</sup></a>. It is
-noteworthy that no Saite, with one possible exception nearly
-100 years after Psamtek’s accession, ever attempted to use them
-either for securing or for maintaining his power. Mallet notes
-that for the time before Psammetichus the monuments often show
-commanders of Libyan mercenaries bearing high titles, but that
-from his reign onwards there is no similar instance<a id='r638' /><a href='#f638' class='c014'><sup>[638]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Meyer<a id='r639' /><a href='#f639' class='c014'><sup>[639]</sup></a> is probably right in suspecting that this warrior class
-(<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">μάχιμοι</span>) formed Psamtek’s bitterest opponents. Eventually a large
-body of them deserted and took service with the king of Ethiopia,
-and Psamtek seems to have made no determined effort to prevent
-them<a id='r640' /><a href='#f640' class='c014'><sup>[640]</sup></a>. The one exceptional case in which the Libyan warrior class
-may possibly have placed a Saite on the throne is that of Amasis
-(570–526 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>)<a id='r641' /><a href='#f641' class='c014'><sup>[641]</sup></a>, who overthrew his predecessor Apries (589–570)
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_123'>123</span>by leading the native population against the Greek mercenaries<a id='r642' /><a href='#f642' class='c014'><sup>[642]</sup></a>.
-But, as Herodotus tells us, he was soon driven to “become a philhellene<a id='r643' /><a href='#f643' class='c014'><sup>[643]</sup></a>.”
-Petrie thinks that Amasis was converted under pressure
-of the Persian peril, and in support of this view quotes the alliance
-of Amasis with Croesus<a id='r644' /><a href='#f644' class='c014'><sup>[644]</sup></a>, Polycrates<a id='r645' /><a href='#f645' class='c014'><sup>[645]</sup></a>, and the Greek Battus of
-Cyrene<a id='r646' /><a href='#f646' class='c014'><sup>[646]</sup></a>, as also his friendship with Delphi<a id='r647' /><a href='#f647' class='c014'><sup>[647]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>This point of foreign policy no doubt had its weight in the years
-that saw the rise of Cyrus and his overthrow of Media in 549 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>,
-Lydia in 546, Babylon in 538 (?). But it was not the cause of his
-conversion. Amasis became Pharaoh in 570. In the sixth year of
-his reign he made an edict that contained the following words:
-“Let the Ouinin (= Ionians) be given place of habitation in the
-lands of the nome of Sais. Let them take to their use ships and
-firewood. Let them bring their gods<a id='r648' /><a href='#f648' class='c014'><sup>[648]</sup></a>.” Long therefore before the
-rise of Persia Amasis had realized how impossible it was to maintain
-his position otherwise than by coming to an understanding both with
-the Greek merchants and the Greek mercenaries. Philhellenism
-was in fact an essential part of Saite policy. Necho (610–594 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>),
-the son and successor of Psammetichus I, sent offerings to Apollo
-at Branchidae (Miletus) after his victory over Josiah of Judah and
-the Syrian fleet<a id='r649' /><a href='#f649' class='c014'><sup>[649]</sup></a>. Psammetichus II (594–589) died probably as a
-child: to his reign are probably to be assigned the Abu Symbel
-inscriptions<a id='r650' /><a href='#f650' class='c014'><sup>[650]</sup></a> scratched by Greek soldiers on monuments far up the
-river by Elephantine. The people of Elis are said to have appealed
-to him or his government on a point respecting the Olympian
-games<a id='r651' /><a href='#f651' class='c014'><sup>[651]</sup></a>. Apries (589–570), who fell foul of his Greek troops, had
-30,000 Ionians and Carians under arms<a id='r652' /><a href='#f652' class='c014'><sup>[652]</sup></a>. A small Greek vase found
-at Corinth<a id='r653' /><a href='#f653' class='c014'><sup>[653]</sup></a> has the cartouche of Apries. It is in the form of a
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_124'>124</span>helmeted head (fig. 18). The vase is of faience (so-called). It was
-probably made at Naukratis, perhaps in Petrie’s scarab factory, and
-gives us a contemporary picture of
-one of Apries’ Greek mercenaries,
-or at least of the top part of his
-equipment.</p>
-
-<div  class='figcenter id002'>
-<img src='images/i_p124.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic002'>
-<p>Fig. 18. Corinthian vase with cartouche of Apries.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>Amasis accordingly became a
-friend of the Greeks and remained
-so till he died. The Greeks reciprocated
-his friendship. The feelings of
-the Naukratite traders towards him
-are reflected plainly enough in the
-pages of Herodotus<a id='r654' /><a href='#f654' class='c014'><sup>[654]</sup></a>. The Greek
-mercenaries supported him loyally
-to the end of his long reign, and
-in spite of the treachery of their
-commander Phanes they fought
-gallantly at Pelusium in 525 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> when Psammetichus III, the
-last of the Saites, was overthrown by the Persians. Under the
-military rule of Persia the Libyan warrior class recovered its old
-position<a id='r655' /><a href='#f655' class='c014'><sup>[655]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Personal relations between Saite sovereigns and Greek tyrants.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>Thus we have seen the Saite dynasty rising to power by means of
-Greek merchandise and Greek mercenaries and
-maintaining its power by the same means. Its general
-policy follows the same lines as that of the tyrannies
-that sprang up at this time all over the Greek world.
-Herodotus with his usual insight recognized this fact when he put
-into his history the story of the friendship between Amasis and the
-Samian tyrant Polycrates. Amasis was probably not the first of the
-Saites to have a Greek tyrant for his friend. Cordial relations with
-Thrasybulus, the tyrant of Miletus, are suggested by Necho’s
-offerings to the Milesian Apollo, and the friend of Thrasybulus
-must have been also the friend of the Corinthian tyrant Periander.
-It has often been assumed, and not without reason, that Periander’s
-successor was called Psammetichus from some personal connexion
-with the lord of Sais.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>The name Psammetichus.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_125'>125</span>Psammetichus I is the first individual known to have borne that
-name. It is possible therefore that it may have had
-some special appropriateness to his own or his father’s
-career<a id='r656' /><a href='#f656' class='c014'><sup>[656]</sup></a>. One of the most probable interpretations of the name is
-“man (vendor) of mixing bowls.” The choice seems to lie between
-this interpretation and “man (vendor) of mixed wine” (<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">i.e.</span></i> wine
-mixed with spices, etc.). Which of these is to be preferred depends
-on the interpretation of the root mtk<a id='r657' /><a href='#f657' class='c014'><sup>[657]</sup></a>. In hieratic writing the
-phonetic symbols are sometimes followed by a “determinative”
-symbol or pictograph, placed at the end to prevent misunderstanding.
-The determinative for mtk is the picture of a vase, as seen for
-instance in <cite>Rylands Library Demotic Papyri</cite>, p. 201. The vase has
-a barrel or pear-shaped body, narrow neck, and broad flat mouth,
-<img src='images/i_p125.jpg' alt='vase' height='16' />.
-The particular shape must not be pressed, and the picture may
-be meant to denote not the vase but its contents. But it must mean
-one or the other<a id='r658' /><a href='#f658' class='c014'><sup>[658]</sup></a>. Griffith thinks it denotes the contents, his reasons
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_126'>126</span>being these<a id='r659' /><a href='#f659' class='c014'><sup>[659]</sup></a>: mtk is a Coptic root meaning “mix” and has a Hebrew
-equivalent meaning “mixture” (wine mixed). This meaning “seems
-to fit all requirements<a id='r660' /><a href='#f660' class='c014'><sup>[660]</sup></a>,” <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">i.e.</span></i> it suits the story of the libation which
-led Psammetichus to become king<a id='r661' /><a href='#f661' class='c014'><sup>[661]</sup></a>, and also the tales of the low
-and bibulous (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">φιλοπότης</span>) origin of Amasis<a id='r662' /><a href='#f662' class='c014'><sup>[662]</sup></a>. Griffith’s interpretation
-rests ultimately on the philological point, and on the assumption
-that the root in Egyptian must have precisely the same meaning as
-in Coptic and Hebrew. I am indebted to the writer himself for
-the information that this is not always the case. Apart from
-philology “mixed wine” may suit all requirements<a id='r663' /><a href='#f663' class='c014'><sup>[663]</sup></a>: but does it do
-so quite as well as “mixing bowl”? The whole point of the story
-of Psammetichus’ libation depends not on the wine but its receptacle.
-On either interpretation however it is sufficiently remarkable that
-the ruler who is said to have risen to power by trade should have
-had so mercantile a name. Griffith does not forget the possibility
-that the name may have been the source of the stories<a id='r664' /><a href='#f664' class='c014'><sup>[664]</sup></a>. The two
-possibilities are not mutually exclusive. A merchant prince may be
-proud of his origin: but that fact will not always prevent other
-people from telling good unofficial stories about his early days.</p>
-
-<div class='chapter'>
-  <span class='pageno' id='Page_127'>127</span>
-  <h2 class='c005'>Chapter V. <em>Lydia</em></h2>
-</div>
-
-<div class='lg-container-b c013'>
-  <div class='linegroup'>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line'>“Yes, ready money is Aladdin’s lamp.”—<span class='sc'>Byron.</span></div>
-    </div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Tyranny and coinage both said to be of Lydian origin.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>In an enquiry into the connexions between the new form of government
-and the new form of wealth that both arose
-at the opening of the classical epoch Lydia has a
-special interest and importance for the reason that
-both coinage and tyranny are said on good authority
-to have been of Lydian origin. Considering how much Lydia was
-then in the background of the Greek world this fact by itself is
-suggestive. It becomes important to determine the dates, and connexions
-if any, of the first Lydian tyrant and the first Lydian coins.
-It should be said at once that no Lydian ruler has been credited
-with the invention of coinage, and that no very definite conclusions
-can be drawn from the available material. The evidence is however
-sufficiently suggestive to repay a careful examination.</p>
-
-<div  class='figcenter id003'>
-<img src='images/i_p127.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic002'>
-<p>Fig. 19. Coins of (<em>a</em>) Gyges (?), (<em>b</em>) Croesus.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Date of the earliest coins.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>Both the date and the place of the final evolution of a metal
-coinage are the subject of much dispute. Among
-writers of a generation or more ago the question of
-date was mainly a matter of speculation as to how long an interval
-was required between the earliest silver coins with a type in relief
-on both sides, which on grounds of style, epigraphy, and circumstances
-of find can be dated with fair accuracy to about the middle of
-the sixth century, and the primitive electrum pieces punched on one
-side and striated on the other (fig. 19. <em>a</em>) that probably belong to
-the earliest issues of Lydia. Most of the leading numismatists
-allowed some three or four generations and assigned the earliest
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_128'>128</span>coins to the earlier part of the seventh century<a id='r665' /><a href='#f665' class='c014'><sup>[665]</sup></a>. But more recently
-facts have come to light which point to the possibility of an earlier
-and perhaps a considerably earlier date. A round dump of silver
-weighing 3·654 grammes was found by Sir Arthur Evans at
-Knossos in a stratum that cannot, he says, be dated later than the
-twelfth century <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>, and two similar dumps of gold weighing 4·723
-and 4·678 grammes along with a third of elongated shape weighing
-8·601 were found during the British Museum excavations at Enkomi
-in Cyprus, a site which according to Evans must be dated
-equally early<a id='r666' /><a href='#f666' class='c014'><sup>[666]</sup></a>. These few Cretan and Cyprian dumps are no argument
-against the mass of material which points to a great numismatic
-development at a date not so very far removed from 700 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>
-But they do shift the balance of probability backward and make
-a date in the eighth century as likely as one in the seventh. The
-same conclusion is suggested by the recent British excavations of
-the famous temple of Artemis at Ephesus<a id='r667' /><a href='#f667' class='c014'><sup>[667]</sup></a>. There, below the temple
-erected in the days of Croesus and to which he contributed the
-sculptured column now in the British Museum, the excavators
-found remains of three earlier structures. While clearing out these
-early buildings they found 87 electrum coins. Twenty of these
-were extracted from between the slabs of the earliest of the three
-buildings, five (including four of the lion type) were extracted from
-underneath the foundations of the second building, and all low
-down within the area of these three early structures. The total
-evidence points to all the 87 coins being not later than the time of
-the first of the three buildings, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">i.e.</span></i> well before the time of Croesus.
-The series begins with the striated type (above fig. 19. <em>a</em>) that is
-generally regarded as the most primitive of all, while far the commonest
-type (42 coins) is the lion’s head of the style usually attributed
-to Alyattes<a id='r668' /><a href='#f668' class='c014'><sup>[668]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>From the latest building to the earliest coin means a considerable
-period, and may well take us back into the eighth century. General
-historical considerations are however against going back too far
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_129'>129</span>into the eighth century. It was only in the course of that century
-that brigandage and piracy gave place to trade and commerce and
-the first traces can be discovered of the great renaissance that led
-to Classical Greece. If the earliest coins were struck by Lydia
-they are more likely to have been issued in the second half of the
-century than the first, since the establishment of the second Assyrian
-empire in 745 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> probably gave a great impetus to Lydian trade.
-This, however, is assuming the claims of Lydia to the “invention.”
-They have been frequently challenged and before proceeding it is
-necessary briefly to examine them.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>The evidence for attributing them to Lydia.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>The Lydians are only one of several peoples and cities that were
-credited by the ancients with the invention of coinage.
-This uncertainty was inevitable. Coinage was not
-invented but evolved<a id='r669' /><a href='#f669' class='c014'><sup>[669]</sup></a>. But it is probable that in the
-final stage of the evolution some one state was a little ahead of the
-rest, and put in this form the Lydians have a good claim to the
-invention. They have in their favour our two best and oldest
-witnesses, Xenophanes and Herodotus<a id='r670' /><a href='#f670' class='c014'><sup>[670]</sup></a>, the latter of whom recognized
-their outstanding position as traders and plainly sees in it the
-explanation of their leading position in the evolution of coined
-money<a id='r671' /><a href='#f671' class='c014'><sup>[671]</sup></a>. The facts as far as we know them bear these authorities
-out. Lydia contains Mt Tmolus and Mt Sipylus and the river
-Pactolus, the main sources of the supply of the metal in which the
-most primitive coins were struck. It was probably just about this
-period that the Lydian electrum mines began to be worked<a id='r672' /><a href='#f672' class='c014'><sup>[672]</sup></a> and
-the electrum of Sardis gained the fame it still enjoyed in the days
-of Sophocles<a id='r673' /><a href='#f673' class='c014'><sup>[673]</sup></a>. The kings of Lydia from the beginning of the
-seventh century onward were famous for their wealth<a id='r674' /><a href='#f674' class='c014'><sup>[674]</sup></a>. The touch-stone
-used by the ancients for testing the precious metals came
-likewise from Mt Tmolus, and was called “Lydian stone<a id='r675' /><a href='#f675' class='c014'><sup>[675]</sup></a>.” Furthermore,
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_130'>130</span>the Lydians occupied a unique position for purposes of trade.
-Sardis, their capital, was the place where the great trade-route from
-the further East, the “royal road,” as Herodotus calls it<a id='r676' /><a href='#f676' class='c014'><sup>[676]</sup></a>, branched
-out to reach the various Greek cities on the coast<a id='r677' /><a href='#f677' class='c014'><sup>[677]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>In the face of this evidence it is hardly necessary to examine in
-detail the arguments of the modern sceptics who have disputed
-Lydia’s claim. In many cases they start from the baseless assumption
-that so remarkable an invention cannot but be due to the quick-witted
-Greeks<a id='r678' /><a href='#f678' class='c014'><sup>[678]</sup></a>. True, the earliest electrum coins are said to have
-been found mostly along the Eastern shore of the Aegean, but it
-does not follow that that is where they were all struck. Gold pieces
-were common enough in Greece in the first half of the fourth
-century <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>, but they had nearly all been struck in Persia. 30,000
-Darics (fig. 8) were distributed among the Greeks by the Great
-King’s agents in one single year<a id='r679' /><a href='#f679' class='c014'><sup>[679]</sup></a>. The two staters of gold that each
-of the Delphians received from King Croesus<a id='r680' /><a href='#f680' class='c014'><sup>[680]</sup></a> were undoubtedly
-Crœseids<a id='r681' /><a href='#f681' class='c014'><sup>[681]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Again, the modern market for ancient coins has been largely
-restricted to the coast. Because a coin was bought in Smyrna it
-does not follow that it was found there. Of Sardis itself we still
-know too little to speak with any assurance<a id='r682' /><a href='#f682' class='c014'><sup>[682]</sup></a>. But the absence of
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_131'>131</span>finds, even at Sardis, would not be decisive, since on Radet’s theory
-the Lydian coinage was intended mainly for export, just as appears
-later to have been the case with the silver tetradrachms of Smyrna,
-Myrina, Cyme, Lebedos, Magnesia ad Maeandrum and Heraclea
-Ioniae, which are rarely found near their place of origin, but with
-few exceptions are brought from different parts of Syria<a id='r683' /><a href='#f683' class='c014'><sup>[683]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>More serious are the criticisms which do not altogether reject
-Xenophanes, but explain him away by means of an interpretation
-of Herodotus <span class='fss'>I.</span> 94 first put forward by J. P. Six and later developed
-by Babelon<a id='r684' /><a href='#f684' class='c014'><sup>[684]</sup></a>. Six maintained that when Herodotus there states that
-the Lydians were the first to strike and use coins of gold and silver,
-the reference is to the concurrent issue of coins in the two separate
-metals, or, in other words, to the coinage of Croesus (fig. 19. <em>b</em>),
-who is generally admitted to have been the first to give up electrum
-in favour of separate issues of gold and silver. But though it is true
-that “coins of gold and silver” cannot mean “coins of electrum,”
-it by no means follows that Herodotus is referring to the beginnings
-not of coinage but of bimetallism. Babelon is right in insisting on
-the exact words used by Herodotus, but in his interpretation of them
-he takes perhaps too little account of the type of fact usually recorded
-by the historian. Which is Herodotus more likely to give us? An
-inaccurate version of a fundamental fact like the invention of coined
-money? Or a pedantically accurate statement about an experiment
-in bimetallism that was after all of quite secondary importance?
-Other things being equal we should surely always prefer the interpretation
-which gives us the former, and there is nothing to prevent
-us from doing so in the present case. Assume that Xenophanes
-means what he says and that his statement represents the prevalent
-tradition, and it is easy to see how Herodotus came to use the
-precise words that he did.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>“The Lydians,” he begins, “were the first to strike and use
-coins.” We must remember who it was that he was writing for.
-His readers would be found mainly in the free cities of European
-Greece. Down to the days when he ended his history these European
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_132'>132</span>Greeks had coined almost exclusively in silver. On the other hand
-the coinage of Lydia and the other Persian satrapies of Asia Minor
-consisted of Darics of gold and shekels of silver, and people in those
-parts doubtless remembered that this coinage in the two metals went
-back to the days of the Lydian kings. It is a fundamental principle
-with our historian never to omit any fact that he can possibly
-insert. In this case an extra fact can be inserted in three words,
-<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">χρυσοῦ καὶ ἀργύρου</span>, and almost inevitably the words go in. Possibly
-he had forgotten for the moment the primitive pieces of electrum:
-it is equally possible that accuracy was sacrificed to fulness of information.
-Another way of meeting Babelon’s difficulty is suggested
-by Babelon’s own article. It is generally assumed that the first
-coins struck in Asia Minor were all of electrum, and that electrum
-later gave way to gold and silver. But Babelon<a id='r685' /><a href='#f685' class='c014'><sup>[685]</sup></a> quotes an example
-of what is generally regarded as the earliest Lydian electrum type
-(<em>ob.</em> striated, <em>rev.</em> three small stamps as on silver spoons) that appears
-from its specific gravity to contain 98 per cent. silver and weighs
-10·81 grammes. This latter is the unit of the so-called Babylonian
-standard, which is employed almost exclusively for silver, the only
-exception being a gold issue of Croesus. It is true that the coin has
-a yellow tint, and that it may contain more than 2 per cent. gold, if
-the light specific gravity is due partly to the presence of copper<a id='r686' /><a href='#f686' class='c014'><sup>[686]</sup></a>.
-There are cases too of what seem to be unquestionable electrum
-coins with a very low percentage of gold, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">e.g.</span></i> <cite>Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins
-of Ionia</cite>, p. 47, nos. 2, 3, Ephesian thirds of the normal Phoenician
-standard, one with only 14 per cent. gold to judge by the specific
-gravity, the other actually with only 5 per cent. But the combined
-evidence of weight and specific gravity gives strong support to
-Babelon’s view that the coin must have been intended to pass as
-silver<a id='r687' /><a href='#f687' class='c014'><sup>[687]</sup></a>. Babelon assigns this piece to Miletus, but on no sufficient
-grounds. As he himself points out<a id='r688' /><a href='#f688' class='c014'><sup>[688]</sup></a>, the weight is exactly that of
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_133'>133</span>the silver coins of Croesus, a weight which in Ionia prevailed only
-at Colophon and Erythrae in the fifth century and at Miletus in
-the third<a id='r689' /><a href='#f689' class='c014'><sup>[689]</sup></a>, and in these three cases was borrowed from the Persian
-siglos (shekel), which latter was the direct successor of the silver
-coins of Croesus. The earliest silver coins assigned by Head to
-Miletus are struck on the Aeginetan standard (185 grains)<a id='r690' /><a href='#f690' class='c014'><sup>[690]</sup></a>. In
-short, if it seems probable that this piece is silver, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">a fortiori</span></i> is it
-probable that it is Lydian, and if, as the evidence all tends to show,
-this is the case, the importance of the piece at once becomes obvious.
-It means that from the earliest period of their coinage the Lydians
-struck not only in electrum but also in silver. Now for Herodotus
-electrum was only a variety of gold. His name for it is “white
-gold” (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">λευκὸς χρυσός</span>), and he appears to regard it as gold of
-a particular quality, just as Bonacossi does the gold of China when
-he describes it as “pâle, mou et ductile<a id='r691' /><a href='#f691' class='c014'><sup>[691]</sup></a>.”</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>When therefore Herodotus speaks of the Lydians as the first to
-coin in gold and silver he may well mean white gold and silver and
-be referring, like Xenophanes, to the original “invention” of coined
-money. But even if Babelon is right, there is still no decisive reason
-why we should not ascribe to the Lydians the original “invention”
-as well as the first bimetallic development. Thus Xenophanes and
-Herodotus may be regarded as pointing to Lydia as the first country
-to strike coins, and after all they were in a fairly good position for
-ascertaining the facts<a id='r692' /><a href='#f692' class='c014'><sup>[692]</sup></a>. Certainty is perhaps hardly attainable. But
-that does not justify a completely sceptical attitude. It is the reverse
-of scientific to treat an epoch illuminated by many half lights as
-though it was one of total darkness. The safest course in such a
-case is to operate with probabilities.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>The origin of the title tyrant.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>The claim of Lydia to have been the original home of tyranny is
-based on similar evidence that needs to be similarly
-used. The earliest authority for it is Euphorion
-(third century <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>), who says that the first ruler to be called
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_134'>134</span>tyrant was Gyges, who began to reign in the XVIIIth Olympiad
-(708–704 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>)<a id='r693' /><a href='#f693' class='c014'><sup>[693]</sup></a>. The statement has been doubted as being perhaps
-only an inference from Homer and Archilochus drawn by later
-writers<a id='r694' /><a href='#f694' class='c014'><sup>[694]</sup></a>. Homer does not use the word <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τύραννος</span>. It first appears
-in Archilochus, and apparently the tyrant that Archilochus had in
-mind was his contemporary<a id='r695' /><a href='#f695' class='c014'><sup>[695]</sup></a> Gyges:</p>
-
-<div class='lg-container-b c016'>
-  <div class='linegroup'>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line'>I care not for golden Gyges....</div>
-      <div class='line'>I long not for a great tyranny<a id='r696' /><a href='#f696' class='c014'><sup>[696]</sup></a>.</div>
-    </div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c017'>But even if only an inference from this source the statement may
-still be of some value. The word tyrant is not Greek and may be
-Lydian<a id='r697' /><a href='#f697' class='c014'><sup>[697]</sup></a>. A new title does not necessarily imply a new form of
-government; but if there is independent evidence for thinking that
-a new form of government arose just at this time, then that evidence
-will be corroborated by the appearance of a new title; and if that
-title has a particular local origin, it becomes of particular interest
-to examine the history of the rulers of the region where the change
-arose.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>As our evidence leaves it uncertain whether Gyges was the first
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_135'>135</span>ruler of his kind to arise in Lydia or merely the first to find a
-prominent place in Greek literature and as further we find unusual
-steps for securing the throne attributed to Lydian rulers of about
-the middle of the eighth century it will be well to begin at this
-earlier date.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>How Spermos and Ardys became kings of Lydia.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>According to the story told by Nicolaus Damascenus<a id='r698' /><a href='#f698' class='c014'><sup>[698]</sup></a>, Damonno,
-the wife of Cadys, whose reign is ascribed to the
-middle of the eighth century<a id='r699' /><a href='#f699' class='c014'><sup>[699]</sup></a>, after her royal husband’s
-death won over by her wealth a large number
-of Lydians, expelled her brother-in-law Ardys, and
-then married her lover Spermos and proclaimed him king. When
-banished by Spermos and Damonno, Ardys goes into business at
-Cyme as a waggon-builder (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἁμαξοπηγῶν</span>) and is keeping a hotel
-(<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πανδοκεύων</span>) there when called back to the throne of Sardis.
-He is brought back by a tavern-keeper or retail trader (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">κάπηλος</span>)
-named Thyessos<a id='r700' /><a href='#f700' class='c014'><sup>[700]</sup></a>, who as his reward asked and received that this
-inn or shop (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">καπηλεῖον</span>) should be exempt from paying dues
-(<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀτελές</span>) and after a time became rich from his shop-keeping
-(<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">καπηλεύειν</span>) and as a result established near it a market and a
-shrine of Hermes<a id='r701' /><a href='#f701' class='c014'><sup>[701]</sup></a>. The part played in this story by innkeepers
-may, at first sight, seem odd. But as pointed out by Radet<a id='r702' /><a href='#f702' class='c014'><sup>[702]</sup></a> in discussing
-the word <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">κάπηλος</span>, innkeeper was probably synonymous
-with merchant in the days of Ardys (766–730 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>)<a id='r703' /><a href='#f703' class='c014'><sup>[703]</sup></a>, when Lydia
-was already becoming a great highway of commerce between
-Further Asia and the Aegean<a id='r704' /><a href='#f704' class='c014'><sup>[704]</sup></a>. The Lydian merchants of the period
-must have seen the advantage of providing food and shelter for
-the members of the caravans with whom they traded. Waggon-building,
-which was one of the occupations of the banished Ardys<a id='r705' /><a href='#f705' class='c014'><sup>[705]</sup></a>,
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_136'>136</span>is part of the same activity, connected with the famous road that
-did as much to make the fortunes of ancient Lydia as railways
-will some day do to revive them in the future.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>If the narrative of Nicolaus is to be believed, then, as recognized
-some time ago by Gelzer<a id='r706' /><a href='#f706' class='c014'><sup>[706]</sup></a>, the Lydian leaders of the period appear
-as great merchants and men of business, and more than that, it is
-as such that the rulers secure the throne, and a not unnatural
-inference is that it was the spread of this new type of merchant
-prince from Lydia Westward over the Greek world that caused
-the spread at the same time of the Lydian title. There is nothing
-improbable in the assumption that Lydian history of this period
-was preserved in a fairly authentic form. True our extant authorities
-are late and their sources uncertain, and the story of Spermos has
-perhaps an excessive resemblance to that of Gyges and the wife
-of his predecessor Candaules<a id='r707' /><a href='#f707' class='c014'><sup>[707]</sup></a>. In both cases the usurper marries
-the wife of his predecessor and owes to her his throne. The close
-relations between Ardys and the Greek Cyme recall those between
-the house of Gyges and the tyrant house of Melas at Ephesus,
-which latter is very plausibly explained by Radet<a id='r708' /><a href='#f708' class='c014'><sup>[708]</sup></a> as based on their
-common business interests. But these resemblances do not prove
-that the two narratives are not both true. The two queens may have
-responded in the same way to similar semi-matriarchal surroundings,
-and the two princes have found similar solutions for the same
-commercial problem. If the Damonno Ardys story is not history
-we have no Lydian history of that age. But even so it is of value
-as reflecting conditions that prevailed at the beginning of the seventh
-century and possibly went back to the period to which the story is
-ascribed.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Chronologically we ought next to deal with Gyges himself.
-Unfortunately his history, and more particularly the part that tells
-how he won the throne, has been much obscured by legend. We
-shall examine it with a better prospect of disinterring the facts if
-first we review certain later incidents of Lydian history.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Later rulers of Lydia.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_137'>137</span>The century that followed Gyges is for this purpose not very
-illuminating. A great part of it is taken up with the
-national struggle against the Cimmerian invaders.
-The kings of the house of Gyges appear to have led this struggle
-well, and as a natural result their power was seldom called into
-question. It is only before the accession of Croesus, the last king
-of the line, that active steps appear to have been necessary to secure
-the throne. The reason was not any anti-monarchic movement, but
-rivalry between two sons or possibly grandsons of the old and perhaps
-senile King Alyattes. None the less, the steps taken by the rivals
-are not without significance. <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Financial dealings
-of Croesus
-before he became
-king.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span>
-The story is told<a id='r709' /><a href='#f709' class='c014'><sup>[709]</sup></a> that shortly before
-Alyattes’ death Croesus, the subsequently successful
-rival, had borrowed largely from a very rich man<a id='r710' /><a href='#f710' class='c014'><sup>[710]</sup></a>
-in Ephesus in order to appear before the old king
-with a levy. Before resorting to the rich Ephesian,
-Croesus had appealed to a certain “Sadyattes the merchant, the
-richest man in Lydia,” who had refused to lend to him for the
-reason, as it subsequently turned out, that he was backing the other
-candidate for the throne, Croesus’ half-brother, the half-Greek
-Pantaleon<a id='r711' /><a href='#f711' class='c014'><sup>[711]</sup></a>. Croesus’ poverty, we are informed, was due to spendthrift
-habits. But it is doubtful whether his lavishness at this period
-was simply youthful dissipation, and not rather part of a systematic
-policy.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Only a few years later Peisistratus of Athens “rooted his tyranny”
-on revenues from mines. Reasons have been given above<a id='r712' /><a href='#f712' class='c014'><sup>[712]</sup></a> for
-thinking that he was already endeavouring to do so. May not
-Croesus have been pursuing a similar course? Later in his career,
-when he wanted to win the special favour of Delphi, “he sent to
-Pytho, ascertained the number of Delphians, and presented each
-one of them with two staters of gold<a id='r713' /><a href='#f713' class='c014'><sup>[713]</sup></a>.” The staters of Croesus
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_138'>138</span>(above fig. 19. <em>b</em>) were among the most famous coins of antiquity<a id='r714' /><a href='#f714' class='c014'><sup>[714]</sup></a>.
-Reference is made in the <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Mirabiles Auscultationes</span></cite> to gold mines
-that he worked<a id='r715' /><a href='#f715' class='c014'><sup>[715]</sup></a>. His wealth was proverbial<a id='r716' /><a href='#f716' class='c014'><sup>[716]</sup></a>. Most of it he inherited
-from his predecessor<a id='r717' /><a href='#f717' class='c014'><sup>[717]</sup></a>: but the wise old Alyattes knew that it was
-the root of his power and clung to it till his death. For the rivals
-it is a question who can secure it first and in the meanwhile carry
-on best without it. Both try to borrow on a princely scale, and to
-judge by the issue Croesus was the more successful. “As a result of
-that proceeding he got the upper hand of his calumniators<a id='r718' /><a href='#f718' class='c014'><sup>[718]</sup></a>.” He
-became king, and his government is described by Radet<a id='r719' /><a href='#f719' class='c014'><sup>[719]</sup></a> as “une
-puissante monarchie régnant par la force de l’or.”</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>This is all conjecture, but it is borne out alike by Croesus’
-own behaviour and by the advice to Cyrus that is put into his mouth
-after he has become the captive and the counsellor of the Persian
-king.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The first thing that Croesus did after securing the throne was
-to put Sadyattes to death and to confiscate his possessions<a id='r720' /><a href='#f720' class='c014'><sup>[720]</sup></a>. By
-itself this might be taken simply as part of something corresponding
-to a normal process of attainder. But the Sadyattes incident must
-be read in the light of the advice that Croesus is represented as
-having subsequently given to Cyrus, the gist of which is that Cyrus
-is to beware above all things of the richest of his
-subjects<a id='r721' /><a href='#f721' class='c014'><sup>[721]</sup></a>. <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Croesus bids
-Cyrus to suspect
-a rival in
-the richest of
-his subjects.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span>
-The speech is of course pure fiction: so
-too is very possibly the whole story of the intimacy
-between Croesus and his conqueror<a id='r722' /><a href='#f722' class='c014'><sup>[722]</sup></a>. But all the
-same Croesus is Herodotus’ embodiment of the wise and experienced
-ruler of the sixth century, the century during which the historian’s
-father was born only a little way from the borders of Croesus’
-kingdom. If in the pages of Herodotus he is made to regard wealth
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_139'>139</span>as the basis of political power, it must be because the historian
-believed such to have been in fact the case. Of the evidence that
-may have led him, and with good reason, to this belief, one item
-may have been derived from the colossal tomb of Croesus’ predecessor
-Alyattes, which according to the account given by Herodotus
-was constructed by the tradesmen and artizans and
-prostitutes (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">οἱ ἀγοραῖοι ἄνθρωποι καὶ οἱ χειρώνακτες
-καὶ αἱ ἐνεργαζόμεναι παιδίσκαι</span>)<a id='r723' /><a href='#f723' class='c014'><sup>[723]</sup></a>. <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The tomb of
-Croesus’
-father had
-been erected
-by tradesmen,
-artizans, and
-“working girls.”<span class='hidev'>|</span></span>
-Presumably
-these were the classes who had most benefited
-or at least been most affected by Alyattes’ rule, and
-on whose support he had mainly depended<a id='r724' /><a href='#f724' class='c014'><sup>[724]</sup></a>. The
-largest part of the tomb is said by Herodotus to have been built
-by the “working girls” (= prostitutes) but too much attention
-need not be paid to this typical instance of Herodotean “malignity.”
-Strabo’s report that the tomb was said by some to be that of a
-harlot (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πόρνης</span>) is equally suspicious. It may possibly have arisen
-from the obscene symbols that appeared on various parts of the
-monument, including its summit. Possibly the builders of the tomb
-got mistaken for its occupant. The reverse process is less likely,
-as it leaves the tradesmen and artizans unaccounted for<a id='r725' /><a href='#f725' class='c014'><sup>[725]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Revolt from Cyrus of Pactyes who had all the gold from Sardis.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>In conformity with the policy that Herodotus puts into the
-mouth of Croesus, Cyrus was careful before he returned
-from Lydia to Persia to separate the political
-and financial power in his new conquest:</p>
-
-<p class='c015'>Sardis he entrusted to Tabalos, a Persian gentleman, but
-the gold both of Croesus and the other Lydians he gave to Pactyes, a man
-of Lydia, to look after (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">κομίζειν</span>).... But when Cyrus had marched away
-from Sardis, Pactyes caused the Lydians to revolt from Tabalos and Cyrus,
-and going down to the sea, as was but natural since he had all the gold
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_140'>140</span>from Sardis, he proceeded to hire mercenaries and persuaded the population
-by the sea to join his expedition<a id='r726' /><a href='#f726' class='c014'><sup>[726]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Xerxes and the rich Lydian Pythes.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>In the days of Xerxes the richest of all the Lydians was Pythes
-the son of Atys. After Xerxes himself, Pythes was
-the richest man known to the Persians of that day.
-His wealth amounted to 2000 talents of silver and
-3,993,000 golden Darics<a id='r727' /><a href='#f727' class='c014'><sup>[727]</sup></a>. He held some sort of rule under the
-Great King at Kelainai in Phrygia and owed his enormous wealth
-to his mines, in which the citizens of his dominions were forced
-to labour. When Xerxes reached Kelainai on his way to invade
-Greece, Pythes offered to present the whole of this immense sum
-to the king<a id='r728' /><a href='#f728' class='c014'><sup>[728]</sup></a>. So stupendous a present requires a special explanation.
-It is not like “the gold plane tree and the vine” that Pythes had
-given earlier to King Darius. It looks as if he had suddenly discovered
-with intense alarm that Xerxes, like Cyrus before him,
-feared nothing so much as a man of extraordinary wealth, and as if
-this present was a desperate attempt to disarm the Great King’s
-suspicions. The father of Pythes bore the same name as one of the
-sons of Croesus, and Pythes himself has been thought by some
-modern scholars to have been the grandson of Croesus<a id='r729' /><a href='#f729' class='c014'><sup>[729]</sup></a>. The
-name Pytheus (Pythes) might be due to Croesus’ relations with
-Delphi<a id='r730' /><a href='#f730' class='c014'><sup>[730]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The evidence so far adduced has pointed to the following conclusions:
-metal coinage reached its final evolution in Lydia, probably
-in the second half of the eighth century <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>; the title tyrant reached
-Greece from Lydia probably early in the seventh century; from
-the middle of the eighth century down to the end of the age of
-the tyrants all the rulers or would-be rulers of Lydia of whom we
-have any relevant information regarded money as the basis of
-political power. <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Radet suggests
-that the
-first coins were
-struck by the
-first tyrants,<span class='hidev'>|</span></span>
-In the face of these facts it is not
-surprising that Radet, the scholar who has devoted
-most attention in recent years to this period of Lydian
-history, should have expressed the opinion that the
-earliest tyrants were also the first coiners<a id='r731' /><a href='#f731' class='c014'><sup>[731]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_141'>141</span>The rest of this chapter will be devoted to examining and very
-tentatively developing this suggestion.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Radet attributed the earliest coins to Gyges and imagined them
-as having been struck when Gyges was already on the throne<a id='r732' /><a href='#f732' class='c014'><sup>[732]</sup></a>. He
-wrote however before Enkomi, Knossos, and Ephesus had suggested
-the possibility of an earlier date for the earliest coins, and he does
-not consider the possibility that it may have been quite as much a
-case of the coins making the tyrant as the tyrant making the coins.
-No certainty is to be looked for on this point, but for arriving at
-the greatest available probability it will be well for a moment to
-turn to the brilliant and convincing account of the last stages in
-the evolution of metal coinage published by Lenormant and developed
-by Babelon. Lenormant’s account of the circumstances in
-which stamped pieces of precious metal of definite weight first
-came into circulation cannot be given better than in his own
-words:</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Lenormant that they were private issues.</div>
-
-<p class='c015'><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Pour la commodité du commerce, auquel ils servent d’instrument habituel
-d’échange, on donne à ces lingots des poids exacts&nbsp;... de ½ à
-10 taels en or, de ½ à 100 taels en argent. Mais leur circulation
-et leur acceptation n’ont aucun caractère légal et
-obligatoire. L’autorité publique n’a point à y intervenir
-et ne leur donne aucune garantie. Ces lingots ne portent aucune empreinte
-si ce n’est en certains cas un poinçonnement individuel, simple marque
-d’origine et de fabrique, qui quelquefois inspire assez de confiance pour
-dispenser de la vérification du titre du métal, lorsque c’est celle d’un négociant
-assez honorablement connu. La facilité avec laquelle on accepte le
-lingot à tel ou tel poinçon tient donc entièrement au crédit personnel de
-celui qui l’a marqué<a id='r733' /><a href='#f733' class='c014'><sup>[733]</sup></a>.</span></p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The passage just quoted describes not a theory of Lenormant’s
-but the actual practice of the Chinese empire<a id='r734' /><a href='#f734' class='c014'><sup>[734]</sup></a>. A similar currency
-of ingots stamped by merchants or bankers has been used in many
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_142'>142</span>other parts of the world, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">e.g.</span></i> Japan<a id='r735' /><a href='#f735' class='c014'><sup>[735]</sup></a>, Java<a id='r736' /><a href='#f736' class='c014'><sup>[736]</sup></a>, India<a id='r737' /><a href='#f737' class='c014'><sup>[737]</sup></a> and Russia<a id='r738' /><a href='#f738' class='c014'><sup>[738]</sup></a>.
-Reversions to the practice of private coinage have been frequent
-in America<a id='r739' /><a href='#f739' class='c014'><sup>[739]</sup></a>; “for a long time the copper currency of England
-consisted mainly of tradesmen’s tokens,” used largely by manufacturers
-to pay the wages of their workpeople<a id='r740' /><a href='#f740' class='c014'><sup>[740]</sup></a>. The earliest
-coins of Asia Minor are regarded by the French savants as private
-issues of a similar kind to those just quoted. The small stamps
-of which several often appear on an early electrum coin (<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">e.g.</span></i> above
-fig. 19. <em>a</em> right) are regarded by them as marks or countermarks
-of bankers or merchants. Babelon<a id='r741' /><a href='#f741' class='c014'><sup>[741]</sup></a> points out that these stamps
-cannot be identified as the types of towns or kings; that in one case
-no less than six of them are found on a single coin<a id='r742' /><a href='#f742' class='c014'><sup>[742]</sup></a>; and that they
-continue to be put on to the state coinage of Darius. The case for
-Lydia therefore rests largely on analogies, and analogies can never
-be quite conclusive. Some even of these must be used with caution,
-<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">e.g.</span></i> those from Russia and Merovingian France, where it is difficult
-to be sure that they do not represent a stage of decadence rather
-than development. But decadence is often another name for reversion
-to type, and some of the instances already quoted, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">e.g.</span></i> those
-from China and India, are sufficiently remote to be safely trusted.
-The total effect of the evidence marshalled by Lenormant and
-Babelon is impressive, and certainly no other view offers so satisfactory
-an explanation of the distinguishing features of the earliest
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_143'>143</span>Greek coins. Their view has already won partial acceptance<a id='r743' /><a href='#f743' class='c014'><sup>[743]</sup></a>. There
-are of course gaps in the evidence, notably as to the circumstances
-of the nationalization of the coinage. But this is not very surprising
-if, as the stories of Damonno and Ardys suggest, it was in a succession
-of financial struggles for the throne that the control of the mint
-came gradually to be synonymous with the kingship. When the two
-were finally equated is a matter of conjecture. The chief part in
-the process may perhaps have been played by the tradesman king
-Ardys, but on the whole it seems likely that it was Gyges who
-completed the evolution of metal coinage by making
-it the prerogative of the state after he had first used
-it to obtain the supreme power. <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Gyges.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span>
-His career falls early enough to
-make this possible<a id='r744' /><a href='#f744' class='c014'><sup>[744]</sup></a>, and the gold of Gyges attained proverbial
-fame<a id='r745' /><a href='#f745' class='c014'><sup>[745]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Herodotus indeed seems to discountenance the view that Gyges
-was ever a merchant or banker, since he describes him as serving
-as a guardsman <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">αἰχμοφόρος, δορυφόρος</span> under his predecessor
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_144'>144</span>Candaules<a id='r746' /><a href='#f746' class='c014'><sup>[746]</sup></a>. But Schubert<a id='r747' /><a href='#f747' class='c014'><sup>[747]</sup></a> is probably right in putting only a
-limited confidence in this part of our account of his career, which
-he shows to have been derived from Delphi. He even suggests<a id='r748' /><a href='#f748' class='c014'><sup>[748]</sup></a> that
-Gyges had bought up Delphi before, with a view to his accession,
-just as Croesus endeavoured to purchase the favour of Apollo before
-his attempted conquest of Persia<a id='r749' /><a href='#f749' class='c014'><sup>[749]</sup></a>. If there is any truth in this
-plausible suggestion, then the guardsman part of the story may well
-have been a half-truth emphasized to hide Gyges’ commercial antecedents,
-and Gyges may have secured the throne mainly through
-his wealth.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>It is true that Gyges as tyrant fought against the Cimmerians
-who at this time were sweeping over Asia Minor, and that later in
-his reign he rebelled against Assyria<a id='r750' /><a href='#f750' class='c014'><sup>[750]</sup></a>. From time to time he invaded
-the Greek cities on the coast. He may even have taken military
-measures to secure the throne, if, as Radet argues<a id='r751' /><a href='#f751' class='c014'><sup>[751]</sup></a>, his accession
-meant the overthrow of a Maeonian domination and the substitution
-for it of a Lydian. All this however is no proof of particular
-militarism. The wars against the Cimmerians were defensive. The
-revolt from Assyria was an indirect result of the Cimmerian wars.
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_145'>145</span>If Gyges took the aggressive against the Greeks<a id='r752' /><a href='#f752' class='c014'><sup>[752]</sup></a>, his motive was
-probably commercial. He wanted “to secure for the Lydian caravans
-a free and sure outlet for their goods<a id='r753' /><a href='#f753' class='c014'><sup>[753]</sup></a>.” These Greek wars were
-seldom carried to extremes<a id='r754' /><a href='#f754' class='c014'><sup>[754]</sup></a>. As regards the fighting by which he
-is said to have seized the throne, note that his troops, in part at least,
-were Carian mercenaries<a id='r755' /><a href='#f755' class='c014'><sup>[755]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Immediately after establishing himself by these violent means
-Gyges “sent for his various friends and enemies. Those whom he
-thought would oppose him he did away with; but to the rest he
-gave presents and made them mercenaries<a id='r756' /><a href='#f756' class='c014'><sup>[756]</sup></a>.”</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>The ring of Gyges</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>A confirmation of this same view as to the origin of Gyges’
-power is possibly to be found in the story of Gyges
-and his ring. In this famous story, as told by Plato<a id='r757' /><a href='#f757' class='c014'><sup>[757]</sup></a>,
-Gyges was a shepherd who discovered in the earth a magic gold
-ring, which gave him the power of invisibility and enabled him to
-enter the palace, slay the king, and procure his own accession. As
-happens so often when a story of the order of the <cite>Arabian Nights</cite>
-is applied to a historical personage, the immediate problem is to
-discover not the origin of the story, but the points about the historical
-character that caused the story in question to get attached to him.
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_146'>146</span>We may begin by dismissing the shepherding, since Gyges belonged
-to an ancient and princely family<a id='r758' /><a href='#f758' class='c014'><sup>[758]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The fact or facts that caused Gyges to be associated with the
-story probably had some connexion with the magic ring and its
-discovery in the earth. It has for instance been suggested that the
-real magic of the ring of Gyges lay in the signet that serves as a
-passport and reveals or conceals a man’s identity according to the
-way he wears it. Radet<a id='r759' /><a href='#f759' class='c014'><sup>[759]</sup></a> pictures Gyges as a sort of major domo to
-Candaules, and the ring as the emblem of his power. Explanations
-of this kind are not without plausibility; they are right in taking
-notice of the signet<a id='r760' /><a href='#f760' class='c014'><sup>[760]</sup></a>; but they ignore one essential detail of the story
-namely the marvellous discovery of the ring, nor do they go to the
-root of the matter, if, as the story plainly implies, the ring of Gyges
-is to be equated with the real source of his power. From this last
-point of view it becomes probable that Radet has come very much
-nearer the truth in another passage, where he says: “<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Gygès et ses
-successeurs ont possédé un merveilleux talisman: la
-science économique</span><a id='r761' /><a href='#f761' class='c014'><sup>[761]</sup></a>.” <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>explained by
-Radet as “la
-science économique.”<span class='hidev'>|</span></span>
-There is a point about the
-ring story that tells strongly in favour of some explanation
-on the lines of this second suggestion of
-Radet’s. The hero of the story is not always Gyges: in Pliny<a id='r762' /><a href='#f762' class='c014'><sup>[762]</sup></a> it is
-Midas the king of Phrygia who was overthrown by the Cimmerians
-a generation before they overthrew Gyges<a id='r763' /><a href='#f763' class='c014'><sup>[763]</sup></a>. It is of course possible
-that Pliny is merely making a mistake about the name. But it is
-equally possible that a genuine tradition attributed the ring to Midas.
-Midas has much else in common with Gyges and the points of
-resemblance deserve to be noticed. His kingdom, like that of Gyges,
-was famous for its precious metals<a id='r764' /><a href='#f764' class='c014'><sup>[764]</sup></a>. Like Lydia it occupied an
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_147'>147</span>important part of the great caravan route<a id='r765' /><a href='#f765' class='c014'><sup>[765]</sup></a>. Midas was the golden
-king still more than Gyges. His touch turned all things into gold
-until he was freed from this disastrous power by bathing in the
-Pactolus, the river from which the Lydians got so much of their
-electrum<a id='r766' /><a href='#f766' class='c014'><sup>[766]</sup></a>. According to one account coins were first struck
-by “Demodike of Cyme, daughter of Agamemnon king of the
-Cymaeans, after her marriage with Midas the Phrygian<a id='r767' /><a href='#f767' class='c014'><sup>[767]</sup></a>.” Midas,
-like Gyges, sent rich presents (bribes?) to Delphi<a id='r768' /><a href='#f768' class='c014'><sup>[768]</sup></a>. In short the
-great point of resemblance which Midas bears to Gyges lies in his
-enormous wealth and the ways in which he appears to have acquired
-and used it<a id='r769' /><a href='#f769' class='c014'><sup>[769]</sup></a>. It may be that this implied the possession of the magic
-ring<a id='r770' /><a href='#f770' class='c014'><sup>[770]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>With the story of the finding of the ring cp. stories of finds in mining districts.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>The circumstances of the find recall two anecdotes in the
-<cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Mirabiles Auscultationes</span></cite><a id='r771' /><a href='#f771' class='c014'><sup>[771]</sup></a>, located the one in Paionia
-the other in Pieria, in which, as in the Gyges story,
-we have the rains, the chasms, the find of gold and
-the taking of it to the palace. In at least one of the
-two cases the find is treasure trove, like the ring of
-Gyges. But the point to be noticed is that both Paionia and Pieria
-are in the famous mining district that played so great a part in the
-history of Athens and Macedonia. Considering the fame of the
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_148'>148</span>mines of Lydia it is natural to ask whether they did not play their
-part in the evolution of the story of the ring. Stories of men buried
-in the mines of Lydia did actually exist. One of them, told in the
-<cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Mirabiles Auscultationes</span></cite>, shows that in Lydia, as in the region of
-Mt Pangaion and the river Strymon, chasms containing skeletons
-and gold were not unlikely to be mine shafts, and the power secured
-by their discoverer to be simply the power of suddenly and perhaps
-secretly acquired wealth.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>As to the date at which Tmolus was first mined nothing is known
-except that the workings were disused in the days of Strabo<a id='r772' /><a href='#f772' class='c014'><sup>[772]</sup></a>. It
-may well have been worked from the earliest days of Gyges if,
-as is probable, he mined at Pergamus and further afield<a id='r773' /><a href='#f773' class='c014'><sup>[773]</sup></a>. Lydians
-mining in those regions would hardly be neglecting mines so near
-their own capital, the more so as they would be directed to them
-by following the golden stream of the Pactolus<a id='r774' /><a href='#f774' class='c014'><sup>[774]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>In the face of these facts it is tempting to go one step further than
-Radet when he explains Gyges’ talisman as economic science. <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Rings as money.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span>
-We
-are reminded of Byron’s description of the most potent of talismans:</p>
-
-<div class='lg-container-b c016'>
-  <div class='linegroup'>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line'>Yes, ready money is Aladdin’s lamp<a id='r775' /><a href='#f775' class='c014'><sup>[775]</sup></a>.</div>
-    </div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c017'>Gyges, it is true, discovered a ring, not a lamp, but the particular
-form of his talisman only adds point to the Byronic interpretation.
-Till somewhere about the time of the story rings
-were probably ready money in the literal sense of the
-phrase<a id='r776' /><a href='#f776' class='c014'><sup>[776]</sup></a>. In many parts of the world before the introduction of a
-regular stamped coinage trade had been conducted largely by means
-of rings of specific weight<a id='r777' /><a href='#f777' class='c014'><sup>[777]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_149'>149</span>Much of the evidence for this use takes us back well into the
-second millennium. Some of the localities where it is known to
-have prevailed earliest were connected with Lydia at this time.
-Egypt was the ally of Gyges, the Hittites were the predecessors of
-the Lydians in the land of Lydia. Troy probably formed part of
-Gyges’ dominions<a id='r778' /><a href='#f778' class='c014'><sup>[778]</sup></a>. The book of Genesis specifically associates ring
-money with caravans<a id='r779' /><a href='#f779' class='c014'><sup>[779]</sup></a>. It is therefore probable that rings circulated
-in Lydia itself until they were supplanted by the new stamped coins,
-which may have owed their shape to its convenience for stamping.
-<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>With Gyges’
-ring cp. perhaps
-Pheidon’s
-spits, the Attic
-obol and drachma,
-and the
-Roman as.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span>
-In Argos, according to a tradition which is defended
-in the next chapter, the stamped coinage was preceded
-by a currency of metal spits (below, fig. 21): if the
-tradition is to be trusted, these spits remained permanently
-associated with the name of the tyrant
-who displaced them by coined money. Have we a
-parallel in the case of the Gyges story? Is its hero the inventor of
-the new stamped coinage and has his name become associated with
-the rings that he displaced? It is perfectly possible that the new
-coins were at first regarded as so many rings’ worth of precious
-metal. The name <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">νόμισμα</span> implies that the stamped coin had won
-general acceptance; it would of course be quite appropriate to a
-currency in rings or kettles or cows; but there is no evidence of its
-use previous to the introduction of a stamped metal coinage, and it
-was probably the general acceptance of this latter that gave rise to
-the word. To call the earliest Lydian coins rings (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">δακτύλιοι</span>) would
-be precisely like calling the earliest coins of Athens spits (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὀβελοί</span>)
-or bundles of spits (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">δραχμαί</span>) or the earliest coins of Rome bars
-(asses). If obol and drachma and as survived while <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">δακτύλιος</span> did
-not, the fact is sufficiently accounted for by the histories of Athens,
-Rome, and Lydia.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>But if so, why is the ring a seal ring?</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>The explanation just offered of the ring of Gyges omits one
-detail that is essential to the story as told by Plato.
-Plato’s ring is a signet ring, and it is the seal (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">σφραγίς</span>)
-that does the magic. Babelon holds that the seal
-makers (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">δακτυλιογλύφοι</span>) of the period were probably also the coin
-strikers. But if we are to follow one of our own leading numismatists,
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_150'>150</span>G. Macdonald, the connexion between seal and coin was
-closer than this. Originally, according to him<a id='r780' /><a href='#f780' class='c014'><sup>[780]</sup></a>, coins were simply
-pieces of sealed metal.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>“Coins are pieces of sealed metal.”</div>
-
-<p class='c015'>The minting of money in its most primitive form was simply the
-placing of a seal on lumps of electrum that had previously
-been weighed and adjusted to a fixed standard: the excessive
-rarity of coins that have only a striated surface on the obverse
-proves that this primitive stage was of short duration<a id='r781' /><a href='#f781' class='c014'><sup>[781]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Greek seals were normally attached to rings<a id='r782' /><a href='#f782' class='c014'><sup>[782]</sup></a>. The definition of
-a coin as a piece of sealed metal was started by Burgon, who used it
-as an argument for the religious character of coin types and described
-the seal as “the impress of the symbol of the tutelar divinity of the
-city<a id='r783' /><a href='#f783' class='c014'><sup>[783]</sup></a>.” Macdonald very rightly rejects the theory, so widely current
-before the appearance of Ridgeway’s <cite>Metallic Currency</cite>, that all coin
-types had a religious origin. But he himself proceeds to hang on
-to the seal theory views of his own that are equally untenable,
-at least in the sweeping form in which he states them. He
-assumes that the seal must be always that of a state or king or
-magistrate, and that the device is usually heraldic. The latter point
-does not concern us here<a id='r784' /><a href='#f784' class='c014'><sup>[784]</sup></a>: the former does, since it is incompatible
-with the views of Babelon and Lenormant that the earliest coins
-were not state issues. But the seal theory does not depend on the
-nature either of the seals or of the sealers. There is no reason why
-we should not accept Babelon and Lenormant on the private
-character of the earliest coins simultaneously with Burgon and
-Macdonald on the character of the first coin types as being simply
-seals. Indeed some of the evidence collected by Macdonald positively
-suggests that we should. In the fifth and fourth centuries <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> at
-Athens public property was stamped with the public seal, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τῷ δημοσίῳ
-σημάντρῳ</span><a id='r785' /><a href='#f785' class='c014'><sup>[785]</sup></a>. The same practice was followed in the fifth century
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_151'>151</span>at Samos<a id='r786' /><a href='#f786' class='c014'><sup>[786]</sup></a>, and perhaps at Syracuse<a id='r787' /><a href='#f787' class='c014'><sup>[787]</sup></a>. This use of public seals to
-stamp public property suggests corresponding private seals similarly
-used. At this point the literary evidence fails us, but archaeological
-documents come to our aid.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Metal was not the only material that the ancients stamped in this
-way. Wine jars, bricks, and tiles were similarly stamped. Thousands
-of these stamps have come down to us, and many of them bear city
-symbols and a magistrate’s name. But they often bear also the name
-of the maker, and the Danish scholar Nilsson<a id='r788' /><a href='#f788' class='c014'><sup>[788]</sup></a>, who has made a
-thorough study of them, is inclined to regard them as essentially
-the seals of private manufacturers. The magistrate’s name may
-merely indicate the date: the state symbol may mean that the state
-was the consignee, or that the manufacturer enjoyed some sort of
-state protection, or was subjected to state taxation and control.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>If then such was the history of the stamp as applied to bricks
-and wine jars, we have a further reason for thinking that stamps
-as applied to the precious metals may have originally been put on
-them by private owners. May we not here have the true explanation
-of the marvellous seal of Gyges’ ring? May not the owner of
-this ring have been the first person to use his signet for stamping
-coins of metal, and may not this fact be the origin of the stories
-about its marvellous powers?</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Whether this person was Gyges is another question. His claim
-to the ring is not beyond dispute. We have seen already that it is
-sometimes attributed to Midas. Even in the story as told by Plato
-the MSS. make the hero “the ancestor of Gyges,” not Gyges himself,
-and the fact that in other writers and elsewhere in the <cite>Republic</cite><a id='r789' /><a href='#f789' class='c014'><sup>[789]</sup></a> the
-ring is called the ring of Gyges is not in itself decisive. Both the
-ring and its magic powers may have passed from hand to hand.
-But if the evidence and opinions that have been adduced in this
-chapter have any value, our interpretation of the ring story does
-not depend on establishing Gyges as the original owner.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Let us now revert for a moment to the illuminating theory of
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_152'>152</span>Babelon that the striking of coins was at first a private undertaking
-of merchants or miners or bankers, and that the final step in the
-evolution of a gold and silver coinage was reached only when this
-business of stamping and issuing the pieces was taken over by the
-state. We are entirely without record of the actual transference that
-the theory implies. Babelon assumes that the government created
-the monopoly. This chapter suggests a modification of Babelon’s
-view in one important point, namely that it was not the government
-that made the monopoly, but the monopoly that made the government.
-As in the case of Babelon’s own main thesis, we are forced
-to trust largely to analogies. But the analogies are striking, and they
-strike in two directions. We have first the commercial or financial
-antecedents of the rulers of this period both in Lydia and in various
-Greek states: and secondly we have the history of later Lydian
-rulers and aspirants to the throne, notably Croesus and Sadyattes,
-Cyrus and Pactyes, Xerxes and Pythes. The moral of their stories
-is that no ruler could feel safe at Sardis until he had secured some
-sort of financial supremacy. When we further consider that Gyges
-was famous for his gold<a id='r790' /><a href='#f790' class='c014'><sup>[790]</sup></a>, and that his gold and his tyranny are
-spoken of by Archilochus, probably in the same breath, then apart
-from speculative interpretations of the story of the ring, there is at
-least a clear possibility that the monopolist policy of Croesus and
-his successors goes back at least to Gyges and perhaps even a generation
-or so earlier, to some such ruler as Ardys or Spermos, and that
-it was the monopoly in stamped pieces of electrum that brought
-the first tyrant to the king’s palace and placed him on the throne<a id='r791' /><a href='#f791' class='c014'><sup>[791]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='chapter'>
-  <span class='pageno' id='Page_154'>154</span>
-  <h2 class='c005'>Chapter VI. <em>Argos</em></h2>
-</div>
-
-<div class='lg-container-b c013'>
-  <div class='linegroup'>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τὰν ἀρετὰν καὶ τὰν σοφίαν νικῶντι χελῶναι.</span></div>
-    </div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='figcenter id003'>
-<img src='images/i_p154.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic002'>
-<p>Fig. 20. Early Aeginetan “tortoises.”</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>“Tyranny” of Pheidon the legitimate sovereign “who created for the Peloponnesians their measures” (Herodotus),</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>Our earliest account of the one tyrant of Argos is found in Herodotus
-and runs as follows: “and from the Peloponnesus
-came Leokedes the son of Pheidon the tyrant of the
-Argives, that Pheidon who created for the Peloponnesians
-their measures and behaved quite the most
-outrageously of all the Greeks, who having removed
-the Eleian directors of the games himself directed the
-games at Olympia<a id='r792' /><a href='#f792' class='c014'><sup>[792]</sup></a>.” Pheidon belonged to the royal
-house of Temenos<a id='r793' /><a href='#f793' class='c014'><sup>[793]</sup></a>, and appears to have succeeded to a hereditary
-throne in the ordinary way. Nevertheless he is deliberately classed
-by Aristotle as a typical tyrant<a id='r794' /><a href='#f794' class='c014'><sup>[794]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Some years ago I suggested that it was Pheidon’s “invention” of
-measures rather than his outrageous behaviour or his warlike achievements
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_155'>155</span>that caused him to be regarded as a different kind of ruler
-from his forefathers—as a tyrant instead of a king<a id='r795' /><a href='#f795' class='c014'><sup>[795]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>and also, according to Ephorus, struck in Aegina the first silver coins.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>Herodotus speaks of him simply as the man who made their
-measures for the Peloponnesians. But Ephorus and
-later writers declare that Pheidon invented a system
-of weights as well as measures, and, most important
-of all, that silver was first coined by him in Aegina<a id='r796' /><a href='#f796' class='c014'><sup>[796]</sup></a>.
-The reign of Pheidon probably covered the first third
-of the seventh century. Thus in Greece Proper as
-in Asia Minor there is evidence for ascribing the earliest coins to
-the earliest tyrant. <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Pheidon the
-European
-counterpart
-of Gyges.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span>
-If there is any weight in the
-Argive evidence, then the accounts mutually confirm
-one another, and it becomes distinctly improbable
-that the association of coinage and tyranny was a
-mere accident.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>The evidence for Pheidon is disputed. This chapter is devoted to maintaining its credibility.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>Unfortunately the evidence as regards Pheidon is all very much
-disputed. The greater part of this chapter will therefore
-be devoted to examining its credibility and endeavouring
-to show that the doubts that have been
-cast upon it are not well founded, that on the most
-probable showing the reign of Pheidon opened the
-epoch known as the age of the tyrants, that Pheidon
-lived just about the time when the first coins were struck in Aegina,
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_156'>156</span>and that the institution of the Aeginetan weight system was the
-direct result of an Argive occupation of the island.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Date of earliest Aeginetan coins.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>One or two points may be assumed to start with as generally
-admitted. The Aeginetan “tortoises” (fig. 20) were
-the first coins struck in European Greece<a id='r797' /><a href='#f797' class='c014'><sup>[797]</sup></a>, and they
-were first struck fairly early in the seventh century<a id='r798' /><a href='#f798' class='c014'><sup>[798]</sup></a>.
-The points that have been most disputed are the date of Pheidon
-and his connexion with Aegina and the Aeginetan coinage. <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Evidence for
-the date of
-Pheidon:<span class='hidev'>|</span></span>
-It is
-the date that is the real centre of the controversy,
-and it will be best to deal with it first and to begin
-by briefly recalling the evidence and arguments.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>(1) from genealogies:</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>(i) The later genealogies<a id='r799' /><a href='#f799' class='c014'><sup>[799]</sup></a> which make Pheidon seventh from
-Temenos and eleventh from Heracles and thus put
-him early in the ninth century have been shown by
-Busolt<a id='r800' /><a href='#f800' class='c014'><sup>[800]</sup></a> to be due to fourth century tamperings with the pedigree
-of the royal house of Macedon. In ascribing the foundation of the
-Macedonian dynasty to a certain Karanos, who according to Theopompus
-was a son of Pheidon, according to Satyrus a son of Pheidon’s
-father<a id='r801' /><a href='#f801' class='c014'><sup>[801]</sup></a>, they were influenced by the incurable Greek belief in
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_157'>157</span>symmetry which required the Macedonian royal family to be as old
-as that of its great rivals the Medes which latter, following Ktesias,
-they dated from 884 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span><a id='r802' /><a href='#f802' class='c014'><sup>[802]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>(ii) The genealogy that makes Pheidon tenth from Temenos
-and thus puts him about the middle of the eighth century can be
-traced back only to Ephorus<a id='r803' /><a href='#f803' class='c014'><sup>[803]</sup></a>. In other words, as already pointed
-out by Bury<a id='r804' /><a href='#f804' class='c014'><sup>[804]</sup></a>, its credibility depends in great measure on that of
-the writer who is also our earliest authority for the statement that
-Pheidon coined in Aegina<a id='r805' /><a href='#f805' class='c014'><sup>[805]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>(iii) Yet a third statement as to Pheidon’s family is that of
-Herodotus<a id='r806' /><a href='#f806' class='c014'><sup>[806]</sup></a>. According to Herodotus Leokedes son of Pheidon was
-one of the suitors of Agariste at Sicyon early in the sixth century.
-The statement occurs in a plainly romantic setting, and must not
-be pressed too far. It may however be fairly claimed as an argument
-against a date as early as 750. Even admitting the possibility that
-<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">παίς</span> (son) in the singular may be loosely used for <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀπόγονος</span>
-(descendant)<a id='r807' /><a href='#f807' class='c014'><sup>[807]</sup></a>, yet it remains highly unlikely that Herodotus would
-have mentioned Pheidon at all in connexion with Leokedes if he
-regarded them as separated by over 150 years<a id='r808' /><a href='#f808' class='c014'><sup>[808]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Lehmann-Haupt<a id='r809' /><a href='#f809' class='c014'><sup>[809]</sup></a>, who, in spite of all the difficulties just summarized,
-dates Pheidon eighth Olympiad (748 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>)<a id='r810' /><a href='#f810' class='c014'><sup>[810]</sup></a>, imagines an
-obscure Pheidon, father of Leokedes, and formulates as a characteristic
-of Herodotus the practice of assigning the deeds of famous
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_158'>158</span>men to obscure namesakes. Besides Pheidon he quotes only
-Philokypros, tyrant of Soli and friend of Solon, whom he proceeds,
-in direct contradiction of Herodotus<a id='r811' /><a href='#f811' class='c014'><sup>[811]</sup></a>, to differentiate from the
-father of the Aristokypros who fell during the Ionic revolt. His
-view is discredited by the one illustration that he quotes in its support.
-Solon’s young friend need not have been born before 608 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>, and
-the son of a man born in that year might well be alive in 498 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>
-Even if Herodotus is mistaken on this point, his mistake would
-only illustrate the comparatively narrow margin of error to which
-his anachronisms on matters of this kind are limited.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>There is yet another group of statements bearing on Pheidon’s
-pedigree. Pausanias says that the last king of Argos was Meltas
-son of Lakedes<a id='r812' /><a href='#f812' class='c014'><sup>[812]</sup></a>. The latter is equated by Beloch<a id='r813' /><a href='#f813' class='c014'><sup>[813]</sup></a> with the Leokedes
-of Herodotus<a id='r814' /><a href='#f814' class='c014'><sup>[814]</sup></a>. Meltas is said by Pausanias to have been tenth in
-descent from Medon, grandson of Temenos. Pheidon, as has been
-noted already, is described by Strabo as tenth in descent from
-Temenos himself. Thus Strabo, Pausanias, and Herodotus might
-be taken as mutually confirming one another, if we accept
-Herodotus literally, and make Pheidon father of Leokedes and
-consequently grandfather of Meltas. As there was still a king of
-Argos in 484 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span><a id='r815' /><a href='#f815' class='c014'><sup>[815]</sup></a>, and there is nothing to show that the office did
-not continue well after that date, Beloch’s argument brings Pheidon
-well down into the sixth century. But as it allows only twelve
-generations from the Dorian invasion under Temenos to the
-indeterminate date after 480 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> when kingship was completely
-abolished, it only helps to emphasize the fact that Argive royal
-pedigrees are not a safe guide for determining Pheidon’s date<a id='r816' /><a href='#f816' class='c014'><sup>[816]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>(2) from his interference at the Olympian games.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_159'>159</span>The assertion of Pausanias<a id='r817' /><a href='#f817' class='c014'><sup>[817]</sup></a>, that Pheidon interfered with the
-eighth celebration of the Olympian games, is not to
-be reconciled with a seventh century date. But serious
-doubts have been thrown on Pausanias’ dating, which
-may very possibly have been influenced by the
-Macedonian genealogies, in which case it is no confirmation of the
-date arrived at by reckoning Pheidon tenth from Temenos. The
-arguments for emending eighth to twenty-eighth are weighty<a id='r818' /><a href='#f818' class='c014'><sup>[818]</sup></a>.
-Pausanias’ exact statement is that “at the eighth Olympian festival
-the Pisatans called in Pheidon&nbsp;... and celebrated the games along with
-Pheidon<a id='r819' /><a href='#f819' class='c014'><sup>[819]</sup></a>.” But Strabo declares it to be “more probable (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐγγυτέρω
-τῆς πίστεως</span>) that from the first Olympiad till the twenty-sixth
-the presidency both of the temple and the games was held by the
-Eleians<a id='r820' /><a href='#f820' class='c014'><sup>[820]</sup></a>.” Julius Africanus likewise knows nothing of any disturbance
-at the eighth Olympiad, but records one at the twenty-eighth.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The difficulties in accepting the twenty-eighth Olympiad, as set
-forth by Unger<a id='r821' /><a href='#f821' class='c014'><sup>[821]</sup></a>, are not very impressive. He argues that at the
-twenty-eighth Olympiad the Eleians had arms<a id='r822' /><a href='#f822' class='c014'><sup>[822]</sup></a>, whereas Pheidon
-made his attack “when the Eleians were without arms<a id='r823' /><a href='#f823' class='c014'><sup>[823]</sup></a>,” and that,
-as the Pisatans celebrated the twenty-seventh Olympiad, Pheidon
-in the twenty-eighth would have displaced not the Eleians, but
-the Pisatans. But when Strabo says that the Eleians were without
-arms, he or his source may mean that their Dymaean war left them
-unequipped for home defence. Assume that this was so and that
-they were preoccupied with their Dymaean war both in 672 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_160'>160</span>and in 668 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>, and the whole situation is explained easily. At the
-twenty-seventh celebration the Pisatans unaided might secure the
-presidency by a surprise attack. It would be at the next festival,
-when the Eleians were forewarned, that the Pisatans would need
-Pheidon’s help to displace them at Olympia. Weaker still is Unger’s
-argument that a notice about Pheidon may have fallen out in
-Eusebius under Olymp. VIII, as one has in the same chronicle
-about the emperor Caligula.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>We may indeed with Mahaffy<a id='r824' /><a href='#f824' class='c014'><sup>[824]</sup></a> and Busolt<a id='r825' /><a href='#f825' class='c014'><sup>[825]</sup></a> doubt whether these
-early parts of the Olympian victor lists are contemporary records.
-But it is easy to be unduly sceptical. Mahaffy, for instance, is
-inclined to argue that the Olympian lists cannot have existed in the
-fifth century because they are not then used for purposes of dating.
-He assumes that Hippias who made his edition of the list in 370 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>
-can have had little more evidence at his disposal than Pausanias,
-who lived over five hundred years later. Plutarch<a id='r826' /><a href='#f826' class='c014'><sup>[826]</sup></a>, whom he
-quotes as discrediting the list, merely expresses an opinion which is
-no more final than that of Mahaffy himself. If our chronological
-data are untrustworthy, we are thrown back on Pheidon’s achievements
-for determining his date, a position long ago maintained by
-C. Mueller<a id='r827' /><a href='#f827' class='c014'><sup>[827]</sup></a>. Regarded as a fact of indeterminate date Pheidon’s
-interference at Olympia is more likely to have been remembered
-if it was not made so early as the close of the eighth century, when
-the festival had not yet attained its subsequent reputation<a id='r828' /><a href='#f828' class='c014'><sup>[828]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Pheidon probably contemporary with the earliest Aeginetan coins.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>The evidence as to Pheidon’s date is therefore quite compatible
-with the statement that makes him the first to strike
-coins in Aegina. For if it be allowed that he may
-have lived in the first half of the seventh century,
-there would be nothing unique in his having his mint
-away from his capital in an outlying but commercially
-important part of his dominion. Ridgeway and Svoronos have
-already compared the Romans, who struck their first coins in
-Campania<a id='r829' /><a href='#f829' class='c014'><sup>[829]</sup></a>, and the Ptolemies who coined very largely in Cyprus<a id='r830' /><a href='#f830' class='c014'><sup>[830]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Did he strike them?</div>
-
-<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_161'>161</span>But had Pheidon anything to do with Aegina and its coinage?
-Against the statements of Ephorus and later writers
-must be set the silence of Herodotus, who makes no
-reference either to coins or to Aegina in his account of Pheidon. This
-omission, combined with the diversity of views as to Pheidon’s date,
-has led to a general distrust of Ephorus, so much so that the
-majority of the most competent authorities are either agnostics<a id='r831' /><a href='#f831' class='c014'><sup>[831]</sup></a> or
-utter unbelievers<a id='r832' /><a href='#f832' class='c014'><sup>[832]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Herodotus’ silence is not by itself a serious argument for rejecting
-the additions of the later historians. It should be remembered that
-his whole account of Pheidon in <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 127 extends to barely four lines.
-He can hardly be expected to state at all completely even the main
-facts about so important a personality in so short a space. To assert,
-as has been done recently<a id='r833' /><a href='#f833' class='c014'><sup>[833]</sup></a>, that Herodotus <em>knew</em> nothing about a
-coinage issued by Pheidon is to beg the question.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>To the fifth century Greek, for whom Herodotus wrote, the
-origin of the system of weights on which the Aeginetan coins were
-struck may have been of greater interest than the remoter question
-of an invention which they doubtless all took for granted. Peloponnesian
-weights and measures stood for the lack of standardization
-in all matters metrical from which Herodotus and his hearers must
-have suffered daily.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>There is no need to pursue these criticisms in further detail.
-They start with various assumptions as to Pheidon’s date. Some of
-them would be found to be mutually destructive. Nearly all of
-them overestimate the difficulties raised by the apparent lack of
-confirmation of Ephorus in earlier writers. It is by no means
-certain that his statements about Pheidon’s connexion with the
-Aeginetan coinage must be a fanciful expansion of Herodotus <span class='fss'>VI.</span>
-127. There are in fact two lines of evidence that point in quite
-the opposite direction. One of them rests on notices about the
-Argive Heraeum supplemented by recent finds on the site; the
-other is based on a new interpretation of a passage in the fifth book
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_162'>162</span>of Herodotus. It will be necessary to examine in some detail the
-evidence from these two sources.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>A. Evidence from the Argive Heraeum.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>In the famous temple of Hera, the Argive Heraeum, that lies
-between Argos and Mycenae, there was preserved
-a dedication that was said to have been made by
-Pheidon in commemoration of his coinage. The
-notice is preserved only in the mediaeval <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Etymologicum Magnum</span></cite>. It
-runs: “Pheidon the Argive was the first of all men to strike a
-coinage in Aegina, and on account of this coinage he called in the
-spits (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὀβελίσκοι</span>) and dedicated them to the Hera of Argos.” There
-is nothing suspicious in this notice. The word drachma means a
-handful, and according to Plutarch a drachma is a handful of obols
-(spits or nails), which in early times were used as money<a id='r834' /><a href='#f834' class='c014'><sup>[834]</sup></a>. In modern
-times nails are said to have served as a coinage in both Scotland and
-France<a id='r835' /><a href='#f835' class='c014'><sup>[835]</sup></a>. Plenty of evidence is to be found in antiquity for offerings
-of disused objects to the gods<a id='r836' /><a href='#f836' class='c014'><sup>[836]</sup></a>. The ultimate source for the statement
-of the <cite>Etymologicum Magnum</cite> may well be the official guide
-at the Heraeum itself. Temple traditions are not always above
-suspicion. All the same the indications of a Pheidon tradition
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_163'>163</span>preserved in the Argive Heraeum are valuable, because they show
-a source from which Ephorus
-might very well have supplemented
-Herodotus far older and more valuable
-than his own imagination.</p>
-
-<div  class='figcenter id005'>
-<img src='images/i_p163.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic002'>
-<p>Fig. 21. Bundle of spits found in the Argive Heraeum.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>This however does not end the
-evidence of the Argive Heraeum.
-Some thirty years ago the site was
-excavated by the American School
-of Archaeology at Athens. Among
-the finds was a bundle of iron spits
-or rods about four feet long (fig. 21)
-which Svoronos<a id='r837' /><a href='#f837' class='c014'><sup>[837]</sup></a> has plausibly associated
-with the <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὀβελίσκοι</span> of the
-<cite>Etymologicum Magnum</cite>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The Americans ascribed the
-foundation of the Heraeum to the
-Mycenaean period, so that the
-dedication of the spits could be put
-anywhere in the three centuries
-that form the limit of controversy
-as to Pheidon’s date. But more
-recently this dating has been shown
-to be mistaken by the Germans
-who excavated Tiryns. Whole
-series of miniature vessels which
-the Argive Heraeum excavators
-had regarded as Mycenaean were
-shown by the Tiryns excavators
-to be seventh century or later, and
-when one of them, Frickenhaus,
-visited the Argive Heraeum, he
-found fragments of Geometric and
-proto-Corinthian pottery in positions which proved the sherds to
-be older than the temple foundations. From this fact he argues
-conclusively that the abundant series of dedications at the Heraeum
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_164'>164</span>begin in the seventh century. Pheidon’s <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὀβελίσκοι</span> cannot therefore
-go further back than that<a id='r838' /><a href='#f838' class='c014'><sup>[838]</sup></a>. The Mycenaean objects from the
-Argive Heraeum site must all come from a small secular settlement
-that preceded the temple. The latter becomes possibly contemporary
-with Pheidon himself.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>This is a fact of possible significance. It suggests that the
-Heraeum may have been the religious centre of Pheidon’s imperial
-policy, a sort of religious federal capital carefully placed away from
-the chief cities of the Argolid much as the federal capital of Australia
-has been placed away from the capitals of the various Australian
-states. It looks indeed as though the analogy may have been
-closer still, and that Pheidon was the builder of his federal
-capital. If so his date was some time, probably early, in the
-seventh century.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>B. Fresh evidence from Herodotus.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>This ends the evidence of the Heraeum and brings me to the
-most important section of my argument. We have
-just seen how little need there is to mistrust Ephorus
-simply because he does not exactly reproduce Herodotus.
-All the same the earlier writer is of course by far the more
-reliable. The account of Pheidon’s coinage in Aegina would gain
-enormously in credibility if any evidence for it could be found in
-the pages of Herodotus. Modern writers without exception have
-taken it for granted that no such evidence is to be found. In this
-I believe them to have been mistaken. There is a passage in the
-fifth book which, though it does not mention Pheidon’s name, I
-believe to describe the conquest by him of Aegina and the institution
-as a result of that conquest of the weight standard on which the
-earliest Aeginetan coins were struck. If my explanation has not
-been anticipated, there is no reason for surprise. The passage contains
-references to pottery, ships, dress, and jewellery, and my
-interpretation of it is based on archaeological evidence much of
-which has only quite recently become available.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Herodotus, <span class='fss'>V.</span> 82 f. describes an Argive intervention in Aegina,</div>
-
-<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_165'>165</span>In the passage of the fifth book which we are now to examine
-Herodotus<a id='r839' /><a href='#f839' class='c014'><sup>[839]</sup></a> is explaining the origin of the hatred that
-existed between Athens and Aegina in 500 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>
-Aegina had once been subject to Epidaurus<a id='r840' /><a href='#f840' class='c014'><sup>[840]</sup></a>. Then
-the Aeginetans, having built triremes and made themselves
-masters of the sea<a id='r841' /><a href='#f841' class='c014'><sup>[841]</sup></a>, revolted. Through their revolt they got
-embroiled with the Athenians, who had at that time very close
-relations with Epidaurus. At the suggestion of the Epidaurians, the
-Athenians sailed against Aegina. The Aeginetans appealed to Argos,
-and with the help of an Argive force that crossed undetected from
-Epidaurus, utterly defeated the Athenians in a land battle on the
-island. The various measures<a id='r842' /><a href='#f842' class='c014'><sup>[842]</sup></a> taken in common by the Aeginetans
-and the Argives immediately after the war suggest that Aegina,
-when she had revolted from Epidaurus, became in some sort a
-confederate, or possibly a subject, of Argos<a id='r843' /><a href='#f843' class='c014'><sup>[843]</sup></a>. We may assume too
-that Argos secured some sort of control over Epidaurus in the course
-of the war. Otherwise it is inconceivable that an Argive force
-should have set out from Epidaurus with the double purpose
-of aiding Epidaurus’ revolted subjects and attacking those very
-Athenians, whose expedition against the island had been suggested
-by the Epidaurians themselves<a id='r844' /><a href='#f844' class='c014'><sup>[844]</sup></a>. The crushing defeat that the
-Athenians sustained may have been due to the collapse of her
-Epidaurian allies.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>One further point about Herodotus’ narrative should be noticed.
-There is nothing in it to suggest that at the time when the Aeginetans
-revolted from the Epidaurians, either of them was dependent on
-Argos. The narrative points rather to a previous confederation or
-dominion in which the chief cities were Epidaurus, Aegina, and
-not Argos but Athens. Are there any indications as to when all
-this occurred?</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The reference is to a time considerably<a id='r845' /><a href='#f845' class='c014'><sup>[845]</sup></a> previous to 500 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>
-Macan thinks that the most probable date for the expedition to
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_166'>166</span>Aegina is somewhere in the lifetime of Solon or Peisistratus<a id='r846' /><a href='#f846' class='c014'><sup>[846]</sup></a>. <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>generally ascribed
-to the
-first half of the
-sixth century,<span class='hidev'>|</span></span>
-He
-points to various circumstances that certainly might
-well have led to a collision between Athens and
-Aegina during that period<a id='r847' /><a href='#f847' class='c014'><sup>[847]</sup></a>. All the same it is difficult
-to accept a date within those limits. The Aeginetans
-are not likely<a id='r848' /><a href='#f848' class='c014'><sup>[848]</sup></a> to have been dependent on Epidaurus after it was
-conquered by Periander, about 600 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span><a id='r849' /><a href='#f849' class='c014'><sup>[849]</sup></a> If therefore the revolt
-from Epidaurus and the Athenian invasion are incidents in one
-and the same struggle, both must go into the seventh century.
-Macan prefers to assume a long interval between these two events.
-But Herodotus gives no hint of one. On the contrary, his narrative
-hangs excellently together as a description of successive and correlated
-incidents in a single struggle. Not only so, but even if the
-invasion be separated from the revolt, it is difficult to believe that
-it occurred after 590. So crushing a defeat for the Athenians, who
-themselves admitted that only one of their number got back to
-Attica<a id='r850' /><a href='#f850' class='c014'><sup>[850]</sup></a>, could hardly have taken place in the time of Solon or
-Peisistratus without being associated with their names. After all,
-a fair amount is known about sixth century Athens. There are no
-traces of any such overwhelming disaster, or of the inevitable set
-back that would have followed it. The relations of Athens to Argos
-during the period seem to have been friendly rather than the reverse.
-Peisistratus had Argive mercenaries, not to speak of an Argive
-wife<a id='r851' /><a href='#f851' class='c014'><sup>[851]</sup></a>. Argive support of Peisistratus is of course quite consistent
-with hostility to the government that Peisistratus overthrew. It has
-indeed been suggested<a id='r852' /><a href='#f852' class='c014'><sup>[852]</sup></a> that the Aeginetan expedition took place
-while Peisistratus was in exile. But, apart from the entire absence
-of evidence, and all the other difficulties involved by a sixth century
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_167'>167</span>date, this suggestion means that Peisistratus sought a bodyguard
-and wife in the most unpopular quarter imaginable, hardly a
-probable proceeding on the part of a ruler so tactful and popular
-as Peisistratus must have been.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>A date late in the seventh century is rendered unlikely by what
-is known of Procles of Epidaurus<a id='r853' /><a href='#f853' class='c014'><sup>[853]</sup></a>, the father-in-law of Periander,
-who ruled Epidaurus during the last part of the seventh century<a id='r854' /><a href='#f854' class='c014'><sup>[854]</sup></a>,
-apparently as a dependent of the Corinthian tyrant, by whom he
-was eventually deposed. C. Mueller indeed<a id='r855' /><a href='#f855' class='c014'><sup>[855]</sup></a> claims Aegina for
-Procles, but only on the more than dubious evidence of a more than
-dubious story of Plutarch’s, which tells how Procles once used an
-“Aeginetan stranger” to get rid of the corpse of a man whom he
-had murdered for his money<a id='r856' /><a href='#f856' class='c014'><sup>[856]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>but more probably to be dated early in the seventh, as shown by archaeological evidence on allusions in the narrative to:</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>On the whole the narrative seems to fall best into the first half
-of the seventh century. That is the time that best
-suits the naval situation during the war, and the
-effect that it is said to have had upon costume,
-ornament, and pottery. As the archaeological evidence
-for all these points is based largely on the
-evidence of the pottery, it will be best to take the
-pottery first.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>(i) pottery,</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>In the temple of Damia and Auxesia on Aegina it became
-the practice (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">νόμος</span>) after the war “to introduce
-into the temple neither anything else Attic nor
-pottery, but to drink there henceforth only out of native jars<a id='r857' /><a href='#f857' class='c014'><sup>[857]</sup></a>.”
-Herodotus mentions this embargo on Attic pottery only as applied
-to the one temple on Aegina<a id='r858' /><a href='#f858' class='c014'><sup>[858]</sup></a>. But he states that it was
-observed by Argives as well as by Aeginetans, which points to the
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_168'>168</span>possibility that the practice prevailed in Argos as well as Aegina.
-Macan goes as far as to suggest that it is an “understatement and
-pseudo-explanation of a measure or custom for the protection of
-native ware from Attic competition<a id='r859' /><a href='#f859' class='c014'><sup>[859]</sup></a>.” The other measures recorded
-in this connexion, the changes in Attic dress and in Peloponnesian
-brooches, support Macan’s suggestion. But in the matter of dating
-he follows earlier writers who, using very inadequate material,
-came to conclusions which can now be shown to be improbable.
-They date this embargo in the middle of the sixth century. But in
-Aegina at any rate Attic pottery continued to be imported throughout
-the second half of the sixth century, while in Argos, where the
-evidence is less decisive and abundant, there is no sign of a cessation
-of Attic imports about 550 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> On the other hand both in Argos
-and Aegina there does appear to be an abrupt cessation of Attic
-imports early in the seventh century. As, further, the general history
-of Greek pottery shows that an Argive-Aeginetan embargo on
-Attic pottery would have had a strong commercial motive early
-in the seventh century and none in the middle of the sixth, there is
-a strong presumption that the date of the embargo was not the
-middle of the sixth century but somewhere about the beginning
-of the seventh. To examine the archaeological evidence here in
-detail would take us too far from our main enquiry. It will be
-found presented in full in an appendix<a id='r860' /><a href='#f860' class='c014'><sup>[860]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>(ii) sea-power and ships,</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>The war was a great disaster for Athenian naval power. Now
-the period of greatest eclipse for Athens from this
-point of view was the seventh century. Throughout
-it there is no indication whatever of naval activity at Athens, except
-a possible war against Mitylene. Even that must be put at the
-earliest close on the year 600 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>, and is to be regarded as announcing
-the beginning of the new epoch of activity in the sixth century<a id='r861' /><a href='#f861' class='c014'><sup>[861]</sup></a>;
-and against it must be set the failure in the struggle with Megara
-for Salamis<a id='r862' /><a href='#f862' class='c014'><sup>[862]</sup></a>. This had not been the naval position of Athens earlier.
-During the dark ages she appears to have been a considerable naval
-power. A tradition preserved by Plutarch makes Athens succeed
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_169'>169</span>Crete in the command of the sea<a id='r863' /><a href='#f863' class='c014'><sup>[863]</sup></a>: naval power is implied in Theseus’
-expedition to Crete; a poem of Bacchylides<a id='r864' /><a href='#f864' class='c014'><sup>[864]</sup></a>, which is illustrated
-by a vase painting of Euphronios<a id='r865' /><a href='#f865' class='c014'><sup>[865]</sup></a>, tells how Theseus went to the
-depths of the sea to fetch up the ring of Minos, and the story has
-been brought by S. Reinach into connexion with rings such as those
-of Polycrates and the doges of Venice, and explained as symbolizing
-the winning by Theseus of the sea which had been previously the
-bride of Minos<a id='r866' /><a href='#f866' class='c014'><sup>[866]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The date of these events must not be pressed. The period of this
-sea-power is plainly the dark age that followed the breaking up of
-the Cretan and Mycenaean civilization. It is the period of the
-pottery known as Geometric, and the Athenian Geometric, the
-Dipylon ware, again and again shows pictures of ships. Thirty-nine
-examples are quoted by Torr<a id='r867' /><a href='#f867' class='c014'><sup>[867]</sup></a>, enough, as pointed out by Helbig<a id='r868' /><a href='#f868' class='c014'><sup>[868]</sup></a>,
-to prove the important rôle played by the Athenian navy in the
-life of Athens of that age. The Dipylon ships, as remarked twenty
-years ago by Helbig<a id='r869' /><a href='#f869' class='c014'><sup>[869]</sup></a>, show that already in the eighth century Athens
-was preparing to found her power on her navy. It requires some
-such catastrophic explanation as has just been offered to account for
-her complete set back in the seventh.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>(iii) dress.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>One result in Athens of the reverse in Aegina, so Herodotus
-declares, was a revolution in the dress of the Athenian
-women, who gave up the Doric costume, which was
-made of wool and fastened with pins, and adopted in its place the
-Ionic, which consisted of sewn garments made of linen. The passage
-is a <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">locus classicus</span></i> among writers on Greek dress, and it must be
-at once admitted that nearly all of them accept a date late in the
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_170'>170</span>first half of the sixth century<a id='r870' /><a href='#f870' class='c014'><sup>[870]</sup></a>. So late a date seems to me to be
-untenable. It can be reconciled neither with the statements of
-Thucydides on the subject of Athenian dress<a id='r871' /><a href='#f871' class='c014'><sup>[871]</sup></a>, nor with the evidence
-of extant monuments<a id='r872' /><a href='#f872' class='c014'><sup>[872]</sup></a>. The sumptuary laws on women’s dress
-passed by Solon in 594 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span><a id='r873' /><a href='#f873' class='c014'><sup>[873]</sup></a> were plainly directed against the
-Ionian costume. They show that it must have reached Athens by
-about 600 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> and offer no evidence that it had not done so considerably
-earlier. Bury dates the introduction of Ionian dress into
-Athens “c. 650 (?)<a id='r874' /><a href='#f874' class='c014'><sup>[874]</sup></a>.”</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>After the war the Argives and Aeginetans make their brooches “half as big again.”</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>Among the Aeginetans and Argives as a result of their victory
-over Athens a change was introduced in what
-Herodotus calls the “measure” (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">μέτρον</span>) of Aeginetan
-and Argive brooches (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">περόναι</span>). Herodotus states
-that this change affected both the dedications at the
-temple of Damia and Auxesia<a id='r875' /><a href='#f875' class='c014'><sup>[875]</sup></a>, and also the general
-manufacture and use. The way he tells the story explains why he
-goes beyond the temple when speaking of the pins, but does not
-do so in the case of the pottery. The exclusion of Attic pottery from
-the Aeginetan temple, or rather the exclusive use for temple purposes
-of local ware, was in Herodotus’ days a ritualistic survival.
-The large brooches on the other hand had continued in general
-use. “Now the women of Argos and Aegina even to my own days
-wore brooches of increased size.” Very possibly Herodotus had
-himself noticed them. It is the account of this change in the
-“measure” of the Aeginetan and Argive brooches that confirms
-the connexion of Pheidon with the origin of the Aeginetan coinage.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The new practice was in Herodotus’ own words: “to make the
-brooches half as big again as the then established measure.” It is
-probably significant that, both before and after the change, the
-brooches have a standard “measure.” The tendency of articles of
-jewellery in early periods to be of a fixed weight is a familiar one.
-Numerous instances are quoted in Ridgeway’s <cite>Origin of Metallic
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_171'>171</span>Currency</cite><a id='r876' /><a href='#f876' class='c014'><sup>[876]</sup></a>. Not only so, but these fixed weights are repeatedly found
-corresponding with or anticipating the coin standards of the places
-they belong to.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>It may be objected that the word <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">μέτρον</span> does not mean weight.
-This is so when it is contrasted with <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">σταθμός</span><a id='r877' /><a href='#f877' class='c014'><sup>[877]</sup></a>; but it appears to
-have been used also in a more comprehensive sense<a id='r878' /><a href='#f878' class='c014'><sup>[878]</sup></a>. The Athenian
-<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">μετρονόμοι</span><a id='r879' /><a href='#f879' class='c014'><sup>[879]</sup></a> must have inspected weights as well as measures.
-<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">μέτρον</span> is presumably applied to both, and to a fifth century Greek
-there would be no question of its referring to anything but weight
-when applied to jewellery<a id='r880' /><a href='#f880' class='c014'><sup>[880]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>The Aeginetan drachma was half as big again as the Attic.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>The change introduced by the Argives and Aeginetans after
-driving the Athenians from Aegina was to make the
-“measure” of their brooches half as big again as what
-it had previously been. Now this is approximately
-the relationship in weight of the earliest Aeginetan
-drachmae to the earliest drachmae struck on the Euboeic standard.
-Later, in Herodotus’ own times, the relative weights were four to
-three. But the earliest Aeginetan drachmae weighed a little more
-than those of later issues<a id='r881' /><a href='#f881' class='c014'><sup>[881]</sup></a>. On the other hand, as stated by Percy
-Gardner<a id='r882' /><a href='#f882' class='c014'><sup>[882]</sup></a> in discussing Solon’s “augmentation” of the Athenian
-coins, the earliest Attic or rather Euboeic drachma<a id='r883' /><a href='#f883' class='c014'><sup>[883]</sup></a> weighed less
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_172'>172</span>than those of post-Solonian times. The weight of the Aeginetan
-drachma as determined from the early didrachms quoted above
-(p. <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>, n. 6) is just over six grammes, as compared with the 5·85
-grammes of later issues, while that of the earliest Attic Euboeic
-drachma as determined from the coins of p. <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>, n. 8 is just
-over four grammes, as compared with the 4·26 grammes of later
-issues<a id='r884' /><a href='#f884' class='c014'><sup>[884]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Thus the original Aeginetan drachma seems to have been just
-half as heavy again as the earliest Attic<a id='r885' /><a href='#f885' class='c014'><sup>[885]</sup></a>. This ratio is accepted by
-Ridgeway<a id='r886' /><a href='#f886' class='c014'><sup>[886]</sup></a>, who regards it as invented to make ten silver pieces
-worth one gold when gold was fifteen times as precious as silver,
-while later, when silver rose to be worth 3/40 of its weight in gold,
-the silver pieces were slightly diminished in weight, in order that
-ten of them might still be the equivalent of one of gold<a id='r887' /><a href='#f887' class='c014'><sup>[887]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Summary of the evidence of Herodotus.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>Let us now return to the one passage of Herodotus, in which he
-refers by name to the Argive tyrant.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>In that passage he speaks of Pheidon as “the man
-who made their measures for the Peloponnesians<a id='r888' /><a href='#f888' class='c014'><sup>[888]</sup></a>.”
-The force of the definite article that precedes the Greek <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">μέτρα</span>
-has not always been sufficiently stressed. More than one recent
-writer begins his discussion of the passage by translating <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τὰ μέτρα</span>
-“<em>a</em> system of measures.” The subsequent argument has naturally
-suffered. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τὰ μέτρα</span> can be no other measures than those associated
-with the Peloponnesus in Herodotus’ own days, namely those of
-the famous Aeginetan standard, employed in particular for the
-coinage of the island<a id='r889' /><a href='#f889' class='c014'><sup>[889]</sup></a>. Other scholars have regarded the statement
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_173'>173</span>that Pheidon struck the first coins in Aegina as merely an amplification
-by later writers of these very words. They argue that “the
-measures” plainly meant the Aeginetan standard, and so suggested
-the famous Aeginetan coinage. This latter view assumes of course
-that the amplifications of Ephorus are not to be found in Herodotus
-himself. But what are the facts? The establishment of Aeginetan
-measures in the Peloponnesus are alluded to by Herodotus not only
-in the passage about the Argive tyrant in Book <span class='fss'>VI</span> but also very
-possibly in the passage in Book <span class='fss'>V</span> that describes the early Argive
-expedition to Aegina. In this latter passage the measures are said
-to have been the result of the expedition. Both expedition and tyrant
-are probably to be dated early in the seventh century. That is
-also the date to which numismatists generally assign the first
-drachmae struck in Aegina, struck too on a standard that, like that
-of our brooches, was half again as great as that previously in use.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>It is hard to avoid the inference that when the fourth century
-writers say that Pheidon coined in Aegina, they are
-faithfully reporting a genuine tradition.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Sceptical views on these chapters of Herodotus stated and answered.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>It has indeed been maintained that the whole
-Herodotean account of the early relations of Argos,
-Aegina, and Athens is unhistorical<a id='r890' /><a href='#f890' class='c014'><sup>[890]</sup></a>. The arguments brought forward
-to support this destructive view are: (i) that the episode is
-timeless and its timelessness must be due to its unhistorical character,
-(ii) that it must be unhistorical because it cannot, as alleged by
-Herodotus, have been the cause of the war of 487 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>, which must
-have been due to the natural rivalry of the two neighbouring states.
-As regards the first of these two arguments, the preceding pages
-have, it is hoped, shown that the episode is not timeless: as regards
-the second, it is enough to point out that it assumes that war cannot
-breed war, that no war can be due to two causes, and that an incident
-cannot be historical if it is alleged as leading to results that it cannot
-have in fact produced. The fact that arguments such as these were
-accepted for publication in a periodical of high repute less than a
-generation back shows how much the whole world of scholarship
-was infected by the spirit of uncritical scepticism that has left its
-mark in some quarters on that of the present age.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Others again like Wilamowitz<a id='r891' /><a href='#f891' class='c014'><sup>[891]</sup></a> regard the narrative of Herodotus
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_174'>174</span><span class='fss'>V.</span> 82–88 as simply a reflexion backwards of the state of affairs
-existing in 487 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span><a id='r892' /><a href='#f892' class='c014'><sup>[892]</sup></a>, when Athens attacked Aegina, and the
-Aeginetans “called to their aid the same people as before, the
-Argives<a id='r893' /><a href='#f893' class='c014'><sup>[893]</sup></a>.” They argue that (i) the story is our only evidence for
-hatred between Athens and Aegina much before 506 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>, (ii)
-the Argive-Aeginetan brooches as compared with the broochless
-Athenian costume<a id='r894' /><a href='#f894' class='c014'><sup>[894]</sup></a>, the embargo on Attic pottery at the Aeginetan
-temple, and the posture of the kneeling statues (pleading before the
-Athenian invaders) may all have been referred in Herodotus’ days
-to the existing hatred and recent wars between Athens and Aegina,
-(iii) Herodotus puts back the Athenian disaster into the timeless
-period because the miracle and the change of costume required an
-early date, and the story does not fit the war of 487 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>, since the
-famous Sophanes<a id='r895' /><a href='#f895' class='c014'><sup>[895]</sup></a>, who fought in it, lived till 464. Herodotus,
-they say, gives no account of a disaster to the Athenian fleet in
-487 because he had used it up for this early reflexion.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Of these points (i) is answered by the whole of this chapter,
-(ii) and (iii) fall with (i), besides which (ii) contains many improbabilities,
-<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">e.g.</span></i> that the pottery in an Aeginetan temple should without
-historic reason have suggested to any fifth century Greek an early
-war with Athens, while (iii) assumes an Athenian disaster in 487
-<span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>, whereas Thucydides declares that Athens was successful in
-that war<a id='r896' /><a href='#f896' class='c014'><sup>[896]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>There is nothing suspicious in the Aeginetans having twice in
-two hundred years attained some sort of thalassocracy, and having
-on both occasions come as a result into collision with Athens. It
-is perfectly natural for the Aeginetans on a second occasion to appeal
-to allies who had previously helped them so effectively and with
-such profit to themselves. Macan<a id='r897' /><a href='#f897' class='c014'><sup>[897]</sup></a> observes that the Herodotean
-account of the feud between Athens and Aegina is remarkably
-uninfluenced by contemporary politics and interests. He suggests<a id='r898' /><a href='#f898' class='c014'><sup>[898]</sup></a>
-dating the subjection of Aegina to Epidaurus to the reign of Pheidon,
-and the revolt of the island from Epidaurus to the time of Pheidon’s
-fall. But why in that case does the account speak of a revolt from
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_175'>175</span>Epidaurus, if it was really a revolt from the famous Argive tyranny?
-The whole narrative finds a more appropriate setting if regarded as
-one chapter in the history of Pheidon himself.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Why Pheidon is not mentioned in them.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>Only, why in this case is the name of Pheidon nowhere mentioned?
-It is one thing to omit details in a biography
-four lines in length. It is quite another to omit so
-prominent a name in a narrative that runs to seven
-whole chapters. But the omission, though at first sight surprising,
-is capable of explanation. The Herodotean story appears to have
-been derived from the temple of Damia and Auxesia<a id='r899' /><a href='#f899' class='c014'><sup>[899]</sup></a>. It was told
-Herodotus not in connexion with any royal monument, but to
-explain certain offerings of pottery and jewellery that he saw in
-the temple. Not a single personal name occurs in the whole narrative,
-and there is no particular reason why there should. There may
-actually have been motives for not introducing them. The account
-of the events given to Herodotus in the Aeginetan temple of Damia
-and Auxesia would naturally not emphasize the part played by the
-Argive tyrant. The Athenian version, to which also Herodotus
-alludes, would have still better reason for trying to forget the name
-of Pheidon. If my whole interpretation of these events is not entirely
-wrong, Pheidon dealt the Athenians what was probably the most
-crushing blow they had ever received down to the days when
-Herodotus wrote his history. The personal name may be omitted
-from the same motive that made the Athenians speak of the
-Aeginetan drachma as the “fat” drachma, which they are said to
-have done, “refusing to call it Aeginetan out of hatred of the
-Aeginetans<a id='r900' /><a href='#f900' class='c014'><sup>[900]</sup></a>.” Sparta again had taken sides against Pheidon at
-Olympia<a id='r901' /><a href='#f901' class='c014'><sup>[901]</sup></a>, and would have had no interest in perpetuating the name
-of the man who had almost barred their way to the hegemony of
-the Peloponnese.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Ephorus’ account of Pheidon’s conquests and inventions is derived
-neither from Attic nor from Aeginetan sources. As seen already<a id='r902' /><a href='#f902' class='c014'><sup>[902]</sup></a>
-the source of his statement about Pheidon coining in Aegina was
-most probably the Argive Heraeum. Herodotus claims to use Argive
-sources, but for him the war is primarily a matter between the
-Athenians and the Aeginetans, whose subsequent hatred of one
-another it is intended to explain. Thus we appear to have three
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_176'>176</span>rival or even hostile traditions confirming one another, so that the
-variety of sources adds in a real way to the credibility of the resultant
-narrative.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Pheidon and Aegina, further evidence from Ephorus: Pheidon recovered the lot of Temenos, which included Aegina.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>The notices about the coinage are not the only evidence
-for associating Pheidon with Aegina. According to
-Ephorus “he completely recovered the lot of Temenos,
-which had previously been split into several
-parts<a id='r903' /><a href='#f903' class='c014'><sup>[903]</sup></a>.” Temenos appears in the genealogies as great
-great grandson of Heracles, and founder of the
-Dorian dynasty at Argos<a id='r904' /><a href='#f904' class='c014'><sup>[904]</sup></a>. He and his sons and his
-son-in-law between them are represented as securing
-the greater part of the North-east Peloponnese. Aegina fell to his
-son-in-law Deiophontes, who went to the island from Epidaurus<a id='r905' /><a href='#f905' class='c014'><sup>[905]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The operations described in Herodotus <span class='fss'>V.</span> 82–88, by which the
-Argives crossed from Epidaurus and drove the Athenians out of
-Aegina and put an end to the Epidaurians being tributary to Athens<a id='r906' /><a href='#f906' class='c014'><sup>[906]</sup></a>,
-are almost beyond doubt to be identified with the recovery by Argos
-of the portion of the lot of Temenos that had been secured by
-Deiophontes.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Traces of this recovery in other passages of Herodotus.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>It is true that this account of the recovery of the lot of Temenos
-is first certainly met with in Strabo, whose authority
-is only the fourth century Ephorus. But there are
-hints that Ephorus is here to be trusted. There is
-the evidence of Herodotus that from an unspecified
-earlier date down to about 550 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> the Argives had possessed the
-whole east coast of the Peloponnesus and “the island of Cythera
-and the rest of the islands<a id='r907' /><a href='#f907' class='c014'><sup>[907]</sup></a>.” The most likely period for Argos to
-have acquired this territory is the reign of Pheidon. Pheidon according
-to Strabo<a id='r908' /><a href='#f908' class='c014'><sup>[908]</sup></a> “had deprived the Spartans of the hegemony of
-the Peloponnese,” and it is the Spartans who shortly before Croesus
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_177'>177</span>asked for their help, had wrested from the Argives “Cythera and
-the rest of the islands.” About 668 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">i.e.</span></i> probably in Pheidon’s
-reign, the Argives had beaten the Spartans in the battle of Hysiae,
-which decided the possession of the strip of coast land south of the
-Argolid<a id='r909' /><a href='#f909' class='c014'><sup>[909]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Aegina is not mentioned in these proceedings, but C. Mueller
-may be right in including it among “the rest of the islands<a id='r910' /><a href='#f910' class='c014'><sup>[910]</sup></a>.” The
-Hysiae campaign is roughly contemporary with the second Messenian
-war, in which Argos took part against the Spartans<a id='r911' /><a href='#f911' class='c014'><sup>[911]</sup></a>, and of
-which indeed it may have been an incident. Now in that war the
-Samians took part by sea against the Argives<a id='r912' /><a href='#f912' class='c014'><sup>[912]</sup></a>, and it is natural to
-connect this action of theirs with their repeated attacks on Aegina
-in the days of the Samian King Amphikrates, at some period indefinitely
-before the reign of Polycrates. The Samians were certainly
-a naval power in the first half of the seventh century. The four
-triremes built for them in 704 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> marked for Thucydides an epoch
-in naval history<a id='r913' /><a href='#f913' class='c014'><sup>[913]</sup></a>. About 668 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> Kolaios the Samian made his
-famous voyage beyond the Straits of Gibraltar to the Spanish seaport
-of Tartessus, a voyage that implies much previous naval
-enterprise on the Samians’ part. The rivalry with Aegina was
-probably commercial. Kolaios and his crew returned from the
-“silver rooted streams” of the Tartessus river<a id='r914' /><a href='#f914' class='c014'><sup>[914]</sup></a>, having “made the
-greatest profits from cargoes of all Greeks of whom we have accurate
-information, excepting Sostratos the Aeginetan: for it is impossible
-for anyone else to rival him<a id='r915' /><a href='#f915' class='c014'><sup>[915]</sup></a>.” Samian attacks on Aegina are thus
-particularly likely to have happened about the time of the second
-Messenian war.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>A century ago C. Mueller<a id='r916' /><a href='#f916' class='c014'><sup>[916]</sup></a> argued that some event or other
-connecting Samos with Aegina must have been closely connected
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_178'>178</span>with the revolt of Aegina from Epidaurus, since the revolt was
-described in the <cite>History of Samos</cite> of the Samian historian Duris
-(born about 340 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>)<a id='r917' /><a href='#f917' class='c014'><sup>[917]</sup></a>. From this he proceeds to advocate a date
-for the revolt not very long before the war between Samos and
-Aegina of 520 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> Arguments based on the laws of digression
-observed by a writer whose works are known to us only in a few
-fragments need to be used with caution. If Duris is any indication
-whatever for the date of the revolt, he leaves an open choice between
-the time of the war of 520 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> and that of the days of King Amphikrates;
-and as between these two the evidence shows that the earlier
-is probable while the latter is almost impossible.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>As independent evidence these hints would be of scarcely any
-value. As confirmation of a definite but disputable statement their
-value is considerable.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Summary of Pheidon’s activities according to Strabo (= Ephorus).</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>The recovery of ancestral domains is a favourite euphemism
-among military conquerors for their policy of annexation.
-The chronology, both relative and absolute,
-of Strabo’s summary of Pheidon’s career has every
-appearance of authenticity. Pheidon first recovers
-the lot of Temenos, then “invents” his measures and coinage,
-and after that attempts to expand eastwards and southwards to
-secure the whole inheritance of Heracles, or in other words aims
-at the suzerainty of the whole Peloponnese, and to that end celebrates
-the Olympian games. This last event is probably to be dated
-668 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> The coinage must be put indefinitely earlier in his reign,
-a perfectly reasonable date on numismatic and historical grounds,
-and the recovery of the lot of Temenos a few years earlier
-still.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The date thus reached is confirmed by the histories of the two
-other leading cities of this part of the Peloponnese, Sicyon and
-Corinth.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Pheidon and other parts of the lot of Temenos: (i) Sicyon.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_179'>179</span>Sicyon formed part of the lot of Temenos, and was held by his
-son Phalkes<a id='r918' /><a href='#f918' class='c014'><sup>[918]</sup></a>. About 670 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> the city fell under the
-tyranny of the able and powerful family of Orthagoras,
-whose policy was marked by extreme hostility to
-Argos<a id='r919' /><a href='#f919' class='c014'><sup>[919]</sup></a>. Pheidon plainly can have had no footing in
-Sicyon during the rule of the Orthagorids. But the unusual stability
-and popularity of the tyranny at Sicyon have often been explained,
-not without reason, as due to its popular anti-Dorian policy.
-During the second Messenian war, which Pausanias dates 686–668
-<span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span><a id='r920' /><a href='#f920' class='c014'><sup>[920]</sup></a>, so that the rise of Orthagoras coincides with its conclusion,
-the Sicyonians appear to have acted in close co-operation with
-the Argives<a id='r921' /><a href='#f921' class='c014'><sup>[921]</sup></a>. The position and policy of the Sicyonian tyrants
-becomes particularly comprehensible if they had risen to power as
-leaders of a racial uprising that put an end in the city to a Dorian
-ascendancy that dated originally from the days of Temenos<a id='r922' /><a href='#f922' class='c014'><sup>[922]</sup></a> and
-had been revived by Pheidon<a id='r923' /><a href='#f923' class='c014'><sup>[923]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>(ii) Corinth.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>Whether Corinth formed part of the lot of Temenos is uncertain.
-Probably it did. Strabo and Ptolemy exclude the
-city from the Argolid<a id='r924' /><a href='#f924' class='c014'><sup>[924]</sup></a>. But on the other hand
-Homer speaks of it as being “in a corner of horse rearing Argos<a id='r925' /><a href='#f925' class='c014'><sup>[925]</sup></a>,”
-and Pausanias states that “the district of Corinth is part of Argolis<a id='r926' /><a href='#f926' class='c014'><sup>[926]</sup></a>,”
-and that he believes it to have been so in Homeric times<a id='r927' /><a href='#f927' class='c014'><sup>[927]</sup></a>. The
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_180'>180</span>conflicting statements of these excellent authorities are best reconciled
-by supposing them to be referring to different periods. If this
-is so, and if, as well might be, all the domains of Homeric Argos
-passed to its first Dorian lord, then Corinth formed part of the lot of
-Temenos. A Temenid Corinth is perhaps implied in Apollodorus<a id='r928' /><a href='#f928' class='c014'><sup>[928]</sup></a>,
-where Temenos, the two sons of Aristodemus, and Kresphontes
-“when they had conquered the Peloponnese, set up three altars of
-Zeus Patroos and sacrificed on them and drew lots for the cities.
-The first lot was Argos, the second Sparta, the third Messene.”</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>For connexions between Pheidon and Corinth we have only a
-story told by Plutarch and a Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius<a id='r929' /><a href='#f929' class='c014'><sup>[929]</sup></a> of
-which the salient points are that (<em>a</em>) Pheidon tries to annex Corinth;
-(<em>b</em>) the Bacchiads and Archias are the pro-Argive party; (<em>c</em>) the fall
-of the Bacchiads (which led to the rise of the tyrant Cypselus)
-meant the overthrow of Argive influence.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>So far the story is all of a piece, and supports the view that the
-simultaneous establishment of Cypselus in Corinth and Orthagoras
-in Sicyon may have been part cause and part result of the fall of
-Pheidon and the breaking up again of the lot of Temenos. Such a
-suggestion harmonizes well with the friendship that existed between
-the Corinthian and Sicyon tyrants<a id='r930' /><a href='#f930' class='c014'><sup>[930]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>There are however chronological difficulties in this interpretation
-of the Pheidon Archias story. In the story (i) the fall of the
-Bacchiads is made contemporary with the foundation of Syracuse,
-<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">i.e.</span></i> it must presumably be dated about 734 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span><a id='r931' /><a href='#f931' class='c014'><sup>[931]</sup></a>; (ii) Pheidon is put
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_181'>181</span>some time before this event, his contemporary Habron being grandfather
-of Archias’ favourite Actaeon: the Marmor Parium enters
-Pheidon before Archias.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>In a highly romantic narrative like that of Archias and Actaeon
-the last thing to be looked for is a reliable and exact chronology.
-Impossible dates may mean impossible statements; but on the other
-hand they may mean merely a confusion of facts of different dates,
-or again, the facts may be coherent, and the dates just simply wrong.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>In the present case, except for the relative dating of Archias
-and Pheidon, the historic background is perfectly coherent, if the
-events are put early in the seventh century. To accept the 750 date
-for Pheidon sets him right in relation to Archias, but leaves the
-rest of the story in the air. There is indeed always the refuge of
-assuming a double banishment of the Bacchiads. But the idea of a
-double banishment, traces of which might easily be discovered by
-the reduplicating school of historians, is deservedly suspect, and may
-have arisen from a double dating due to double dating of Pheidon.
-If there really were two banishments, the story better suits the
-second.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Neither Plutarch nor the Scholiast on Apollonius gives any
-absolute dates; and those of the Parian Marble, which does, are
-impossible. The Marble dates Pheidon 895 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> and Archias 758.
-Pheidon is also indeed made contemporary with an Athenian who
-according to Castor held the office of king from 864 to 846 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span><a id='r932' /><a href='#f932' class='c014'><sup>[932]</sup></a>
-From 846 to 758 is a possible, though improbably long interval
-between Pheidon and Archias, if as the story tells us, the latter had
-as favourite the grandson of one of Pheidon’s contemporaries; but
-even so the dating is so unsatisfactory, that the latest editor of the
-Parian Marble<a id='r933' /><a href='#f933' class='c014'><sup>[933]</sup></a> has suggested transposing Archias and Pheidon.
-But, apart from other difficulties, the resultant early date for Archias
-is altogether against the evidence. There is no need to put him back
-into the ninth century merely because it is not unlikely that Greeks
-at that period were already making their way to Sicily. The antedating
-of Pheidon has already been accounted for, and he appears
-to have taken back Archias with him part of the way.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The date of Archias is a problem any way. But it is not difficult
-to suggest a possible chronology. Pheidon’s fall<a id='r934' /><a href='#f934' class='c014'><sup>[934]</sup></a> was probably rapid
-(a proof of his hubris). His rise was probably slow. Being a
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_182'>182</span>hereditary monarch, he may well have ruled for fifty years, from
-about 715 to 665 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> It was early in his career that he began to
-carry out his designs on Corinth. Archias, who had founded
-Syracuse in 734, gave him support. We are told no details, but the
-alliances of the period of the second Messenian war and the naval
-struggle in the Saronic Gulf must have supplied abundant motives
-and inducements. Bacchiad government under Argive protection
-continued till Pheidon fell, which meant also the fall of the Bacchiads
-themselves. They withdrew to the far west. Demaratus penetrated
-as far as Tarquinii. Large numbers doubtless settled at Syracuse.
-The order of events just outlined coincides entirely with the extant
-narratives, except in the one matter of Syracuse, and there the
-divergence is very comprehensible. The founder of Syracuse had
-supported Pheidon. Pheidon’s fall had led to a great influx of
-pro-Argive Corinthians into Syracuse, and threw Archias back
-entirely onto his Sicilian colony. If this is what really happened, it
-would not be surprising if the fall of Pheidon came to be regarded
-as having led to the original foundation of Syracuse.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Pheidon of Corinth: is he identical with the Argive?</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>The chief doubt however as to the historical truth of the Argive
-tyrant’s interference in Corinth is caused by certain
-references to a Corinthian Pheidon, described by
-Aristotle as “one of the earliest lawgivers<a id='r935' /><a href='#f935' class='c014'><sup>[935]</sup></a>.” When
-an Argive Pheidon is reported as making his appearance
-in Corinthian history, is it a mistake due to the confusing
-of two separate personalities? If two existed, they were unquestionably
-confused. A Pindar Scholiast says that “a certain Pheidon,
-a man of Corinth, invented measures and weights<a id='r936' /><a href='#f936' class='c014'><sup>[936]</sup></a>.”</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>But there is an alternative possibility. The Corinthian Pheidon
-may be only one aspect of the Argive: this is suggested by the Pindar
-Scholiast later in the same ode, where he says that “the Pheidon
-who first struck their measures (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">κόψας τὸ μέτρον</span>) for the Corinthians
-was an Argive<a id='r937' /><a href='#f937' class='c014'><sup>[937]</sup></a>.” Too much stress must not be laid on such very
-confused statements<a id='r938' /><a href='#f938' class='c014'><sup>[938]</sup></a>. At best they can only corroborate other and
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_183'>183</span>better evidence. This however is not altogether lacking. When
-Karanos, the kinsman of Pheidon, went to Macedonia and occupied
-Edessa and the lands of the Argeadae<a id='r939' /><a href='#f939' class='c014'><sup>[939]</sup></a>, Bacchiads from Corinth
-settled near by among the Lynkestai<a id='r940' /><a href='#f940' class='c014'><sup>[940]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>A lawgiver who was “one of the earliest” can have arisen in
-Corinth only before the establishment of the tyranny in 657 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>
-On the other hand lawgivers seem to have been mainly a seventh
-century phenomenon in Greece, and the most natural time for one
-to have been appointed in Corinth is when the Bacchiad nobility
-was losing its ascendancy, a process which may be imagined as
-beginning early in the seventh century or at the end of the eighth.
-Plutarch describes Pheidon’s designs on Corinth as formed at the
-beginning of his career. Everything points to the Argive tyrant
-having had a long reign. There is nothing improbable in the supposition
-that the rival factions in Corinth invited to act as their lawgiver
-a young sovereign of unusual ability who ruled a city of great
-traditions but not at the time particularly powerful<a id='r941' /><a href='#f941' class='c014'><sup>[941]</sup></a>. I have already
-suggested the course taken by events in Corinth after Pheidon had
-once secured a position in the city. One passage remains to be
-quoted that makes it still more probable both that the Corinthian
-lawgiver was the Argive tyrant, and that events in Corinth took
-something like the course that I have suggested. According to
-Nicholas of Damascus<a id='r942' /><a href='#f942' class='c014'><sup>[942]</sup></a> Pheidon out of friendship went to the help
-of the Corinthians during a civil war: an attack was made by his supporters,
-and he was killed<a id='r943' /><a href='#f943' class='c014'><sup>[943]</sup></a>. An intimate connexion from the beginning
-of his career with the great trading and manufacturing city of
-the Isthmus would go far to explain the commercial and financial
-inventiveness that was the distinguishing feature of this royal tyrant<a id='r944' /><a href='#f944' class='c014'><sup>[944]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='chapter'>
-  <span class='pageno' id='Page_184'>184</span>
-  <h2 class='c005'>Chapter VII. <em>Corinth</em></h2>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c019'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἡ μὲν δὴ πόλις ἡ τῶν Κορινθίων μεγάλη τε καὶ πλουσία διὰ παντὸς
-ὑπῆρξεν, ἀνδρῶν τε ηὐπόρησεν ἀγαθῶν εἴς τε τὰ πολιτικὰ καὶ εἰς
-τὰς τέχνας τὰς δημιουργικάς.</span> <span class='sc'>Strabo</span> <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 382.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Mercantile and marine developments at Corinth quoted by Thucydides to illustrate the conditions that led to the rise of tyrannies.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>In the passage of Thucydides<a id='r945' /><a href='#f945' class='c014'><sup>[945]</sup></a> in which he associates the origin of
-tyranny with the acquisition of wealth, one other
-development is mentioned as characteristic of the age.
-“Greece began to fit out fleets and took more to
-the sea.”</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>If the views expressed in the last chapter are not
-entirely mistaken, then in Greece Proper the earliest
-phases of all these developments, in politics, in industry,
-and in commerce by land and sea, are all to be associated
-with Pheidon of Argos. But on the same showing Pheidon was
-a man born rather before his time and not quite in the right place.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The town marked out by its situation<a id='r946' /><a href='#f946' class='c014'><sup>[946]</sup></a> to develop the new tendencies
-to the fullest was Corinth, and it is in fact from Corinth
-that Thucydides draws his illustration, mentioning in this connexion
-the shipbuilding of the Corinthian Ameinokles about 704
-<span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> and the naval battle between Corinth and Corcyra of about
-664 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span><a id='r947' /><a href='#f947' class='c014'><sup>[947]</sup></a> He says nothing about Corinthian tyrants, but the description
-of the situation at Corinth is simply a paraphrase of that
-of the general situation that led to tyrannies<a id='r948' /><a href='#f948' class='c014'><sup>[948]</sup></a>. Corinth is chosen
-to exemplify the normal course of things in a seventh century Greek
-town, and it may be taken as certain that Thucydides regards the
-tyranny at Corinth as the outcome of the mercantile and maritime
-developments described in the passage just quoted.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Only, what was the personal relationship of the tyrants to the new
-developments?</p>
-
-<div  class='figcenter id002'>
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_185'>185</span>
-<img src='images/i_p185.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic002'>
-<p>Fig. 22. Corinthian vase found at Corinth.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='figcenter id003'>
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_186'>186</span>
-<img src='images/i_p186a.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic002'>
-<p>Fig. 23. Corinthian terra cotta tablet depicting a potter at his wheel.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='figcenter id003'>
-<img src='images/i_p186b.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic002'>
-<p>Fig. 24. Corinthian terra cotta tablet depicting the interior of a kiln.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Seventh century Corinth was also a great industrial centre, especially for pottery.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>Before attempting to answer this question, one important addition
-may be made to Thucydides’ picture of the state of
-things in the city when the tyranny arose. Corinth
-was not engaged only in commerce and shipping. She
-was also a great industrial centre. In the chapter
-on Argos reasons have been given for thinking that
-the tyrant Pheidon flourished just at the time when
-pottery of the style called for want of a better name proto-Corinthian
-was enjoying a great vogue in a great part of the Greek world,
-that much at least of this ware was made in Pheidon’s dominions,
-and that Pheidon took political measures to crush or cripple rival
-centres. Towards the middle of the seventh century proto-Corinthian
-ware was eclipsed by a new style, which with good reason has been
-named Corinthian<a id='r949' /><a href='#f949' class='c014'><sup>[949]</sup></a>. This new style became so popular that the
-invention of the potter’s wheel was ascribed to a Corinthian<a id='r950' /><a href='#f950' class='c014'><sup>[950]</sup></a>.
-Corinthian vases of this period show one of the most decorative
-and distinctive styles of pottery that has ever been invented. The
-style of decoration somewhat recalls oriental carpets, and it was long
-ago plausibly suggested that oriental carpets or tapestries furnished
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_187'>187</span>the models for the Corinthian vase painters<a id='r951' /><a href='#f951' class='c014'><sup>[951]</sup></a>. Two jugs in this
-style, one from Corinth itself<a id='r952' /><a href='#f952' class='c014'><sup>[952]</sup></a>, the other from Corneto (Tarquinii),
-are shown in figs. 22 and 34. Votive tablets of the sixth
-century <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> have been found at Corinth that depict various stages
-of the manufacture. Two are here reproduced (figs. 23, 24). This
-very distinctive pottery made its way over a great part of the Greek
-world<a id='r953' /><a href='#f953' class='c014'><sup>[953]</sup></a>. It has been found in large quantities all over Sicily, South
-Italy and Etruria, in many parts of Greece Proper, and in many
-places further east<a id='r954' /><a href='#f954' class='c014'><sup>[954]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Cypselus becomes tyrant at the height of these developments.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>Cypselus established himself as tyrant in 657 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> at the height
-of these great developments of Corinthian industry,
-trade, and shipping. It has been noticed by Busolt<a id='r955' /><a href='#f955' class='c014'><sup>[955]</sup></a>
-that 657 is also the year of the conquest of Sardis
-by the Cimmerians. The disturbances in Asia Minor
-may have enhanced the importance of the western trade, in which
-Corinth was particularly concerned<a id='r956' /><a href='#f956' class='c014'><sup>[956]</sup></a>. They may incidentally have
-removed, at least for the time being, a very powerful commercial
-rival, since Corinth and Lydia appear to have been engaged in much
-the same industries, namely weaving, dyeing, metallurgy, horse
-rearing and the making of ointments, in addition to pottery, a fact
-that can hardly have been accidental<a id='r957' /><a href='#f957' class='c014'><sup>[957]</sup></a>, and points to Corinth having
-been influenced by Lydia. Both before and after the Cimmerian
-invasion Lydia and Corinth appear to have been on excellent terms<a id='r958' /><a href='#f958' class='c014'><sup>[958]</sup></a>:
-but this would not prevent Corinthian merchants from growing
-more prosperous through Lydia’s troubles<a id='r959' /><a href='#f959' class='c014'><sup>[959]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Cypselus and the beginnings of Corinthian coinage.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_188'>188</span>Whether the rise of Cypselus had any connexion with the
-beginnings of Corinthian coinage is a matter of dispute.
-Busolt<a id='r960' /><a href='#f960' class='c014'><sup>[960]</sup></a> dates the earliest issues some half
-century later than the establishment of the tyranny.
-Head<a id='r961' /><a href='#f961' class='c014'><sup>[961]</sup></a> on the other hand makes the coinage and the
-tyranny begin approximately together and he is supported by Percy
-Gardner<a id='r962' /><a href='#f962' class='c014'><sup>[962]</sup></a>, who dates the earliest coins of Corinth in the early part
-of the seventh century but after 665 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span></p>
-
-<div  class='figcenter id003'>
-<img src='images/i_p188.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic002'>
-<p>Fig. 25. Coins of Corinth.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>If, then, as seems probable, the English numismatists are nearer
-the truth than the German, the first issues of “colts,” as the coins
-were colloquially called from the winged horse that they bore, may
-have played their part in helping Cypselus to the tyranny. The
-traces of Lydian influence support this view. But on the other hand
-Corinth, whose trade was so preponderatingly with the west, may,
-like its colony Corcyra, have felt the need of a coinage only comparatively
-late. Where the main facts are so obscure and particulars
-are completely wanting it is idle to carry speculation further.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>For evidence as to Cypselus’ personal relationship to the commercial
-developments of his age we must look elsewhere. Some
-modern writers have indeed despaired of recovering any picture of
-the personal history of a ruler who is variously described by our
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_189'>189</span>best authorities as having ruled mildly<a id='r963' /><a href='#f963' class='c014'><sup>[963]</sup></a> and with bloodthirsty
-severity<a id='r964' /><a href='#f964' class='c014'><sup>[964]</sup></a>. <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>His personal
-relationship
-when tyrant
-to the commercial
-developments
-of
-his age.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span>
-This attitude is quite unnecessary. Both
-statements are in themselves quite credible as contemporary
-accounts of the same regime from different
-points of view. Still, by themselves they do not take
-us very far. Fortunately we are better informed in
-other directions.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Of the Corinthian colonies in Western Greece, that lined the
-trade route to Sicily and Italy and the Furthest West, Leukas,
-Ambracia and Anaktorion were founded by Cypselus<a id='r965' /><a href='#f965' class='c014'><sup>[965]</sup></a>. Leukas was
-converted by him from a peninsula into an island for the greater
-convenience of navigation<a id='r966' /><a href='#f966' class='c014'><sup>[966]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Cypselus is said to have taxed his subjects heavily. This statement
-is taken from the pseudo-Aristotelian <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Oeconomica</span></cite><a id='r967' /><a href='#f967' class='c014'><sup>[967]</sup></a>, a work of no
-great authority for our early period. The tax is associated by Suidas<a id='r968' /><a href='#f968' class='c014'><sup>[968]</sup></a>
-with the dedication of a colossus of beaten gold which “Didymus
-says was made by Periander” (not Cypselus) “with the object of
-checking the Corinthians in their luxury and arrogance.” Theophrastus,
-so Suidas also states, called the statue the colossus not of
-Cypselus but of the sons of Cypselus (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Κυψελιδῶν</span>). The statement
-of the <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Oeconomica</span></cite> must therefore be taken with reserve. But the
-story of Cypselus’ heavy taxation states also that the tyrant made his
-subjects work and prosper and able to pay the taxes<a id='r969' /><a href='#f969' class='c014'><sup>[969]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Personal relationships of his son Periander to these same developments.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>Whatever the truth about the colossus the fact remains that the
-fame of Cypselus was largely eclipsed by that of his
-son and successor Periander, who was actually claimed
-by some writers as one of the seven sages of early
-Greece<a id='r970' /><a href='#f970' class='c014'><sup>[970]</sup></a>. This is unfortunate when we are searching
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_190'>190</span>for origins, since Periander is said to have changed the character of
-the sovereignty<a id='r971' /><a href='#f971' class='c014'><sup>[971]</sup></a>. Even if the authorities who made this statement
-are not particularly good, still it must be taken as in some part true.
-The son born in the purple can never succeed exactly to the position
-of the father who founded the house. Luckily however we are told
-the nature of Periander’s change. He regarded himself as a soldier
-and sought to make Corinth a great military power, whereas
-Cypselus had been a man of peace with a peaceful policy<a id='r972' /><a href='#f972' class='c014'><sup>[972]</sup></a>. So far
-therefore as Periander’s policy was not directly or indirectly
-military, there is no need to assume a break with that of his father.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>He maintained and enlarged the colonial empire of the city<a id='r973' /><a href='#f973' class='c014'><sup>[973]</sup></a>. As
-regards Corinthian trade under Periander we are told that his public
-revenues were all derived from its taxation<a id='r974' /><a href='#f974' class='c014'><sup>[974]</sup></a>: but everything shows
-that he did not follow the Bacchiads and tax it ruthlessly. Rather
-he seems to have aimed at increasing his revenues by fostering
-commerce. Corinthian shipping, with which the trade of the city
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_191'>191</span>was inseparably bound up, certainly owed much to him. “He built
-triremes and plied both seas<a id='r975' /><a href='#f975' class='c014'><sup>[975]</sup></a>.” This last statement seems intended
-to contrast Periander with his father, whose activities had been
-mainly in the west. Periander on the other hand is found acting in
-close concert with Thrasybulus the tyrant of Miletus<a id='r976' /><a href='#f976' class='c014'><sup>[976]</sup></a>. He has been
-suspected of slave-dealing with Lydia<a id='r977' /><a href='#f977' class='c014'><sup>[977]</sup></a>, and acted as arbitrator
-between that state and Miletus<a id='r978' /><a href='#f978' class='c014'><sup>[978]</sup></a>. He had a nephew who bore the
-name of a king of Egypt<a id='r979' /><a href='#f979' class='c014'><sup>[979]</sup></a>. In order the better to “ply both seas”
-he is said to have wanted to cut a canal through the Corinthian
-Isthmus<a id='r980' /><a href='#f980' class='c014'><sup>[980]</sup></a>. Here too he was following in the footsteps of his father
-who had “velificated” Leukas.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>It is interesting therefore to notice the emphasis laid on Periander’s
-wealth<a id='r981' /><a href='#f981' class='c014'><sup>[981]</sup></a>, and to recall the social legislation attributed to him by
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_192'>192</span>Nicolaus Damascenus, according to whom the tyrant “forbad the
-citizens to acquire slaves and live in idleness, and continually
-found them some employment<a id='r982' /><a href='#f982' class='c014'><sup>[982]</sup></a>.” Heraclides<a id='r983' /><a href='#f983' class='c014'><sup>[983]</sup></a> and Diogenes
-Laertius (quoting Ephorus and Aristotle)<a id='r984' /><a href='#f984' class='c014'><sup>[984]</sup></a> state that he did not
-allow anybody and everybody to live in the city. Their statement
-is capable of many interpretations. It may mean that Periander
-sought to control labour in the city or to prevent the rural population
-from quitting the land for the superior attractions of life in the great
-industrial centre.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>In short from first to last the tyranny at Corinth is seen taking
-an active part in guiding the industrial, commercial and maritime
-activities of the city<a id='r985' /><a href='#f985' class='c014'><sup>[985]</sup></a>. This however is what might be expected from
-any able government at the period, and nobody has ever questioned
-the Cypselids’ ability. The previous government, that of the aristocracy
-of the Bacchiads, had “exploited the market with impunity<a id='r986' /><a href='#f986' class='c014'><sup>[986]</sup></a>,”
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_193'>193</span>and very possibly this short-sighted policy had hastened and helped
-their fall<a id='r987' /><a href='#f987' class='c014'><sup>[987]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Before he became tyrant Cypselus was probably polemarch,</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>But how precisely were they overthrown? What was the
-career of Cypselus previous to his obtaining the
-tyranny?</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>According to Nicolaus Damascenus, who based
-himself largely on the fourth century Ephorus<a id='r988' /><a href='#f988' class='c014'><sup>[988]</sup></a>, Labda,
-the mother of Cypselus, belonged to the Bacchiad aristocracy, but
-owing to a personal deformity<a id='r989' /><a href='#f989' class='c014'><sup>[989]</sup></a> she had married beneath her. Her
-husband, Eetion, is variously said to have been descended from the
-pre-Hellenic Lapithae of Thessaly<a id='r990' /><a href='#f990' class='c014'><sup>[990]</sup></a> and from a non-Dorian stock
-of Gonussa above Sicyon<a id='r991' /><a href='#f991' class='c014'><sup>[991]</sup></a>. In any case, as observed by How and
-Wells<a id='r992' /><a href='#f992' class='c014'><sup>[992]</sup></a>, Eetion belonged to the pre-Dorian “Aeolic” population
-of Corinth<a id='r993' /><a href='#f993' class='c014'><sup>[993]</sup></a>. The Bacchiad aristocracy was extremely exclusive.
-Its members married only among themselves. Consequently the
-official oracles prophesied evil from this union, and when a son was
-born of it, the government sent agents to destroy the child. But
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_194'>194</span>the infant melted the hearts of its would-be murderers, and instead
-of killing it they went back and reported that they had done so.
-The infant was sent away by its parents to Olympia, and was
-brought up first there and then at Cleonae. Encouraged by a
-Delphic oracle Cypselus returned to Corinth, became very popular,
-was elected polemarch, and made himself still more popular by
-refusing to imprison citizens and remitting in all cases his part of
-their fines. Finally he headed a rising against the unpopular Bacchiads,
-killed Patrokleides, who was king at the time, and was made
-king in his stead. He ruled mildly, neither maintaining a bodyguard
-nor losing the people’s favour<a id='r994' /><a href='#f994' class='c014'><sup>[994]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Such is the account given by Nicholas of Damascus. For the
-greater part of it we have no earlier authority. But once more we
-must be on our guard against too hasty scepticism. Ephorus, who
-is generally admitted to have been the source of this account, was
-not further removed from Cypselus than this age is from Cromwell.
-Cypselus was the foremost man of his age in all Greece. We need
-to be very sceptical of such scepticism as that of Busolt<a id='r995' /><a href='#f995' class='c014'><sup>[995]</sup></a>, who argues
-that Cypselus cannot have been polemarch before he became tyrant
-because if his parentage was not known he would not have been
-eligible, while if it was he would not have been elected<a id='r996' /><a href='#f996' class='c014'><sup>[996]</sup></a>. As pointed
-out many years ago by Wilisch<a id='r997' /><a href='#f997' class='c014'><sup>[997]</sup></a>, such arguments are dangerous
-when applied to times of which so little is known. The aristocracy
-which fell in 657 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> may have begun to totter some time earlier.
-Given the requisite gaps in our knowledge, Busolt’s line of argument
-might be equally well used to discredit the received tradition
-about the Victorian age in England on the ground that it contains
-the highly improbable statement that the leader of the aristocratic
-party was an Italian Jew.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Ephorus seems to have been used by Aristotle<a id='r998' /><a href='#f998' class='c014'><sup>[998]</sup></a>. It would be
-rash indeed to follow Busolt<a id='r999' /><a href='#f999' class='c014'><sup>[999]</sup></a> and agree that such a source may yet
-be valueless. Aristotle is not to be treated in this way. The whole
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_195'>195</span>character of his work forces us to start with the assumption that he
-had some idea of the difference between myth and historical tradition.
-We always know the reasons why modern scholars are sometimes
-inclined to discredit him. We do not always know the reasons that
-led Aristotle to accept as facts what he so accepts. What we do
-know is that the material on which he based his statements was far
-more ample than that which is now at our disposal. Even for a
-period so comparatively remote from him as the seventh century
-<span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> Aristotle must have been able to collect much evidence of one
-sort or another to confirm him alike in his doubts and his beliefs<a id='r1000' /><a href='#f1000' class='c014'><sup>[1000]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>For eighth century Corinth Aristotle and his contemporaries
-probably<a id='r1001' /><a href='#f1001' class='c014'><sup>[1001]</sup></a> had the poems of the Corinthian Eumelos, a <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ποιητὴς
-ἱστορικός</span><a id='r1002' /><a href='#f1002' class='c014'><sup>[1002]</sup></a> who flourished about 750 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> and wrote among other
-works an epic called <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Κορινθιακά</span>. A prose history of Corinth
-(<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Κορινθία συγγραφή</span>) was also ascribed to him. The ascription is
-doubted by Pausanias<a id='r1003' /><a href='#f1003' class='c014'><sup>[1003]</sup></a>, not without reason, but it may still have
-been a document of some value and antiquity. The same is true
-of the “didactic poem in two thousand lines” ascribed by Diogenes
-Laertius to Periander himself<a id='r1004' /><a href='#f1004' class='c014'><sup>[1004]</sup></a>. We are learning to take our ancient
-records more on their face value than was done by our grandfathers
-in the nineteenth century. The classical historians, using the word
-in its widest sense, are still suffering from the reaction against the
-doctrine of verbal inspiration.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The story of the infant Cypselus is put by Plutarch<a id='r1005' /><a href='#f1005' class='c014'><sup>[1005]</sup></a> into the
-mouth of a certain “Chersias the poet,” who is represented as having
-during a banquet given by Periander “mentioned others whose lives
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_196'>196</span>had been saved when despaired of and in particular Cypselus the
-father of Periander.” One of the sceptics<a id='r1006' /><a href='#f1006' class='c014'><sup>[1006]</sup></a> has recently accepted this
-Chersias as historical and imagined Plutarch as here making use of
-a poem of his which he proceeds to explain as a fiction invented to
-give an appearance of legitimacy to the Cypselids. The explanation
-is quite gratuitous. It is true that Diogenes Laertius<a id='r1007' /><a href='#f1007' class='c014'><sup>[1007]</sup></a> speaks of
-Periander as “of the race of the Heraclids.” But Chersias in Plutarch
-does not mention even the parents of Cypselus, much less his remote
-ancestors, and there is no evidence that he had them in mind<a id='r1008' /><a href='#f1008' class='c014'><sup>[1008]</sup></a>.
-The poem itself is a doubtful item. The only inference to be drawn
-from Plutarch is that to his readers the poem (assuming its existence)
-probably seemed in keeping with the scene. It is however well to
-be reminded that even Plutarch had much more literary material
-to draw from for this early period than have the moderns.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>On the whole therefore the safest attitude towards the narrative
-of Nicolaus will be one of benevolent agnosticism. No doubt he
-had a tendency to rationalize half or wholly mythical stories. It is
-not improbable that he did this to some extent in his account of
-the infant Cypselus with which we can compare the version of
-Herodotus. But when he makes a simple statement of commonplace
-fact, as, for instance, that Cypselus was polemarch before he
-became tyrant, the most prudent and the most critical course is to
-accept it as probably true<a id='r1009' /><a href='#f1009' class='c014'><sup>[1009]</sup></a>. The reason why the record of this fact
-was preserved is not far to seek. The fourth century historians
-seized on the name as evidence that Cypselus was in fact as well as
-in name a ruler of the same order as Dionysius, who started his
-career as a military demagogue. <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>but that is no
-evidence of
-military power.
-Cypselus cannot
-have been
-a military
-despot.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span>
-But the context
-shows that the polemarch was not in this case a
-military officer<a id='r1010' /><a href='#f1010' class='c014'><sup>[1010]</sup></a>, and we know by implication that
-Cypselus was not a warlike person, for the record of
-how Periander changed the character of the government
-goes on to say that he <em>became</em><a id='r1011' /><a href='#f1011' class='c014'><sup>[1011]</sup></a> warlike. And,
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_197'>197</span>as remarked long ago by Schubring<a id='r1012' /><a href='#f1012' class='c014'><sup>[1012]</sup></a>, if the tenure of the polemarchy
-is historical, still it was not the means by which Cypselus reached
-the tyranny, but rather like the murder of the Bacchiad Patrokleides,
-a sign and token that he was already in a position to seize it.
-<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>What then was
-the basis of
-his power?
-The only possible
-evidence
-is to be found
-in the story<span class='hidev'>|</span></span>
-Nicolaus therefore brings us little nearer to understanding
-the basis of the future tyrant’s power. Our
-only hope of doing this lies in Herodotus, who tells
-the story of the infant Cypselus with certain details
-omitted by Nicolaus but which probably contain
-the essence of the story. According to Herodotus<a id='r1013' /><a href='#f1013' class='c014'><sup>[1013]</sup></a>
-Cypselus was the child from the cypsele in which as an infant his
-mother had concealed him from his would-be murderers. <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>which makes
-Cypselus the
-child from the
-cypsele.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span>
-If we
-are to believe Plutarch, the story of the cypsele could
-still in his days be traced back to the days of Periander<a id='r1014' /><a href='#f1014' class='c014'><sup>[1014]</sup></a>.
-It is easy to point out<a id='r1015' /><a href='#f1015' class='c014'><sup>[1015]</sup></a> that we are here up against
-a widespread story of which different versions have
-been attached to such different names as Sargon of Akkad (<em>c.</em> 3800
-<span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span><a id='r1016' /><a href='#f1016' class='c014'><sup>[1016]</sup></a>), Moses, Romulus and Cyrus<a id='r1017' /><a href='#f1017' class='c014'><sup>[1017]</sup></a>. But even if we accept a common
-origin for all these stories, we are not very much further on. We
-should still have to determine why and how Cypselus found a place
-in the series. <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>What is a cypsele?
-Not, in
-spite of some
-ancient and
-modern authorities,
-either
-an ark or a
-wooden chest.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span>
-But it must not be too hastily assumed that the
-cypsele of Cypselus has anything at all to do with
-the ark that Pharaoh’s daughter found on the banks
-of the Nile<a id='r1018' /><a href='#f1018' class='c014'><sup>[1018]</sup></a> or the “alueus” discovered by the
-shepherd Faustulus on the banks of the Tiber. In
-both these cases<a id='r1019' /><a href='#f1019' class='c014'><sup>[1019]</sup></a> the vessel could float and was discovered
-by a river side. Cypselus was not discovered.
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_198'>198</span>That is the whole point of the story. He was not exposed
-in a river or sea like Romulus or Perseus. And it is more than
-doubtful whether a cypsele has any connexion whatever with
-an alueus or ark. It is true that they are more or less identified
-by our ancient authorities. Pausanias<a id='r1020' /><a href='#f1020' class='c014'><sup>[1020]</sup></a>, who wrote his guide to
-Greece in the second century <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">A.D.</span></span>, professed to have seen at Olympia
-the very cypsele in which Cypselus had been hidden and from which
-he was said to have got his name. It was a coffer (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">λάρναξ</span>) of wood
-and ivory elaborately carved. The description leaves no doubt that
-it was of archaic Corinthian workmanship of the time of the tyrants
-or not much later<a id='r1021' /><a href='#f1021' class='c014'><sup>[1021]</sup></a>. But it is extremely doubtful whether this carved
-box was a cypsele or had any original connexion with the cypsele
-story. Plato<a id='r1022' /><a href='#f1022' class='c014'><sup>[1022]</sup></a>, Aristotle<a id='r1023' /><a href='#f1023' class='c014'><sup>[1023]</sup></a>, and Plutarch<a id='r1024' /><a href='#f1024' class='c014'><sup>[1024]</sup></a> all refer to the dedications
-of the house of Cypselus without alluding to this object. Herodotus
-says nothing about the cypsele having been dedicated. For Strabo<a id='r1025' /><a href='#f1025' class='c014'><sup>[1025]</sup></a>
-the chief dedication of Cypselus was a “golden hammered Zeus.”
-Dio Chrysostom<a id='r1026' /><a href='#f1026' class='c014'><sup>[1026]</sup></a> (about 100 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">A.D.</span></span>) refers to what Pausanias calls
-the cypsele of Cypselus, but describes it simply as the “wooden
-box (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ξυλινὴ κιβωτός</span>) dedicated by Cypselus.” From Pausanias
-himself it is plain that the object was not by any means what the
-Greeks of his time understood by a cypsele. His statement<a id='r1027' /><a href='#f1027' class='c014'><sup>[1027]</sup></a> that
-the ancient Corinthians called a coffer a cypsele raises a suspicion
-that nobody else ever did. It is probably only an inference drawn
-by the traveller from the fact of this particular coffer being so
-called by the guides at Olympia<a id='r1028' /><a href='#f1028' class='c014'><sup>[1028]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Meanings of the word “cypsele” given by the ancients.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_199'>199</span>The Olympian larnax does not at all correspond to the picture
-of a cypsele suggested by the ancient notices on the
-subject, which, quite apart from the light they may
-possibly throw on Cypselus, deserve a more detailed
-examination than they have hitherto received<a id='r1029' /><a href='#f1029' class='c014'><sup>[1029]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The meanings of the word given by the ancients are as
-follows:</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>(1) A wine vessel<a id='r1030' /><a href='#f1030' class='c014'><sup>[1030]</sup></a>,</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>(2) A vessel to receive wheat or barley<a id='r1031' /><a href='#f1031' class='c014'><sup>[1031]</sup></a>,</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>(3) Part of a furnace<a id='r1032' /><a href='#f1032' class='c014'><sup>[1032]</sup></a>,</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>(4) A beehive<a id='r1033' /><a href='#f1033' class='c014'><sup>[1033]</sup></a>,</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>(5) Vessels for sweet condiments<a id='r1034' /><a href='#f1034' class='c014'><sup>[1034]</sup></a>, or receptacles for such
-vessels<a id='r1035' /><a href='#f1035' class='c014'><sup>[1035]</sup></a>,</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>(6) The hole of the ear<a id='r1036' /><a href='#f1036' class='c014'><sup>[1036]</sup></a>,</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>(7) Wax in the ears<a id='r1037' /><a href='#f1037' class='c014'><sup>[1037]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Cp. coins of Cypsela.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>This literary evidence may be supplemented from a numismatic
-source. Some fourth century <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> coins of the
-Thracian Cypsela<a id='r1038' /><a href='#f1038' class='c014'><sup>[1038]</sup></a> show a more or less cylindrical
-vessel with two small vertical handles<a id='r1039' /><a href='#f1039' class='c014'><sup>[1039]</sup></a>. A similar
-vessel, resting on what is probably a grain of corn, is shown on
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_200'>200</span>other coins of the same century and from the same district<a id='r1040' /><a href='#f1040' class='c014'><sup>[1040]</sup></a>. The
-vessel has very plausibly been identified as a cypsele.</p>
-
-<div  class='figcenter id002'>
-<img src='images/i_p200.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic002'>
-<p>Fig. 26. Coins of Cypsela.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Inferences as to size, shape, and material.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>At first sight the various uses of the word appear rather miscellaneous,
-especially if we include (6) and (7). But
-(6) and (7) need not be brought in. They are late
-uses derived from (4)<a id='r1041' /><a href='#f1041' class='c014'><sup>[1041]</sup></a>. Meaning (5) is probably to
-be eliminated on the same grounds. This
-leaves us with (1) to (4), all of them vessels
-of large size, a feature implicit in the
-Cypselus legend and confirmed by the
-ancient lexicographers<a id='r1042' /><a href='#f1042' class='c014'><sup>[1042]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>For the material of cypselae under
-meanings (1) to (5) the only written evidence
-is found in (i) schol. Aristoph. <cite>Pax</cite>
-631, which says that “cypselae were not
-only woven (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πλεκταί</span>) but also of pottery
-(<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">κεραμεαῖ</span>),” (ii) a scholiast to Lucian, <cite>Lexiphanes</cite>, 1, which explains
-the cypsele as (<em>a</em>) “the narrow-mouthed unpitched vessel of
-pottery,” (<em>b</em>) an earthenware vessel, (<em>c</em>) [addit. C] “the name is also
-given to a sort of woven vessel,” (iii) Hesychius, who explains a
-cypsele as a wickerwork beehive.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>These statements quite suit the list of uses. As between the two
-materials mentioned the Aristophanes scholiast gives the impression
-that the commoner was wicker or basket work. But in the Lucian
-scholiast wickerwork is only an afterthought added by a later hand.
-The Lucian scholiast is probably more correct. Pottery is a natural
-material for every kind of cypsele. Cypselae (1) and (3) can never
-have been of basketwork, and for (5) it looks a most unlikely
-material, though we know too little about ancient spice vessels to
-speak with certainty. For (2) it is suitable enough, but the cypselae
-of the Thracian coins, which the emblem of the grain of corn shows
-to have been probably corn jars, point in the other direction. Their
-shape suits either terra cotta or metal but not wickerwork. The
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_201'>201</span>probable use practically excludes metal<a id='r1043' /><a href='#f1043' class='c014'><sup>[1043]</sup></a>. (4) is according to Hesychius
-a “plaited beehive,” <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">i.e.</span></i> a hive of basketwork, and this statement
-is accepted by M. Pottier<a id='r1044' /><a href='#f1044' class='c014'><sup>[1044]</sup></a>. No doubt it was true at the time
-when it was made. But is it so certain that the earliest cypsele
-beehives were of basketwork? The first reference to beehives is
-in the <cite>Odyssey</cite>, which describes hives of stone in the shape of vases
-(<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">κρητῆρες</span> and <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀμφιφορῆες</span>)<a id='r1045' /><a href='#f1045' class='c014'><sup>[1045]</sup></a>. These Homeric beehives must have
-been either prototypes or glorifications of hives of earthenware<a id='r1046' /><a href='#f1046' class='c014'><sup>[1046]</sup></a>,
-and it is tempting to classify these latter with the cypsele form of
-hive, especially in the light of the cypsele on the Thracian coins,
-which has much the shape of a mixing bowl except that the handles
-are of a type more frequent on the amphora. These coins are of
-the first half of the fourth century. Our literary authorities are
-all much later. Most of them mention earthenware beehives only
-to condemn them<a id='r1047' /><a href='#f1047' class='c014'><sup>[1047]</sup></a>. Presumably they were out of fashion. Basketwork
-hives<a id='r1048' /><a href='#f1048' class='c014'><sup>[1048]</sup></a> on the other hand are spoken of without condemnation.
-When therefore they define the cypsele beehive as a basketwork
-beehive, they practically mean a round or vase-shaped hive like
-the “little pail where the bee distils his sweet flow” of Antiphilus<a id='r1049' /><a href='#f1049' class='c014'><sup>[1049]</sup></a>,
-as distinguished from the rectangular form that was also much in
-use<a id='r1050' /><a href='#f1050' class='c014'><sup>[1050]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_202'>202</span>This is assuming that cypselae were never rectangular, but the
-assumption seems fairly safe. Neither plaiting nor pottery adapts
-itself to rectangular shapes. Wine vessels are not usually square.
-The cypsele of the coins is not rectangular.</p>
-
-<div  class='figcenter id003'>
-<img src='images/i_p202a.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic002'>
-<p>Fig. 27. Attic vase painting, perhaps depicting a cypsele.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='figcenter id003'>
-<img src='images/i_p202b.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic002'>
-<p>Fig. 28. Attic vase painting, perhaps depicting a cypsele.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>There remains the “certain part of a furnace” referred to by
-Hesychius. Whatever this may have been, it is most unlikely that
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_203'>203</span>it was rectangular for the simple reason that ancient Greek furnaces
-appear from extant pictures to have no rectangular parts that could
-possibly be so identified. Pictures of ancient Greek furnaces are
-numerous, and it is surprising that no attempt seems to have been
-made to discover a cypsele in any of them, for it is not unlikely
-that some of these pictures do in fact depict it, and in that case they
-show us the earliest form of the object of which we have any
-precise record.</p>
-
-<div  class='figcenter id003'>
-<img src='images/i_p203.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic002'>
-<p>Fig. 29. Attic vase painting, perhaps depicting a cypsele.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Probable pictures of a cypsele on sixth-century Attic vases, depicting it as a large terra cotta vase.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>In Saglio’s <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Dictionnaire des Antiquités</span></cite>, s.v. Fer, figs. 2964, 2965,
-(here figs. 27, 28), pictures are reproduced from two
-black figure vases that depict furnaces being used,
-in all probability for treating iron<a id='r1051' /><a href='#f1051' class='c014'><sup>[1051]</sup></a>. On the top of
-either furnace is depicted what de Launay describes
-as a “sorte de vase, sans doute de terre cuite<a id='r1052' /><a href='#f1052' class='c014'><sup>[1052]</sup></a>.”
-A similar vase is shown <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> s.v. Caelatura, fig. 937<a id='r1053' /><a href='#f1053' class='c014'><sup>[1053]</sup></a>
-(here fig. 29) on top of what the context shows to
-be the furnace of a bronze foundry<a id='r1054' /><a href='#f1054' class='c014'><sup>[1054]</sup></a>. This latter picture is on an
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_204'>204</span>early red figure vase<a id='r1055' /><a href='#f1055' class='c014'><sup>[1055]</sup></a>. In all three cases the “sort of vase” is
-very large, as is shown by comparing it in size with the human
-figures in the picture. In short both in size, shape, use and probably
-material it answers to the written descriptions of one variety of
-cypsele. What it does not so well answer to is the vase represented
-on the coins of Cypsela, which is tall and cylindrical and shows
-two vertical handles. Fortunately there is a connecting link between
-the two forms. In the Berlin Museum there is an actual stove of
-terra cotta, said to have been found in the sea off Iasos (coast of
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_205'>205</span>Asia Minor)<a id='r1056' /><a href='#f1056' class='c014'><sup>[1056]</sup></a>. It is about ·50 m. high and of a common enough
-type<a id='r1057' /><a href='#f1057' class='c014'><sup>[1057]</sup></a>, though it is rare to find one so well preserved<a id='r1058' /><a href='#f1058' class='c014'><sup>[1058]</sup></a>. What however
-gives the Iasos example its importance
-is a vase ·13 m. high
-and ·192 diameter, of the same
-dark brown micaceous clay as
-the stove itself, that was found
-along with it and fits so well on
-top of it that it must unquestionably
-have formed part of the
-complete article<a id='r1059' /><a href='#f1059' class='c014'><sup>[1059]</sup></a>. Here we have
-a vase of considerable size that
-in shape has resemblances to the
-vases on the coins of Cypsela,
-but in its bulging sides deviates
-from them in the direction of
-our conjectured cypselae of the
-vase paintings. In position and
-in use as the receptacle for
-material to be heated, it corresponds
-with these latter. Though
-comparatively large, it must
-remain doubtful whether it is
-large enough to be a cypsele. But
-in any case it helps to connect
-the vases of the Cypsela coins
-with the “part of a furnace” of
-the vase paintings, and to make
-it probable that the latter was made of pottery and that both are
-rightly identified as cypselae. The objects on the vase paintings
-differ from all our other hypothetical cypselae in having no
-handles; even the beehive cypsele has been connected with
-craters and amphorae, both of which normally have two handles.
-But it is use as often as shape that determines the name of a vase,
-and from the point of view of use the Iasos vase is probably to be
-classed with a vase figured on a Greek funeral relief (fig. 31)<a id='r1060' /><a href='#f1060' class='c014'><sup>[1060]</sup></a>.
-Here we have an object very similar in shape to our conjectured
-cypselae of the vase paintings, resting on what Dumont<a id='r1061' /><a href='#f1061' class='c014'><sup>[1061]</sup></a> called a
-réchaud. Its size may be judged by comparing it with a human head
-from the same relief. There is no <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">a priori</span></i> reason why the ancient
-cypsele, like the modern glass or bottle or cup or mug, should not
-show much diversity in the matter of handles and of shape generally.
-The evidence just collected suggests that such was in fact the case,
-and it becomes the more likely when we remember that we are
-dealing with a period of some centuries. The Cypsela coins date
-only from the fourth century. The portable stoves of the Iasos
-type are later still<a id='r1062' /><a href='#f1062' class='c014'><sup>[1062]</sup></a>. The funeral relief with the vase and réchaud
-is dated by Dumont in the first century <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">A.D.</span></span><a id='r1063' /><a href='#f1063' class='c014'><sup>[1063]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div  class='figcenter id005'>
-<img src='images/i_p205.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic002'>
-<p>Fig. 30. Vase on stove found at Iasos.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='figcenter id003'>
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_206'>206</span>
-<img src='images/i_p206.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic002'>
-<p>Fig. 31. Relief, perhaps depicting a small cypsele.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_207'>207</span>On the other hand the vases depicting the cypsele that forms
-part of a furnace<a id='r1064' /><a href='#f1064' class='c014'><sup>[1064]</sup></a> belong to the fifth or sixth century <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>, and thus
-bring us to within measurable distance of Cypselus himself<a id='r1065' /><a href='#f1065' class='c014'><sup>[1065]</sup></a>. A cypsele
-of this description would be an admirable hiding-place for a
-baby, provided it was technically speaking a good baby, not given
-to crying<a id='r1066' /><a href='#f1066' class='c014'><sup>[1066]</sup></a>. Eventually, as has been seen, the box version of the
-story won the day: but from the Greek point of view there would
-be nothing impossible in a version which hid the child in an earthen
-jar. Eurystheus<a id='r1067' /><a href='#f1067' class='c014'><sup>[1067]</sup></a> sought safety from Heracles in a <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πίθος</span> or jar.
-In the seventh and sixth centuries infants were usually buried in
-large terra cotta vases not unlike those we are here considering.
-In the fifth century Aristophanes represents a supposititious child
-as introduced into the house in an earthenware pot<a id='r1068' /><a href='#f1068' class='c014'><sup>[1068]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>In short everything points to the cypsele of Cypselus having been
-a large vessel of pottery. May not Herodotus after all be right
-when he says that the tyrant got his name from the cypsele? The
-story of the attempted murder and the ten bad men may be older
-than Cypselus. But if so we have to explain how it came to
-be attached to the Corinthian tyrant. <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Was Cypselus
-(the child from
-the cypsele) a
-potter who got
-his name from
-his occupation?<span class='hidev'>|</span></span>
-Is it not
-possible that it was given to him as being <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐκ τῶν
-κυψελῶν</span> (just as later the demagogue Hyperbolus,
-who had spent his early days in a lamp factory, was
-spoken of as the man from the lamps, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">οὑκ τῶν
-λύχνων</span><a id='r1069' /><a href='#f1069' class='c014'><sup>[1069]</sup></a>) or in other words to denote his connexion with the
-Corinthian potteries which at this period were supplying a great
-part of the civilized world?</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Evidence for the plausibility of this suggestion. (i) Such names do occur, notably among potters.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>Hyperbolus does not offer the only analogy for
-this suggestion or even the closest. In the chapter
-on Rome<a id='r1070' /><a href='#f1070' class='c014'><sup>[1070]</sup></a>, when tracing the source of the power
-of the Tarquins, we shall have occasion to examine
-the story of the Corinthian potters Eucheir and
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_208'>208</span>Eugrammus, who lived just at this period and whose names
-meaning “skilful with the hand” and “skilful at painting” are
-palpably derived from their occupation<a id='r1071' /><a href='#f1071' class='c014'><sup>[1071]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Cypselus may possibly have adopted, or inherited from the founder
-of the firm, a cypsele as his badge or emblem, and this may have been
-the immediate origin of his name. These personal or family badges
-or arms were widely used in ancient Greece. Among the many
-found on the Heraclean tables<a id='r1072' /><a href='#f1072' class='c014'><sup>[1072]</sup></a> a <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">κιβώτιον</span> (box) occurs three
-times. A <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">κιβώτιον</span> is not a cypsele; but it is a similar object and
-shows that a cypsele might have been similarly used. The emblems
-as a rule seem to be entirely arbitrary and unconnected with the
-bearer’s name or occupation. But the word <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">κιβωτὸς</span> (in the
-original non-diminutive form) became the nickname of Apamea
-in Phrygia from the fact that so much packing was done in that
-great centre of trade<a id='r1073' /><a href='#f1073' class='c014'><sup>[1073]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>(ii) Agathocles, tyrant of Syracuse, is said to have been a potter,</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>If Cypselus was originally a potter he may be compared with
-Agathocles, tyrant at the end of the fourth century
-of Syracuse, the great daughter city of Corinth.
-Agathocles is said to have been the son of a potter<a id='r1074' /><a href='#f1074' class='c014'><sup>[1074]</sup></a>.
-According to Diodorus Siculus, the Delphic oracle
-prophesied over the infant Agathocles (as it had over Cypselus) that
-“he would be the cause of great misfortunes” to his country: and
-as a result of the prophecy it was resolved to do away with the
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_209'>209</span>child, who however was saved by its mother. Eventually the father
-was told that the child had been saved, and took it back, and “being
-poor he taught Agathocles the potter’s trade (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τὴν κεραμευτικὴν
-τέχνην</span>) while he was still a boy.” This story is probably to be
-traced back to Timaeus, who is quoted by Polybius<a id='r1075' /><a href='#f1075' class='c014'><sup>[1075]</sup></a> for the statement
-that Agathocles was a potter, and is the only source of Diodorus
-actively hostile to the tyrant, by whom he had been banished from
-Sicily<a id='r1076' /><a href='#f1076' class='c014'><sup>[1076]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>in what is probably a fiction intended to suggest a comparison with Cypselus.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>Plainly in great part at least the story of the young Agathocles
-is a piece of malicious fiction. What is its prototype?
-I cannot help suspecting that it is Cypselus himself.
-It is true that there is no cypsele or larnax in the
-story, and Bauer<a id='r1077' /><a href='#f1077' class='c014'><sup>[1077]</sup></a> connects it with the legends of the
-youthful Cyrus and infant Romulus. But neither is
-there an animal to suckle the infant, which the
-experts state to be the essential feature of the Cyrus Romulus cycle<a id='r1078' /><a href='#f1078' class='c014'><sup>[1078]</sup></a>.
-The oracle and the rescue by the mother are both salient incidents
-of the Cypselus story. In the Cyrus story we have dreams and their
-interpretation by Magians, not nearly so close an analogy. The
-dreams too indicate only the greatness of the child that is to be born.
-The Cypselus story indicates, like that of Agathocles, the harm the
-child will do<a id='r1079' /><a href='#f1079' class='c014'><sup>[1079]</sup></a>. Agathocles grew up in the days when the great name
-in Sicily was that of the Corinthian Timoleon. The thoughts of
-Sicily were all turned towards Corinth, and we find this rapprochement
-reflected in the Syracusan coins of the period, which show
-the Corinthian types of the helmeted goddess head and Pegasus<a id='r1080' /><a href='#f1080' class='c014'><sup>[1080]</sup></a>.
-What more natural therefore, especially for the banished Timaeus,
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_210'>210</span>than to compare Agathocles with Cypselus<a id='r1081' /><a href='#f1081' class='c014'><sup>[1081]</sup></a>? It is not impossible
-that from this seditious analogy there grew up the story that
-Agathocles was the son of a potter<a id='r1082' /><a href='#f1082' class='c014'><sup>[1082]</sup></a>. The alternative is to accept
-Agathocles’ early connexion with “the wheel, the clay, and the
-smoke<a id='r1083' /><a href='#f1083' class='c014'><sup>[1083]</sup></a>” of the pottery as a historical fact: but this is less likely.
-Polybius himself warns us against accepting Timaeus on Agathocles
-as truthful history, and seems himself to suspect his own quotation
-about the tyrant having been a potter in his early days. The elder
-brother of Agathocles was a prominent statesman and soldier in
-Syracuse early in his career, before the younger brother had risen
-to the tyranny: Agathocles himself appears early in his career to
-have reached high rank in the army and to have lived in intimate
-relations with some of the Syracusan nobility<a id='r1084' /><a href='#f1084' class='c014'><sup>[1084]</sup></a>. The tyrant’s father
-was banished from Rhegium in the days when that city was under
-Dionysius of Syracuse, from which fact Beloch<a id='r1085' /><a href='#f1085' class='c014'><sup>[1085]</sup></a> reasonably infers
-that he was a distinguished personality. Beloch supposes that
-Agathocles inherited a big pottery business. If this view is right,
-then the pottery does not seem to have greatly helped the future
-tyrant in his public career, which from first to last was essentially
-military. Still, though the capitalist tyrant was already a thing of
-the past in Greece Proper, Sicily was in some ways younger than
-the mother country, and it is not impossible that Agathocles possessed
-a pottery, and that it played a part, though not the leading one, in
-helping him on to the throne. Agathocles was the contemporary
-of the Roman Appius whose suspected attempt at a financial
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_211'>211</span>despotism is discussed in the chapter on Rome. Before his accession
-he is described as having become very rich: but his riches are attributed
-to his marriage<a id='r1086' /><a href='#f1086' class='c014'><sup>[1086]</sup></a>. The evidence about Agathocles’ early
-career is not decisive. But on any interpretation it lends plausibility
-to the view that Cypselus started life as a potter.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Cypselus as a common noun.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>In the whole of this long discussion as to how Cypselus acquired
-his name it has been assumed that Herodotus was
-right in declaring that he derived it direct from
-cypsele. The fact that there is a common noun cypselus hardly
-affects this assumption. It is true that the cypselus is a bird, but the
-bird in question is shown by Aristotle’s account of it<a id='r1087' /><a href='#f1087' class='c014'><sup>[1087]</sup></a> to be either
-the house-martin<a id='r1088' /><a href='#f1088' class='c014'><sup>[1088]</sup></a> or some similar species<a id='r1089' /><a href='#f1089' class='c014'><sup>[1089]</sup></a> that derives its name
-from its clay-built nest. The cypselus is in fact the potter-bird.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>King Cypselus of Arcadia.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>But are we right in our main assumption? There is of course
-an alternative possibility. The story of the infant
-Cypselus may have been attached to him solely to
-explain his unusual name. Schubring’s instances of stories that he
-thinks to have arisen in this way are neither convincing in themselves
-nor altogether analogous<a id='r1090' /><a href='#f1090' class='c014'><sup>[1090]</sup></a>. But there is one fact that offers more
-solid grounds for not accepting Cypselus as a name that the tyrant
-derived from his occupation. An early king Cypselus of Arcadia
-is mentioned by Pausanias<a id='r1091' /><a href='#f1091' class='c014'><sup>[1091]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>This is a genuine difficulty. But there are several ways of
-meeting it. It is for instance quite conceivable that two different
-individuals should have independently earned the same nickname.
-The name need not have been used in the same sense on both
-occasions. The cypselus is not only the potter-bird. It is also one
-of the most conspicuous of migrants<a id='r1092' /><a href='#f1092' class='c014'><sup>[1092]</sup></a>. It may have been from this
-latter point of view that the name was thought appropriate for a
-king of the period of the great migrations.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_212'>212</span>If this be thought unlikely we might borrow a page from the
-sceptics and throw doubts upon the Arcadian’s historical existence.
-We might explain him away as the eponymous hero of the Arcadian
-Cypsela<a id='r1093' /><a href='#f1093' class='c014'><sup>[1093]</sup></a>. Or again, it might be pointed out that he is said to have
-been an ancestor of his Corinthian namesake’s daughter-in-law,
-Melissa the wife of Periander<a id='r1094' /><a href='#f1094' class='c014'><sup>[1094]</sup></a>. The Arcadian Cypselus might then
-be disposed of as a creation of the pedigree-mongers of the
-period when the marriage between Melissa and Periander took
-place<a id='r1095' /><a href='#f1095' class='c014'><sup>[1095]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>The third tyrant of Corinth, whom Aristotle calls Psammetichus,</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>There is another name in the pedigree of the Corinthian tyrants
-from which historical conclusions have frequently
-been drawn. According to Aristotle the third and
-last of the tyrants (587–584 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>) was called Psammetichus,
-a name which, as we have seen already,
-was borne by the first Pharaoh of the Saite (twenty-sixth) dynasty,
-which appears to have based its power largely on foreign mercenaries
-and foreign trade, both mainly Greek<a id='r1096' /><a href='#f1096' class='c014'><sup>[1096]</sup></a>. The Egyptian name of the
-Corinthian tyrant has rightly been held to establish some sort of
-connexion between the two states during the age of the tyrants.
-It has often been assumed<a id='r1097' /><a href='#f1097' class='c014'><sup>[1097]</sup></a> that Psammetichus of Corinth got his
-name directly from the Egyptian royal family. No certainty is to
-be had on this point. The name, though unknown before the time
-of Psammetichus I, appears to have become common during the
-twenty-sixth dynasty<a id='r1098' /><a href='#f1098' class='c014'><sup>[1098]</sup></a>. A Greek mercenary named Psammetichus
-son of Theocles commanded the expedition which has left us the
-graffiti of Abu Symbel<a id='r1099' /><a href='#f1099' class='c014'><sup>[1099]</sup></a>. The name and position of the son of
-Theocles show that the Corinthian tyrant might have got his
-Egyptian name through a Greek intermediary. But on the other
-hand there is a fair probability that the governments of Corinth
-and Egypt at this period were in touch with one another either
-directly or through their common friend Miletus<a id='r1100' /><a href='#f1100' class='c014'><sup>[1100]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>an Egyptian name meaning probably “vendor of bowls,”</div>
-
-<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_213'>213</span>But the really curious point about a Cypselid being called Psammetichus
-lies in the meaning of the name, which, as
-seen above<a id='r1101' /><a href='#f1101' class='c014'><sup>[1101]</sup></a>, is most probably to be interpreted “man
-(vendor) of mixing bowls.” If this interpretation is
-correct Psammetichus and Cypselus are synonyms.
-Now the modern historians generally follow Aristotle<a id='r1102' /><a href='#f1102' class='c014'><sup>[1102]</sup></a>, and give
-the name of the last tyrant of Corinth as Psammetichus. <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>is given by
-Nicolaus the
-name of Cypselus,<span class='hidev'>|</span></span>
-But our
-other ancient authority, Nicolaus of Damascus<a id='r1103' /><a href='#f1103' class='c014'><sup>[1103]</sup></a>, states
-that Periander was succeeded by a second Cypselus,
-“who came from Corcyra and became tyrant of
-Corinth until certain of the Corinthians combined
-and slew him&nbsp;... and freed the city.” Psammetichus is called by
-Aristotle the son of Gorgos, Cypselus II is described by Nicolaus
-as son of Periander’s brother Gorgos<a id='r1104' /><a href='#f1104' class='c014'><sup>[1104]</sup></a>. A Psammetichus son of
-Gorgos is mentioned by Nicolaus as having been sent to Corcyra
-by Periander. The same author makes Cypselus II come from
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_214'>214</span>Corcyra to succeed Periander on the throne of Corinth. It is hard
-to avoid the conclusion reached by Busolt<a id='r1105' /><a href='#f1105' class='c014'><sup>[1105]</sup></a> that Cypselus II and
-Psammetichus are one and the same person. But need we follow
-Busolt further<a id='r1106' /><a href='#f1106' class='c014'><sup>[1106]</sup></a> and assume that Psammetichus changed his name
-to Cypselus on his accession? Psammetichus I of Egypt in his early
-days when he was a vassal of Assyria, appears to have received from
-his overlord the Assyrian name of Neboshazban<a id='r1107' /><a href='#f1107' class='c014'><sup>[1107]</sup></a>. Possibly therefore
-the Egyptian king might take it as a compliment if a Greek
-adopted an Egyptian name. But even this is doubtful. The Saites
-would not be extremely anxious to follow the practices of Assyria
-and Babylon: the Greeks did not readily change their names. On
-the other hand the Greeks loved to find equivalents between Greek
-names and Egyptian, as we see most markedly in
-their treatment of Greek and Egyptian gods<a id='r1108' /><a href='#f1108' class='c014'><sup>[1108]</sup></a>, and
-heroes<a id='r1109' /><a href='#f1109' class='c014'><sup>[1109]</sup></a>, and likewise of Egyptian place-names<a id='r1110' /><a href='#f1110' class='c014'><sup>[1110]</sup></a>. <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>which suggests
-that the two
-names were
-regarded by
-their bearer
-as synonyms
-meaning vendor
-of pots.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span>
-Is
-it not therefore rather more probable that from
-beginning to end the last of the Corinthian tyrants
-bore the name of his grandfather, according to the
-familiar Greek custom, and that Cypselus and Psammetichus
-were employed consciously as the Greek and Egyptian
-forms of one and the same name<a id='r1111' /><a href='#f1111' class='c014'><sup>[1111]</sup></a>, both alike meaning “man of pots.”</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>It may of course have been an accident that of the three names
-borne by the three tyrants of the Greek potteries two should be
-derived from words denoting some species of pot: but if so it is a
-very curious one.</p>
-
-<div class='chapter'>
-  <span class='pageno' id='Page_215'>215</span>
-  <h2 class='c005'>Chapter VIII. <em>Rome</em></h2>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c020'>“All the historical labours bestowed on the early centuries of Rome will, in
-general, be wasted.”—Sir George Cornewall Lewis, <cite>On the Credibility of Early
-Roman History</cite> (1855), vol. <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 556.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>I. The narrative as to how the Tarquins are said to have gained, held, and lost the throne.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>At the time of the birth of Herodotus, which took place about the
-year 484 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>, Polycrates, Peisistratus, and Croesus
-had been dead less than fifty years: in Corinth
-and Sicyon it was not more than a century since
-the tyranny had been suppressed. The historian had
-probably met people who remembered the tyrants
-of Samos and Athens: he may possibly have talked
-with old men from the cities of the Isthmus whose fathers had
-told them of personal experiences under Cleisthenes, or Periander.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The case with the Tarquins, the tyrant kings of Rome, is very
-different. There is nothing even approximating to contemporary
-literary evidence for their history, or even for their existence. In
-recent times their whole claim to be regarded as historical has been
-disputed. It may therefore seem something like begging the question
-to proceed at once to collect evidence for the narrative before
-clearing the ground by discussing its authenticity. There are however
-two reasons for following that course. The first is that the
-question of authenticity can be more easily discussed after the
-narrative has been called to mind. The other is that the value of
-the story for this enquiry does not altogether depend on the Tarquins’
-historicity<a id='r1112' /><a href='#f1112' class='c014'><sup>[1112]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>According to the extant narratives<a id='r1113' /><a href='#f1113' class='c014'><sup>[1113]</sup></a> king Tarquinius Priscus was
-the son of a Corinthian named Demaratus who had settled in the
-Etruscan city of Tarquinii, the modern Corneto, some fifty miles
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_216'>216</span>north of Rome. <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Tarquinius
-Priscus, son
-of a rich Corinthian
-trader
-named Demaratus,
-settles
-at Rome and
-by means of
-his wealth secures
-the
-throne.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span>
-The fullest of these narratives, that of Dionysius,
-makes Demaratus sail to Italy “intending to trade, in
-a private merchant vessel, and with a cargo of his
-own: having disposed of his cargo in the cities of the
-Etruscans&nbsp;... and acquired great gains,&nbsp;... he continued
-to ply the same sea, conveying Greek cargoes
-to the Etruscans and bringing Etruscan goods to
-Greece, and became the possessor of very great wealth&nbsp;... and when the tyranny of Cypselus was being
-established&nbsp;... he quitted Corinth and set up a house in Tarquinii,
-which was then a great and prosperous city.” All this property was
-left by Demaratus to his son Lucumo, the future Lucius Tarquinius,
-“who, receiving his father’s great wealth, resolved to engage in
-politics and take a part in public life and to be one of the foremost
-men of his city<a id='r1114' /><a href='#f1114' class='c014'><sup>[1114]</sup></a>.” He is described as migrating to Rome for the
-specific reason that there seemed more prospect there of his wealth
-leading to high political power, and as finding there the opportunity
-he was looking for. “At Rome,” says Livy<a id='r1115' /><a href='#f1115' class='c014'><sup>[1115]</sup></a>, “his wealth brought him
-into prominence.” So Dionysius<a id='r1116' /><a href='#f1116' class='c014'><sup>[1116]</sup></a>: “He very soon became friends
-with the king (Ancus Martius), making him presents and supplying
-him with funds for his military requirements&nbsp;... he also secured
-many of the patricians by his benevolences, and won the favour of
-the common people by his courteous greetings and the charm of
-his discourse and by contributions of money.” Similarly Aurelius
-Victor<a id='r1117' /><a href='#f1117' class='c014'><sup>[1117]</sup></a>: “by his money and his industry he secured high position.”
-So too Diodorus<a id='r1118' /><a href='#f1118' class='c014'><sup>[1118]</sup></a>, speaking of Tarquin’s rise to prominence in
-Rome: “being very wealthy he helped many of the poor by giving
-them money.” Still more specifically our oldest authority, Polybius<a id='r1119' /><a href='#f1119' class='c014'><sup>[1119]</sup></a>,
-says “Lucius, the son of Demaratus the Corinthian, set out for
-Rome trusting in himself and his money.”</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>These passages are enough to show that according to all our
-best extant authorities, and therefore presumably according to some
-earlier common source, Tarquinius Priscus owed his throne to
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_217'>217</span>his previous wealth. The writers just quoted apparently pictured
-Tarquin as a royal favourite who used his great wealth and ability
-to pave the way in the palace for his own succession<a id='r1120' /><a href='#f1120' class='c014'><sup>[1120]</sup></a>, or possibly
-as merely a wealthy demagogue<a id='r1121' /><a href='#f1121' class='c014'><sup>[1121]</sup></a>, but there are indications in the
-accounts that have come down to us that Tarquin’s power may
-have had a somewhat different basis.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Demaratus and Priscus were great employers.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>When Demaratus was making<a id='r1122' /><a href='#f1122' class='c014'><sup>[1122]</sup></a> his fortune in Etruria, he was
-probably, if the story has any historical foundation,
-a great employer of labour. Strabo speaks of the
-“large number of skilled workmen” who accompanied
-him from Corinth<a id='r1123' /><a href='#f1123' class='c014'><sup>[1123]</sup></a>. Pliny speaks of the
-Corinthian as accompanied by the potters (fictores) Eucheir and
-Eugrammus<a id='r1124' /><a href='#f1124' class='c014'><sup>[1124]</sup></a>. As Tarquin is made by both Livy<a id='r1125' /><a href='#f1125' class='c014'><sup>[1125]</sup></a> and Dionysius<a id='r1126' /><a href='#f1126' class='c014'><sup>[1126]</sup></a>
-to succeed to all his father’s possessions, the received accounts may
-be taken as implying that he too was master of “a large number of
-skilled workmen.” That this is the intention of our narrative is
-borne out by Dionysius’ account of the migration of Lucumo, as
-the subsequent Tarquinius was then called, from Tarquinii to
-Rome. “He resolved to migrate thither collecting up all his money&nbsp;... and taking all who were willing of his friends and relations:
-and there were many eager to go with him<a id='r1127' /><a href='#f1127' class='c014'><sup>[1127]</sup></a>.” On his arrival at
-Rome the king “assigned him and the Etruscans who had come
-with him to a tribe and curia (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">φυλήν τε καὶ φρατρίαν</span>).”</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Their employees were probably free men.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_218'>218</span>This whole description implies that Lucumo’s fellow-emigrants
-were free men: nothing is said as to their occupations.
-On the other hand the narratives of his father’s
-migration to Tarquinii make no statement as to
-whether the “skilled workmen” who accompanied him were free
-men or slaves. But the temptation to equate the two bodies is
-considerable. Later on, when on the throne, the Tarquins are
-represented as employing free skilled labour on a large scale. The
-object alleged by Livy for the first Tarquin’s numerous public works
-was “that the people might be as much employed at home as they
-had been in the army<a id='r1128' /><a href='#f1128' class='c014'><sup>[1128]</sup></a>.” The Roman army did not include
-slaves.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>About the Tarquins as large employers of free labour we shall
-find more precise and significant statements when the story of
-Superbus comes to be discussed. But in the accounts of Priscus there
-is one further statement that associates him closely with the trade
-of Rome. “The same king,” says Livy<a id='r1129' /><a href='#f1129' class='c014'><sup>[1129]</sup></a>, speaking of Priscus,
-“apportioned sites round the forum for private individuals to build
-on, and erected arcades and shops.” So Dionysius<a id='r1130' /><a href='#f1130' class='c014'><sup>[1130]</sup></a>: “he adorned
-the forum by surrounding it with workshops and arcades (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐργαστηρίοις
-καὶ παστάσι</span>).” It is surely somewhat remarkable that
-King Tarquin should be thus associated with the building of shops.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Priscus is succeeded by Servius Tullius, who is said to have been the first at Rome to strike coins.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>Between the first and the last of the Tarquins our accounts are
-unanimous in inserting Servius Tullius. Livy and
-Dionysius<a id='r1131' /><a href='#f1131' class='c014'><sup>[1131]</sup></a> make him the son-in-law of Priscus.
-Servius, who is thus assigned to both the period and
-the family of the Tarquins, is stated by several authors
-to have been the first to issue coins at Rome. Varro<a id='r1132' /><a href='#f1132' class='c014'><sup>[1132]</sup></a>
-for instance informs us that “they say that silver
-coinage was first struck (flatum) by Servius Tullius.” So Pliny<a id='r1133' /><a href='#f1133' class='c014'><sup>[1133]</sup></a>:
-“King Servius was the first to stamp (signauit) bronze”; and again
-Cassiodorus<a id='r1134' /><a href='#f1134' class='c014'><sup>[1134]</sup></a>: “King Servius is said to have been the first to strike
-a coinage (impressisse monetam) in bronze.”</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Possible historical basis for this statement.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_219'>219</span>These statements cannot be accepted just as they stand. Silver
-coins were first struck in Rome in 268 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>, and the
-first round copper coins, the large <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">aes graue</span></i> with a
-Janus head on one side and a ship’s prow on the other,
-are now unanimously assigned to the middle of the fourth century<a id='r1135' /><a href='#f1135' class='c014'><sup>[1135]</sup></a>.
-There is however nothing to preclude the possibility of important
-monetary innovations or reforms by a sixth century king of Rome.
-Copper has been found in Central Italy in various forms that point
-to a copper currency prior to the introduction of the round <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">aes graue</span></i>.
-There are the rough pieces known as <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">aes rude</span></i>, the objects of various
-simple shapes but entirely devoid of decoration known as <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">aes formatum</span></i>,
-and the pieces rectangular in shape and marked with a type
-known as <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">aes signatum</span></i><a id='r1136' /><a href='#f1136' class='c014'><sup>[1136]</sup></a>. Though the extant examples of <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">aes signatum</span></i>
-are plainly on stylistic grounds to be assigned to long after the regal
-period, and though the objects discovered along with finds of <em>aes
-rude</em> do not point to a very early date<a id='r1137' /><a href='#f1137' class='c014'><sup>[1137]</sup></a>, it would be rash to say that
-either <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">aes rude</span></i> or <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">aes signatum</span></i> or for that matter <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">aes formatum</span></i>
-was not as early in origin as the sixth century<a id='r1138' /><a href='#f1138' class='c014'><sup>[1138]</sup></a>. Willers<a id='r1139' /><a href='#f1139' class='c014'><sup>[1139]</sup></a> dates the
-use of <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">aes rude</span></i> from 1000 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> to the fourth century, and supposes
-some developments during the period, one of which, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">e.g.</span></i> the
-kuchenförmig (bun-shaped) variety of <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">aes formatum</span></i> or the “bars
-with various patterns,” may possibly be due to Servius. If Servius
-is to be associated with <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">aes formatum</span></i> the “bun-shaped” pieces have
-perhaps not quite so good a claim as those to which Haeberlin<a id='r1140' /><a href='#f1140' class='c014'><sup>[1140]</sup></a> gives
-the name tortenförmig (something like the flat round weights with
-a flange that are made to fit into one another), since these latter
-appear from the full data that Haeberlin has collected to be characteristic
-of S. Etruria: they have been found mainly at Caere,
-Tarquinii, and Castelnuovo di Porto (between Rome and Falerii),
-<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">i.e.</span></i> in great part at places with which Rome had particularly close
-connexions.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>But neither the “kuchenförmig” nor the “tortenförmig” <em>aes
-formatum</em> suits the literary evidence so well as Willers’ “bars with
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_220'>220</span>various patterns.” These appear to constitute the most primitive
-form of <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">aes signatum</span></i>. Pliny’s precise account<a id='r1141' /><a href='#f1141' class='c014'><sup>[1141]</sup></a> of Servius’ innovation
-is that he introduced <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">aes signatum</span></i> in place of the earlier <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">aes rude</span></i>.
-Pliny indeed goes on to say that Servius’ money “signatum est nota
-pecudum<a id='r1142' /><a href='#f1142' class='c014'><sup>[1142]</sup></a>.” Among extant pieces this description is applicable only
-to certain fully developed examples of the quadrilateral <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">aes signatum</span></i><a id='r1143' /><a href='#f1143' class='c014'><sup>[1143]</sup></a>,
-that, as remarked already, have to be assigned to a later date: but
-whereas Pliny’s statement about Servius and <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">aes signatum</span></i> is based
-on Timaeus (Sicily, third century <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>), it is quite uncertain whether
-the remark about “nota pecudum” is to be referred to the same
-respectable authority. Pliny’s own words are: “Seruius rex primus
-signauit aes. antea rudi usos Romae Timaeus tradit. signatum est
-nota pecudum.”</p>
-
-<div  class='figcenter id003'>
-<img src='images/i_p220.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic002'>
-<p>Fig. 32. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Aes signatum.</span></cite></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>Assume a historical basis for the accounts of Servius’ connexion
-with the Roman currency<a id='r1144' /><a href='#f1144' class='c014'><sup>[1144]</sup></a>, and the motive for his activity in this
-direction is not far to seek. Just about the period to which his
-reign is dated Greek coins began to penetrate Etruria. They belong
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_221'>221</span>mainly to Phocaea and the Phocaean colonies<a id='r1145' /><a href='#f1145' class='c014'><sup>[1145]</sup></a>. Now “in the days
-of King Tarquinius,” so Justin<a id='r1146' /><a href='#f1146' class='c014'><sup>[1146]</sup></a> tells us, “Phocaeans from Asia
-put in at the mouth of the Tiber and formed a friendship with the
-Romans.” The Phocaean coinage may well have led to some
-reform or regulation of the home currency, though the statement
-of Aurelius Victor<a id='r1147' /><a href='#f1147' class='c014'><sup>[1147]</sup></a> that “he (<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">i.e.</span></i> Servius) established weights and
-measures” may perhaps come nearer to the truth than the more
-detailed assertions about striking a coinage that have been already
-quoted. Even if this was all that Servius did it is enough to make
-him stand out as a commercially minded statesman since he is represented
-as the first ruler in Rome to regulate units of exchange<a id='r1148' /><a href='#f1148' class='c014'><sup>[1148]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The chief positive objection to a sixth century date for even the
-most primitive form of metallic currency is the fact that down to
-the time of the XII tables (450 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>) all fines were paid in cows
-and sheep<a id='r1149' /><a href='#f1149' class='c014'><sup>[1149]</sup></a>. But evidence of this sort may be given too much
-weight. As pointed out by Ridgeway<a id='r1150' /><a href='#f1150' class='c014'><sup>[1150]</sup></a>, “even in a great commercial
-Greek city like Syracuse, the cow formed the basis of assessment
-in the reign of Dionysius (405–367 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>).” Syracuse had minted
-masterpieces of silver coinage some time before Dionysius was born.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Enough has been said to indicate the possible significance of the
-accounts of king Servius and his copper coins. Too little is known
-about either the king himself or the sixth century currency to build
-much upon their reputed connexion. The matter is not one of
-first importance for our enquiry. There can be no question of a
-revolution in the currency, such as there are reasons for attributing
-to Gyges, Pheidon, Peisistratus, and probably others of the early
-Greek tyrants<a id='r1151' /><a href='#f1151' class='c014'><sup>[1151]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>The census of Servius.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_222'>222</span>Reforms or innovations in the currency are quite in keeping
-with the other activities ascribed to Servius. The
-step most commonly associated with his name is the
-institution of a census, “<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ex quo belli pacisque munia non uiritim,
-ut antea, sed pro habitu pecuniarum fierent</span><a id='r1152' /><a href='#f1152' class='c014'><sup>[1152]</sup></a>.”</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Servius and the collegia opificum.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>Another institution that has been attributed to Servius is that
-of the collegia opificum or unions of workmen<a id='r1153' /><a href='#f1153' class='c014'><sup>[1153]</sup></a>.
-The early history of these collegia is obscure:
-Plutarch attributes the eight earliest of them (carpenters,
-potters, tanners, leather-workers, dyers, coppersmiths, goldsmiths,
-flute-players) to Numa<a id='r1154' /><a href='#f1154' class='c014'><sup>[1154]</sup></a>. The two versions may both have
-a historic basis if we suppose that the collegia as private corporations
-go back into the early regal period and that later they passed under
-state control<a id='r1155' /><a href='#f1155' class='c014'><sup>[1155]</sup></a>. This view is of course incapable of proof. The
-evidence limits us to conjecture<a id='r1156' /><a href='#f1156' class='c014'><sup>[1156]</sup></a>. But one point seems fairly certain.
-The collegia must have lost importance when slave labour came
-to be much used<a id='r1157' /><a href='#f1157' class='c014'><sup>[1157]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Servius is constantly accused of having secured the support of
-the poor by gifts and benevolences<a id='r1158' /><a href='#f1158' class='c014'><sup>[1158]</sup></a>, and special mention is
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_223'>223</span>made of his distributions of corn and land to the plebs<a id='r1159' /><a href='#f1159' class='c014'><sup>[1159]</sup></a>. <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>His methods
-of purchasing
-the support of
-the lower
-classes:<span class='hidev'>|</span></span>
-In short,
-king Servius, if he be regarded as a historical personage,
-appears to have inherited the policy as well
-as the position of his predecessor, and his violent
-accession and no less violent end to have been due
-mainly to feuds within the palace. <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>his relations
-with the Tarquins.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span>
-The same conclusion is the most
-natural one to draw from his Etruscan name of
-Mastarna<a id='r1160' /><a href='#f1160' class='c014'><sup>[1160]</sup></a>, quite apart from the etymological value
-of Gardthausen’s suggestion<a id='r1161' /><a href='#f1161' class='c014'><sup>[1161]</sup></a> that the name Mastarna
-is a prefixed form of Tarquin.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Tarquinius Superbus secures the throne by buying up the poor. When king he employs Etruscans and Roman citizens on a large scale as artizans and quarrymen.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>Servius was eventually overthrown by Tarquinius Superbus, who
-is said to have secured the throne “by buying up
-the poorest of the common people<a id='r1162' /><a href='#f1162' class='c014'><sup>[1162]</sup></a>.” It is in the
-account of his reign that we find the fullest statements
-as to the Tarquins’ relations to labour while
-they were kings of Rome. Nothing could be more
-explicit than Livy’s statement on that point:</p>
-
-<p class='c015'>He summoned smiths from every part of Etruria and
-employed upon it (<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">i.e.</span></i> on the building of the temple of
-Jove on the Tarpeian Mount) not only public funds, but
-also <em>workmen from among the plebeians</em><a id='r1163' /><a href='#f1163' class='c014'><sup>[1163]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The statement that Tarquin’s employees were largely plebeians
-(and not slaves) is repeated by Livy later in the same book. In this
-second passage Brutus, declaiming against the state of things that
-had existed under the Tarquins, is made to declare that “men of
-Rome had been changed from soldiers into artizans and quarrymen<a id='r1164' /><a href='#f1164' class='c014'><sup>[1164]</sup></a>.”</p>
-
-<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_224'>224</span>Dionysius is as explicit and more detailed<a id='r1165' /><a href='#f1165' class='c014'><sup>[1165]</sup></a>:</p>
-
-<p class='c015'>He was not content to offend against the plebeians merely in this way.
-He enrolled all the plebeians who were loyal to him and suitable for military
-requirements, and the rest he compelled to find employment on the public
-works in the city, thinking it a very great danger for monarchs when the
-worst and poorest of the citizens are unemployed: at the same time he was
-anxious during his reign to complete the works left half-finished by his
-grandfather—the channels to drain away the water&nbsp;... and&nbsp;... the hippodrome
-amphitheatre.... On these works all the poor were employed, receiving from
-him a moderate provision, some quarrying<a id='r1166' /><a href='#f1166' class='c014'><sup>[1166]</sup></a>, some hewing wood, some
-leading the waggons that conveyed this material, others bearing the burdens
-on their own shoulders; others again digging out the underground cellars
-and moulding the vaults in them and erecting the corridors: subordinated
-to the artizans thus engaged there were coppersmiths and carpenters and
-stonemasons, who were removed from their private shops and kept employed
-on the public requirements.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>So in the same book<a id='r1167' /><a href='#f1167' class='c014'><sup>[1167]</sup></a>:</p>
-
-<p class='c015'>Tarquin after this achievement (Gabii) gave the people a rest from expeditions
-and wars, and occupied himself with the building of the temples....
-He set all the artizans to work on the undertakings.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>And a little later<a id='r1168' /><a href='#f1168' class='c014'><sup>[1168]</sup></a> Brutus is made to tell the Romans that Tarquin
-“compels them like bought slaves to toil at quarrying and woodcutting
-and carrying burdens<a id='r1169' /><a href='#f1169' class='c014'><sup>[1169]</sup></a>.”</p>
-
-<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_225'>225</span>It is nowhere explicitly stated that it was to this control of the
-free labour of the city that the Tarquins owed their power. On
-the contrary, according to Livy the populares helped to turn
-Superbus out for the very reason that he had forced them into this
-banausic life. “They were indignant that they had been kept by
-the king so long employed as smiths and doing the work of slaves<a id='r1170' /><a href='#f1170' class='c014'><sup>[1170]</sup></a>.”
-This by itself would certainly suggest that the Tarquins had used
-their kingly power to turn the free men of Rome into artizans and
-quarrymen, and not their army of employees to turn a capitalist
-into a king. But the smiths summoned from Etruria, who are
-associated with the Roman plebeians, recall the “large number of
-skilled workmen” mentioned by Strabo as working for Demaratus
-at Tarquinii, and suggest that we have here a continuation of the
-activities that had made the fortune of the Tarquin family while
-still in Etruria<a id='r1171' /><a href='#f1171' class='c014'><sup>[1171]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>He loses the throne when he can no longer pay these employees.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>There is a further statement in the same chapter of Livy that
-certainly harmonizes better with this latter alternative.
-At the time when the plebeians suddenly discovered
-the degrading nature of their occupations,
-not apparently without the help of the abler members
-of the nobility, Livy informs us that the king had run out of money,
-“exhausted by the magnificence of his public works.” Similarly
-Dionysius makes Brutus urge on his fellow-conspirators that now
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_226'>226</span>is the time to carry out their plot, when the armed citizens are
-“no longer controlled by (Tarquin’s) presents as formerly<a id='r1172' /><a href='#f1172' class='c014'><sup>[1172]</sup></a>.” That
-Tarquin’s regime was one of sweat and wages but never of blood
-and iron is borne out by Cicero, who observes that “we never hear
-of Tarquin’s putting Roman citizens to death<a id='r1173' /><a href='#f1173' class='c014'><sup>[1173]</sup></a>.”</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Later writers speak of Superbus as employing penal labour and
-various forms of torture and intimidation on a large scale<a id='r1174' /><a href='#f1174' class='c014'><sup>[1174]</sup></a>. But
-these statements, which have plainly a common origin, are no less
-plainly embroideries upon the aristocratic misrepresentations of the
-Tarquins’ labour policy. The truth is expressed by Florus: “in
-senatum caedibus, in omnes superbia, quae crudelitate grauior est
-bonis, grassatus<a id='r1175' /><a href='#f1175' class='c014'><sup>[1175]</sup></a>.” In other words Superbus was a harsh and
-unpopular employer<a id='r1176' /><a href='#f1176' class='c014'><sup>[1176]</sup></a>. This personal unpopularity must have contributed
-along with the exhaustion of the royal treasury to reconcile
-the common people to the republican regime, which for them was
-certainly the beginning of an era of oppression and misery, since
-they had lost in the king their natural protector<a id='r1177' /><a href='#f1177' class='c014'><sup>[1177]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Suspected attempts at restoring the kingship:</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>If the Tarquins’ power was really commercial in origin, and if the
-account of it in writers of the age of Livy is in the
-main outline historical, then the facts ought to be
-found influencing the history of the early republic
-and in particular the measures taken by the aristocrats
-to prevent the restoration of the monarchy. What is in fact the sort
-of situation represented as most alarming them from this point of
-view?</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Collatinus and his wealth and “benevolences”;</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>The first indication of the direction of their fears is to be found
-in the account of Collatinus’ banishment, recorded
-by Livy as having taken place in the first year of
-the republic. According to Livy<a id='r1178' /><a href='#f1178' class='c014'><sup>[1178]</sup></a> it was simply the
-hated name of Tarquin that led to his banishment.
-Collatinus was reluctant to withdraw: he only did so from fear that
-later, when no longer consul, the same fate might overtake him with
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_227'>227</span>the loss of his property into the bargain—cum bonorum amissione.
-Livy does not always work over his material sufficiently to make it
-quite harmonize with his own interpretation of it. It looks as though
-it was the bona, the wealth of Collatinus, that led to his expulsion.
-Though plainly not the strongest influence in Rome at the time,
-it may have been sufficiently strong to be a perpetual menace to
-the aristocratic government. It is the “primores ciuitatis” who insist
-on his withdrawal. If in Dionysius<a id='r1179' /><a href='#f1179' class='c014'><sup>[1179]</sup></a> on another occasion Collatinus
-is made to argue “that it was not the tyrants’ money that had
-been harming the city, but their persons,” the protestation only
-shows that there were others who did not share this view, but thought
-rather, with Dionysius’ Marcus Valerius, that there was a danger
-lest the people, “beguiled by the tyrant’s benevolences,&nbsp;... should
-help to restore Tarquin to the throne<a id='r1180' /><a href='#f1180' class='c014'><sup>[1180]</sup></a>.” The same view is implied
-in a speech put by Dionysius<a id='r1181' /><a href='#f1181' class='c014'><sup>[1181]</sup></a> into the mouth of one of the popular
-leaders at the time of the first secession. He reminds his hearers
-that “the people were never put to any disadvantage by the kings,
-and least of all by the last ones”: he recalls an occasion on which
-the king had “distributed five minae of silver to every man,” and
-reminds the patricians how the plebeians had rejected the great
-gifts that the banished Tarquins had offered them as an inducement
-to break faith with the patrician government.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>It may well have been from similar fears that in the following
-year the remainder of the Tarquins’ property was distributed among
-the people: “(bona regia) deripienda plebi sunt data<a id='r1182' /><a href='#f1182' class='c014'><sup>[1182]</sup></a>.” A few
-chapters later Livy states that so long as the banished Tarquin was
-still alive, the people received from the senate “multa blandimenta<a id='r1183' /><a href='#f1183' class='c014'><sup>[1183]</sup></a>.”
-The nobles are described by Dionysius as “taking many measures
-friendly to the poor, that they might not go over to the tyrants
-and be won over by considerations of personal gain and betray
-the commonwealth<a id='r1184' /><a href='#f1184' class='c014'><sup>[1184]</sup></a>.” The senate seems to have been fighting the
-Tarquins with their own weapons. The blandimenta that kept
-Superbus off the throne may well have been synonymous with the
-benignitas that got Priscus on to it.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>After the death of Tarquin at the court of the Greek tyrant at
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_228'>228</span>Cumae there were three prominent Romans who rightly or wrongly
-were suspected of aiming at the kingly power. It may be worth
-while examining in each of the three cases the circumstances that
-are said to have given rise to these suspicions.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Cassius and his exceptional financial position;</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>Spurius Cassius<a id='r1185' /><a href='#f1185' class='c014'><sup>[1185]</sup></a> is not described as having been personally very
-rich, and our authors introduce into their accounts
-of him nothing to support the charge that he was
-aiming at overthrowing the existing government.
-They leave it possible to conceive of him as a constitutional
-reformer who when consul sought to relieve a widespread
-distress by distributions of land<a id='r1186' /><a href='#f1186' class='c014'><sup>[1186]</sup></a> and perhaps corn<a id='r1187' /><a href='#f1187' class='c014'><sup>[1187]</sup></a> and by
-taking the state finances into his own hands<a id='r1188' /><a href='#f1188' class='c014'><sup>[1188]</sup></a>. The outcry against
-him is made to come mainly from the landed classes who fear that
-his proposals may touch their own pockets. As far as they are
-thinking about the constitution it is the financial position that the
-consul has created for himself that is the chief ground of their alarms.
-“By his distributions of money the consul was erecting a power
-perilous to liberty:&nbsp;... the way was being paved to monarchy.”
-Later on we find Cassius having money dealings with the people.
-He proposes that the sums that they have paid the government for
-corn brought from Sicily in time of famine should be refunded to
-them: “but this was looked on by the plebeians as a cash payment
-for the throne, and refused.” Though there is nothing to show that
-the Cassius of Livy and Dionysius had either the desire or the real
-equipment to repeat the career of Tarquinius Priscus, yet the narrative
-about him is none the less relevant. It depicts the early republican
-as deeply alarmed at any individual who secures any kind
-of financial predominance in the state. Very possibly this feeling
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_229'>229</span>may account for the ostentatious exhibition of poverty in which
-early republican nobles are so often depicted as indulging<a id='r1189' /><a href='#f1189' class='c014'><sup>[1189]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Maelius and his exceptional wealth and organized body of clients.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>In the case of Spurius Maelius there are no such complications.
-If we accept Livy and Dionysius, Maelius’ policy
-did not threaten the property of any of the nobles.
-The fears that he would restore the kingship may
-have been mistaken, but they were almost certainly
-genuine. Is there any resemblance between extant accounts of
-Maelius’ career and the speculations that we have been engaged in
-as to the early history of the first Tarquin? There is not only a
-resemblance but a striking one. Maelius was extremely rich: not
-dives merely but praedives<a id='r1190' /><a href='#f1190' class='c014'><sup>[1190]</sup></a>. When he set about relieving Rome
-from famine, he was able to do so not only at his own expense but
-through his own clients and connexions: “buying up corn at
-his own expense through the agency of his friends (hospitum)
-and clients<a id='r1191' /><a href='#f1191' class='c014'><sup>[1191]</sup></a>.”</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Manlius.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>Marcus Manlius, the third to be condemned to death for aiming
-at the throne, need not detain us. He is essentially
-a military character, like his contemporary Dionysius
-of Syracuse<a id='r1192' /><a href='#f1192' class='c014'><sup>[1192]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>The republican government changes Tarquin’s artizans into soldiers and makes war a paying (and ultimately a paid) profession:</div>
-
-<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_230'>230</span>But the real bulwark of the republic of the fifth century as it
-appears in the pages of our authors is not the right
-arm of Servilius Ahala. It is a fundamental change
-that came over the lower classes of the free population.
-In a passage of Livy that has already been
-quoted, Brutus is made to charge the Tarquins with
-having converted the men of Rome from soldiers into
-artizans and quarrymen (opifices ac lapicidas). Brutus
-had just effected a revolution at Rome. To represent
-a revolution as a return to antiquity was as natural with the Roman
-as it is with us<a id='r1193' /><a href='#f1193' class='c014'><sup>[1193]</sup></a>. It is possible, though improbable, that the Tarquins
-had turned the plebeians from soldiers into artizans. The situation
-clearly indicated by Brutus is that he and his fellow-nobles are
-turning them from artizans into soldiers. It is not merely in the
-speeches put by Livy and Dionysius into the mouths of Brutus and
-his colleagues that we find the establishment of the republic associated
-with a reorganization of the state upon a military basis. The
-development of the comitia centuriata as the main organization of
-the citizens of Rome for political purposes is associated with the
-beginnings of the republic: the centuries were originally and fundamentally
-a military organization<a id='r1194' /><a href='#f1194' class='c014'><sup>[1194]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The agrarian measures that appear so early in the narratives of
-the historians need not deceive us. As far as they are authentic they
-must have been either insincere or idealist<a id='r1195' /><a href='#f1195' class='c014'><sup>[1195]</sup></a>. The republican nobility
-is painted from the first as teaching the distressed plebeians to look
-not for farms and allotments but for wars and prize money. The
-picture of the transfiguration of the plebeians into soldiers is completed
-in the narrative of the siege of Veii (406–396 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>), when
-pay for military service is introduced<a id='r1196' /><a href='#f1196' class='c014'><sup>[1196]</sup></a> and war becomes a leading
-means of earning a livelihood<a id='r1197' /><a href='#f1197' class='c014'><sup>[1197]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>In short it would appear that the nobles ceased to dread a restoration
-of the monarchy otherwise than by armed force when and only
-when their government became the principal and most popular
-employer in the state.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>cp. fifth century Athens.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_231'>231</span>The Alcmaeonidae at Athens put an end to the possibility of a
-revival of the tyranny (and incidentally to all respect
-for constructive manual labour) by instituting state
-payments for services as jurymen, sailors on warships, and the
-like. Conditions at Rome were in some ways very different from
-those at Athens. But the Roman nobles appear to have aimed at
-securing the same result as the Athenian by very similar means.
-How far this parallel holds, at least as between the extant narratives,
-may be illustrated from the history of the family that took the leading
-place in the early Roman republic.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>The earlier Claudii and their anti-tyrannical policy.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>The part played by Brutus in the narrative is politically as insignificant
-as that of Harmodius in the overthrow of
-the tyranny at Athens. The political geniuses of the
-early Roman republic are all to be found in the great
-house of the Claudii<a id='r1198' /><a href='#f1198' class='c014'><sup>[1198]</sup></a>. Our accounts make the family
-first come to Rome in the sixth year of the republic. The head of
-the family at that time is described by Dionysius as “of noble birth
-and influential through his wealth<a id='r1199' /><a href='#f1199' class='c014'><sup>[1199]</sup></a>.” He arrives, “bringing with
-him a great establishment and numerous friends and retainers.”
-Mommsen<a id='r1200' /><a href='#f1200' class='c014'><sup>[1200]</sup></a> gives strong reasons for thinking that the family cannot
-have first come to Rome at so late a date. But the arrival may well
-have been a return from exile like that of the Alcmaeonidae to
-Athens after the fall of Hippias. The analogies between the Claudii
-and the Alcmaeonidae deserve consideration, the more so as they
-seem to be uninfluenced by any ancient recognition of their existence.
-It looks as though the wealthy Claudii, like the wealthy Alcmaeonidae,
-“took the commons into partnership<a id='r1201' /><a href='#f1201' class='c014'><sup>[1201]</sup></a>.” Mommsen has
-pointed out<a id='r1202' /><a href='#f1202' class='c014'><sup>[1202]</sup></a> how many “well known traits of the ancient tyrannus”
-occur in the picture of the decemvir Appius. His contemporary
-Pericles was called the new Peisistratus. If there are such strong
-reasons for equating the early Claudii, whose historical existence
-can scarcely be seriously questioned, with the contemporary Alcmaeonidae,
-it becomes increasingly probable that the history of Rome
-and Athens in the sixth century ran on parallel lines.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>One great difference between fifth century Rome and fifth century
-Athens was that Athens had had her own coinage from well back
-into the sixth century, whereas Rome, as already mentioned, struck
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_232'>232</span>her first pieces about 338 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> No famous name is associated with
-these earliest pieces. <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Appius Claudius
-Caecus
-(censor 312
-B.C.):<span class='hidev'>|</span></span>
-The most prominent man
-in Rome during the first generation after 338
-was another Claudius, the censor Appius Claudius
-Caecus. His greatest achievement was the epoch-making
-Via Appia, the first of the great series of roads that knit
-together the Roman Empire. <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>his public
-works,<span class='hidev'>|</span></span>
-The city owed to him
-also its first aqueduct. On these great public works
-he spent, without the previous sanction of the senate, the money
-accumulated in the treasury<a id='r1203' /><a href='#f1203' class='c014'><sup>[1203]</sup></a>. The sums thus spent must have represented
-the first large accumulation of the new Roman currency.</p>
-
-<div  class='figcenter id006'>
-<img src='images/i_p232.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic002'>
-<p>Fig. 33. <em>Aes graue</em> with wheel.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>his probable connexion with Roman coinage,</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>Appius’ connexion with the early coinage of Rome was probably
-not confined to spending it. The second series of
-Roman <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">aes graue</span></i> was coined in Campania and bears
-on the reverse a wheel (fig. 33). Numismatists have
-long associated the appearance of this wheel with the
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_233'>233</span>construction of the Appian way that led from Rome to the Campanian
-capital<a id='r1204' /><a href='#f1204' class='c014'><sup>[1204]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>his numerous clients,</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>One detail only is wanted to complete the picture of a potential
-tyrant of the early Greek type, such as has been
-depicted in every section of this volume, and that
-feature appears in Valerius Maximus. According to that writer<a id='r1205' /><a href='#f1205' class='c014'><sup>[1205]</sup></a>,
-who flourished early in the first century <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">A.D.</span></span>, Appius possessed
-“plurimas clientelas.”</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>and Mommsen’s conjecture that he aimed at a tyranny.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>All this gives added significance, in the light of our enquiries, to
-a brilliant conjecture of Mommsen<a id='r1206' /><a href='#f1206' class='c014'><sup>[1206]</sup></a> that Appius
-actually attempted to make himself tyrant. Mommsen
-relies mainly on a sentence in Suetonius<a id='r1207' /><a href='#f1207' class='c014'><sup>[1207]</sup></a> which runs:
-“Claudius Drusus, after a crowned statue had been
-set up to him at Appi Forum, endeavoured by means of his clients
-(clientelas) to seize Italy.” The context dates the event between the
-decemvirate and the first Punic War. The possible period is further
-limited by the fact that Appi Forum was only founded by Appius
-Claudius Caecus. The name of the would-be tyrant as given by
-Suetonius is Claudius Drusus, but this, Mommsen shows, must be
-corrupt. The mention of Appi Forum points definitely to Appius
-Claudius Caecus, the only person whose name is associated with
-the place. In another passage of his history<a id='r1208' /><a href='#f1208' class='c014'><sup>[1208]</sup></a>, Mommsen himself
-observes how Appius shows the spirit of the Tarquins.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>“Secessions.”</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>If we look at the history of the early republic from the plebeian
-point of view, there is at least one important feature
-in the extant narratives that supports our main conclusions.
-The most notable weapon that the fifth century plebeians
-are represented as employing against the nobles is the “secession.”
-The first is recorded under the year of Spurius Cassius’ consulship,
-when the men whom Tarquin is accused of having made into
-“artizans and quarrymen” proceeded in a body to the “mons sacer”
-outside the city, and refused to come back and resume work until
-their grievances had been dealt with. The resemblance of the
-secession to the modern strike has already been recognized<a id='r1209' /><a href='#f1209' class='c014'><sup>[1209]</sup></a>. It may
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_234'>234</span>be an accident, but if so it is a remarkable one, that the chief weapon
-of the class on which Tarquin’s power appears to have rested should
-have been one that reappears in history with the organization of
-the industrial classes in modern times.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Before we proceed to discuss the value of the narratives that we
-have been quoting, there are a few further notices in them that have
-a place in this discussion, though they deal not with Rome but with
-other cities of Central Italy.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>The part played at Ardea in 440 B.C. by the working-classes.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>In 440 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> the plebeians of Ardea, a city about 20 miles S.
-of Rome, are described by Livy<a id='r1210' /><a href='#f1210' class='c014'><sup>[1210]</sup></a> as engaged in a
-struggle with the optimates, and as getting the worst
-of it. Thereupon the losing party “quite unlike the
-Roman plebs,&nbsp;... prepared to besiege the city (<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">i.e.</span></i>
-Ardea) with a crowd of workmen (opificum), attracted
-by the prospect of plunder.” The Latin leaves it possible
-that the crowd of workmen (opificum) with which the plebs of
-Ardea prepared to besiege their city should be understood as a
-separate body, conceivably metics or slaves. At Veii in 400 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>
-the artifices are said to have been slaves<a id='r1211' /><a href='#f1211' class='c014'><sup>[1211]</sup></a>. But though in Etruria
-in 400 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> this may have been normally the case, in Latin
-Ardea forty years earlier we may well have conditions not unlike
-those that have been inferred above for sixth century Rome.
-Even if the opifices of Ardea are to be understood as slaves, the
-united body of plebeians and opifices acting in opposition to the
-optimates comes nearer to Brutus’ description of the situation at
-Rome under the Tarquins than does anything that can be found
-in our historians’ pictures of Rome in the fifth century. Livy is
-thinking of the Roman plebeians of the early republican period, not
-of the opifices and lapicidae of the age of the Tarquins, when he
-says that the plebs of Ardea was quite unlike the Roman plebs<a id='r1212' /><a href='#f1212' class='c014'><sup>[1212]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>The rich Veientine employer who became king of his city in 400 B.C.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_235'>235</span>In the year 400 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> according to Livy the people of Veii, “taedio
-annuae ambitionis, regem creauere<a id='r1213' /><a href='#f1213' class='c014'><sup>[1213]</sup></a>.” Nothing is said
-by Livy about feelings and parties in Veii itself,
-except this statement that they were bored with
-annual elections. All that Livy mentions is the way
-in which the appointment was received elsewhere in
-Etruria. The event, he says, gave offence to the peoples of Etruria.
-Their hatred of kingly power was not greater than that which they
-felt against the king personally. He had previously made himself
-generally unpopular by his wealth and arrogance (opibus superbiaque).
-He had once brought a solemn celebration of the games to
-a violent conclusion: indignant at having been rejected by the votes
-of the twelve peoples in favour of another candidate for the priesthood,
-he had suddenly, in the middle of the performance, withdrawn
-the workmen (artifices), a great part of whom were his own slaves<a id='r1214' /><a href='#f1214' class='c014'><sup>[1214]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The result of the Veientine’s wealth had been, according to Livy,
-to make him unpopular. But it is a reasonable inference from Livy’s
-narrative that he was unpopular only with the aristocrats who continued
-to control the government in the other cities of Etruria.
-His accession can hardly have been disagreeable to the Veientines
-who made him king.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>As noticed just above before he became king he had also been
-the employer and actually the owner of a great proportion of the
-“artifices” of the city. It is nowhere stated that the artifices helped
-to make him king in Veii as they had helped to make him unpopular
-in the rest of Etruria: but the important part played by the opifices
-at Ardea a generation previously suggests that this may well have
-been the case. If the events took place as recorded it is hard to
-believe that there was not some connexion between the Veientine’s
-royal power and his previous riches and control of the skilled labour
-of the city<a id='r1215' /><a href='#f1215' class='c014'><sup>[1215]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>II. The credibility of the narrative.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_236'>236</span>So far we have been assuming that the extant accounts of the
-Tarquins have a historical basis. That assumption, as
-remarked already, is by no means beyond dispute.
-Not a statement has been quoted so far in this chapter
-that has not within the last century been pronounced to be historically
-worthless. Recently however there has been a movement to treat
-the narrative with much more respect than it generally received a
-generation ago. The new attitude is not merely a reaction against
-the excessive scepticism of the nineteenth century. Largely it is
-based on fresh evidence, mainly archaeological. Inscriptions show
-that writing was no extraordinary accomplishment at Rome in those
-early days. Excavations of cities that have been sacked make it
-most unlikely that the sack of Rome in 390 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> meant the complete
-destruction of the city records. In the face of facts like these more
-weight is now given to passages where our authorities for the history
-of sixth and fifth century Rome allude to more or less contemporary
-records, whether Roman or Greek. The evidence for falsification
-and invention is indeed considerable, but it is now for the most part
-realized that the critics of the nineteenth century greatly overestimated
-its application. The credibility of early Roman history is
-too big a subject to deal with at all adequately in a work like this.
-It is necessary however to examine more in detail those parts of the
-narrative with which this enquiry is more particularly concerned.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>The historical existence of the Tarquins has been denied, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">e.g.</span></i> by Pais.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>Some scholars are still to be found who dispute <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">in toto</span></i> the Tarquins’
-historical existence. Of this ultra-sceptical school the
-most recent and voluminous exponent is Professor
-Pais of Naples<a id='r1216' /><a href='#f1216' class='c014'><sup>[1216]</sup></a>. Pais accepts nearly all the views of
-nearly all the sceptics in so far as they are purely
-destructive. But the main inspiration of his unbelief is not this
-destructive criticism but the ease with which he finds that he can
-explain the growth of our narratives on the assumption that they
-are false<a id='r1217' /><a href='#f1217' class='c014'><sup>[1217]</sup></a>. In the case of the Tarquins Pais first points out in the
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_237'>237</span>usual way the inconsistencies and impossibilities and reduplications<a id='r1218' /><a href='#f1218' class='c014'><sup>[1218]</sup></a>
-in the narrative, and the uncertainties that hang over it as a whole.
-Then, after rejecting it as history, he accounts for it as myth. He
-equates Tarquinius philologically with Tarpeius<a id='r1219' /><a href='#f1219' class='c014'><sup>[1219]</sup></a>. The Tarpeian
-rock was the slope of the Roman Capitol over which condemned
-criminals were hurled to meet their doom. There are passages in
-Varro and elsewhere that make it possible that the whole Capitol
-was once called the Tarpeian Mount<a id='r1220' /><a href='#f1220' class='c014'><sup>[1220]</sup></a>. On the strength of them
-Tarquinius is explained as Tarpeius, the original guardian deity of
-the Roman citadel. All the stories told about Tarquin are, according
-to Pais, attempts to explain customs and buildings and natural
-features connected with the Tarpeian Mount. Hence his association
-with the temple on the top of the Capitol and with the quarries
-on its sides. Hence the stories of his cruelty and of his own violent
-death. Hence too we hear of Tarquinian laws: they are merely
-laws passed on the Mons Tarpeius or sanctioned by the god Tarpeius<a id='r1221' /><a href='#f1221' class='c014'><sup>[1221]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>I do not propose to deal in detail with these criticisms. They do
-not seem to me to need it. So many unquestionably historical
-characters would succumb to Pais’ treatment.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Pais’ arguments tested by applying them to Alfred the Great.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>Imagine for a moment that the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle had never
-circulated, and that the original had perished in a
-Danish raid. Imagine further that Asser’s life of
-Alfred had met with a similar fate. Both calamities
-might easily have happened, and if they had, king
-Alfred would be as easily disposed of as king Tarquin himself.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Alfred did none of the things that tradition ascribes to him. He
-did not institute trial by jury or the division of England into shires.
-He was not the founder either of University College, Oxford, or of
-the British navy. The stories of his victories over the Danes are
-extremely doubtful on the face of them<a id='r1222' /><a href='#f1222' class='c014'><sup>[1222]</sup></a>. Alfred does not conquer
-his enemies: he merely converts them. The legend admits that he
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_238'>238</span>had his headquarters in an impassable swamp, and that the conquered
-Danes ruled the country. Twice in two centuries the Danish invaders
-sweep over England after the death of a king Aethelred.
-Both times there is a campaign on the Berkshire Downs. The
-decisive battle is fought in the first case at Ashdown, in the second
-at Essendune, which is palpably a mere variation of the same name.
-In each case the conquest is succeeded by the reign of a Saxon
-Edward. The second Edward is admitted by tradition to have been
-less concerned with royalty than with religion<a id='r1223' /><a href='#f1223' class='c014'><sup>[1223]</sup></a>. The first will be
-shown in a moment to have been the son of a god. Elder as applied
-to the first Edward is neither more nor less suspicious than Priscus
-as applied to Tarquin. This simple device of duplication probably
-explains the story of Alfred in Athelney. It is a reflexion backwards
-of the story, possibly historical, of Hereward’s exploits in the similar
-swampy fastness of Ely.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The one legend that remains inextricably associated with Alfred
-is that of the cakes. Alfred the fugitive in his Arician grove<a id='r1224' /><a href='#f1224' class='c014'><sup>[1224]</sup></a> at
-Athelney is made known to his followers only after the burning of
-the cakes. The inference is obvious. Alfred is a vegetation deity
-of the same order as Demeter, the wandering goddess who was
-found by the mistress of the house where she sought refuge burning
-not cakes but Triptolemus the corn god himself<a id='r1225' /><a href='#f1225' class='c014'><sup>[1225]</sup></a>. The mistress of
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_239'>239</span>the house appears also in the Alfred myth. But in other ways, and
-especially in the recognition scene, the story has been obviously
-contaminated by Christian influence<a id='r1226' /><a href='#f1226' class='c014'><sup>[1226]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>So far therefore from dismissing the cake story from Alfred’s
-history, we find that it is the very essence of the legend. In fact,
-when we recall such divinities as Dionysus Botrys, Dionysus the
-Grape, we must be tempted to wonder whether king Alfred and
-his cakes are not one and the same divinity.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>The Greek Demaratus has been regarded as a Greek fiction:</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>The introduction of the Greek Demaratus into the Tarquin
-story has sometimes been regarded with extreme
-suspicion. For the late Professor Pelham it seems to
-have been a proof that Tarquin was merely Herodotus
-translated into Latin. He uses it as such in
-a handbook on Roman history<a id='r1227' /><a href='#f1227' class='c014'><sup>[1227]</sup></a>. Even if only the literary records
-are considered Pelham’s inference if not unreasonable is certainly
-rash. The story of the voyage of Demaratus stands on quite a
-different footing from the long speech put by Dionysius into the
-mouth of Brutus, in which the founder of the Roman republic is
-made to quote the double kingship at Sparta as a precedent for the
-double consulship<a id='r1228' /><a href='#f1228' class='c014'><sup>[1228]</sup></a>. <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>but there is
-nothing improbable
-about
-the narrative,<span class='hidev'>|</span></span>
-Brutus’ speech is palpable fiction.
-The Demaratus story on the other hand may indeed
-have been borrowed from that of Philip the son of
-Butacides, who in the last quarter of the sixth century
-fled from Croton “with his own trireme and a crew of his own
-employees<a id='r1229' /><a href='#f1229' class='c014'><sup>[1229]</sup></a>” and sailed first to Cyrene and then with Dorieus the
-Spartan to Sicily, where they tried to establish a settlement but
-were killed by the Phoenicians and Egestaeans. But if on other
-and independent grounds we find reason for thinking that the story
-of Demaratus’ voyage in the seventh century<a id='r1230' /><a href='#f1230' class='c014'><sup>[1230]</sup></a> is in the main outline
-historical, then we may reasonably find a confirmation of it in the
-well attested facts of Philip’s adventures in the century following,
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_240'>240</span>in the statement<a id='r1231' /><a href='#f1231' class='c014'><sup>[1231]</sup></a> that Caere, the Southern neighbour of Tarquinii,
-contained a Greek element at the time of the Tarquins<a id='r1232' /><a href='#f1232' class='c014'><sup>[1232]</sup></a>, and further
-in the fact that Demaratus is made to quit Corinth at a time when
-we have the authority of Herodotus<a id='r1233' /><a href='#f1233' class='c014'><sup>[1233]</sup></a> for believing that many
-prominent Corinthians were being driven to quit their city. The
-migration of the Tarquins from Tarquinii to Rome corresponds
-with the Etrusco-Carthaginian alliance against the Greeks of which
-the best remembered fact is the subsequent disaster that overtook
-the Phocaeans in Corsica in 536 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> When the Tarquins are
-banished from Rome they flee to the Greek city of Cumae, while
-the Romans who have banished them proceed to make an alliance
-with Carthage<a id='r1234' /><a href='#f1234' class='c014'><sup>[1234]</sup></a>. All through the Tarquin narrative we may discern
-a strictly historical background that fully explains their comings
-and goings. The same may of course be said of countless heroes of
-modern historical romances. But in these historical romances the
-fictitious characters seldom play the leading political part that is
-played by the tyrant kings of the Tarquin dynasty.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The evidence of institutions also tends rather against the sceptics.
-Cicero notes that the organization which Tarquinius Priscus was
-said to have introduced for maintaining the Roman cavalry was the
-same in principle as that which had once prevailed in Corinth<a id='r1235' /><a href='#f1235' class='c014'><sup>[1235]</sup></a>. The
-sceptics may indeed argue that the Corinthian character of the
-Roman practice was the reason why it was attributed to the son
-of Demaratus. But this line of argument rests on pure assumption,
-and leaves with its advocate the onus of explaining this similarity
-between the institutions of Corinth and Rome.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_241'>241</span>There is in fact another source of evidence now available which
-greatly alters the balance of probabilities. Cicero may after all be
-right when he says <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>which is confirmed<span class='hidev'>|</span></span>
-“<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">influxit non tenuis quidam e Graecia riuulus
-in hanc urbem, sed abundantissimus amnis illarum
-disciplinarum et artium</span><a id='r1236' /><a href='#f1236' class='c014'><sup>[1236]</sup></a>,” and proceeds at once to
-illustrate his statement from the career of Demaratus.</p>
-
-<div  class='figcenter id002'>
-<img src='images/i_p241.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic002'>
-<p>Fig. 34. Corinthian vase found at Tarquinii.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='figcenter id002'>
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_242'>242</span>
-<img src='images/i_p242.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic002'>
-<p>Fig. 35. Corinthian terra cotta tablet depicting the export of vases.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>by the finding at Tarquinii of VII-VI century Corinthian pottery,</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>At the time when the story makes Demaratus
-leave Corinth for Etruria Corinth was probably the
-chief industrial state in Greece. Her chief industry
-was pottery. Corinthian pottery of this period has
-been found in many parts of the Greek world, including the chief
-cities of Etruria<a id='r1237' /><a href='#f1237' class='c014'><sup>[1237]</sup></a>. At Corneto (Tarquinii), the town from which
-Tarquinius Priscus is said to have migrated to Rome, many
-specimens from the necropolis of the ancient city are to be seen
-in the museum. An example is shown in fig. 34<a id='r1238' /><a href='#f1238' class='c014'><sup>[1238]</sup></a>. Unless the
-Corinthian pottery found in such distant regions as Etruria has
-distinct local peculiarities, it is generally assumed to have been
-imported from Greece. Corinth did unquestionably export pottery.
-A Corinthian terra cotta tablet has come down to us (see
-fig. 35)<a id='r1239' /><a href='#f1239' class='c014'><sup>[1239]</sup></a> that depicts a ship surmounted by a row of vases that
-can only represent the cargo. The wide area of its distribution
-and the very numerous sites on which it has been found point
-to export from a single centre. On the other hand a large
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_243'>243</span>export trade from one main centre is quite consistent with
-branch establishments. If Corinthian potters went to Etruria, it is
-hard to see how we are to distinguish the vases they made before
-leaving home from those that they produced afterwards. The
-question whether the characteristic pale clay of the Corinthian
-pottery is to be found in Central Italy does not arise. The raw
-material would be imported quite as easily as the finished product.
-But there is other archaeological evidence that takes us further, and
-makes it not only possible but probable that Greek potters as well
-as Greek pottery found their way to Etruria at the period to which
-the Demaratus story, if historical, must be assigned, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">i.e.</span></i> about the
-middle of the seventh century<a id='r1240' /><a href='#f1240' class='c014'><sup>[1240]</sup></a>. I refrain purposely at this point
-from drawing my own conclusions, and shall confine myself to the
-views and statements of archaeologists who have devoted special
-attention to the material in question.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>and by the many finds in Central Italy of VII and VI century objects of Greek style but local workmanship.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>In the seventh century graves that have been found in so many
-cities of Etruria there occur, besides objects that may
-well be imported from Greece, many others that are
-essentially Greek in character, but show local peculiarities.
-For instance at Caere, which was so closely
-connected with Tarquinii and Rome, in the famous
-tomb excavated in 1836 by General Galassi and the
-arch-priest Regulini, a quantity of metal work of
-this description was found. The tomb has been recently reopened
-and the contents discussed at length by G. Pinza<a id='r1241' /><a href='#f1241' class='c014'><sup>[1241]</sup></a>. On some of the
-vases of a very familiar Greek type found in the same grave Pinza
-remarks that “the coarse clay allows us to imagine that they are
-of local fabric<a id='r1242' /><a href='#f1242' class='c014'><sup>[1242]</sup></a>.”</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>When we come to Central Italian finds that date from the sixth
-century Greek objects that there is good reason for regarding as
-locally produced become positively plentiful. They include vases
-and bronzes, architectural terra cottas and sepulchral frescoes<a id='r1243' /><a href='#f1243' class='c014'><sup>[1243]</sup></a>. Such
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_244'>244</span>a mass of material points again to a large number of Greek or Greektrained
-workmen in Central Italy at the time of its production, and
-though that time is rather later than Demaratus and the objects
-are Ionic, not Corinthian, yet it increases the plausibility of the
-Demaratus story, the more so as the change from Corinthian to
-Ionic reflects the policy ascribed in our ancient literary authorities
-to Servius Tullius<a id='r1244' /><a href='#f1244' class='c014'><sup>[1244]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>The names of Demaratus’ Greek workmen are not (<em>pace</em> Rizzo) “obviously fictitious.”</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>Those who deny the historical existence of Demaratus naturally
-deny also that of his Greek workmen Eucheir and
-Eugrammus. Even Rizzo, who admits a historical
-basis for the Demaratus story, declares that these
-names are “obviously fictitious<a id='r1245' /><a href='#f1245' class='c014'><sup>[1245]</sup></a>.”</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The taint of the ultra-sceptical school still lingers.
-Else why should a countryman of Tintoretto say that
-Eucheir and Eugrammus are “obviously fictitious” names? In
-spite of its obvious fictitiousness the name Eucheiros was actually
-borne by a Greek potter, several of whose vases have come
-down to us signed “Eucheiros made me the son of Ergotimos<a id='r1246' /><a href='#f1246' class='c014'><sup>[1246]</sup></a>.”
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_245'>245</span>This Eucheiros the son of Ergotimos (itself a good industrial
-name) lived not in the seventh century but in the sixth: also, he was
-not a Corinthian but an Athenian. But even if we refrain from emphasizing
-the pride of family which his signature shows as compared
-with that of most potters, who sign with only their own names, and
-refrain too from recalling the facts that Greeks so very frequently
-bore the names of their grandfathers and that potters like Amasis
-almost certainly migrated to Athens about the middle of the sixth
-century, when Athens was supplanting the rest of Greece and more
-particularly Corinth in the pottery industry, still the sixth century
-Athenian Eucheiros completely disposes of the “obvious fictitiousness”
-of one detail of the Demaratus story. So far from being
-obviously fictitious the Corinthian Eucheir has every appearance
-of historical reality. So too has his alleged relationship to the founder
-of the Tarquin dynasty at Rome. If the first tyrant of Corinth
-got his name from a pot and very possibly owed his tyranny to the
-Corinthian potteries, it is not surprising if a Corinthian emigrant
-to Italy took potters with him and used them to build up the
-position which enabled him to make himself tyrant in the city of
-his adoption<a id='r1247' /><a href='#f1247' class='c014'><sup>[1247]</sup></a>. In both cases we are dealing with conjectures, but it
-may be fairly claimed that the two conjectures lend one another
-mutual support.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Servius and Greece: the narrative connects him not with Corinth but with Ionia.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>There are no traditions connecting Servius with Corinth: such
-notices as we have of his relations with the Greeks
-connect him with Ionia. Both Livy<a id='r1248' /><a href='#f1248' class='c014'><sup>[1248]</sup></a> and Dionysius<a id='r1249' /><a href='#f1249' class='c014'><sup>[1249]</sup></a>
-and also Aurelius Victor<a id='r1250' /><a href='#f1250' class='c014'><sup>[1250]</sup></a> state that Servius built a
-temple of Artemis and made it the centre of a Latin
-league, in imitation of the temple of Artemis at
-Ephesus, which was the meeting-place of the Ionian league. It has
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_246'>246</span>already been suggested that Servius’ monetary reforms may have
-a historical basis, and be due to intercourse with the Phocaeans,
-who had founded Marseilles in 600 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> The city of Phocaea,
-though in Aeolian territory, was reckoned Ionian<a id='r1251' /><a href='#f1251' class='c014'><sup>[1251]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Ionian influence in Central Italy at the reputed period of Servius is confirmed by archaeological finds.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>The Ionizing Servius is said to have reigned from 578 to 534 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>
-In the middle of the sixth century, or in other words
-at just the same period, a corresponding change occurs
-in the archaeological finds, in which experts are
-agreed in recognizing Ionian influence if not Ionian
-workmanship. Among the objects which display the
-new style are the vases known as Caeretan hydriae<a id='r1252' /><a href='#f1252' class='c014'><sup>[1252]</sup></a>
-and Pontic amphorae<a id='r1253' /><a href='#f1253' class='c014'><sup>[1253]</sup></a> and a group that has been
-classified as among the latest products of Clazomenae<a id='r1254' /><a href='#f1254' class='c014'><sup>[1254]</sup></a>, and a
-group of bronzes from Perugia<a id='r1255' /><a href='#f1255' class='c014'><sup>[1255]</sup></a>. Of the sixth century examples of
-the famous frescoes that adorn or disfigure the chamber tombs of
-Etruria some have been attributed to Ionian artists<a id='r1256' /><a href='#f1256' class='c014'><sup>[1256]</sup></a>, as have also
-architectural terra cottas of the same period found in Latium at
-Conca (the ancient Satricum)<a id='r1257' /><a href='#f1257' class='c014'><sup>[1257]</sup></a> and Velletri<a id='r1258' /><a href='#f1258' class='c014'><sup>[1258]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Rome and Cumae.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>In dealing with the architectural terra cottas from Conca Rizzo
-suggests<a id='r1259' /><a href='#f1259' class='c014'><sup>[1259]</sup></a> that the potters who worked there came
-from Cumae or some other Greek city in Campania.
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_247'>247</span>In this connexion he remarks<a id='r1260' /><a href='#f1260' class='c014'><sup>[1260]</sup></a> that so far the traces of intercourse
-between Rome and Campania during the first two centuries of
-the city (<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">i.e.</span></i> 750–550 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>) seem rather scanty. He attributes this
-to gaps in excavation. Once more he seems not to notice that the
-negative archaeological evidence harmonizes with the literary tradition.
-Cumae must have been powerfully influencing Rome in the
-very early days when the Romans borrowed the Cumaean alphabet.
-But then comes a period when Cumae is eclipsed by Corinth<a id='r1261' /><a href='#f1261' class='c014'><sup>[1261]</sup></a>.
-Cumae only begins to recover her influence Romewards when
-Corinthian influence is on the wane. The Tarquins’ story begins
-at Corinth: it ends at Cumae, where Superbus, when banished
-from Rome, is said to have sought refuge<a id='r1262' /><a href='#f1262' class='c014'><sup>[1262]</sup></a> with Aristodemus
-who was perhaps the last Greek tyrant of the old commercial
-type<a id='r1263' /><a href='#f1263' class='c014'><sup>[1263]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>The earliest Forum shops (from the graves on the site) and the great drain (from its brickwork) have been dated after the regal period: but</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>It has been argued that nobody could have built shops in the
-Forum in the time of the Tarquins because recent
-excavations have shown that till a comparatively late
-date the Forum was used as a cemetery: that, apart
-from this, arcades and shops must have been impossible
-in the Forum until it had been drained: and
-that the building of the main drain, the cloaca
-maxima, ascribed to Tarquin by Livy, has been
-shown by excavation to belong to a very much
-later age.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>the drain cannot be dated from its brick facing,</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>As regards the main drain, archaeology has indeed shown that
-it was bricked and vaulted at a late date; but there is
-no reason for thinking that it began its existence with
-the masonry that now encloses it. The London Fleet
-and Tyburn suggest the opposite. The most recent
-volume on the subject is emphatic on this point. “The earliest
-Roman sewer consisted undoubtedly of a natural watercourse, the
-channel of which was widened and deepened<a id='r1264' /><a href='#f1264' class='c014'><sup>[1264]</sup></a>.” “There is no doubt
-that the first attempts at artificial drainage date from the regal
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_248'>248</span>period. The first part of the city to be drained was the Forum
-valley<a id='r1265' /><a href='#f1265' class='c014'><sup>[1265]</sup></a>.”</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>and the Forum graves show only (<em>pace</em> Pais) that the cemetery was secularized not later than late in the regal period.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>Those who maintain a post-regal date for the building of the
-Forum base their arguments on the finds of pottery
-in the Forum graves. The finds have been numerous
-and their evidence is valuable, and it is necessary
-briefly to review it. The latest style of pottery found
-in these graves is the Proto-Corinthian. This very
-distinctive and widely distributed pottery<a id='r1266' /><a href='#f1266' class='c014'><sup>[1266]</sup></a> has been
-the subject of much controversy as regards its place
-of origin, but its chronology is well established. It
-flourished in the seventh century: during the sixth it persisted in a
-few stereotyped forms, of which at least two<a id='r1267' /><a href='#f1267' class='c014'><sup>[1267]</sup></a> lived on in a degraded
-form into the fifth. Vases of this style quoted by Boni<a id='r1268' /><a href='#f1268' class='c014'><sup>[1268]</sup></a> as coming
-from two of the latest graves in the Forum are illustrated in the
-<cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Notizie degli Scavi</span></cite><a id='r1269' /><a href='#f1269' class='c014'><sup>[1269]</sup></a> (fig. 36). Both the vases illustrated might well
-be seventh century. At Rhitsona in Boeotia the types were completely
-obsolete by the middle of the sixth century, not one example
-occurring among some 2500 vases excavated from graves of the
-latter half of the century. This mass of pottery included about
-150 Proto-Corinthian vases, but the number is divided about equally
-between kothons like <cite>J.H.S.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXXI.</span> p. 75, fig. 4, and small skyphoi
-such as <cite>J.H.S.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXIX.</span> p. 319, fig. 7, no. 9, with just two or three
-pyxides like <cite>J.H.S.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXIX.</span> p. 312, fig. 2, no. 8.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>In the Forum graves there are a certain number of vases of other
-styles that cannot be dated so accurately as the Proto-Corinthian
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_249'>249</span>but suggest on stylistic grounds a somewhat later date. None of
-them however would naturally be put later than towards the end
-of the sixth century, and very few so
-late as that<a id='r1270' /><a href='#f1270' class='c014'><sup>[1270]</sup></a>. Occasional burials of a
-later date would be evidence for a later
-conversion from cemetery to Forum
-only if intramural burials were unknown
-in Rome. As a matter of fact
-there is explicit evidence that they took
-place<a id='r1271' /><a href='#f1271' class='c014'><sup>[1271]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div  class='figcenter id002'>
-<img src='images/i_p249.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic002'>
-<p>Fig. 36. Proto-Corinthian vase found in the Roman Forum.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Views on the historicity of Servius Tullius.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>After what has been said about the
-Tarquins and sixth century
-Rome generally it
-is scarcely necessary to
-discuss in detail the historicity of
-Servius Tullius. For representative
-modern views on him see Mueller-Deecke<a id='r1272' /><a href='#f1272' class='c014'><sup>[1272]</sup></a>
-(Servius symbolizes the supremacy
-of Volsinii, the Tarquins that
-of Tarquinii); De Sanctis<a id='r1273' /><a href='#f1273' class='c014'><sup>[1273]</sup></a> (Servius
-is the Etruscan invader who drove out
-the Tarquins); Gardthausen<a id='r1274' /><a href='#f1274' class='c014'><sup>[1274]</sup></a> (Servius is the Roman counterpart
-of the Greek tyrant, the Tarquins the legitimate kings, leaders
-of the rich and noble). This whole chapter is a refutation of
-Gardthausen’s view about the Tarquins: the other suggestions
-are compatible with my own. Etruria may well have exercised as
-strong an influence on a sixth century tyranny at Rome as did
-Persia on those of sixth century Ionia.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Pais<a id='r1275' /><a href='#f1275' class='c014'><sup>[1275]</sup></a> fancifully explains Servius as the priest god, the seruus rex,
-of Aricia, who was imported to Rome in 338 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>, well known to
-English readers as</p>
-
-<div class='lg-container-b c016'>
-  <div class='linegroup'>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line'>The priest who slew the slayer</div>
-      <div class='line'>And shall himself be slain.</div>
-    </div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c017'>Mastarna is differentiated from Servius<a id='r1276' /><a href='#f1276' class='c014'><sup>[1276]</sup></a> and said to have a historical
-prototype in Mezentius, the enemy of Aeneas. My criticisms of
-Pais in reference to the Tarquins are equally applicable here.</p>
-
-<div  class='figcenter id002'>
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_250'>250</span>
-<img src='images/i_p250.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic002'>
-<p>Fig. 37. Ionic terra cotta antefix found in Rome.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Rome and Athens.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>In the early period of the Roman republic the chief Greek
-influence to judge from the narratives was that of
-Athens and the Alcmaeonidae<a id='r1277' /><a href='#f1277' class='c014'><sup>[1277]</sup></a>. Once more we
-find the written documents and the archaeological evidence in
-agreement. During the second half of the sixth century
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_251'>251</span>Attic imports had been gaining a great preponderance in Central
-Italy<a id='r1278' /><a href='#f1278' class='c014'><sup>[1278]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div  class='figcenter id002'>
-<img src='images/i_p251.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic002'>
-<p>Fig. 38. Similar antefix found in Samos.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>Thus from the time when the Greek Demaratus is said to have
-settled in Tarquinii to that at which the last Roman Tarquin is
-said to have sought shelter in the Greek Cumae the series of Greek
-connexions implied in our narrative is found reflected in the results
-of excavations. We have based our conclusions on a mass of material
-from various sites scattered all over Central Italy. <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The finds from
-Rome itself
-confirm the
-narratives by
-showing first
-Corinthian
-influence, then
-Ionian, and
-then Attic.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span>
-The evidence
-from Rome itself could not have been made the basis
-of the discussion. It is not sufficiently abundant. Its
-scantiness however need cause no misgivings. It is
-sufficiently accounted for by the unbroken ages of
-crowded occupation that differentiate Rome from the
-surrounding cities. The finds from Rome, as far as
-they go, confirm the other evidence by showing
-that first Corinth, then Ionia and finally Athens did actually
-influence Rome during the period of the last royal dynasty.
-Corinthian vases have been found in the city from time to time<a id='r1279' /><a href='#f1279' class='c014'><sup>[1279]</sup></a>,
-though not, it should be noticed, in the Forum cemetery<a id='r1280' /><a href='#f1280' class='c014'><sup>[1280]</sup></a>. The
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_252'>252</span>influence of Ionia in the sixth century is seen in such objects as a
-series of cups<a id='r1281' /><a href='#f1281' class='c014'><sup>[1281]</sup></a> closely resembling the “later Ionic vases” of the
-Munich catalogue<a id='r1282' /><a href='#f1282' class='c014'><sup>[1282]</sup></a>, or again in a bearded antefix (fig. 37) found
-near the church of S. Antonia and compared by Pinza<a id='r1283' /><a href='#f1283' class='c014'><sup>[1283]</sup></a> with examples
-published by Boehlau in his <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Aus ionischen Nekropolen</span></cite><a id='r1284' /><a href='#f1284' class='c014'><sup>[1284]</sup></a>
-(fig. 38), or yet again in the archaic terra cotta head (fig. 39)
-found in 1876 near the church of the Aracoeli on the Capitol<a id='r1285' /><a href='#f1285' class='c014'><sup>[1285]</sup></a>,
-which much resembles the stone head (fig. 40) from the Athenian
-Acropolis described by Dickens as “an undoubtedly early example
-of imported Chiot art<a id='r1286' /><a href='#f1286' class='c014'><sup>[1286]</sup></a>.” An amphora in the Attic black figure
-style (fig. 41) has been found on the Quirinal<a id='r1287' /><a href='#f1287' class='c014'><sup>[1287]</sup></a>. “The most exquisite
-early Attic” is reported by Boni from the Palatine<a id='r1288' /><a href='#f1288' class='c014'><sup>[1288]</sup></a>. Attic Ionic
-influence has been seen in the Capitoline she-wolf (fig. 42), which
-is held by Petersen to commemorate the expulsion of the kings,
-and may be compared with the statue of a lioness put up at
-Athens to commemorate Leaina, the mistress of the tyrannicide
-Aristogeiton<a id='r1289' /><a href='#f1289' class='c014'><sup>[1289]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div  class='figcenter id002'>
-<img src='images/i_p252.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic002'>
-<p>Fig. 39. Terra cotta head found on the Roman Capitol.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='figcenter id002'>
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_253'>253</span>
-<img src='images/i_p253.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic002'>
-<p>Fig. 40. Stone head found on the Acropolis at Athens.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='figcenter id002'>
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_254'>254</span>
-<img src='images/i_p254a.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic002'>
-<p>Fig. 41. Vase in Attic black figure style found on the Quirinal.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='figcenter id003'>
-<img src='images/i_p254b.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic002'>
-<p>Fig. 42. The Capitoline wolf.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Conclusions on the question of credibility.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_255'>255</span>This completes the evidence for the credibility of our narrative<a id='r1290' /><a href='#f1290' class='c014'><sup>[1290]</sup></a>.
-It is not conclusive. The archaeological material on
-which we have had so largely to rely, though it
-reflects the various Greek influences that are said to
-have affected their history, does not for instance establish Demaratus
-as a historical character. But it does fully establish him as a historical
-possibility. It disposes us to give much more weight than was
-customary a generation ago to statements and allusions that tend
-to confirm the historical basis of our narratives. We no longer pass
-over the possibility that Demaratus may have been a living prototype
-of Philip the son of Butacides<a id='r1291' /><a href='#f1291' class='c014'><sup>[1291]</sup></a>, and not a mere study in
-fiction based on the career of the adventurous Crotonian. In the
-light of the extremely rich collection of Greek pottery from Caere<a id='r1292' /><a href='#f1292' class='c014'><sup>[1292]</sup></a>,
-the childish story told by Strabo<a id='r1293' /><a href='#f1293' class='c014'><sup>[1293]</sup></a> of how Caere got its name from
-the Greek <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">χαῖρε</span> no longer discounts his other statement in the
-same passage that in early times the city had a treasury at Delphi,
-a statement that is confirmed by Herodotus<a id='r1294' /><a href='#f1294' class='c014'><sup>[1294]</sup></a>, who tells us that the
-people of Caere consulted the Delphic oracle about the year 540 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>
-In short there is every possibility that Tarquin at Rome may have
-had consciously before his eyes the career of Cypselus at Corinth.
-The accounts here offered both of the Tarquins and of the Corinthian
-tyrants are admittedly conjectural: but when two such conjectures
-based on independent evidence are found to harmonize so
-well both with one another and with a broad general explanation
-of the narratives they deal with, it may be fairly claimed that they
-render one another mutual support.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>If Tarquin is a Greek fiction, it preserves an early Greek conception of the typical early tyrant as a great capitalist.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_256'>256</span>But let us for the moment adopt the attitude of the sceptics, and
-assume the whole story of the Tarquins to be false.
-In that case the numerous Greek elements can be
-explained only as plagiarisms from the corresponding
-figures in Greek history, the seventh and sixth century
-tyrants. But the Greek element includes the
-story of Demaratus and his Corinthian workmen and
-his wealth, and the part that these played in the
-events that led up to his son Tarquinius Priscus becoming king
-of Rome. In other words, for the hypothetical authors of this
-hypothetical fiction the typical early Greek tyrant was a great
-capitalist and a great employer<a id='r1295' /><a href='#f1295' class='c014'><sup>[1295]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='chapter'>
-  <span class='pageno' id='Page_257'>257</span>
-  <h2 class='c005'>Chapter IX. <em>Sicyon, Megara, Miletus, Ephesus, Leontini, Agrigentum, Cumae</em></h2>
-</div>
-
-<div class='lg-container-b c013'>
-  <div class='linegroup'>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line'>“Ne perdons rien du passé. Ce n’est qu’avec le passé qu’on fait l’avenir.”</div>
-    </div>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line in52'><span class='sc'>Anatole France.</span></div>
-    </div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Sicyon.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>The tyranny at Sicyon lasted longer than in any other Greek state<a id='r1296' /><a href='#f1296' class='c014'><sup>[1296]</sup></a>.
-It started about the same time as that of Cypselus
-at Corinth and continued in the same family for about
-a century. The tyrants rested their power on the support of the
-pre-Dorian population of their city, and the establishment of the
-tyranny was probably to a large extent a racial movement representing
-a rising of the pre-Dorian stratum of the population against
-their Dorian conquerors.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>How the tyrant family secured its power is another question.
-Until the other day our only information on the subject was to the
-effect that the founder of the dynasty was a cook or butcher
-(<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">μάγειρος</span>)<a id='r1297' /><a href='#f1297' class='c014'><sup>[1297]</sup></a>, who was helped to power by the Delphic oracle<a id='r1298' /><a href='#f1298' class='c014'><sup>[1298]</sup></a>.
-Thanks however to a papyrus recently unearthed by the Oxford
-scholars Grenfell and Hunt and published by them in 1915 we
-have now considerable fragments of a detailed account of the
-founder of the dynasty<a id='r1299' /><a href='#f1299' class='c014'><sup>[1299]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The fragment confirms the statement that the tyrants of Sicyon
-were sprung from a butcher and settles the vexed question of the
-relationship of Andreas and Orthagoras (the two earliest known
-members of the family) by showing that Orthagoras was the first
-tyrant and Andreas was father of Orthagoras. It also shows that
-Orthagoras himself was bred as a butcher. But it is devoted mainly
-to the military exploits of the youthful Orthagoras, and though it
-does not take us down to the day when he made himself tyrant it
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_258'>258</span>plainly brings us very near it, and as it leaves him in the position
-of polemarch on active service it seems to illustrate and support the
-statement of Aristotle that the early tyrants often owed their power
-to some high magistracy or military position that they had previously
-secured in the state. But there are several reasons why this military
-aspect should not be overrated. The account of how Orthagoras
-actually seized the tyranny is after all wanting. The extant fragment
-says that he secured the position of polemarch “partly also by reason
-of the goodwill of the mass of the citizens towards him,” and gives
-this as a separate reason<a id='r1300' /><a href='#f1300' class='c014'><sup>[1300]</sup></a> from that of his military successes. Moreover the author of the fragment was possibly Aristotle himself, who
-is known to have written a lost <cite>Constitution of the Sicyonians</cite>; and
-although Grenfell and Hunt regard Ephorus as more probably the
-author, Ephorus lived at the same time and wrote under the same
-historical influences as Aristotle and was probably misled in the same
-way concerning the character of the early tyranny<a id='r1301' /><a href='#f1301' class='c014'><sup>[1301]</sup></a>. The outstanding
-fact in the early career of Orthagoras is still his tradesman origin.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Little is known of the later career of Orthagoras except that he
-governed mildly, and of his successor Myron (Olympian victor in
-648 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span><a id='r1302' /><a href='#f1302' class='c014'><sup>[1302]</sup></a>) nothing is recorded that throws any direct light on the
-origin of the tyranny: but the case is different when we come to
-Cleisthenes, the last and most famous of this family of tyrants, whose
-reign covered roughly the first third of the sixth century<a id='r1303' /><a href='#f1303' class='c014'><sup>[1303]</sup></a>. With
-Cleisthenes the Sicyonian tyranny entered on a new phase.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Aristotle quotes Sicyon as an instance of a city where the government
-changed “from tyranny to tyranny&nbsp;... from that of Myron
-to that of Cleisthenes<a id='r1304' /><a href='#f1304' class='c014'><sup>[1304]</sup></a>.” The story of how Cleisthenes got his two
-brothers out of the way is told by Nicolaus Damascenus<a id='r1305' /><a href='#f1305' class='c014'><sup>[1305]</sup></a>. But what
-Nicolaus gives is purely a tale of domestic crime, a change from
-tyrant to tyrant not from tyranny to tyranny. Perhaps the change
-referred to by Aristotle is to be connected with the fact that
-Cleisthenes followed an aggressive foreign policy<a id='r1306' /><a href='#f1306' class='c014'><sup>[1306]</sup></a>. He was violently
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_259'>259</span>hostile to Argos<a id='r1307' /><a href='#f1307' class='c014'><sup>[1307]</sup></a>, and took a leading part in the “sacred” war that
-was fought about Delphi at the beginning of the sixth century <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span><a id='r1308' /><a href='#f1308' class='c014'><sup>[1308]</sup></a>.
-He was a contemporary of Periander who appears to have changed
-the character of the tyranny at Corinth by making the government
-warlike. It is not unlikely that the change effected by Cleisthenes
-at Sicyon was in the same direction. In turning to war it does not
-follow that he forsook trade. He may have held the view that
-trade follows the flag. The “sacred” war had its secular side. It
-arose about the refusal of the people of Krisa, who possessed the
-port of Delphi, to remove their harbour dues.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Krisa was a place of importance in early times<a id='r1309' /><a href='#f1309' class='c014'><sup>[1309]</sup></a>, so much so that
-what was later known as the Gulf of Corinth was called the Gulf
-of Krisa. The territory of the Krisaians lay just opposite Sicyon,
-and it seems not improbable that the Sicyonians, with their allies
-the Corinthians<a id='r1310' /><a href='#f1310' class='c014'><sup>[1310]</sup></a>, aimed at wresting from their rivals across the
-water their position in the gulf which was the starting-point of
-trade with the far West<a id='r1311' /><a href='#f1311' class='c014'><sup>[1311]</sup></a>. According to a Pindar scholiast the
-Krisaians had control of the sea at the beginning of the war and
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_260'>260</span>owed their ultimate defeat to the fact that Cleisthenes built a fleet
-and destroyed their naval supremacy<a id='r1312' /><a href='#f1312' class='c014'><sup>[1312]</sup></a>. It looks very much as though
-Cleisthenes was trying to win for Sicyon the sea-borne trade that
-had been flowing into Krisa. With the aid of a fleet that must
-for the time have made Sicyon a really important naval power<a id='r1313' /><a href='#f1313' class='c014'><sup>[1313]</sup></a>
-he crushes the trade rival across the water and wins its place for
-his own city and himself<a id='r1314' /><a href='#f1314' class='c014'><sup>[1314]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Bury assigns to Cleisthenes the leading part in the reorganizing
-of the Pythian games at Delphi after the Sacred War<a id='r1315' /><a href='#f1315' class='c014'><sup>[1315]</sup></a>, and pictures
-the Sicyonian tyrant as doing for the Delphic Pythia much what
-Periander and Peisistratus are depicted as doing for the Corinthian
-Isthmia and the Athenian Panathenaia and Pheidon very possibly
-did for the great games at Olympia. Bury’s general picture of the
-early tyrants as founders or reorganizers of these great Greek games
-is quite in harmony with the chronological evidence and with all
-that is known about the various tyrants’ activities and characters<a id='r1316' /><a href='#f1316' class='c014'><sup>[1316]</sup></a>.
-Developing these games might well be part of a broad commercial
-policy, the more so as the games were under divine patronage and
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_261'>261</span>ensured periodic opportunities for peaceful intercourse in an age of
-chronic warfare<a id='r1317' /><a href='#f1317' class='c014'><sup>[1317]</sup></a>. Under such circumstances gatherings of this kind
-naturally tend to become the “commercial affair (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐμπορικὸν
-πρᾶγμα</span>)” that the Delian festival admittedly grew to be<a id='r1318' /><a href='#f1318' class='c014'><sup>[1318]</sup></a>. Everything
-known about the early Greek tyrants shows how capable they
-were of turning such a tendency to good account. That Delphi in
-particular had from early times a commercial character has already
-been conjectured by Cornford<a id='r1319' /><a href='#f1319' class='c014'><sup>[1319]</sup></a>. In the early years of the Sicyonian
-tyranny the greatness of the Euboean cities Chalcis and Eretria had
-begun to be steadily on the decline. The time had come to change
-the course of the Eastern part of this great trade route and instead of
-Krisa, Delphi, Thebes, Euboea to substitute another line, in which
-Sicyon and probably Athens should be dominating points. This is
-probably what Cleisthenes had in view when he so strongly supported
-Solon in the Sacred War.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>It follows that to make him the founder of the Delphic Pythia
-is a view that cannot be accepted without reservations. The available
-evidence represents Cleisthenes as rather the rival than the champion
-of Delphi. A Pindar scholiast already quoted states that he instituted
-Pythian games in his own Sicyon. There is no other evidence for
-Pythian games at Sicyon, but Herodotus gives a long account of
-the way in which Cleisthenes radically reformed the chief existing
-festival in the city. This festival, like the Delphic Pythia of the
-days before the Sacred War, was devoted largely to musical and
-poetical competitions. Its patron was the ancient hero Adrastus,
-whose connexions were all with Argos, the Dorian city whose
-influence in Sicyon Cleisthenes was bent on overthrowing. Cleisthenes
-ejected Adrastus from Sicyon by the curious process of
-burying beside him the body of his bitterest enemy, the Theban
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_262'>262</span>Melanippus (which he borrowed for the purpose from Thebes),
-and then removing the body of Adrastus which was assumed to
-depart voluntarily from so unpleasant a neighbourhood.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The reformed festival was held in honour of this Theban hero
-and the Theban wine god Dionysus. The ejected Adrastus had
-been one of the leaders in the famous expedition of the Seven against
-Thebes<a id='r1320' /><a href='#f1320' class='c014'><sup>[1320]</sup></a>. There can be little doubt that when the festival was
-instituted Cleisthenes was aiming at an entente with the great inland
-city that formed the first main stage on the route from Delphi to
-Euboea and the North. But the attempt was a failure. Thebes was
-conspicuously unrepresented at the wooing of Cleisthenes’ daughter
-Agariste<a id='r1321' /><a href='#f1321' class='c014'><sup>[1321]</sup></a>, and the tyrant is furious when one of the suitors performs
-what has plausibly been suggested to have been a Theban dance<a id='r1322' /><a href='#f1322' class='c014'><sup>[1322]</sup></a>.
-Relations with Delphi may have run a similar course. In the first
-celebration of the reformed Delphian Pythia Cleisthenes competed;
-and the way that he approached the Delphic oracle before reorganizing
-his own Sicyonian festival shows that he wanted an understanding
-with the authorities there, to whom his family was perhaps
-largely indebted for its throne<a id='r1323' /><a href='#f1323' class='c014'><sup>[1323]</sup></a>. But the oracle would have nothing
-to do with Cleisthenes’ proposals and used abusive language to the
-tyrant for making them. Relations between the god and the tyrant
-can hardly have remained cordial after this incident and the
-Thebans presumably sided with the god.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Whatever the precise outcome of Cleisthenes’ policy with Delphi
-and Thebes the likelihood remains that one main object of that
-policy had been to give a new direction to the city’s trade. We have
-been assuming that the Sicyon of the tyrants was an important
-centre of commerce and industry. This has been denied by Eduard
-Meyer<a id='r1324' /><a href='#f1324' class='c014'><sup>[1324]</sup></a>. The evidence is meagre: but as far as it goes it is entirely
-against Meyer’s hypothesis, which makes it hard to explain how
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_263'>263</span>the city became so great and prosperous at this time. We have seen
-already that Cleisthenes possessed a powerful fleet and that his
-proceedings suggest far-reaching commercial designs. The evidence
-as to industry points in the same direction. Some distinguished
-archaeologists have actually assigned to the Sicyon of Andreas and
-Orthagoras one of the leading industries of the period, the making
-of the remarkably fine pottery now usually known as Proto-Corinthian.
-Their arguments are by no means decisive<a id='r1325' /><a href='#f1325' class='c014'><sup>[1325]</sup></a>, and in
-any case there is nothing to associate the Sicyonian tyrants personally
-with Sicyonian potteries; but there are literary notices which point
-to the Orthagorids as having been, like the other early tyrants,
-builders and, presumably, employers of local labour. The Olympian
-“treasury” which Pausanias thought to have been put up by the
-tyrant Myron<a id='r1326' /><a href='#f1326' class='c014'><sup>[1326]</sup></a> has been shown by excavation to have been fifth
-century work<a id='r1327' /><a href='#f1327' class='c014'><sup>[1327]</sup></a>. But in this treasury Pausanias saw two “bronze
-chambers” (models of buildings?) one of which bore an inscription
-saying that it was a dedication of Myron and the people of Sicyon.
-This inscription may have misled Pausanias into ascribing to Myron
-the building that contained it<a id='r1328' /><a href='#f1328' class='c014'><sup>[1328]</sup></a>. The bronze chamber on which the
-dedication was inscribed was on a large scale. It weighed 500
-Aeginetan talents or about 19 tons. From towards the end of the
-period of the tyranny Sicyon was famous for its school of sculptors,
-who worked largely in bronze, and though no statement has been
-preserved as to the workmanship of Myron’s dedication, it may not
-unreasonably be used as evidence that the Sicyonians of his reign
-were already experts in the working of bronze<a id='r1329' /><a href='#f1329' class='c014'><sup>[1329]</sup></a>. As regards buildings,
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_264'>264</span>Cleisthenes with the spoils that he gained in the Sacred War is
-known to have erected at Sicyon a magnificent portico<a id='r1330' /><a href='#f1330' class='c014'><sup>[1330]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Pollux, the lexicographer of the second century <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">A.D.</span></span>, says that
-the Sicyonians in the time of the tyrants (as also the Athenians under
-the Peisistratids) wore a particular kind of rough woollen dress “that
-they might be ashamed to go down into the city<a id='r1331' /><a href='#f1331' class='c014'><sup>[1331]</sup></a>.” The statement
-may be true and the explanation false. If both are accepted, it by
-no means follows that the policy of the Sicyonian tyrants was
-dominantly agricultural<a id='r1332' /><a href='#f1332' class='c014'><sup>[1332]</sup></a>. We may possibly have here a record of
-a measure intended to prevent the commercialized city from attracting
-to itself the agricultural population that was of such vital
-importance to the normal self-sufficing Greek city-state. There is
-little doubt that the government of the Sicyonian tyrants was popular
-with the lower classes. Aristotle declares that it lasted so long
-because they treated their subjects so well<a id='r1333' /><a href='#f1333' class='c014'><sup>[1333]</sup></a>. If Herodotus and
-Ephorus give a less favourable account of them, the reason is
-probably that their sources were aristocratic and anti-tyrannical<a id='r1334' /><a href='#f1334' class='c014'><sup>[1334]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Megara.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>The tyranny at Megara is associated with the single name of
-Theagenes<a id='r1335' /><a href='#f1335' class='c014'><sup>[1335]</sup></a>, whose reign is dated by the support
-that he gave to his son-in-law Cylon, winner of
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_265'>265</span>an Olympian victory in 640 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span><a id='r1336' /><a href='#f1336' class='c014'><sup>[1336]</sup></a> and would-be tyrant of
-Athens.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>According to Aristotle in the <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Rhetoric</span></cite> Theagenes, like Peisistratus
-and Dionysius, scheming to make himself tyrant asked for
-the (usual) bodyguard, and having secured it became tyrant. But
-as pointed out in the first chapter this only shows that winning the
-tyranny meant possessing an armed force. It says nothing as to how
-the armed force was acquired. Armed forces are not to be had for
-the asking. For the way in which Theagenes got his our only
-evidence is another passage of Aristotle, this time from the <cite>Politics</cite>,
-which says that Theagenes secured his power “after slaughtering
-the flocks and herds of the wealthy<a id='r1337' /><a href='#f1337' class='c014'><sup>[1337]</sup></a>.”</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>In the latter part of the fifth century “most of the Megareans
-got their living by making exomides” (the normal dress of the
-poorer classes)<a id='r1338' /><a href='#f1338' class='c014'><sup>[1338]</sup></a>. Meyer assumes this to have been a fourth (<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">sic</span></i>)
-century development, but altogether against the evidence<a id='r1339' /><a href='#f1339' class='c014'><sup>[1339]</sup></a>. Not
-only is the woollen industry known to have been one of the main
-occupations of Megara in the fifth century, but the prosperity of
-the city in the seventh century is only comprehensible if we assume
-that it was already engaged in the woollen trade. As observed by
-Busolt<a id='r1340' /><a href='#f1340' class='c014'><sup>[1340]</sup></a>, Megaris has on the whole a barren stony soil that was
-mostly suited only for the pasture of its numerous flocks of sheep.
-The Megareans must have manufactured goods to take to their
-distant colonies, from which they imported corn and other raw
-material.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The colonial activities of Megara went back well into the seventh
-century. Some of her colonies such as Chalcedon and Byzantium
-and Heraclea Pontica<a id='r1341' /><a href='#f1341' class='c014'><sup>[1341]</sup></a> lay on the route of the Argonauts that led
-to the land of the golden fleece. Other seventh century colonies
-of Megara lay in the far West in Sicily, where she founded Megara
-Hyblaea in the latter part of the eighth century and Selinus in the
-second half of the seventh.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_266'>266</span>Thus Megara’s colonial activities in the seventh century correspond
-closely with those of Miletus, the city that colonized most
-of the ports of the Black Sea and owed so much of her wealth to
-her trade in wool with the Italian Sybaris<a id='r1342' /><a href='#f1342' class='c014'><sup>[1342]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>That Megara herself was engaged in the woollen industry at this
-early date is made not unlikely by several fragments of evidence.
-Demeter at Megara bore the title Malophoros. “Various statements,”
-says Pausanias, “are made about this title, and in particular
-that Demeter was named Malophoros by those who first reared
-sheep in the land<a id='r1343' /><a href='#f1343' class='c014'><sup>[1343]</sup></a>.” The word Malophoros may mean either “Sheep-bearing”
-or “Apple-bearing,” but the account of the title in Pausanias
-shows that the Megareans understood it as meaning “Sheep-bearing,”
-and regarded it as of high antiquity and certainly as older than the
-days when the flocks of the well-to-do were slaughtered by
-Theagenes.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>According to Pliny<a id='r1344' /><a href='#f1344' class='c014'><sup>[1344]</sup></a> fulling was invented by a Megarean named
-Nikias. Buechsenschuetz<a id='r1345' /><a href='#f1345' class='c014'><sup>[1345]</sup></a> infers from this passage that fulling or
-milling was of great importance in the ancient wool industry.
-Bluemner<a id='r1346' /><a href='#f1346' class='c014'><sup>[1346]</sup></a> quotes it to prove the importance of the industry at
-Megara. The most important inference to be drawn from it both
-of them seem to have overlooked, namely that the industry at
-Megara must have been of high antiquity.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The care bestowed by the Megareans on sheep-breeding is alluded
-to by the sixth century Theognis</p>
-
-<div class='lg-container-b c016'>
-  <div class='linegroup'>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">κριοὺς μὲν καὶ ὄνους διζήμεθα, Κύρνε, καὶ ἵππους</span></div>
-      <div class='line in4'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">εὐγενέας</span><a id='r1347' /><a href='#f1347' class='c014'><sup>[1347]</sup></a>.</div>
-    </div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c017'>Megarean woollen goods at the end of the fifth century were much
-worn by Athenian slaves who, as Cauer observes<a id='r1348' /><a href='#f1348' class='c014'><sup>[1348]</sup></a>, came largely
-from the region of the early Megarean colonies.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>It seems therefore not unlikely that when Theagenes slaughtered
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_267'>267</span>the flocks of the wealthy at Megara his blow was aimed at a class
-of capitalists whose wealth was already based on the woollen trade,
-as was that of the direct ancestors in Tudor times of our own modern
-capitalists<a id='r1349' /><a href='#f1349' class='c014'><sup>[1349]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>This possibility has been recognized by Poehlmann<a id='r1350' /><a href='#f1350' class='c014'><sup>[1350]</sup></a> who quotes
-Xenophon on the Megarean wool industry in reference to Theagenes.
-Poehlmann imagines the blow as dealt by the discontented masses
-and inspired by simple hatred. But our one authority attributes it
-not to the rebellious masses but to Theagenes himself. On a point
-of definite fact like this Aristotle deserves to be taken precisely as
-he expresses himself. Can it be that Theagenes’ coup was a simple
-but effective means of securing for himself the monopoly of the
-Megarean woollen industry?</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>If this was in fact the aim of Theagenes he was merely anticipating
-the methods of certain modern monopolists. In December 1888
-the Whiskey Combination in the United States is said to have blown
-up a troublesome independent still in Chicago<a id='r1351' /><a href='#f1351' class='c014'><sup>[1351]</sup></a>. There are records
-of a similar attempt to blow up rival works at Buffalo<a id='r1352' /><a href='#f1352' class='c014'><sup>[1352]</sup></a>. For these
-cases I quote again from a work on the danger of a new tyranny of
-wealth that the writer, whose book appeared in 1894, thought at
-the time to be threatening the United States.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The most lasting memorial that Theagenes left behind him was
-the water conduit that he constructed for the city<a id='r1353' /><a href='#f1353' class='c014'><sup>[1353]</sup></a>. The extant
-remains seem to belong to a later date, but this is no reason for
-either post-dating the tyrant or not accepting him as its constructor.
-The remains now to be seen may well be due to a reconstruction,
-perhaps by the famous Megarean Eupalinus, who constructed the
-Samian waterworks for Polycrates. Underground conduits like the
-Megarean were being made half a century before the reign of
-Theagenes, as is shown by the underground canal constructed by
-Hezekiah to bring to Jerusalem the waters of Miriam (Gihon)<a id='r1354' /><a href='#f1354' class='c014'><sup>[1354]</sup></a>.
-Tyranny at Megara was short lived. The only tyrant ended his
-life in exile.</p>
-
-<p class='c015'>When they had banished Theagenes the Megareans for a short while
-behaved with moderation&nbsp;... but after that they began behaving outrageously
-to the rich: in particular the poor entered their houses and demanded to be
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_268'>268</span>entertained and feasted sumptuously, and treated them all with violence and
-insult if they did not get what they desired. Finally they passed a decree and
-recovered from the money-lenders the interest that they happened to have
-paid.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>This passage of Plutarch<a id='r1355' /><a href='#f1355' class='c014'><sup>[1355]</sup></a> throws no direct light on either the
-character or the basis of Theagenes’ power. The outbreak that it describes
-may have been due to the comparative weakness of the new
-government. It is equally possible that it occurred because the fall
-of the tyranny had made things much worse for the working classes,
-on whose support and favour Theagenes had probably based his
-power<a id='r1356' /><a href='#f1356' class='c014'><sup>[1356]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>This period of Megarean history is better known than the corresponding
-phase of any other Greek city, thanks to the verses of
-Theognis. Their evidence for the character of the early tyrannies
-has been discussed in Chapter I. If, as there maintained, his exhortations
-not to be won over by gains to exalt any tyrant and his complaints
-about tradesmen controlling the state all point to fears of a
-tyranny of wealth, then it is particularly likely that his alarm may
-have had a historical basis in the career of Theagenes.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Miletus.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>At Miletus during the seventh and sixth centuries<a id='r1357' /><a href='#f1357' class='c014'><sup>[1357]</sup></a> there appear
-to have been several periods of tyranny with intervals
-of anarchy in between. The most famous and powerful
-of the Milesian tyrants was Thrasybulus, whose reign must have
-begun towards the end of the seventh century. While he was tyrant
-the city enjoyed great material prosperity. Then in the middle of
-the sixth she was afflicted with two generations of civil war, after
-which there came a great revival of prosperity under the tyrant
-Histiaeus. Plutarch records the names of two other tyrants, Thoas
-and Damasenor, but only to introduce an account of the state of
-things that followed their overthrow. They may have been joint
-successors of Thrasybulus<a id='r1358' /><a href='#f1358' class='c014'><sup>[1358]</sup></a>, much as the Athenians tended to regard
-Peisistratus as having been succeeded by Hippias and Hipparchus
-ruling conjointly. Or possibly Plutarch is mentioning two successive
-rulers of a distinct period of tyranny, the latter of whom only was
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_269'>269</span>deposed, in which case they are probably to be put before Thrasybulus<a id='r1359' /><a href='#f1359' class='c014'><sup>[1359]</sup></a>,
-somewhere about the middle of the seventh century.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The fall of Thoas and Damasenor was followed by a struggle
-between two parties called Ploutis (?) and Cheiromache, names which
-sound remarkably like Capital and Labour.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>There is no certainty as to either the etymological or the historical
-meaning of these names. Plutarch seems to identify the Ploutis (?)
-faction with a body called Aeinautai (always on shipboard)<a id='r1360' /><a href='#f1360' class='c014'><sup>[1360]</sup></a> and the
-reading Plontis, connected with <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πλοῖον</span> (ship), has been proposed
-by Plass<a id='r1361' /><a href='#f1361' class='c014'><sup>[1361]</sup></a>. Cheiromache again means not hand-workers but hand-fighters,
-a name that need not have any industrial implication. Hand-fighters
-might be just people who did not wear swords, the lower
-classes generally. But Cheiromache is said by Eustathius to have
-been a synonym for <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">χειρώναξ</span>, a common word for artizan<a id='r1362' /><a href='#f1362' class='c014'><sup>[1362]</sup></a>, and
-Suidas speaks of rival parties in Miletus composed of the wealthy
-(<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πλούσιοι</span>) and the manual labourers (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Γέργηθες</span>, s.v., explained
-as <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">χειρώνακτες</span>), and though the period to which he is referring
-is quite uncertain, he still lends some support to the Capital and
-Labour interpretation of Plutarch’s Ploutis (?) and Cheiromache<a id='r1363' /><a href='#f1363' class='c014'><sup>[1363]</sup></a>.
-The latter name would have been given to the party by its opponents,
-much as though enemies of a modern labour party should call them
-the Strikers or Down-Toolers. The other name for labour (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Γέργιθες</span>
-or <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Γέργηθες</span>) is said by Heraclides Ponticus<a id='r1364' /><a href='#f1364' class='c014'><sup>[1364]</sup></a> to have been given to
-it by the faction of the wealthy, a statement quite compatible with the
-explanation of the name as derived from a place and denoting the
-poor subject Carians, the descendants of the pre-Hellenic population
-of the Milesian territory<a id='r1365' /><a href='#f1365' class='c014'><sup>[1365]</sup></a>. Perhaps we may see a hint that Gergethes
-and Cheiromache were alternative names both given to labour by
-its rich opponents in the reply given by the oracle to the party of
-the rich after they had been brutally massacring the party of the
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_270'>270</span>poor. “I too” says the god “take heed of the murder of the unwarlike
-Gergithes<a id='r1366' /><a href='#f1366' class='c014'><sup>[1366]</sup></a>.” The rebuke gains in point if the Gergithes had been
-also called Cheiromachoi, the manual <em>fighters</em><a id='r1367' /><a href='#f1367' class='c014'><sup>[1367]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Of the early careers of the Milesian tyrants we know practically
-nothing. Aristotle indeed<a id='r1368' /><a href='#f1368' class='c014'><sup>[1368]</sup></a> refers to Miletus as a place where tyranny
-arose from the great power possessed by the magistrate called prytanis.
-But as argued already in discussing the office of polemarch
-held before his tyranny by Cypselus, a position of this kind does not
-by itself explain a tyrant’s rise to supreme power. Moreover in the
-case of Miletus there is nothing to show which tyrant Aristotle is
-referring to. When on the throne Thrasybulus pursued the policy
-of “cutting off the heads of those ears of corn which he saw higher
-than the rest” or in other words of “putting to death those who were
-eminent among his subjects<a id='r1369' /><a href='#f1369' class='c014'><sup>[1369]</sup></a>.” It is fairly certain that a ruler who
-pursued this policy did not rest his power on the support of the upper
-classes. One of the few anecdotes about the tyrant tells how he
-outwitted the king of Lydia by a misleading display of corn in
-the Milesian market-place<a id='r1370' /><a href='#f1370' class='c014'><sup>[1370]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The accession of Histiaeus seems to have synchronized with a
-revival of the commercial prosperity of Miletus. Histiaeus was the
-friend and vassal of Darius of Persia, and the basis of his power must
-therefore not be sought exclusively in the internal conditions of
-Miletus. But on the other hand the Persians seem to have been
-remarkably free from any tendency to Persianize the nations they
-subdued. Their sins were those rather of Abdul Hamid than of the
-Young Turks. Purely internal conditions continued to operate
-much as before<a id='r1371' /><a href='#f1371' class='c014'><sup>[1371]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>In the absence therefore of all evidence as to how Histiaeus
-came by his power<a id='r1372' /><a href='#f1372' class='c014'><sup>[1372]</sup></a> it becomes interesting to see how he sought to
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_271'>271</span>expand it. The chance came to him when he had won Darius’
-confidence and gratitude in his Scythian campaign and the Great
-King invited him to choose his reward. “He asked for Myrcinus
-in Edonia, wishing to found in it a city<a id='r1373' /><a href='#f1373' class='c014'><sup>[1373]</sup></a>.” Darius granted his request
-and the foundation was begun. But when the news of this gift
-reached Megabazus, the able Persian officer who had reduced
-Edonia and other parts of Thrace and Macedonia, he was much
-alarmed, and remonstrated with his master:</p>
-
-<p class='c015'>O King, what manner of thing hast thou done, granting to a clever and
-cunning Greek to acquire a city in Thrace? Where there is an inexhaustible
-supply of timber for building ships and oars, and mines of silver, and a large
-population of Greeks living in the neighbourhood and a large population of
-barbarians: if they get a patron (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">προστάτης</span>) they will do what he directs
-day and night. Now therefore do thou stop him from doing this, that thou
-be not involved in a war against thine own<a id='r1374' /><a href='#f1374' class='c014'><sup>[1374]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>As pointed out by Grundy<a id='r1375' /><a href='#f1375' class='c014'><sup>[1375]</sup></a> Myrcinus occupied a most important
-site on great strategic and commercial highways. But there is no
-reason to suspect Herodotus when he tells us that the town owed
-its importance first and foremost not to its geographical situation
-but to its minerals and forests. It is as a great mine-owner and
-shipbuilder and the employer of hosts of miners and shipbuilders
-and seamen that Histiaeus threatens to make himself a ruler
-sufficiently powerful to be a danger to the Great King himself<a id='r1376' /><a href='#f1376' class='c014'><sup>[1376]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Ephesus.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>The earliest tyrant of Ephesus appears to have been Pythagoras,
-who overthrew the government of the Basilidae.
-Baton of Sinope<a id='r1377' /><a href='#f1377' class='c014'><sup>[1377]</sup></a>, who wrote a history of the tyrants
-of Ephesus<a id='r1378' /><a href='#f1378' class='c014'><sup>[1378]</sup></a>, states that Pythagoras lived “before Cyrus the Persian.”
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_272'>272</span>This seems to be rather an understatement of the tyrant’s antiquity,
-since we hear of two other tyrants, Melas and Pindaros, of whom
-the latter was son and successor of the former and was deprived
-of his throne by Croesus<a id='r1379' /><a href='#f1379' class='c014'><sup>[1379]</sup></a>, and of yet another pair, by name Athenagoras
-and Komas, who lived at the same time as the poet Hipponax
-and must therefore be assigned to about the middle of the sixth
-century<a id='r1380' /><a href='#f1380' class='c014'><sup>[1380]</sup></a>, while during part of the reign of Croesus, after the fall
-of Pindaros, Ephesus appears to have enjoyed a moderate democracy
-guided by the aesymnetes Aristarchus<a id='r1381' /><a href='#f1381' class='c014'><sup>[1381]</sup></a>. All this leaves little room
-for Pythagoras in the period just preceding Cyrus, and since too
-the Basilidae were almost certainly one of the hereditary aristocracies,
-like the Bacchiadae of Corinth, that overthrew the hereditary
-monarchy in most Greek cities before the end of the dark ages, it
-becomes probable that Pythagoras flourished at the beginning of the
-sixth century or possibly even in the seventh<a id='r1382' /><a href='#f1382' class='c014'><sup>[1382]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>According to our only authority Suidas, who quotes Baton on the
-date of Pythagoras and very possibly used him for the rest of his
-notice, Pythagoras displayed an insatiable passion for money (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἔρως
-χρημάτων ἄμετρος</span>) and showed himself a cruel tyrant (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τύραννος
-πικρότατος</span>) but “with the people and the multitude he both was
-and appeared to be well liked, sometimes making them hopeful
-by his promises, sometimes secretly distributing small gratuities<a id='r1383' /><a href='#f1383' class='c014'><sup>[1383]</sup></a>.”
-“Those however who enjoyed reputation or power he plundered
-and subjected to confiscations<a id='r1384' /><a href='#f1384' class='c014'><sup>[1384]</sup></a>.” Suidas deals only with the tyrant
-on the throne and draws plainly from a most unfriendly source<a id='r1385' /><a href='#f1385' class='c014'><sup>[1385]</sup></a>:
-but as far as he goes he suggests that the power of Pythagoras was
-based on wealth.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_273'>273</span>The tyrant Pindarus, who was overthrown by Croesus, was a
-grandson of Alyattes, Croesus’ father and predecessor<a id='r1386' /><a href='#f1386' class='c014'><sup>[1386]</sup></a>. Ephesus
-was one of the chief termini of the great caravan route from the
-Far East that ran to Sardis and then branched to several places on
-the coast. In the chapter on Lydia we have had occasion to notice
-the story of the eighth century Lydian Ardys, who when banished
-from his native land went into business at Cyme (another of these
-branch termini) and from there returned as ruler to Sardis. Radet
-may therefore be right in thinking that the Ephesian tyrants shared
-with the Lydian the monopoly of the trade that traversed this great
-road<a id='r1387' /><a href='#f1387' class='c014'><sup>[1387]</sup></a>. The overthrow of Pindarus is perhaps to be associated with
-the story of the financial dealings of Croesus while his father
-Alyattes was still on the throne<a id='r1388' /><a href='#f1388' class='c014'><sup>[1388]</sup></a>. To pave the way to his own succession
-as against his half brother, the half Greek Pantaleon, Croesus
-has to borrow large sums of money. He first tries in Sardis, and
-failing there proceeds to Ephesus, where he succeeds in raising
-money, not however from the house of Melas, but from a certain
-Pamphaes the son of Theocharides. It is hardly rash to assume that
-the tyrant family at Ephesus were putting their money on the half
-Greek candidate, and that Pindarus fell because his family had
-taken the wrong side in this great battle of high finance.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Leontini.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>Panaitios of Leontini was the first in Sicily to seize the tyranny
-(Panaitios primus in Sicilia arripuit tyrannidem),
-which he is stated to have done a few years before
-the end of the seventh century<a id='r1389' /><a href='#f1389' class='c014'><sup>[1389]</sup></a>. The stratagem by which he made
-himself tyrant is described by Polyaenus<a id='r1390' /><a href='#f1390' class='c014'><sup>[1390]</sup></a>. The people of Leontini
-were at war with Megara, and Panaitios was polemarch. The actual
-coup was a matter of disarming the rich citizens who served on
-horseback (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τοῖς εὐπόροις καὶ ἱππεῦσι</span>), which he did with the
-help of their grooms. But before carrying out this <i><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">coup d’état</span></i>
-Panaitios had started a conflict between these rich knights and the
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_274'>274</span>poor who served on foot (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τοὺς πένητας καὶ πεζούς</span>). Aristotle<a id='r1391' /><a href='#f1391' class='c014'><sup>[1391]</sup></a>
-adds little. He classes Panaitios with “Cypselus in Corinth, Peisistratus
-in Athens, and Dionysius in Syracuse, and others who
-in the same way (became tyrants) from demagogy,” a view that
-has already been dealt with<a id='r1392' /><a href='#f1392' class='c014'><sup>[1392]</sup></a>. His other statement, that the
-government of Panaitios succeeded an oligarchy, is credible but
-unilluminating<a id='r1393' /><a href='#f1393' class='c014'><sup>[1393]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Agrigentum.</div>
-
-<p class='c015'>Phalaris of Agrigentum, a tax collector, when the citizens wished to erect
-a temple of Zeus Polieus for two hundred talents on the
-citadel as being rocky and strong and for the further reason
-that it would be pious to give the god the highest place, undertook, if he
-was given charge of the work, to have the best craftsmen and provide the
-material cheaply and offer sound securities for the money. The people
-trusted him, thinking that thanks to his life as a tax-collector he had
-experience of such proceedings. So taking the public money he hired many
-foreigners and bought many prisoners and carried up to the citadel much
-material of stone, timber, iron. And when the foundations were already
-being dug, he sent down his herald to proclaim “whoever gives information
-against those who stole the stone and iron on the citadel shall receive such
-and such a reward.” The people were annoyed at the report of the material
-being stolen. “Well then,” said he, “allow me to enclose the acropolis.” The
-city allowed him to enclose it and to raise a wall round it. He released the
-prisoners, armed them with the stones and hatchets and axes, made an attack
-during the Thesmophoria, killed most of the men, and having established
-himself as master of women and children, became the tyrant of the city of
-Agrigentum<a id='r1394' /><a href='#f1394' class='c014'><sup>[1394]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>For over two centuries the name of Phalaris has been chiefly
-associated with the famous controversy between the Cambridge
-Bentley and the Oxford Boyle as to the authenticity of the letters
-ascribed to him. The spuriousness of these letters was so convincingly
-established by the Cambridge scholar, that everyone since then
-seems to have shrunk from attributing historical value to anything
-whatsoever that Phalaris is reported to have done. It so happens
-that the best known tradition about Phalaris tells of his extreme
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_275'>275</span>cruelty<a id='r1395' /><a href='#f1395' class='c014'><sup>[1395]</sup></a>, and more particularly how he did his victims to death by
-roasting them alive in a brazen bull<a id='r1396' /><a href='#f1396' class='c014'><sup>[1396]</sup></a>. This bull story has no doubt
-helped further to discredit Phalaris as a strictly historical character.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Yet there can be no dispute that Phalaris did make himself tyrant
-of Agrigentum and that his cruelty made a lasting impression on
-the people whom he ruled. His existence and importance is shown
-by a whole series of references to him that begins with Pindar<a id='r1397' /><a href='#f1397' class='c014'><sup>[1397]</sup></a> and
-includes allusions in Aristotle<a id='r1398' /><a href='#f1398' class='c014'><sup>[1398]</sup></a>. Considering that the tyrant probably
-died only one generation before Pindar was born<a id='r1399' /><a href='#f1399' class='c014'><sup>[1399]</sup></a>, there is no reason
-why a trustworthy tradition about him should not have been preserved
-and more particularly why the account of his early days in
-Polyaenus should not have a historical basis.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>If it has, its significance is important. It means that Phalaris
-owed his tyranny in the ultimate instance to his skill in finance and
-more immediately to the control of large sums of money that gave
-him great influence over the lower classes who earned their living
-by manual labour<a id='r1400' /><a href='#f1400' class='c014'><sup>[1400]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Polyaenus cannot be decisively confirmed. But still less can he
-be decisively discredited. The story itself suggests that its source
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_276'>276</span>was the temple of Zeus Polieus, and a temple founded in the sixth
-century may well have kept some record, oral or written, of the
-days of its foundation. There is of course the possibility of forgery,
-but forgeries generally have some motive, such as gain or glory or
-love of the sensational. No such motive can easily be imputed to
-this narrative of Polyaenus, whose picture of Phalaris is borne out
-by notices in various other writers.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Lucian for instance makes the tyrant a great builder and great
-financier and a great patron of the common people<a id='r1401' /><a href='#f1401' class='c014'><sup>[1401]</sup></a>. Lucian’s
-Phalaris is represented as defending himself at Delphi against the
-charge of cruelty: he certainly utters many paradoxes in so doing;
-but the point of the picture is that it is based on the received
-tradition, and it may fairly be used as evidence on a question such
-as that which is being here considered.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Aristotle classes Phalaris among the tyrants who owed their
-position to some high office that they had previously held<a id='r1402' /><a href='#f1402' class='c014'><sup>[1402]</sup></a>, a statement
-which is good evidence for Phalaris as a historical personage
-and as far as it goes accords with Polyaenus.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>“When the Agrigentines were rid of Phalaris they decreed that
-nobody should wear a blue-grey cloak: for the servants of the
-tyrant wore aprons (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">περιζώματα</span>) of blue-grey<a id='r1403' /><a href='#f1403' class='c014'><sup>[1403]</sup></a>.” The prohibition
-of these blue-grey aprons makes it look as if the men who overthrew
-the tyranny of Phalaris thought it necessary to disband his army
-of uniformed employees.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Further the part of the narrative of Polyaenus that most concerns
-us here can claim a certain probability from what is known of an
-early namesake and fellow-townsman of the Syracusan tyrant
-Agathocles. According to Diodorus<a id='r1404' /><a href='#f1404' class='c014'><sup>[1404]</sup></a> this earlier Agathocles, who
-lived while Syracuse was still under a landed aristocracy called
-<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">γεωμόροι</span>, probably about 700 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span><a id='r1405' /><a href='#f1405' class='c014'><sup>[1405]</sup></a>,</p>
-
-<p class='c015'>Being chosen to have charge of the building of the temple of Athena,
-picked out the finest of the stones that were being quarried and met the
-expense out of his own pocket (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τὴν μὲν δαπάνην ἐκ τῆς ἰδίας οὐσίας
-ἐποιεῖτο</span>), but misused the stones and built a costly house. At this they say
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_277'>277</span>the divine power gave forth a sign: Agathocles was struck by lightning and
-consumed by fire along with all his house. The Geomoroi confiscated his
-property to the state, although the kleronomoi (the financial officials) showed
-that he had taken nothing of the monies of the temple or of the state. They
-devoted his house to the gods and forbade those who came there to set foot
-in it, and to this day it is called the embrontaion (<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">i.e.</span></i> the place struck by
-lightning).</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The positions of Phalaris and Agathocles as described by Polyaenus
-and Diodorus are very similar. Both are in charge of the building
-of a great temple, the Greek word in each case being <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐπιστάτης</span>,
-which means literally superintendent, but is rather a vague term
-and appears to include the idea of contractor<a id='r1406' /><a href='#f1406' class='c014'><sup>[1406]</sup></a>. Both again misuse
-their position, and in neither case is the offender charged with misappropriation.
-Phalaris secures himself a tyranny, Agathocles builds
-himself a house. But the house is a very special sort of house, and
-though the builder is specifically acquitted of any dishonest dealings
-about it, it brings down on him the wrath both of the gods and of
-the government. The gods burn him and his house: the government
-confiscate his property. What sort of a house was it that had such
-disastrous consequences for its builder? A close parallel is offered by
-the history of the Roman Maelius, who is said in the fifth century
-<span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> to have had his house pulled down and his property confiscated.
-In the case of Agathocles the gods, when they destroyed his house,
-are said to send a sign (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐπισημαίνειν</span>): in that of Maelius the
-offence that caused his house to be demolished is pronounced to be
-not a scelus but a monstrum. The charge that brought down on
-Maelius these extreme penalties was that of aiming at the throne.
-Maelius was extremely rich, and had a large army of clients, and
-we may reasonably infer that his house was so severely dealt with
-because it looked too much like a royal palace. Considering the
-analogies in the story of Agathocles with that of Maelius on the one
-hand and that of Phalaris on the other, it looks not unlikely that
-the exception taken to the house of Agathocles was due to its
-palatial character. Private dwellings in early Greek cities were
-notoriously simple and unpretentious<a id='r1407' /><a href='#f1407' class='c014'><sup>[1407]</sup></a>. A house in which it was
-possible to employ stones intended for a great temple was obviously
-quite the reverse. It would challenge comparison with the government
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_278'>278</span>buildings and might be used as the rallying-place for an armed
-attack<a id='r1408' /><a href='#f1408' class='c014'><sup>[1408]</sup></a> upon the government, and it was this in all probability
-that brought on it so terrible a fate.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The stories of Agathocles and Maelius lend support to the view
-that Polyaenus in his account of the rise of Phalaris is describing
-the normal way in which tyrannies were established at this early
-period in Sicily and Italy. If so, the normal tyrant in early Sicily
-and Italy was some very rich man who used his riches to secure
-financial control of some large section of the labouring classes and
-this control was sometimes secured by undertaking big building
-operations which provided not only continuous work for
-numerous employees but often too a strong and imposing
-headquarters that could soon be converted into the castle or
-palace from which he ruled the whole state<a id='r1409' /><a href='#f1409' class='c014'><sup>[1409]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Cumae.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>Aristodemus of Cumae is dated by the fact that he gave shelter
-to Tarquinius Superbus when banished from Rome<a id='r1410' /><a href='#f1410' class='c014'><sup>[1410]</sup></a>.
-“In those days Cumae was renowned throughout
-Italy for its wealth and power<a id='r1411' /><a href='#f1411' class='c014'><sup>[1411]</sup></a>.” Before he became tyrant he is
-said to have distinguished himself as a soldier<a id='r1412' /><a href='#f1412' class='c014'><sup>[1412]</sup></a>. But it was not as
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_279'>279</span>a soldier that he is represented as securing the tyranny. “He won
-over the people by turning demagogue&nbsp;... relieving many of the
-poor out of his own purse&nbsp;... distributing money to them man
-by man, and depositing for the common good the presents he had
-received from the people of Aricia<a id='r1413' /><a href='#f1413' class='c014'><sup>[1413]</sup></a>.” At the end of his reign he is
-represented as employing citizens on a large scale on manual labour:
-“he chanced about that time to be making a trench round the place,
-a work neither necessary nor useful, but merely because he wished
-to weary and exhaust the citizens with toils and labours. For each
-was ordered to remove a certain extent of earth<a id='r1414' /><a href='#f1414' class='c014'><sup>[1414]</sup></a>.” The chronology
-of the tyrant’s career is not altogether easy and the narrative not
-entirely credible<a id='r1415' /><a href='#f1415' class='c014'><sup>[1415]</sup></a>, but we appear to have a tyrant of the early type,
-taking a prominent part in war and politics but relying largely at
-any rate on the control of labour and the power of wealth.</p>
-
-<div class='chapter'>
-  <span class='pageno' id='Page_280'>280</span>
-  <h2 class='c005'>Chapter X. (a) <em>Capitalist Despots of the Age of Aristotle</em>, (b) <em>the Money Power of the Rulers of Pergamum</em>, (c) <em>Protogenes of Olbia</em></h2>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='c003'></div>
-<div class='sidenote'>(<em>a</em>) Capitalist despots of the days of Aristotle.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>Stress has been laid on the influence that has been exercised by
-Dionysius of Syracuse upon all who have written
-about the early tyranny since he came to power. This
-of course does not mean that the military-demagogue
-type of tyrant, of which Dionysius is the supreme
-example, was never at all anticipated in any of its features by any
-of the rulers of the seventh and sixth centuries. Nor does it mean
-that the new order of things that culminated in Dionysius completely
-swamped the old. Aristotle himself was personally connected
-with a tyrant who appears to illustrate the survival into the fourth
-century of the seventh and sixth century type. The ruler in question,
-Hermias tyrant of Assos and Atarneus</p>
-
-<p class='c015'>was a eunuch, the slave of a certain banker: he went to Athens and
-attended the lectures of Plato and Aristotle, and returning he shared the
-tyranny of his master who had previously secured (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐπιθεμένῳ</span>) the places
-round Atarneus and Assos. Subsequently he succeeded him and sent for
-Aristotle and married his niece to him<a id='r1416' /><a href='#f1416' class='c014'><sup>[1416]</sup></a>.</p>
-<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_281'>281</span>In this “slave, banker, philosopher and despot” Leaf sees a tyrant
-who owed his position to his wealth<a id='r1417' /><a href='#f1417' class='c014'><sup>[1417]</sup></a>. He quotes Euaion, the pupil
-of Plato<a id='r1418' /><a href='#f1418' class='c014'><sup>[1418]</sup></a>, who not far off to the north at Lampsacus “lent money
-to the city on the security of the Acropolis, and, when the city
-defaulted, wanted to become tyrant, until the Lampsacenes gathered
-against him and after paying him the money cast him out<a id='r1419' /><a href='#f1419' class='c014'><sup>[1419]</sup></a>.” On
-the other side of Assos, at Cyme, the public porticoes once passed
-into the hands of some bankers who had lent money to the city
-on that security<a id='r1420' /><a href='#f1420' class='c014'><sup>[1420]</sup></a>. Leaf might have gone on to quote the case of
-Timaeus the Cyzicene, who, like Euaion and perhaps Hermias, had
-been a pupil of Plato:</p>
-
-<p class='c015'>Timaeus the Cyzicene having granted bonuses (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐπιδοὺς</span>) of money and
-corn to the citizens and having on that account won credit among the Cyzicenes
-as being a worthy man, after a short while made an attempt on the city
-(<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐπέθετο</span>; cp. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐπιθεμένῳ</span> above of the predecessor of Hermias) by means
-of Aridaios<a id='r1421' /><a href='#f1421' class='c014'><sup>[1421]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The attempt failed but there can be no doubt that Timaeus like
-Euaion “wanted to become tyrant” by means of his wealth.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>It is curious to notice that the method of securing power practised
-by the pupils of Plato and Aristotle is precisely that which was
-prescribed by our own Doctor Johnson: “No, Sir, the way to make
-sure of power and influence is by lending money confidentially to
-your neighbours at a small interest or perhaps at no interest at all,
-and having their bonds in your possession<a id='r1422' /><a href='#f1422' class='c014'><sup>[1422]</sup></a>.” In Aristotle’s own
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_282'>282</span>day it appears to have been followed, though without success, in
-the greatest commercial city of the age:</p>
-
-<p class='c015'>After this Anno, a man of Carthage, who in personal wealth was more
-than a match for the state, was absorbed with a desire to seize supreme
-power.... He stirred up the slaves that with their aid he might suddenly
-crush the unsuspecting state.... This happened in the days of Philip<a id='r1423' /><a href='#f1423' class='c014'><sup>[1423]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Thus there is a basis for Leaf’s suggestion that Euboulos of Assos,
-the master and predecessor of Hermias, had made himself tyrant
-by similar means<a id='r1424' /><a href='#f1424' class='c014'><sup>[1424]</sup></a>. But if Aristotle had before him the career of
-Hanno the Carthaginian, and if a whole group of his own fellow-students
-made the attempt, and in one case at least successfully, to
-become financier despots in a corner of the world particularly
-familiar to the philosopher<a id='r1425' /><a href='#f1425' class='c014'><sup>[1425]</sup></a>, how are we to explain the fact that
-his writings take no account of the commercial tyrant? Once more,
-if I am not mistaken, the cause is largely Dionysius. If, as seems
-probable, there was this late outcrop of attempts at a commercial
-tyranny, none the less the type had long ceased to play any great
-part in history<a id='r1426' /><a href='#f1426' class='c014'><sup>[1426]</sup></a>. Hanno was a failure: moreover he tampered with
-the slaves of Carthage and this enabled Aristotle to classify him with
-Pausanias the Spartan. For Aristotle the tyrant is a soldier or a
-demagogue or both. Plutocracy with him means oligarchy<a id='r1427' /><a href='#f1427' class='c014'><sup>[1427]</sup></a>. As he
-himself says, “if one individual possesses more than the rest of the
-wealthy, on the oligarchic principle it is right that he should rule
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_283'>283</span>alone<a id='r1428' /><a href='#f1428' class='c014'><sup>[1428]</sup></a>.” If forced to catalogue the government of a commercial
-despot he would probably have described it as an oligarchy of one.
-But it is doubtful whether the government of Hermias was strictly
-speaking the rule of a single individual.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>An inscription now in the British Museum speaks repeatedly of
-<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Ἑρμίας καὶ οἱ ἑταῖροι</span><a id='r1429' /><a href='#f1429' class='c014'><sup>[1429]</sup></a> which Leaf translates and explains into
-“Hermias and company, Bankers and Despots.” The precise nature
-of these companions is uncertain: but their repeated mention in a
-treaty suggests that Hermias tried to avoid the appearances of single
-rule<a id='r1430' /><a href='#f1430' class='c014'><sup>[1430]</sup></a>. Lastly the personal element may have had its influence even
-with the great philosopher. Not only was he in close personal connexion
-with Hermias; but his one deviation into poetry, his remarkable
-ode to Virtue<a id='r1431' /><a href='#f1431' class='c014'><sup>[1431]</sup></a>, was written in honour of Hermias after his
-fall. According to one version of the story the philosopher’s devotion
-to the memory of his friend cost him his life<a id='r1432' /><a href='#f1432' class='c014'><sup>[1432]</sup></a>. Plainly for Aristotle
-the ruler of Atarneus was no tyrant<a id='r1433' /><a href='#f1433' class='c014'><sup>[1433]</sup></a>, and it follows that Euaion
-and Timaeus, even if their efforts had been successful, would not
-have been so either. Plato on the other hand would have particular
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_284'>284</span>cause to regard as a tyrant the Syracusan ruler by whom he is said
-to have been sold into slavery for twenty minae<a id='r1434' /><a href='#f1434' class='c014'><sup>[1434]</sup></a>. In short this
-group of would-be philosopher kings probably did as much as
-Dionysius himself to blind Aristotle and later writers to the true
-nature of seventh and sixth century tyranny<a id='r1435' /><a href='#f1435' class='c014'><sup>[1435]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>(<em>b</em>) The money power of the rulers of Pergamum (283–133 B.C.).</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>If Aristotle had lived another forty years he might have witnessed
-quite near Atarneus the rise of another and
-much more notable monarchy, that of the Attalids
-of Pergamum, which was also based almost exclusively
-on wealth. Pergamum had become the fortified
-treasury of Lysimachus when he succeeded to the Thracian
-dominions of Alexander the Great. The keeping of the fort and
-the 9000 talents of treasure that it contained was entrusted to a
-certain Philetairos. He was a eunuch, but well brought up, and
-he showed himself worthy of the trust. In spite of, or rather perhaps
-as the result of, the quarrels of the Diadochoi, he continued for
-twenty years master of the fort and of the money<a id='r1436' /><a href='#f1436' class='c014'><sup>[1436]</sup></a>. There seems
-little doubt that Philetairos was of humble birth<a id='r1437' /><a href='#f1437' class='c014'><sup>[1437]</sup></a>, and that he owed
-his rise to this gift of finance which secured him first the management
-and then the possession of these 9000 talents. He began his
-independent career by going over from Lysimachus, whose realm
-lay mainly in Europe, to Seleucus, the most able of the Diadochoi
-in Asia<a id='r1438' /><a href='#f1438' class='c014'><sup>[1438]</sup></a>. Shortly afterwards Seleucus was murdered by Ptolemy
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_285'>285</span>Keraunos, the Greek king of Egypt; but Philetairos, who believed
-firmly in the fortunes of the Seleucids, secured the friendship of
-Antiochus, the son and successor of Seleucus, by buying the body
-of the murdered king at a heavy price from Keraunos and sending
-it to Antiochus<a id='r1439' /><a href='#f1439' class='c014'><sup>[1439]</sup></a>. Philetairos was always ready to draw upon his
-9000 talents if by doing so he could purchase power. When the
-people of the neighbouring town of Pitane were in debt to the
-extent of 380 talents, Philetairos advanced a portion of that sum,
-and thereby secured influence over that city<a id='r1440' /><a href='#f1440' class='c014'><sup>[1440]</sup></a>. Gifts were made to
-Cyzicus with similar intentions and results<a id='r1441' /><a href='#f1441' class='c014'><sup>[1441]</sup></a>. The island of Aegina
-became a Pergamene possession for the price of 30 talents<a id='r1442' /><a href='#f1442' class='c014'><sup>[1442]</sup></a>. These
-proceedings are typical of the way in which the rulers of Pergamum
-established and maintained their position. As Holm observes<a id='r1443' /><a href='#f1443' class='c014'><sup>[1443]</sup></a> their
-power was a money power. Like every other political power that
-has hitherto arisen, that of the Attalids was partly military. Soon
-after the death of Philetairos and the accession of Attalus, the
-second ruler of the dynasty, Asia Minor was overrun by the Celtic
-hordes which finally settled down to a peaceful life in what was
-known thenceforth as Galatia. The promiscuous maraudings of
-these barbarians were checked and eventually crushed by Attalus
-and his successors. But the Attalids were still more notable for their
-works of peace. Under their government Pergamum became one
-of the most active centres of art and industry in the whole world.
-The city, elaborately constructed in terraces on a lofty hillside,
-offered a remarkably successful example of scientific town-planning,
-and must have involved a large and highly organized army of
-architects, builders, masons, and the like. The Pergamene school
-of sculpture flourished exceedingly. We owe to it Lord Byron’s
-dying gladiator, who has long since been recognized as a copy of
-a dying Galatian carved at Pergamum to commemorate a victory
-of Attalus I over the Celtic invader. Much of Pergamene art is
-exaggerated and ugly, but that does not diminish its economic
-significance, and Mommsen is justified in describing Attalus I as
-the Lorenzo de’ Medici of antiquity<a id='r1444' /><a href='#f1444' class='c014'><sup>[1444]</sup></a>. We have already compared
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_286'>286</span>the Medici with the early Greek tyrants. But it is not merely that
-the Pergamene rulers and early tyrants like Gyges have a common
-resemblance to the Italian merchant princes of the early renaissance.
-A distinct resemblance between the Attalids and the house of Gyges
-has been already recognized and developed by Adolph Holm. The
-two powers are much the same geographically; both are the great
-connecting link between the Greek Aegean and the Asiatic lands
-that lie to the east of it; both organize the forces of material prosperity
-against barbaric invasions from the north; both have money
-as the basis of their power<a id='r1445' /><a href='#f1445' class='c014'><sup>[1445]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The history of Philetairos and his successors at Pergamum increases
-the probability that Leaf is right in his picture of the banker
-despots of the days of Plato and Aristotle. <span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>(<em>c</em>) The rich
-Protogenes,
-financial director
-of Olbia
-about 200 B.C.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span>
-The picture
-is scarcely complete enough to be quite convincing,
-but it may be supplemented and confirmed from the
-history of a financial magnate named Protogenes,
-who flourished at Olbia probably towards the end of the third
-century <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span></p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Protogenes is known only from a single inscription put up
-during his lifetime to record his benefactions to his native
-city<a id='r1446' /><a href='#f1446' class='c014'><sup>[1446]</sup></a>. The date of the inscription is not quite certain. The
-lettering points to the second century <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> but does not exclude
-a rather earlier date, and a reference in the inscription to danger
-threatening Olbia from certain Galatians rather favours a date
-before 213 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span></p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Within the space of three years Protogenes made gifts to his
-city amounting to 12,700 gold pieces and made up of the following
-items: four times he contributes to help buy off the barbarians who
-at this period were constantly threatening the city; twice he pays
-for repairs to the city walls; he built or repaired the public granary,
-the bazaar gateway, and the barges that brought the stone for these
-building operations; he redeemed for 100 pieces of gold the city
-plate, which was about to be put in the melting-pot by one of the
-city’s creditors; he pays down three hundred pieces of gold for wine
-which the city fathers had purchased and then found that they could
-not pay for; he contributes directly or indirectly to the purchase of
-large quantities of corn for the city; he remits to the amount of
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_287'>287</span>6000 gold pieces (<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">i.e.</span></i> nearly half his total benefaction) private debts
-owed to himself or his father.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>During the three years covered by these gifts Protogenes was
-financial director of the city’s affairs, a position which he had reached
-after a wide experience of public business (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πλεῖστα δὲ χειρίσας
-τῶν κοινῶν, τρία δὲ ἔτη συνεχῶς πάντα διῴκησεν ὀρθῶς καὶ
-δικαίως</span>).</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>To see in this financial direction of the city’s affairs an instance
-of a commercial tyranny would be a pure hypothesis. It is not even
-certain that Protogenes made all his gifts quite voluntarily. One
-of his contributions for the purchase of corn was made after the
-demos had passed a resolution that the wealthy ought to advance
-money for this purpose<a id='r1447' /><a href='#f1447' class='c014'><sup>[1447]</sup></a>. On one of the occasions when he paid
-for repairs to the town walls he did so at the invitation of the people<a id='r1448' /><a href='#f1448' class='c014'><sup>[1448]</sup></a>.
-“Advance” and “invitation” may be euphemisms for “tax paying”
-and “compulsion,” and the payments made by Protogenes may have
-had affinity to the liturgies paid to the state by rich Athenians in
-the fifth century rather than to the benevolences that Lucius
-Tarquinius is said to have paid voluntarily for his own ends to the
-people of Rome. But this latter hypothesis is not better founded
-than the other. “Advance” and “request” may after all mean what
-they say. We do not know what became of Protogenes after his
-three years as financial director. The financial directorship may
-correspond to the magistracy that is said to have frequently led
-directly to the tyranny, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">e.g.</span></i> at Corinth and Miletus. Protogenes
-is of course much later in date, but the Greek cities of South Russia
-were the home of many curious survivals. At Olbia itself for
-instance we find a style of pottery that in Greece proper was typical
-of the fifth and fourth centuries persisting apparently into the first<a id='r1449' /><a href='#f1449' class='c014'><sup>[1449]</sup></a>.
-There are even hints that Olbia had once at least and perhaps
-comparatively recently gone through a social and economic revolution
-something like those that so often convulsed the cities of the
-seventh and sixth centuries just before they fell under tyrants,
-<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">e.g.</span></i> Athens before the tyranny of Peisistratus, or Miletus before that
-of Histiaeus. While the city was being besieged by a certain Zopyrion
-the Olbiopolitans had “set slaves free, given foreigners citizenship,
-and cancelled all debts<a id='r1450' /><a href='#f1450' class='c014'><sup>[1450]</sup></a>.” If this Zopyrion is the governor left by
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_288'>288</span>Alexander in Thrace<a id='r1451' /><a href='#f1451' class='c014'><sup>[1451]</sup></a> this revolution must be dated at least a
-century earlier than Protogenes. If, with Grote, we refuse to
-accept this identification, the revolution is left dateless. In any case
-it shows that such upheavals did happen in Olbia, and serves to
-remind us how very incomplete is the material with which we are
-dealing. But the value for our enquiry of the Protogenes enscription
-does not depend on any speculations of this kind. What it does is
-to give us a detailed picture of an exceptionally wealthy man in
-an ancient Greek city state who for a considerable period largely
-financed his city. If Protogenes could do this in Olbia there can
-be nothing inherently improbable in the hypothesis that other great
-capitalists had done something similar in other cities. If Protogenes
-did not turn his position into a political tyranny, that would be no
-proof that others did not do so: and the fact remains that the
-assumption that Protogenes was not on the way to become a tyrant,
-or indeed that he did not actually become one, if not precisely wild<a id='r1452' /><a href='#f1452' class='c014'><sup>[1452]</sup></a>
-is purely hypothetical.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The records of Protogenes illustrate the sort of way in which the
-financial magnate might win the supreme place in his city. The whole
-group of facts associated with his name and with those of Euboulos,
-Hermias, Euaion, Timaeus, Philetairos, and Attalus shows once
-again that at least there is nothing improbable in the theory that the
-power of the seventh and sixth century tyrants was built up on a
-similar financial or industrial basis, the more so considering the
-evidence adduced already for believing that conditions in the earlier
-period were uniquely favourable for the establishment of a money
-power. We have seen why the financial despots of the age of Plato
-and Aristotle should not have helped to preserve the memory of
-earlier money powers. It is no less easy to see why the same should
-have been the case with the rulers of Pergamum. An exceptional
-circumstance saved the house of Philetairos from being reproached
-with its mercenary basis, and curiously enough that circumstance
-was one which illustrates how very mercenary that basis was. When
-Attalus III, the last of his house, died in 133 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>, he made the
-Roman people his heirs<a id='r1453' /><a href='#f1453' class='c014'><sup>[1453]</sup></a>. His fortune was used by the Gracchan
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_289'>289</span>revolutionaries to equip the impoverished Romans whom they were
-restoring to the land by their agrarian laws. The dynasty too, with
-its clear eye for the main chance, had always consistently sought
-the friendship of Rome<a id='r1454' /><a href='#f1454' class='c014'><sup>[1454]</sup></a>. Though most of our authorities for the
-history of the Attalids are Greek, the Greeks in question were
-all pro-Roman, with the result that we see the Attalids essentially
-from the Roman point of view. They stood in much the same
-relationship to the Romans as the house of Gyges did to the Greeks;
-and the Romans to whom Attalus III had left all his treasure and
-possessions were as little inclined to think harshly of their benefactor
-as were the Greeks whom Croesus had so largely benefited inclined
-to be critical of his “hospitable virtue<a id='r1455' /><a href='#f1455' class='c014'><sup>[1455]</sup></a>.” In both cases the man of
-business was known only as the patron of deserving charities. We
-have to go to rulers like the Tarquins and Peisistratids, whose
-history we owe ultimately to their own subjects and employees, to
-hear the money-power described as it really was and given its true
-name of tyranny.</p>
-
-<div class='chapter'>
-  <span class='pageno' id='Page_290'>290</span>
-  <h2 class='c005'>Chapter XI. <em>Conclusion</em></h2>
-</div>
-
-<div class='lg-container-b c013'>
-  <div class='linegroup'>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀγαθὸν δὲ ὄντα διαφερόντως καὶ πλούσιον εἶναι διαφερόντως ἀδύνατον.</span></div>
-    </div>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line in32'><span class='sc'>Plato</span>, <cite>Laws</cite>, <span class='fss'>V.</span> 743<em>a</em>.</div>
-    </div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c021'>“We adopted a law that if you bought an office you didn’t get it. I admit
-that that is contrary to all commercial principles, but I think it is pretty good
-political doctrine.”—<span class='sc'>Woodrow Wilson.</span></p>
-
-<p class='c007'>This final chapter will contain (<em>a</em>) a <i><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">résumé</span></i> of the evidence already
-adduced; (<em>b</em>) a short general discussion of the credibility of the whole
-mass of extant evidence; and (<em>c</em>) an attempt to view in their proper
-perspective the conclusions that the evidence seems to warrant.</p>
-
-<h3 class='c022'>(a) <cite>Résumé of previous chapters</cite></h3>
-
-<div  class='c004'></div>
-<div class='sidenote'>Introductory chapter.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>The age of the first known metal coins is also the age of the first
-rulers to be called tyrants. Ancient evidence and
-modern analogy both suggest that the new form of
-government was based on the new form of capital. The modern
-analogy is to be found in the financial revolution which has largely
-replaced metal coins by paper (thereby rendering capital very much
-more mobile, just as was done by the financial revolution of the age
-of the tyrants) and has led many people to fear a new tyranny of
-wealth. The ancient evidence is to be found in the scanty extant
-writings of the sixth century <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> (Solon and Theognis), in scattered
-notices about early tyrants or tyranny in fifth century writers
-(Thucydides, Herodotus, Pindar), in certain statements of Aristotle,
-in references to industrial conditions both during and after the age
-of the tyrants, in the history of the states where there was never a
-tyranny, and in the steps taken to prevent a recurrence of tyranny.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>If the commercial origin of the early tyranny is not explicitly
-formulated by any ancient writer it should be remembered how
-meagre are contemporary documents and how little Greek writers
-say about economic causes. It is true also that my view is at variance
-with statements of Plato, Aristotle, and subsequent writers: but
-their picture of the rise of tyranny clashes with known facts about
-the seventh and sixth centuries and is due to false generalizations
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_291'>291</span>from the conditions of their own days and particularly from the
-career of Dionysius of Syracuse.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Athens.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>Peisistratus made himself tyrant by organizing the Attic “hill
-men” (Diakrioi, Epakrioi) against the two previously
-existing rival factions of the “plain” and the “coast.”
-The accepted explanations of these “hill men” are improbable.
-They cannot have been farmers or shepherds, who were always
-very conservative, are not recorded as having subsequently supported
-Peisistratus, and must have lived principally in the plain and very
-little in the forest-clad mountains where modern theories generally
-locate them. Nor were the “hill men” confined to the mountainous
-district of North Attica, the mistaken identification of which with
-the “hill country” is due to mistaken views as to the triple division
-of Attica into “hill,” “coast,” and “plain,” which wrongly assigns
-all South Attica to the “coast” and limits the “coast” to South
-Attica. These views on the triple division of Attica in the days of
-Peisistratus are based on the weakest of evidence and are made
-improbable by the subsequent topographical arrangements of Cleisthenes
-(502 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>), and by the later uses of the terms Diakria and
-Epakria. The Epakria contained a village named Semachidai which,
-as shown by a recently found inscription, lay in the hilly mining
-district of South Attica. Furthermore the Attic “akron” <i><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">par
-excellence</span></i> was Cape Sunium, the Southern apex of the Attic mining
-district and of the whole Attic peninsula. In view of these facts
-it becomes probable that the Sunium and Laurium mining district
-was the “hill country” <i><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">par excellence</span></i>. The mines were almost
-certainly in full work at this period, and the miners, unlike those of
-later ages, free men, good material for a political faction.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>That Peisistratus based his power on silver mines is made very
-likely by what is known of his subsequent career. He finally “rooted
-his power” on money derived partly from home, partly from the
-Thracian mining district; he went to the Thracian mining district
-to prepare for his second restoration; his first restoration is attributed
-to the dressing up as Athena of a Thracian woman named Phye,
-who is very possibly to be explained away as the Athena who begins
-about this time to appear on Attic coins: for this interpretation of
-the Phye story compare the names “girl,” “virgin,” “Pallas” colloquially
-given to the Attic coins, and the jest about Agesilaus being
-driven out of Asia by the Great King’s archers, a colloquial name
-for Persian gold coins.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_292'>292</span>The tyranny fell at Athens when the tyrants lost control of the
-Thracian mining district. Shortly afterwards the ambitious Histiaeus,
-the Greek friend of the Persian king into whose power the mines
-had passed, incurred the suspicions of the Persian sovereign through
-attempting to build up a political power on these very mines and
-miners.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The history of the Alcmaeonid opposition to the house of Peisistratus
-likewise suggests that the government of Athens at this
-period depended first and foremost on the power of the purse.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Samos.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>Polycrates is perhaps best known for his piracies, but it seems not
-unlikely that these piracies were in fact an elaborate
-commercial blockade of Persia that proved almost as
-unpopular among Greek neutrals as among the subjects of the
-Great King against whom it was mainly directed. As tyrant Polycrates
-is found controlling the commercial and industrial activities
-of his state, building ships, harbour works, and waterworks, and
-very possibly a great bazaar, and probably employing much free
-labour on these works. Before he became tyrant he already had
-an interest in the chief Samian industries, the working of metal and
-the manufacture of woollen goods. Aiakes the father of Polycrates
-is probably the Aiakes whom a recently discovered Samian inscription
-appears to connect with the sea-borne trade of the island. The
-tyrant is said to have owed his fall to an attempt to get money enough
-to rule all Greece, a statement of particular value considering the
-tendency to administer poetic justice that is so frequently displayed
-by Herodotus, who is our authority for this statement.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Egypt.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>The great developments of trade and industry that just preceded
-the age of tyranny in Greece had their parallel if not
-their origin in Egypt. At the height of this development
-in Egypt a new and powerful dynasty arises which bases its
-power on commerce and on the commercial and industrial classes.
-Already towards the end of the eighth century we find King
-Bocchoris (somewhat after the manner of the Argive Pheidon)
-devoting special attention to commercial legislation. His successor
-Sethon is said by Herodotus to have based his power on “hucksters
-and artizans and tradespeople.” During these reigns the country
-was always being occupied or threatened by foreign invaders from
-Ethiopia or Assyria. The first Egyptian king of this period to rule
-all Egypt in normal conditions of peace and quietness was Psammetichus
-I, who rose to power about the same time as Cypselus
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_293'>293</span>in Corinth and Orthagoras in Sicyon. Psammetichus according to
-Diodorus converted his position from that of a petty Delta chieftain
-(one of twelve who shared the rule of the part of the country not
-in foreign occupation) into that of supreme ruler of the whole
-country as a result of the wealth and influence that he won by trading
-with Phoenicians and Greeks.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>This last statement if true establishes Psammetichus as a commercial
-tyrant. It occurs only in Diodorus, and receives no direct
-confirmation in earlier writers, but it is in entire harmony with all
-that is known about events and conditions in Egypt at this period,
-and more particularly with the notices just quoted as to Bocchoris
-and Sethon, with the history of Amasis and the other later Saites
-as recorded in Herodotus, and with the conclusions to be drawn
-from the excavation of Naukratis and the other Greek settlements
-that played so important a part in Saite Egypt.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Lydia.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>From the middle of the eighth century <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> till the early part of
-the fifth Lydia appears to have been a power in
-which the ruler based his position on wealth and
-struggles for the throne were fought with the weapons of trade
-and finance. This according to the accounts is the case with Spermos
-and Ardys in the eighth century and with Croesus in the sixth:
-the story of Gyges and his magic ring may also be explained in the
-same sense. A similar state of things is indicated in the advice which
-Croesus is made by Herodotus to give to Cyrus, in the story of
-the revolt of Pactyes, and in that of Xerxes and the rich Pythes.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>At about the time to which we can trace back this state of things
-in Lydia, two events were taking place that are both attributed to
-Lydia, namely the striking of the first metal coins and the appearance
-of the first tyrant. In neither case are the dates very precise.
-The first coins are more probably to be placed late in the eighth
-century than early in the seventh, and though Gyges is stated to
-have been the first tyrant, there are reasons for suspecting that he
-may have been merely the first ruler of his kind to attract the
-attention of the Greeks. The magic ring too by which he secured
-his tyranny is sometimes attributed not to Gyges but to some (not
-very remote) ancestor of his or to the eighth century plutocrat
-Midas king of the neighbouring Phrygia. But on any showing the
-ring falls within the limits of time and place to which may be
-ascribed the earliest coins and the earliest tyrant. Rings are one
-common form of early currency and it is not impossible that it was
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_294'>294</span>to the ring in this sense that the first tyrant owed his tyranny. This
-view, which implies that the earliest coins were private issues and
-that the coinage was only nationalized when the principal coiner
-became chief of the state, is supported alike by evidence and
-analogies.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Argos.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>Pheidon, who was probably the first ruler to be called tyrant
-in European Greece, is described by Herodotus as
-“the man who created for the Peloponnesians their
-measures,” a description that at once suggests that it was this
-commercial step that differentiated Pheidon the tyrant from the
-kings who preceded him. Later writers, of whom the earliest is
-Ephorus, go further and state that silver was first coined by Pheidon
-in Aegina. The statement has been called in question, but it is
-confirmed by the chapters of Herodotus (<span class='fss'>V.</span> 82 f.) which describe
-the early relations between Argos, Aegina, and Athens. In the
-light of recent archaeological enquiries it becomes highly probable
-that Argos became predominant in Aegina as described in these
-chapters of Herodotus (which are unfortunately most vague in their
-chronology) just about the time when Pheidon most probably
-reigned; and this probability is increased by the tradition that
-Pheidon recovered the lot of Temenos, the domain of the kings
-of Argos in early Dorian times, which included the island of Aegina.
-The occupation of Aegina by Argos which we have seen reason
-to associate with Pheidon gave rise according to Herodotus to a
-change in the “measures” (which probably included the weights
-system) in use on the island, the new measures being half as great
-again as those previously in use. The Aeginetan standard on which
-the Aeginetan coins were struck is roughly half as great again as
-the other and probably earlier standard used in ancient Greece. The
-statement of Ephorus that silver was first coined by Pheidon in
-Aegina is thus strikingly confirmed, which means that the first
-ruler to strike coins in European Greece was also the first to be
-called tyrant.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Corinth.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>The tyranny at Corinth coincides with the great industrial and
-commercial developments of the city described by
-Thucydides (<span class='fss'>I.</span> 13) in words that are a paraphrase of
-his description of the state of things that led to the rise of tyrannies
-in Greece generally. Scholars agree that the tyrants had a direct
-interest in some of these developments, notably shipping, colonizing
-and coinage. The main industry of Corinth at this period seems to
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_295'>295</span>have been pottery, with which she supplied much of the Greek
-world. Of the early career of the first tyrant, Cypselus, very little
-is known beyond the story in Herodotus which professes to explain
-how the infant Cypselus got his curious name. We have examined
-in some detail the meaning of the words cypselus and cypsele, and
-found that they probably mean potter and pot, so that the man who
-established the tyranny at Corinth seems to have borne a name that
-associates him with the main industry of his city.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Rome.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>Both in date and in character the corresponding period at Rome
-to the age of the tyrants in Greece is that which is
-occupied by the reigns of the Tarquins. The first
-king of this dynasty, Tarquinius Priscus, is said to have been the
-son of a rich Corinthian named Demaratus. Early in life the first
-of the Tarquins had settled in Rome. It was by means of his
-wealth that he secured the throne. Both he and his father are said
-to have been great employers of labour, and the accounts imply that
-their employees were free men. Servius Tullius, who succeeded
-Tarquinius Priscus, is said to have been the first at Rome to strike
-coins, and to have secured the support of the poor by gifts and
-benevolences. When the last of the Tarquins, Tarquinius Superbus,
-overthrew Servius Tullius and secured the throne, he did so by
-buying up the poorest of the common people. After his succession
-he is described as employing Etruscans and Roman citizens on a
-large scale as artizans and quarrymen. He loses the throne when
-he can no longer pay these employees.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>During the first century of the republic the established government
-several times thought itself threatened with attempts to restore
-the kingship. In each case it is the wealth or the exceptional financial
-position of the suspected person that causes the alarm. Early republican
-statesmen are repeatedly reported as charging the Tarquins
-with having degraded Roman citizens (from their natural position
-as soldiers and gentlemen) into tradesmen and artizans, a charge
-which implies the reverse change as having accompanied the change
-from kingly government to republican. The final blow to the
-monarchist movement at Rome seems to have been dealt when
-army pay was instituted, and the government as paymaster of the
-army became the greatest employer of paid free labour in the state.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>One later attempt to establish a tyranny at Rome has been
-suspected by Mommsen. The man he suspects of it is Appius
-Claudius Caecus, the censor of 312 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> Appius was noted for the
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_296'>296</span>number of his clients and the great public works that he conducted,
-and he probably had a close connexion with the first real coinage
-struck by Rome. Attention has also been drawn to the accounts
-of the secessions, with their curious resemblances to modern strikes
-and their implication of organization on the part of labour. At
-Ardea in North Latium about the year 440 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> the working-classes
-are described as playing a decisive part in the struggle for supreme
-power. At Veii in the year 400 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> we are told of a rich employer
-who became king of his city.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The statements just quoted have all been often regarded with
-extreme scepticism. The reasons for this scepticism have been
-examined in the chapter on Rome. It is impossible to resume them
-here. If my conclusions are not entirely wrong, the scepticism of
-the last century represented an excessive reaction against the undue
-credulity of earlier ages. Recent archaeological discoveries enormously
-increase the probability of the narrative in its main outlines.
-But if after all the sceptics are right on this particular question, and
-the Tarquin narrative is a fiction, it is none the less of historical
-value, and confirms the view that the early tyrannis was commercial,
-since, if fiction, it must be an early Greek fiction, preserving an
-early Greek conception of the typical early tyrant as a great capitalist.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Other early tyrannies.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>In Chapter IX we surveyed the evidence for the origin of the
-early tyrannies at Sicyon, Megara, Miletus, Ephesus,
-Leontini, Agrigentum, and Cumae. The material is
-scanty and it is enough here to recall that as far as it goes it supports
-the theory of a commercial origin. At Sicyon the tyranny is founded
-by a tradesman the son of a tradesman. At Megara Theagenes rises
-to power as the result of what looks very like the creation of a corner
-in the staple product of his city. At Miletus and Leontini we find
-tyrants arising as the result of something like class war between
-rich and poor, while a later tyrant of Miletus tries to establish a
-great political position by getting control of the mines and miners
-of Thrace. At Ephesus and Cumae the tyrants’ power is said to
-be based on the money that they distributed among the poorer
-classes, while at Agrigentum the tyrant is definitely stated to have
-secured the tyranny through his position as a great employer.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>Capitalist despots of later ages.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>In the times of Aristotle there are several cases in the Pergamene
-district of rich bankers and the like making attempts,
-of which one at least was successful, to secure supreme
-political power in their cities by means of their
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_297'>297</span>wealth. The close personal relationship in which Aristotle stood
-to some of them partly explains why they are not classed by him
-as tyrants.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Not long afterwards the far more important power of the rulers
-of Pergamum owed its origin entirely to the enormous wealth of
-the founder of the dynasty.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Later still at Olbia chance has preserved an inscription which
-records how a very rich Olbiopolitan named Protogenes became
-“financial director” of his city. Though there is no evidence that
-Protogenes ever became a tyrant the inscription shows that the
-sort of position which we have imagined to have been normally
-built up by the would-be tyrant of the seventh or sixth century was
-actually secured some three or four centuries later by a wealthy
-individual in this remote and backward Greek city on the Black Sea.</p>
-
-<h3 class='c022'>(b) <cite>The credibility of the evidence as a whole</cite></h3>
-
-<p class='c023'>The value of the various items of evidence collected and reviewed
-in the preceding chapters varies very greatly. In some cases we
-have precise statements bearing closely on the point in question and
-made by almost contemporary writers. At the other end of the list
-we have anecdotes of doubtful relevance and doubtful authenticity
-found in writers who lived centuries after the period to which they
-refer. It is difficult to sum up the value of so miscellaneous a collection.
-The estimate is bound to vary greatly according to the
-temperament and training of the person who makes it. There are
-however two points which seem in the present state of scholarship
-to need especial emphasis.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The first of these refers to the generally prevalent attitude towards
-the question of historical truth as it affects generally the period under
-consideration. No one who has read at all widely in modern writings
-on ancient history can have failed to observe that the scepticism
-or credulity of any given scholar has always depended largely on
-that of his generation. Up to a point this is inevitable: but we are
-reaching a stage when it is no longer necessary to follow quite so
-blindly as has hitherto been done the natural reaction from excessive
-credulity to excessive scepticism and <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">vice versa</span></i>. The pendulum has
-now been swinging long enough for its motion to be observed and
-allowed for. There is no doubt that scholars of a few generations
-ago were often and perhaps in general unduly credulous. But it is
-no less certain that the main tendency of the past century has been
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_298'>298</span>to react from excessive credulity to no less excessive scepticism. The
-beginnings of the sceptical reaction were observed by Byron:</p>
-
-<div class='lg-container-b c016'>
-  <div class='linegroup'>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line'>I’ve stood upon Achilles’ tomb</div>
-      <div class='line'>And heard Troy doubted: Time will doubt of Rome.</div>
-    </div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c017'>The doubts about Troy have been triumphantly dispelled by the
-spade. So likewise, as we have seen already, have many doubts as
-to the reality of the Tarquins’ Rome. But the wonderful discoveries
-of the last forty years at Troy, Mycenae, Knossos, Phaistos, and
-other sites of early Cretan civilization have diverted the attention
-of scholars from later periods. It need therefore cause no surprise
-if in the preceding pages there has repeatedly been occasion to
-criticize prevailing views as excessively and uncritically sceptical.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The second point on the question of historical truth that I wish
-here to emphasize is concerned more directly with the evidence
-collected in this book. As already admitted, the collection contains
-many items of doubtful value: it could not be otherwise if it was
-to be at all complete. The cumulative effect of so much dubious
-evidence upon some mental temperaments is to discredit the mass
-of evidence as a whole. It is important therefore to bear in mind
-the character of our material. It is a heap, not a chain. Its
-strength is to be measured by its strongest items rather than by its
-weakest. Weak or irrelevant items do not invalidate any that are
-relevant and cogent. On the contrary, points of evidence that are
-individually unconvincing may have a powerful cumulative effect
-if they are found all pointing, however dimly, in one definite direction,
-and all suggesting a single explanation arrived at on independent
-grounds. When dealing with the dawn of history it is uncritical to
-reject a whole body of evidence merely because it is made up of
-details scarcely any of which are capable of proof. The evidence of
-history, or at any rate of Greek history, in its childhood is like that
-of many an individual child. The child’s idea of truth is often more
-fluid than that of the adult. It may be harder in any given case
-to be sure of the exact facts. But it may all the same be certain
-that facts more or less accurately recorded form a large element
-of the information.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>That, it may be fairly claimed, is how the evidence that has been
-presented in this volume ought to be regarded. Its cumulative value
-is really considerable. It should be remembered how independent
-our witnesses are. Livy on the Tarquins of Rome is corroborated
-by Diodorus on Psammetichus of Egypt: Herodotus on early tyrants
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_299'>299</span>generally is borne out by his critic Thucydides: the later writers
-who have been quoted so frequently and in such numbers drew upon
-a great variety of sources: literary evidence is confirmed by archaeological,
-as for instance when a conjecture as to the “hill men” of
-Peisistratus that I put forward in 1906 is corroborated by an inscription
-that was first published just after the publication of my conjecture.
-When witnesses are so many and they speak on such a
-variety of topics and under such a variety of circumstances and to
-all appearances without the possibility of any common cue, the
-chances of collusion become remote in the extreme.</p>
-
-<h3 class='c022'>(c) <em>Conclusions</em></h3>
-
-<p class='c023'>But granted that the various items of evidence that we have so
-far collected have all a real historical value, and granted too that
-they lend one another a considerable amount of mutual support,
-there is a further line of criticism that deserves a careful consideration.
-The evidence may all be true and yet the inferences that have
-been drawn from it be false, or at least ill-balanced and misleading.
-Kings and tyrants have in all ages tended to be extremely rich. In
-most ages great riches have been indispensable for anyone aiming
-at great political power, and the greater the power aimed at naturally
-enough the greater the riches required to secure it. Admittedly the
-tyrants lived in a commercial age, and the influence of wealth was
-particularly strong. Does the evidence that has just been presented
-prove in reality very much more than that? Some of the statements
-about the men who became tyrants are indeed sufficiently explicit,
-as for example that about the trading of the young Psammetichus,
-or the wealth and workmen of the young Lucius Tarquinius, but
-apart from the question of their trustworthiness they are all so brief
-and meagre that it is impossible to be sure that we see them in the
-right perspective. They are not very adequate for forming any
-picture of the men they refer to or even of their financial position.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>In short the early tyrants may have all been rich and all men of
-business and yet their riches and business activities may have been
-neither the basis nor the distinguishing feature of their rule. They
-arose in a many-sided age, and there were many other developments
-that might have conceivably brought them to the top. The doctrine
-of the divine right of kings had lost its hold. The struggles between
-the kings and the nobles had doubtless led both parties to appeal
-to the people, and from that it might well be no far step to the
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_300'>300</span>people’s appointing its own rulers. Then again there had been a
-revolution in the art of war. The Homeric days were over when
-the heavy-armed chieftain was everything and his followers a more
-or less useless rabble. In the new kind of warfare large bodies of
-trained men-at-arms counted for everything<a id='r1456' /><a href='#f1456' class='c014'><sup>[1456]</sup></a>. Such a change might
-easily encourage a whole series of military officers to seize the
-supreme power. Furthermore in the case at any rate of the outlying
-Greek cities, and particularly those of Asia Minor<a id='r1457' /><a href='#f1457' class='c014'><sup>[1457]</sup></a>, the
-constant danger from barbarian neighbours might readily suggest
-the appointment of a military dictator. And we do in fact find the
-early tyrants described as having been previously demagogues or
-soldiers.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>But we find also that these descriptions go back only to Aristotle
-and have their source in fifth and fourth century conditions. Even
-if they went further back, the objection just raised against the commercial
-explanation applies still more strongly here. Kings and
-rulers who govern in fact as well as in name are generally something
-of public speakers or soldiers. It is almost an impossibility to find
-a self-raised ruler who cannot be described as either a demagogue
-or a polemarch<a id='r1458' /><a href='#f1458' class='c014'><sup>[1458]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Similarly with the notices about important offices of state alleged
-to have been held by various tyrants before they attained to supreme
-power. They are indeed among the most reliable items of information
-that we possess about the early tyrants. But their significance
-can be easily overrated. If ever a merchant who was aiming at
-the tyranny sought to strengthen his political influence by obtaining
-office, the record of his magistracy would be much more likely to
-be preserved than that of his commercial successes. When we come
-to the detailed evidence as presented in the previous pages the
-balance in favour of the commercial theory may be claimed as
-decisive.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>If once the commercial origin of the tyrants’ power is admitted,
-the various facts recorded about individual tyrants certainly gain in
-meaning and coherence. The mercenaries, the monetary reforms and
-innovations, the public works, the labour legislation, the colonial
-policy and the commercial alliances with foreign states, which have
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_301'>301</span>been repeatedly found associated with the early tyrants and which
-give the preserved accounts of them such a distinct stamp, become far
-more significant if it is granted that the tyrant’s power was based
-on his control of the labour and trade of his city. As has been already
-observed, the fact that a theory explains the connexions between
-an obviously connected group of phenomena is no proof of its truth:
-but on the other hand a theory which fails to explain satisfactorily
-such a connexion is at an obvious disadvantage as compared with
-one which does. That is one further reason why the typical tyrant
-is not to be explained as a successful soldier or demagogue whose
-riches came to him suddenly at the same moment as his throne.
-The adventurer of either of these types might indeed further the
-commercial developments of the city that he had seized. It would
-be of course to his interest to do so. But as a general rule the man
-who has secured a fortune at a single stroke does not care to improve
-it by years of patient and organized effort. If all or any considerable
-number of the tyrants reviewed above had owed their positions to
-their sword or their tongue, there would inevitably have been some
-cases of commercial retrogression under the tyrannis, whereas in
-fact there are none.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>This is a fundamental fact. The tyrants were one and all first-class
-business men. If they did not deliberately use their wealth
-to secure their position, there is only one other possible explanation
-of their history: their financial abilities must have led their fellow-countrymen
-to put them in the way of seizing the throne, and that
-is roughly the account of them that is to be found in some modern
-histories, where they are vaguely pictured as the more or less passive
-products of blind economic forces. This view seems to me untenable.
-It cannot be reconciled with the impression made by the early
-tyrants on writers like Aristotle. More fatal still, we have a series
-of “lawgivers” like Solon, who was a business man who gained
-his position precisely in the way just indicated. Some of Solon’s
-friends reproached him with his folly in not making himself tyrant.
-But the fact remains that no “lawgiver” of the period did so<a id='r1459' /><a href='#f1459' class='c014'><sup>[1459]</sup></a>, and
-that the titles of <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">νομοθέτης</span> and <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">αἰσυμνήτης</span> that were given
-these legally appointed dictators were never applied either by friends
-or enemies to any of the tyrants at any period of their careers<a id='r1460' /><a href='#f1460' class='c014'><sup>[1460]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_302'>302</span>One fact has still to be explained. Different as are the views about
-tyrants and tyranny expressed by different ancient writers at different
-times they have this feature in common. All alike express their
-hatred of tyrannical government. For Plato the man who becomes
-a tyrant “is changed from a man into a wolf<a id='r1461' /><a href='#f1461' class='c014'><sup>[1461]</sup></a>.” When Herodotus
-digresses into a debate on the merits of the chief forms of government,
-he makes the critic of tyranny declare that there is nothing
-more unjust than it or more bloodthirsty in the whole world<a id='r1462' /><a href='#f1462' class='c014'><sup>[1462]</sup></a>.
-There is no judgment from heaven on the man who lays low a
-tyrant. This doctrine of Theognis<a id='r1463' /><a href='#f1463' class='c014'><sup>[1463]</sup></a> is perpetually preached all
-through Greek history. Harmodius and Aristogeiton the Athenian
-tyrannicides were celebrated in sculpture<a id='r1464' /><a href='#f1464' class='c014'><sup>[1464]</sup></a> and in song<a id='r1465' /><a href='#f1465' class='c014'><sup>[1465]</sup></a> and their
-names were constantly on the lips of orators<a id='r1466' /><a href='#f1466' class='c014'><sup>[1466]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>There are apparent exceptions to this attitude. The Aristotelian
-<cite>Constitution of Athens</cite>, chapter <span class='fss'>XVI.</span>, records that “the tyranny of
-Peisistratus was often praised as the life of the days of Kronos,”
-<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">i.e.</span></i> as the Golden Age, and the pseudo-Platonic <cite>Hipparchus</cite>, 229<em>b</em>,
-speaks of it in similar terms: (under the tyrants) “the Athenians
-lived much as in the days when Kronos was king.” But the Aristotelian
-version states also what it was that evoked this praise.
-“Peisistratus always secured peace and maintained quiet. Therefore
-his tyranny was often praised.” The phraseology of the two quotations
-shows that the praise was given not to the form of government,
-but to the peaceful life that it procured, a life that might be,
-and sometimes has been, associated with the most oppressive of
-governments.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The word tyrant appears to be Lydian, and to have been first
-applied among the Greeks to the rulers who followed in the steps
-of the Lydian Gyges, whom some ancient writers describe as the
-first tyrant<a id='r1467' /><a href='#f1467' class='c014'><sup>[1467]</sup></a>. Originally it was used in a colourless sense as a
-synonym for king or monarch<a id='r1468' /><a href='#f1468' class='c014'><sup>[1468]</sup></a>. It is still so used in the tragedians
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_303'>303</span>and frequently in Herodotus<a id='r1469' /><a href='#f1469' class='c014'><sup>[1469]</sup></a>. But wherever the tyrant is spoken
-of in contradistinction to the king it is always in terms of detestation.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>It must have been something in the character of the early tyrants
-that first gave the word the evil connotation, which it has preserved
-until this day<a id='r1470' /><a href='#f1470' class='c014'><sup>[1470]</sup></a>. What that something was is not easy to determine
-with certainty. Much of it may be mere misrepresentation.
-Aristotle<a id='r1471' /><a href='#f1471' class='c014'><sup>[1471]</sup></a> makes a statement about the tyrants with whom he was
-acquainted that is generally true of all monarchies. The tyrant, he
-says, “supports the people and the masses against the nobles (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">γνωρίμους</span>).”
-We must not forget that the extant narratives represent
-almost exclusively the point of view of the aristocracy. It has often
-been suggested that this fact may account for the almost unanimous
-condemnation of the tyranny. But is this explanation altogether
-adequate? The Greek tyrant and the Roman rex are not the only
-monarchs who have had a bad press. The Emperors of Rome and
-the kings of Israel and Judah suffered likewise. Yet Jewish priests
-and Roman senators were not able to turn the titles of King and
-Emperor and Caesar into a byword and reproach. There must have
-been some very special circumstances to account for the universal
-execration of the name of tyrant. Is it not perhaps to be found in
-the commercial character of its origin? From the days of the Zeus-born
-king of Homer and long before, back to the very beginnings
-of leadership among men, legitimate kingship has always been held
-to rest upon the personal capacity of the ruler. This is the basis of
-belief in hereditary monarchy, or any other system that attaches
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_304'>304</span>great importance to birth and upbringing. It is no less the basis
-of much republicanism which from one point of view is merely a
-denial of the value of heredity and specialized political education.
-Men have often been ready, and with reason, to endure much
-from a ruler whose power is based on his personality. But there
-is one basis of political power that mankind has never tolerated, and
-that basis is mere riches. They have felt with Plato that the plutocrat
-as such has no right at all to rule. “He seemed to be one of the city
-rulers,” says Plato<a id='r1472' /><a href='#f1472' class='c014'><sup>[1472]</sup></a>, of the oligarch whose power is based on his
-wealth, “but in reality he was neither its ruler nor its servant, but
-merely a consumer of its stores.” Plato was here at one with his
-countrymen<a id='r1473' /><a href='#f1473' class='c014'><sup>[1473]</sup></a>. In the fifth century, as we know from the history
-of the wealthy Nikias, riches did not exclude an Athenian from the
-highest position in the state. But neither did they constitute a claim
-to political power. In his famous funeral oration Pericles twice
-claims that at Athens poverty is no bar to a political career. Pericles
-is speaking of course for his own age. If the evidence collected in
-this book has any value, the state of things during the first four
-generations or so after the invention of a metal coinage was very
-different. Money for a while became the measure of a man, and
-wealth by itself brought political power.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>We must beware of expecting simplicity anywhere in history<a id='r1474' /><a href='#f1474' class='c014'><sup>[1474]</sup></a>.
-Even from the purely commercial point of view there were doubtless
-powerful side-currents that have left no trace in our extant records.
-The power of the Medici in Florence was based on their commercial
-supremacy. But it did not rest entirely on their actual trading. In
-part it was based on their position in the Papal treasury among the
-mercatores Romanam curiam sequentes, and in part again on the
-struggle between Emperor and Pope<a id='r1475' /><a href='#f1475' class='c014'><sup>[1475]</sup></a>. Similar factors must have
-influenced the careers of Pheidon and other early tyrants of Greece.
-In part again these early tyrants seem to have stood for a racial
-movement. This was certainly the case at Sicyon, where the tyranny
-marked the ascendancy of the pre-Dorian population; probably also
-at Corinth, where the first tyrant’s father belonged to the Aeolic
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_305'>305</span>pre-Dorian element of the population<a id='r1476' /><a href='#f1476' class='c014'><sup>[1476]</sup></a>. This racial factor is easily
-reconciled with the commercial, quite apart from the possibility
-that the pre-Dorian element that comes to the top at this period
-may have been closely related to the Levantine race that plays so
-prominent a part in Aegean commerce of the present day.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Nor must the personal element be left out of account, though so
-lamentably little is known about it. Cypselus and Pheidon, Peisistratus
-and Polycrates were certainly great personalities in their way.
-The leaders in any movement are generally that. On the whole
-they seem to have ruled well. Their government, except towards
-opponents and rivals, was by no means oppressive. All the more
-surprising therefore is their general condemnation. It is indeed
-scarcely possible to explain it except on the view that they ruled by
-right not of their personalities but of their riches. The prosperity
-that they brought to their cities was altogether material. The famous
-works of Polycrates were altogether the works of men’s hands. It
-is characteristic of the rule of a typical early tyrant like Periander
-that he encouraged the worship of Dionysus and Aphrodite at the
-expense of the cults of Poseidon and Apollo<a id='r1477' /><a href='#f1477' class='c014'><sup>[1477]</sup></a>. No doubt his object
-was partly to break down the monopoly of priestly office and religious
-privilege that had hitherto been enjoyed by the aristocracy<a id='r1478' /><a href='#f1478' class='c014'><sup>[1478]</sup></a>: but
-it is significant that while the tyrants’ policy meant a material
-advance in all directions, it meant also a materialization even of
-religion. That is why with a clearness of judgment that can be
-matched outside Greece only in Dante, the united verdict of all
-the Greeks utterly condemned them.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Two centuries after the expulsion of the tyrants from Athens,
-the city again fell under a ruler who is said to have made its material
-welfare his chief care, and “to have prided himself that there was
-much profitable trade in the city and that all enjoyed in abundance
-the necessaries of life.” Such according to Demochares, a nephew
-of Demosthenes, was the boast of Demetrius of Phaleron, and for
-it he is utterly condemned by Demochares as “taking pride in
-things that might be a source of pride to a tax-collector or an artizan.”
-The condemnation is quoted by Polybius as “no common charge<a id='r1479' /><a href='#f1479' class='c014'><sup>[1479]</sup></a>.”
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_306'>306</span>Polybius plainly regards it as particularly damning, for he quotes it
-<i><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">à propos</span></i> of certain monstrous charges that were current about
-Demochares to prove that Demetrius must have refrained from
-supporting them for lack of evidence and not from lack of ill-will.
-Demochares and Polybius are a long step from the early tyrants:
-but both in a sense belong to the period that followed the tyrants’
-fall. Their views about Demetrius and his materialistic policy may
-well be an inheritance from an earlier age.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The age of the tyrants lasted for little more than five generations,
-and never so long as that in any one city<a id='r1480' /><a href='#f1480' class='c014'><sup>[1480]</sup></a>. This fact may have some
-consolation for those who fear a modern tyranny of wealth, and
-offers perhaps an analogy for the observations of H. G. Wells
-on the transitory character of the modern financial boss<a id='r1481' /><a href='#f1481' class='c014'><sup>[1481]</sup></a>. The
-determination not to be permanently governed by mere wealth is
-as strong to-day as it was twenty-five centuries ago. “The loathing
-of capital with which our labouring classes to-day are growing more
-and more infected” is explained by William James<a id='r1482' /><a href='#f1482' class='c014'><sup>[1482]</sup></a> as “largely
-composed of this sound sentiment of antipathy for lives based on
-mere having.” He contrasts<a id='r1483' /><a href='#f1483' class='c014'><sup>[1483]</sup></a> the “military and aristocratic” ideal
-of the “well-born man without possessions.”</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>It is of course particularly hard to test the scorn of possessions
-of a class that can always help itself to them at a crisis, and, as
-William James himself admits, the ideal has always been “hideously
-corrupted<a id='r1484' /><a href='#f1484' class='c014'><sup>[1484]</sup></a>.” Certainly at the present day the antipathies between
-aristocracy and militarism and capitalism are, to say the least of it,
-not particularly marked. It is the democracy that loathes capitalism.
-But this may be merely a phase. The anti-capitalist movement
-may end by labour becoming fatally materialised or fatally impoverished,
-and in any country where that happens the way will
-be open for a new Peisistratus.</p>
-
-<div class='chapter'>
-  <span class='pageno' id='Page_307'>307</span>
-  <h2 class='c005'>Appendix A (to p. <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>). <em>The supposed Agricultural and Northern Diakria.</em></h2>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='c003'></div>
-<div class='sidenote'>(A) The farming population took little part in politics,</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>The agricultural or pastoral explanation of the party that supported
-Peisistratus has no inherent probability<a id='r1485' /><a href='#f1485' class='c014'><sup>[1485]</sup></a>. Of course
-if it was specifically stated on good authority that in
-his days people of either of these two classes played
-the decisive part in politics, objections would be
-silenced. But the ancient evidence points all the other way. Aristotle
-repeatedly states that of all people farmers and herdsmen are least
-prone to support revolutions<a id='r1486' /><a href='#f1486' class='c014'><sup>[1486]</sup></a>, and definitely pictures these two
-classes as having played an entirely passive part both under the
-regime of the early tyrants and during its establishment<a id='r1487' /><a href='#f1487' class='c014'><sup>[1487]</sup></a>. When on
-the throne Peisistratus gave financial help to impoverished farmers<a id='r1488' /><a href='#f1488' class='c014'><sup>[1488]</sup></a>,
-a fact that is brought by Grundy<a id='r1489' /><a href='#f1489' class='c014'><sup>[1489]</sup></a> into connexion with his supposed
-agricultural Diakrioi. But in doing so Grundy disregards some of
-the words that he himself quotes, which show that the tyrant is
-dealing not with his supporters but with a body of men who were
-not interested in politics but threatened to become so if driven off
-the land. Geographically there is nothing to connect with the
-Diakria the men whom Peisistratus thus relieved. In his earlier
-days the most distressed and discontented part of the agricultural
-population were the pelatai and hektemoroi<a id='r1490' /><a href='#f1490' class='c014'><sup>[1490]</sup></a> who worked the lands
-of the rich<a id='r1491' /><a href='#f1491' class='c014'><sup>[1491]</sup></a> and therefore presumably lived in the Plain.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>According to the <cite>Constitution of Athens</cite> the hill men were made
-up largely of people not of pure race, whose claim to citizenship
-was more than doubtful<a id='r1492' /><a href='#f1492' class='c014'><sup>[1492]</sup></a>. Such a description is singularly inapplicable
-to the people on the land in Attica, where in the fifth
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_308'>308</span>century they still prided themselves on having an undisturbed
-autochthonous population. Plutarch speaks of the hill men as a
-“mob of hirelings<a id='r1493' /><a href='#f1493' class='c014'><sup>[1493]</sup></a>.” In the days just after Solon shepherds and
-small farmers of the hektemor class may have been hirelings, but
-they can hardly have ever been a mob.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>There is therefore little to be said for the attempt to identify
-the hill men with the shepherds and hypothetical farmers of Mount
-Parnes. We cannot even be certain that the latter ever existed.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The soil of Attica was notoriously poor, abounding in stony
-districts (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">φελλεῖς</span>) useful only for pasture<a id='r1494' /><a href='#f1494' class='c014'><sup>[1494]</sup></a>. Attica claimed to be
-the land not of corn but of the olive. Demeter had her seat not
-in the great plain of Attica, but in the small and much more fertile
-plain of Eleusis.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>and lived but little on the mountains,</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>None of the champions of an agricultural hill party dwelling
-on Mount Parnes seems to have seriously enquired
-into the upper limit of cultivation with wheat on
-the mountains of Attica. The only ancient writers
-who talk of agriculture being carried on there are the writer of the
-Aristotelian <cite>Constitution of Athens</cite> and Statius.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The former<a id='r1495' /><a href='#f1495' class='c014'><sup>[1495]</sup></a> tells the story of the man with the farm on Hymettus
-(<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τὸν ἐν τῷ Ὑμηττῷ γεωργοῦντα</span>). The story says nothing about
-the frequency of farms on Hymettus or of the height up the hillside
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_309'>309</span>of this particular farm. But it does say something about the
-soil and the crops. The soil consisted of stones, the crops, so the
-farmer told Peisistratus, were “troubles and sorrows.” This hardly
-suggests that in the days of the tyranny Hymettus was of any great
-importance agriculturally. The same conclusion is suggested by the
-story of the clever Pelasgians who succeeded in cultivating the land
-at the foot of Hymettus, much to the surprise of the Athenians<a id='r1496' /><a href='#f1496' class='c014'><sup>[1496]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Statius<a id='r1497' /><a href='#f1497' class='c014'><sup>[1497]</sup></a> speaks of the ploughmen of fragrant Hymettus (olentis
-arator Hymetti), and the vineyards of Parnes (Parnesque benignus
-uitibus). The former is almost a contradiction in terms. Fragrant
-is an allusion to the famous honey of Hymettus, or to the thyme
-that produced it<a id='r1498' /><a href='#f1498' class='c014'><sup>[1498]</sup></a>. Thyme and honey do not go with cornfields.
-A “Parnes kindly to vines” is not easily reconciled with Pausanias,
-who makes the mountain a good hunting-place for bears and wild
-boars<a id='r1499' /><a href='#f1499' class='c014'><sup>[1499]</sup></a>. Plato declares that in his days some of the Attic mountains
-were barren except for their yield of honey<a id='r1500' /><a href='#f1500' class='c014'><sup>[1500]</sup></a>, whereas once they
-had been covered with forests<a id='r1501' /><a href='#f1501' class='c014'><sup>[1501]</sup></a>, some of which had only recently
-been cut down. The fame of the honey of Hymettus went so far
-back, that the mountain was claimed as the place where bees were
-first created<a id='r1502' /><a href='#f1502' class='c014'><sup>[1502]</sup></a>. Aristotle divides bees according to whether their
-haunts are cultivated (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἥμερα</span>) or mountainous (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὀρεινά</span>). The latter
-are described in the next sentence as haunting the forests (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὑλονόμοι</span>)<a id='r1503' /><a href='#f1503' class='c014'><sup>[1503]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>which were occupied by forests and wild beasts.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>At the present day the Attic mountains are scarcely cultivated
-at all<a id='r1504' /><a href='#f1504' class='c014'><sup>[1504]</sup></a>, and though in ancient Attica cultivation may
-have been more intense, yet apart from the difficulties
-of carrying it up the mountain side, the whole scheme
-of life presupposes vast supplies of timber for shipbuilding,
-fuel, and countless other purposes. Bursian is probably
-right when he says that in antiquity Parnes was “thickly covered
-with forest in which numerous beasts found shelter, including wild
-boars and bears<a id='r1505' /><a href='#f1505' class='c014'><sup>[1505]</sup></a>.” During the period of Athens’ greatness, between
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_310'>310</span>550 and 350 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>, the supply of timber must have been constantly
-diminishing. Yet towards the end of the fifth century the charcoal-burners
-had their centre at Acharnae, below the southern slopes
-of Parnes, only about seven or eight miles from Athens. Thucydides
-excludes Acharnae from the plain<a id='r1506' /><a href='#f1506' class='c014'><sup>[1506]</sup></a>, and we must infer that it was
-not then the land of corn and vines that it is now. If not forest it
-was waste. If the land round Acharnae had not been claimed for
-farming, it is hardly likely that farmers abounded higher up<a id='r1507' /><a href='#f1507' class='c014'><sup>[1507]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The same inference is suggested by a passage of Xenophon which
-implies that corn could not be grown in the mining district, which
-is distinctly hilly but does not reach anything like the height of
-Pentelicon, Hymettus, or Parnes, “and there is also land which
-when sown does not bear fruit, but being mined supports a population
-many times larger than it would if it was producing corn:
-and its argentiferous character is plainly due to Providence,” etc.<a id='r1508' /><a href='#f1508' class='c014'><sup>[1508]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Then again frequent mention is made in ancient Attic documents
-of “boundary estates” and these are explained by the scholiast to
-Aeschines as “lands on the border of the country, extending either
-to the mountains or the sea<a id='r1509' /><a href='#f1509' class='c014'><sup>[1509]</sup></a>.” Such a definition implies that the
-mountains were almost as unused to cultivation as the sea itself.
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_311'>311</span>In Italy too the limit of cultivation of wheat seems to have been
-low. Latin writers repeatedly contrast the forest-clad mountains
-with the arable lowlands, and in some cases the mountains that these
-writers have in mind are considerably lower than the heights of
-Parnes<a id='r1510' /><a href='#f1510' class='c014'><sup>[1510]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>(B) The case for a North-east “Hill Country” rests on misreadings or misinterpretations of ancient authorities.</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>Enough has been said to show how little reason there is for
-picturing the mountains of North and East Attica
-in the days of Peisistratus as the home of a large
-and active agricultural population. It remains for us
-to examine the evidence for thinking that this district
-was known as the “Hill Country.” We shall find
-that if possible it is flimsier still. The supporters of
-the prevailing view base their case mainly on the
-definition of the Diakria found in the printed editions of Hesychius.
-This definition is the main source of all existing misconceptions.
-It is necessary therefore to examine it. The words of Hesychius as
-generally quoted are these. “Diakrieis: not only certain of the
-Euboeans but also of the Athenians: also a place (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τόπος</span>) in Attica:
-the Diakria is the land from Parnes to Brauron.” The modern
-name for the hills at Brauron is <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Περάτι</span> (End), which seems at first
-sight to harmonize well with the definition of the Diakria just
-quoted. But if we examine any good map of Attica, we see that
-<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Περάτι</span> does not end the Southern extension of Parnes; it forms the
-North-east extremity of the hills of South Attica. That is a first
-difficulty. It is at least unusual to define the limits of a district
-by places beyond those limits. We do not say that Germany extends
-from Tilsit to Verviers.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The second objection is far more serious. It is that the <span class='fss'>MSS.</span>
-say nothing of Brauron. The word they give is Balylon (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">εἰς
-Βαλυλωνος</span>, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">sic</span></i>). This was emended by Aldus to Babylon. Brauron
-is a conjecture of Palmerius, and by no means a certain one. In
-Byzantine times the familiar Babylon (pronounced Vavylon) would
-indeed be a very natural corruption for the then obscure Brauron
-(pronounced Vrafron). The <span class='fss'>MS.</span> Balylon is not nearly so likely
-to be a phonetic corruption of Brauron. It might conceivably be an
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_312'>312</span>orthographic corruption of Aulon, a place or region in the mining
-district in the extreme South of Attica<a id='r1511' /><a href='#f1511' class='c014'><sup>[1511]</sup></a>. The <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">εἰς</span> with the genitive
-of the <span class='fss'>MS.</span> suggests however some more complete corruption<a id='r1512' /><a href='#f1512' class='c014'><sup>[1512]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>But even if the reading “to Brauron (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">εἰς Βραυρῶνα</span>)” were
-certain, Hesychius would still be a doubtful authority on this point.
-His definition of the “Coast” runs thus: “the Coast: Attica, whence
-also the ship Paralos (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἡ παραλία· ἡ Ἀττική, ἔνθεν καὶ ἡ ναῦς
-πάραλος</span>).” This presumably means that the Coast was a synonym
-for Attica, the coastland <i><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">par excellence</span></i>. Such a definition might be
-supported by philological connexions between <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Ἀττική</span> and <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀκτή</span><a id='r1513' /><a href='#f1513' class='c014'><sup>[1513]</sup></a>.
-Conceivably with <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἡ Ἀττική</span> we should understand not <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">γῆ</span> but
-<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">παραλία</span>: the Coast means <i><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">par excellence</span></i> the Attic coast (compare
-the modern “Riviera”). This interpretation is supported by our
-author’s definition of the men of the coast (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">οἱ παράλιοι</span>), which
-runs “those who occupy the coast of Attica.” Neither interpretation
-vindicates Hesychius as an authority on the triple division of
-Attica. He makes no mention of the Plain.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Modern writers, it is true, give the word “coast” (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">παραλία</span>) a
-conventional meaning and confine it to the Southern apex of the
-Attic triangle, the district of Attica that has the largest proportion
-of coast to interior<a id='r1514' /><a href='#f1514' class='c014'><sup>[1514]</sup></a>. Their view has one fact in its favour. After
-the expulsion of the tyrants, when Cleisthenes set himself to break
-up the old local political parties, the whole of this Southern apex
-was included among the “coast” trittyes or (th)ridings of his new
-triple division of the whole country. But there are indications that
-the inclusion of this whole district in the coast was never anything
-but an artificial arrangement<a id='r1515' /><a href='#f1515' class='c014'><sup>[1515]</sup></a> to prevent either of the other two
-divisions from overbalancing the coast<a id='r1516' /><a href='#f1516' class='c014'><sup>[1516]</sup></a>. The Cleisthenic coast was
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_313'>313</span>of course not confined to this Southern apex. The moderns who
-imagine this restricted use base their assumption on a misunderstanding
-of their authorities. They quote Thucydides <span class='fss'>II.</span> 55, where
-in reference to a Peloponnesian raid on Southern Attica he speaks
-of “the so-called coast land.” But the precise words of Thucydides
-show that the ravages were confined to the coast<a id='r1517' /><a href='#f1517' class='c014'><sup>[1517]</sup></a>, while inscriptions
-and passages in other writers prove that the name “coast” was not
-confined to the Southern apex of Attica but was normally applied
-to the whole Attic seaboard<a id='r1518' /><a href='#f1518' class='c014'><sup>[1518]</sup></a>. When Thucydides uses the expression
-“what is called the coast land” he need not be taken as meaning that
-the name “coast” in Attica was used as a synonym for what
-Herodotus calls the Sunium Heights<a id='r1519' /><a href='#f1519' class='c014'><sup>[1519]</sup></a>. Very possibly he is commenting
-rather on the fact that the Attic coast was called by the
-poetical name <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πάραλος γῆ, παραλία</span> (the land of the brine)
-instead of the good fifth century prose word <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">παραθαλάσσιος,
-ἐπιθαλάσσιος</span> (the land by the sea). He himself uses <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐπιθαλάσσιος</span>
-in the very next chapter for the coast land of the Peloponnese<a id='r1520' /><a href='#f1520' class='c014'><sup>[1520]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Another text which has been thought<a id='r1521' /><a href='#f1521' class='c014'><sup>[1521]</sup></a> to establish a Northern
-or North-Eastern Diakria and a Southern Paralia is a fragment of
-Sophocles<a id='r1522' /><a href='#f1522' class='c014'><sup>[1522]</sup></a> in which the mythical king Pandion divides Attica
-between his three sons. Two scholia of Aristophanes<a id='r1523' /><a href='#f1523' class='c014'><sup>[1523]</sup></a> and a notice
-in Suidas<a id='r1524' /><a href='#f1524' class='c014'><sup>[1524]</sup></a> equate the North-Eastern of these divisions with the
-Diakria. But against this equation must be set that of Stephanus
-Byzantinus<a id='r1525' /><a href='#f1525' class='c014'><sup>[1525]</sup></a>, who says that the Diakria fell to the son who received
-according to Sophocles the Southern division.</p>
-
-<div class='chapter'>
-  <span class='pageno' id='Page_314'>314</span>
-  <h2 class='c005'>Appendix B (to p. <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>). <em>The Date of the Argive-Aeginetan Embargo on Attic Pottery</em></h2>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='figcenter id002'>
-<img src='images/i_p314.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic002'>
-<p>Fig. 43. Dipylon vase.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c018'>The outstanding facts in the history of Attic pottery are these.
-During the dark ages Attic pottery takes perhaps the foremost
-place in the whole of Greece Proper. The dominant ware of this
-period is of a well defined style generally known as Geometric, of
-which the Attic “Dipylon” ware (fig. 43) is a superior and well
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_315'>315</span>represented variety<a id='r1526' /><a href='#f1526' class='c014'><sup>[1526]</sup></a>, that appears to have been in considerable
-request beyond the borders of Attica<a id='r1527' /><a href='#f1527' class='c014'><sup>[1527]</sup></a>. The period of eclipse for
-Attic pottery is the seventh century and the beginning of the sixth.
-During this period oriental influences made themselves felt in all
-Greek arts and crafts. In Greece Proper the dominant pottery of
-the period is the Corinthian (figs. 22, 34), and another ware that
-began somewhat earlier but largely overlapped it,
-generally known as Proto-Corinthian (fig. 44).
-These two fabrics flooded most of Greece as well
-as Sicily and Italy, and are found in abundance
-in many Greek cities of the East. But in Attica
-Dipylon ware seems to have held the market well
-into the seventh century<a id='r1528' /><a href='#f1528' class='c014'><sup>[1528]</sup></a>, and to have been
-followed by the vases known as Proto-Attic and
-Phaleron<a id='r1529' /><a href='#f1529' class='c014'><sup>[1529]</sup></a>, which occupy only a humble place in
-the ceramic history of the period<a id='r1530' /><a href='#f1530' class='c014'><sup>[1530]</sup></a>. Then in the
-first half of the sixth century Attica developed its
-famous Black Figure style (fig. 41), that quickly
-drove all competitors out of the market.</p>
-
-<div  class='figcenter id005'>
-<img src='images/i_p315.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic002'>
-<p>Fig. 44. Proto-Corinthian vase.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>From the commercial point of view an embargo on Attic pottery
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_316'>316</span>between about 670 and 570 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> would have been practically
-pointless. It is only before the earlier date and after the later that
-Attic pottery was a menace to its rivals. As between these dates
-all that is known of the history of pottery in the Argolid and Aegina
-inclines strongly in favour of the earlier period. The most ardent
-protectionist will admit that protection is useless without something
-to protect, and from 570 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> onwards neither Argos nor Aegina
-appears to have had any interest in any possible rival to Attic ware.
-But in the early part of the seventh century Argos and Aegina alike
-were flooded with both Corinthian<a id='r1531' /><a href='#f1531' class='c014'><sup>[1531]</sup></a> and Proto-Corinthian<a id='r1532' /><a href='#f1532' class='c014'><sup>[1532]</sup></a> pottery,
-and, as may be gathered from the traditions about the lot of Temenos<a id='r1533' /><a href='#f1533' class='c014'><sup>[1533]</sup></a>,
-it is highly probable that they were much interested in pushing these
-wares, which are found in large quantities not only in Greece
-Proper, but also in Italy, Asia Minor, and even further afield<a id='r1534' /><a href='#f1534' class='c014'><sup>[1534]</sup></a>.
-Corinthian pottery is unquestionably a Corinthian product<a id='r1535' /><a href='#f1535' class='c014'><sup>[1535]</sup></a>. The
-place of origin of Proto-Corinthian is, as has been already noticed,
-much disputed. It has been claimed for Aegina itself<a id='r1536' /><a href='#f1536' class='c014'><sup>[1536]</sup></a>, and for
-Argos<a id='r1537' /><a href='#f1537' class='c014'><sup>[1537]</sup></a>. Corinth is a possibility<a id='r1538' /><a href='#f1538' class='c014'><sup>[1538]</sup></a>, as also is Chalcis, for which latter
-the abundant finds at Cumae are interesting but by no means decisive
-evidence<a id='r1539' /><a href='#f1539' class='c014'><sup>[1539]</sup></a>. Most archaeologists prefer Sicyon<a id='r1540' /><a href='#f1540' class='c014'><sup>[1540]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_317'>317</span>The balance of expert opinion at present is certainly in favour
-of the North-east Peloponnesus<a id='r1541' /><a href='#f1541' class='c014'><sup>[1541]</sup></a>. In Chapter VI evidence is cited
-to show that the whole of this region was probably under Argive
-domination previous to the establishment of tyrannies at Corinth
-and Sicyon about the year 660 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> But after that the situation
-changes. Corinth and Sicyon become strong cities, friendly to one
-another and hostile to Argos<a id='r1542' /><a href='#f1542' class='c014'><sup>[1542]</sup></a>. Corinthian pottery eclipses all its
-rivals, with Proto-Corinthian as an easy but lagging second. If
-Argos had wanted protection for her native pottery in the second
-half of the seventh century, she would have excluded not Attic
-pottery, but the wares of Corinth, and perhaps Sicyon<a id='r1543' /><a href='#f1543' class='c014'><sup>[1543]</sup></a>. Attic
-pottery revived and began to dominate the Greek market about 570
-<span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>, and that is the date to which the embargo is assigned by
-Hoppin, who published the pottery from the Argive Heraeum.
-But if that was the date, then, as he himself declares, its motive
-cart have been “nothing but simple spite, since no increased activity
-on the part of the Argive potters is the result<a id='r1544' /><a href='#f1544' class='c014'><sup>[1544]</sup></a>.” The motive that
-Hoppin so rightly desiderated can best have been at work when
-Proto-Corinthian and Corinthian pottery was already on the market,
-but Corinth and Sicyon were not yet under tyrants.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Thus on <i><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">à priori</span></i> grounds the early years of the seventh century
-form far the most likely period for an Aeginetan or Argive embargo
-on the pottery of Attica<a id='r1545' /><a href='#f1545' class='c014'><sup>[1545]</sup></a>. The power that destroyed the Dipylon
-ships<a id='r1546' /><a href='#f1546' class='c014'><sup>[1546]</sup></a> might well have struck a blow at Dipylon pottery, if only to
-improve its own position in the carrying trade.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>It remains to test this general probability by the evidence of the
-sites more immediately concerned.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>In Aegina Attica Black Figure pottery has been found in some
-abundance<a id='r1547' /><a href='#f1547' class='c014'><sup>[1547]</sup></a>. In fact Attic pottery found a ready entrance from the
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_318'>318</span>latter half of the seventh century onwards<a id='r1548' /><a href='#f1548' class='c014'><sup>[1548]</sup></a>. If there is any stage
-of Attic pottery that is poorly represented on the island, it is the
-Proto-Attic and Phaleron. Such at any rate is the evidence of the
-excavations at the temple of Aphaia; and the scarcity of early
-orientalizing Attic harmonizes with what is known of the Geometric
-pottery from the site. This latter style, so Thiersch reports<a id='r1549' /><a href='#f1549' class='c014'><sup>[1549]</sup></a>, is
-richly represented, and in two groups, which are plainly imports
-from the neighbouring regions of Attica and the Argolid. The
-Attic ware predominates at first, the finds at Eleusis and the
-Athenian Kerameikos offering the closest analogies. Towards the
-end of the Geometric style, when it begins to connect up with
-Proto-Corinthian, the second great group of imports begins, with
-types that are also found in great numbers in the Argolid, at Tiryns
-and the Argive Heraeum.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Again, in the Aeginetan temple of Aphrodite, where the pottery
-found by Stais has been published by Pallat<a id='r1550' /><a href='#f1550' class='c014'><sup>[1550]</sup></a>, Geometric sherds, in
-clay and technique not to be distinguished from Attic, were fairly
-numerous, but coming down from the eighth century to the seventh,
-we are told that the Attic pottery of the period, the so-called Proto-Attic,
-is represented only by a few types, some of which are perhaps
-only imitations of the genuine Attic.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Similarly, the excavators of the Argive Heraeum report that “in
-the Argolid we find the Geometric style ceasing almost abruptly,
-while the Argive style becomes as it were emancipated<a id='r1551' /><a href='#f1551' class='c014'><sup>[1551]</sup></a>.” Argive
-is the Americans’ name for Proto-Corinthian<a id='r1552' /><a href='#f1552' class='c014'><sup>[1552]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The vast majority of the fragments of this period from the
-Aphrodite temple are Proto-Corinthian or early Corinthian<a id='r1553' /><a href='#f1553' class='c014'><sup>[1553]</sup></a>. Attic
-pottery reappears among the finds of about the middle of the sixth
-century, with a few sherds of Kleinmeister kylikes. Pallat indeed<a id='r1554' /><a href='#f1554' class='c014'><sup>[1554]</sup></a>
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_319'>319</span>speaks further on of the Proto-Attic (<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">i.e.</span></i> early seventh century
-Attic) that is richly represented at Aegina, and Loeschcke too
-speaks of all stages of Attic ware from Dipylon onwards occurring
-in the island<a id='r1555' /><a href='#f1555' class='c014'><sup>[1555]</sup></a>. Unfortunately, such terms as rare and abundant
-are still used by archaeologists in the loosest and most misleading
-way. The only vases Loeschcke quotes are a “Tyrrhenian” amphora,
-and an Ergotimos cup, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">i.e.</span></i> two early sixth century vases,
-both from the Fontana collection, and attributed to Aegina only
-on the authority of dealers or collectors of the early part of the
-nineteenth century<a id='r1556' /><a href='#f1556' class='c014'><sup>[1556]</sup></a>. The fact remains that in the properly recorded
-excavations on the island, it is early in the seventh century that
-Attic pottery occupies its least prominent position, and that in the
-museum at Aegina<a id='r1557' /><a href='#f1557' class='c014'><sup>[1557]</sup></a>, which includes the Aphaia finds and specimen
-pieces from the 1904 excavations at the Aphrodite temple, there is
-plenty of Mycenaean, Geometric, Proto-Corinthian, and Corinthian
-pottery, some early Black Figure (about 550 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>), and a fair number
-of late Black Figure vases, but no Proto-Attic at all.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>For Argos the evidence is limited mainly to the finds from the
-Heraeum, the temple some miles from the city, that was excavated
-by the Americans. As mentioned already, the evidence from this
-site has been used for dating the embargo in the second half of the
-sixth century<a id='r1558' /><a href='#f1558' class='c014'><sup>[1558]</sup></a>. Unfortunately, the American report is mistaken in
-the dating of some of its finds. It ascribes to the first half of the
-sixth century the archaizing Attic potter Nikosthenes, who flourished
-in the second half<a id='r1559' /><a href='#f1559' class='c014'><sup>[1559]</sup></a>. The only two types of Attic fragments
-that the report states to have been found in considerable numbers<a id='r1560' /><a href='#f1560' class='c014'><sup>[1560]</sup></a>
-both belong to the latter part of the century, and not, as the report
-states, to the first half of it. The finds therefore can hardly be
-quoted as indicating an exclusion of Attic pottery that started in
-the middle of the sixth century. They include only a very few
-fragments of early seventh century Attic<a id='r1561' /><a href='#f1561' class='c014'><sup>[1561]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The indignant Argives and Aeginetans who, at the date that we
-are trying to determine, had crushed the Athenians in Aegina, did
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_320'>320</span>not merely exclude Attic pottery from the temple or temples of
-their outraged deities. They insisted further on the exclusive use
-of local pottery. It is highly probable that a whole mass of this
-local pottery, used for this very purpose, has actually come down
-to us. In the recent excavations of the Heraeum at Tiryns, the
-vast majority of the dedicated vases are miniature vessels of local
-fabric. The number reaches nearly a thousand, forming a series
-that begins in the seventh century and runs right through the sixth
-century into the fifth<a id='r1562' /><a href='#f1562' class='c014'><sup>[1562]</sup></a>. Miniature vases similar in style, and presumably
-of about the same date, were found in like abundance in
-the Argive Heraeum<a id='r1563' /><a href='#f1563' class='c014'><sup>[1563]</sup></a>, where they were dated by the Americans
-many centuries too early. They form the most characteristic series
-of vase dedications in the temple. It has been suggested with much
-plausibility by Frickenhaus in the Tiryns publication<a id='r1564' /><a href='#f1564' class='c014'><sup>[1564]</sup></a>, that it was
-just such a mass of similar votive vases that was seen by Herodotus
-in the temple of Damia and Auxesia in Aegina. If Frickenhaus
-is right, the exclusion of Attic pottery from certain temples in
-Aegina and the Argolid is naturally put back at least into the
-seventh century. Frickenhaus refuses to believe that the use of
-these “native pots” was due to the reason given by Herodotus.
-But does the association of these harmless little local vases with
-an anti-Attic policy really look like an aetiological invention?</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>In the Aphaia temple on Aegina a quantity of local hand-made
-ware was found in the form of pots, jugs, plates, hydriae, amphorae,
-etc., large enough for use. Furtwaengler refers to them as <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">χύτραι</span><a id='r1565' /><a href='#f1565' class='c014'><sup>[1565]</sup></a>,
-another form of the word used by Herodotus of the native pots
-dedicated to Damia and Auxesia. Similar plain ware for practical
-use is found on many sites<a id='r1566' /><a href='#f1566' class='c014'><sup>[1566]</sup></a>, and is not likely to have attracted the
-notice of Herodotus, though on the other hand the word that he
-uses (pots, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">χυτρίδες</span>) points to plain coarse ware<a id='r1567' /><a href='#f1567' class='c014'><sup>[1567]</sup></a>. If this is the
-ware he noticed, our dating is not however affected, since the
-principal shapes find their nearest parallels in Geometric graves.</p>
-
-<div class='chapter'>
-  <span class='pageno' id='Page_321'>321</span>
-  <h2 class='c005'>Appendix C (to p. <a href='#Page_169'>169</a>). <em>Early Athenian Sea Power</em></h2>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c018'>The earliest naval battle known to Thucydides was fought between
-the Corinthians and the Corcyraeans in 664 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span><a id='r1568' /><a href='#f1568' class='c014'><sup>[1568]</sup></a>. The Dipylon
-ships are built with rams (fig. 45. <em>a</em>), which by itself sufficiently
-shows their warlike character<a id='r1569' /><a href='#f1569' class='c014'><sup>[1569]</sup></a>. Some of them are depicted fighting,
-or with fallen sailors lying all around (fig. 45. <em>c</em>)<a id='r1570' /><a href='#f1570' class='c014'><sup>[1570]</sup></a>, a fact which led
-Kroker<a id='r1571' /><a href='#f1571' class='c014'><sup>[1571]</sup></a> to date them after 664 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> If Kroker’s argument was
-sound, they would have to be dated later still, for it is highly unlikely
-that Athenian vases would depict for the local market a battle in
-which Athenians were not concerned<a id='r1572' /><a href='#f1572' class='c014'><sup>[1572]</sup></a>. But even 664 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> seems
-too late a date for the vases. Seventh century Greek pottery everywhere
-shows Oriental influence. This is the case with typical
-seventh century Attic, which is known as Proto-Attic and Phaleron
-ware. Dipylon pottery may have lasted on into this century, but
-it belongs mainly to the eighth and ninth<a id='r1573' /><a href='#f1573' class='c014'><sup>[1573]</sup></a>. A Geometric cup with
-a naval fight found at Eleusis<a id='r1574' /><a href='#f1574' class='c014'><sup>[1574]</sup></a> occurred in the lowest stratum of
-the Geometric graves and is dated by Poulsen fairly early in the
-style<a id='r1575' /><a href='#f1575' class='c014'><sup>[1575]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div  class='figcenter id003'>
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_322'>322</span>
-<img src='images/i_p322.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic002'>
-<p>Fig. 45. Dipylon ships.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='figcenter id003'>
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_323'>323</span>
-<img src='images/i_p323.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic002'>
-<p>Fig. 46. Vase painting signed by Aristonothos.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>There is however no necessary discrepancy with Thucydides.
-Helbig<a id='r1576' /><a href='#f1576' class='c014'><sup>[1576]</sup></a> points out that all Dipylon fights seem to be duels between
-single pairs of ships. Most of these Dipylon warships are depicted
-on huge vases that took the place of tombstones, so that the single
-ship, or ship-duel, might be explained by the single sea-captain who
-lay beneath<a id='r1577' /><a href='#f1577' class='c014'><sup>[1577]</sup></a>. But against this explanation must be set the single
-ships and single ship fights on smaller Dipylon vases and the naval
-duel on the vase signed by Aristonothos, probably an Argive potter
-of the first half of the seventh century (fig. 46)<a id='r1578' /><a href='#f1578' class='c014'><sup>[1578]</sup></a>. One late Dipylon
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_324'>324</span>fragment (fig. 45. <em>d</em>)<a id='r1579' /><a href='#f1579' class='c014'><sup>[1579]</sup></a> shows a ship’s crew fighting warriors on land,
-and the vessel’s prow, in which Helbig sees the form of a horse’s
-head, is thought by him to indicate that it came from Caria or
-Phoenicia, where this kind of prow ornament is known to have
-been used<a id='r1580' /><a href='#f1580' class='c014'><sup>[1580]</sup></a>. The horse’s head is not very distinct. Its identification
-is regarded as uncertain by Furtwaengler<a id='r1581' /><a href='#f1581' class='c014'><sup>[1581]</sup></a>. At the best it is not
-decisive for Helbig’s inference. But he is probably right, when he
-sees in the Athenian ships of the Dipylon period a naval force
-intended to protect Attica against pirates<a id='r1582' /><a href='#f1582' class='c014'><sup>[1582]</sup></a>, which may never have
-fought a pitched battle at all<a id='r1583' /><a href='#f1583' class='c014'><sup>[1583]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Some such state of things as Helbig outlined is required to
-explain the behaviour of the naval forces of the combatants in the
-early Aeginetan war. The war is described as occurring just after
-the Aeginetans had built ships and become masters of the sea<a id='r1584' /><a href='#f1584' class='c014'><sup>[1584]</sup></a>. The
-fleet may have been the outcome of the shipbuilding recorded in
-the Hesiodic Eoiai, where it is said of the Aeginetans that they
-“were the first to fashion ships with oars on either side, and first
-to set up sails, the wings of the ship that crosses the sea<a id='r1585' /><a href='#f1585' class='c014'><sup>[1585]</sup></a>.” The
-thalassocracy must have been local<a id='r1586' /><a href='#f1586' class='c014'><sup>[1586]</sup></a>, and may well mean simply
-that Aegina had outstripped Athens, and become the leading
-member of the Kalaurian league, though possibly it is to be associated
-with the early Aeginetan settlement at Naukratis<a id='r1587' /><a href='#f1587' class='c014'><sup>[1587]</sup></a>. The Athenians
-claimed to have sent only a single ship to Aegina. But this appears
-to have been the version of the official bulletin, with the incapacity
-apparently inherent in such documents for describing a serious
-reverse as such. “The Aeginetans said that the Athenians had come
-not with one ship but with many<a id='r1588' /><a href='#f1588' class='c014'><sup>[1588]</sup></a>.”</p>
-
-<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_325'>325</span>That Athens too possessed a fleet is implied when Herodotus
-says that the Argives crossed to Aegina undetected<a id='r1589' /><a href='#f1589' class='c014'><sup>[1589]</sup></a>. Yet there is
-no hint of a sea battle. Both sides have their explanation<a id='r1590' /><a href='#f1590' class='c014'><sup>[1590]</sup></a>, but neither
-is very satisfactory. The state of things implied by Herodotus’
-narrative of the Aeginetan war is remarkably like that pictured by
-Helbig for the time of the naval activities of the Dipylon ships.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>One further point on this naval question may be noted, though
-it must not be pressed. Triremes are mentioned in connexion with
-the crossing of the Athenians to Aegina. This may be a mere
-anachronism<a id='r1591' /><a href='#f1591' class='c014'><sup>[1591]</sup></a>. But there is nothing to prove that it is so. A state
-of things which includes fleets of triremes, but no naval actions on
-a large scale, suits admirably the early part of the seventh century,
-before the naval battle of 664 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> and after the invention of the
-trireme. The first triremes in Greece are said to have been built
-at Corinth, some time before 704 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>, when Ameinokles constructed
-four for the Samians<a id='r1592' /><a href='#f1592' class='c014'><sup>[1592]</sup></a>. Some of the Dipylon ships appear already
-to possess two banks of oars (fig. 45<em>b</em>)<a id='r1593' /><a href='#f1593' class='c014'><sup>[1593]</sup></a>. Ships with two banks of
-oars appear on monuments of Sennacherib (700 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>)<a id='r1594' /><a href='#f1594' class='c014'><sup>[1594]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Triremes were used by the Pharaoh Necho (610–594 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>)<a id='r1595' /><a href='#f1595' class='c014'><sup>[1595]</sup></a>.
-Both Sennacherib and Necho probably relied largely on Phoenician
-sailors and shipwrights. “We are told that the Sidonians were the
-first to construct a trireme<a id='r1596' /><a href='#f1596' class='c014'><sup>[1596]</sup></a>.” All these statements fall in excellently
-with the notice of Thucydides. It is true that in the next chapter
-he says that Aegina and Athens possessed few triremes a little
-before the death of Darius (486 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>), and uses this fact to argue
-that Greek naval power only developed on a large scale from about
-that time. His facts are hardly to be questioned; but in his conclusions
-he appears to be misled by the fallacy (which he shares with so
-many moderns) that no development of first class importance could
-possibly be dated much earlier than his own age<a id='r1597' /><a href='#f1597' class='c014'><sup>[1597]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The troubles that overtook Aegina about the time of her break
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_326'>326</span>with Epidaurus probably included a war with Samos<a id='r1598' /><a href='#f1598' class='c014'><sup>[1598]</sup></a>, in which
-the Samians “sent an expedition against Aegina, and did much
-harm to the Aeginetans, and received much from them<a id='r1599' /><a href='#f1599' class='c014'><sup>[1599]</sup></a>.” In such
-a state of affairs Aegina would be doing her utmost to turn out
-ships on the up-to-date pattern with which Ameinokles was supplying
-the enemy.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The Dipylon ships are rightly associated by many modern
-scholars with the naukraric organization that is found existing at
-Athens at the end of the dark ages<a id='r1600' /><a href='#f1600' class='c014'><sup>[1600]</sup></a>. The presidents of the naukraroi
-(or perhaps of the naukraries) are said by Herodotus to have been
-administering (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἔνεμον</span>) Athens at the time of Cylon’s attempted
-tyranny, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">i.e.</span></i> about 632 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span><a id='r1601' /><a href='#f1601' class='c014'><sup>[1601]</sup></a>. The statement is challenged by
-Thucydides, who says that “at that time the nine archons conducted
-most of the business of the state<a id='r1602' /><a href='#f1602' class='c014'><sup>[1602]</sup></a>.” Herodotus however is
-at the worst only being inaccurate. The naukraroi were very possibly
-“the authorities in charge of the siege (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">οἱ ἐπιτετραμμένοι τὴν
-φυλακήν</span>)” of Thucydides and were probably responsible for the
-levy <em>en masse</em>, recorded by Thucydides himself (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐβοήθησαν πανδήμει
-ἐκ τῶν ἀγρῶν</span>), that led to Cylon’s discomfiture<a id='r1603' /><a href='#f1603' class='c014'><sup>[1603]</sup></a>. Herodotus
-may have exaggerated the authority of the naukraroi to palliate the
-guilt of the Alcmaeonid archon who put Cylon’s followers to death<a id='r1604' /><a href='#f1604' class='c014'><sup>[1604]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Attica in the days of Cylon was divided into forty-eight of these
-naukraries, each of which had to provide a ship<a id='r1605' /><a href='#f1605' class='c014'><sup>[1605]</sup></a>. The business of
-the naukraroi was however largely financial<a id='r1606' /><a href='#f1606' class='c014'><sup>[1606]</sup></a>, so much so that later
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_327'>327</span>writers, who may have known them best from references to them
-in the laws of Solon, seem to have regarded them as exchequer
-officials<a id='r1607' /><a href='#f1607' class='c014'><sup>[1607]</sup></a>, the more so as Cleisthenes replaced the naukraric organization
-by demes<a id='r1608' /><a href='#f1608' class='c014'><sup>[1608]</sup></a>, which had no naval associations.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Even the etymological connexion of naukrary with <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ναῦς</span> (navis,
-ship) has been called in question. Doubt is first cast on it by Pollux,
-who wrote his <cite>Onomasticon</cite> in the second century <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">A.D.</span></span><a id='r1609' /><a href='#f1609' class='c014'><sup>[1609]</sup></a>. Modern
-writers have proposed alternative derivations. Grote derives it from
-<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ναίω</span> (I dwell), and explains the naukraroi as the principal householders<a id='r1610' /><a href='#f1610' class='c014'><sup>[1610]</sup></a>,
-a reflex of the suffrage basis of the nineteenth century.
-Others<a id='r1611' /><a href='#f1611' class='c014'><sup>[1611]</sup></a> connect it with an obscure word <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ναύω</span>, said by Hesychius
-and Photius to mean “I beseech,” and connected by Photius with
-<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ναός</span> (temple). <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ναός</span> and <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ναύω</span> they connect with a dubious gloss
-of Pollux<a id='r1612' /><a href='#f1612' class='c014'><sup>[1612]</sup></a>, which explains <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ναύκληρος</span> (ship’s captain) by the rare
-word <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἑστιοπάμων</span> (householder, lit. hearthholder), and which
-they emend by reading <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ναύκραρος</span> for <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ναύκληρος</span>. As further
-Hesychius defines <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ναύκληρος</span> (<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">sic</span></i>) as the president of a community
-(<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">συνοικία</span>) they connect the origin of the naukraries with the
-unification (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">συνοικισμός</span>) of Attica by Theseus, symbolized by a
-common hearth<a id='r1613' /><a href='#f1613' class='c014'><sup>[1613]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>These philological doubts have been met by G. Meyer<a id='r1614' /><a href='#f1614' class='c014'><sup>[1614]</sup></a>, who
-argues that even assuming that <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ναός</span> means “hearth,” compounds
-would require not <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ναυ</span>- but <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ναο</span>- or <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ναυο</span>-. Phonetic analogies
-all point to a derivation from <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ναῦς</span> (ship)<a id='r1615' /><a href='#f1615' class='c014'><sup>[1615]</sup></a>. -<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">κραρος</span> is to be connected
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_328'>328</span>with <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">κραίνω</span> (make, complete) or perhaps with <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">κραίνω</span>
-meaning “I rule<a id='r1616' /><a href='#f1616' class='c014'><sup>[1616]</sup></a>.”</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Pollux’s uncertainty about the derivation simply reflects the uncertainty
-about the history of the naukraries that was prevalent
-in his days. No naval activities of the naukraroi are recorded by any
-ancient writer<a id='r1617' /><a href='#f1617' class='c014'><sup>[1617]</sup></a>. But this proves nothing. Naukraries probably had
-a long history at Athens, like ship-money in England, and in the
-course of time lost their dominatingly naval character.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Gilbert indeed<a id='r1618' /><a href='#f1618' class='c014'><sup>[1618]</sup></a> doubted the existence of naukraries before the
-time of Solon, who is suggested as a possible founder by a Scholiast
-of Aristophanes<a id='r1619' /><a href='#f1619' class='c014'><sup>[1619]</sup></a>. He suspects the evidence of the pro-Alcmaeonid
-Herodotus, and notes that he describes the attempt of Cylon and
-its suppression by the naukraroi as having happened “before the
-time” not of Solon but “of Peisistratus.” He argues also against
-the possibility of a pre-Solonian Attic fleet of forty-eight ships,
-since Solon, when he attacked Salamis, sailed against the island with
-nothing but a large number of fishing-boats and one thirty-oared
-vessel<a id='r1620' /><a href='#f1620' class='c014'><sup>[1620]</sup></a>. He quotes Photius, who s.v. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ναυκραρία</span> says, “Solon having
-thus called them, as Aristotle states.” His views are not tenable.
-Even if Herodotus is trying to whitewash the Alcmaeonidae, it by
-no means follows that he is very far from the truth in his account
-of the naukraries. If he mentions Peisistratus and not Solon, it is
-simply because Cylon aimed at becoming not a lawgiver but a
-tyrant. A weak Athenian fleet in Solon’s time is no proof that the
-Athenian fleet had never been stronger. When Photius says “thus
-called” (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὀνομάσαντος</span>), he may quite as well mean “used this
-name for” as “gave this name to”: if he intended it for the latter,
-all that follows is that he misunderstood Aristotle, as did also the
-Scholiast to Aristophanes, <cite>Clouds</cite>, 37.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>De Sanctis has gone even further than Gilbert, and brings down
-the establishment of the naukraries, along with the attempt of
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_329'>329</span>Cylon, to the time of Peisistratus<a id='r1621' /><a href='#f1621' class='c014'><sup>[1621]</sup></a>. He argues mainly from the naval
-developments under the tyrant, which, as seen already, are no
-evidence whatever against a much earlier date.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>There is no reason to doubt the existence of the naukraries in
-632 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> The question to be settled is how much further they go
-back, and what was the naval need that they were organized to
-meet.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>A date not much before Cylon is argued for by Schoemann<a id='r1622' /><a href='#f1622' class='c014'><sup>[1622]</sup></a>,
-who can find no earlier occasion for their institution than the
-seventh century struggle with Megara, by Duncker<a id='r1623' /><a href='#f1623' class='c014'><sup>[1623]</sup></a>, who similarly
-explains them as instituted out of rivalry to the seventh century
-navies of Athens’ neighbours, by Philippi<a id='r1624' /><a href='#f1624' class='c014'><sup>[1624]</sup></a> who dates them 683 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>
-(institution of annual archons), and by Busolt<a id='r1625' /><a href='#f1625' class='c014'><sup>[1625]</sup></a>, on account of their
-connexion with the financial classification and organization of the
-seventh century. As regards Schoemann and Duncker it has been
-shown above in Chapter VI how very unlikely it is that Athens
-started an elaborate naval organization in the seventh century.
-Busolt’s connexion of the naukraries with seventh century financial
-organization shows only that they then existed: it does not follow
-that they were then created. Whether or no Glotz is right in tracing
-them back to Homeric times<a id='r1626' /><a href='#f1626' class='c014'><sup>[1626]</sup></a>, the balance of probabilities indicates
-that they go back to the period of the Dipylon pottery<a id='r1627' /><a href='#f1627' class='c014'><sup>[1627]</sup></a>, and were
-organized for protection or reprisals against the raiders that then
-infested the Attic coasts, much as in England the Danegeld was
-instituted to deal with the pirates of a corresponding period in our
-own history. There may be something in the view that equates
-the naukraric organization with the council of Theseus<a id='r1628' /><a href='#f1628' class='c014'><sup>[1628]</sup></a>, if by
-Theseus is meant the head of the Athenian state who established
-some sort of order on the waters and coasts of the Saronic Gulf
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_330'>330</span>after the overthrow of the Cretan civilization<a id='r1629' /><a href='#f1629' class='c014'><sup>[1629]</sup></a>. To quote the words
-of two particularly sober writers<a id='r1630' /><a href='#f1630' class='c014'><sup>[1630]</sup></a>:</p>
-
-<p class='c015'>After the breakdown of the Minoan thalassocracy Athens certainly took
-her part in policing the Saronic Gulf.... Her men of war are frequently
-depicted on Dipylon vases of the ninth and eighth centuries. In later times
-need of this protecting squadron may have grown less, when the navies of
-Megara, Aegina, Chalcis, and Eretria cleared the Aegean of corsairs. We
-may suppose that the naukraroi of the seventh century seldom saw active
-naval service<a id='r1631' /><a href='#f1631' class='c014'><sup>[1631]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The writers just quoted, following Helbig, imagine the ancient
-naukraries pursuing their naval activities as members of the Kalaurian
-league, and the latter, which lasted on as a religious body through
-classical times, as gradually taking a back place with the development
-of the other naval states they mention. Their picture however
-leaves out of account the chief fact known about the history of
-the league. Its original members were Hermione, Epidaurus,
-Aegina, Athens, Prasiae, Nauplia, and the Minyan Orchomenos.
-Then at the end of the list Strabo adds, “Nauplia used to be represented
-by Argos, and Prasiae by Sparta<a id='r1632' /><a href='#f1632' class='c014'><sup>[1632]</sup></a>.” Strabo is here referring
-to a later period. It looks as though Argos and Sparta were intruders
-into the league, who sought membership to secure influence or
-a recognized position in the Saronic Gulf, just as in later times Philip
-of Macedon, for political reasons, set such store on recognition by
-the Delphic Amphictyony<a id='r1633' /><a href='#f1633' class='c014'><sup>[1633]</sup></a>. Is it unreasonable to suppose that the
-two intruders secured their places in the league each at the time
-of his aspirations to Peloponnesian hegemony, Sparta in the sixth
-century, and Argos under Pheidon? All the known circumstances
-bear out this supposition, at least for Argos which alone at present
-concerns us. It fits alike the naval power of Athens in the dark
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_331'>331</span>ages, the eclipse of that power in the seventh century, and the
-expansion of Argos just at this period. Nauplia is said by Pausanias<a id='r1634' /><a href='#f1634' class='c014'><sup>[1634]</sup></a>
-to have fallen to Argos only at the end of the seventh century.
-But Asine, which lies further from Argos, is said to have been
-conquered by her a hundred years earlier<a id='r1635' /><a href='#f1635' class='c014'><sup>[1635]</sup></a>. Beloch argues with some
-reason that the nearer city must have been conquered first. But
-there is no need to follow him in his passion for lowering dates,
-and bring down the time of the conquest of Asine. There is more
-reason for putting back the date of the fall of Nauplia, and thus
-bringing it into the period of Argive expansion under Pheidon<a id='r1636' /><a href='#f1636' class='c014'><sup>[1636]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Make this not unlikely modification in the picture just quoted
-from Mitchell and Caspari, and the early war between Athens
-and Aegina finds a satisfactory historical setting. Before the war
-Athens, Epidaurus, and Aegina are the leading states in the Saronic
-Gulf. As a result of it Athens is crippled at sea, and her place, and
-even more than her place, is taken by Argos. The evidence is
-admittedly scanty, but as far as it goes it points to the first Aeginetan
-war as marking the downfall of the naval power that Athens had
-enjoyed during the dark ages, or, as the legend puts it, after the fall
-of Minos, when the Kalaurian league and the navy of the naukraries
-were potent realities. The power that brings about this downfall
-is that of the Argive tyrant Pheidon.</p>
-
-<div class='chapter'>
-  <h2 class='c005'>Appendix D (to p. <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>). <em>Early Athenian Dress</em></h2>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c018'>Thucydides<a id='r1637' /><a href='#f1637' class='c014'><sup>[1637]</sup></a> quotes Athenian dress in the introductory chapters
-of his first book to illustrate his thesis that civilization and comfort
-are extremely modern things. He divides Athenian history from
-this standpoint into three periods, the first that when men went
-about armed, the second that of luxurious Ionic fashions, and the
-third that in which they reverted to simple or rational dress
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_332'>332</span>(<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">μετρία ἐσθής</span>). It is difficult to date the beginning of Thucydides’ second
-period later than the first half of the seventh century. At the time
-indeed when Thucydides wrote his remarks it was not very long
-since elderly men of the wealthy class in Athens had given up the
-Ionic dress. It has sometimes been maintained that the dress was
-always confined to old men, and that Thucydides implies that Ionic
-at Athens had been recently in full fashion. But the tone of the
-passage suggests rather the old gentleman who clings to the fashions
-of an earlier age. Already in the seventies of the fifth century <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>
-the woman who typifies Greece in Xerxes’ dream is dressed by
-Aeschylus in Doric robes<a id='r1638' /><a href='#f1638' class='c014'><sup>[1638]</sup></a> and the monuments confirm the view
-which regards the Persian Wars as marking the change.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>But that does not end Thucydides’ evidence. He speaks of
-fashions in Sparta as well as in Athens. The return to simple dress
-was started by the Spartans (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">μετρίᾳ δ’ αὖ ἐσθῆτι πρῶτοι Λακεδαιμόνιοι
-ἐχρήσαντο</span>). This statement has two implications<a id='r1639' /><a href='#f1639' class='c014'><sup>[1639]</sup></a>. The
-Spartans must have reverted to Doric costume before the Persian
-Wars, and previous to this reversion they must, like the Athenians,
-have worn some sort of Ionic costume. The importance of these
-allusions to Sparta seems scarcely to have been realized, no doubt
-because the controversy took shape before the excavations of the
-British School at Sparta had challenged many of the received
-views on the history of archaic Sparta. The very large finds of ivory
-and lead figurines of the seventh and sixth centuries<a id='r1640' /><a href='#f1640' class='c014'><sup>[1640]</sup></a> show that
-artistically at least the Spartans of that period were by no means
-the austere devotees of simplicity that they became in the classical
-age. Spartan simplicity in fact probably dates in large measure from
-the days of Chilon, the reformer of the middle of the sixth century<a id='r1641' /><a href='#f1641' class='c014'><sup>[1641]</sup></a>.
-It is not improbable that the simple dress at Sparta came in with
-the simple life at just about this period. It is already implied for
-Spartan young women by the epithet <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">φαινομηρίδες</span> (showing the
-thigh) of the poet Ibycus, a contemporary of Chilon. There is
-nothing in Thucydides to discountenance the assumption of an
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_333'>333</span>interval of about fifty years between the beginning of simple dress
-at Sparta, and its adoption at Athens<a id='r1642' /><a href='#f1642' class='c014'><sup>[1642]</sup></a>. The tyranny at Athens
-roughly covers this period, and standing as it did for material luxury,
-sufficiently accounts for the interval. Athenian luxury, at least in
-the matter of dress, is said by Thucydides to have started earlier
-than Spartan, and Spartan, if it went out in the middle of the sixth
-century, must plainly have come in considerably before that date.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The Ionic costume is said by Herodotus to be strictly speaking
-not Ionian but Carian<a id='r1643' /><a href='#f1643' class='c014'><sup>[1643]</sup></a>. Eastern influence began to pass over from
-the Greek cities of Asia Minor and pervade the more progressive
-parts of Greece Proper early in the seventh century<a id='r1644' /><a href='#f1644' class='c014'><sup>[1644]</sup></a>: so that once
-again this seems to be the most probable period for the assumption
-of Ionic dress at Athens.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The same date is arrived at by working forward from Thucydides’
-first period, the age when men habitually went about armed.
-Thucydides is notoriously sceptical about the existence of the culture
-so familiar to us now under the names of Mycenaean and Minoan
-and it does not come into his three periods of Greek dress. The first
-of these is plainly the dark age that followed the downfall of Crete
-and Mycenae, the age of the Geometric pottery which about the
-year 700 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> began to make way for orientalizing styles. This is
-the period <i><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">par excellence</span></i> of dress-pins and fibulae as shown by archaeological
-finds<a id='r1645' /><a href='#f1645' class='c014'><sup>[1645]</sup></a>, and the end of it, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">i.e.</span></i> the beginning of the seventh
-century, would be the natural time for regulations curtailing or
-prohibiting their use.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Much has been made of the fact that Thucydides deals exclusively
-with male attire and Herodotus with female, and scholars who
-maintain that the Aeginetan disaster occurred towards the middle
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_334'>334</span>of the sixth century argue that in early Athens men would take
-the lead even in matters of dress<a id='r1646' /><a href='#f1646' class='c014'><sup>[1646]</sup></a> and that the early date implied
-by Thucydides for the male Ionic costume in Attica need not hold
-for the female as well. If the distinct dates were established beyond
-dispute the difference of sex might serve as an explanation. We have
-seen however that there is nothing in the words of Herodotus to
-justify a sixth century date for the adoption of Ionic costume by
-Athenian women.</p>
-
-<div class='chapter'>
-  <h2 class='c005'>Appendix E (to p. <a href='#Page_249'>249</a>). <em>The Dating of the latest Vases from the Forum Cemetery</em></h2>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c018'>Among the Forum vases that look late are some skyphoi like the
-“Later Ionic” of Sieveking and Hackl’s Munich Catalogue, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">e.g.</span></i>
-<cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Notiz.</span></cite> 1903, p. 137, fig. 17, pp. 407 f., figs. 36, 42, 55, 57 (the
-last two from the same grave as fig. 53, see <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> fig. 52). These
-skyphoi are closely related to a series of small, flat, handleless bowls
-similarly decorated, <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Notiz.</span></cite> 1903, p. 137, fig. 17, p. 388, figs. 14, 15
-(grave G), p. 409, fig. 39 (grave I), p. 425, fig. 56 (grave K):
-for the stylistic connexion cp. <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Notiz.</span></cite> 1903, p. 425, fig. 56
-(handleless bowl) with <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> fig. 57 (skyphos). The context in
-which they were found at Rome points to a date not later
-than fairly early in the sixth century: <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Notiz.</span></cite> 1903, p. 137,
-fig. 17, was found acting as a lid (see <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> fig. 16) to the
-skyphos <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> fig. 17 of the later Ionic style; <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Notiz.</span></cite> 1903, p. 388,
-figs. 14, 15, were found in a single skeleton grave (<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> p. 385 and
-fig. 11) along with the Proto-Corinthian lekythos, p. 388, fig. 17,
-that is probably of the seventh century, and other vases that are
-probably of the sixth: fig. 39 is from a single skeleton grave that
-contained also the “later Ionic” skyphoi, figs. 36, 42 (<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> p. 400
-and figs. 28, 31); fig. 56 is from a single skeleton grave and had a
-similar context (<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> p. 418 and fig. 52). All these handleless cups
-(figs. 14, 15, 39, 56) are pierced near the brim with pairs of small
-holes. This is a practice known in Greek pottery of the Geometric
-and Proto-Corinthian period (<cite>J.H.S.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXX.</span> p. 241, n. 42: add <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Notiz.</span></cite>
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_335'>335</span>1895, p. 238, found in the same grave with two sixth century black
-figure vases. Two vases apparently somewhat similar in shape, style,
-and decoration to this flat, handleless series, but without the bored
-holes, were found at Rhitsona in graves of the end of the sixth
-century, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Arch. Eph.</span></cite> 1912, p. 115, fig. 15) but not to black and
-red figure Attic pottery: it occurs on the probably seventh century
-cup from grave M, <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Notiz.</span></cite> 1905, pp. 151, 155, figs. 9, 12.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Other late-looking vases are the two figured <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Notiz.</span></cite> 1905, p. 150,
-fig. 7. Pais, <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Ricerche</span></cite>, <span class='fss'>I.</span> (1915), p. 382, quoting Helbig dates them
-later than the sixth century. But Piganiol, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Journ. des Sav.</span></cite> 1915,
-p. 552, n. 4, supported by Dugas, argues for the possibility of an
-earlier date on the ground that, though the shape might belong to
-the end of the fifth century, the decoration, for which cp. Louvre
-C 44, figured by Pottier, <cite>Album</cite>, <span class='fss'>I.</span> pl. 23, points to the seventh. This
-argument will hardly do as it stands. The vase cannot be older than
-its shape, which rather recalls the fifth and fourth century festooned
-cups from Gnathia. But though it so much recalls that period, it
-does not seem to find an exact parallel in it, and the divergence
-may be more significant than the similarity. No other vases were
-found in the same grave with these two, so there is no context to
-suggest an earlier date: but if I am not mistaken, fifth and fourth
-century Gnathia ware is similarly recalled with a similar slight
-difference by another Forum vase, <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Notiz.</span></cite> 1903, p. 408, fig. 37,
-found in a grave with nine others (including figs. 36, 38, 39, 42,
-quoted above) which all point to a sixth century date. It must
-not be assumed that features common to early Greek and Italic
-wares always began earlier in Greece: a whole series of Etruscan
-bucchero vases has broad ribbon-shaped vertical handles that in
-Greek ware are distinctive of the late sixth century potter Nikosthenes:
-yet one of these bucchero vases comes from the early
-(seventh century) Regulini Galassi tomb at Caere, see <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Roem. Mitt.</span></cite>
-<span class='fss'>XXII.</span> p. 126, fig. 18, p. 207. For Forum examples see <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Notiz.</span></cite> 1903,
-pp. 408, 422, figs. 38, 53.</p>
-
-<div class='chapter'>
-  <span class='pageno' id='Page_336'>336</span>
-  <h2 class='c005'>Appendix F (to p. <a href='#Page_249'>249</a>). <em>Evidence for Intramural Burials in Rome</em></h2>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c018'>Servius declares that the people of Rome and other cities originally
-buried all their dead within the city and actually within the house<a id='r1647' /><a href='#f1647' class='c014'><sup>[1647]</sup></a>.
-The latter statement appears to be an inference from the worship
-of the lares, “people used all to be buried in their own houses,
-whence has arisen the practice of worshipping the lares within the
-house,” but may be none the less true for that reason<a id='r1648' /><a href='#f1648' class='c014'><sup>[1648]</sup></a>. Intramural
-burials are prohibited in the Twelve Tables, “<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">hominem mortuum
-in urbe ne sepelito neve urito</span><a id='r1649' /><a href='#f1649' class='c014'><sup>[1649]</sup></a>,” a prohibition which implies a
-practice still to some extent prevalent at the time<a id='r1650' /><a href='#f1650' class='c014'><sup>[1650]</sup></a>. In the consulship
-of Duilius the prohibition was re-enacted<a id='r1651' /><a href='#f1651' class='c014'><sup>[1651]</sup></a>, showing that even
-then the practice was not altogether obsolete. Quite a number of
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_337'>337</span>exceptions were allowed by law. Vestal virgins (both good and bad)
-and imperatores were as such exempted<a id='r1652' /><a href='#f1652' class='c014'><sup>[1652]</sup></a>. To come to concrete
-instances, the grandfather of King Tullus Hostilius is said to have
-been buried “at the best spot in the Forum<a id='r1653' /><a href='#f1653' class='c014'><sup>[1653]</sup></a>.” Tullus is a dubious
-figure in Roman history, and still more so is his grandfather. There
-is some uncertainty too about the case of the <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">novem combusti</span>,
-contemporaries of Spurius Cassius in the early years of the republic<a id='r1654' /><a href='#f1654' class='c014'><sup>[1654]</sup></a>.
-They may have been not cremated but burnt alive<a id='r1655' /><a href='#f1655' class='c014'><sup>[1655]</sup></a>. But there are
-plenty of later instances. Cicero implies that the exceptions were
-well known when after quoting the prohibition in his <cite>de Legibus</cite>
-he makes another character in it at once exclaim: “But what of
-the famous men who have been buried in the city since?,” and
-immediately proceeds to quote the families of Valerius Publicola
-and Postumius Tubertus, and the individual case of C. Fabricius,
-buried in the Forum itself in 275 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> The exceptions in favour of
-the Valerii and the Postumii apparently go back to the beginning
-of the republic, when the consuls P. Valerius Publicola and
-P. Postumius Q. f. Tubertus were buried within the walls<a id='r1656' /><a href='#f1656' class='c014'><sup>[1656]</sup></a>. To
-the same period went back the concession to the Claudii of a burial-place
-under the Capitol<a id='r1657' /><a href='#f1657' class='c014'><sup>[1657]</sup></a>. The intramural (?) tomb of the Cincii,
-and that of “quidam Argiuorum illustres uiri” said to have been
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_338'>338</span>buried within the city, rest on more doubtful evidence<a id='r1658' /><a href='#f1658' class='c014'><sup>[1658]</sup></a>. That of
-the seven military tribunes buried near the Circus in 267 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> may
-have been still without the city.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The archaeological evidence for intramural burials at Rome has
-been discussed by Graffunder. At least two cases are well attested
-for the early republican period<a id='r1659' /><a href='#f1659' class='c014'><sup>[1659]</sup></a>.</p>
-
-<div class='chapter'>
-  <span class='pageno' id='Page_339'>339</span>
-  <h2 class='c005'>INDEX</h2>
-</div>
-
-<ul class='index c003'>
-  <li class='c024'><cite>A.J.A.</cite> see <cite>American Journal of Archaeology</cite></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Aahmes, see Amasis, Pharaoh of Egypt</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Abdul Hamid, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Abel (E.), <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Scholia Vetera in Pindari Nemea et Isthmia</span></cite>, cited 258 n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Abertawe (Swansea), <a href='#Page_106'>106</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Abhandlungen d. bayerisch. Akademie d. Wissenschaften zu Muenchen</span></cite>, cited 199 n. 11, <a href='#Page_200'>200</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Abhandlungen d. hist. phil. Gesellschaft Breslau</span></cite>, see Haase</li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Abhandlungen d. preussisch. Akademie d. Wissenschaften zu Berlin</span></cite>, cited 39 n. 1;
-    <ul>
-      <li>see also Diels, Erman, Lepsius, Milchhoefer, Schweinfurth, Wiegand</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Abhandlungen d. saechsischen Gesellschaft d. Wissenschaften</span></cite>, see Overbeck</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Abraham, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Abrahams (E. B.), <cite>Greek Dress</cite>, cited 166 n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Abu Symbel, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a>, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Abydos, <a href='#Page_92'>92</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite>Academy</cite>, see Dennis</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Acarnania, <a href='#Page_52'>52</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Acharnae, <a href='#Page_310'>310</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Achilles, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a>, <a href='#Page_298'>298</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Acragas, see Agrigentum</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Acropolis of Agrigentum, <a href='#Page_274'>274</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li>of Athens, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a>, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_53'>53</a>, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a>, <a href='#Page_252'>252</a>, <a href='#Page_253'>253</a>, <a href='#Page_315'>315</a> n. 5;</li>
-      <li>of Lampsacus, <a href='#Page_281'>281</a></li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Actaeon, favourite of Archias, <a href='#Page_181'>181</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Adrastus, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a>, <a href='#Page_262'>262</a>, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a> n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Adrianople, <a href='#Page_200'>200</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Aeacus, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Aegean Sea, <a href='#Page_33'>33</a>, <a href='#Page_112'>112</a>, <a href='#Page_130'>130</a>, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a>, <a href='#Page_286'>286</a>, <a href='#Page_305'>305</a>, <a href='#Page_330'>330</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Aegeis, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Aegina, Aeginetans, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>, <a href='#Page_57'>57</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_64'>64</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_109'>109</a>, <a href='#Page_116'>116</a>, <a href='#Page_117'>117</a>, <a href='#Page_154'>154</a>–157, <a href='#Page_160'>160</a>–162, <a href='#Page_164'>164</a>–171, <a href='#Page_173'>173</a>–178, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a> n. 8, <a href='#Page_285'>285</a>, <a href='#Page_294'>294</a>, <a href='#Page_314'>314</a>–320, <a href='#Page_324'>324</a>–326, <a href='#Page_330'>330</a>, <a href='#Page_331'>331</a>, <a href='#Page_333'>333</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Aeginetan weight system, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_133'>133</a>, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a>, <a href='#Page_161'>161</a>, <a href='#Page_164'>164</a>, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>–173, <a href='#Page_175'>175</a>, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a>, <a href='#Page_294'>294</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Aegon, <a href='#Page_158'>158</a> n. 6</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Aeinautai, <a href='#Page_269'>269</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Aelian, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Historia Animalium</span></cite>, cited 95 n. 1;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Varia Historia</span></cite>, cited 10 n. 6, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a>, <a href='#Page_126'>126</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_136'>136</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_137'>137</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_145'>145</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_150'>150</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_272'>272</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_273'>273</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_275'>275</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_302'>302</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_307'>307</a> n. 4</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Aeneas, <a href='#Page_237'>237</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Aenus, <a href='#Page_200'>200</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Aeolic (pre-Dorian) stock, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a>, <a href='#Page_304'>304</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li>see also pre-Dorian</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Aeolis, Aeolians, <a href='#Page_69'>69</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_246'>246</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">aes formatum</span></i>, <a href='#Page_219'>219</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">aes graue</span></i>, <a href='#Page_219'>219</a>, <a href='#Page_232'>232</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">aes rude</span></i>, <a href='#Page_219'>219</a>, <a href='#Page_220'>220</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">aes signatum</span></i>, <a href='#Page_219'>219</a>, <a href='#Page_220'>220</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Aeschines, <cite>contra Timarchum</cite>, cited 12 n. 7, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>, <a href='#Page_312'>312</a> n. 1;
-    <ul>
-      <li>Schol. <cite>contra Timarchum</cite>, cited 310</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Aeschines, Socratic philosopher, <a href='#Page_30'>30</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Aeschines, tyrant of Sicyon, <a href='#Page_66'>66</a>, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a> n. 5.</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Aeschines of Semachidai, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Aeschylus, <cite>Agamemnon</cite>, cited 57 n. 5;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Persae</span></cite>, cited 47, <a href='#Page_69'>69</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_332'>332</a>;</li>
-      <li>Schol. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Persae</span></cite>, cited 40 n. 9;</li>
-      <li>Schol. <cite>Prometheus Bound</cite>, cited 134 n. 2</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Aesop, <a href='#Page_56'>56</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>aesymnetes, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">αἰσυμνήτης</span>, <a href='#Page_8'>8</a>, <a href='#Page_272'>272</a>, <a href='#Page_301'>301</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Aethelred, <a href='#Page_238'>238</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Aetolia, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a> n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Africa, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_54'>54</a>, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Africanus, cited 93 n. 1, <a href='#Page_98'>98</a>–100, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_159'>159</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Agamemnon, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Agamemnon, king of Cyme, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Agariste, <a href='#Page_157'>157</a>, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_262'>262</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Agatharchides of Cnidus, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_203'>203</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Agathocles, <a href='#Page_208'>208</a>–211, <a href='#Page_276'>276</a>–278, <a href='#Page_303'>303</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Agesilaus, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>, <a href='#Page_57'>57</a>, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀγορανόμοι</span>, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀγοράζω</span>, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>agrarian laws, <a href='#Page_230'>230</a>, <a href='#Page_289'>289</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>agriculture, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a>, <a href='#Page_307'>307</a>–311;
-    <ul>
-      <li>see also farmers</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>agricultural labourers, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span class='pageno' id='Page_340'>340</span>Agrigentum, Acragas, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_274'>274</a>–278 <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">passim</span></i>, <a href='#Page_296'>296</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>agroikoi, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li>see also farmers</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Ahala, see Servilius Ahala</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Aiakes, father of Polycrates, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Aiakes, nephew of Polycrates, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">αἰχμοφόρος</span>, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Aipeia, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Aithalia, <a href='#Page_203'>203</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀκήρατος</span>, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Akkad, <a href='#Page_197'>197</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>akron, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἄκρον, ἄκρα, ἄκρη</span>, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a>, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a>, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a>, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀκτή</span>, <a href='#Page_312'>312</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Ala Shehr, <a href='#Page_130'>130</a> n. 7</li>
-  <li class='c024'>alabastron, <a href='#Page_119'>119</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Aladdin, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a>, <a href='#Page_148'>148</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Albertus (J.), ed. Hesychius, cited 40</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Alcibiades, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Alciphron, cited 155 n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Alcmaeon, <a href='#Page_64'>64</a>, <a href='#Page_65'>65</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Alcmaeonidae, Alcmaeonids, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_64'>64</a>–67, <a href='#Page_231'>231</a>, <a href='#Page_250'>250</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a>, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Aldus, <a href='#Page_311'>311</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Alexander Aetolus, cited 180 n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Alexander Aphrodisiensis, <cite>Problems</cite>, cited 199 n. 9</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Alexander the Great, <a href='#Page_54'>54</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_284'>284</a>, <a href='#Page_288'>288</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Alexandria, <a href='#Page_160'>160</a> n. 7</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Alexis, cited 21, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Alfred the Great, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_237'>237</a>–239</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Alopeke (modern Ampelokipi), <a href='#Page_39'>39</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Alyattes, <a href='#Page_59'>59</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>, <a href='#Page_137'>137</a>–139, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_145'>145</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a> n. 8, <a href='#Page_273'>273</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Amasis, Aahmes, Pharaoh of Egypt, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a>, <a href='#Page_83'>83</a>, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a>, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a>, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_101'>101</a>–105, <a href='#Page_107'>107</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_109'>109</a>, <a href='#Page_112'>112</a>, <a href='#Page_114'>114</a>, <a href='#Page_115'>115</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_116'>116</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_117'>117</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a>–124, <a href='#Page_126'>126</a>, <a href='#Page_293'>293</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Amasis, potter, <a href='#Page_245'>245</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Ambracia, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a>, <a href='#Page_213'>213</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a> n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Ameinokles, <a href='#Page_184'>184</a>, <a href='#Page_325'>325</a>, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Amelung (W.), <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">apud</span></i> Pauly-Wissowa, cited 166 n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Amen Rud, see Ammeris</li>
-  <li class='c024'>America, see United States of America</li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite>American Journal of Archaeology</cite>, cited 38 n. 2, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite>American Journal of Philology</cite>, see Smith (K. F.)</li>
-  <li class='c024'>American School of Classical Studies, Athens, <a href='#Page_163'>163</a>, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_319'>319</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Ammeris, Amen Rud, Rud Amen, Nut Amen, <a href='#Page_88'>88</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Ammianus Marcellinus, cited 208 n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Ammonius, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Vita Aristotelis</span></cite>, cited 282 n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Amon, god of Thebes, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Ampelokipi, see Alopeke</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Amphictyons, Amphictyony, <a href='#Page_65'>65</a>, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_330'>330</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Amphikrates, king of Samos, <a href='#Page_69'>69</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_177'>177</a>, <a href='#Page_178'>178</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀμφιφορῆες</span>, <a href='#Page_201'>201</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Amphipolis, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Amphitrope (modern Metropisi), <a href='#Page_39'>39</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>amphorae, <a href='#Page_113'>113</a>, <a href='#Page_201'>201</a>, <a href='#Page_205'>205</a>, <a href='#Page_243'>243</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_246'>246</a>, <a href='#Page_253'>253</a>, <a href='#Page_320'>320</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Anacreon, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Anaktorion, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Anaphlystus, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a>, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Anatolia, <a href='#Page_72'>72</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Anaxilas of Rhegium, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a>, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Ancus Martius, <a href='#Page_216'>216</a>, <a href='#Page_217'>217</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Andocides, cited 47 n. 7</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Andreas, father of Orthagoras, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a>, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Andros, <a href='#Page_313'>313</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Angel of the Lord, <a href='#Page_92'>92</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Anglo-Saxons, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_238'>238</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, <a href='#Page_237'>237</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Ἀγκὼν γλυκύς</span>, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Annali dell’ Instituto</span></cite>, see Bachofen</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Anno, see Hanno</li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite>Annual of the British School at Athens</cite>, cited 317 n. 7;
-    <ul>
-      <li>see also Burrows, Edgar, Hogarth, Petrie, Ure</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>antefix, terra cotta, <a href='#Page_250'>250</a>–252</li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite>Anthologia Lyrica</cite>, cited 14;
-    <ul>
-      <li>see also Bergk</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite>Anthologia Palatina</cite>, cited 201</li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Antike Denkmäler</span></cite>, cited 242 n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Antiochis, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a>, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Antiochus I, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_285'>285</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Antiochus of Syracuse, <a href='#Page_274'>274</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Antiphilus (<cite>Anth. Pal.</cite>), cited 201</li>
-  <li class='c024'>S. Antonia, church of, <a href='#Page_252'>252</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Anysis, <a href='#Page_88'>88</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Apamea, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_208'>208</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Aphaia, temple of, <a href='#Page_318'>318</a>–320</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Aphrodite, <a href='#Page_107'>107</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_118'>118</a>, <a href='#Page_119'>119</a>, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_305'>305</a>, <a href='#Page_318'>318</a>, <a href='#Page_319'>319</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Apis stelai, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀπόγονος</span>, <a href='#Page_157'>157</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Apollo, <a href='#Page_65'>65</a>, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a>, <a href='#Page_107'>107</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a>, <a href='#Page_116'>116</a>, <a href='#Page_117'>117</a>, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a>, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a> n. 9, <a href='#Page_144'>144</a>, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_305'>305</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Apollodorus, cited 180</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Apollonius Rhodius, <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Argonautica</span></cite>, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a> n. 2;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite>Foundation of Naukratis</cite>, cited 117;</li>
-      <li>Schol. <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Argonautica</span></cite>, cited 44 n. 4, <a href='#Page_146'>146</a> n. 7, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>, <a href='#Page_181'>181</a></li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'><span class='pageno' id='Page_341'>341</span>Appi Forum, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Appian, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Bellum Civile</span></cite>, cited 39 n. 4, <a href='#Page_50'>50</a> n. 1;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Bellum Mithridaticum</span></cite>, cited 189 n. 8;</li>
-      <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Bellum Syriacum</span></cite>, cited 285 n. 1</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Appian Way, see Via Appia</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Appius Claudius Caecus, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a>, <a href='#Page_232'>232</a>, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a>, <a href='#Page_295'>295</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Appius Claudius the decemvir, <a href='#Page_231'>231</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Apries, Haa ab ra, Hophra, <a href='#Page_88'>88</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_105'>105</a>, <a href='#Page_122'>122</a>, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Apuleius, <cite>Florida</cite>, cited 69 n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>aqueducts, <a href='#Page_62'>62</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>, <a href='#Page_232'>232</a>, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Arabia, Arabians, Arabs, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a> n. 8, <a href='#Page_116'>116</a>, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite>Arabian Nights</cite>, <a href='#Page_145'>145</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Aracoeli, church of, <a href='#Page_252'>252</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Aratus, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>arbitrators, <a href='#Page_11'>11</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Arcadia, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a>, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Arcesilaus II of Cyrene, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Arcesilaus III of Cyrene, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a>, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Archäologische-epigraphische Mitteilungen aus Oesterreich</span></cite>, cited 319 n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Archäologische Zeitung</span></cite>, see Furtwaengler, Preller</li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Archäologischer Anzeiger</span></cite>, cited 110 n. 4, n. 7, <a href='#Page_115'>115</a> n. 1;
-    <ul>
-      <li>see also Assmann, Fabricius</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Archaiologike Ephemeris</span></cite>, cited 15 n. 4, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a> n. 5;
-    <ul>
-      <li>see also Doerpfeld, Skias</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>“archers,” Persian coins, <a href='#Page_57'>57</a>, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Archias of Corinth, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>–182</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Archias of Sparta, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Archilochus, cited 36 n. 3, <a href='#Page_55'>55</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_129'>129</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_134'>134</a>, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_145'>145</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>archons, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a>, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Ardaillon (E.), <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Les Mines de Laurium</span></cite>, cited 40 n. 9, <a href='#Page_46'>46</a>, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a> n. 3;
-    <ul>
-      <li><i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">apud</span></i> Saglio, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Dictionnaire des Antiquités</span></cite>, cited 44 n. 5</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Ardea, <a href='#Page_234'>234</a>, <a href='#Page_235'>235</a>, <a href='#Page_296'>296</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Ardys, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a>, <a href='#Page_136'>136</a>, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a>, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a>, <a href='#Page_273'>273</a>, <a href='#Page_293'>293</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Argeadae, <a href='#Page_183'>183</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Argolis, the Argolid, <a href='#Page_164'>164</a>, <a href='#Page_177'>177</a>, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>, <a href='#Page_315'>315</a>–318, <a href='#Page_320'>320</a>, <a href='#Page_333'>333</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Argonauts, <a href='#Page_148'>148</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Argos, Argive, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_33'>33</a>, <a href='#Page_69'>69</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a>, <a href='#Page_149'>149</a>, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a> n. 2, chap. <span class='fss'>VI</span> <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">passim</span></i>, <a href='#Page_184'>184</a>, <a href='#Page_185'>185</a>, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a>, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a>, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>, <a href='#Page_294'>294</a>, <a href='#Page_314'>314</a>, <a href='#Page_316'>316</a>–319, <a href='#Page_323'>323</a>, <a href='#Page_325'>325</a>, <a href='#Page_330'>330</a>, <a href='#Page_331'>331</a>, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Argive pottery, <a href='#Page_318'>318</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li>see also Proto-Corinthian</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Aricia, <a href='#Page_238'>238</a>, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a>, <a href='#Page_279'>279</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Aridaios, <a href='#Page_281'>281</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Axion, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Aristagoras, historian, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Aristagoras, tyrant, <a href='#Page_59'>59</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_62'>62</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Aristarchus of Ephesus, <a href='#Page_272'>272</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Aristides, Publius Aelius, cited 184 n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Aristippus, <a href='#Page_30'>30</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Aristodemus of Cumae, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_247'>247</a>, <a href='#Page_278'>278</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Aristodemus, ancestor of Spartan kings, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Aristogeiton, <a href='#Page_253'>253</a>, <a href='#Page_302'>302</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Aristokypros, <a href='#Page_158'>158</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Aristonothos, <a href='#Page_323'>323</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Aristophanes, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Acharnians</span></cite>, cited 17, <a href='#Page_59'>59</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a> n. 3;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite>Birds</cite>, cited 58, <a href='#Page_61'>61</a>;</li>
-      <li><cite>Clouds</cite>, cited 40, <a href='#Page_51'>51</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a> n. 6;</li>
-      <li><cite>Frogs</cite>, cited 17, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a> n. 1;</li>
-      <li><cite>Lysistrata</cite>, cited 63;</li>
-      <li><cite>Peace</cite>, cited 265 n. 3;</li>
-      <li><cite>Plutus</cite>, cited 13 n. 1, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>;</li>
-      <li><cite>Thesmophoriazusae</cite>, cited 17, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>, <a href='#Page_302'>302</a> n. 6;</li>
-      <li><cite>Wasps</cite>, cited 51 n. 2, <a href='#Page_201'>201</a> n. 8;</li>
-      <li>Schol. <cite>Birds</cite>, cited 54, <a href='#Page_58'>58</a> n. 1;</li>
-      <li>Schol. <cite>Clouds</cite>, cited 327 n. 2, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a>;</li>
-      <li>Schol. <cite>Knights</cite>, cited 51 n. 2, <a href='#Page_61'>61</a>;</li>
-      <li>Schol. <cite>Lysistrata</cite>, cited 313;</li>
-      <li>Schol. <cite>Peace</cite>, cited, <a href='#Page_199'>199</a> n. 3, n. 9, <a href='#Page_200'>200</a>;</li>
-      <li>Schol. <cite>Thesmophoriazusae</cite>, cited 207 n. 5;</li>
-      <li>Schol. <cite>Wasps</cite>, cited 201 n. 8, <a href='#Page_313'>313</a></li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Aristotle, <a href='#Page_6'>6</a>, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a>, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a>, <a href='#Page_200'>200</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a>, <a href='#Page_258'>258</a>, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a>, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a>–282, <a href='#Page_284'>284</a>, <a href='#Page_286'>286</a>, <a href='#Page_288'>288</a>, <a href='#Page_290'>290</a>, <a href='#Page_296'>296</a>, <a href='#Page_297'>297</a>, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a>, <a href='#Page_301'>301</a>, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Aristotle, <cite>Constitution of the Athenians</cite>, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a> n. 1;
-    <ul>
-      <li>cited 13 n. 6, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a> n. 6, n. 9, <a href='#Page_29'>29</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_31'>31</a>, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a> n. 1, n. 4, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a>, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>, <a href='#Page_46'>46</a>–48, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_51'>51</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_55'>55</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_59'>59</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_60'>60</a>, <a href='#Page_61'>61</a>, <a href='#Page_64'>64</a>, <a href='#Page_65'>65</a>, <a href='#Page_166'>166</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_302'>302</a>, <a href='#Page_307'>307</a>, <a href='#Page_308'>308</a>, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a> n. 8, n. 9, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a> n. 1, n. 2;</li>
-      <li><cite>Constitution of the Sicyonians</cite>, <a href='#Page_258'>258</a>;</li>
-      <li><cite>Historia Animalium</cite>, cited 199, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a>, <a href='#Page_309'>309</a>;</li>
-      <li><cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Meteorologica</span></cite>, cited 87 n. 9;</li>
-      <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Mirabiles Auscultationes</span></cite>, cited 138, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a>, <a href='#Page_148'>148</a>;</li>
-      <li><cite>Ode to Virtue</cite>, <a href='#Page_283'>283</a>;</li>
-      <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Oeconomica</span></cite>, cited 63, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a>, <a href='#Page_283'>283</a> n. 6;</li>
-      <li><cite>Politics</cite>, cited 1, <a href='#Page_2'>2</a>, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a>–12, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>–20, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a>, <a href='#Page_31'>31</a>, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a> n. 3, n. 5, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>, <a href='#Page_154'>154</a>, <a href='#Page_182'>182</a>, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_194'>194</a>, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a>, <a href='#Page_213'>213</a>, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_258'>258</a>, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a>, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a>, <a href='#Page_268'>268</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a>, <a href='#Page_274'>274</a>–276, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a>–284, <a href='#Page_303'>303</a>, <a href='#Page_307'>307</a>;</li>
-      <li><cite>Rhetoric</cite>, cited 18, <a href='#Page_134'>134</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a>, <a href='#Page_275'>275</a></li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'><span class='pageno' id='Page_342'>342</span>Arnobius, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">adversus Gentes</span></cite>, cited 238 n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Arrian, <cite>Periplous</cite>, cited 265 n. 6</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Artemidorus of Ephesus, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Artemis, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>, <a href='#Page_130'>130</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_245'>245</a>, <a href='#Page_246'>246</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'><em>artifices</em>, <a href='#Page_235'>235</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>artizans, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a>–21, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a>, <a href='#Page_92'>92</a>, <a href='#Page_95'>95</a>, <a href='#Page_103'>103</a>, <a href='#Page_139'>139</a>, <a href='#Page_217'>217</a>, <a href='#Page_218'>218</a>, <a href='#Page_222'>222</a>–225, <a href='#Page_230'>230</a>, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a>, <a href='#Page_269'>269</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>, <a href='#Page_295'>295</a>, <a href='#Page_305'>305</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li>see also manual labour</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>aryballi, <a href='#Page_112'>112</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><em>as</em>, <a href='#Page_149'>149</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Ashdown, <a href='#Page_238'>238</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, <a href='#Page_112'>112</a> n. 8</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Asia, <a href='#Page_57'>57</a>, <a href='#Page_58'>58</a>, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a>, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a>, <a href='#Page_284'>284</a>, <a href='#Page_286'>286</a>, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Asia Minor, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a>, <a href='#Page_132'>132</a>, <a href='#Page_142'>142</a>, <a href='#Page_144'>144</a>, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a>, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a>, <a href='#Page_205'>205</a>, <a href='#Page_246'>246</a> n. 8, <a href='#Page_285'>285</a>, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a>, <a href='#Page_316'>316</a>, <a href='#Page_333'>333</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Asine, <a href='#Page_331'>331</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Asser, <cite>Life of Alfred</cite>, <a href='#Page_237'>237</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Assmann, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Archäologischer Anzeiger</span></cite>, cited 321 n. 5;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Berliner Philologische Wochenschrift</span></cite>, cited 324 n. 3, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a> n. 5</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Assos, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a>–282</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Assurbanipal, <a href='#Page_88'>88</a>, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a>, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Assyria, <a href='#Page_86'>86</a>, <a href='#Page_88'>88</a>, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a> n. 1, n. 3, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a>, <a href='#Page_92'>92</a>, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a>–99, <a href='#Page_101'>101</a>, <a href='#Page_102'>102</a>, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_129'>129</a>, <a href='#Page_144'>144</a>, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Asylum, Asyla, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_50'>50</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Atarneus, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a>–284</li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀτελές</span>, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Athelney, <a href='#Page_238'>238</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Athena, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>, <a href='#Page_51'>51</a>–55, <a href='#Page_60'>60</a>, <a href='#Page_61'>61</a>, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a>, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_276'>276</a>, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Athena Ergane, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a> n. 7</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Athenaeus, cited 21 n. 4, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a>, <a href='#Page_50'>50</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_51'>51</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_55'>55</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_73'>73</a> n. 5, n. 6, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a>, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>–80, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a>, <a href='#Page_101'>101</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_103'>103</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_104'>104</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_117'>117</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_118'>118</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_126'>126</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_139'>139</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_144'>144</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_167'>167</a> n. 1, n. 4, n. 5, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_208'>208</a> n. 1, n. 4, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_268'>268</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_269'>269</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_271'>271</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_275'>275</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_281'>281</a> n. 3, n. 5, <a href='#Page_283'>283</a> n. 4, n. 5, <a href='#Page_284'>284</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_309'>309</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Athenagoras, <a href='#Page_272'>272</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Athenische Mitteilungen</span></cite>, see <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Mitteilungen des deutschen archäologischen Instituts in Athen</span></cite></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Athens, Athenians, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>–17, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>, <a href='#Page_21'>21</a>, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a>, <a href='#Page_30'>30</a>, <a href='#Page_31'>31</a>, chap. <span class='fss'>II</span> <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">passim</span></i>, <a href='#Page_69'>69</a>, <a href='#Page_72'>72</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_83'>83</a>, <a href='#Page_86'>86</a>, <a href='#Page_92'>92</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_137'>137</a>, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a>, <a href='#Page_149'>149</a>, <a href='#Page_151'>151</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_163'>163</a>, <a href='#Page_165'>165</a>, <a href='#Page_166'>166</a>, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>–176, <a href='#Page_178'>178</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_181'>181</a>, <a href='#Page_183'>183</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_215'>215</a>, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_231'>231</a>, <a href='#Page_239'>239</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_245'>245</a>, <a href='#Page_250'>250</a>–253, <a href='#Page_258'>258</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a>, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a>, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a>–266, <a href='#Page_268'>268</a>, <a href='#Page_274'>274</a>, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a>, <a href='#Page_287'>287</a>, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>, <a href='#Page_294'>294</a>, <a href='#Page_302'>302</a>–305, <a href='#Page_309'>309</a>–311, <a href='#Page_321'>321</a>–334</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Athribis, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Atotes the miner, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Attalids, <a href='#Page_284'>284</a>–286, <a href='#Page_289'>289</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Attalus, (?) father of Philetairos, <a href='#Page_284'>284</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Attalus I, <a href='#Page_285'>285</a>, <a href='#Page_288'>288</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Attalus III, <a href='#Page_288'>288</a>, <a href='#Page_289'>289</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Atti d. Reale Accademia d. Torino</span></cite>, see De Gubernatis</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Attica, Attic, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>, <a href='#Page_21'>21</a> n. 1, chap. <span class='fss'>II</span> <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">passim</span></i>, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a>, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a>, <a href='#Page_166'>166</a>, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>–170, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a>, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a>, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a>, <a href='#Page_307'>307</a>–313, <a href='#Page_315'>315</a>, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a>, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a>, <a href='#Page_334'>334</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Attic pottery, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>, <a href='#Page_113'>113</a>, <a href='#Page_115'>115</a>, <a href='#Page_167'>167</a>, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>, <a href='#Page_202'>202</a>, <a href='#Page_203'>203</a>, <a href='#Page_245'>245</a>, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_253'>253</a>, <a href='#Page_254'>254</a>, <a href='#Page_314'>314</a>–320, <a href='#Page_321'>321</a>, <a href='#Page_335'>335</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li>see also Proto-Attic, Black Figure, Red Figure</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Atys, <a href='#Page_140'>140</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Aubert (H.) and Wimmer (F.), ed. Aristotle <cite>Historia Animalium</cite>, cited 211 n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Augustus, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Aulon, <a href='#Page_312'>312</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Aurelius Victor, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Viris Illustribus</span></cite>, cited 215–217, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a>, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a> n. 1, n. 5, <a href='#Page_224'>224</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_238'>238</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_245'>245</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Australia, <a href='#Page_164'>164</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Auxesia, <a href='#Page_167'>167</a>, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>, <a href='#Page_175'>175</a>, <a href='#Page_320'>320</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Avignon, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a></li>
-  <li class='c003'><cite>B.C.H.</cite> see <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique</span></cite></li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite>B.S.A.</cite> see <cite>Annual of the British School at Athens</cite></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Babelon (E.), in <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Corolla Numismatica</span></cite>, cited 56 n. 2, <a href='#Page_60'>60</a> n. 2;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Journal International d’Archéologie Numismatique</span></cite>, cited 51 n. 3, <a href='#Page_52'>52</a>, <a href='#Page_53'>53</a>, <a href='#Page_56'>56</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_64'>64</a>;</li>
-      <li><cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Les Origines de la Monnaie</span></cite>, cited 129 n. 1, <a href='#Page_130'>130</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_131'>131</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_137'>137</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_141'>141</a>, <a href='#Page_142'>142</a>, <a href='#Page_148'>148</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_149'>149</a>, <a href='#Page_150'>150</a>, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_161'>161</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_220'>220</a> n. 4;</li>
-      <li><cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Revue Numismatique</span></cite>, cited 69 n. 5, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_130'>130</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_131'>131</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_132'>132</a>, <a href='#Page_133'>133</a>, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a> n. 1</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Babylon, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a>, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a>, <a href='#Page_311'>311</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Babylonian weight standard, <a href='#Page_132'>132</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Bacchiads, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>–183, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a> n. 9, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a>, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a>–194, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_197'>197</a>, <a href='#Page_272'>272</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Bacchis, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'><span class='pageno' id='Page_343'>343</span>Bacchylides, cited 129 n. 7, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a> n. 9, <a href='#Page_144'>144</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Bachofen, <cite>Tanaquil</cite>, cited 236 n. 2;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Annali dell’ Instituto</span></cite>, cited 253 n. 4</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Baedeker, <cite>Greece</cite>, cited 39 n. 6</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Baetis (modern Guadalquivir), <a href='#Page_177'>177</a> n. 6</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Bakenranf, see Bocchoris</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Balylon, <a href='#Page_311'>311</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Βάναυσον, τὸ</span>, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Bank of England, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>bankers, <a href='#Page_2'>2</a>, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_137'>137</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_141'>141</a>–143, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a>, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a>–283, <a href='#Page_286'>286</a>, <a href='#Page_296'>296</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Barnabei and Cozza, <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Notizie degli Scavi</span></cite>, cited 244 n. 1, <a href='#Page_246'>246</a> n. 7</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Barth (H.), <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Corinthiorum Commercii et Mercaturae Historiae particula</span></cite>, cited 187 n. 1, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Basilidae, <a href='#Page_271'>271</a>, <a href='#Page_272'>272</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Baton of Sinope, cited 271, <a href='#Page_272'>272</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Battus of Cyrene, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Bauer, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Sitzungsberichte d. Akademie d. Wissenschaften in Wien</span></cite>, cited 197 n. 6, n. 8, <a href='#Page_209'>209</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>bazaar, <a href='#Page_4'>4</a>, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>, <a href='#Page_286'>286</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Becker (W. A.), <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Charicles</span></cite>, cited 336 n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>beehives, <a href='#Page_199'>199</a>–201</li>
-  <li class='c024'>beehive tombs, <a href='#Page_224'>224</a> n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Bekker (I.), <cite>Lexicon Seguerianum</cite> (in <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Anecdota Graeca</span></cite>), cited 39, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_57'>57</a>, <a href='#Page_310'>310</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a> n. 9, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a> n. 9</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Beloch (J.), <a href='#Page_177'>177</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_331'>331</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Griechische Geschichte</span></cite><sup>2</sup>, cited 33 n. 1, <a href='#Page_51'>51</a>, <a href='#Page_52'>52</a>, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a>, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_158'>158</a>, <a href='#Page_161'>161</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_210'>210</a>, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_269'>269</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a> n. 1, n. 2, <a href='#Page_325'>325</a> n. 9;</li>
-      <li><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Rheinisches Museum f. Philologie</span></cite>, cited 21 n. 1, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_51'>51</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_315'>315</a> n. 3;</li>
-      <li><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Zeitschrift f. Socialwissenschaft</span></cite>, cited 22 n. 7</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'><i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">benignitas</span></i>, <a href='#Page_227'>227</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Bent (J. T.), <cite>Journal of Hellenic Studies</cite>, cited 44 n. 5, <a href='#Page_243'>243</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Bentivoglio, Santo, <a href='#Page_2'>2</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Bentley (Richard), <a href='#Page_274'>274</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Bérard (V.), <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique</span></cite>, cited 48 n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Berezan, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a>, <a href='#Page_114'>114</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Bergk (T.), <cite>Anthologia Lyrica</cite>, cited 48 n. 4, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>von Bergmann, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Numismatische Zeitschrift</span></cite>, cited 148 n. 6</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Berkshire Downs, <a href='#Page_238'>238</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Berlin Museum, <a href='#Page_204'>204</a>, <a href='#Page_253'>253</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Berliner Philologische Wochenschrift</span></cite>, see Assmann, Buechsenschuetz, Furtwaengler</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Bermion, Mount, <a href='#Page_146'>146</a> n. 7</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Bernardini tomb, <a href='#Page_93'>93</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>von Bernhardi (F. A. J.), <cite>Germany and the Next War</cite>, cited 5, <a href='#Page_6'>6</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Bertha, sister of Charlemagne, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a> n. 7</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Besa, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Bevan (E. R.), <cite>House of Seleucus</cite>, cited 285 n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Binder (J. J.), <cite>Laurion</cite>, cited 44 n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Birch (S.), <cite>History of Ancient Pottery</cite>, cited 187 n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>von Bissing (W.), <a href='#Page_93'>93</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Black Figure pottery, <a href='#Page_107'>107</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a>, <a href='#Page_113'>113</a>, <a href='#Page_115'>115</a>, <a href='#Page_202'>202</a>, <a href='#Page_203'>203</a>, <a href='#Page_253'>253</a>, <a href='#Page_254'>254</a>, <a href='#Page_315'>315</a>, <a href='#Page_317'>317</a>, <a href='#Page_319'>319</a>, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_335'>335</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Black Glaze pottery, <a href='#Page_107'>107</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_108'>108</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Black Sea, <a href='#Page_112'>112</a>, <a href='#Page_114'>114</a>, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_266'>266</a>, <a href='#Page_297'>297</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">blandimenta</span></i>, <a href='#Page_227'>227</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Bloch, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">La République Romaine</span></cite>, cited 226 n. 6, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a> n. 6</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Bluemner (H.), <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">apud</span></i> Hermann, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Lehrbuch d. griechischen Antiquitäten</span></cite>, cited 201 n. 4;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Gewerbliche Tätigkeit</span></cite>, cited 187 n. 7, <a href='#Page_266'>266</a>;</li>
-      <li><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Technologie u. Terminologie der Gewerbe u. Künste</span></cite>, cited 203 n. 2, n. 4;</li>
-      <li><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Wochenschrift f. klassische Philologie</span></cite>, cited 199 n. 1;</li>
-      <li>see also Hitzig and Bluemner</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Bocchoris, Bakenranf, <a href='#Page_88'>88</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_93'>93</a>–98, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a>, <a href='#Page_103'>103</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>, <a href='#Page_293'>293</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Bode (W.), <a href='#Page_253'>253</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Boeckh (A.), <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum</span></cite>, cited 80 n. 4;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Kleine Schriften</span></cite>, cited 280 n. 1, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a> n. 2, n. 4, <a href='#Page_283'>283</a> n. 3;</li>
-      <li><cite>Public Economy of Athens</cite>, cited 23 n. 1, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_56'>56</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_308'>308</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_310'>310</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_330'>330</a> n. 3</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Boehlau (J.), <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Aus ionischen u. italischen Nekropolen</span></cite>, cited 110 n. 9, <a href='#Page_111'>111</a> n. 1, n. 2, <a href='#Page_112'>112</a>, <a href='#Page_252'>252</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahrbuch des deutschen archäologischen Instituts</span></cite>, cited 315 n. 4</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Boeotia, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>, <a href='#Page_106'>106</a>, <a href='#Page_108'>108</a>, <a href='#Page_114'>114</a>, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_248'>248</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Boeotian Kylix style of pottery, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Bolbitine mouth of the Nile, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Bollettino di Filologia Classica</span></cite>, see Costanzi</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Bologna, <a href='#Page_2'>2</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><em>bona</em>, <a href='#Page_227'>227</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Bonacossi, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">La Chine et les Chinois</span></cite>, cited 133, <a href='#Page_141'>141</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'><span class='pageno' id='Page_344'>344</span>Boni (G.), <cite>Journal of Roman Studies</cite>, cited 224 n. 5, <a href='#Page_253'>253</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Notizie degli Scavi</span></cite>, cited 248</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Bonnet (A.), see Salvioli</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Borrell (H. P.), <cite>Numismatic Chronicle</cite>, cited 131 n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Bosporus, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite>Boston Museum of Fine Arts Report</cite>, cited 60 n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Boswell, <cite>Life of Johnson</cite>, cited 281</li>
-  <li class='c024'>“boundary estates,” <a href='#Page_310'>310</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Bourlos, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Boyle (Charles), <a href='#Page_274'>274</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Brahami, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Branchidae, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a>, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Brandis (J.), <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Münz-, Mass-, u. Gewichtswesen</span></cite>, cited 74 n. 6, <a href='#Page_130'>130</a> n. 3;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Zeitschrift f. Numismatik</span></cite>, cited 150 n. 1</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Brants, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Revue de l’Instruction Publique en Belgique</span></cite>, cited 21 n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Brasidas, <a href='#Page_50'>50</a> n. 7</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Brauron, <a href='#Page_310'>310</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_311'>311</a>, <a href='#Page_312'>312</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>breakwater, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a>, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Breasted (J. H.), <cite>Ancient Records of Egypt</cite>, cited 44 n. 5, <a href='#Page_95'>95</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_98'>98</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_122'>122</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a> n. 6;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite>History of Egypt</cite>, cited 87 n. 3, <a href='#Page_92'>92</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_101'>101</a> n. 1</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Bremer (W.), <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Die Haartracht des Mannes in archaisch-griechischer Zeit</span></cite>, cited 55 n. 5, <a href='#Page_56'>56</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>brickmakers, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Brilessos, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Britain, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_306'>306</a> n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>British Museum, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a>, <a href='#Page_101'>101</a>, <a href='#Page_109'>109</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_283'>283</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite>British Museum Catalogue of Chinese Coins</cite>, cited 141 n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite>British Museum Catalogue of Greek Coins</cite>, Corinth, cited 188 n. 2;
-    <ul>
-      <li>Ionia, cited 132, <a href='#Page_133'>133</a>;</li>
-      <li>Lydia, cited 130 n. 7, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a> n. 1;</li>
-      <li>Troas, cited 131 n. 1</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite>British Museum Catalogue of Coins of Central Greece</cite>, cited 54 n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite>British Museum Coins of the Roman Republic</cite>, cited 220 n. 3, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a> n. 7</li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite>British Museum Catalogue of Greek Vases</cite>, cited 62 n. 6, <a href='#Page_246'>246</a> n. 2;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite>of Terracottas</cite>, cited 246 n. 7;</li>
-      <li><cite>of Jewellery</cite>, cited 171 n. 1;</li>
-      <li><cite>of Finger Rings</cite>, cited 70 n. 3</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite>British Museum Excavations at Ephesus</cite>, cited 128 n. 3, <a href='#Page_130'>130</a> n. 6</li>
-  <li class='c024'>British School at Athens, <a href='#Page_332'>332</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>bronze, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a>–91, <a href='#Page_122'>122</a>, <a href='#Page_203'>203</a>, <a href='#Page_228'>228</a> n. 3, n. 4, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li>casting, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a>;</li>
-      <li>and copper coinage, <a href='#Page_142'>142</a>, <a href='#Page_218'>218</a>, <a href='#Page_219'>219</a>, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a>;</li>
-      <li>sculpture, <a href='#Page_243'>243</a>, <a href='#Page_246'>246</a>, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a></li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>brooches, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>, <a href='#Page_173'>173</a>, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li>see also <em>fibulae</em>, jewellery</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Brueckner and Pernice, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Athenische Mitteilungen</span></cite>, cited 169 n. 7, <a href='#Page_321'>321</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_323'>323</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Brugsch (H.), cited 96 n. 2, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a> n. 4;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Geschichte Aegyptens</span></cite>, cited 125 n. 3</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Brutus, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a>–225, <a href='#Page_230'>230</a>, <a href='#Page_231'>231</a>, <a href='#Page_234'>234</a>, <a href='#Page_239'>239</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Brygos, potter, <a href='#Page_204'>204</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Bryson, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Bubastis, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>bucchero vases, <a href='#Page_335'>335</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Buda-Pesth, <a href='#Page_106'>106</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Buechsenschuetz (A. B.), <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Berliner Philologische Wochenschrift</span></cite>, cited 327 n. 5, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a> n. 6;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Besitz u. Erwerb im griechischen Altertume</span></cite>, cited 22;</li>
-      <li><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Die Hauptstätten des Gewerbfleisses im klassischen Altertume</span></cite>, cited 266</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Buerchner (L.), cited 272 n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Buffalo, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>bull, brazen, <a href='#Page_275'>275</a>, <a href='#Page_278'>278</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique</span></cite>, cited 55 n. 3, <a href='#Page_108'>108</a> n. 2;
-    <ul>
-      <li>see also Bérard, Gerster, Kampanes</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Bullettino della Commissione Archeologica Municipale di Roma</span></cite>, see Pinza, Rizzo</li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Bullettino dell’ Instituto</span></cite>, cited 242 n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Bunbury sale, <a href='#Page_55'>55</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>de Burgh (W. G.), <a href='#Page_27'>27</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Burgon (T.), cited 150</li>
-  <li class='c024'>burials, intramural, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a>, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a>–338</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Burnet (J.), <cite>Thales to Plato</cite>, cited 30 n. 1, <a href='#Page_284'>284</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Burrows (R. M.), <cite>Recent Discoveries in Crete</cite>, cited 76 n. 7;
-    <ul>
-      <li>and Ure (P. N.), <cite>Annual of the British School at Athens</cite>, cited 107 n. 1, <a href='#Page_108'>108</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_113'>113</a> n. 1;</li>
-      <li><cite>Journal of Hellenic Studies</cite>, cited 108 n. 1, <a href='#Page_113'>113</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_114'>114</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_248'>248</a></li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Bursian (C.), <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Geographie von Griechenland</span></cite>, cited 44, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_309'>309</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahresbericht ü. d. Fortschritte d. klassischen Altertumswissenschaft</span></cite>, see Lenschau</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Bury (J. B.), <cite>History of Greece</cite>, cited 45 n. 5, <a href='#Page_159'>159</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_278'>278</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_303'>303</a> n. 2;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite>The Nemean Odes of Pindar</cite>, cited 157, <a href='#Page_160'>160</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a></li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'><span class='pageno' id='Page_345'>345</span>Buschor (E.), <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Griechische Vasenmalerei</span></cite>, cited 114 n. 6, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_246'>246</a> n. 2, n. 3, <a href='#Page_315'>315</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_318'>318</a> n. 7, <a href='#Page_323'>323</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Busolt (G.), cited 159 n. 2;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Griechische Geschichte</span></cite><sup>2</sup>, cited 2, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a>, <a href='#Page_157'>157</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_159'>159</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_160'>160</a>, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a>, <a href='#Page_188'>188</a>, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a> n. 3, n. 4, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_194'>194</a>, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a>, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a>, <a href='#Page_317'>317</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_325'>325</a> n. 9, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a>;</li>
-      <li><cite>Die Lakedaimonier</cite>, cited 187 n. 9, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a> n. 1, n. 4, n. 5, <a href='#Page_305'>305</a> n. 2, n. 3</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Butacides, <a href='#Page_239'>239</a>, <a href='#Page_255'>255</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Butades, sculptor, <a href='#Page_186'>186</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_244'>244</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>butcher, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite>Butler County Democrat</cite>, cited 5 n. 8</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Byrd (William), <a href='#Page_245'>245</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Byron, Lord, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a>, <a href='#Page_285'>285</a>, <a href='#Page_298'>298</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite>Don Juan</cite>, cited 148</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Byzantium, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a>, <a href='#Page_311'>311</a></li>
-  <li class='c003'><cite>C.I.A.</cite> see <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Corpus Inscriptionum Atticarum</span></cite></li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite>C.I.G.</cite> see <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum</span></cite></li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite>C.I.L.</cite> see <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum</span></cite></li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite>C.R.</cite> see <cite>Classical Review</cite></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Cadys, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a>, <a href='#Page_136'>136</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Caeculus, <a href='#Page_238'>238</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Caere, <a href='#Page_219'>219</a>, <a href='#Page_240'>240</a>, <a href='#Page_242'>242</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_243'>243</a>, <a href='#Page_246'>246</a>, <a href='#Page_255'>255</a>, <a href='#Page_335'>335</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Caeretan hydriae, <a href='#Page_246'>246</a>, <a href='#Page_255'>255</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Caesar (title), <a href='#Page_4'>4</a>, <a href='#Page_303'>303</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Caesar, Julius, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>, <a href='#Page_311'>311</a> n. 1;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">de Bello Gallico</span></cite>, cited 162 n. 1</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Cairo, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>cakes, <a href='#Page_238'>238</a>, <a href='#Page_239'>239</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>California, <a href='#Page_142'>142</a> n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Caligula, <a href='#Page_160'>160</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Camarina, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Cambyses, <a href='#Page_72'>72</a>, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a>, <a href='#Page_102'>102</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Camirian pottery, <a href='#Page_112'>112</a> n. 1;
-    <ul>
-      <li>see also Milesian pottery</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Campania, <a href='#Page_160'>160</a>, <a href='#Page_232'>232</a>, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a>, <a href='#Page_246'>246</a>, <a href='#Page_247'>247</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Camps at Daphnae, <a href='#Page_112'>112</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>canals, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a>, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a>, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a>, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Candaules, <a href='#Page_136'>136</a>, <a href='#Page_144'>144</a>, <a href='#Page_146'>146</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Canopus, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Capitol, Rome, <a href='#Page_224'>224</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_237'>237</a>, <a href='#Page_252'>252</a>–254, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Capitoline wolf, <a href='#Page_253'>253</a>, <a href='#Page_254'>254</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Capua, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>caravans, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a>, <a href='#Page_145'>145</a>, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a>, <a href='#Page_149'>149</a>, <a href='#Page_273'>273</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Caria, Carians, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a>, <a href='#Page_122'>122</a>, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a>, <a href='#Page_145'>145</a>, <a href='#Page_269'>269</a>, <a href='#Page_324'>324</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Caromemphites, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>carpenters, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a>, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>, <a href='#Page_134'>134</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_222'>222</a>, <a href='#Page_224'>224</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Cartault (A. G. C.), <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Monuments Grecs</span></cite>, cited 321 n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Carter (J. B.), trans. Huelsen, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Forum Romanum</span></cite>, cited 247 n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Carthage, <a href='#Page_30'>30</a>, <a href='#Page_72'>72</a>, <a href='#Page_240'>240</a>, <a href='#Page_278'>278</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li>see also Phoenicians</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Carthagena, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Carystius, <a href='#Page_284'>284</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Casagrandi (V.), <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Nouem Combusti</span></cite> (appendix to <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Minores Gentes</span></cite>), cited 337 n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Casaubon, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">apud</span></i> Schweighaeuser, ed. Athenaeus, cited 270 n. 2;
-    <ul>
-      <li>ed. Athenaeus, cited 77 n. 1;</li>
-      <li>ed. Diogenes Laertius, <cite>Solon</cite>, cited 40 n. 6</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Caspari (M. O. B.), see Mitchell</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Cassiodorus, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Variae</span></cite>, cited 218</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Cassius Hemina, <a href='#Page_224'>224</a> n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Cassius Iatrosophistes, <cite>Problemata</cite>, cited 199 n. 9</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Cassius, Spurius, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_228'>228</a>, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a>, <a href='#Page_255'>255</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>caste, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_122'>122</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Castelnuovo di Porto, <a href='#Page_219'>219</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Castor, cited 181</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Cato, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">apud</span></i> Schol. Veron. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ad</span></i> Virgil, <cite>Aen.</cite>, cited 238 n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Caucasus, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a>, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Cauer (F.), <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">apud</span></i> Pauly-Wissowa, cited 161 n. 2, <a href='#Page_331'>331</a> n. 3;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Parteien u. Politiker in Megara u. Athen</span></cite>, cited 46 n. 5, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_266'>266</a>, <a href='#Page_268'>268</a> n. 2</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Cavaignac (E.), <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Études sur l’histoire financière d’Athènes au V<sup>e</sup> siècle</span></cite>, cited 21 n. 1, n. 2, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_309'>309</a> n. 10;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Vierteljahrschrift f. Social- u. Wirtschafts-Geschichte</span></cite>, cited 47 n. 6</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>cavalry organization, <a href='#Page_240'>240</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Cecrops, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Cedrenus, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Synopsis Historiarum</span></cite>, cited 71 n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Celts, <a href='#Page_285'>285</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>centuries, <a href='#Page_230'>230</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Ceres, <a href='#Page_228'>228</a> n. 3, n. 4, <a href='#Page_240'>240</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_250'>250</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">χαῖρε</span>, <a href='#Page_255'>255</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Chalcedon, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Chalcis, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a>, <a href='#Page_316'>316</a>, <a href='#Page_330'>330</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Chalmers’ shillings, <a href='#Page_142'>142</a> n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>chamber tombs, <a href='#Page_246'>246</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>chambers of bronze, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Chancellor of the Exchequer, <a href='#Page_4'>4</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">χαρακτήρ</span>, <a href='#Page_64'>64</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Charaxos, <a href='#Page_104'>104</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span class='pageno' id='Page_346'>346</span>Charisius, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Ars Grammatica</span></cite> (ed. Keil), cited 218 n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Charlemagne, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a> n. 7</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Charon, <a href='#Page_134'>134</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Cheiromache, Cheiromachoi, <a href='#Page_269'>269</a>, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">χειρώναξ</span>, <a href='#Page_269'>269</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Chem Peh’-resu, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a> n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Chersias, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a>, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a>, <a href='#Page_197'>197</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Chersonese, Thracian, <a href='#Page_53'>53</a>, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a> n. 7, <a href='#Page_199'>199</a> n. 10, <a href='#Page_245'>245</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Chicago, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Chigi vase, <a href='#Page_316'>316</a> n. 10</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Chilon, <a href='#Page_332'>332</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>China, <a href='#Page_133'>133</a>, <a href='#Page_141'>141</a>, <a href='#Page_142'>142</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Chios, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_253'>253</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">χλανίς</span>, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a>, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">χρήματα, χρηματίζεσθαι</span>, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite>Chronicles, 2nd Book of</cite>, cited 92 n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Chronographer of 354 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">A.D.</span></span>, cited 224 n. 5, <a href='#Page_226'>226</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">χρυσοῦ καὶ ἀργύρου</span>, <a href='#Page_132'>132</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>church music, <a href='#Page_245'>245</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">χύτραι, χυτρίδες</span>, <a href='#Page_320'>320</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Ciccotti (E.), <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Il Tramonto d. Schiavitù nel Mondo antico</span></cite>, cited 3 n. 2, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>, <a href='#Page_29'>29</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Cicero, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Amicitia</span></cite>, cited 228 n. 1, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a> n. 2;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ad Atticum</span></cite>, cited 57 n. 2, <a href='#Page_275'>275</a> n. 1;</li>
-      <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Brutus</span></cite>, cited 35 n. 3;</li>
-      <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">in Catilinam</span></cite>, cited 229 n. 2;</li>
-      <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Divinatione</span></cite>, cited 238 n. 3, <a href='#Page_275'>275</a> n. 1;</li>
-      <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Finibus</span></cite>, cited 70 n. 3;</li>
-      <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Legibus</span></cite>, cited 336 n. 3, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a>;</li>
-      <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Officiis</span></cite>, cited 15 n. 6, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_145'>145</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_151'>151</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_225'>225</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_302'>302</a> n. 6;</li>
-      <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Oratore</span></cite>, cited 35 n. 3;</li>
-      <li><cite>Philippics</cite>, cited 226, <a href='#Page_228'>228</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a> n. 2;</li>
-      <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">pro Rabirio</span></cite>, cited 226 n. 5;</li>
-      <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Republica</span></cite>, cited 215 n. 2, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_222'>222</a> n. 7, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_225'>225</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_228'>228</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_240'>240</a>, <a href='#Page_241'>241</a>;</li>
-      <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Senectute</span></cite>, cited 229 n. 2;</li>
-      <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Tusculanae Quaestiones</span></cite>, cited 247 n. 3;</li>
-      <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">in Verrem</span></cite>, cited 275 n. 2;</li>
-      <li>Schol. Bobiens. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">pro Sulla</span></cite>, cited 215 n. 2</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Cimmerians, <a href='#Page_137'>137</a>, <a href='#Page_141'>141</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_144'>144</a>, <a href='#Page_146'>146</a>, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Cimon, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Cincii, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Cincinnati <cite>Commercial Gazette</cite>, cited 5 n. 8</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Circus, Circus Maximus, <a href='#Page_240'>240</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_338'>338</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite>Classical Philology</cite>, see Frank</li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite>Classical Review</cite>, cited 112 n. 8, <a href='#Page_319'>319</a> n. 5;
-    <ul>
-      <li>see also Cook, Headlam</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Claudii, <a href='#Page_231'>231</a>, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li>see also Appius</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Claudius Drusus, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Claudius (Emperor), <a href='#Page_215'>215</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Clazomenae, pottery of, <a href='#Page_114'>114</a>, <a href='#Page_115'>115</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_246'>246</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Clearchus, cited 76 n. 6, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_139'>139</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Cleisthenes of Athens, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a>, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a>, <a href='#Page_29'>29</a>, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a>, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a>, <a href='#Page_65'>65</a>, <a href='#Page_66'>66</a>, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>, <a href='#Page_258'>258</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a>, <a href='#Page_310'>310</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_312'>312</a>, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a>, <a href='#Page_330'>330</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Cleisthenes of Sicyon, <a href='#Page_66'>66</a>, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_215'>215</a>, <a href='#Page_258'>258</a>–264</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Clement of Alexandria, <cite>Stromata</cite>, cited 93 n. 2, <a href='#Page_146'>146</a> n. 7, <a href='#Page_325'>325</a> n. 8</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Cleomenes of Sparta, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Cleomenes (Cleomis) of Methymna, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Cleon, <a href='#Page_30'>30</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Cleonae, <a href='#Page_194'>194</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Clerc (M.), <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Les Métèques Athéniens</span></cite>, cited 22</li>
-  <li class='c024'><em>clientela</em>, clients, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a>, <a href='#Page_277'>277</a>, <a href='#Page_296'>296</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">cloaca maxima</span></i>, <a href='#Page_247'>247</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Clytus, cited 73, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Cnidus, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>coast, party of the coast, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a>, <a href='#Page_47'>47</a>, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a>, <a href='#Page_52'>52</a>, <a href='#Page_64'>64</a> (shore), <a href='#Page_291'>291</a>, <a href='#Page_312'>312</a>, <a href='#Page_313'>313</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Cobbett (William), <cite>Paper against Gold</cite>, cited 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>cobblers, boot-makers, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a>, <a href='#Page_139'>139</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>coinage, debasement of, <a href='#Page_64'>64</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a>, <a href='#Page_183'>183</a> n. 6;
-    <ul>
-      <li>invention of, <a href='#Page_1'>1</a>, <a href='#Page_2'>2</a>, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a>, <a href='#Page_129'>129</a>, <a href='#Page_131'>131</a>, <a href='#Page_133'>133</a>, <a href='#Page_140'>140</a>, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a>, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a>, <a href='#Page_161'>161</a>, <a href='#Page_178'>178</a>, <a href='#Page_290'>290</a>, <a href='#Page_293'>293</a>, <a href='#Page_304'>304</a></li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>coins, <a href='#Page_52'>52</a>–58, <a href='#Page_60'>60</a>, <a href='#Page_61'>61</a>, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a>, <a href='#Page_64'>64</a>, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a>, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a>, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a>, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a>–133, <a href='#Page_137'>137</a>, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a>, <a href='#Page_140'>140</a>–143, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a>, <a href='#Page_149'>149</a>, <a href='#Page_150'>150</a>, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a>–157, <a href='#Page_160'>160</a>–162, <a href='#Page_164'>164</a>, <a href='#Page_166'>166</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>–173, <a href='#Page_175'>175</a>, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>, <a href='#Page_178'>178</a>, <a href='#Page_188'>188</a>, <a href='#Page_199'>199</a>–201, <a href='#Page_204'>204</a>, <a href='#Page_205'>205</a>, <a href='#Page_209'>209</a>, <a href='#Page_213'>213</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_218'>218</a>–221, <a href='#Page_231'>231</a>, <a href='#Page_232'>232</a>, <a href='#Page_246'>246</a>, <a href='#Page_290'>290</a>, <a href='#Page_293'>293</a>–296, <a href='#Page_304'>304</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Collatinus, <a href='#Page_226'>226</a>, <a href='#Page_227'>227</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">collegia opificum</span></i>, <a href='#Page_222'>222</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>colonies, colonization, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a>, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a>, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a>, <a href='#Page_266'>266</a>, <a href='#Page_294'>294</a>, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Colophon, <a href='#Page_133'>133</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>colossus, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a>, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a> n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>“colts” (coins), <a href='#Page_188'>188</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Columbus, Ohio, <a href='#Page_235'>235</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Columella, cited 201 n. 5, n. 8, <a href='#Page_309'>309</a> n. 7</li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Comitia centuriata</span></cite>, <a href='#Page_230'>230</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Commons, House of, <a href='#Page_4'>4</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite>Companion to Greek Studies</cite>, cited 179 n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite>Companion to Latin Studies</cite>, cited 221 n. 6</li>
-  <li class='c024'><span class='pageno' id='Page_347'>347</span>Conca (Satricum), <a href='#Page_219'>219</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_243'>243</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_244'>244</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_246'>246</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Constantinople, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite>Constitution of the Athenians</cite>, see Aristotle</li>
-  <li class='c024'>contracts, <a href='#Page_93'>93</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Conway (R. S.), quoted 76 n. 7, <a href='#Page_134'>134</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Conze (A.), <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahrbuch</span></cite>, cited 205 n. 2, n. 3, n. 4, <a href='#Page_206'>206</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>cook, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Cook (A. B.), <cite>Classical Review</cite>, cited 262 n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>copper, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a>, <a href='#Page_203'>203</a> n. 1, n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>copper coinage, see bronze coinage</li>
-  <li class='c024'>copper mines, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>coppersmiths, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_222'>222</a>, <a href='#Page_224'>224</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Coptic, <a href='#Page_126'>126</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Corcyra (Corfu), <a href='#Page_63'>63</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_184'>184</a>, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a> n. 9, <a href='#Page_188'>188</a>, <a href='#Page_213'>213</a>, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a>, <a href='#Page_244'>244</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_321'>321</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Corinth, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_21'>21</a>, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a> n. 7, <a href='#Page_30'>30</a>, <a href='#Page_31'>31</a>, <a href='#Page_33'>33</a>, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>, <a href='#Page_62'>62</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a>, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a>, <a href='#Page_124'>124</a>, <a href='#Page_167'>167</a>, <a href='#Page_178'>178</a>–180, <a href='#Page_182'>182</a>, <a href='#Page_183'>183</a>, chap. <span class='fss'>VII</span> <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">passim</span></i>, <a href='#Page_215'>215</a>–217, <a href='#Page_240'>240</a>–242, <a href='#Page_244'>244</a>, <a href='#Page_245'>245</a>, <a href='#Page_247'>247</a>, <a href='#Page_248'>248</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a>, <a href='#Page_255'>255</a>–257, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a>, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a>, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_266'>266</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_272'>272</a>, <a href='#Page_274'>274</a>, <a href='#Page_287'>287</a>, <a href='#Page_293'>293</a>–295, <a href='#Page_304'>304</a>, <a href='#Page_306'>306</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_316'>316</a>, <a href='#Page_317'>317</a>, <a href='#Page_321'>321</a>, <a href='#Page_325'>325</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Corinthian drachma, <a href='#Page_57'>57</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li>helmet, <a href='#Page_54'>54</a> n. 6;</li>
-      <li>pottery, <a href='#Page_1'>1</a>, <a href='#Page_21'>21</a>, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>, <a href='#Page_46'>46</a>, <a href='#Page_109'>109</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_112'>112</a>, <a href='#Page_117'>117</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_186'>186</a>, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a>, <a href='#Page_208'>208</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a> n. 8, <a href='#Page_241'>241</a>–245, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a>, <a href='#Page_295'>295</a>, <a href='#Page_315'>315</a>–319</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>corner (in oil), <a href='#Page_2'>2</a>, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Corneto, <a href='#Page_93'>93</a>, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a>, <a href='#Page_215'>215</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li>see also Tarquinii</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Cornford (F. M.), <cite>Thucydides Mythistoricus</cite>, cited 25, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Corolla Numismatica</span>: Numismatic Essays in Honour of Barclay V. Head</cite>;
-    <ul>
-      <li>see Babelon, Evans, Fox</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Corpus Inscriptionum Atticarum</span></cite>, cited 14, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a>, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a>, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a> n. 9, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_50'>50</a> n. 3, n. 5, <a href='#Page_56'>56</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_312'>312</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_313'>313</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum</span></cite>, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_208'>208</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum</span></cite>, cited 215 n. 2, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Corsica, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_240'>240</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Costanzi (V.), <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Bollettino di Filologia Classica</span></cite>, cited 51 n. 4;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Rivista di Storia Antica</span></cite>, cited 34 n. 2, <a href='#Page_51'>51</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_177'>177</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a> n. 1</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Cozza, see Barnabei</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Crassus, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Cratinus, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Crete, Cretan, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a>, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_298'>298</a>, <a href='#Page_330'>330</a>, <a href='#Page_333'>333</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li>Cretan bull cult, <a href='#Page_278'>278</a> n. 2</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>criers, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Crimea, <a href='#Page_1'>1</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Croeseids, <a href='#Page_130'>130</a>, <a href='#Page_137'>137</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Croesus, <a href='#Page_104'>104</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a>, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a>, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>, <a href='#Page_130'>130</a>–133, <a href='#Page_136'>136</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_137'>137</a>–140, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a> n. 1, n. 3, <a href='#Page_144'>144</a>, <a href='#Page_145'>145</a> n. 2, n. 3, n. 4, <a href='#Page_148'>148</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a>, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>, <a href='#Page_215'>215</a>, <a href='#Page_272'>272</a>, <a href='#Page_273'>273</a>, <a href='#Page_289'>289</a>, <a href='#Page_293'>293</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Cromwell, <a href='#Page_194'>194</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Croton, Crotonian, <a href='#Page_239'>239</a>, <a href='#Page_255'>255</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Cruchon (G.), <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Banques dans l’Antiquité</span></cite>, cited 141 n. 1, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>crucifixion of followers of Spartacus, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Cumae, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_228'>228</a>, <a href='#Page_240'>240</a>, <a href='#Page_246'>246</a>, <a href='#Page_247'>247</a>, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a>, <a href='#Page_278'>278</a>–279, <a href='#Page_296'>296</a>, <a href='#Page_316'>316</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Curtius (E.), <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Ephesus</span></cite>, cited 272 n. 3;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Griechische Geschichte</span></cite>, cited 36 n. 3, <a href='#Page_159'>159</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a> n. 9;</li>
-      <li><cite>Peloponnesos</cite>, cited 191 n. 6;</li>
-      <li><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Stadtgeschichte v. Athen</span></cite>, cited 63 n. 2</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Curtius (G.), <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Studien z. griech. u. latein. Grammatik</span></cite>, cited 327 n. 8</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Curtius (L.), <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Athenische Mitteilungen</span></cite>, cited 81, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Curtius, Marcus, <a href='#Page_248'>248</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Cyaxares, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Cyclades, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>cylinders, inscribed Assyrian, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a>, <a href='#Page_98'>98</a>, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Cylon, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>, <a href='#Page_69'>69</a>, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a>, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a>, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a>, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Cyme, <a href='#Page_130'>130</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_131'>131</a>, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a>, <a href='#Page_136'>136</a>, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a>, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_273'>273</a>, <a href='#Page_281'>281</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Cynosura, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Cyprus, Cypriote, <a href='#Page_46'>46</a>, <a href='#Page_108'>108</a> n. 7, <a href='#Page_119'>119</a>, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_160'>160</a>, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_303'>303</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_315'>315</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Cypsela in Thrace, <a href='#Page_199'>199</a>, <a href='#Page_200'>200</a>, <a href='#Page_204'>204</a>–206</li>
-  <li class='c024'>cypsele, <a href='#Page_197'>197</a>–209, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a>, <a href='#Page_295'>295</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Cypselids, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a>, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a>, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a>, <a href='#Page_213'>213</a>, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a> n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Cypselus of Arcadia, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a>, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Cypselus I of Corinth, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a> n. 7, <a href='#Page_31'>31</a>, <a href='#Page_95'>95</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a>–190, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a>–200, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>–211, <a href='#Page_216'>216</a>, <a href='#Page_245'>245</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_255'>255</a>, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a>, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a>, <a href='#Page_274'>274</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>, <a href='#Page_295'>295</a>, <a href='#Page_303'>303</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_305'>305</a>, <a href='#Page_306'>306</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Cypselus II of Corinth, <a href='#Page_213'>213</a>, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Cypselus, father of Miltiades, <a href='#Page_199'>199</a> n. 10</li>
-  <li class='c024'>cypselus bird, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Cyrene, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a>, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a>, <a href='#Page_239'>239</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Cyrnus, <a href='#Page_8'>8</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span class='pageno' id='Page_348'>348</span>Cyrus, <a href='#Page_8'>8</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a>–73, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a>, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a>, <a href='#Page_139'>139</a>, <a href='#Page_145'>145</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a>, <a href='#Page_197'>197</a>, <a href='#Page_209'>209</a>, <a href='#Page_271'>271</a>, <a href='#Page_272'>272</a>, <a href='#Page_293'>293</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Cythera, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>, <a href='#Page_177'>177</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Cyzicus, <a href='#Page_281'>281</a>, <a href='#Page_285'>285</a></li>
-  <li class='c003'>Dactyls of Ida, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Dagobert I diploma, cited 261 n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">δακτύλιοι, δακτυλιογλύφοι</span>, <a href='#Page_149'>149</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Dale, Sir D., <a href='#Page_11'>11</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Damasenor, tyrant of Miletus, <a href='#Page_268'>268</a>, <a href='#Page_269'>269</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Damia and Auxesia, <a href='#Page_167'>167</a>, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>, <a href='#Page_175'>175</a>, <a href='#Page_320'>320</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Damocratidas, <a href='#Page_158'>158</a> n. 6</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Damonno, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a>, <a href='#Page_136'>136</a>, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a>, <a href='#Page_236'>236</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Damophilus, <a href='#Page_240'>240</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Danegeld, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Danes, <a href='#Page_237'>237</a>, <a href='#Page_238'>238</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Dante, <a href='#Page_305'>305</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Paradiso</span></cite>, cited 57 n. 4</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Daphnae (Defenneh), <a href='#Page_109'>109</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_112'>112</a>, <a href='#Page_113'>113</a>, <a href='#Page_115'>115</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a>, <a href='#Page_122'>122</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Daphnae pottery, <a href='#Page_115'>115</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a> n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>daric, <a href='#Page_57'>57</a>, <a href='#Page_130'>130</a>, <a href='#Page_132'>132</a>, <a href='#Page_140'>140</a>, <a href='#Page_172'>172</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Darius, <a href='#Page_29'>29</a>, <a href='#Page_58'>58</a>, <a href='#Page_59'>59</a>, <a href='#Page_61'>61</a>, <a href='#Page_62'>62</a>, <a href='#Page_72'>72</a>, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a>, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a>, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a> n. 9, <a href='#Page_140'>140</a>, <a href='#Page_142'>142</a>, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a>, <a href='#Page_271'>271</a>, <a href='#Page_325'>325</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Daskalio, <a href='#Page_42'>42</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Daskylion, <a href='#Page_273'>273</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Decelea, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>decemvirate, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>De Cou (H. F.), <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Argive Heraeum</span></cite>, cited 164 n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>dedications, votive offerings, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a>, <a href='#Page_107'>107</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_108'>108</a>, <a href='#Page_116'>116</a>–118, <a href='#Page_124'>124</a>, <a href='#Page_144'>144</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a>, <a href='#Page_163'>163</a>, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>, <a href='#Page_175'>175</a>, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a>, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a>, <a href='#Page_244'>244</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Deecke, see Mueller</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Defenneh, see Daphnae</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Deinomenidae, <a href='#Page_30'>30</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Deiokes, <a href='#Page_146'>146</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Deiophontes, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Delos, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a>, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a>, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a>, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_166'>166</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Delphi, <a href='#Page_65'>65</a>, <a href='#Page_66'>66</a>, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a>, <a href='#Page_130'>130</a>, <a href='#Page_137'>137</a>, <a href='#Page_140'>140</a>, <a href='#Page_144'>144</a>, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a>, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_194'>194</a>, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_208'>208</a>, <a href='#Page_255'>255</a>, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a>, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a>–262, <a href='#Page_276'>276</a>, <a href='#Page_283'>283</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_330'>330</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Delta, <a href='#Page_88'>88</a>, <a href='#Page_95'>95</a>, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a>, <a href='#Page_98'>98</a>, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a>, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_293'>293</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>demagogues, <a href='#Page_11'>11</a>, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>–32, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_217'>217</a>, <a href='#Page_274'>274</a>, <a href='#Page_279'>279</a>, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a>, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a>, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a>, <a href='#Page_301'>301</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Demaratus, <a href='#Page_182'>182</a>, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_215'>215</a>–218, <a href='#Page_225'>225</a>, <a href='#Page_236'>236</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_239'>239</a>–245, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a>, <a href='#Page_255'>255</a>, <a href='#Page_256'>256</a>, <a href='#Page_295'>295</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Demeter, <a href='#Page_238'>238</a>, <a href='#Page_266'>266</a>, <a href='#Page_308'>308</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li>Malophoros, <a href='#Page_266'>266</a>;</li>
-      <li>hymn to, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a></li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Demetrius, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Elocutione</span></cite>, cited 280 n. 1, <a href='#Page_283'>283</a> n. 6</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Demetrius Magnes, cited 280 n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Demetrius of Phaleron, <a href='#Page_305'>305</a>, <a href='#Page_306'>306</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>demiourgoi, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">δημιουργοί, δημιουργίαι</span>, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Demochares, <a href='#Page_305'>305</a>, <a href='#Page_306'>306</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Demodike of Cyme, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a>, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Demosthenes, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a>, <a href='#Page_305'>305</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Demosthenes, <cite>c. Aphobum</cite>, cited 12;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite>c. Aristocratem</cite>, cited 277 n. 2;</li>
-      <li><cite>c. Eubulidem</cite>, cited 19, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a> n. 1;</li>
-      <li><cite>c. Midiam</cite>, cited 65;</li>
-      <li><cite>c. Olympiodorum</cite>, cited 13;</li>
-      <li><cite>Olynthiac Orations</cite>, cited 277 n. 2;</li>
-      <li><cite>c. Phaenippum</cite>, cited 48 n. 1;</li>
-      <li><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">περὶ Συντάξεως</span>, cited 277 n. 2;</li>
-      <li>Schol. <cite>c. Aristocratem</cite>, cited 51 n. 2</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Demoteles, <a href='#Page_69'>69</a> n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Dennis (G.), <cite>Academy</cite>, cited 76 n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Derbyshire, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Diadochoi, <a href='#Page_258'>258</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_284'>284</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Diakria, Diakrieis, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">διακριεῖς</span>, Diakrioi, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">διάκριοι</span>, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a>–41, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a>, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a>, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a>, <a href='#Page_307'>307</a>–313</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Diakrioi, Euboean, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a> n. 2;
-    <ul>
-      <li>Rhodian, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a> n. 2</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Diamantaras, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Athenische Mitteilungen</span></cite>, cited 57 n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Diana, <a href='#Page_224'>224</a> n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Dickens (G.), <cite>Catalogue of the Acropolis Museum, Athens</cite>, cited 252, <a href='#Page_253'>253</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite>Journal of Hellenic Studies</cite>, cited 332 n. 4</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>didrachm, <a href='#Page_64'>64</a>, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a> n. 6, n. 8, <a href='#Page_172'>172</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Didymus, cited 33 n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Diels (H.), <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Abhandlungen d. preussisch. Akademie d. Wissenschaften zu Berlin</span></cite>, cited 35 n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite>Digest</cite>, cited 336 n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Dindorf (L.), ed. Diodorus, cited 48 n. 6</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Dio Cassius, cited 226 n. 3, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Dio Chrysostom, <cite>Orations</cite>, cited 35 n. 3, <a href='#Page_148'>148</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a> n. 8, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Diodorus Siculus, cited 10 n. 6, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_59'>59</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a> n. 7, n. 9, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a>–93, <a href='#Page_95'>95</a>, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a>, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a> n. 4, n. 8, <a href='#Page_103'>103</a>, <a href='#Page_105'>105</a>, <a href='#Page_117'>117</a>, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_122'>122</a> n. 1, n. 4, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a> n. 1, n. 10, n. 11, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a> n. 8, <a href='#Page_146'>146</a> n. 7, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_203'>203</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_208'>208</a>, <a href='#Page_209'>209</a>, <a href='#Page_210'>210</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_215'>215</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_216'>216</a>, <a href='#Page_217'>217</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_228'>228</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_232'>232</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_262'>262</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_275'>275</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_276'>276</a>, <a href='#Page_277'>277</a>, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_283'>283</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_284'>284</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_293'>293</a>, <a href='#Page_298'>298</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span class='pageno' id='Page_349'>349</span>Diogenes Laertius, cited 30 n. 2, <a href='#Page_69'>69</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_150'>150</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_167'>167</a> n. 1, n. 2, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a> n. 1, n. 2, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a> n. 3, n. 6, n. 7, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a>, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a>, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a>, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a> n. 2, n. 8, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_281'>281</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_283'>283</a> n. 3, n. 4, n. 5, n. 6, <a href='#Page_284'>284</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Diogenianus, cited 71 n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Dion of Syracuse, <a href='#Page_30'>30</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Dionysius of Halicarnassus, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Antiquitates Romanae</span></cite>, cited 32 n. 2, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_215'>215</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_216'>216</a>–218, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_222'>222</a> n. 7, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a> n. 1, n. 4, n. 5, <a href='#Page_224'>224</a>–231, <a href='#Page_234'>234</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_237'>237</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_238'>238</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_239'>239</a>, <a href='#Page_245'>245</a>, <a href='#Page_247'>247</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_278'>278</a> n. 3, n. 4, n. 5, <a href='#Page_279'>279</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_283'>283</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a> n. 2, n. 5;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Epistola ad Ammaeum</span></cite>, cited 280 n. 1;</li>
-      <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Isocrates</span></cite>, cited 13 n. 1</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Dionysius of Syracuse, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>, <a href='#Page_30'>30</a>–32, <a href='#Page_72'>72</a>, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a>, <a href='#Page_210'>210</a>, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a>, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a>, <a href='#Page_256'>256</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a>, <a href='#Page_274'>274</a>, <a href='#Page_278'>278</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a>, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a>, <a href='#Page_284'>284</a>, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a>, <a href='#Page_303'>303</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Dionysus, <a href='#Page_262'>262</a>, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_305'>305</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li>Botrys, <a href='#Page_239'>239</a></li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Diphilus, cited 208 n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Dipoenus, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a> n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Dipylon pottery, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a>, <a href='#Page_314'>314</a>, <a href='#Page_315'>315</a>, <a href='#Page_317'>317</a>, <a href='#Page_319'>319</a>, <a href='#Page_321'>321</a>–326, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a>, <a href='#Page_330'>330</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Dives, <a href='#Page_102'>102</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><em>dives</em>, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Doerpfeld (W.), <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Archaiologike Ephemeris</span></cite>, cited 62 n. 6;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Athenische Mitteilungen</span></cite>, cited 63 n. 2</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Dorians, <a href='#Page_157'>157</a> n. 7, <a href='#Page_158'>158</a>, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a>, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a>, <a href='#Page_262'>262</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_294'>294</a>,305 n. 1, <a href='#Page_333'>333</a> n. 1;
-    <ul>
-      <li>pre-Dorian stock, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a>, <a href='#Page_304'>304</a>, <a href='#Page_305'>305</a>;</li>
-      <li>see also Aeolic stock</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Doric dress, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a>, <a href='#Page_332'>332</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Doriche, <a href='#Page_104'>104</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Dorieus, <a href='#Page_239'>239</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">δορυφόρος</span>, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>drachma, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">δραχμαί</span>, <a href='#Page_57'>57</a>, <a href='#Page_58'>58</a>, <a href='#Page_64'>64</a>, <a href='#Page_149'>149</a>, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a>, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>–173, <a href='#Page_175'>175</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">δραχμαὶ τοῦ Στεφανηφόρου</span>, <a href='#Page_56'>56</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Draco, <a href='#Page_53'>53</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Dragendorff (H.), <cite>Thera</cite>, cited 316 n. 7, <a href='#Page_320'>320</a> n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>drains, <a href='#Page_224'>224</a>, <a href='#Page_247'>247</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>dress, <a href='#Page_164'>164</a>, <a href='#Page_167'>167</a>–170, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a>, <a href='#Page_331'>331</a>–334</li>
-  <li class='c024'>drivers, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Drumann (W.), <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arbeiter u. Communisten in Griechenland u. Rom</span></cite>, cited 19</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Duemmler (F.), <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahrbuch des deutschen archäologischen Instituts</span></cite>, cited 112 n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Dugas (Ch.), <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">apud</span></i> Piganiol, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Journal d. Savants</span></cite>, <a href='#Page_335'>335</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Duilius, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Dumont (A.), <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Revue Archéologique</span></cite>, cited 205 n. 4, <a href='#Page_206'>206</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>dumps, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a> n. 2;
-    <ul>
-      <li>see also ingots</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Duncker (M. W.), <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Geschichte des Alterthums</span></cite>, cited 145 n. 4, <a href='#Page_159'>159</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_166'>166</a> n. 1, n. 3, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a> n. 9, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a> n. 7, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Dunham (A. G.), <cite>History of Miletus</cite>, cited 117 n. 1, <a href='#Page_268'>268</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Durazzo, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Duris of Samos, cited 78, <a href='#Page_178'>178</a>, <a href='#Page_324'>324</a> n. 6</li>
-  <li class='c024'>dyeing, dyers, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_139'>139</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a>, <a href='#Page_222'>222</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Dying Gladiator, <a href='#Page_285'>285</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Dymaean War, <a href='#Page_159'>159</a></li>
-  <li class='c003'>ecclesia, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Edessa, <a href='#Page_183'>183</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Edgar (C. C.), <cite>Catalogue of the Greek Vases in Cairo Museum</cite>, cited 112 n. 5;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite>Annual of the British School at Athens</cite> and <cite>Journal of Hellenic Studies</cite>; see Hogarth and others</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Edonia, <a href='#Page_271'>271</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Edward the Confessor, <a href='#Page_238'>238</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Edward the Elder, <a href='#Page_238'>238</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Edward VII, <a href='#Page_102'>102</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Eetion, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐγείρω</span>, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Egestaeans, <a href='#Page_239'>239</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li>see also Segesta</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Egypt, <a href='#Page_1'>1</a>, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a>–73, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a>, <a href='#Page_83'>83</a>, chap. <span class='fss'>IV</span> <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">passim</span></i>, <a href='#Page_145'>145</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_148'>148</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_149'>149</a>, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a>, <a href='#Page_203'>203</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a>–214, <a href='#Page_285'>285</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>, <a href='#Page_293'>293</a>, <a href='#Page_298'>298</a>, <a href='#Page_303'>303</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_315'>315</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Eion, <a href='#Page_59'>59</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Eldorado, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a>, <a href='#Page_177'>177</a> n. 7</li>
-  <li class='c024'>electrum, electrum currency, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a>–133, <a href='#Page_142'>142</a>, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a>, <a href='#Page_150'>150</a>, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Elephantine, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Eleusis, Eleusinians, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a>, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_250'>250</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_308'>308</a>, <a href='#Page_318'>318</a>, <a href='#Page_321'>321</a>, <a href='#Page_324'>324</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_333'>333</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Elis, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a>, <a href='#Page_134'>134</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_154'>154</a>, <a href='#Page_159'>159</a>, <a href='#Page_160'>160</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Ely, <a href='#Page_238'>238</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>embroiderers, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>embrontaion, <a href='#Page_277'>277</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Emperor, Holy Roman Empire, <a href='#Page_304'>304</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>employees, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a>, <a href='#Page_21'>21</a>, <a href='#Page_62'>62</a>, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a>, <a href='#Page_225'>225</a>, <a href='#Page_239'>239</a>, <a href='#Page_278'>278</a>, <a href='#Page_289'>289</a>, <a href='#Page_295'>295</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span class='pageno' id='Page_350'>350</span><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐμπορίη</span>, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐμπορικὸν πρᾶγμα</span>, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite>Encyclopaedia Britannica</cite>, cited 77 n. 3;
-    <ul>
-      <li>see also Griffith</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Endt (J.), <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Beiträge zur ionischen Vasenmalerei</span></cite>, cited 120 n. 4;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Wiener Studien</span></cite>, cited 10 n. 6, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_31'>31</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_274'>274</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_283'>283</a> n. 6</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐνεργαζόμεναι παιδίσκαι</span>, <a href='#Page_139'>139</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>England, English, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_126'>126</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_237'>237</a>, <a href='#Page_238'>238</a>, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a>, <a href='#Page_306'>306</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a>, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>engravers, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Enkomi, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>, <a href='#Page_141'>141</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Ennea Hodoi, <a href='#Page_59'>59</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Enneakrounos, <a href='#Page_62'>62</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐνύπνιον</span>, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Epakria, Epakrioi, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἔπακροι</span>, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a>, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a>, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a>, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Epaminondas, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Ephesus, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>, <a href='#Page_130'>130</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_132'>132</a>, <a href='#Page_136'>136</a>, <a href='#Page_137'>137</a>, <a href='#Page_141'>141</a>, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_144'>144</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_145'>145</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_245'>245</a>, <a href='#Page_246'>246</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_271'>271</a>–273 <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">passim</span></i>, <a href='#Page_296'>296</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Ephorus, cited 26 n. 2, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a>, <a href='#Page_157'>157</a>, <a href='#Page_161'>161</a>, <a href='#Page_163'>163</a>, <a href='#Page_164'>164</a>, <a href='#Page_173'>173</a>, <a href='#Page_175'>175</a>, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a>–194, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_258'>258</a>, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a>, <a href='#Page_294'>294</a>, <a href='#Page_330'>330</a> n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Epidamnus, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Epidaurus, <a href='#Page_165'>165</a>–167, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a>–176, <a href='#Page_178'>178</a>, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a>, <a href='#Page_330'>330</a>, <a href='#Page_331'>331</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐπιδιδόναι</span>, <a href='#Page_281'>281</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Epiphanius, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Mensuris et Ponderibus</span></cite>, cited 120 n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐπισημαίνειν</span>, <a href='#Page_277'>277</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐπίστασις, ἐπιστάτης</span>, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a>, <a href='#Page_277'>277</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐπιτετραμμένοι τὴν φυλακήν</span>, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐπιθαλάσσιος</span>, <a href='#Page_313'>313</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐπιτίθεσθαι</span>, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a>, <a href='#Page_281'>281</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἔπρησεν</span>, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Erastos, <a href='#Page_283'>283</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Erechtheum, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a> n. 9, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a> n. 7</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Eretria, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a>, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>, <a href='#Page_72'>72</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a>, <a href='#Page_330'>330</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐργασία, ἐργαζόμενοι</span>, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a>, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐργαστήρια</span>, <a href='#Page_218'>218</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Ergotimos, <a href='#Page_245'>245</a>, <a href='#Page_319'>319</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Erichthonios, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Erman (J. P. A.) und Schweinfurth (G.), <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Abhandlungen d. preussischen Akademie d. Wissenschaften zu Berlin</span></cite>, cited 87 n. 6</li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἔρως χρημάτων ἄμετρος</span>, <a href='#Page_272'>272</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Erotici Scriptores (ed. Didot), cited 93 n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Erythrae, <a href='#Page_133'>133</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Esquiline, <a href='#Page_338'>338</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Essendune, <a href='#Page_238'>238</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἔστρωται</span>, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Ethiopia, Ethiopian, <a href='#Page_95'>95</a>–102, <a href='#Page_122'>122</a>, <a href='#Page_125'>125</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Ethiopian dynasty in Egypt, <a href='#Page_86'>86</a>, <a href='#Page_88'>88</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_93'>93</a>, <a href='#Page_95'>95</a>, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Etruria, Etruscans, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a>, <a href='#Page_30'>30</a>, <a href='#Page_93'>93</a>, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a>, <a href='#Page_203'>203</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_215'>215</a>–217, <a href='#Page_219'>219</a>, <a href='#Page_220'>220</a>, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a>, <a href='#Page_225'>225</a>, <a href='#Page_234'>234</a>, <a href='#Page_235'>235</a>, <a href='#Page_241'>241</a>–243, <a href='#Page_246'>246</a>, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a>, <a href='#Page_295'>295</a>, <a href='#Page_335'>335</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Etruscan language, <a href='#Page_134'>134</a> n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Etrusco-Carthaginian alliance, <a href='#Page_240'>240</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Etymologicum Gudianum</span></cite>, cited 134 n. 1, n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite>Etymologicum Magnum</cite>, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a> n. 7, <a href='#Page_134'>134</a> n. 1, n. 5, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a>, <a href='#Page_163'>163</a>, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a> n. 3;
-    <ul>
-      <li>201 n. 2, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a> n. 1</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Euaion, <a href='#Page_281'>281</a>, <a href='#Page_283'>283</a>, <a href='#Page_288'>288</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Euboea, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>, <a href='#Page_60'>60</a>, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a>, <a href='#Page_262'>262</a>, <a href='#Page_311'>311</a>, <a href='#Page_313'>313</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Euboeic standard, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>, <a href='#Page_172'>172</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Euboulos, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a>, <a href='#Page_283'>283</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_288'>288</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Eubulus Comicus, cited 54 n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Eucheir, workman of Demaratus, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>, <a href='#Page_217'>217</a>, <a href='#Page_244'>244</a>, <a href='#Page_245'>245</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Eucheiros, potter, <a href='#Page_244'>244</a>, <a href='#Page_245'>245</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Eugrammus, <a href='#Page_208'>208</a>, <a href='#Page_217'>217</a>, <a href='#Page_244'>244</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Eumelos, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>eunuch, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a>, <a href='#Page_284'>284</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Eupalinus, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Eupatridai, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Euphorion, cited 133, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Euphronios, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">εὐπορία, εὔποροι</span>, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a>, <a href='#Page_273'>273</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Euripides, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a>, <a href='#Page_54'>54</a> n. 2;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Bacchae</span></cite>, cited 148 n. 1;</li>
-      <li><cite>Cyclops</cite>, cited 40 n. 9;</li>
-      <li><cite>Hecuba</cite>, cited 174 n. 3;</li>
-      <li><cite>Iphigenia in Tauris</cite>, cited 182 n. 4;</li>
-      <li><cite>Sciron</cite>, cited 57;</li>
-      <li>Schol. <cite>Hecuba</cite>, cited 178 n. 1, <a href='#Page_324'>324</a> n. 6</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Europe, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>, <a href='#Page_236'>236</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_284'>284</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Eurystheus, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Eusebius, <cite>Chronicon</cite>, cited 52, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_93'>93</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_95'>95</a>, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a> n. 1, n. 3, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a>, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_146'>146</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_159'>159</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_160'>160</a>, <a href='#Page_172'>172</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_273'>273</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_275'>275</a> n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Eusebius, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Praeparatio Evangelica</span></cite>, cited 280 n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Eustathius, <cite>Commentary on the Iliad</cite>, cited 155 n. 2;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite>Commentary on the Odyssey</cite>, cited 77 n. 2, <a href='#Page_269'>269</a>;</li>
-      <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Commentary on Dionysius Periegetes</span></cite>, cited 37 n. 1, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a> n. 5;</li>
-      <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Opusculum de emendenda vita monachica</span></cite>, cited 269 n. 4</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'><span class='pageno' id='Page_351'>351</span>Eutropius, cited 224 n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Evans (Sir Arthur), <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Corolla Numismatica</span></cite>, cited 128</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Evans, Lady, <cite>Greek Dress</cite>, cited 170 n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Exchequer, Chancellor of, <a href='#Page_4'>4</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>exomides, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a></li>
-  <li class='c003'>Fabricii, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a> n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Fabricius, Gaius, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Fabricius (E.), <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Athenische Mitteilungen</span></cite>, cited 76 n. 2;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Archäologischer Anzeiger</span></cite> cited 76 n. 2</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>factories, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>faience, <a href='#Page_93'>93</a>, <a href='#Page_94'>94</a>, <a href='#Page_109'>109</a>, <a href='#Page_124'>124</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>fairs, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Falconer (T.), ed. Strabo, cited 159 n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Falerii, <a href='#Page_219'>219</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>farmers, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a>, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a>, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a>, <a href='#Page_307'>307</a>, <a href='#Page_308'>308</a>, <a href='#Page_310'>310</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li>see also agriculture</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Faustulus, <a href='#Page_197'>197</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">favissae</span></i>, <a href='#Page_224'>224</a> n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Feronia, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Ferrari, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Agathokles</span></cite>, cited 209 n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Festus, cited 134 n. 5, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_338'>338</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'><em>fibulae</em>, <a href='#Page_333'>333</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>figurines, <a href='#Page_118'>118</a>, <a href='#Page_119'>119</a>, <a href='#Page_332'>332</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Fikellura ware, <a href='#Page_112'>112</a>–114, <a href='#Page_116'>116</a>, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a> n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'><i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">flatum</span></i>, <a href='#Page_218'>218</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>flax workers, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Fleet (London), <a href='#Page_247'>247</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Florence, <a href='#Page_2'>2</a>, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_56'>56</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_304'>304</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Florentinus, <cite>Geoponica</cite>, cited 201 n. 8</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Florus, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Epitome Liui</span></cite>, cited 215 n. 2, <a href='#Page_222'>222</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_226'>226</a>, <a href='#Page_228'>228</a> n. 1, n. 2, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_238'>238</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>flower girls, <a href='#Page_55'>55</a>–57</li>
-  <li class='c024'>flute players, <a href='#Page_222'>222</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Foerster (R.), <cite>Philologus</cite>, cited 257 n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Fontana Collection of Greek Vases, <a href='#Page_319'>319</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Forchhammer (P.), <cite>Philologus</cite>, cited 326 n. 6, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a> n. 8</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Forum at Rome, <a href='#Page_218'>218</a>, <a href='#Page_247'>247</a>–249, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a>, <a href='#Page_334'>334</a>, <a href='#Page_335'>335</a>, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a>, <a href='#Page_338'>338</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Fotheringham (J. K.), <cite>Journal of Hellenic Studies</cite>, cited 96 n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>fountains, <a href='#Page_62'>62</a>, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a> n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Fowler, W. Warde, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Fox (Earle), <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Corolla Numismatica</span></cite>, cited 53 n. 2, <a href='#Page_56'>56</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_161'>161</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Fraenkel (M.), <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Inschriften von Pergamon</span></cite>, cited 285 n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum</span></cite>, cited 26 n. 2, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a> n. 2, n. 3, <a href='#Page_59'>59</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_65'>65</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_66'>66</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_93'>93</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_95'>95</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_98'>98</a> n. 9, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_102'>102</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_130'>130</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_134'>134</a> n. 1, n. 2, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a> n. 1, n. 3, n. 4, n. 8, <a href='#Page_136'>136</a> n. 2, n. 3, <a href='#Page_137'>137</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_144'>144</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_145'>145</a> n. 1, n. 4, n. 5, <a href='#Page_146'>146</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_151'>151</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_166'>166</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_178'>178</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_183'>183</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a> n. 1, n. 3, n. 4, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a> n. 1, n. 2, <a href='#Page_194'>194</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_213'>213</a> n. 3, n. 4, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a> n. 7, <a href='#Page_224'>224</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_226'>226</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_273'>273</a> n. 2, n. 3, <a href='#Page_275'>275</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_283'>283</a> n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>France, <a href='#Page_5'>5</a>, <a href='#Page_50'>50</a>, <a href='#Page_142'>142</a>, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>France, Anatole, cited 5, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>François vase, <a href='#Page_113'>113</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Francotte (H.), <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mélanges</span></cite> (Liège, 1910, <cite>Bib. Fac. Phil.</cite>), cited 303 n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Frank (T.), <cite>Classical Philology</cite>, cited 219 n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Frazer (J.), <cite>Magic Art</cite>, cited 238 n. 3, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a> n. 2;
-    <ul>
-      <li>ed. Pausanias, cited 80 n. 6, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a> n. 10, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a> n. 3, n. 4</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Frederic, father of George III, <a href='#Page_157'>157</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Freeman (E. A.), <cite>History of Sicily</cite>, cited 274 n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>frescoes, <a href='#Page_243'>243</a>, <a href='#Page_244'>244</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_246'>246</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Frickenhaus (A.), <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Tiryns</span></cite>, cited 114 n. 5, <a href='#Page_163'>163</a>, <a href='#Page_164'>164</a>, <a href='#Page_317'>317</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_318'>318</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_320'>320</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>von Fritze (H.), <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Zeitschrift f. Numismatik</span></cite>, cited 36 n. 3, <a href='#Page_53'>53</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_56'>56</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Frohberger, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de opificum apud veteres Graecos conditione</span></cite>, cited 15 n. 7</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Frontinus, <cite>Stratagems</cite>, cited 259 n. 2, <a href='#Page_278'>278</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Frye, Senator, quoted 5 n. 8</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Fulgentius, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Sermones Antiqui</span></cite>, cited 336 n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>fulling, <a href='#Page_266'>266</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>furnace, <a href='#Page_199'>199</a>, <a href='#Page_202'>202</a>, <a href='#Page_203'>203</a>, <a href='#Page_205'>205</a>, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>, <a href='#Page_208'>208</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Furtwaengler (A.), <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Antike Gemmen</span></cite>, cited 243 n. 3;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Archäologische Zeitung</span></cite>, cited 324;</li>
-      <li><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Berliner Philologische Wochenschrift</span></cite>, cited 170 n. 6;</li>
-      <li><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Beschreibung der Vasensammlung im Antiquarium, Berlin</span></cite>, cited 46 n. 7, <a href='#Page_203'>203</a> n. 3, n. 4, <a href='#Page_204'>204</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_242'>242</a> n. 3;</li>
-      <li><cite>Olympia</cite>, cited 243 n. 3;</li>
-      <li><cite>Winckelmannsfeste Program</cite>, cited 171 n. 1;</li>
-      <li>Thiersch and others, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Aegina</span></cite>, cited 316 n. 1, n. 2, n. 6, n. 7, n. 10, <a href='#Page_317'>317</a> n. 7, <a href='#Page_318'>318</a>, <a href='#Page_320'>320</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_333'>333</a> n. 4</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c003'><span class='pageno' id='Page_352'>352</span>Gabii, <a href='#Page_224'>224</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Gabrici (E.), <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Monumenti Antichi</span></cite>, cited 316 n. 9</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Galassi, General, <a href='#Page_93'>93</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_243'>243</a>, <a href='#Page_335'>335</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Galatia, Galatians, <a href='#Page_285'>285</a>, <a href='#Page_286'>286</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Galen, <cite>Protrepticus</cite>, cited 13 n. 5, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Gallipoli, <a href='#Page_52'>52</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Gambacorti, <a href='#Page_2'>2</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>games, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a>, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a>, <a href='#Page_154'>154</a>, <a href='#Page_159'>159</a>, <a href='#Page_160'>160</a>, <a href='#Page_178'>178</a>, <a href='#Page_235'>235</a>, <a href='#Page_258'>258</a>–262, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Gardner (Ernest), <cite>Naukratis</cite>, see Petrie and Gardner;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite>Handbook of Greek Sculpture</cite>, cited 63 n. 1, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_302'>302</a> n. 4</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Gardner (Percy), <cite>History of Ancient Coinage</cite>, cited 130 n. 3, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite>Earliest Coins of Greece Proper</cite>, cited 53 n. 2, <a href='#Page_159'>159</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_161'>161</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_188'>188</a>;</li>
-      <li><cite>Gold Coinage of Asia before Alexander the Great</cite>, cited 130 n. 3, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a> n. 1;</li>
-      <li><cite>Samos and Samian Coins</cite>, cited 75 n. 1;</li>
-      <li><cite>Numismatic Chronicle</cite>, cited 57 n. 5</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Gardthausen (V.), <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Mastarna oder Servius</span></cite>, cited 223, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>garlands, <a href='#Page_55'>55</a>–57, <a href='#Page_60'>60</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Garrucci (R.), <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Le monete dell’ Italia antica</span></cite>, cited 220 n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Gellius, Aulus, cited 17 n. 3, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a> n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Gelo of Syracuse, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_30'>30</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Gelzer, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Rheinisches Museum</span></cite>, cited 136 n. 1, n. 3, <a href='#Page_137'>137</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a> n. 7, <a href='#Page_140'>140</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_141'>141</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_145'>145</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_146'>146</a> n. 1, n. 6, <a href='#Page_273'>273</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>genealogies, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a>–159, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite>Genesis</cite>, cited 149</li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Geographi Graeci Minores</span></cite>, cited 90 n. 5, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Geometric pottery, <a href='#Page_163'>163</a>, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a>, <a href='#Page_314'>314</a>, <a href='#Page_315'>315</a>, <a href='#Page_318'>318</a>–321, <a href='#Page_333'>333</a>, <a href='#Page_334'>334</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li>see also Dipylon pottery</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Geomoroi, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">γεωμόροι</span>, <a href='#Page_69'>69</a>, <a href='#Page_276'>276</a>, <a href='#Page_277'>277</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>George II, <a href='#Page_157'>157</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>George III, <a href='#Page_157'>157</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>George, King of Greece, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Gercke und Norden, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Einleitung i. d. Altertumswissenschaft</span></cite>, cited 157 n. 8</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Gergethes (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Γέργηθες</span>), Gergithes (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Γέργιθες</span>), <a href='#Page_269'>269</a>, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Gerhard (E.), <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Trinkschalen u. Gefässe</span></cite>, cited 203 n. 3, n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Germany, Germans, <a href='#Page_163'>163</a>, <a href='#Page_197'>197</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_253'>253</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_311'>311</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Gerster, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique</span></cite>, cited 191 n. 6</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Gibraltar, <a href='#Page_177'>177</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Gihon (Miriam), <a href='#Page_267'>267</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Gilbert, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahrbücher f. Classische Philologie</span></cite> (<cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Neue Jahrbücher f. Philologie und Paedagogik</span></cite>), cited 53 n. 2, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a> n. 9, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a> n. 7, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Gilliard (C.), <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Quelques Réformes de Solon</span></cite>, cited 48 n. 6, <a href='#Page_307'>307</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a> n. 7</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Glotz (G.), <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Études sociales et juridiques sur l’Antiquité grecque</span></cite>, cited 328 n. 1, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">γλυκὺς ἄγκων</span>, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Gnathia ware, <a href='#Page_335'>335</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">γνώριμοι</span>, <a href='#Page_303'>303</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Goettingsche Gelehrte Anzeigen</span></cite>, see Wilisch</li>
-  <li class='c024'>gold, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_54'>54</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a>, <a href='#Page_139'>139</a>, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a>, <a href='#Page_144'>144</a> n. 3, n. 4, <a href='#Page_145'>145</a>, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a>, <a href='#Page_148'>148</a>, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a>, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a>, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>gold currency, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_4'>4</a>, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>, <a href='#Page_57'>57</a>, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>, <a href='#Page_130'>130</a>–133, <a href='#Page_140'>140</a>, <a href='#Page_142'>142</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a>, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_172'>172</a>, <a href='#Page_286'>286</a>, <a href='#Page_287'>287</a>, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li>see also daric</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>gold mines, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_50'>50</a>, <a href='#Page_54'>54</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_58'>58</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_59'>59</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a>, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a>, <a href='#Page_148'>148</a>, <a href='#Page_203'>203</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Golden age, <a href='#Page_302'>302</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Golden Fleece, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a>, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>goldsmiths, <a href='#Page_222'>222</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Gonussa, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Gorgasus, <a href='#Page_240'>240</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Gorgos, Gorgias, Gordios, <a href='#Page_213'>213</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">γουνὸς Σουνιακός</span>, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a>, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Government-owned industry, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a> n. 7</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Gracchi, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Gracchan revolutionaries, <a href='#Page_288'>288</a>, <a href='#Page_289'>289</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Graef (B.), <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Die antiken Vasen v. d. Akropolis zu Athen</span></cite>, cited 315 n. 5;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Wochenschrift f. klassische Philologie</span></cite>, cited 316 n. 6</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Graffunder (P.), <cite>Klio</cite>, cited 338</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Graillot, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mélanges d’Archéologie et d’Histoire</span></cite>, cited 246 n. 7</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Great King (= King of Persia), <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>, <a href='#Page_57'>57</a>, <a href='#Page_61'>61</a>, <a href='#Page_69'>69</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_72'>72</a>, <a href='#Page_130'>130</a>, <a href='#Page_140'>140</a>, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a> n. 7, <a href='#Page_271'>271</a>, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>greengrocer, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Gregorius Cyprius, cited 190 n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Grenfell (B. P.) and Hunt (A. S.), <cite>Oxyrhynchus Papyri</cite>, cited 104, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a>, <a href='#Page_258'>258</a>, <a href='#Page_262'>262</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Griffith (F. Ll.), <cite>Encyclopaedia Britannica</cite>, cited 87 n. 5;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite>Catalogue of the Demotic Papyri in the Rylands Library at Manchester</cite>, cited 87 n. 4, <a href='#Page_93'>93</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_98'>98</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_125'>125</a>, <a href='#Page_126'>126</a>;</li>
-      <li><span class='pageno' id='Page_353'>353</span><cite>High Priests of Memphis</cite>, cited 97, <a href='#Page_98'>98</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_101'>101</a></li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Groddech, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Grote (G.), <cite>History of Greece</cite>, cited 36 n. 1, <a href='#Page_66'>66</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a>, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_262'>262</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_278'>278</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_288'>288</a>, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Grueber (H. A.), <cite>Coins of the Roman Republic in the British Museum</cite>, cited 221 n. 7</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Grundy (G. B.), <cite>Great Persian War</cite>, cited 271;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite>Thucydides and the History of his Age</cite>, cited 37 n. 7, <a href='#Page_307'>307</a>, <a href='#Page_310'>310</a> n. 3</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Guadalquivir (Baetis), <a href='#Page_177'>177</a> n. 6</li>
-  <li class='c024'>De Gubernatis, <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Atti d. Reale Accademia d. Torino</span></cite>, cited 66, <a href='#Page_258'>258</a> n. 1, n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Guérin (V.), <cite>Patmos et Samos</cite>, cited 76 n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>guilds, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Guiraud (P.), <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">La Main-d’Œuvre dans l’Ancienne Grèce</span></cite>, cited 36;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">La Propriété Foncière en Grèce</span></cite>, cited 309 n. 10</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Gutschmid, cited 104 n. 6;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Neue Beiträge z. Geschichte d. alten Orients</span></cite>, cited 92 n. 1;</li>
-      <li><cite>Philologus</cite>, cited 90 n. 1, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a> n. 6</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Gyges, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a>, <a href='#Page_92'>92</a>, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a>, <a href='#Page_130'>130</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_134'>134</a>, <a href='#Page_136'>136</a>, <a href='#Page_137'>137</a>, <a href='#Page_139'>139</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_141'>141</a>, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a>–149, <a href='#Page_151'>151</a>, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a>, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a> n. 8, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a>, <a href='#Page_236'>236</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_273'>273</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_286'>286</a>, <a href='#Page_289'>289</a>, <a href='#Page_293'>293</a>, <a href='#Page_302'>302</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Gylippus, <a href='#Page_58'>58</a></li>
-  <li class='c003'>Haa ab ra, see Apries</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Haase, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Abhandlungen d. historisch. philologisch. Gesellschaft Breslau</span></cite>, cited 37 n. 7, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Habron, <a href='#Page_181'>181</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Hackl (R.), see Sieveking (J.)</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Hadrian, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a>, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a> n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Haeberlin (E. J.), <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Aes Grave</span></cite>, cited 219, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a> n. 7;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Die Systematik des ältesten roemischen Münzwesens</span></cite>, cited 233 n. 1</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἁμαξοπηγῶν</span>, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Hammer, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Zeitschrift f. Numismatik</span></cite>, cited 146 n. 7, <a href='#Page_148'>148</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Hanno, <a href='#Page_30'>30</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Hanover, House of, <a href='#Page_157'>157</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>hare, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a>, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Harmodius, <a href='#Page_231'>231</a>, <a href='#Page_302'>302</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Harold, King of England, <a href='#Page_238'>238</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Harpocration, cited 16 n. 7, <a href='#Page_56'>56</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_310'>310</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Head (B. V.), <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Historia Numorum</span></cite><sup>2</sup>, cited 56 n. 2, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a> n. 7, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_132'>132</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_159'>159</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_161'>161</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_172'>172</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_188'>188</a>, <a href='#Page_208'>208</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_209'>209</a> n. 6;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite>Numismatic Chronicle</cite>, cited 53 n. 2, <a href='#Page_55'>55</a>, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a> n. 9;</li>
-      <li>see also <cite>British Museum Excavations at Ephesus</cite>;</li>
-      <li><cite>Catalogue of Greek Coins, Corinth, Ionia</cite></li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Headlam (J. W.), <cite>Classical Review</cite>, cited 326 n. 6</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Hebrew, <a href='#Page_126'>126</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Hebrus, <a href='#Page_200'>200</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>hektemoroi, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>, <a href='#Page_307'>307</a>, <a href='#Page_308'>308</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Helbig (W.), cited 335;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Das homerische Epos</span></cite><sup>2</sup>, cited 166 n. 1, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_332'>332</a> n. 2;</li>
-      <li><cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mémoires de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres</span></cite>, cited 169, <a href='#Page_321'>321</a>, <a href='#Page_324'>324</a>, <a href='#Page_325'>325</a>, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a> n. 7, <a href='#Page_330'>330</a></li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Helladius, cited 257 n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Hellanicus, cited 102 n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>pre-Hellenic population, <a href='#Page_269'>269</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Hellenium at Naukratis, <a href='#Page_104'>104</a>–106, <a href='#Page_107'>107</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a>, <a href='#Page_116'>116</a>, <a href='#Page_118'>118</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Hellenomemphites, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Hellespont, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a>, <a href='#Page_92'>92</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>helots, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἥμερα</span>, <a href='#Page_309'>309</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Hephaestus, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>, <a href='#Page_92'>92</a>, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Hera of Argos, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Hera of Samos, <a href='#Page_69'>69</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>, <a href='#Page_116'>116</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Hera, temple of, see Heraeum</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Heraclea Ioniae, <a href='#Page_131'>131</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Heraclea Pontica, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Heraclean tables, <a href='#Page_208'>208</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Heracles, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a>, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>, <a href='#Page_178'>178</a>, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>, <a href='#Page_236'>236</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Heraclid royal family, <a href='#Page_158'>158</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a>, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a> n. 6</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Heraclides, cited 79 n. 2, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a> n. 8, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_167'>167</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a> n. 1, n. 2, n. 4, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a> n. 1, n. 2, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_269'>269</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Heraeum at Argos, <a href='#Page_161'>161</a>–164, <a href='#Page_175'>175</a>, <a href='#Page_316'>316</a> n. 7, <a href='#Page_318'>318</a>–320, <a href='#Page_333'>333</a> n. 4;
-    <ul>
-      <li>at Samos, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a>;</li>
-      <li>at Tiryns, <a href='#Page_320'>320</a></li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Hereward, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_238'>238</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Hermann (C. F.), <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Lehrbuch der griechischen Antiquitäten</span></cite>, vol. <span class='fss'>I</span> (<cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Staatsaltertümer</span></cite>), cited 28 n. 5, vol. <span class='fss'>IV</span> (<cite>Privataltertümer</cite>), cited 201 n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Hermes, shrine of, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite>Hermes</cite>, cited 171 n. 6;
-    <ul>
-      <li>see also Lehmann-Haupt, Niese</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Hermias, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a>–283, <a href='#Page_288'>288</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Hermione, <a href='#Page_330'>330</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span class='pageno' id='Page_354'>354</span>Hermocapelia, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Hermogenes (ed. Spengel), cited 51 n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Hermotybies, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Herodotus, <a href='#Page_6'>6</a>, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>, <a href='#Page_33'>33</a>, <a href='#Page_194'>194</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a>, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_215'>215</a>, <a href='#Page_290'>290</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>, <a href='#Page_293'>293</a>, <a href='#Page_295'>295</a>, <a href='#Page_298'>298</a>, <a href='#Page_320'>320</a>, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li>cited 8 n. 3, n. 13, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a>, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>–29, <a href='#Page_31'>31</a>, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>–37, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a> n. 8, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a>, <a href='#Page_46'>46</a> n. 1, n. 6, <a href='#Page_47'>47</a>, <a href='#Page_50'>50</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_51'>51</a> n. 2, n. 3, <a href='#Page_52'>52</a>, <a href='#Page_54'>54</a>, <a href='#Page_55'>55</a>, <a href='#Page_58'>58</a>, <a href='#Page_59'>59</a> n. 1, n. 2, n. 3, n. 4, n. 5, <a href='#Page_60'>60</a>–62, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a> n. 5, n. 7, <a href='#Page_64'>64</a>, <a href='#Page_65'>65</a>, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a> n. 2, n. 3, n. 4, n. 5, n. 6, n. 7, n. 8, <a href='#Page_69'>69</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a> n. 3, n. 4, <a href='#Page_72'>72</a>, <a href='#Page_73'>73</a> n. 1, n. 4, n. 6, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a>, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a> n. 8, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a> n. 4, n. 5, n. 6, n. 8, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a>–81, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_83'>83</a>–85, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a> n. 1, n. 2, n. 8, n. 9, n. 10, n. 11, <a href='#Page_88'>88</a>–92, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a> n. 1, n. 6, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a>–101, <a href='#Page_102'>102</a> n. 1, n. 2, <a href='#Page_103'>103</a>–105, <a href='#Page_112'>112</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_116'>116</a>, <a href='#Page_117'>117</a>, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_122'>122</a> n. 1, n. 4, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a>, <a href='#Page_124'>124</a>, <a href='#Page_126'>126</a> n. 3, n. 4, <a href='#Page_129'>129</a>–131, <a href='#Page_133'>133</a>, <a href='#Page_136'>136</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_137'>137</a> n. 1, n. 3, n. 5, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a>, <a href='#Page_139'>139</a>, <a href='#Page_140'>140</a> n. 1, n. 2, n. 3, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a>, <a href='#Page_144'>144</a> n. 1, n. 3, n. 4, n. 6, <a href='#Page_145'>145</a> n. 1, n. 2, n. 3, n. 4, <a href='#Page_146'>146</a> n. 1, n. 4, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_154'>154</a>, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a>, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_157'>157</a>, <a href='#Page_158'>158</a>, <a href='#Page_161'>161</a>–167, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a>–176, <a href='#Page_177'>177</a> n. 4, n. 7, <a href='#Page_178'>178</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a> n. 8, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a> n. 2, n. 3, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a> n. 4, n. 6, <a href='#Page_197'>197</a>, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a>, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>, <a href='#Page_209'>209</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_210'>210</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a>, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a> n. 7, <a href='#Page_231'>231</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_239'>239</a>, <a href='#Page_240'>240</a>, <a href='#Page_255'>255</a>, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a> n. 1, n. 4, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a>, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a>, <a href='#Page_268'>268</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a> n. 4, n. 5, n. 7, <a href='#Page_271'>271</a>, <a href='#Page_272'>272</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_294'>294</a>, <a href='#Page_302'>302</a>, <a href='#Page_303'>303</a>, <a href='#Page_305'>305</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_306'>306</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_309'>309</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_313'>313</a>, <a href='#Page_324'>324</a> n. 6, n. 10, <a href='#Page_325'>325</a>, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a>, <a href='#Page_330'>330</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_333'>333</a>, <a href='#Page_334'>334</a>, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a> n. 1</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Herostratos, <a href='#Page_103'>103</a>, <a href='#Page_118'>118</a>, <a href='#Page_119'>119</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Hesiod, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Hesiod, <cite>Eoiai</cite>, cited 324</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Hesychius, cited 39 n. 5, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_51'>51</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_54'>54</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_122'>122</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_129'>129</a> n. 7, <a href='#Page_199'>199</a> n. 3, n. 4, n. 5, n. 8, n. 9, <a href='#Page_200'>200</a>–202, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_311'>311</a>, <a href='#Page_312'>312</a>, <a href='#Page_313'>313</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Hesychius Milesius, cited 280 n. 1, <a href='#Page_283'>283</a> n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>hetaerae, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_93'>93</a>, <a href='#Page_104'>104</a>, <a href='#Page_139'>139</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Heuzey (L.), <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Catalogue des Figurines antiques de terre cuite du Musée du Louvre</span></cite>, cited 123 n. 12</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Hezekiah, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Hicks (E. L.), <cite>Manual of Greek Historical Inscriptions</cite>, cited 283 n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Hicks (R. D.), <cite>Companion to Greek Studies</cite>, cited 179 n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Hiero, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a>, <a href='#Page_30'>30</a>, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a> n. 9</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Hierocles, cited 135 n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Hieronymus, see Jerome</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Hill (G. F.), <cite>Handbook of Greek and Roman Coins</cite>, cited 24 n. 1;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite>Historical Greek Coins</cite>, cited 53 n. 2, <a href='#Page_54'>54</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_161'>161</a> n. 1;</li>
-      <li><cite>Historical Roman Coins</cite>, cited 233 n. 1;</li>
-      <li><cite>Sources for Greek History between the Persian and Peloponnesian Wars</cite>, cited 59 n. 1</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>hill, party of the, hillmen, hill country, <a href='#Page_29'>29</a>, <a href='#Page_31'>31</a>, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a>, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a>, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a>, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a>, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a>, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a>, <a href='#Page_299'>299</a>, <a href='#Page_307'>307</a>–313</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Himera, <a href='#Page_275'>275</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Himerius, cited 280 n. 1, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Hipparchus, <a href='#Page_51'>51</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_268'>268</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>hippeis, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Hippias, tyrant of Athens, <a href='#Page_33'>33</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_50'>50</a>, <a href='#Page_51'>51</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_56'>56</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_59'>59</a>–61, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_64'>64</a>, <a href='#Page_66'>66</a>, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a>, <a href='#Page_231'>231</a>, <a href='#Page_268'>268</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Hippias of Elis, cited 134 n. 2, <a href='#Page_160'>160</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Hipponax, cited 139 n. 1, <a href='#Page_272'>272</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Hipponikos, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Hirschensohn, <cite>Philolog. Obozrenie</cite>, cited 51 n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Hirschfeld (O.), <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Rheinisches Museum</span></cite>, cited 91, <a href='#Page_106'>106</a>, <a href='#Page_117'>117</a> n. 3, n. 5, <a href='#Page_120'>120</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a> n. 8;
-    <ul>
-      <li><i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">apud</span></i> Pauly Wissowa, cited 166 n. 1</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Histiaeus, <a href='#Page_61'>61</a>, <a href='#Page_62'>62</a>, <a href='#Page_268'>268</a>, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a>, <a href='#Page_271'>271</a>, <a href='#Page_287'>287</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Hittites, <a href='#Page_149'>149</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Hitzig and Bluemner, <cite>Pausanias</cite>, cited 158 n. 3, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a> n. 9</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Hoar, Senator, quoted 5 n. 8</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Hogarth (D. G.), <cite>Excavations at Ephesus</cite>, see <cite>British Museum Excavations at Ephesus</cite></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Hogarth (D. G.) and others, <cite>Annual of the British School at Athens</cite>, cited 106–110, <a href='#Page_115'>115</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_116'>116</a> n. 3, n. 6, <a href='#Page_118'>118</a> n. 1, n. 2, n. 3, <a href='#Page_119'>119</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_120'>120</a> n. 2;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite>Journal of Hellenic Studies</cite>, cited 106, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a>, <a href='#Page_118'>118</a> n. 2, n. 4</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Holm (A.), <cite>History of Greece</cite>, cited 23 n. 1, <a href='#Page_159'>159</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a> n. 9, <a href='#Page_275'>275</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_285'>285</a>, <a href='#Page_286'>286</a>, <a href='#Page_288'>288</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_303'>303</a> n. 2;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Geschichte Siciliens im Alterthum</span></cite>, cited 275 n. 6</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Holwerda (A. E. J.), <cite>Album Herwerden</cite>, cited 53 n. 2, <a href='#Page_56'>56</a> n. 2;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Rheinisches Museum</span></cite>, cited 332 n. 2, <a href='#Page_333'>333</a> n. 2</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'><span class='pageno' id='Page_355'>355</span>Homer, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_134'>134</a>, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>, <a href='#Page_262'>262</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_303'>303</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite>Iliad</cite>, cited 16 n. 1, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_324'>324</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_333'>333</a> n. 2;</li>
-      <li><cite>Odyssey</cite>, cited 16 n. 1, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a>, <a href='#Page_201'>201</a>, <a href='#Page_309'>309</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a> n. 1;</li>
-      <li><cite>Hymns</cite>, cited 259 n. 3</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Homeric age, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a>, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li>talent, <a href='#Page_172'>172</a> n. 4</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Homolle (Th.), <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">apud</span></i> Saglio, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Dictionnaire des Antiquités</span></cite>, cited 162 n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>honey, <a href='#Page_309'>309</a>, <a href='#Page_310'>310</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Hophra, see Apries</li>
-  <li class='c024'>hoplite, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Hoppin (J. C.), <cite>Argive Heraeum</cite>, cited 167 n. 6, <a href='#Page_316'>316</a> n. 7, <a href='#Page_317'>317</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Horace, <cite>Epist.</cite>, cited 201 n. 1;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite>Odes</cite>, cited 248 n. 1</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>horse rearing, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Horus, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>house martin, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>How and Wells, <cite>Herodotus</cite>, cited 87 n. 9, n. 10, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_125'>125</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_140'>140</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_144'>144</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_161'>161</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_165'>165</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_166'>166</a> n. 1, n. 4, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a>, <a href='#Page_269'>269</a> n. 7, <a href='#Page_305'>305</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_319'>319</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a> n. 7</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Howorth (H. H.), <cite>Numismatic Chronicle</cite>, cited 53 n. 2, <a href='#Page_56'>56</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>hubris, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὕβρις</span>, <a href='#Page_8'>8</a>, <a href='#Page_181'>181</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Huelsen (Ch.) (trans. Carter), <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Forum Romanum</span></cite>, cited 247 n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὑλονόμοι</span>, <a href='#Page_309'>309</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Humbert (G.), <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">apud</span></i> Saglio, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Dictionnaire des Antiquités</span></cite>, cited 222 n. 6</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Hunt (A. S.), see Grenfell</li>
-  <li class='c024'>hydriae, <a href='#Page_246'>246</a>, <a href='#Page_255'>255</a>, <a href='#Page_320'>320</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Hyginus, cited 147 n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Hymettus, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a>, <a href='#Page_308'>308</a>–310</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Hyperakria, Hyperakrioi, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Ὑπεράκριοι</span> (Athenian), <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a>–41;
-    <ul>
-      <li>(Milesian), <a href='#Page_40'>40</a> n. 8, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a> n. 2</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Hyperbolus, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Hyperboreans, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a> n. 9</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Hyperides, cited 47 n. 7, <a href='#Page_54'>54</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Hysiae, <a href='#Page_177'>177</a></li>
-  <li class='c003'>Iamblichus, cited 69 n. 1, <a href='#Page_93'>93</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Iasos, vase from, <a href='#Page_204'>204</a>–206</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Ibycus, <a href='#Page_332'>332</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Ida, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Imbros, <a href='#Page_134'>134</a> n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Imhoof-Blumer (F.), <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Monnaies Grecques</span></cite>, cited 200 n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'><i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">imperatores</span></i>, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">impressisse monetam</span></i>, <a href='#Page_218'>218</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Inaros, <a href='#Page_104'>104</a>, <a href='#Page_118'>118</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>India, Indian, <a href='#Page_142'>142</a>, <a href='#Page_197'>197</a> n. 6</li>
-  <li class='c024'>ingots of metal, <a href='#Page_141'>141</a>, <a href='#Page_142'>142</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_150'>150</a>, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a> n. 2;
-    <ul>
-      <li>see also dumps</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>inscriptions, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a>, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a> n. 7, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a>–41, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a>, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a>, <a href='#Page_50'>50</a>, <a href='#Page_56'>56</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a>, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a>, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a>, <a href='#Page_106'>106</a>–109, <a href='#Page_113'>113</a>, <a href='#Page_116'>116</a>–118, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a>, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_208'>208</a>, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a>, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_236'>236</a>, <a href='#Page_240'>240</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a>, <a href='#Page_283'>283</a>, <a href='#Page_284'>284</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_286'>286</a>, <a href='#Page_288'>288</a>, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>, <a href='#Page_297'>297</a>, <a href='#Page_299'>299</a>, <a href='#Page_313'>313</a>, <a href='#Page_316'>316</a> n. 10;
-    <ul>
-      <li>see also cylinders</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Ionia, <a href='#Page_4'>4</a>, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_83'>83</a>, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>–92, <a href='#Page_108'>108</a>, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a>, <a href='#Page_133'>133</a>, <a href='#Page_245'>245</a>, <a href='#Page_246'>246</a>, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a>, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a>–253</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Ionian art, <a href='#Page_244'>244</a>, <a href='#Page_246'>246</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li>dress, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a>, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>, <a href='#Page_331'>331</a>–334;</li>
-      <li>league, <a href='#Page_245'>245</a>;</li>
-      <li>mercenaries, <a href='#Page_122'>122</a>, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a>;</li>
-      <li>philosophers, <a href='#Page_1'>1</a>;</li>
-      <li>pottery, <a href='#Page_118'>118</a>, <a href='#Page_120'>120</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_334'>334</a>;</li>
-      <li>revolt, <a href='#Page_72'>72</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_158'>158</a>, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a> n. 7;</li>
-      <li>terra cottas, <a href='#Page_252'>252</a>;</li>
-      <li>tyrants, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a> n. 7</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>iron, <a href='#Page_203'>203</a>, <a href='#Page_274'>274</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li>currency, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>, <a href='#Page_163'>163</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_164'>164</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a> n. 7;</li>
-      <li>mines, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a> n. 1</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Isaiah, cited 92 n. 3, <a href='#Page_98'>98</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Isidore of Seville, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Etymologiae</span></cite>, cited 224 n. 5, <a href='#Page_226'>226</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Isis, tomb of, <a href='#Page_119'>119</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Ismenias, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a> n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Isocrates, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="es" xml:lang="es">Antidosis</span></cite>, cited 65;</li>
-      <li><cite>Areopagiticus</cite>, cited 17;</li>
-      <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Biga</span></cite>, cited 64 n. 4, n. 5;</li>
-      <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Busiris</span></cite>, cited 122 n. 1;</li>
-      <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Pace</span></cite>, cited 265 n. 4;</li>
-      <li><cite>Panathenaicus</cite>, cited 10, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a> n. 3;</li>
-      <li><cite>Panegyricus</cite>, cited 261 n. 1, <a href='#Page_304'>304</a> n. 2</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Israel, <a href='#Page_303'>303</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Isthmus, <a href='#Page_215'>215</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Isthmian games, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Italy, Italian, <a href='#Page_1'>1</a>, <a href='#Page_2'>2</a>, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_50'>50</a>, <a href='#Page_56'>56</a>, <a href='#Page_112'>112</a>, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a>, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a>, <a href='#Page_194'>194</a>, <a href='#Page_216'>216</a>, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a>, <a href='#Page_234'>234</a>, <a href='#Page_243'>243</a>–245, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a>, <a href='#Page_266'>266</a>, <a href='#Page_278'>278</a>, <a href='#Page_286'>286</a>, <a href='#Page_311'>311</a>, <a href='#Page_315'>315</a>, <a href='#Page_316'>316</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Italian pottery, <a href='#Page_335'>335</a></li>
-  <li class='c003'><cite>J.H.S.</cite> see <cite>Journal of Hellenic Studies</cite></li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">J. I. d’A. N.</span></cite> see <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Journal International d’Archéologie Numismatique</span></cite></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Jacoby (F.), <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Marmor Parium</span></cite>, cited 155 n. 2, <a href='#Page_160'>160</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_181'>181</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahrb.</span></cite> = <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahrbuch des deutschen archäologischen Instituts</span></cite>, cited 187 n. 4;
-    <ul>
-      <li>see also Boehlau, Conze, Duemmler, Kalkmann, Kroker, Winter</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahrbücher f. Nationalökonomie u. Statistik</span></cite>, see E. Meyer</li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahrbücher f. Classische Philologie</span></cite>, see Gilbert, Schoemann, Wilisch</li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahresbericht des Gymnas. Zittau</span></cite>, see Wilisch</li>
-  <li class='c024'>James of Hereford, Lord, <a href='#Page_11'>11</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'><span class='pageno' id='Page_356'>356</span>James (W.), <cite>Varieties of Religious Experience</cite>, cited 306</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Janus, <a href='#Page_219'>219</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Japan, <a href='#Page_142'>142</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Java, <a href='#Page_142'>142</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Jebb, <cite>Attic Orators</cite>, cited 10 n. 5;
-    <ul>
-      <li>ed. Sophocles, cited 16 n. 7, <a href='#Page_134'>134</a> n. 5</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Jerome, cited 52, <a href='#Page_95'>95</a>, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_103'>103</a>, <a href='#Page_172'>172</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_273'>273</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Jerusalem, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Jevons (W. S.), <cite>Money</cite>, cited 3 n. 6, <a href='#Page_142'>142</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Jew, <a href='#Page_194'>194</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>jewellery, <a href='#Page_164'>164</a>, <a href='#Page_167'>167</a>, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>, <a href='#Page_175'>175</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite>Job, Book of</cite>, cited 149 n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Johansen (K. F.), <cite><span lang="da" xml:lang="da">Sikyoniske Vaser</span></cite>, cited 316 n. 10</li>
-  <li class='c024'>John of Antioch, cited 93 n. 1, <a href='#Page_224'>224</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_226'>226</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Johnson, Dr, <a href='#Page_281'>281</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Jones (Stuart), <cite>Journal of Hellenic Studies</cite>, cited 198 n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Jordan, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Topographie der Stadt Rom</span></cite>, cited 338 n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Josephus, cited 97 n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Josiah, <a href='#Page_116'>116</a>, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Journal des Savants</span></cite>, see Piganiol, Reinach (A. J.), De Sanctis</li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Journal International d’Archéologie Numismatique</span></cite>, cited 171 n. 6, n. 8;
-    <ul>
-      <li>see also Babelon, Svoronos</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite>Journal of Hellenic Studies</cite>, cited 112 n. 8, <a href='#Page_114'>114</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_284'>284</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_285'>285</a> n. 3;
-    <ul>
-      <li>see also Bent, Burrows, Dickens, Edgar, Fotheringham, Hogarth, Stuart Jones, Leaf, Macan, Mahaffy, Munro, Myres, Ramsay, Ridgeway, Ure</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite>Journal of Roman Studies</cite>, cited, see Boni</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Jove, temple of, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Juba, king of Libya, <a href='#Page_201'>201</a> n. 8</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Judah, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a>, <a href='#Page_303'>303</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>jurymen, payment of, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>, <a href='#Page_231'>231</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Justin, cited 29 n. 2, <a href='#Page_31'>31</a>, <a href='#Page_54'>54</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_73'>73</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_129'>129</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_136'>136</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_183'>183</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_208'>208</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a>, <a href='#Page_278'>278</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c003'>Kabeirion, <a href='#Page_108'>108</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Kahrstedt, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">apud</span></i> Pauly Wissowa, cited 120 n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>kalasiries, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Kalaurian league, <a href='#Page_324'>324</a>, <a href='#Page_330'>330</a>, <a href='#Page_331'>331</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Kalkmann (A.), <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahrbuch</span></cite>, cited 333 n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Kallikrates, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Kallirrhoe, <a href='#Page_62'>62</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Kallisthenes, <cite>Apophthegms</cite>, cited 282 n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Kamaresa, <a href='#Page_43'>43</a>, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Kaminia, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a> n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Kampanes, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique</span></cite>, cited 56 n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">κάπηλος, καπηλεῖον, καπηλεύειν</span>, <a href='#Page_73'>73</a>, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Kapsala, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a> n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Karanos, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a>, <a href='#Page_183'>183</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Kavalla, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Keil (B.), <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Die Solonische Verfassung</span></cite>, cited 168 n. 3, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a> n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Kelainai, <a href='#Page_140'>140</a>, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Kent, <a href='#Page_311'>311</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Kephisia, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">κεραμεαί, κεραμευτικὴ τέχνη</span>, <a href='#Page_200'>200</a>, <a href='#Page_209'>209</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Kerameikos (Athens), <a href='#Page_318'>318</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Keraunos, see Ptolemy Keraunos</li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">κεροπλάστης</span>, <a href='#Page_55'>55</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Khamois, Satni, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a>, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a>–102</li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">κιβωτός, κιβώτιον</span>, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a>, <a href='#Page_208'>208</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Kibotos, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Kieff, <a href='#Page_142'>142</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Kinch (K. F.), <cite>Vroulia</cite>, cited 93 n. 4, <a href='#Page_109'>109</a>, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_112'>112</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_114'>114</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite>Kings, Second Book of</cite>, cited 92 n. 3, <a href='#Page_98'>98</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Kinkel (G.), <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Epicorum Graecorum Fragmenta</span></cite>, cited 324 n. 7</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Kirchhoff (A.), <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Studien z. Geschichte d. griechischen Alphabets</span></cite><sup>4</sup>, cited 104 n. 7, <a href='#Page_106'>106</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Kirrha, Kirrhaians, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a> n. 2, n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">κιστοφόρος</span>, <a href='#Page_57'>57</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">κιθαρηφόρος</span>, <a href='#Page_57'>57</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Kitsovouno, <a href='#Page_43'>43</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Kleidemos, Atthidograph, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Klein (W.), <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Die griechischen Vasen mit Meistersignaturen</span></cite>, cited 245 n. 1;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Sitzungsberichte d. Akademie d. Wissenschaften in Wien</span></cite>, cited 198 n. 9</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>kleinmeister kylikes, <a href='#Page_115'>115</a>, <a href='#Page_318'>318</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>kleronomos, <a href='#Page_277'>277</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite>Klio</cite>, see Graffunder, Nordin, Perdrizet, Petersen, Seeck</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Knapp (P.), <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Korrespondenz-Blatt f. die Gelehrten- u. Real-Schulen Wuerttembergs</span></cite>, cited 189 n. 7, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a> n. 3, n. 7, <a href='#Page_194'>194</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a> n. 4, n. 5, <a href='#Page_197'>197</a> n. 7, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Knossos, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>, <a href='#Page_141'>141</a>, <a href='#Page_298'>298</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Knut, <a href='#Page_238'>238</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Kodros, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'><span class='pageno' id='Page_357'>357</span>Koehler (U.), <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Athenische Mitteilungen</span></cite>, cited 50 n. 3, <a href='#Page_163'>163</a> n. 1;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Rheinisches Museum f. Philologie</span></cite>, cited 173 n. 1, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a> n. 5;</li>
-      <li><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Sitzungsberichte d. preuss. Akademie d. Wissenschaften zu Berlin</span></cite>, cited 31 n. 2</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Kolaios, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_177'>177</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Kollytos, <a href='#Page_55'>55</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Komas, <a href='#Page_272'>272</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">κομίζειν</span>, <a href='#Page_139'>139</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">κόψας</span> (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">μέτρον</span>), <a href='#Page_182'>182</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">κόραι</span>, <a href='#Page_54'>54</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Κορινθία συγγραφή, Κορινθιακά</span>, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Koriskos, <a href='#Page_283'>283</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Kornemann (E.), <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">apud</span></i> Pauly Wissowa, <a href='#Page_222'>222</a> n. 3, n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Korrespondenz-Blatt f. die Gelehrten- u. Real-Schulen Wuerttembergs</span></cite>, see Knapp</li>
-  <li class='c024'>kothons, <a href='#Page_248'>248</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">κραίνω</span>, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Kreon, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Kresphontes, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">κρητῆρες</span>, <a href='#Page_201'>201</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Krisa, Krisaians, <a href='#Page_66'>66</a>, <a href='#Page_247'>247</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a>–261</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Kroker (E.), <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahrbuch</span></cite>, cited 315 n. 1, n. 3, <a href='#Page_321'>321</a>, <a href='#Page_325'>325</a> n. 9</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Kronos, <a href='#Page_302'>302</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Ktesias, <a href='#Page_157'>157</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>kylikes, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_115'>115</a>, <a href='#Page_318'>318</a></li>
-  <li class='c003'>Labda, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>labyrinth, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Lacedaemon, Lacedaemonia, <a href='#Page_144'>144</a> n. 4;
-    <ul>
-      <li>see also Sparta</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Lade, battle of, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a>, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Lakedes, <a href='#Page_158'>158</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Lakydes, <a href='#Page_158'>158</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Lamb (D.), <cite>Year’s Work in Classical Studies</cite>, cited 244 n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Lampsacus, <a href='#Page_53'>53</a>, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a>, <a href='#Page_281'>281</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Lancastrians, <a href='#Page_101'>101</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Landwehr, <cite>Philologus</cite>, cited 35 n. 2, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a> n. 6</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Lanuvium, <a href='#Page_246'>246</a> n. 7</li>
-  <li class='c024'><i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">lapicidae</span></i>, <a href='#Page_230'>230</a>, <a href='#Page_234'>234</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Lapithae, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Larcher (P. H.), <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mémoires de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres</span></cite>, cited 280 n. 1, <a href='#Page_283'>283</a> n. 6</li>
-  <li class='c024'><i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">lares</span></i>, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><em>lares grundules</em>, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Larissa, near Phocaea, <a href='#Page_246'>246</a> n. 8</li>
-  <li class='c024'>larnax, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">λάρναξ</span>, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a>, <a href='#Page_199'>199</a>, <a href='#Page_209'>209</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Latium, <a href='#Page_219'>219</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_224'>224</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_234'>234</a>, <a href='#Page_246'>246</a>, <a href='#Page_296'>296</a>, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>de Launay (L.), <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">apud</span></i> Saglio, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Dictionnaire des Antiquités</span></cite>, cited 44 n. 5, <a href='#Page_203'>203</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>laundrymen, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>laura, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Laurentius Lydus (Johannes), <cite>de Magistratibus</cite>, cited 48 n. 6;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Mensuris et Ponderibus</span></cite>, cited 224 n. 5, <a href='#Page_226'>226</a> n. 3;</li>
-      <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Ostentatione</span></cite>, cited 238 n. 3</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Laurium, <a href='#Page_21'>21</a>, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a>, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a>, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a>, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a>–46, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a>, <a href='#Page_50'>50</a>, <a href='#Page_58'>58</a>, <a href='#Page_61'>61</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Lauth (F. J.), <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Aus Aegyptens Vorzeit</span></cite>, cited 97 n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'><i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">lautumiae</span></i>, <a href='#Page_224'>224</a> n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>lawgivers, <a href='#Page_8'>8</a>, <a href='#Page_11'>11</a>, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>, <a href='#Page_93'>93</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_182'>182</a>, <a href='#Page_183'>183</a>, <a href='#Page_301'>301</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Lawson (Thos. W.), <cite>Frenzied Finance</cite>, cited 4 n. 1, <a href='#Page_5'>5</a> n. 8</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Layard (A. H.), <cite>Monuments of Nineveh</cite>, cited 325 n. 6</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Layton (W. T.), <cite>Capital and Labour</cite>, cited 11 n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Lazarus, <a href='#Page_102'>102</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>leaden coins, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Leaf, <cite>Journal of Hellenic Studies</cite>, cited 281–283, <a href='#Page_286'>286</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Leaina, <a href='#Page_253'>253</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>leather currency, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a> n. 7</li>
-  <li class='c024'>leather workers, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a>, <a href='#Page_222'>222</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Lebadea, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Lebedos, <a href='#Page_131'>131</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Ledl (A.), <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Studien zur älteren athen. Verfassungsgeschichte</span></cite>, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Lehmann-Haupt (C. F.), cited 157;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite>Hermes</cite>, cited 161 n. 3</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Lelantine war, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_117'>117</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Lemnos, <a href='#Page_134'>134</a> n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Lenormant, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_150'>150</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">La Monnaie dans L’Antiquité</span></cite>, cited 74 n. 6, <a href='#Page_141'>141</a>;</li>
-      <li><cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Monnaies Royales de la Lydie</span></cite>, cited 130 n. 7;</li>
-      <li><cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Monnaies et Médailles</span></cite>, cited 56 n. 4</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Lenschau (T.), <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">apud</span></i> Bursian, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahresbericht</span></cite>, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Leokedes, <a href='#Page_154'>154</a>, <a href='#Page_157'>157</a>, <a href='#Page_158'>158</a>, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Leontini, <a href='#Page_273'>273</a>–4 <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">passim</span></i>, <a href='#Page_296'>296</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Leontis, <a href='#Page_50'>50</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Lepsius (K. R.), <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Abhandlungen d. preussisch. Akademie d. Wissenschaften zu Berlin</span></cite>, cited 148 n. 3;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Denkmäler</span></cite>, cited 123 n. 9;</li>
-      <li><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Königsbuch</span></cite>, cited 98</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Lermann (W.), <cite>Athenatypen</cite>, cited 53 n. 2, <a href='#Page_56'>56</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a> n. 7</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Lesbians, Lesbos, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_104'>104</a>, <a href='#Page_120'>120</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span class='pageno' id='Page_358'>358</span>Letters of Phalaris, <a href='#Page_274'>274</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Leukas, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a>, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">λευκὸς χρυσός</span>, <a href='#Page_133'>133</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Leutsch und Schneidewin, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Paroemiographi Graeci</span></cite>, cited 71 n. 1, <a href='#Page_73'>73</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a> n. 7, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_308'>308</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Levantine race, <a href='#Page_305'>305</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Lewis (Geo. Cornewall), <cite>On the Credibility of Early Roman History</cite>, cited 215, <a href='#Page_236'>236</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_237'>237</a> n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite>Lexicon Seguerianum</cite>, ed. Bekker, cited 39, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_57'>57</a>, <a href='#Page_310'>310</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a> n. 9, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a> n. 9</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Libanius, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Oratio c. Severum</span></cite>, cited 257 n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Liber and Libera, <a href='#Page_250'>250</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Libya, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a>, <a href='#Page_86'>86</a>, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_92'>92</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_122'>122</a>, <a href='#Page_124'>124</a>, <a href='#Page_125'>125</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_201'>201</a> n. 8</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Liddell and Scott, <cite>Lexicon</cite>, cited 80, <a href='#Page_313'>313</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Limir-Patesi-Assur, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Liopesi, <a href='#Page_58'>58</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>liturgies, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a>, <a href='#Page_287'>287</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Livy, cited 54 n. 1, <a href='#Page_57'>57</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_184'>184</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_215'>215</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_216'>216</a>–218, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_222'>222</a> n. 1, n. 7, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a>, <a href='#Page_224'>224</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_225'>225</a>–230, <a href='#Page_232'>232</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_234'>234</a>, <a href='#Page_235'>235</a>, <a href='#Page_238'>238</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_245'>245</a>, <a href='#Page_247'>247</a>, <a href='#Page_248'>248</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_253'>253</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_278'>278</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_289'>289</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_298'>298</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Lloyd (Hy. D.), <cite>Wealth against Commonwealth</cite>, cited 4, <a href='#Page_5'>5</a>, <a href='#Page_6'>6</a>, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_235'>235</a>, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Locrians, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Lodi, <a href='#Page_2'>2</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Loeper (R.), <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Athenische Mitteilungen</span></cite>, cited 38 n. 5, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a>, <a href='#Page_50'>50</a>, <a href='#Page_310'>310</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_312'>312</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_313'>313</a> n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Loeschcke (G.), <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Athenische Mitteilungen</span></cite>, cited 316 n. 4, <a href='#Page_319'>319</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>London, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_247'>247</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Long Walls, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">λόφος</span>, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a>, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Lophos Loutrou, <a href='#Page_42'>42</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Lords, House of, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Louvre, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_245'>245</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">λύχνων, οὑκ τῶν</span>, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Lucian, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Bis Accusatus</span></cite>, cited 151 n. 4, <a href='#Page_275'>275</a> n. 1;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite>Charon</cite>, cited 144 n. 4;</li>
-      <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Eunuchus</span></cite>, cited 280 n. 1, <a href='#Page_283'>283</a> n. 6;</li>
-      <li><cite>Lexiphanes</cite>, cited 199 n. 9;</li>
-      <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Navigium</span></cite>, cited 151 n. 4;</li>
-      <li><cite>Phalaris</cite>, cited 275 n. 1, n. 2, <a href='#Page_276'>276</a>, <a href='#Page_301'>301</a> n. 2;</li>
-      <li><cite>Prometheus</cite>, cited 203 n. 4;</li>
-      <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Vera Historia</span></cite>, cited 275 n. 1;</li>
-      <li>Schol. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Cataplus</span></cite>, cited 134 n. 5;</li>
-      <li>Schol. <cite>Lexiphanes</cite>, cited 199 n. 3, n. 9, <a href='#Page_200'>200</a></li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Lucius Tarquinius, <a href='#Page_216'>216</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li>see also Tarquinius Priscus</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Lucretius, cited 311 n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'><i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">lucumo</span></i>, <a href='#Page_239'>239</a> n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Lucumo, <a href='#Page_216'>216</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li>see also Tarquinius Priscus</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Luke, cited 239 n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Lycian language, <a href='#Page_134'>134</a> n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Lycophron, son of Periander, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a> n. 7</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Lycophron, <cite>Cassandra</cite>, cited 59 n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Lydia and Lydians, <a href='#Page_1'>1</a>, <a href='#Page_4'>4</a>, <a href='#Page_46'>46</a>, <a href='#Page_59'>59</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_64'>64</a>, <a href='#Page_72'>72</a>, <a href='#Page_73'>73</a>, <a href='#Page_86'>86</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a>, <a href='#Page_92'>92</a>, <a href='#Page_104'>104</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a>, chap. <span class='fss'>V</span> <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">passim</span></i>, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a>, <a href='#Page_188'>188</a>, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a>, <a href='#Page_236'>236</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a>, <a href='#Page_273'>273</a>, <a href='#Page_293'>293</a>, <a href='#Page_302'>302</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Lydian stone, <a href='#Page_129'>129</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Lygdamis, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Lykos, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Lynkestai, <a href='#Page_183'>183</a>, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Lyons, <a href='#Page_215'>215</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Lysias, <cite>c. Eratosthenem</cite>, cited 12;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite>c. Frumentarios</cite>, cited 12</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Lysimachus, <a href='#Page_284'>284</a></li>
-  <li class='c003'>Macan (R.), <cite>Herodotus</cite>, cited 54 n. 6, <a href='#Page_59'>59</a> n. 4, n. 6, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_157'>157</a> n. 7, <a href='#Page_159'>159</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_161'>161</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_165'>165</a>, <a href='#Page_166'>166</a>, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a>, <a href='#Page_175'>175</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_262'>262</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_325'>325</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a> n. 7;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite>Journal of Hellenic Studies</cite>, cited 31 n. 2</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Macarius, cited 77 n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Macaulay (G. C.), translation of Herodotus, cited 313 n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Macdonald (G.), <cite>Coin Types</cite>, cited 128 n. 1, <a href='#Page_133'>133</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_150'>150</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>MacDonald (J. Ramsay), <cite>Unemployment and the Wage Fund</cite>, cited 5 n. 8</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Macedonia, <a href='#Page_59'>59</a>, <a href='#Page_61'>61</a>, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a>, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a>, <a href='#Page_157'>157</a>, <a href='#Page_158'>158</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_159'>159</a>, <a href='#Page_183'>183</a>, <a href='#Page_271'>271</a>, <a href='#Page_330'>330</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Macfie (J. W. Scott), <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Revue d’Ethnologie et de Sociologie</span></cite>, cited 171 n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">μάχιμοι</span>, <a href='#Page_122'>122</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Macrobius, <cite>Saturnalia</cite>, cited 287 n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Maeander, <a href='#Page_131'>131</a>, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Maeandrius, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Maelius, Spurius, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a>, <a href='#Page_255'>255</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_277'>277</a>, <a href='#Page_278'>278</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Maeonian dynasty, <a href='#Page_144'>144</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">μάγειρος</span>, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Magians, <a href='#Page_209'>209</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>magic, <a href='#Page_101'>101</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Magnesia, <a href='#Page_131'>131</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Mahaffy (J. P.), <cite>Journal of Hellenic Studies</cite>, cited 160</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Malalas, cited 71 n. 4, <a href='#Page_72'>72</a> n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Malchus, <a href='#Page_278'>278</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'><span class='pageno' id='Page_359'>359</span>Malcolm (J.), <cite>Memoir of Central India</cite>, cited 142 n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Mallet (D.), <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Les Premiers Établissements des Grecs en Égypte</span></cite>, cited 56 n. 3, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a> n. 6, n. 8, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a> n. 1, n. 4, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a> n. 3, n. 4, n. 9, <a href='#Page_92'>92</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_103'>103</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_105'>105</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_107'>107</a>, <a href='#Page_120'>120</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_122'>122</a>, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a> n. 12, <a href='#Page_124'>124</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Mamertine prison, <a href='#Page_224'>224</a> n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Manetho, cited 95 n. 2, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a>, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Manlius, Marcus, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Mantineans, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Mantissa, cited 308 n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Mantyes, <a href='#Page_58'>58</a>, <a href='#Page_59'>59</a>, <a href='#Page_62'>62</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Manu, laws of, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>manual labour, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>–22, <a href='#Page_231'>231</a>, <a href='#Page_269'>269</a>, <a href='#Page_275'>275</a>, <a href='#Page_279'>279</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Marathon, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a>, <a href='#Page_66'>66</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Marcellinus, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Vita Thucydidis</span></cite>, cited 33 n. 1, <a href='#Page_50'>50</a> n. 7</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Marchant (E. C.), <cite>Thucydides Book II</cite>, cited 313 n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Marcopoulo, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a> n. 6</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Margoliouth (D. S.), <cite>Mohammed</cite>, cited 261 n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Mariéjol (J. H.), <cite>de Orthagoridis</cite>, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Mariette (A.), cited 100 n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Marius, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Marmor Parium</span></cite>, cited 155 n. 2, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_157'>157</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_160'>160</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_181'>181</a>, <a href='#Page_210'>210</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Maronea, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_46'>46</a>, <a href='#Page_47'>47</a>, <a href='#Page_50'>50</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Marquardt (J.), <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Privatleben d. Roemer</span></cite>, cited 336 n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Marseilles, <a href='#Page_246'>246</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Marshall (F. H.), see <cite>British Museum Catalogue of Rings</cite></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Martha (J.), <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">L’Art Étrusque</span></cite>, cited 240 n. 4, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_255'>255</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Marx (Karl), <a href='#Page_6'>6</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_21'>21</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>masons, <a href='#Page_95'>95</a>, <a href='#Page_285'>285</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li>see also stonemasons</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Maspero (G.), cited 93, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a> n. 4;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Bibliothèque Égyptologique</span></cite>, cited 96 n. 2, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a> n. 3, n. 4;</li>
-      <li><cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Histoire Ancienne</span></cite><sup>5</sup>, cited 87 n. 9, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_103'>103</a>, <a href='#Page_197'>197</a> n. 5;</li>
-      <li><cite>Passing of the Empires</cite>, cited 123 n. 5;</li>
-      <li><cite>Popular Stories of Ancient Egypt</cite>, cited 101 n. 3, <a href='#Page_102'>102</a> n. 1, n. 3</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Mastarna, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a>, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Matthew, cited 261 n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Mau (A.), <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">apud</span></i> Pauly Wissowa, cited 203 n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Mauri (A.), <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">I Cittadini Lavoratori dell’ Attica</span></cite>, cited 15 n. 2, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a>, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a> n. 7, <a href='#Page_307'>307</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Maximus Tyrius, cited 70 n. 3, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_307'>307</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Medes, Media, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a>, <a href='#Page_146'>146</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_157'>157</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Medici, the, <a href='#Page_2'>2</a>, <a href='#Page_285'>285</a>, <a href='#Page_286'>286</a>, <a href='#Page_304'>304</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Mediterranean, <a href='#Page_72'>72</a>, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Medon, <a href='#Page_158'>158</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Megabazus, <a href='#Page_62'>62</a>, <a href='#Page_271'>271</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Megacles’ daughter, <a href='#Page_52'>52</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Megara, <a href='#Page_8'>8</a>, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_29'>29</a>, <a href='#Page_31'>31</a>, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>, <a href='#Page_166'>166</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a> n. 9, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a>–268, <a href='#Page_296'>296</a>, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a>, <a href='#Page_330'>330</a>, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Megara Hyblaea, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a>, <a href='#Page_273'>273</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Megaris, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Megiddo, <a href='#Page_116'>116</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Mela, cited 87 n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mélanges d’Archéologie et d’Histoire</span></cite>, see Graillot</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Melanippus, <a href='#Page_262'>262</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Melas, <a href='#Page_136'>136</a>, <a href='#Page_272'>272</a>, <a href='#Page_273'>273</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Melissa, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Meltas, K. of Argos, <a href='#Page_158'>158</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mémoires de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres</span></cite>, see Helbig, Larcher</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Memphis, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a>, <a href='#Page_88'>88</a>, <a href='#Page_95'>95</a>, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a>, <a href='#Page_98'>98</a>, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Menaechmus of Sicyon, <a href='#Page_258'>258</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Menander, <cite>Twins</cite>, cited 50 n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Mendes, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'><i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">mercatores Romanam curiam sequentes</span></i>, <a href='#Page_304'>304</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>mercenaries, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a>, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_92'>92</a>, <a href='#Page_102'>102</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a>–124, <a href='#Page_140'>140</a>, <a href='#Page_145'>145</a>, <a href='#Page_165'>165</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_166'>166</a>, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a>, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Mermnadae, Mermnads, <a href='#Page_1'>1</a>, <a href='#Page_139'>139</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_144'>144</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Meroe, <a href='#Page_98'>98</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Merovingians, <a href='#Page_142'>142</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Mesogeia, Mesogeioi, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_310'>310</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Messana, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Messene, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Messenian War, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_158'>158</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_167'>167</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_177'>177</a>, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>, <a href='#Page_182'>182</a>, <a href='#Page_331'>331</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>metal industry, <a href='#Page_21'>21</a>, <a href='#Page_69'>69</a>, <a href='#Page_73'>73</a>, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a>, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a>, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a>, <a href='#Page_146'>146</a> n. 7, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a>, <a href='#Page_203'>203</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_243'>243</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Methymna, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>metics, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>, <a href='#Page_234'>234</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">μετρία ἐσθής</span>, <a href='#Page_331'>331</a>, <a href='#Page_332'>332</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">μέτρον, μέτρα</span>, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>–172, <a href='#Page_182'>182</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">μετρονόμοι</span>, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Metropisi, see Amphitrope</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Meyer (E.), <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Geschichte d. alten Aegyptens</span></cite>, cited 102 n. 1, <a href='#Page_117'>117</a> n. 5, 125 n. 3;
-    <ul>
-      <li><span class='pageno' id='Page_360'>360</span><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Geschichte d. Altertums</span></cite>, cited 6 n. 3, <a href='#Page_29'>29</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a> n. 7, <a href='#Page_47'>47</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_54'>54</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_59'>59</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_64'>64</a>, <a href='#Page_69'>69</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_83'>83</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_105'>105</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_122'>122</a>, <a href='#Page_145'>145</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_148'>148</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a> n. 3, n. 4, <a href='#Page_173'>173</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_262'>262</a>, <a href='#Page_266'>266</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_278'>278</a> n. 2;</li>
-      <li><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahrbücher f. Nationalökonomie u. Statistik</span></cite>, cited 3 n. 3;</li>
-      <li><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Kleinschriften</span></cite>, cited 21 n. 2, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a>;</li>
-      <li><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Rheinisches Museum</span></cite>, cited 193 n. 2</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Meyer (G.), <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">apud</span></i> G. Curtius, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Studien zur griech. u. latein. Grammatik</span></cite>, cited 327</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Mezentius, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Michaelis (A.), <cite>Century of Archaeological Discoveries</cite>, cited 63 n. 2, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_253'>253</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Midas, <a href='#Page_146'>146</a>, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a>, <a href='#Page_151'>151</a>, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_213'>213</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_293'>293</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>middlemen, <a href='#Page_1'>1</a>, <a href='#Page_129'>129</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Migne, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Bibliotheca Patrum Graecorum</span></cite>, cited 71 n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Milchhoefer, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Abhandlungen d. preussisch. Akademie d. Wissenschaften zu Berlin</span></cite>, cited 38, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a>, <a href='#Page_58'>58</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_312'>312</a> n. 4;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Athenische Mitteilungen</span></cite>, cited 50 n. 4;</li>
-      <li><i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">apud</span></i> Pauly Wissowa, cited 41 n. 3</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Miletus, Milesians, <a href='#Page_21'>21</a>, <a href='#Page_33'>33</a>, <a href='#Page_59'>59</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_61'>61</a>, <a href='#Page_62'>62</a>, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a> n. 7, <a href='#Page_72'>72</a>–74, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_92'>92</a>, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a>, <a href='#Page_103'>103</a>, <a href='#Page_104'>104</a>, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a>–112, <a href='#Page_116'>116</a>, <a href='#Page_117'>117</a>, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a>, <a href='#Page_124'>124</a>, <a href='#Page_132'>132</a>, <a href='#Page_133'>133</a>, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a> n. 7, <a href='#Page_145'>145</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a>, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a>, <a href='#Page_266'>266</a>, <a href='#Page_268'>268</a>–271 <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">passim</span></i>, <a href='#Page_287'>287</a>, <a href='#Page_296'>296</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li>Milesian hyperakria, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a> n. 8;</li>
-      <li>Milesian pottery, <a href='#Page_1'>1</a>, <a href='#Page_107'>107</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a>–112, <a href='#Page_114'>114</a>, <a href='#Page_116'>116</a>, <a href='#Page_118'>118</a>, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a> n. 8;</li>
-      <li>Milesians’ Fort, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a>, <a href='#Page_104'>104</a>, <a href='#Page_117'>117</a>, <a href='#Page_118'>118</a>, <a href='#Page_120'>120</a>, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a>, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a> n. 8</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>military despotism, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>–32, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>, <a href='#Page_144'>144</a>, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a>, <a href='#Page_258'>258</a>, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a>, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a>, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a>, <a href='#Page_301'>301</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>millionaires, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Milo, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a> n. 7</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Miltiades, <a href='#Page_52'>52</a>, <a href='#Page_199'>199</a> n. 10, <a href='#Page_245'>245</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Miluhha, Miluhhi, <a href='#Page_98'>98</a>, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>miners, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>–14, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a>, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a>, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a>, <a href='#Page_47'>47</a>–49, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a>, <a href='#Page_271'>271</a>, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>, <a href='#Page_296'>296</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>mines, mining districts, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a>, <a href='#Page_21'>21</a>, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a>–39, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a>, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a>–47, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a>–51, <a href='#Page_58'>58</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_59'>59</a>–62, <a href='#Page_64'>64</a>, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a>, <a href='#Page_137'>137</a>, <a href='#Page_140'>140</a>, <a href='#Page_146'>146</a> n. 7, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a>, <a href='#Page_148'>148</a>, <a href='#Page_183'>183</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_224'>224</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_271'>271</a>, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>, <a href='#Page_296'>296</a>, <a href='#Page_310'>310</a>, <a href='#Page_312'>312</a> n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Minns (E. H.), <cite>Greeks and Scythians</cite>, cited 286, <a href='#Page_287'>287</a>, <a href='#Page_288'>288</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Minoan culture, <a href='#Page_333'>333</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li>thalassocracy, <a href='#Page_330'>330</a></li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Minos, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a>, <a href='#Page_331'>331</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Miriam (Gihon), <a href='#Page_267'>267</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">μισθός</span>, <a href='#Page_21'>21</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Mitchell (J. M.) and Caspari (M. O. B.), ed. Grote, cited 327 n. 1, <a href='#Page_330'>330</a>, <a href='#Page_331'>331</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Mitteilungen des deutschen archäologischen Instituts in Athen</span></cite>, cited 108 n. 2, <a href='#Page_210'>210</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_312'>312</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_316'>316</a> n. 2;
-    <ul>
-      <li>see also Brueckner, L. Curtius, Diamantaras, Doerpfeld, Fabricius, Koehler, Loeper, Loeschcke, Milchhoefer, Oikonomos, Pallat, Pernice, Studniczka</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Mitteilungen des deutschen archäologischen Instituts in Rom</span></cite>, cited 215 n. 2, <a href='#Page_242'>242</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_255'>255</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_335'>335</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li>see also Petersen, Pinza</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Mitylene, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>mixing bowls (craters), <a href='#Page_82'>82</a>, <a href='#Page_125'>125</a>, <a href='#Page_126'>126</a>, <a href='#Page_201'>201</a>, <a href='#Page_205'>205</a>, <a href='#Page_213'>213</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Mnason, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Mnesarchus, <a href='#Page_69'>69</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Mohammed, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Moloch, <a href='#Page_278'>278</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Mommsen (A.), <cite>Heortologie</cite>, cited 16 n. 7</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Mommsen (Th.), <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Collegiis</span></cite>, cited 222 n. 5;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite>History of Rome</cite>, cited 32 n. 1, <a href='#Page_222'>222</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_230'>230</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_231'>231</a>, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a>, <a href='#Page_285'>285</a>, <a href='#Page_295'>295</a>;</li>
-      <li><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Roemische Forschung</span></cite>, cited 228 n. 1, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a> n. 2, n. 4, <a href='#Page_255'>255</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a> n. 3;</li>
-      <li><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Roemisches Staatsrecht</span></cite>, cited 222 n. 4</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'><i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">mons sacer</span></i>, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">monstrum</span></i>, <a href='#Page_277'>277</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Montelius (O.), <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Civilisation Primitive en Italie</span></cite>, cited 119 n. 3, <a href='#Page_242'>242</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_246'>246</a> n. 6</li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Monumenti Antichi</span></cite>, cited 248 n. 2, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_253'>253</a> n. 2;
-    <ul>
-      <li>see also Gabrici, Pinza, Schiaparelli</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Monumenti Inediti pubblicati dall’ Instituto di Corrispondenza archeologica</span></cite>, cited 213 n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite>Monuments Grecs</cite>, cited 325 n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Moret (A.), <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Bocchori rege</span></cite>, cited 93 n. 2, n. 4, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Moses, <a href='#Page_197'>197</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>moulders of gold and ivory, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">μούναρχος</span>, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Movers (F. C.), <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Die Phoenizier</span></cite>, cited 191 n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>mtk, <a href='#Page_125'>125</a>, <a href='#Page_126'>126</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span class='pageno' id='Page_361'>361</span>Mueller (C.), <cite><span lang="co" xml:lang="co">Aeginetica</span></cite>, cited 160, <a href='#Page_166'>166</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_167'>167</a>, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_177'>177</a>, <a href='#Page_330'>330</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Mueller (K.) and Oelmann (F.), <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Tiryns</span></cite>, cited 315 n. 1, <a href='#Page_317'>317</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Mueller and Deecke, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Die Etrusker</span></cite>, cited 221 n. 1, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Muenzer und Strack, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Die antiken Münzen Nord-Griechenlands</span></cite>, cited 37 n. 3, <a href='#Page_60'>60</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Mullach (F. W. A.), <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Fragmenta Philosophorum Graecorum</span></cite>, cited 19 n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Mundella, Mr, <a href='#Page_11'>11</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Munich, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_252'>252</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Munro (J. A. R.), <cite>Journal of Hellenic Studies</cite>, cited 40 n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Muretus, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Variae Lectiones</span></cite>, cited 31 n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Muses, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>music, <a href='#Page_73'>73</a>, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Mycenae, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a>, <a href='#Page_298'>298</a>, <a href='#Page_333'>333</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Mycenaean culture, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a>, <a href='#Page_333'>333</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li>period, <a href='#Page_163'>163</a>, <a href='#Page_164'>164</a>;</li>
-      <li>pottery, <a href='#Page_319'>319</a></li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Mykalessos, <a href='#Page_106'>106</a>, <a href='#Page_108'>108</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li>see also Rhitsona</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Mylonpolis, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a> n. 6</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Myrcinus, <a href='#Page_59'>59</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_61'>61</a>, <a href='#Page_62'>62</a>, <a href='#Page_271'>271</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Myres (J. L.), <cite>Journal of Hellenic Studies</cite>, cited 96, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_268'>268</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_324'>324</a> n. 8;
-    <ul>
-      <li><i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">apud</span></i> Zimmern, <a href='#Page_309'>309</a> n. 9</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Myrina, <a href='#Page_131'>131</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Myron, tyrant of Sicyon, <a href='#Page_258'>258</a>, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Myrrina, <a href='#Page_51'>51</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐν μύρτου&nbsp;κλαδί</span>, <a href='#Page_302'>302</a> n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c003'>nails as money, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ναίω</span>, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Nakauba, see Nechepsus</li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ναός</span>, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Naples, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite>National Baptist</cite> of Philadelphia, cited 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ναύκληρος</span>, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>naukraries, naukraroi, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ναυκραρία, ναύκραρος</span>, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a>–331</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Naukratis, <a href='#Page_53'>53</a>, <a href='#Page_56'>56</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_92'>92</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_103'>103</a>–118, <a href='#Page_120'>120</a>–122, <a href='#Page_124'>124</a>, <a href='#Page_172'>172</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a> n. 8, <a href='#Page_293'>293</a>, <a href='#Page_315'>315</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_324'>324</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Naukratite pottery, <a href='#Page_107'>107</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_114'>114</a>–116, <a href='#Page_117'>117</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_118'>118</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ναύω</span>, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Nauplia, <a href='#Page_330'>330</a>, <a href='#Page_331'>331</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ναῦς</span>, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><em>nauis</em>, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Naxos, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Neboshazban, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li>see also Psammetichus I</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Nechepsus (Nakauba), <a href='#Page_88'>88</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_98'>98</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Necho I (Nekau), <a href='#Page_88'>88</a>, <a href='#Page_98'>98</a>, <a href='#Page_101'>101</a> n. 1, n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Necho II (Nekau), <a href='#Page_87'>87</a>, <a href='#Page_88'>88</a>, <a href='#Page_116'>116</a>, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a>, <a href='#Page_124'>124</a>, <a href='#Page_325'>325</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>negroes, <a href='#Page_101'>101</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Neilos, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Neith, <a href='#Page_102'>102</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Nemean games, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Nemesis, <a href='#Page_83'>83</a>, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Neochabis (Nekauba), <a href='#Page_100'>100</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>neolithic age, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Netos amphora, <a href='#Page_113'>113</a>, <a href='#Page_315'>315</a> n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Neue Jahrbücher</span></cite>, see <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahrbücher f. Classische Philologie</span></cite></li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite>New York Daily Commercial Bulletin</cite>, cited 5;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite>State Investigation Report</cite>, cited 5 n. 8;</li>
-      <li><cite>Sun</cite>, cited 5</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Nicolaus Damascenus, cited 59 n. 6, <a href='#Page_130'>130</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a>, <a href='#Page_136'>136</a>, <a href='#Page_137'>137</a> n. 1, n. 2, n. 3, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a> n. 5, n. 7, <a href='#Page_144'>144</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_145'>145</a> n. 1, n. 4, n. 5, <a href='#Page_146'>146</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_183'>183</a>, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a> n. 1, n. 8, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a> n. 1, n. 2, n. 3, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a> n. 1, n. 3, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a>–194, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a>, <a href='#Page_197'>197</a>, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_213'>213</a>, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a> n. 7, <a href='#Page_258'>258</a>, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_273'>273</a> n. 2, n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Niebuhr (G. B.), <cite>History of Rome</cite>, tr. Walter, cited 239 n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Niese (B.), <cite>Hermes</cite>, cited 212 n. 3;
-    <ul>
-      <li><i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">apud</span></i> Pauly Wissowa, cited 279 n. 3</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Nigeria, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Nikias, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a>, <a href='#Page_51'>51</a>, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_304'>304</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Nikias, a Megarian, <a href='#Page_266'>266</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Nikolaos, son of Periander, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a> n. 7</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Nikosthenes, potter, <a href='#Page_319'>319</a>, <a href='#Page_335'>335</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Nile, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a>, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a>, <a href='#Page_103'>103</a>, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a>, <a href='#Page_197'>197</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Niloxenos, <a href='#Page_104'>104</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Nilsson (M. P.), <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Timbres Amphoriques de Lindos</span></cite>, cited 151</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Nisaea, <a href='#Page_29'>29</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Nitokris, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">νόμισμα</span>, <a href='#Page_149'>149</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">νόμος</span>, <a href='#Page_167'>167</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">νομοθέτης</span>, <a href='#Page_301'>301</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Nonius Marcellus, cited 223 n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Norden, see Gercke</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Nordin (R.), <cite>Klio</cite>, cited 302 n. 8</li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Notizie degli Scavi</span></cite>, cited 219 n. 4, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_252'>252</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_334'>334</a>, <a href='#Page_335'>335</a>, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a> n. 1;
-    <ul>
-      <li>see also Barnabei, Boni, Cozza, Pasqui</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'><i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">nouem combusti</span></i>, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Novgorod, <a href='#Page_142'>142</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Numa, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a> n. 7, <a href='#Page_222'>222</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite>Numismatic Chronicle</cite>, cited 60 n. 2;
-    <ul>
-      <li>see also Borrell, Gardner (P.), Head, Howorth, Ridgeway, Six</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'><span class='pageno' id='Page_362'>362</span><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Numismatische Zeitschrift</span></cite>, see v. Bergmann</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Nut Amen, see Ammeris</li>
-  <li class='c024'>nymph, <a href='#Page_117'>117</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Nymphi, <a href='#Page_130'>130</a> n. 7</li>
-  <li class='c003'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὀβελοί, ὀβελίσκοι</span>, <a href='#Page_149'>149</a>, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a>–164</li>
-  <li class='c024'>obols, <a href='#Page_172'>172</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a> n. 7</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Oedipus, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Oelmann (F.), see Mueller (K.)</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Ohio, <a href='#Page_235'>235</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">οἰκέται</span>, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Oikonomos, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Athenische Mitteilungen</span></cite>, cited 38, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a>, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a> n. 9, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">οἰκονόμος</span>, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>oil presses, <a href='#Page_2'>2</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Oil, Standard, <a href='#Page_5'>5</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>ointments, manufacture of, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Olbia, <a href='#Page_286'>286</a>–288, <a href='#Page_297'>297</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>olentis arator Hymetti, <a href='#Page_309'>309</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>olive oil and yards, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>, <a href='#Page_69'>69</a>, <a href='#Page_308'>308</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Olympia, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_194'>194</a>, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a>, <a href='#Page_199'>199</a>, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Olympian games, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a>, <a href='#Page_154'>154</a>, <a href='#Page_159'>159</a>, <a href='#Page_160'>160</a>, <a href='#Page_175'>175</a>, <a href='#Page_178'>178</a>, <a href='#Page_258'>258</a>, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a>, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὀλυμπιονίκης</span>, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Omphale, <a href='#Page_236'>236</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">κατ’ ὄναρ</span>, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὀνομάσαντος</span>, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">opibus superbiaque</span></i>, <a href='#Page_235'>235</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">opifices</span></i>, <a href='#Page_222'>222</a>, <a href='#Page_230'>230</a>, <a href='#Page_234'>234</a>, <a href='#Page_235'>235</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Oppert (J.), <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mémoire sur les Rapports de l’Égypte et de l’Assyrie</span></cite>, cited 97 n. 4, <a href='#Page_98'>98</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'><i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">optimates</span></i>, <a href='#Page_234'>234</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>oracle, <a href='#Page_158'>158</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_209'>209</a>, <a href='#Page_269'>269</a>, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li>see also Delphi</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Orchomenos, Minyan, <a href='#Page_330'>330</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὀρεινά, ὀρεινή</span>, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a>, <a href='#Page_309'>309</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Oriental influence, <a href='#Page_321'>321</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Orientalische Litteraturzeitung</span></cite>, see Spiegelberg</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Oroetes, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Orosius, cited 30 n. 3, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_54'>54</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Orthagoras, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a>, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a>, <a href='#Page_258'>258</a>, <a href='#Page_262'>262</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a>, <a href='#Page_293'>293</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Orthagorids, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>ostracism, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Ouinin (= Ionians), <a href='#Page_123'>123</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Overbeck, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Abhandlungen d. saechsischen Gesellschaft d. Wissenschaften</span></cite>, cited 198 n. 9</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Ovid, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Ars Amatoria</span></cite>, cited 275 n. 2;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Fasti</span></cite>, cited 238 n. 3;</li>
-      <li><cite>Ibis</cite>, cited 275 n. 2;</li>
-      <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Metamorphoses</span></cite>, cited 147 n. 2;</li>
-      <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Tristia</span></cite>, cited 275 n. 2</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>“owls” (coin), <a href='#Page_53'>53</a>, <a href='#Page_54'>54</a>, <a href='#Page_58'>58</a>, <a href='#Page_61'>61</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>“ox” (? coin), <a href='#Page_57'>57</a> n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Oxford, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_112'>112</a> n. 8, <a href='#Page_237'>237</a>, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Oxyrhynchus papyri, <a href='#Page_104'>104</a>, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a>, <a href='#Page_258'>258</a>,262 n. 4, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c003'>Pactolus, <a href='#Page_129'>129</a>, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a>, <a href='#Page_148'>148</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Pactyes, <a href='#Page_139'>139</a>, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a>, <a href='#Page_293'>293</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Paestum, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">παιάν, παιανίζω, παιωνίζω</span>, <a href='#Page_61'>61</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Paianians, <a href='#Page_55'>55</a>, <a href='#Page_58'>58</a>, <a href='#Page_59'>59</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_61'>61</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>painters, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Paionia, Paionians, <a href='#Page_59'>59</a>–62, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a>, <a href='#Page_183'>183</a> n. 6</li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">παίς</span>, <a href='#Page_157'>157</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Pais (Ettore), <a href='#Page_194'>194</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_224'>224</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_236'>236</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite>Ancient Italy</cite>, cited 255 n. 1;</li>
-      <li><cite>Ancient Legends of Roman History</cite>, cited 236 n. 1, <a href='#Page_237'>237</a>, <a href='#Page_238'>238</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_239'>239</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_248'>248</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a>, <a href='#Page_255'>255</a> n. 1;</li>
-      <li><cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Ricerche sulla Storia e sul Diritto pubblico di Roma</span></cite>, <a href='#Page_236'>236</a> n. 1, cited 335;</li>
-      <li><cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Storia Critica di Roma</span></cite>, <a href='#Page_236'>236</a> n. 1</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Palatine, <a href='#Page_224'>224</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_253'>253</a>, <a href='#Page_338'>338</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Palazzo di Giustizia (Rome), <a href='#Page_65'>65</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Palestine, <a href='#Page_92'>92</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Palladius, cited 201 n. 5, n. 6</li>
-  <li class='c024'>“Pallas,” <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">παλλάδες</span> (coins), <a href='#Page_54'>54</a>, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Pallas (goddess), <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>, <a href='#Page_54'>54</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li>see also Athena</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Pallat, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Athenische Mitteilungen</span></cite>, cited 317 n. 7, <a href='#Page_318'>318</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Palmerius (Le Paulmier), <cite>Exerc.</cite>, cited 40</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Pamphaes, <a href='#Page_273'>273</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Pamphilus, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Panaitios, <a href='#Page_273'>273</a>, <a href='#Page_274'>274</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Panathenaic amphorae, <a href='#Page_113'>113</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li>games, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a></li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Panciatighi, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Pandion, <a href='#Page_313'>313</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πανδοκεύων</span>, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Pangaion, Mt, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a>, <a href='#Page_54'>54</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_56'>56</a>, <a href='#Page_59'>59</a>, <a href='#Page_148'>148</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Panionios, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Panofka (T.), <cite>Res Samiorum</cite>, cited 68 n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Pantagnotos, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Pantaleon, <a href='#Page_137'>137</a>, <a href='#Page_273'>273</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Papal treasury, <a href='#Page_304'>304</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Pape (W.), <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Griechische Eigennamen</span></cite>, cited 199 n. 10</li>
-  <li class='c024'>paper currency, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_4'>4</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Paphlagonia, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a>, <a href='#Page_50'>50</a>, <a href='#Page_284'>284</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Paphos, <a href='#Page_118'>118</a>, <a href='#Page_119'>119</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>papyri, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_104'>104</a>, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Paralia, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">παραλία, πάραλος γῆ, παράλιοι</span>, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a>, <a href='#Page_312'>312</a>, <a href='#Page_313'>313</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span class='pageno' id='Page_363'>363</span>Paralos (ship), <a href='#Page_312'>312</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">παραθαλάσσιος</span>, <a href='#Page_313'>313</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Parian Marble, see Marmor Parium</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Parnes, Mt, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a>, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a>, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a>, <a href='#Page_308'>308</a>–311</li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">παρθένοι</span> (coins), <a href='#Page_54'>54</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Pasqui, <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Notizie d. Scavi</span></cite>, cited 219 n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">παστάδες</span>, <a href='#Page_218'>218</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>patricians, <a href='#Page_216'>216</a>, <a href='#Page_227'>227</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Patrokleides, <a href='#Page_194'>194</a>, <a href='#Page_197'>197</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Pauly Wissowa, cited 41 n. 3, <a href='#Page_56'>56</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_120'>120</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_148'>148</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_161'>161</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_166'>166</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_201'>201</a> n. 8, <a href='#Page_203'>203</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_222'>222</a> n. 3, n. 5, <a href='#Page_268'>268</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_272'>272</a> n. 3, n. 4, <a href='#Page_276'>276</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_279'>279</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_331'>331</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Pausanias, <cite>Description of Greece</cite>, <a href='#Page_160'>160</a>, cited 46 n. 6, <a href='#Page_62'>62</a> n. 5, n. 6, <a href='#Page_65'>65</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_145'>145</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_157'>157</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_158'>158</a>, <a href='#Page_159'>159</a>, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_165'>165</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_167'>167</a> n. 1, n. 2, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a> n. 2, n. 4, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_177'>177</a> n. 1, n. 3, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>, <a href='#Page_183'>183</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a>, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a>, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a>, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_258'>258</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a> n. 2, n. 3, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a>, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a> n. 1, n. 6, <a href='#Page_266'>266</a>, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_284'>284</a> n. 4, n. 5, <a href='#Page_309'>309</a>, <a href='#Page_331'>331</a>, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Pausanias the Spartan, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>, <a href='#Page_30'>30</a>, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Payne (Henry B.), <a href='#Page_5'>5</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Peak of Derbyshire, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Pearson, ed. Sophocles, cited 16 n. 7</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Pegasus, <a href='#Page_57'>57</a>, <a href='#Page_188'>188</a>, <a href='#Page_209'>209</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Peile, cited 134 n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Peiraeans, trittys of, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Peirene, <a href='#Page_62'>62</a> n. 6</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Peisistratids, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a>, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>, <a href='#Page_31'>31</a>, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a>, <a href='#Page_289'>289</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Peisistratus, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a>, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a>, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a> n. 7, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a>–32, chap. <span class='fss'>II.</span> <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">passim</span></i>, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_137'>137</a>, <a href='#Page_166'>166</a>, <a href='#Page_167'>167</a>, <a href='#Page_215'>215</a>, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a>, <a href='#Page_231'>231</a>, <a href='#Page_245'>245</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a>, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a>, <a href='#Page_268'>268</a>, <a href='#Page_271'>271</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_274'>274</a>, <a href='#Page_287'>287</a>, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a>, <a href='#Page_299'>299</a>, <a href='#Page_302'>302</a>, <a href='#Page_303'>303</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_305'>305</a>–307, <a href='#Page_308'>308</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_309'>309</a>, <a href='#Page_310'>310</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_311'>311</a>, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Pelasgians, <a href='#Page_309'>309</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>pelatai, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>, <a href='#Page_307'>307</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Pelham (H.), <cite>Outlines of Roman History</cite>, cited 239</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Peloponnese, Peloponnesians, <a href='#Page_66'>66</a>, <a href='#Page_72'>72</a>, <a href='#Page_154'>154</a>, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a>, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_173'>173</a>, <a href='#Page_175'>175</a>, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>, <a href='#Page_178'>178</a>, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>, <a href='#Page_294'>294</a>, <a href='#Page_305'>305</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_313'>313</a>, <a href='#Page_317'>317</a>, <a href='#Page_330'>330</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Peloponnesian brooches, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li>war, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>, <a href='#Page_33'>33</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a>, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a> n. 2;</li>
-      <li>weights and measures, <a href='#Page_161'>161</a>, <a href='#Page_172'>172</a></li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Pelusium, <a href='#Page_124'>124</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Pelusian mouth of Nile, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πενέσται</span>, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πένητες καὶ πεζοί</span>, <a href='#Page_274'>274</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>pentekosiomedimnoi, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Pentelicon, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_310'>310</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Penteskuphia, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_208'>208</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Pepoli, Roméo, <a href='#Page_2'>2</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Περάτι</span>, <a href='#Page_311'>311</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Perdiccas, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a> n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Perdrizet (P.), <cite>Klio</cite>, cited 36 n. 2, <a href='#Page_46'>46</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_47'>47</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_50'>50</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_59'>59</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>perfume vase, <a href='#Page_119'>119</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Pergamum, Pergamus, Pergamene, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_148'>148</a>, <a href='#Page_284'>284</a>–286, <a href='#Page_296'>296</a>, <a href='#Page_297'>297</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Periander, <a href='#Page_21'>21</a>, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_31'>31</a>, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a>, <a href='#Page_104'>104</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_124'>124</a>, <a href='#Page_166'>166</a>, <a href='#Page_167'>167</a>, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a> n. 8, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a>–192, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a>–197, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a>–215, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a>, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a>, <a href='#Page_305'>305</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Pericles, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a>, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a>, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a>, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>, <a href='#Page_231'>231</a>, <a href='#Page_304'>304</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Periklytos of Tenedos, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">περιζώματα</span>, <a href='#Page_276'>276</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Pernice, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Athenische Mitteilungen</span></cite>, <a href='#Page_321'>321</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_325'>325</a> n. 5;
-    <ul>
-      <li>see also Brueckner</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">περόναι</span>, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>, <a href='#Page_333'>333</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Perrot (G.), <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Histoire de l’Art dans l’Antiquité</span></cite>, cited 112, <a href='#Page_116'>116</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Perseus, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a>, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a> n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Persia, Persians, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>, <a href='#Page_31'>31</a>, <a href='#Page_33'>33</a>, <a href='#Page_47'>47</a>, <a href='#Page_50'>50</a>, <a href='#Page_53'>53</a>, <a href='#Page_57'>57</a>, <a href='#Page_61'>61</a>, <a href='#Page_62'>62</a>, <a href='#Page_66'>66</a>, <a href='#Page_69'>69</a>–73, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a>, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a>, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a>, <a href='#Page_83'>83</a>, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a>, <a href='#Page_92'>92</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_102'>102</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a>, <a href='#Page_124'>124</a>, <a href='#Page_130'>130</a>, <a href='#Page_132'>132</a>, <a href='#Page_133'>133</a>, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a>–140, <a href='#Page_144'>144</a>, <a href='#Page_145'>145</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_172'>172</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a>, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a>, <a href='#Page_271'>271</a>, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>, <a href='#Page_312'>312</a> n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Persian wars, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a>, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_332'>332</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Persinos, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Peru, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a> n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Perugia, <a href='#Page_246'>246</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Petersen (E.), <cite>Klio</cite>, cited 253;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Roemische Mitteilungen</span></cite>, cited 246 n. 5</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Petra, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a> n. 7</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Petrie (Flinders), <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">apud</span></i> Hogarth, <cite>Annual of the British School at Athens</cite>, <a href='#Page_119'>119</a> n. 5;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite>History of Egypt</cite>, cited 87 n. 9, <a href='#Page_88'>88</a> n. 1, n. 2, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_98'>98</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a>, <a href='#Page_101'>101</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a>, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_125'>125</a> n. 3;</li>
-      <li><cite>Tanis</cite>, cited 109 n. 5, <a href='#Page_112'>112</a> n. 3, n. 4, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a></li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Petrie and Gardner, <cite>Naukratis</cite>, cited 103, <a href='#Page_104'>104</a> n. 7, <a href='#Page_105'>105</a>–107, <a href='#Page_109'>109</a>, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_113'>113</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_114'>114</a> n. 1, n. 2, <a href='#Page_116'>116</a>, <a href='#Page_118'>118</a> n. 1, n. 2, <a href='#Page_119'>119</a>, <a href='#Page_172'>172</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Phacussa, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a> n. 6</li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">φαινομηρίδες</span>, <a href='#Page_332'>332</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Phaistos, <a href='#Page_298'>298</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Phalaris, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_274'>274</a>–278, <a href='#Page_289'>289</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_303'>303</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'><span class='pageno' id='Page_364'>364</span>Phaleas, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Phaleron, <a href='#Page_305'>305</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Phaleron ware, <a href='#Page_315'>315</a>, <a href='#Page_318'>318</a>, <a href='#Page_321'>321</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Phalkes, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Phanes, <a href='#Page_102'>102</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_124'>124</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Phanias of Ephesus, cited 144 n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Pharaoh, <a href='#Page_88'>88</a> n. 1 and chap. <span class='fss'>IV</span> <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">passim</span></i>, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Pharaoh’s daughter, <a href='#Page_197'>197</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Phasis, <a href='#Page_148'>148</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Pheidias (= Pheidon), <a href='#Page_155'>155</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Pheidon of Argos, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_64'>64</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_69'>69</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_149'>149</a>, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_154'>154</a>–162, <a href='#Page_164'>164</a>, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_172'>172</a>–186, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a>, <a href='#Page_235'>235</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>, <a href='#Page_294'>294</a>, <a href='#Page_301'>301</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_304'>304</a>, <a href='#Page_305'>305</a>, <a href='#Page_330'>330</a>, <a href='#Page_331'>331</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Pheidon of Corinth, <a href='#Page_182'>182</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">φελλεῖς</span>, <a href='#Page_308'>308</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Pherecrates, <cite>Metalleis</cite>, cited 51 n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Pheron, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Philadelphia, <a href='#Page_130'>130</a> n. 7</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Philaidae, Philaids, <a href='#Page_33'>33</a>, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Philemonides, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Philetairos, <a href='#Page_284'>284</a>–286, <a href='#Page_288'>288</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Philip of Macedon, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a>, <a href='#Page_54'>54</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a>, <a href='#Page_330'>330</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Philip, son of Butacides, <a href='#Page_239'>239</a>, <a href='#Page_255'>255</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Philippi (Macedonia), <a href='#Page_39'>39</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_50'>50</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Philippi (A.), <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Beiträge zu einer Geschichte d. Attischen Bürgerrechtes</span></cite>, cited 329</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Philistus, <a href='#Page_30'>30</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Philochorus, cited 36 n. 3, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a>, <a href='#Page_65'>65</a>, <a href='#Page_66'>66</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_134'>134</a> n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Philokypros, tyrant of Soli, <a href='#Page_158'>158</a>, <a href='#Page_303'>303</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite>Philolog. Obozrenie</cite>, see Hirschensohn</li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite>Philologus</cite>, see Foerster, Forchhammer, Gutschmid, Landwehr, Unger</li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">φιλοπότης</span>, <a href='#Page_126'>126</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Philostratus, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Vita Apollonii</span></cite>, cited 151 n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Phocaea, <a href='#Page_130'>130</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a>, <a href='#Page_240'>240</a>, <a href='#Page_246'>246</a>, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Phocians, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Phoenicia, Phoenicians, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a>, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_93'>93</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_106'>106</a>, <a href='#Page_120'>120</a>, <a href='#Page_239'>239</a>, <a href='#Page_278'>278</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_293'>293</a>, <a href='#Page_321'>321</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_324'>324</a>, <a href='#Page_325'>325</a>, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Phoenician standard, <a href='#Page_132'>132</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite>Phoronid</cite>, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">φορτία</span>, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Photius, cited 19 n. 3, <a href='#Page_54'>54</a> n. 2, n. 4, <a href='#Page_56'>56</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_151'>151</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a> n. 9, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a>, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a>, <a href='#Page_330'>330</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Phrygia, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a>, <a href='#Page_62'>62</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_140'>140</a>, <a href='#Page_146'>146</a>, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a>, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_208'>208</a>, <a href='#Page_213'>213</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_293'>293</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Phye, <a href='#Page_51'>51</a>, <a href='#Page_52'>52</a>, <a href='#Page_54'>54</a>, <a href='#Page_55'>55</a>, <a href='#Page_58'>58</a>–60, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">φυλή τε καὶ φρατρία</span>, <a href='#Page_217'>217</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Pianchi, <a href='#Page_88'>88</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_95'>95</a>, <a href='#Page_98'>98</a>, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>piece work, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Pi-emro, <a href='#Page_106'>106</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Pieria, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>S. Pietro in Carcere, church of, <a href='#Page_224'>224</a> n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Piganiol (A.), <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Journal d. Savants</span></cite>, cited 335</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Pigres, <a href='#Page_58'>58</a>, <a href='#Page_59'>59</a>, <a href='#Page_62'>62</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Pillars of Herakles, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πίμπρημι</span>, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Pindar, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>–10, <a href='#Page_290'>290</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite>Isthmians</cite>, cited 156 n. 1;</li>
-      <li><cite>Nemeans</cite>, cited 177 n. 7;</li>
-      <li><cite>Olympians</cite>, cited 10 n. 1, n. 2;</li>
-      <li><cite>Pythians</cite>, cited 10 n. 3, <a href='#Page_275'>275</a>, <a href='#Page_289'>289</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a> n. 1;</li>
-      <li>Schol. <cite>Nemeans</cite>, cited 258 n. 2, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a>–261;</li>
-      <li>Schol. <cite>Olympians</cite>, cited 157 n. 6, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_182'>182</a>, <a href='#Page_186'>186</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_275'>275</a> n. 5;</li>
-      <li>Schol. <cite>Pythians</cite>, cited 275 n. 2</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Pindaros, tyrant of Ephesus, <a href='#Page_272'>272</a>, <a href='#Page_273'>273</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Pinza (G.), <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Bullettino della Commissione Archeologica Municipale di Roma</span></cite>, cited 221 n. 2, <a href='#Page_224'>224</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_243'>243</a>, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a> n. 1, n. 2, <a href='#Page_338'>338</a> n. 1;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Monumenti Antichi</span></cite>, cited 244 n. 1, <a href='#Page_252'>252</a>, <a href='#Page_338'>338</a> n. 2;</li>
-      <li><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Roemische Mitteilungen</span></cite>, cited 243</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Pipin, diploma, cited 261 n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>piracy, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a>, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a>, <a href='#Page_129'>129</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>, <a href='#Page_321'>321</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_324'>324</a>, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a>, <a href='#Page_330'>330</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Pisa (Italian), <a href='#Page_2'>2</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li>(Peloponnesian), <a href='#Page_159'>159</a>, <a href='#Page_160'>160</a></li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Pisamiilki, see Psammetichus (Assyrian form)</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Pitane, <a href='#Page_285'>285</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πίθος</span>, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>plague, <a href='#Page_92'>92</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>plain, party of the, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>, <a href='#Page_47'>47</a>, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a>, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a>, <a href='#Page_307'>307</a>, <a href='#Page_312'>312</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Plaka, <a href='#Page_42'>42</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Plass (H. G.), <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Die Tyrannis</span></cite>, cited 70 n. 2, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a> n. 9, <a href='#Page_269'>269</a>, <a href='#Page_272'>272</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Plataea, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>; in Libya, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Platner (S. B.), <cite>Topography of Rome</cite><sup>2</sup>, cited 247 n. 5, <a href='#Page_248'>248</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Plato, <a href='#Page_6'>6</a>, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_29'>29</a>, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a>, <a href='#Page_281'>281</a>, <a href='#Page_283'>283</a>, <a href='#Page_286'>286</a>, <a href='#Page_288'>288</a>, <a href='#Page_290'>290</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Alcibiades</span></cite>, cited 18;</li>
-      <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Amator</span></cite>, cited 18;</li>
-      <li><cite>Apology</cite>, cited 18;</li>
-      <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Critias</span></cite>, cited 16, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a>, <a href='#Page_308'>308</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_309'>309</a>;</li>
-      <li><cite>Gorgias</cite>, cited 18, <a href='#Page_208'>208</a> n. 1;</li>
-      <li><cite>Hipparchus</cite>, cited 302;</li>
-      <li><span class='pageno' id='Page_365'>365</span><cite>Laws</cite>, cited 16, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_181'>181</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_290'>290</a>;</li>
-      <li><cite>Letters</cite>, cited 30 n. 1, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a> n. 8, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_283'>283</a> n. 3;</li>
-      <li><cite>Meno</cite>, cited 24 n. 5, <a href='#Page_85'>85</a> n. 1;</li>
-      <li><cite>Minos</cite>, cited 336 n. 1;</li>
-      <li><cite>Phaedo</cite>, cited 26 n. 2;</li>
-      <li><cite>Phaedrus</cite>, cited 198;</li>
-      <li><cite>Protagoras</cite>, cited 16 n. 7, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a> n. 8;</li>
-      <li><cite>Republic</cite>, cited 18, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a> n. 4, n. 5, <a href='#Page_29'>29</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_30'>30</a>, <a href='#Page_129'>129</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_145'>145</a>, <a href='#Page_149'>149</a>, <a href='#Page_151'>151</a>, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a> n. 8, <a href='#Page_302'>302</a>, <a href='#Page_304'>304</a>;</li>
-      <li><cite>Timaeus</cite>, cited 122 n. 1, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a> n. 4;</li>
-      <li>Schol. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Hippias Major</span></cite>, cited 190 n. 1;</li>
-      <li>Schol. <cite>Phaedrus</cite>, cited 198 n. 3</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Plautus, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Captivi</span></cite>, cited 12 n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>plebeians, <a href='#Page_216'>216</a>, <a href='#Page_217'>217</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a>–225, <a href='#Page_227'>227</a>, <a href='#Page_228'>228</a>, <a href='#Page_230'>230</a>, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a>, <a href='#Page_234'>234</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πλεκταί</span>, <a href='#Page_200'>200</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Pliny, <cite>Natural History</cite>, cited 17 n. 3, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a> n. 9, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_122'>122</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_129'>129</a> n. 7, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_146'>146</a>, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_172'>172</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_186'>186</a> n. 1, n. 2, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a> n. 7, <a href='#Page_215'>215</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_217'>217</a>, <a href='#Page_218'>218</a>, <a href='#Page_220'>220</a>, <a href='#Page_222'>222</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_224'>224</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_226'>226</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_228'>228</a> n. 1, n. 2, n. 4, <a href='#Page_238'>238</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_240'>240</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_244'>244</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_266'>266</a>, <a href='#Page_275'>275</a> n. 2, n. 5, <a href='#Page_311'>311</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πλοῖον</span>, <a href='#Page_269'>269</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Plotheia, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a>, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>ploughmen, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πλούσιοι</span>, <a href='#Page_269'>269</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Ploutis, Plontis (?), <a href='#Page_269'>269</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Plutarch, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a>, <a href='#Page_181'>181</a>, <a href='#Page_183'>183</a>, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a>, <a href='#Page_269'>269</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li>Lives: <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Agesilaus</span></cite>, cited 20;
-        <ul>
-          <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Aratus</span></cite>, cited 336 n. 1;</li>
-          <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Brutus</span></cite>, cited 229 n. 2;</li>
-          <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Cato Major</span></cite>, cited 166 n. 6;</li>
-          <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Cimon</span></cite>, cited 50 n. 7, <a href='#Page_59'>59</a> n. 1;</li>
-          <li><cite>Demetrius</cite>, cited 93;</li>
-          <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Demosthenes</span></cite>, cited 12 n. 6;</li>
-          <li><cite>Dio</cite>, cited 284 n. 1;</li>
-          <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Fabius Maximus</span></cite>, cited 162 n. 1, <a href='#Page_164'>164</a> n. 1;</li>
-          <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Lycurgus</span></cite>, cited 336 n. 1;</li>
-          <li><cite>Lysander</cite>, cited 23, <a href='#Page_58'>58</a>, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_164'>164</a> n. 1;</li>
-          <li><cite>Nikias</cite>, cited 12 n. 4, <a href='#Page_151'>151</a> n. 2;</li>
-          <li><cite>Numa</cite>, cited 160, <a href='#Page_222'>222</a>;</li>
-          <li><cite>Pericles</cite>, cited 13 n. 3, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a>, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a>, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a> n. 5;</li>
-          <li><cite>Phocion</cite>, cited 336 n. 1;</li>
-          <li><cite>Poplicola</cite>, cited 223 n. 5, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a> n. 5;</li>
-          <li><cite>Romulus</cite>, cited 238 n. 3;</li>
-          <li><cite>Solon</cite>, cited 12 n. 1, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a> n. 1, n. 2, n. 5, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_65'>65</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_308'>308</a>, <a href='#Page_309'>309</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a> n. 5;</li>
-          <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Themistocles</span></cite>, cited 46;</li>
-          <li><cite>Theseus</cite>, cited 16 n. 4, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a> n. 8;</li>
-          <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Timoleon</span></cite>, cited 302 n. 6, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a> n. 1;</li>
-        </ul>
-      </li>
-      <li>Moralia: <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Alexandri Magni Fortuna aut Virtute</span></cite>, cited 158 n. 6;
-        <ul>
-          <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Amatoriae Narrationes</span></cite>, cited 180;</li>
-          <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Amatorius</span></cite>, cited 35 n. 2, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_275'>275</a> n. 1;</li>
-          <li><cite>Apophthegmata Laconica</cite>, cited 57 n. 5, <a href='#Page_130'>130</a> n. 4;</li>
-          <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Ei apud Delphos</span></cite>, cited 189 n. 8;</li>
-          <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Exilio</span></cite>, cited 168, <a href='#Page_199'>199</a> n. 5;</li>
-          <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Fortuna Romanorum</span></cite>, cited 238 n. 3;</li>
-          <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Instituta Laconica</span></cite>, cited 336 n. 1;</li>
-          <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Iside et Osiride</span></cite>, cited 100 n. 4, n. 8;</li>
-          <li><cite>de Malignitate Herodoti</cite>, cited 191 n. 3, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a> n. 5;</li>
-          <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Mulierum Virtutibus</span></cite>, cited 49 n. 1, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_140'>140</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_278'>278</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_279'>279</a> n. 2;</li>
-          <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Parallela</span></cite>, cited 275 n. 2;</li>
-          <li><cite>Paroemia</cite>, cited 76 n. 6, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a> n. 2, n. 4;</li>
-          <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Praecepta Gerendae Reipublicae</span></cite>, cited 35 n. 2, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_276'>276</a> n. 3;</li>
-          <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">cum Principibus Philosophandum</span></cite>, cited 276 n. 3;</li>
-          <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Pythio Oraculo</span></cite>, cited 136 n. 3, <a href='#Page_137'>137</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_167'>167</a>;</li>
-          <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Quaestiones Graecae</span></cite>, cited 69 n. 3, n. 5, <a href='#Page_144'>144</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_145'>145</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_268'>268</a>;</li>
-          <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Quaestiones Romanae</span></cite>, cited 337 n. 1, n. 5;</li>
-          <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Regum et Imperatorum Apophthegmata</span></cite>, cited 179 n. 3, <a href='#Page_208'>208</a> n. 4;</li>
-          <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Septem Sapientum Conuiuium</span></cite>, cited 104 n. 3, <a href='#Page_124'>124</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a>, <a href='#Page_197'>197</a>, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a>, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_213'>213</a> n. 4;</li>
-          <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Sera Numinis Vindicta</span></cite>, cited 257 n. 3, <a href='#Page_262'>262</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_275'>275</a> n. 1;</li>
-          <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Tranquillitate Animi</span></cite>, cited 134 n. 4;</li>
-          <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Vita et Poesi Homeri</span></cite>, cited 134 n. 2;</li>
-          <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Vitioso Pudore</span></cite>, cited 95 n. 1</li>
-        </ul>
-      </li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Poehlmann (R.), <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Geschichte d. socialen Fragen u. des Socialismus i. d. antik. Welt</span></cite>, cited 4 n. 2, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a>, <a href='#Page_269'>269</a> n. 5;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Grundriss der griechischen Geschichte</span></cite>, cited 37 n. 7, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_304'>304</a> n. 3</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>polemarch, <a href='#Page_194'>194</a>, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a>, <a href='#Page_197'>197</a>, <a href='#Page_258'>258</a>, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a>, <a href='#Page_273'>273</a>, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a>, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a> n. 9</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Polledrara, <a href='#Page_119'>119</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Pollux, cited 13 n. 5, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>, <a href='#Page_54'>54</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_57'>57</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_129'>129</a> n. 2, n. 7, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_172'>172</a> n. 2, n. 6, <a href='#Page_175'>175</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_199'>199</a> n. 6, n. 7, n. 8, n. 9, <a href='#Page_200'>200</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a>, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_320'>320</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a> n. 8, n. 9, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a>, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πῶλος</span> (coin), <a href='#Page_57'>57</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Polyaenus, cited 10 n. 6, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_51'>51</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_52'>52</a>, <a href='#Page_69'>69</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_140'>140</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_145'>145</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_272'>272</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_273'>273</a>, <a href='#Page_274'>274</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_275'>275</a>–278, <a href='#Page_283'>283</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'><span class='pageno' id='Page_366'>366</span>Polybius, cited 45 n. 3, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_209'>209</a>, <a href='#Page_210'>210</a>, <a href='#Page_215'>215</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_216'>216</a>, <a href='#Page_275'>275</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_285'>285</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_302'>302</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_305'>305</a>, <a href='#Page_306'>306</a>, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Polycharmus, cited 103, <a href='#Page_118'>118</a>, <a href='#Page_119'>119</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Polycrates, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a>, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_21'>21</a>, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_31'>31</a>, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a>, <a href='#Page_62'>62</a>, chap. <span class='fss'>III</span> <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">passim</span></i>, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a>, <a href='#Page_124'>124</a>, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a>, <a href='#Page_177'>177</a>, <a href='#Page_215'>215</a>, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a>, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a> n. 7, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>, <a href='#Page_303'>303</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_305'>305</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Pompey, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Pontic amphorae, <a href='#Page_246'>246</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>“pony” (coin), <a href='#Page_57'>57</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Pope, <a href='#Page_304'>304</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li>see also papal</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>populares, <a href='#Page_225'>225</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πόρυη</span>, <a href='#Page_139'>139</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Porphyrius, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Antro Nympharum</span></cite>, cited 201 n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Porzio (G.), <cite>I Cipselidi</cite>, cited 27 n. 5, <a href='#Page_31'>31</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_194'>194</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a>, <a href='#Page_197'>197</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Poseidon, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_305'>305</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Postumius Tubertus, Postumii, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Potamos, Potamioi, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_50'>50</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ποτήρια</span>, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Potidaea, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>potteries, <a href='#Page_21'>21</a>, <a href='#Page_115'>115</a>, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>, <a href='#Page_210'>210</a>, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a>, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>potters, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>, <a href='#Page_139'>139</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_186'>186</a>, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>–211, <a href='#Page_217'>217</a>, <a href='#Page_222'>222</a>, <a href='#Page_243'>243</a>–246, <a href='#Page_295'>295</a>, <a href='#Page_323'>323</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>potter’s wheel, <a href='#Page_186'>186</a>, <a href='#Page_210'>210</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>pottery, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>, <a href='#Page_53'>53</a>, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a>, <a href='#Page_105'>105</a>–119, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_139'>139</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_163'>163</a>, <a href='#Page_164'>164</a>, <a href='#Page_167'>167</a>–170, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a>, <a href='#Page_175'>175</a>, <a href='#Page_185'>185</a>–187, <a href='#Page_200'>200</a>–203, <a href='#Page_205'>205</a>–208, <a href='#Page_210'>210</a>, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a> n. 8, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a>, <a href='#Page_241'>241</a>–245, <a href='#Page_248'>248</a>, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a>, <a href='#Page_252'>252</a>, <a href='#Page_255'>255</a>, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a>, <a href='#Page_287'>287</a>, <a href='#Page_295'>295</a>, <a href='#Page_314'>314</a>–325, <a href='#Page_333'>333</a>–335</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Pottier (E.), <a href='#Page_245'>245</a> n. 1;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Musée du Louvre, Catalogue des Vases Antiques</span></cite>, cited 321 n. 4, n. 6;</li>
-      <li><cite>Vases <span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Antiques du Louvre</span></cite> (Album), <a href='#Page_242'>242</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_255'>255</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_335'>335</a>;</li>
-      <li><i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">apud</span></i> Saglio, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Dict. d. Antiq.</span></cite>, cited 201, <a href='#Page_315'>315</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_317'>317</a> n. 1</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Poulsen (F.), <cite>Dipylongräber</cite>, cited 315 n. 1, n. 3, <a href='#Page_316'>316</a> n. 7, <a href='#Page_321'>321</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Der Orient u. die frühgriechische Kunst</span></cite>, cited 93 n. 3, n. 4, <a href='#Page_112'>112</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_119'>119</a></li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'><em>praedives</em>, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Praeneste, <a href='#Page_219'>219</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_238'>238</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Prasiae, <a href='#Page_330'>330</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Preller, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Archäologische Zeitung</span></cite>, cited 198 n. 9</li>
-  <li class='c024'>priest, <a href='#Page_92'>92</a>, <a href='#Page_272'>272</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_303'>303</a>, <a href='#Page_305'>305</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">primores ciuitatis</span></i>, <a href='#Page_227'>227</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Prinz (H.), <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Funde aus Naukratis</span></cite>, cited 92 n. 2, <a href='#Page_109'>109</a>, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a>, <a href='#Page_111'>111</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_112'>112</a> n. 2, n. 7, <a href='#Page_113'>113</a>, <a href='#Page_114'>114</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_116'>116</a> n. 4, n. 6, 117 n. 4, n. 5, <a href='#Page_120'>120</a> n. 1, n. 2, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a> n. 12, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a> n. 8, <a href='#Page_315'>315</a> n. 2, n. 5, <a href='#Page_316'>316</a> n. 4, n. 8, n. 10, <a href='#Page_320'>320</a> n. 6</li>
-  <li class='c024'>private coinage, <a href='#Page_141'>141</a>, <a href='#Page_142'>142</a>, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a>, <a href='#Page_150'>150</a>, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a>, <a href='#Page_294'>294</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Procles of Epidaurus, <a href='#Page_167'>167</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Proclus, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Comment. in Platonis Rempublicam</span></cite>, cited 151 n. 4;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite>in Timaeum</cite>, cited 16 n. 7</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Prodicus, cited 19 n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">προστὰς τοῦ δήμου, προστάτης</span>, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>, <a href='#Page_271'>271</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Proto-Attic pottery, <a href='#Page_92'>92</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_113'>113</a>, <a href='#Page_315'>315</a>, <a href='#Page_318'>318</a>, <a href='#Page_319'>319</a>, <a href='#Page_321'>321</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Proto-Corinthian pottery, <a href='#Page_109'>109</a>, <a href='#Page_117'>117</a>, <a href='#Page_163'>163</a>, <a href='#Page_185'>185</a>, <a href='#Page_186'>186</a>, <a href='#Page_244'>244</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_248'>248</a>, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a>, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a>, <a href='#Page_315'>315</a>–319, <a href='#Page_334'>334</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Protogenes, <a href='#Page_286'>286</a>–288, <a href='#Page_297'>297</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>prytanis, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Psammetichus of Corinth, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a>–214</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Psammetichus (Psamtek) I of Egypt, chap. <span class='fss'>IV</span> <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">passim</span></i>, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a>, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>, <a href='#Page_293'>293</a>, <a href='#Page_298'>298</a>, <a href='#Page_299'>299</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Psammetichus II of Egypt, <a href='#Page_88'>88</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Psammetichus III of Egypt, <a href='#Page_88'>88</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Psammetichus the Libyan, <a href='#Page_92'>92</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Psammetichus, priest, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a> n. 6</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Psammetichus son of Theocles, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Psammouthis, see Psammetichus II</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Psaumis, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Psellus (M.), cited 313 n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Ptah, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a>, <a href='#Page_98'>98</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Ptolemaic story, <a href='#Page_102'>102</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Ptolemies, <a href='#Page_160'>160</a>, <a href='#Page_203'>203</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Ptolemy Keraunos, <a href='#Page_284'>284</a>, <a href='#Page_285'>285</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Ptolemy, <cite>Geographike Syntaxis</cite>, cited 122 n. 4, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Ptoon, Mt, <a href='#Page_108'>108</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Publicola (Valerius), <a href='#Page_229'>229</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Punic Wars, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Pylaimenes, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Pyrrhic War, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Pythaenetus, cited 167 n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Pythagoras of Ephesus, <a href='#Page_271'>271</a>, <a href='#Page_272'>272</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Pythagoras of Samos, <a href='#Page_69'>69</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Pythes, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a>, <a href='#Page_140'>140</a>, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a>, <a href='#Page_293'>293</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Pytheus, <a href='#Page_140'>140</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li>see also Pythes</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Pythia, <a href='#Page_144'>144</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Pythian games, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a>–262</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Pytho, <a href='#Page_137'>137</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li>see also Delphi</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>pyxides, <a href='#Page_248'>248</a></li>
-  <li class='c003'>quarries, quarrying, <a href='#Page_21'>21</a>, <a href='#Page_224'>224</a>, <a href='#Page_225'>225</a>, <a href='#Page_230'>230</a>, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a>, <a href='#Page_237'>237</a>, <a href='#Page_276'>276</a>, <a href='#Page_295'>295</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Quirinal, <a href='#Page_253'>253</a>, <a href='#Page_254'>254</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span class='pageno' id='Page_367'>367</span>Radet (G.), <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">La Lydie et le Monde grec</span></cite>, cited 2, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_130'>130</a> n. 1, n. 2, n. 3, <a href='#Page_131'>131</a>, <a href='#Page_132'>132</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_133'>133</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_134'>134</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>, <a href='#Page_136'>136</a>, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a>, <a href='#Page_139'>139</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_141'>141</a>, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_144'>144</a>, <a href='#Page_145'>145</a> n. 2, n. 3, n. 4, <a href='#Page_146'>146</a>, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_148'>148</a>, <a href='#Page_273'>273</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Revue des Universités du Midi</span></cite>, cited 128 n. 1, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a>, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_159'>159</a> n. 5</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Ramsay (W. M.), <cite>Journal of Hellenic Studies</cite>, cited 147 n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Ramses II, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a> n. 9, <a href='#Page_101'>101</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Ramses III, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a> n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Rayet (O.), <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Monuments de l’Art Antique</span></cite>, cited 240 n. 2, <a href='#Page_253'>253</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Red Figure pottery, <a href='#Page_107'>107</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_108'>108</a>, <a href='#Page_204'>204</a>, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_335'>335</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Red Sea, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Regling (K.), <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">apud</span></i> Pauly Wissowa, <a href='#Page_148'>148</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Regulini-Galassi tomb, <a href='#Page_93'>93</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_243'>243</a>, <a href='#Page_335'>335</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Reinach (A. J.), <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Journal des Savants</span></cite>, cited 110 n. 8</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Reinach (S.), <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Chroniques d’Orient</span></cite>, cited 147 n. 3;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Cultes, Mythes, et Religions</span></cite>, cited 169;</li>
-      <li><cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Revue Archéologique</span></cite>, cited 70 n. 3</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Reinach (Th.), <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">L’Histoire par les Monnaies</span></cite>, cited 128 n. 1, <a href='#Page_129'>129</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_130'>130</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_159'>159</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_172'>172</a> n. 4;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Revue Numismatique</span></cite>, cited 161 n. 2, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a> n. 3</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Renaissance, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>, <a href='#Page_286'>286</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Revillout (E.), <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Précis du droit égyptien</span></cite>, cited 93 n. 2;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Les Rapports historiques et légaux des Quirites et des Égyptiens</span></cite>, cited 93 n. 4;</li>
-      <li><cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Revue Égyptologique</span></cite>, cited 102 n. 1, n. 2,123 n. 7;</li>
-      <li><cite>Society of Biblical Archaeology Proceedings</cite>, cited 123 n. 7</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Revue Archéologique</span></cite>, see Dumont, Reinach (S.), Torr</li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Revue de l’Instruction Publique en Belgique</span></cite>, see Brants</li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Revue des Universités du Midi</span></cite>, see Radet</li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Revue Égyptologique</span></cite>, see Revillout</li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Revue d’Ethnologie et de Sociologie</span></cite>, see Macfie</li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Revue Historique</span></cite>, see Waltz</li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Revue Numismatique</span></cite>, see Babelon, Reinach (Th.)</li>
-  <li class='c024'><i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">rex</span></i>, <a href='#Page_303'>303</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Rhagon, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Rhegium, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a>, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a>, <a href='#Page_210'>210</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Rheinisches Museum f. Philologie</span></cite>, see</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Beloch, Gelzer, Hirschfeld, Holwerda, Koehler, Meyer (E.), Ruehl</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Rheneia, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a>, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a>, <a href='#Page_112'>112</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Rhitsona (Mykalessos), <a href='#Page_106'>106</a>–108, <a href='#Page_109'>109</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a>, <a href='#Page_113'>113</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_114'>114</a>, <a href='#Page_248'>248</a>, <a href='#Page_335'>335</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Rhodes, <a href='#Page_109'>109</a>, <a href='#Page_112'>112</a>, <a href='#Page_114'>114</a>, <a href='#Page_119'>119</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Rhodian pottery, see Milesian pottery</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Rhodopis, <a href='#Page_56'>56</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Rhoecus, <a href='#Page_69'>69</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a> n. 6</li>
-  <li class='c024'>de Ridder (E.), <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Ectypis quibusdam aeneis quae falso uocantur Argiuo-Corinthiaca</span></cite>, cited 316 n. 9</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Ridgeway (W.), <cite>Origin of Metallic Currency and Weight Standards</cite>, cited 132 n. 3, <a href='#Page_148'>148</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_150'>150</a>, <a href='#Page_160'>160</a>, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>–172;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite>Companion to Greek Studies</cite>, cited 128 n. 2, <a href='#Page_150'>150</a> n. 5;</li>
-      <li><cite>Journal of Hellenic Studies</cite>, cited 172;</li>
-      <li><cite>Numismatic Chronicle</cite>, cited 129 n. 7</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>ring of Gyges, <a href='#Page_145'>145</a>–152, <a href='#Page_293'>293</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li>of Midas, <a href='#Page_146'>146</a>, <a href='#Page_151'>151</a>;</li>
-      <li>of Minos, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a>;</li>
-      <li>of Polycrates, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_83'>83</a>, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a>;</li>
-      <li>of Venetian doge, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a>;</li>
-      <li>rings as money, <a href='#Page_148'>148</a>, <a href='#Page_149'>149</a>, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_293'>293</a>;</li>
-      <li>rings (seal), <a href='#Page_150'>150</a></li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Riviera, <a href='#Page_312'>312</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Rivista di Storia Antica</span></cite>, see Costanzi</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Rizzo (G. E.), <a href='#Page_245'>245</a> n. 1;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Bullettino della Commissione Archeologica Municipale di Roma</span></cite>, cited 243 n. 4, <a href='#Page_244'>244</a>, <a href='#Page_246'>246</a>, <a href='#Page_247'>247</a></li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>road makers, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>roads, <a href='#Page_130'>130</a>, <a href='#Page_136'>136</a>, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_232'>232</a>, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a>, <a href='#Page_273'>273</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Roberts (E. S.), <cite>Introduction to Greek Epigraphy</cite>, cited 106 n. 7, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a> n. 9</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Rockefellers, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Roemische Mitteilungen</span></cite>, see <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Mitteilungen des deutschen archäologischen Instituts in Rom</span></cite></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Rohde (E.), <cite>Psyche</cite>, cited 336 n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Roland, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a> n. 7</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Rome, Romans, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_65'>65</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_149'>149</a>, <a href='#Page_160'>160</a>, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_183'>183</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a>, chap. <span class='fss'>VIII</span> <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">passim</span></i>, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_277'>277</a>, <a href='#Page_278'>278</a>, <a href='#Page_287'>287</a>–289, <a href='#Page_295'>295</a>, <a href='#Page_296'>296</a>, <a href='#Page_298'>298</a>, <a href='#Page_303'>303</a>, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a>–338</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Roman Empire, <a href='#Page_139'>139</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_232'>232</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li>Emperors, <a href='#Page_60'>60</a>, <a href='#Page_303'>303</a></li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Romulus, <a href='#Page_197'>197</a>, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a>, <a href='#Page_209'>209</a>, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a> n. 7, <a href='#Page_239'>239</a> n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>rope makers, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Roscher (W. H.), <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Lexikon</span></cite>, cited 336 n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>de Rougé (E.), <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Inscription Historique du roi Pianchi Mériamoun</span></cite>, cited 96 n. 2;
-    <ul>
-      <li><span class='pageno' id='Page_368'>368</span><cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Notice de quelques textes hiéroglyphiques récemment publiés par M. Greene</span></cite>, cited 99 n. 3, n. 4;</li>
-      <li>(ed. J. de Rougé) <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Chrestomathie Égyptienne</span></cite>, cited 95 n. 3</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>de Rougé (J.), <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Étude sur les textes géographiques du temple d’Edfou</span></cite>, cited 99 n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>royal road, great road, <a href='#Page_130'>130</a>, <a href='#Page_136'>136</a>, <a href='#Page_273'>273</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Rud Amen, see Ammeris</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Ruehl, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Rheinisches Museum</span></cite>, cited 56 n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Rufous (or Eastern) Swallow, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Russia, <a href='#Page_1'>1</a>, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a>, <a href='#Page_112'>112</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_114'>114</a>, <a href='#Page_142'>142</a>, <a href='#Page_287'>287</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite>Rylands Library, Manchester, Catalogue of Greek Papyri</cite>, cited 66 n. 2;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite>Catalogue of the Demotic Papyri</cite>, see Griffith</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c003'>Sabacon (Shabaka), <a href='#Page_88'>88</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_93'>93</a>, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a>, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Sacred War, <a href='#Page_65'>65</a>, <a href='#Page_66'>66</a>, <a href='#Page_247'>247</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_258'>258</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a>–261, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Sadyattes, King, <a href='#Page_145'>145</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Sadyattes, merchant, <a href='#Page_137'>137</a>, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a>, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Saglio (E.), <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Dictionnaire des Antiquités grecques et romaines</span></cite>, cited 44 n. 5, <a href='#Page_46'>46</a> n. 7, <a href='#Page_56'>56</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_142'>142</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_201'>201</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_203'>203</a>, <a href='#Page_222'>222</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_315'>315</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_317'>317</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>sailors, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Sais, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a>–89, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a>, <a href='#Page_98'>98</a>, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a>, <a href='#Page_102'>102</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_104'>104</a>, <a href='#Page_120'>120</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a>, <a href='#Page_124'>124</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Saite dynasty, <a href='#Page_88'>88</a>, <a href='#Page_95'>95</a>, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a>, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a>–103, <a href='#Page_105'>105</a>, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a>–124, <a href='#Page_125'>125</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a>, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a>, <a href='#Page_293'>293</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Salamis, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>, <a href='#Page_29'>29</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_166'>166</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>von Sallet (A.), <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Zeitschrift f. Numismatik</span></cite>, cited 75 n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Sallust, cited 324 n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Salonika, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Salvioli (G.) (French translation by Bonnet (A.)), <cite>Le Capitalisme dans le Monde Antique</cite>, cited 5, <a href='#Page_230'>230</a> n. 3, n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Samaina, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a>, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a>, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a>, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Samnite War, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Samos, Samians, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_21'>21</a>, <a href='#Page_33'>33</a>, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a>, chap. <span class='fss'>III</span> <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">passim</span></i>, <a href='#Page_86'>86</a>, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a>, <a href='#Page_112'>112</a>, <a href='#Page_116'>116</a>, <a href='#Page_117'>117</a>, <a href='#Page_124'>124</a>, <a href='#Page_150'>150</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_151'>151</a>, <a href='#Page_177'>177</a>, <a href='#Page_178'>178</a>, <a href='#Page_215'>215</a>, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a>, <a href='#Page_266'>266</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>, <a href='#Page_324'>324</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_325'>325</a>, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Samian pottery, see Fikellura</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Samtavi Tafnekht, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Samwer (C.), <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Geschichte des älteren römischen Münzwesens</span></cite>, cited 219 n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>De Sanctis (G.), <cite>Atthis</cite><sup>2</sup>, cited 34 n. 2, <a href='#Page_51'>51</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a>, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Journal des Savants</span></cite>, cited 249</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Sandys (J.), ed. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Ἀθηναίων Πολιτεία</span><sup>2</sup>, cited 35 n. 2, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a> n. 7</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Sappho, <a href='#Page_56'>56</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_104'>104</a>, <a href='#Page_120'>120</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>sarcophagus, <a href='#Page_246'>246</a> n. 7</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Sardis, <a href='#Page_1'>1</a>, <a href='#Page_33'>33</a>, <a href='#Page_58'>58</a>, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>, <a href='#Page_83'>83</a>, <a href='#Page_129'>129</a>–131, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a>, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a> n. 9, <a href='#Page_139'>139</a>, <a href='#Page_140'>140</a>, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a>, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a>, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_273'>273</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Sargon of Akkad, <a href='#Page_197'>197</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Saronic Gulf, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_182'>182</a>, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a>–331</li>
-  <li class='c024'>satni (title), <a href='#Page_97'>97</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Satni Khamois, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a>, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a>–102</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Satni Tafnekhte, <a href='#Page_102'>102</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Satrai, <a href='#Page_59'>59</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>satrap, satrapy, <a href='#Page_83'>83</a>, <a href='#Page_132'>132</a>, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a> n. 7</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Satricum (Conca), <a href='#Page_219'>219</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_246'>246</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Satyrus, cited 156</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Saulmugina, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Saxon, see Anglo-Saxon</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Sayce (A. H.), ed. Herodotus, cited 87 n. 11, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a> n. 4;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite>Encyclopaedia Britannica</cite>, cited 197 n. 5</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Scandinavian, <a href='#Page_238'>238</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>scarabs, <a href='#Page_105'>105</a>, <a href='#Page_106'>106</a>, <a href='#Page_109'>109</a>, <a href='#Page_118'>118</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_119'>119</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_124'>124</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Schiaparelli, <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Monumenti Antichi</span></cite>, cited 93 n. 3, n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Schoemann (G. F.), <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Comitiis Atheniensium</span></cite>, cited 40 n. 5;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahrbücher f. Classische Philologie</span></cite>, cited 326 n. 6, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a></li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Scholia, see under authors concerned</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Schow (N.), ed. Hesychius, cited 312 n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Schrader (E.), <cite>Cuneiform Inscriptions and the Old Testament</cite>, cited 98 n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Schubert (R.), <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Geschichte der Könige von Lydien</span></cite>, cited 135 n. 4, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a> n. 7, <a href='#Page_144'>144</a>, <a href='#Page_145'>145</a> n. 4;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Geschichte des Agathokles</span></cite>, cited 209 n. 3, n. 4, <a href='#Page_210'>210</a> n. 2, n. 4</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Schubring (J.), <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Cypselo Corinthiorum tyranno</span></cite>, cited 194 n. 3, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_197'>197</a>, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a> n. 9, <a href='#Page_199'>199</a> n. 10, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Schweighaeuser (J.), ed. Athenaeus, cited 270 n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Schweinfurth (G.), see Erman</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Scotland, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>sculptors, sculpture, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_53'>53</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a>, <a href='#Page_101'>101</a>, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>, <a href='#Page_206'>206</a>, <a href='#Page_228'>228</a> n. 3, n. 4, <a href='#Page_252'>252</a>, <a href='#Page_253'>253</a>, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a>, <a href='#Page_285'>285</a>, <a href='#Page_302'>302</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Scyllis, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a> n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>(Pseudo-) Scymnus, cited 91 n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'><span class='pageno' id='Page_369'>369</span>Scythia, <a href='#Page_72'>72</a>, <a href='#Page_271'>271</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>sea power, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a>–73, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a>–83, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a>, <a href='#Page_95'>95</a>–97, <a href='#Page_103'>103</a>, <a href='#Page_165'>165</a>, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a>, <a href='#Page_177'>177</a>, <a href='#Page_184'>184</a>, <a href='#Page_321'>321</a>–331;
-    <ul>
-      <li>see also thalassocracy</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>seals, <a href='#Page_149'>149</a>–151</li>
-  <li class='c024'>secessions, <a href='#Page_227'>227</a>, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a>, <a href='#Page_235'>235</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_296'>296</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Seeck (O.), <cite>Klio</cite>, cited 34 n. 2, <a href='#Page_53'>53</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_56'>56</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Seeley (J.), ed. Livy I, cited 246 n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Segesta, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a> n. 5;
-    <ul>
-      <li>see also Egestaeans</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Seleucus, Seleucids, <a href='#Page_284'>284</a>, <a href='#Page_285'>285</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Selinus, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Sem of Ptah, <a href='#Page_98'>98</a>, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Semachos, Semacheion, Semachidai, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a>, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a>, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_50'>50</a>, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">σήμαντρον</span>, <a href='#Page_150'>150</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Semites, <a href='#Page_278'>278</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Semitic origin of <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">χιτών</span>, <a href='#Page_333'>333</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Sennacherib, <a href='#Page_92'>92</a>, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a>, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a>, <a href='#Page_325'>325</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>serfs, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Servilius Ahala, <a href='#Page_230'>230</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Servius, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ad Vergil. Aeneid.</span></cite>, cited 224 n. 5, <a href='#Page_238'>238</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_311'>311</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a>, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Servius Tullius, <a href='#Page_218'>218</a>–223, <a href='#Page_224'>224</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_238'>238</a> n. 2, n. 3, <a href='#Page_245'>245</a>, <a href='#Page_246'>246</a>, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a>, <a href='#Page_295'>295</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>seruus rex, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Sethon, Sethos, <a href='#Page_88'>88</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_92'>92</a>, <a href='#Page_93'>93</a>, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a>–103, <a href='#Page_105'>105</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>, <a href='#Page_293'>293</a>, <a href='#Page_303'>303</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Seti I, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a> n. 9</li>
-  <li class='c024'>setmi, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Seven against Thebes, <a href='#Page_262'>262</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>seven sages, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Sevenoaks, <a href='#Page_125'>125</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Shabaka, see Sabacon</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Shabataka, <a href='#Page_88'>88</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a>, <a href='#Page_98'>98</a> n. 3, n. 4, <a href='#Page_125'>125</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Sharpe (S.), <cite>History of Egypt</cite><sup>6</sup>, cited 121 n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>sheep breeding, <a href='#Page_266'>266</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>shekel, <a href='#Page_132'>132</a>, <a href='#Page_133'>133</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Shelley (P. B.), trans. Euripides, <cite>Cyclops</cite>, cited 40 n. 9</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Shepnepet, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>shipbuilders, shipbuilding, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>, <a href='#Page_62'>62</a>, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a>, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a>, <a href='#Page_184'>184</a>, <a href='#Page_271'>271</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>, <a href='#Page_309'>309</a>, <a href='#Page_324'>324</a>, <a href='#Page_325'>325</a>, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>ships, <a href='#Page_164'>164</a>, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a>, <a href='#Page_242'>242</a>, <a href='#Page_315'>315</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_317'>317</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>shires, <a href='#Page_237'>237</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>shoemakers, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a> n. 6</li>
-  <li class='c024'>shops, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a>, <a href='#Page_218'>218</a>, <a href='#Page_224'>224</a>, <a href='#Page_247'>247</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Sicily, Sicilian, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a>, <a href='#Page_30'>30</a>, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a>, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a>, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_112'>112</a>, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_181'>181</a>, <a href='#Page_182'>182</a>, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a>, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a>, <a href='#Page_209'>209</a>, <a href='#Page_220'>220</a>, <a href='#Page_228'>228</a>, <a href='#Page_239'>239</a>, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a>, <a href='#Page_273'>273</a>–278, <a href='#Page_284'>284</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_315'>315</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Siceliot Greek, <a href='#Page_224'>224</a> n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Sicyon, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a>, <a href='#Page_66'>66</a>, <a href='#Page_157'>157</a>, <a href='#Page_178'>178</a>–180, <a href='#Page_186'>186</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a>, <a href='#Page_215'>215</a>, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a>–264 <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">passim</span></i>, <a href='#Page_293'>293</a>, <a href='#Page_296'>296</a>, <a href='#Page_304'>304</a>, <a href='#Page_306'>306</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_316'>316</a>, <a href='#Page_317'>317</a>, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Sidonians, <a href='#Page_325'>325</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Sieveking (H.), <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Vierteljahrschrift f. Social- u. Wirtschafts-Geschichte</span></cite>, cited 3, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_304'>304</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Sieveking (J.) and Hackl (R.), <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Die königliche Vasensammlung zu Muenchen</span></cite>, cited 251 n. 3, <a href='#Page_252'>252</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_334'>334</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Sigeium, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Sigismund, Emperor, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><em>signauit</em>, <a href='#Page_218'>218</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>silphium, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>silver, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a>, <a href='#Page_144'>144</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_177'>177</a>, <a href='#Page_227'>227</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li>currency, <a href='#Page_4'>4</a>, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>, <a href='#Page_57'>57</a>, <a href='#Page_58'>58</a>, <a href='#Page_61'>61</a>, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a>, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>, <a href='#Page_131'>131</a>–133, <a href='#Page_140'>140</a>, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a>, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a>, <a href='#Page_164'>164</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_172'>172</a>, <a href='#Page_218'>218</a>, <a href='#Page_219'>219</a>, <a href='#Page_220'>220</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a>, <a href='#Page_294'>294</a>;</li>
-      <li>mines, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a>–40, <a href='#Page_47'>47</a>, <a href='#Page_54'>54</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_59'>59</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_62'>62</a>, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_271'>271</a>, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a>;</li>
-      <li>see also Laurium</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Sinope, <a href='#Page_50'>50</a>, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a> n. 7, <a href='#Page_271'>271</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Siphnos, <a href='#Page_243'>243</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Siphnian mines, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_46'>46</a>, <a href='#Page_47'>47</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Sipylus, Mt, <a href='#Page_129'>129</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">σιτοφύλακες</span>, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Sitzungsberichte d. preussischen Akademie d. Wissenschaften zu Berlin</span></cite>, see Koehler, Wiegand</li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Sitzungsberichte d. bayerischen Akademie d. Wissenschaften zu Muenchen</span></cite>, see Wecklein</li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Sitzungsberichte d. Akademie d. Wissenschaften in Wien</span></cite>, see Bauer, Klein</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Six (J.), <cite>Numismatic Chronicle</cite>, cited 53 n. 1, <a href='#Page_56'>56</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_64'>64</a>, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_131'>131</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Skabala (? Kavalla), <a href='#Page_37'>37</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Skapte Hyle, <a href='#Page_50'>50</a> n. 7</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Skias (A.), <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Archaiologike Ephemeris</span></cite>, cited 324 n. 1, <a href='#Page_333'>333</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Skiddaw, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>skyphoi, <a href='#Page_248'>248</a>, <a href='#Page_334'>334</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>slaves, slavery, slave labour, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a>, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>–23, <a href='#Page_30'>30</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a>, <a href='#Page_47'>47</a> n. 7, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a>, <a href='#Page_51'>51</a>, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a>, <a href='#Page_150'>150</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_151'>151</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a> n. 8, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a>, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a>, <a href='#Page_218'>218</a>, <a href='#Page_222'>222</a>–225, <a href='#Page_234'>234</a>, <a href='#Page_235'>235</a>, <a href='#Page_266'>266</a>, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a>–282, <a href='#Page_284'>284</a>, <a href='#Page_287'>287</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li>see also helots, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πενέσται</span>, serfs, thetes</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>slave revolts, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a>, <a href='#Page_234'>234</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>smelting, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a>, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Smith (G.), <cite>Assurbanipal</cite>, cited 88 n. 2, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a> n. 7, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_101'>101</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_144'>144</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Smith (K. F.), <cite>American Journal of Philology</cite>, cited 147 n. 6, <a href='#Page_148'>148</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'><span class='pageno' id='Page_370'>370</span>Smith (W.), <cite>Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology</cite>, cited 336 n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>smiths, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a>, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a>, <a href='#Page_225'>225</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Smyrna, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>, <a href='#Page_130'>130</a>, <a href='#Page_131'>131</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Snooks, Mrs, <a href='#Page_125'>125</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Snowdon, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite>Society of Biblical Archaeology Proceedings</cite>, see Revillout</li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite>Sociological Review</cite>, see Zimmern</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Socrates, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a>, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Soli, <a href='#Page_158'>158</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Solon, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>, <a href='#Page_8'>8</a>, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a>, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a>, <a href='#Page_33'>33</a>–35, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a>, <a href='#Page_53'>53</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_65'>65</a>, <a href='#Page_95'>95</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_150'>150</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_158'>158</a>, <a href='#Page_166'>166</a>, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>–172, <a href='#Page_258'>258</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a>, <a href='#Page_290'>290</a>, <a href='#Page_301'>301</a>, <a href='#Page_303'>303</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_308'>308</a>, <a href='#Page_309'>309</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a>, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li>cited 7, <a href='#Page_8'>8</a>, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a>, <a href='#Page_55'>55</a></li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Solonium, <a href='#Page_239'>239</a> n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Sophanes, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Sophocles, <cite>Antigone</cite>, cited 129;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Oedipus Tyrannus</span></cite>, cited 9, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a> n. 3;</li>
-      <li>fragments cited 16 n. 7, <a href='#Page_313'>313</a></li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Sosias, <a href='#Page_51'>51</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Sostratos, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_177'>177</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Σουνιακὸς γουνός</span>, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a>, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Sourdille (C.), <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Hérodote et la Religion d’Égypte</span></cite>, cited 98 n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">σῴζω</span>, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Spain, <a href='#Page_1'>1</a>, <a href='#Page_46'>46</a>, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_117'>117</a>, <a href='#Page_177'>177</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Sparta, Spartans, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>–25, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a>, <a href='#Page_53'>53</a>, <a href='#Page_57'>57</a>, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a>, <a href='#Page_144'>144</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_164'>164</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_175'>175</a>–177, <a href='#Page_178'>178</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_239'>239</a>, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a>, <a href='#Page_330'>330</a>, <a href='#Page_332'>332</a>, <a href='#Page_333'>333</a>, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Spartacus, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Spermos, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a>, <a href='#Page_136'>136</a>, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a>, <a href='#Page_293'>293</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">σφραγίς</span>, <a href='#Page_149'>149</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Spiegelberg, <cite>Orientalische Litteraturzeitung</cite>, cited 125 n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>spits as coins, <a href='#Page_149'>149</a>, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a>–164</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Spurius Cassius, see Cassius</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Spurius Maelius, see Maelius</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Staffordshire, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a> n. 6</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Stais (V.), <a href='#Page_318'>318</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Stallbaum (G.), <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Platonis Meno</span></cite>, cited 85 n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Standard Oil Company, <a href='#Page_5'>5</a>, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>stater, <a href='#Page_57'>57</a>, <a href='#Page_130'>130</a>, <a href='#Page_132'>132</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_137'>137</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li>see also daric, Croeseids</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">σταθμός</span>, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Statius, <cite>Thebais</cite>, cited 308, <a href='#Page_309'>309</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>statuettes (figurines), <a href='#Page_118'>118</a>, <a href='#Page_119'>119</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Stein (H.), ed. Herodotus, cited 51 n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">στέφανος, στεφανόπωλις, στεφανηφόρος ἥρως</span>, <a href='#Page_55'>55</a>–57</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Stephanus Byzantinus, cited 37, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a> n. 7, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_103'>103</a>, <a href='#Page_104'>104</a>, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_313'>313</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Stephinates, <a href='#Page_88'>88</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_98'>98</a>, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a>, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>von Stern (E.), <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Zeitschrift f. aegyptische Sprache</span></cite>, cited 125 n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Stesichorus, <a href='#Page_275'>275</a> n. 4;
-    <ul>
-      <li>cited 177 n. 6</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>stm, stne, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>stone masons, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_224'>224</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>stove, <a href='#Page_204'>204</a>, <a href='#Page_205'>205</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Strabo, cited 40, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a> n. 3, n. 4, <a href='#Page_54'>54</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_59'>59</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a> n. 7, <a href='#Page_65'>65</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a>, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a> n. 9, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a>, <a href='#Page_92'>92</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_103'>103</a>, <a href='#Page_104'>104</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_122'>122</a> n. 1, n. 4, <a href='#Page_129'>129</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a> n. 3, n. 4, <a href='#Page_139'>139</a>, <a href='#Page_146'>146</a> n. 7, <a href='#Page_148'>148</a>, <a href='#Page_149'>149</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_157'>157</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_158'>158</a>, <a href='#Page_159'>159</a>, <a href='#Page_167'>167</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_175'>175</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>, <a href='#Page_177'>177</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_178'>178</a>, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_183'>183</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_184'>184</a>, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a>, <a href='#Page_215'>215</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_217'>217</a>, <a href='#Page_224'>224</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_225'>225</a>, <a href='#Page_240'>240</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_246'>246</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_255'>255</a>, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_283'>283</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_284'>284</a> n. 3, n. 5, <a href='#Page_288'>288</a>, <a href='#Page_289'>289</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_305'>305</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_310'>310</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_312'>312</a> n. 3, n. 6, <a href='#Page_313'>313</a> n. 2, n. 6, <a href='#Page_324'>324</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_330'>330</a>, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Strack (M. L.), see Muenzer</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Strattis, <a href='#Page_50'>50</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">στρωμναί</span>, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Strymodorus, <a href='#Page_59'>59</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Strymon (Struma), <a href='#Page_36'>36</a>, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>, <a href='#Page_50'>50</a>, <a href='#Page_54'>54</a>, <a href='#Page_58'>58</a>, <a href='#Page_59'>59</a>, <a href='#Page_62'>62</a>, <a href='#Page_148'>148</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Studniczka (F.), <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Athenische Mitteilungen</span></cite>, cited 318 n. 6;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Beiträge zur Geschichte der altgriech. Tracht</span></cite>, cited 166 n. 1, n. 7, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_332'>332</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_333'>333</a> n. 2</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Suetonius, cited 221 n. 7;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite>Caligula</cite>, cited 76 n. 4;</li>
-      <li><cite>Tiberius</cite>, cited 233, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a> n. 6</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Suez Canal, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Suidas, cited 16 n. 7, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_50'>50</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_58'>58</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_59'>59</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a>, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a>, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a> n. 1, n. 2, <a href='#Page_95'>95</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_104'>104</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_137'>137</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_145'>145</a> n. 1, n. 6, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a>, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_199'>199</a> n. 2, n. 3, n. 5, n. 8, <a href='#Page_200'>200</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_201'>201</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a> n. 7, <a href='#Page_224'>224</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_226'>226</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_268'>268</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_269'>269</a>, <a href='#Page_271'>271</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_272'>272</a>, <a href='#Page_275'>275</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_281'>281</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_283'>283</a> n. 5, n. 6, <a href='#Page_305'>305</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_313'>313</a>, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a> n. 9, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">σύλη, συλον</span>, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a>, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Sunium, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a>, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a>, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a>, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a>, <a href='#Page_313'>313</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Superbus, see Tarquinius Superbus</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Susemihl (F.), <a href='#Page_213'>213</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Svoronos, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Journal International d’Archéologie Numismatique</span></cite>, cited 37, <a href='#Page_53'>53</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_60'>60</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_62'>62</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_64'>64</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_160'>160</a>, <a href='#Page_163'>163</a>, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_183'>183</a> n. 6</li>
-  <li class='c024'><span class='pageno' id='Page_371'>371</span>swallow, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a> n. 4, n. 7</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Swansea, <a href='#Page_106'>106</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Swoboda (H.), <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">apud</span></i> Pauly Wissowa, <a href='#Page_268'>268</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Sybaris, <a href='#Page_112'>112</a>, <a href='#Page_266'>266</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Syloson, <a href='#Page_69'>69</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a>, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a>, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a>, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>symmories, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Symonds (J. A.), <cite>Renaissance in Italy, Age of the Despots</cite>, cited 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Syncellus, cited 95, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Syracuse, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a>, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>, <a href='#Page_30'>30</a>, <a href='#Page_58'>58</a>, <a href='#Page_72'>72</a>, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a> n. 9, <a href='#Page_151'>151</a>, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>, <a href='#Page_182'>182</a>, <a href='#Page_208'>208</a>–210, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a>, <a href='#Page_274'>274</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_276'>276</a>, <a href='#Page_278'>278</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a>, <a href='#Page_284'>284</a>, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a>, <a href='#Page_316'>316</a> n. 8</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Syria, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a>, <a href='#Page_131'>131</a></li>
-  <li class='c003'>Tabalos, <a href='#Page_139'>139</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Tacitus, <cite>Annals</cite>, cited 311 n. 1;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite>Histories</cite>, cited 223 n. 5</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Tafnekht, see Tnefachthus</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Taharqa (Tirhakah), <a href='#Page_88'>88</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a>, <a href='#Page_98'>98</a>, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a> n. 3, n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>tailors, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Tanaquil, <a href='#Page_236'>236</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Tanis, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>tanners, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>, <a href='#Page_222'>222</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Tarbell (I. M.), <cite>History of the Standard Oil Company</cite>, cited 5 n. 8</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Tarchon, <a href='#Page_237'>237</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Tarentum, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Tarpeian Mount, Tarpeius, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a>, <a href='#Page_237'>237</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Tarquinii (Corneto), <a href='#Page_93'>93</a>, <a href='#Page_94'>94</a>, <a href='#Page_182'>182</a>, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a>, <a href='#Page_215'>215</a>–219, <a href='#Page_225'>225</a>, <a href='#Page_240'>240</a>–243, <a href='#Page_244'>244</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a>, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Tarquinius (name), <a href='#Page_237'>237</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Tarquinius Priscus, Lucius, <a href='#Page_215'>215</a>–218, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a>, <a href='#Page_222'>222</a> n. 7, <a href='#Page_224'>224</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_227'>227</a>–229, <a href='#Page_238'>238</a>, <a href='#Page_239'>239</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_240'>240</a>, <a href='#Page_242'>242</a>, <a href='#Page_256'>256</a>, <a href='#Page_287'>287</a>, <a href='#Page_295'>295</a>, <a href='#Page_299'>299</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Tarquinius Superbus, <a href='#Page_183'>183</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_218'>218</a>, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a>–227, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a>, <a href='#Page_234'>234</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_247'>247</a>, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a>, <a href='#Page_278'>278</a>, <a href='#Page_295'>295</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Tarquins, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>, <a href='#Page_215'>215</a>, <a href='#Page_218'>218</a>, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a>, <a href='#Page_224'>224</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_225'>225</a>–227, <a href='#Page_230'>230</a>, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a>, <a href='#Page_234'>234</a>, <a href='#Page_236'>236</a>, <a href='#Page_237'>237</a>, <a href='#Page_239'>239</a>, <a href='#Page_240'>240</a>, <a href='#Page_245'>245</a>, <a href='#Page_247'>247</a>, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a>, <a href='#Page_255'>255</a>, <a href='#Page_256'>256</a>, <a href='#Page_289'>289</a>, <a href='#Page_295'>295</a>, <a href='#Page_296'>296</a>, <a href='#Page_298'>298</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Tartessus (Tarshish), <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_69'>69</a>, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a>, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a>, <a href='#Page_177'>177</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>taxation, taxes, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a>, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a>, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a>, <a href='#Page_287'>287</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>tax-collector, <a href='#Page_274'>274</a>, <a href='#Page_305'>305</a>, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a> n. 9, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τέχνη</span>, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τεχνῖται</span>, <a href='#Page_21'>21</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Tefnakhte, see Tnefachthus</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Tegea, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Τειχιούσης</span>, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Teisias, <a href='#Page_106'>106</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Tellus, <a href='#Page_228'>228</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Temenos, <a href='#Page_154'>154</a>, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a>–159, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>, <a href='#Page_178'>178</a>–180, <a href='#Page_183'>183</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_294'>294</a>, <a href='#Page_316'>316</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>temple, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a>, <a href='#Page_224'>224</a>, <a href='#Page_277'>277</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li>in Aegina (Aphaia), <a href='#Page_318'>318</a>–320;
-        <ul>
-          <li>(Aphrodite), <a href='#Page_318'>318</a>, <a href='#Page_319'>319</a>;</li>
-          <li>(Damia and Auxesia), <a href='#Page_167'>167</a>, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a>, <a href='#Page_175'>175</a>, <a href='#Page_320'>320</a>;</li>
-        </ul>
-      </li>
-      <li>Agrigentum (Zeus Polieus), <a href='#Page_274'>274</a>, <a href='#Page_276'>276</a>;</li>
-      <li>Argos (Hera), <a href='#Page_161'>161</a>–164, <a href='#Page_175'>175</a>, <a href='#Page_316'>316</a> n. 7, <a href='#Page_318'>318</a>–320, <a href='#Page_333'>333</a> n. 4;</li>
-      <li>Athens (Athena), <a href='#Page_63'>63</a>;
-        <ul>
-          <li>(Olympian Zeus), <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a>, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a> n. 5;</li>
-        </ul>
-      </li>
-      <li>Corcyra, <a href='#Page_244'>244</a> n. 1;</li>
-      <li>Corinth (Aphrodite), <a href='#Page_191'>191</a> n. 3;
-        <ul>
-          <li>(Apollo), <a href='#Page_76'>76</a> n. 5;</li>
-        </ul>
-      </li>
-      <li>Delphi (Apollo), <a href='#Page_65'>65</a>;</li>
-      <li>Eleusis, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a>;</li>
-      <li>Ephesus (Artemis), <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>, <a href='#Page_130'>130</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_245'>245</a>, <a href='#Page_272'>272</a> n. 3;</li>
-      <li>Naukratis, <a href='#Page_108'>108</a>;
-        <ul>
-          <li>(Aphrodite), <a href='#Page_118'>118</a>, <a href='#Page_119'>119</a>;</li>
-          <li>(Apollo), <a href='#Page_110'>110</a>;</li>
-        </ul>
-      </li>
-      <li>Olympia, <a href='#Page_159'>159</a>;</li>
-      <li>Pallene in Attica (Athena), <a href='#Page_52'>52</a>;</li>
-      <li>Rome (Artemis, Diana), <a href='#Page_224'>224</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_245'>245</a>, <a href='#Page_246'>246</a> n. 1;
-        <ul>
-          <li>(Ceres), <a href='#Page_240'>240</a> n. 2;</li>
-          <li>(Jupiter Tarpeius), <a href='#Page_223'>223</a>, <a href='#Page_237'>237</a>;</li>
-          <li>(Tellus), <a href='#Page_228'>228</a> n. 2;</li>
-        </ul>
-      </li>
-      <li>Sabine (Feronia), <a href='#Page_261'>261</a> n. 2;</li>
-      <li>in Samos (Hera), <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a>;</li>
-      <li>Syracuse (Athena), <a href='#Page_276'>276</a>;</li>
-      <li>Tiryns (Hera), <a href='#Page_320'>320</a></li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Tenedos, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>tent-makers, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>terra cottas, architectural, <a href='#Page_243'>243</a>, <a href='#Page_244'>244</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_246'>246</a>, <a href='#Page_250'>250</a>–252;
-    <ul>
-      <li>see also antefix</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>terra cotta tablets, <a href='#Page_46'>46</a>, <a href='#Page_186'>186</a>, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a>, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_242'>242</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Terrien de la Couperie (A.), see <cite>British Museum Catalogue of Chinese Coins</cite></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Tertullian, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Apologia adversus Gentes</span></cite>, cited 280 n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>tetradrachm, <a href='#Page_131'>131</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Tetrapolis, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Thackeray (W. M.), <cite>Virginians</cite>, cited 157 n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>thalassocracy, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>, <a href='#Page_83'>83</a>, <a href='#Page_95'>95</a>, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a>, <a href='#Page_165'>165</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a>, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_268'>268</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_324'>324</a>, <a href='#Page_330'>330</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li>see also sea power</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Thales, <a href='#Page_1'>1</a>, <a href='#Page_2'>2</a>, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Thasos, Thasians, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_47'>47</a>, <a href='#Page_271'>271</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Theagenes, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_30'>30</a>, <a href='#Page_62'>62</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a>–268, <a href='#Page_296'>296</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite>Thebais</cite> (Homeric), <a href='#Page_262'>262</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Thebes, Boeotian, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_108'>108</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_164'>164</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a>, <a href='#Page_262'>262</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Thebes, Egyptian, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a>, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Themistius, <cite>Orations</cite>, cited 65 n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'><span class='pageno' id='Page_372'>372</span>Themistocles, <a href='#Page_46'>46</a>, <a href='#Page_47'>47</a>, <a href='#Page_239'>239</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_312'>312</a> n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Theocharides, <a href='#Page_273'>273</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Theocles, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Theocritus, cited 69 n. 2, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a>, <a href='#Page_201'>201</a> n. 8, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Theodorus, <a href='#Page_69'>69</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_73'>73</a>, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a>, <a href='#Page_83'>83</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Theognis, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>–9, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_268'>268</a>, <a href='#Page_290'>290</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li>cited 8, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>, <a href='#Page_47'>47</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_57'>57</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_266'>266</a>, <a href='#Page_302'>302</a></li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Theomestor, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Theophrastus, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Historia Plantarum</span></cite>, cited 56 n. 2, <a href='#Page_308'>308</a> n. 2;</li>
-      <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Lapidibus</span></cite>, cited 129 n. 7</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Theopompus, cited 144 n. 3, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a>, <a href='#Page_158'>158</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Thera, Theraeans, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_315'>315</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_320'>320</a> n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">θεράπαιναι</span>, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Thero, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Thersites, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Theseus, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a>, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a>, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Thesmophoria, <a href='#Page_274'>274</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Thessalos, <a href='#Page_56'>56</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Thessaly, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>thetes, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">θῆτες, θητικὸς ὄχλος</span> 14, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Thiersch (H.), see Furtwaengler</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Thirlwall (C.), <cite>History of Greece</cite>, cited 51 n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Thoas of Miletus, <a href='#Page_268'>268</a>, <a href='#Page_269'>269</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Thomas (E.), <cite>Ancient Indian Weights</cite>, cited 142 n. 3;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite>Chronicles of the Pathan Kings of Delhi</cite>, cited 142 n. 3</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Thonis, <a href='#Page_93'>93</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Thoricus, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a> n. 9, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a>, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Thrace, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a> n. 1, n. 3, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>, <a href='#Page_50'>50</a>–52, <a href='#Page_54'>54</a>–56, <a href='#Page_58'>58</a>–62, <a href='#Page_64'>64</a>, <a href='#Page_72'>72</a>, <a href='#Page_199'>199</a>–201, <a href='#Page_271'>271</a>, <a href='#Page_284'>284</a>, <a href='#Page_288'>288</a>, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>, <a href='#Page_296'>296</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Thracian Chersonese, <a href='#Page_53'>53</a>, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a> n. 7, <a href='#Page_199'>199</a> n. 10, <a href='#Page_245'>245</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Thrasybulus, <a href='#Page_124'>124</a>, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a>, <a href='#Page_268'>268</a>–270</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Thucydides, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>, <a href='#Page_33'>33</a>, <a href='#Page_290'>290</a>, <a href='#Page_299'>299</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li>cited 9, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a> n. 1, n. 2, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a> n. 2, n. 4, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_30'>30</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_31'>31</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_50'>50</a>, <a href='#Page_51'>51</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_62'>62</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a>, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a>, <a href='#Page_177'>177</a>, <a href='#Page_178'>178</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_184'>184</a>, <a href='#Page_185'>185</a>, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a> n. 7, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_294'>294</a>, <a href='#Page_308'>308</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_310'>310</a>, <a href='#Page_313'>313</a>, <a href='#Page_321'>321</a>, <a href='#Page_325'>325</a>, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a>, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a> n. 8, <a href='#Page_331'>331</a>–334, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a> n. 1</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Thyessos, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Tiber, <a href='#Page_197'>197</a>, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Tilden (Mr), <a href='#Page_5'>5</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Tillyard (H. J. W.), <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Agathocles</span></cite>, cited 209 n. 2, n. 3, <a href='#Page_210'>210</a> n. 1, n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Tilsit, <a href='#Page_311'>311</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Timaeus of Cyzicus, <a href='#Page_281'>281</a>, <a href='#Page_283'>283</a>, <a href='#Page_288'>288</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Timaeus of Sicily, <a href='#Page_210'>210</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li>cited 22, <a href='#Page_209'>209</a>, <a href='#Page_220'>220</a>, <a href='#Page_275'>275</a> n. 2</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Timarchus, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>timber, <a href='#Page_62'>62</a>, <a href='#Page_271'>271</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite>Times</cite>, cited 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Timoleon, <a href='#Page_209'>209</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Tintoretto, <a href='#Page_244'>244</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Tirhakah, see Taharqa</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Tiryns, <a href='#Page_163'>163</a>, <a href='#Page_318'>318</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Tmolus, Mount, <a href='#Page_129'>129</a>, <a href='#Page_148'>148</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Tnefachthus I (Tafnekht), <a href='#Page_88'>88</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_95'>95</a>, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a>, <a href='#Page_98'>98</a>, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a>, <a href='#Page_101'>101</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Tnefachthus II, <a href='#Page_88'>88</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Torr, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Revue Archéologique</span></cite>, cited 169, <a href='#Page_321'>321</a> n. 2, n. 3, n. 4, <a href='#Page_324'>324</a> n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>“tortoises” (coins), <a href='#Page_57'>57</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_64'>64</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_154'>154</a>, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a>, <a href='#Page_183'>183</a> n. 6</li>
-  <li class='c024'>touch-stone, <a href='#Page_129'>129</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>trade unions, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>treasuries at Delphi (Corinthian, Caeretan), <a href='#Page_187'>187</a> n. 8, <a href='#Page_255'>255</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>treasury at Olympia (Sicyonian), <a href='#Page_263'>263</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Triakon, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>trial by jury, <a href='#Page_237'>237</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>tribunes, military, <a href='#Page_338'>338</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Trinakria, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Triptolemus, <a href='#Page_238'>238</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>triremes, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_165'>165</a>, <a href='#Page_177'>177</a>, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a>, <a href='#Page_239'>239</a>, <a href='#Page_325'>325</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Tritonis (Lake), <a href='#Page_54'>54</a>, <a href='#Page_55'>55</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Troezen, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Trojan wars, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Troy, <a href='#Page_149'>149</a>, <a href='#Page_298'>298</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>trusts, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_5'>5</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Truth’s Investigator, <cite>The Great Oil Octopus</cite>, cited 5 n. 8</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Tudors, <a href='#Page_101'>101</a>, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Tullianum, see Mamertine prison</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Tullus Hostilius, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τυραννὶς τελευταία</span>, <a href='#Page_29'>29</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τύραννος</span>, <a href='#Page_134'>134</a>, <a href='#Page_302'>302</a> n. 8</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Turkey, <a href='#Page_50'>50</a>, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Twelve Tables, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a>, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Tyburn, <a href='#Page_247'>247</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Tyrrhenians, <a href='#Page_134'>134</a> n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Tyrrhenian amphora, <a href='#Page_319'>319</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Tzetzes, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Chiliades</span></cite>, cited 70 n. 3, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a> n. 9, <a href='#Page_134'>134</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a> n. 3;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ad Lycophronem</span></cite>, cited 59 n. 1, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a> n. 2, n. 3</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c003'>unemployment, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a> n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Unger, <cite>Philologus</cite>, cited 159, <a href='#Page_160'>160</a>, <a href='#Page_183'>183</a> n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>United States of America, <a href='#Page_4'>4</a>, <a href='#Page_5'>5</a>, <a href='#Page_142'>142</a>, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>University College, Oxford, <a href='#Page_237'>237</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span class='pageno' id='Page_373'>373</span>Ure (P. N.), <cite>Black Glaze Pottery from Rhitsona in Boeotia</cite>, cited 108 n. 1, n. 6, <a href='#Page_248'>248</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_287'>287</a> n. 3;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite>Journal of Hellenic Studies</cite>, cited 38, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a>, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a>;</li>
-      <li>see also Burrows (R. M.)</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Usimares, pharaoh of Egypt, <a href='#Page_101'>101</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>usurers, <a href='#Page_2'>2</a></li>
-  <li class='c003'>Valerii, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li>see also Publicola</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Valerius (Marcus), <a href='#Page_227'>227</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Valerius Maximus, cited 17 n. 3, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_51'>51</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_184'>184</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_217'>217</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_228'>228</a> n. 1, n. 2, n. 4, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a>, <a href='#Page_275'>275</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Varro, <cite>de Lingua Latina</cite>, cited 218 n. 3, <a href='#Page_224'>224</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_237'>237</a>, <a href='#Page_248'>248</a> n. 1;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Re Rustica</span></cite>, cited 201 n. 5, n. 6, n. 8;</li>
-      <li><i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">apud</span></i> Charisium, cited 218;</li>
-      <li><i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">apud</span></i> Nonium Marcellum, cited 223 n. 1;</li>
-      <li>(?) <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">apud</span></i> Plutarchum, cited 222 n. 3</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Vasco da Gama, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Vedic, <a href='#Page_134'>134</a> n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Veii, <a href='#Page_230'>230</a>, <a href='#Page_234'>234</a>, <a href='#Page_235'>235</a>, <a href='#Page_296'>296</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Velabrum, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Velia, near Paestum, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a> n. 2;
-    <ul>
-      <li>in Rome, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a> n. 5</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Velletri, <a href='#Page_246'>246</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Venice, <a href='#Page_56'>56</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Verrius Flaccus, cited 134 n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Verviers, <a href='#Page_311'>311</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Vestal virgins, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Vetterfeld, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Via Appia, <a href='#Page_232'>232</a>, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Victoria, Queen, <a href='#Page_157'>157</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Victorian age, <a href='#Page_194'>194</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Vicus Tuscus, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Vierteljahrschrift f. Social- u. Wirtschafts-Geschichte</span></cite>, see Cavaignac, Sieveking (H.)</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Vignate, Giovanni, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Virgil, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Aeneid</span></cite>, cited 238 n. 3, <a href='#Page_311'>311</a> n. 1;
-    <ul>
-      <li>Schol. Veron. 238 n. 3</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>“Virgin” (coin), <a href='#Page_54'>54</a>–57, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Vitruvius, cited 13 n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Vittorio Emanuele monument, <a href='#Page_65'>65</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Volsinii, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Vourva pottery, <a href='#Page_315'>315</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_318'>318</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Vroulia, <a href='#Page_109'>109</a>, <a href='#Page_114'>114</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Vulci, <a href='#Page_119'>119</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c003'>Wachsmuth (C.), <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Die Stadt Athen</span></cite>, cited 269 n. 2, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a> n. 4</li>
-  <li class='c024'>wages, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a>, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>, <a href='#Page_21'>21</a>, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a>, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a>, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>, <a href='#Page_226'>226</a>, <a href='#Page_230'>230</a>, <a href='#Page_295'>295</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>waggoners, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Waldstein (C.), <cite>Argive Heraeum</cite>, cited 317 n. 3, <a href='#Page_318'>318</a>, <a href='#Page_319'>319</a> n. 5, n. 6, n. 7, <a href='#Page_320'>320</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Walker (A.), <a href='#Page_187'>187</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Wallon (H.), <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Histoire de l’Esclavage dans l’Antiquité</span></cite>, cited 16 n. 8, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_47'>47</a> n. 7</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Walter (F. A.), trans. Niebuhr, <cite>History of Rome</cite>, cited 239 n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Walters (H. B.), see <cite>British Museum Catalogue of Terracottas</cite></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Walters (H. B.) and Birch (S.), <cite>History of Ancient Pottery</cite>, cited 323 n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Waltz (P.), <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Revue Historique</span></cite>, cited 22 n. 6</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Walzius, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Rhetores Graeci</span></cite>, cited 51 n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Watson (Mr), <a href='#Page_11'>11</a> n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>weaving, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Webb (S.), <cite>History of Trade Unionism</cite>, cited 233 n. 6</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Wecklein, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Sitzungsberichte d. bayerisch. Akad. d. Wissenschaften zu Muenchen</span></cite>, cited 269 n. 2, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a> n. 7, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a> n. 8</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Wedgwood, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a> n. 6</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Weissenborn (H.), <cite>Hellen</cite>, cited 159 n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Welldon (J. E. C.), trans. Aristotle, <cite>Politics</cite>, quoted 35 n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Wells (H. G.), <a href='#Page_125'>125</a> n. 3;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite>Anticipations</cite>, cited 306;</li>
-      <li><cite>Tono Bungay</cite>, cited 306 n. 5</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Westminster, <a href='#Page_306'>306</a> n. 5</li>
-  <li class='c024'>wheelwrights, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Whiskey Combination, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Wiedemann (A.), <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Aegyptische Geschichte</span></cite>, cited 91 n. 4, <a href='#Page_95'>95</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_125'>125</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a> n. 6;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Geschichte Aegyptens</span></cite>, <a href='#Page_122'>122</a> n. 4;</li>
-      <li><cite>Herodotus II</cite>, cited 87 n. 9, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a> n. 9, <a href='#Page_102'>102</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_104'>104</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_106'>106</a> n. 8, <a href='#Page_122'>122</a> n. 1, n. 4, n. 5, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a> n. 5</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Wiegand (Th.), <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Abhandlungen</span></cite> and <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Sitzungsberichte d. preussisch. Akademie d. Wissenschaften zu Berlin</span></cite>, cited 76 n. 2, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a> n. 4, <a href='#Page_111'>111</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Wiener Studien</span></cite>, see Endt</li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Wiener Vorlegeblätter</span></cite>, cited 323 n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>von Wilamowitz-Moellendorf (U.), <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Aristotel u. Athen</span></cite>, cited 173 n. 2, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a> n. 7</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Wilisch (E.), <cite>Eumelus</cite>, cited 195 n. 2, n. 4;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Goettingsche Gelehrte Anzeigen</span></cite>, cited 180 n. 3, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_194'>194</a>, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a> n. 4;</li>
-      <li><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahresbericht d. Gymnas. Zittau</span></cite>, cited 46 n. 7, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a> n. 7, <a href='#Page_188'>188</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a> n. 1, n. 4, <a href='#Page_242'>242</a> n. 3;</li>
-      <li><span class='pageno' id='Page_374'>374</span><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahrbücher f. Classische Philologie</span></cite>, cited 180 n. 2, <a href='#Page_183'>183</a> n. 5</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Willers (H.), <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Geschichte der roemischen Kupferprägung</span></cite>, cited 156 n. 2, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_219'>219</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Wilson, President Woodrow, cited 5, <a href='#Page_290'>290</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Wimmer (F.), see Aubert</li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite>Winckelmannsfeste Program</cite>, see Furtwaengler</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Winckler (H.), <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Altorientalische Forschungen</span></cite>, cited 143 n. 2</li>
-  <li class='c024'>wine trade, <a href='#Page_104'>104</a>, <a href='#Page_120'>120</a>, <a href='#Page_125'>125</a>, <a href='#Page_126'>126</a>, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_286'>286</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Winter (F.), <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahrbuch d. deutsch. archäologischen Instituts</span></cite>, cited 205 n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Wisbech, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a> n. 6</li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Wochenschrift f. klassische Philologie</span></cite>, see Bluemner, Graef</li>
-  <li class='c024'>wolf, Capitoline, <a href='#Page_253'>253</a>, <a href='#Page_254'>254</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>women in industry, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a> n. 1;
-    <ul>
-      <li>political status of, <a href='#Page_236'>236</a> n. 2</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>woollen industry, <a href='#Page_2'>2</a>, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_21'>21</a>, <a href='#Page_69'>69</a>, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a>, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a>, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a>–267, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>“working girls,” <a href='#Page_139'>139</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Wyttenbach, <a href='#Page_158'>158</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c003'>Xanthias, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Xanthus, cited 130 n. 2, <a href='#Page_144'>144</a> n. 1</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Xenophanes, cited 129, <a href='#Page_131'>131</a>, <a href='#Page_133'>133</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Xenophon, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Anabasis</span></cite>, cited 265 n. 6;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite>Cyropaedia</cite>, cited 123 n. 3, <a href='#Page_144'>144</a> n. 4;</li>
-      <li><cite>Hellenica</cite>, cited 20 n. 4, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_148'>148</a> n. 2;</li>
-      <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Hiero</span></cite>, cited 302 n. 6;</li>
-      <li><cite>Memorabilia</cite>, cited 13 n. 3, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a>, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a> n. 3, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a>;</li>
-      <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Oeconomicus</span></cite>, cited 17, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a> n. 4;</li>
-      <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Republica Lacedaemoniorum</span></cite>, cited 17;</li>
-      <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Vectigalibus</span></cite>, cited 12 n. 4, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_46'>46</a>, <a href='#Page_47'>47</a>, <a href='#Page_51'>51</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_150'>150</a> n. 6, <a href='#Page_308'>308</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_310'>310</a></li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Xerxes, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_140'>140</a>, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a>, <a href='#Page_293'>293</a>, <a href='#Page_332'>332</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ξυλινὴ κιβωτός</span>, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a></li>
-  <li class='c003'><cite>Year’s Work in Classical Studies</cite>, see Lamb (D.)</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Young Turks, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a></li>
-  <li class='c003'><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Zeitschrift f. aegyptische Sprache</span></cite>, see v. Stern</li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Zeitschrift f. Numismatik</span></cite>, see Brandis, v. Fritze, Hammer, v. Sallet</li>
-  <li class='c024'><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Zeitschrift. f. Socialwissenschaft</span></cite>, see Beloch</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Zenobius, cited 71 n. 1, <a href='#Page_73'>73</a>, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a> n. 7, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a> n. 2, <a href='#Page_95'>95</a> n. 1, <a href='#Page_308'>308</a> n. 3</li>
-  <li class='c024'>zeugitai, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a></li>
-  <li class='c024'>Zeus, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a> n. 9, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a>, <a href='#Page_303'>303</a>;
-    <ul>
-      <li>Olympios, temple of, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a>, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a> n. 5;</li>
-      <li>Patroos, altars of, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>;</li>
-      <li>Polieus, temple of, <a href='#Page_274'>274</a>, <a href='#Page_276'>276</a></li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Zimmern (A. E.), <cite>Greek Commonwealth</cite>, cited 309 n. 9;
-    <ul>
-      <li><cite>Sociological Review</cite>, cited 15 n. 5, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a> n. 6</li>
-    </ul>
-  </li>
-  <li class='c024'>Zonaras, cited 215 n. 2, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a> n. 5, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a> n. 4.</li>
-  <li class='c024'>Zopyrion, <a href='#Page_287'>287</a></li>
-</ul>
-
-<hr class='c025' />
-<div class='footnote' id='f1'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1'>1</a>. Aristot. <cite>Pol.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> 1259<em>a</em>. The authenticity of the story may be questioned, but
-the fact of its being attached to Thales is in itself significant.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f2'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r2'>2</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">E.g.</span></i> Busolt, <cite>Gr. G.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span><sup>2</sup> pp. 626–7.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f3'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r3'>3</a>. <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">La Lydie</span></cite>, p. 163; cp. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> p. 274, “wealth acquires an importance it had
-never had.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f4'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r4'>4</a>. J. A. Symonds, <cite>Renaissance in Italy, Age of the Despots</cite><sup>2</sup>, pp. 103–4; cp. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i>
-pp. 65 n. 1, 66, 73, 76, 77–78.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f5'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r5'>5</a>. Some lecturers at Oxford are inclined to minimize the analogies offered by
-the seventh and sixth centuries <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> to modern industrial conditions. In so
-doing they appear to me to be falling into the commonest of modern fallacies,
-that of overestimating the importance of size and numbers. For a better appreciation
-of the analogies see <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">e.g.</span></i> Ciccotti, <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Tramonto d. Schiavitù n. Mondo ant.</span></cite> p. 45.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f6'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r6'>6</a>. E. Meyer, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahrb. f. Nationalök.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>IX.</span> (1895), p. 713 and below <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">passim</span></i>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f7'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r7'>7</a>. Sieveking, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Viert. f. Soc. u. Wirts.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>VII.</span> p. 87.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f8'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r8'>8</a>. Cobbett, <cite>Paper against Gold</cite>, pp. 5, 6 (Aug. 30th, 1810).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f9'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r9'>9</a>. Jevons, <cite>Money</cite><sup>23</sup>, p. 203; cp. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> p. 285: “It is surprising to find to what
-an extent paper documents have replaced coin as a medium of exchange in
-some of the principal centres of business.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f10'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r10'>10</a>. Cp. Thos. W. Lawson, <cite>Frenzied Finance</cite> (published 1906), pp. 33, 35.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f11'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r11'>11</a>. Cp. Poehlmann, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Sozialismus i. d. ant. Welt</span></cite><sup>2</sup>, <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 170.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f12'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r12'>12</a>. Hy. D. Lloyd, <cite>Wealth against Commonwealth</cite> (1894), p. 2.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f13'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r13'>13</a>. Hy. D. Lloyd, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> p. 494; see also pp. 297–8, 311; ch. <span class='fss'>XXVIII</span>: (on a
-Standard Oil secretary of U.S.A. treasury), 434, 511.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f14'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r14'>14</a>. <cite>New York Daily Commercial Bull.</cite> June 4th, 1894, <em>ap.</em> Hy. D. Lloyd, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i>
-p. 450.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f15'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r15'>15</a>. New York <cite>Sun</cite>, May 27th, 1884, <em>ap.</em> Hy. D. Lloyd, p. 387.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f16'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r16'>16</a>. <cite>Times</cite>, Nov. 4th, 1916.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f17'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r17'>17</a>. Anatole France, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">L’Île des Pingouins</span></cite>, pp. 242 f., 309.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f18'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r18'>18</a>. Salvioli, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Capitalisme dans le Monde Antique</span></cite> (traduit  A. Bonnet), p. 267.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f19'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r19'>19</a>. von Bernhardi, <cite>Germany and the Next War</cite>, p. 65.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f20'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r20'>20</a>. See <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">e.g.</span></i> Thos. W. Lawson, <cite>Frenzied Finance</cite>, pp. 6, 35; Hy. D. Lloyd, <cite>Wealth
-against Commonwealth</cite>, pp. 341, 353, 386 (quoting the <cite>National Baptist of
-Philadelphia</cite>, the Cincinnati <cite>Commercial Gazette</cite>, and Senator Hoar); J. Ramsay
-MacDonald, <cite>Unemployment and the Wage Fund</cite>; I. M. Tarbell, <cite>Hist. Standard
-Oil Co.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> pp. 114, 116, 137 (quoting the <cite>Butler County Democrat</cite>, Senator Frye,
-N.Y. State Investigation Report, 1888), 124, 126–7, 290, 291; Truth’s Investigator,
-<cite>The Great Oil Octopus</cite>, p. 227.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f21'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r21'>21</a>. Hy. D. Lloyd, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> p. 493.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f22'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r22'>22</a>. von Bernhardi, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">loc. cit.</span></i></p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f23'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r23'>23</a>. Karl Marx objected to applying the words Capital and Capitalism to
-the condition of things in antiquity. But see E. Meyer, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Gesch. d. Alt.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span>
-p. 550.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f24'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r24'>24</a>. Extant some 300 lines in 35 fragments.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f25'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r25'>25</a>. Extant 1389 lines of continuous verse.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f26'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r26'>26</a>. Fr. 2 (13), 5–7.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f27'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r27'>27</a>. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">μονάρχου</span>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f28'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r28'>28</a>. Fr. 7 (17), 3–4.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f29'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r29'>29</a>. Fr. 3 (14), 3.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f30'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r30'>30</a>. For his hatred of tyranny see <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">e.g.</span></i> 1181–2, 1203–4.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f31'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r31'>31</a>. Cp. of the Greeks in general, Theognis’ contemporary Cyrus (<em>ap.</em> Hdt.
-<span class='fss'>I.</span> 153), “these taunts Cyrus flung at the Greeks, because they secure marketplaces
-and engage in buying and selling.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f32'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r32'>32</a>. 679, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">φορτηγοὶ δ’ ἄρχουσι κ.τ.λ.</span>, the “bad” is the regular term in aristocratic
-writers for their political opponents.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f33'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r33'>33</a>. 717–8.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f34'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r34'>34</a>. 315.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f35'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r35'>35</a>. 523.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f36'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r36'>36</a>. 699.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f37'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r37'>37</a>. 621.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f38'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r38'>38</a>. 823; cp. Solon quoted above.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f39'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r39'>39</a>. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὑβριστήν</span>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f40'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r40'>40</a>. 1081–2.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f41'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r41'>41</a>. Cp. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">e.g.</span></i> Hdt. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 80, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὕβρι κεκορημένος</span>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f42'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r42'>42</a>. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὑβρίζῃ</span>, 749–751.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f43'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r43'>43</a>. 47–52.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f44'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r44'>44</a>. Other interpretations would be possible if in line 51 we read “from this”
-(<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐκ τοῦ</span>) instead of “from these” (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐκ τῶν</span>), but the <span class='fss'>MSS.</span> all support <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐκ τῶν.</span></p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f45'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r45'>45</a>. Is it possible to see in Solon, 12 (4). 29–32, a reference to the fates of the
-various tyrant families of the seventh century?</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f46'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r46'>46</a>. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">φορτηγός</span>, Theognis, 679.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f47'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r47'>47</a>. Soph. <cite>O.T.</cite> 540–542.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f48'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r48'>48</a>. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 13.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f49'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r49'>49</a>. <cite>Olymp.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 58–9 (to Thero, tyrant of Acragas).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f50'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r50'>50</a>. <cite>Olymp.</cite> <span class='fss'>V.</span> 15–16 (to Psaumis of Camarina). The poem ends with a warning
-to Psaumis not to emulate the tyrants (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">μὴ ματεύσῃ θεὸς γενέσθαι</span>).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f51'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r51'>51</a>. <cite>Pyth.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> 48.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f52'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r52'>52</a>. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀλλ’ ὅμως τὸ τοιοῦτον ἔτη δέκα κατέσχεν (Ἀγαμέμνων), οὐ μισθοφοραῖς
-μεγάλαις οὐδὲ χρημάτων δαπάναις, οἷς νῦν ἅπαντες δυναστεύουσιν</span>, Isocr.
-<cite>Panath.</cite> 82 (249).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f53'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r53'>53</a>. Jebb, <cite>Attic Orators</cite><sup>2</sup>, <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 110.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f54'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r54'>54</a>. <cite>Pol.</cite> <span class='fss'>VII.</span> (<span class='fss'>V.</span>), 1314<em>b</em>. Endt, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Wien. Stud.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XXIV.</span> (1901), p. 47, sees here a
-reference to Gelo of Syracuse and quotes Diod. <span class='fss'>XI.</span> 26; Ael. <cite>V.H.</cite> <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 11; Polyaen.
-<span class='fss'>I.</span> 27, which tell how Gelo appeared naked before the Syracusans and gave an
-account of his government and offered to resign. But the only reference to the
-Exchequer is in Polyaenus; and there it is only incidental (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">εὐθύνας δοὺς τῆς
-αὐτοκράτορος ἀρχῆς, τῆς δαπάνης, τῶν καιρῶν, τῶν ὅπλων, τῶν ἵππων, τῶν
-τριήρων</span>).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f55'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r55'>55</a>. See below on Solon, pp. 34–5, and chapter <span class='fss'>XI.</span> p. 301, and cp. Aristot. <cite>Pol.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span>
-1267; <span class='fss'>III.</span> 1285<em>a-b</em>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f56'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r56'>56</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">E.g.</span></i> Lord James of Hereford, Sir D. Dale, Mr Watson and Mr Mundella,
-quoted by W. T. Layton, <cite>Capital and Labour</cite>, p. 198. In a simpler and smaller
-state than the modern kingdom or republic, during an epoch of industrial war
-between evenly matched parties, it is easy to imagine individuals in a similar
-position acquiring or even having thrust upon them almost autocratic powers.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f57'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r57'>57</a>. <cite>Pol.</cite> <span class='fss'>VI.</span> (<span class='fss'>IV.</span>), 1296<em>a</em>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f58'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r58'>58</a>. <span class='fss'>VI.</span> (<span class='fss'>IV.</span>), 1295–6.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f59'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r59'>59</a>. Plut. <cite>Sol.</cite> 2, 14.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f60'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r60'>60</a>. Aristot. <cite>Pol.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> 1259<em>a</em>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f61'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r61'>61</a>. Lysias, <cite>c. Frument.</cite> 16 (165). For an oil ring in the Rome of Plautus see
-<cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Captivi</span></cite>, 489, “<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">omnes conpecto rem agunt quasi in Velabro olearii</span>.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f62'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r62'>62</a>. Xen. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Vect.</span></cite> 4. 14–15; cp. Plut. <cite>Nikias</cite>, 4.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f63'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r63'>63</a>. Lysias, <cite>c. Eratosth.</cite> 19 (121).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f64'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r64'>64</a>. Dem. <cite>c. Aphob.</cite> A. 9–11 (816, 817); cp. Plut. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Demosth.</span></cite> 4.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f65'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r65'>65</a>. Aeschines, <cite>c. Timarch.</cite> 97 (13–14).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f66'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r66'>66</a>. Dion. Hal. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Isocr.</span></cite> 1, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">θεράποντας αὐλοποιούς</span>. For <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">θεράπων</span> = slave, cp.
-Aristoph. <cite>Plut.</cite> 518–521.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f67'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r67'>67</a>. <cite>c. Olymp.</cite> 12 (1170).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f68'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r68'>68</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">E.g.</span></i> Xen. <cite>Mem.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 7. 3, 6. The contract for building the long walls of
-Athens in the days of Pericles is said to have been given to a single individual,
-by name Kallikrates (Plut. <cite>Per.</cite> 13): of his employees we know nothing except that
-according to the contemporary comic poet Cratinus they were very slow about
-their work.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f69'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r69'>69</a>. Athen. <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 272<em>e</em> actually speaks of Nikias as a millionaire (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ζάπλουτος</span>)
-owning slaves as capital (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐπὶ προσόδοις</span>).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f70'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r70'>70</a>. Plut. <cite>Sol.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXII.</span> <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πρὸς τὰς τέχνας</span> (cp. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">χειροτέχνης</span> = artizan) <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἔτρεψε τοὺς
-πολίτας</span>. Note too, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> (cp. Galen, <cite>Protrept.</cite> 8 init.; Vitruv. <span class='fss'>VI.</span> praef.) the law
-that a son was not obliged to support his father if the father had not taught
-him a trade, and further Poll. <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 42 (in the days of Solon a person thrice convicted
-of unemployment lost his vote).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f71'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r71'>71</a>. Aristot. <cite>Ath. Pol.</cite> 2. In ch. 12 the <cite>Ath. Pol.</cite> alludes to the difficulties (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀπορία</span>)
-of the poor and of those previously slaves who were liberated as a result of the
-<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">σεισαχθεία</span> (Solon’s measure for dealing with slavery and debt), and proceeds
-to quote Solon himself.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f72'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r72'>72</a>. Plut. <cite>Sol.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXIV.</span></p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f73'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r73'>73</a>. Aesch. <cite>c. Timarch.</cite> 27 (4).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f74'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r74'>74</a>. <cite>Anth. Lyr.</cite> Solon, 12 (4), 49–50.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f75'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r75'>75</a>. Notably at Athens and Rome.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f76'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r76'>76</a>. Aristot. <cite>Pol.</cite> <span class='fss'>VII.</span> (<span class='fss'>V.</span>), 1313<em>b</em>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f77'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r77'>77</a>. Below, pp. <a href='#Page_267'>267</a>, <a href='#Page_274'>274</a> f., <a href='#Page_279'>279</a>, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a> f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f78'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r78'>78</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">E.g.</span></i> by Endt, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Wien. Stud.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XXIV.</span> (1901), p. 55.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f79'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r79'>79</a>. Hy. D. Lloyd, <cite>Wealth against Commonwealth</cite>, p. 364.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f80'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r80'>80</a>. Plut. <cite>Per.</cite> 12.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f81'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r81'>81</a>. Building of the Erechtheum, 408 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> <cite>C.I.A.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> 321, 324.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f82'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r82'>82</a>. Plut. <cite>Per.</cite> 16, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τὴν δύναμιν αὐτοῦ&nbsp;... κακοήθως παρεμφαίνουσιν οἱ κωμικοί,
-Πεισιστρατίδας μὲν νέους τοὺς ἀμφὶ αὐτὸν ἑταίρους καλοῦντες, αὐτὸν δ’ ἀπομόσαι
-μὴ τυραννήσειν κελεύοντες</span>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f83'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r83'>83</a>. Cp. Mauri, <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Cittadini Lavoratori dell’ Attica</span></cite>, p. 56.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f84'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r84'>84</a>. Cp. Thuc. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 65, of Athens under Pericles, “nominally it was a democracy,
-but in fact it was government by the foremost man.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f85'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r85'>85</a>. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Arch. Eph.</span></cite> 1883, pp. 109 f. = <cite>C.I.A.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> ii. 834<em>b</em> (329–8 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f86'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r86'>86</a>. Zimmern, <cite>Sociological Review</cite>, 1909, p. 166.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f87'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r87'>87</a>. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Cp. Cic. <cite>de Off.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> 42. 151, mercatura, si tenuis est, sordida putanda est,
-sin magna et copiosa&nbsp;... non est admodum uituperanda; atque etiam si&nbsp;... ex
-portu in agros se possessionesque contulerit, uidetur iure optimo posse laudari</span>:
-a view that was doubtless as firmly held in Greece as it has been since in Rome
-and England.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f88'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r88'>88</a>. A fairly complete collection of the authorities for ancient Greek views on
-manual labour is to be found in Frohberger, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">De Opificum apud vet. Graec. condit.</span></cite>
-chap. <span class='fss'>II.</span></p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f89'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r89'>89</a>. Hom. <cite>Od.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXIII.</span> 189; <cite>Il.</cite> <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 313–5; <cite>Od.</cite> <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 52 f.; cp. also <cite>Il.</cite> <span class='fss'>V.</span> 59 f.; <span class='fss'>XXI.</span> 37;
-<cite>Od.</cite> <span class='fss'>V.</span> 241 f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f90'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r90'>90</a>. In Megara the aristocratic Theognis has contempt enough for the working
-classes, but he wrote after the overthrow of tyranny in his city.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f91'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r91'>91</a>. Plato, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Critias</span></cite>, 110<em>c</em>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f92'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r92'>92</a>. Plut. <cite>Thes.</cite> 25.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f93'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r93'>93</a>. Plut. <cite>Sol.</cite> 2.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f94'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r94'>94</a>. Aristot. <cite>Ath. Pol.</cite> 7.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f95'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r95'>95</a>. <cite>Laws</cite>, <span class='fss'>XI.</span> 920<em>d</em>. For the character of Athens’ patron deities cp. Proclus
-ad Plat. <cite>Timae.</cite> 52<em>b</em>, Athena Ergane (so called) as patroness of the works of
-craftsmen (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">δημιουργικῶν ἔργων</span>); cp. Soph. fr. 844 (Jebb and Pearson); Plato,
-<cite>Protag.</cite> 321<em>e</em>, the common abode in which they (Athena and Hephaestus)
-practised their crafts (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐφιλοτεχνείτην</span>); Harpocrat. and Suid. s.v. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">χαλκεῖα</span>,
-“A feast common to artizans (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">χειρώναξι</span>) and especially to smiths”: Suid. adds
-that it was originally a public feast, not till later observed only by artizans
-(<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τεχνιτῶν</span>): A. Mommsen, <cite>Heortologie</cite>, p. 313, thinks that the change may be
-due to Peisistratus.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f96'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r96'>96</a>. Wallon, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Histoire de l’Esclavage</span></cite>, <span class='fss'>I.</span> 142.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f97'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r97'>97</a>. Aristot. <cite>Ath. Pol.</cite> 13.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f98'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r98'>98</a>. Xen. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Rep. Lac.</span></cite> 7; <cite>Mem.</cite> <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 2. 22; <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Oecon.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 2.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f99'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r99'>99</a>. Ael. <cite>V.H.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 1; so Xen. <cite>Mem.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> 7. 6.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f100'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r100'>100</a>. Aristoph. <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Ach.</span></cite> 478; <cite>Thes.</cite> 387; <cite>Frogs</cite>, 840; cp. Plin. <cite>N.H.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXII.</span> 38; Aul.
-Gell. <span class='fss'>XV.</span> 20; Val. Max. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 4, ext. 2.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f101'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r101'>101</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 167. Mauri therefore, <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Cittadini Lavoratori dell’ Attica</span></cite>, p. 65, rather
-postdates when he says that our authorities for Athenian contempt of manual
-work are fourth century and later.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f102'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r102'>102</a>. Isocrat. <cite>Areop.</cite> 32 (146).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f103'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r103'>103</a>. Mauri, <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Cittadini Lavoratori dell’ Attica</span></cite>, p. 69.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f104'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r104'>104</a>. Xen. <cite>Mem.</cite> <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 2. 22.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f105'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r105'>105</a>. Plato, <cite>Apol.</cite> 22<em>c-e</em>; cp. Xen. <cite>Mem.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 7, where Socrates strongly deprecates
-the prejudice against manual labour.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f106'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r106'>106</a>. Xen. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Vect.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>V.</span> 4.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f107'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r107'>107</a>. Plato, <cite>Rep.</cite> <span class='fss'>VII.</span> 522<em>b</em>, <span class='fss'>IX.</span> 590<em>c</em>; <cite>Laws</cite>, <span class='fss'>V.</span> 741<em>e</em>; <cite>Gorg.</cite> 517<em>d</em>–518<em>a</em>; <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Alcib.</span></cite>
-<span class='fss'>I.</span> 131<em>b</em>; <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Amator</span></cite>, 136<em>b</em>, 137<em>b</em>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f108'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r108'>108</a>. Plato, <cite>Laws</cite>, <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 846<em>d</em>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f109'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r109'>109</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Ibid.</span></i> <span class='fss'>XI.</span> 918.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f110'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r110'>110</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Ibid.</span></i> <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 705<em>b</em>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f111'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r111'>111</a>. <cite>Rep.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 371<em>e</em>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f112'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r112'>112</a>. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">οὔτε βάναυσον βίον οὔτ’ ἀγοραῖον</span>, Aristot. <cite>Pol.</cite> <span class='fss'>IV.</span> (<span class='fss'>VII.</span>), 1328<em>b</em>; cp. <cite>Rhet.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span>
-9. 27.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f113'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r113'>113</a>. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">γεωργοὶ μὲν γὰρ καὶ τεχνῖται καὶ πᾶν τὸ θητικὸν ἀναγκαῖον ὑπάρχειν ταῖς
-πόλεσιν, μέρη δὲ τῆς πόλεως τό τε ὁπλιτικὸν καὶ βουλευτικόν</span>, Aristot. <cite>Pol.</cite> <span class='fss'>IV.</span>
-(<span class='fss'>VII.</span>), 1329<em>a</em>; cp. <span class='fss'>VII.</span> (<span class='fss'>V.</span>), 1317<em>a</em>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f114'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r114'>114</a>. <cite>Pol.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> 1278<em>a</em>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f115'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r115'>115</a>. <cite>Pol.</cite> <span class='fss'>IV.</span> (<span class='fss'>VII.</span>), 1326<em>a</em>. The <cite>Politics</cite> was based on a series of studies of particular
-constitutions one of which, the <cite>Constitution of Athens</cite>, was recovered from
-an Egyptian rubbish heap some thirty years ago. When Aristotle says that a
-city of artizans cannot attain to greatness we may feel fairly sure that artizans
-had played no prominent part in any of the Greek cities since the Persian wars.
-For the period before that his information must have been less reliable.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f116'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r116'>116</a>. <cite>c. Eubulidem</cite>, 32 (1308).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f117'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r117'>117</a>. Pollux, <span class='fss'>III.</span> 82; cp. Photius s.v. “<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">θητεία· δουλεία</span>.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f118'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r118'>118</a>. See <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">e.g.</span></i> Xen. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Oecon.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 2–3, and cp. the unusually sympathetic account of
-the working classes in the sophist Prodicus, a contemporary of Socrates: “let
-us proceed to the artizans and mechanics (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">χειρωνακτικοὺς καὶ βαναύσους</span>),
-toiling from night to night and with difficulty providing themselves with the
-necessities of life and bewailing themselves and filling all their sleepless hours
-with lamentation and tears.” Mullach, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Frag. Phil. Gr.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 139.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f119'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r119'>119</a>. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arbeit. u. Comm.</span></cite> p. 46.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f120'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r120'>120</a>. Women were of course involved in the consequences of the Peloponnesian
-war. “I am told that many women citizens (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀσταὶ γυναῖκες</span>) became wet nurses
-and day labourers and grape pickers (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τιτθαὶ καὶ ἔριθοι καὶ τρυγήτριαι</span>) as a result
-of the misfortunes of the city in those times.” Dem. <cite>c. Eubul.</cite> 45 (1313);
-cp. Xen. <cite>Mem.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 7 f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f121'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r121'>121</a>. Cp. the trouble that the Romans were always having with their disbanded
-troops.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f122'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r122'>122</a>. Aristoph. <cite>Plut.</cite> 510–525.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f123'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r123'>123</a>. Plut. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Ages.</span></cite> 26; Polyaen. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 1. 7; cp. Xen. <cite>Hell.</cite> <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 1. 5.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f124'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r124'>124</a>. Aristot. <cite>Pol.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> 1278<em>a</em>. Aristotle is of course a more valuable authority
-for his own days than for his “ancient times.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f125'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r125'>125</a>. Plato, <cite>Rep.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 371<em>e</em>. So Cic. <cite>de Off.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> 42, “est ipsa merces auctoramentum
-seruitutis.” Cp. Zimmern, <cite>Sociological Review</cite>, 1909, p. 174, who however, when
-he says that “the Greeks never took kindly to wage earning” is thinking mainly
-of the fifth and fourth centuries <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> and rather disregarding the evidence for
-conditions at that period being of comparatively recent growth.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f126'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r126'>126</a>. Ciccotti, <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Tramonto d. Schiavitù</span></cite>, pp. 124 f. In the extant fragments of the
-Erechtheum accounts for 409 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> the payments are partly by the piece, partly
-by the day.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f127'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r127'>127</a>. Cavaignac, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Études Financ.</span></cite> p. 173. For the large growth of the servile
-population in fourth century Attica see Beloch, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Rhein. Mus.</span></cite> 1890, pp. 555 f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f128'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r128'>128</a>. Cavaignac, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Études Financ.</span></cite> p. 172; E. Meyer, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Kleinschrift.</span></cite> p. 198.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f129'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r129'>129</a>. See Brants, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Rev. de l’Instruct. Publ. Belg.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XXVI.</span> p. 106.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f130'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r130'>130</a>. Athen. <span class='fss'>XII.</span> 540<em>d</em>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f131'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r131'>131</a>. Cp. on fifth century Athens Xen. (?) <cite>Ath. Pol.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> 12, “the city needs resident
-aliens owing to the number of its handicrafts (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">δεῖται μετοίκων διὰ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν
-τεχνῶν</span>).”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f132'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r132'>132</a>. Below, p. <a href='#Page_192'>192</a>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f133'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r133'>133</a>. Cp. Phaleas, Aristot. <cite>Pol.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 1267.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f134'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r134'>134</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 137, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">οὐ γὰρ εἶναι τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον σφίσι κω οἰκέτας</span>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f135'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r135'>135</a>. Timaeus, <em>ap.</em> Athen. <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 264<em>c</em>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f136'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r136'>136</a>. Clerc, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Métèques Athén.</span></cite> pp. 324 f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f137'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r137'>137</a>. Ciccotti, <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Tramonto d. Schiavitù</span></cite>, p. 47.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f138'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r138'>138</a>. Buechsenschuetz, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Besitz u. Erwerb.</span></cite> pp. 321, 341, 193; cp. Waltz, <cite>Rev. Hist.</cite>
-117 (1914), pp. 5–41.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f139'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r139'>139</a>. In the oriental Greek states of the Hellenistic period, as also in the Roman
-East, the government seems sometimes to have run big industrial concerns whose
-employees have been held to have been free men. Beloch, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Zeits. f. Socialwiss.</span></cite>
-<span class='fss'>II.</span> pp. 24–25. But these establishments belong to a quite different political order
-from that with which we are now concerned.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f140'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r140'>140</a>. For slave revolts in Greece see Diod. <span class='fss'>XXXIV.</span> 2. 19 and Athen. <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 272 f.
-(Laurium, probably latter part of second century <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>); Athen. <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 265<em>c</em> (Chios,
-apparently later still, <em>pace</em> Boeckh, <cite>Public Econ. of Athens</cite>, <span class='fss'>II.</span> pp. 470–471); cp.
-Wallon, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">l’Esclavage</span></cite><sup>2</sup>, <span class='fss'>I.</span> pp. 318 f., 483–484. The movements at Laurium and
-Chios in the Peloponnesian war, Thuc. <span class='fss'>VII.</span> 27, <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 40, seem to have been not
-so much revolts against slavery as desertions from one set of masters to another.
-When Holm, <cite>Hist. Greece</cite> (English trans.), <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 263, says that the essence of
-tyranny was that it rested on force he makes a statement which, so far as it is
-true, differentiates tyranny from no other ancient form of government.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f141'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r141'>141</a>. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀεὶ ἀτυράννευτος ἦν</span>, Thuc. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 18.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f142'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r142'>142</a>. Plut. <cite>Lysander</cite>, 17.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f143'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r143'>143</a>. Hill, <cite>Handbook of Greek and Roman Coins</cite>, p. 17, quoting Lenormant. Hill
-himself inclines to think that the Spartan coinage may have resembled the
-iron pieces of Aeginetan weight attributed to Tegea and Argos. But these latter
-are not “heavy and hard to carry.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f144'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r144'>144</a>. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">οὐ ξυνοικισθείσης πόλεως&nbsp;... κατὰ κώμας δὲ&nbsp;... οἰκισθείσης</span>, Thuc. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 10.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f145'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r145'>145</a>. Aristot. <cite>Pol.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 1269<em>a</em>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f146'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r146'>146</a>. Thuc. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 132.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f147'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r147'>147</a>. In the days of Plato Thebes contained one citizen of extraordinary wealth
-in Ismenias, “the man who had just recently received the wealth of Polycrates.”
-Ismenias is classed with Periander, Perdiccas, and Xerxes as a wealthy man
-who thought he possessed great power; but he is not called a tyrant. He had
-become rich not through his own wisdom and care, but suddenly as the result
-of a bequest, so that his wealth would apparently fall under a different category
-from that of the seventh and sixth century tyrants, and he is in fact placed by
-Plato in a very miscellaneous company. Plato, <cite>Meno</cite>, 90<em>a</em>; <cite>Rep.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> 336<em>a</em>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f148'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r148'>148</a>. See below, pp. <a href='#Page_30'>30</a> f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f149'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r149'>149</a>. Aristot. <cite>Pol.</cite> <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> (<span class='fss'>VI.</span>), 1316<em>b</em>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f150'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r150'>150</a>. <cite>Thucydides Mythistoricus</cite>, p. 32.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f151'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r151'>151</a>. Rep. <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 562<em>a</em>; cp. 564<em>a</em>, 565<em>d</em>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f152'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r152'>152</a>. On tyrants as plunderers cp. Hdt. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 92: “(Cypselus) deprived many people
-of their property.” So Ephorus, <cite>F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> p. 392, “He banished the Bacchiads
-and confiscated their possessions.” Cp. Plato, <cite>Phaedo</cite>, 82<em>a</em>; <cite>Rep.</cite> <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> end.
-The spoils of victory however are quite a different thing from the litigious
-confiscations of fifth and fourth century demagogues. The way the early tyrants
-used their wealth is sufficient proof that it was not mainly plunder. There is
-nothing of the condottiere about the typical early tyrant. Cp. H. Sieveking,
-<cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Kapitalist. Entwick. i. d. ital. Städt. d. Mittelalt.</span></cite> in <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Viertelj. f. Soc. u. Wirts.</span></cite>
-<span class='fss'>VII.</span> pp. 64 f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f153'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r153'>153</a>. Pol. <span class='fss'>VII.</span> (<span class='fss'>V.</span>), 1305<em>a</em>; cp. <span class='fss'>VII.</span> (<span class='fss'>V.</span>), 1310<em>b</em>, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὁ δὲ τύραννος (καθίσταται) ἐκ τοῦ
-δήμου καὶ τοῦ πλήθους</span>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f154'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r154'>154</a>. “Pheidon and others became tyrants with a kingship to start from&nbsp;... those in
-the parts about Ionia, and Phalaris, from their offices,” <cite>Pol.</cite> <span class='fss'>VII.</span> (<span class='fss'>V.</span>), 1310<em>b</em>;
-cp. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i>, “through starting with power, some that of kingly office,” and <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i>,
-“other (tyrannies) from kings overstepping their inherited positions”; <span class='fss'>VII.</span> (<span class='fss'>V.</span>),
-1308<em>a</em>, “attempts at tyranny are made in some places by demagogues, in other
-places by dynasts, or those who hold the highest offices when they hold them for
-a long time.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f155'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r155'>155</a>. Cp. also <cite>Pol.</cite> <span class='fss'>VII.</span> (<span class='fss'>V.</span>), 1305<em>a</em>, where “modern times” means since rhetoric
-developed and demagogues ceased to be soldiers.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f156'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r156'>156</a>. Or else for no historical period at all. As pointed out to me by my colleague
-Professor W. G. de Burgh, Plato’s order is confessedly an order of ascending
-injustice (<cite>Rep.</cite> <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 545<em>a</em>; cp. 344<em>a</em>), in introducing which he invokes the muses
-of Homer and asks them not to be too serious (545<em>e</em>). Plato’s evidence on this
-point need not be taken so literally as that of the historically minded Aristotle.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f157'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r157'>157</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 82. See also Xen. <cite>Hell.</cite> <span class='fss'>VII.</span> 1. 44–46; and cp. Porzio, <cite>Cipselidi</cite>,
-p. 207, n. 1.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f158'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r158'>158</a>. Neither the Homeric Thersites nor the “leaders of the people” of Solon
-show any of the essential features of the demagogue as known to Herodotus,
-Plato, and Aristotle. Individual early tyrants are often said to have been
-demagogues, but only by the writers of the fourth century or later, whose
-evidence on this point is valueless; cp. below, pp. <a href='#Page_30'>30</a> f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f159'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r159'>159</a>. “The demagogues of the present day win favour with the democracies by
-securing many confiscations through the law courts.” Aristotle, <cite>Pol.</cite> <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> (<span class='fss'>VI.</span>),
-1320<em>a</em>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f160'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r160'>160</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 131.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f161'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r161'>161</a>. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πολεμοποιός</span>, Aristot. <cite>Pol.</cite> <span class='fss'>VII.</span> (<span class='fss'>V.</span>), 1313<em>b</em>; cp. 1305<em>a</em> (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">οἱ προστάται τοῦ
-δήμου, ὅτε πολεμικοὶ γένοιντο, τυραννίδι ἐπετίθεντο</span>) and Plato, <cite>Rep.</cite> <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 566<em>e</em>
-(<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πολέμους ἀεὶ κινεῖ</span>).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f162'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r162'>162</a>. Cp. Thuc. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 17, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">δι’ ἀσφαλείας ὅσον ἐδύναντο μάλιστα τὰς πόλεις ὤκουν</span>.
-Hermann, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Staatsaltertümer</span></cite><sup>5</sup> p. 253, n. 5, notices that this passage contradicts
-Plato, <cite>Rep.</cite> <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 566<em>e</em> and Aristot. <cite>Pol.</cite> <span class='fss'>VII.</span> (<span class='fss'>V.</span>), 1313<em>b</em>, 1305<em>a</em>, which make the
-typical tyrant warlike. He does not realize that Thucydides is describing the
-tyrants of an earlier age.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f163'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r163'>163</a>. Below, pp. <a href='#Page_257'>257</a> f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f164'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r164'>164</a>. Aristot. <cite>Pol.</cite> <span class='fss'>VII.</span> (<span class='fss'>V.</span>), 1315<em>b</em>. The same change is recorded in the tyranny at
-Corinth: there Cypselus the first tyrant is said to have been a demagogue,
-possibly because he became tyrant and was not stated in Aristotle’s sources to
-have previously waged any war.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f165'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r165'>165</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 59; according to the <cite>Ath. Pol.</cite> 17, “it is obvious nonsense to say that
-Peisistratus was general in the war for Salamis against the Megareans.” But this
-statement based on chronological arguments can only call in question the date
-and character of Peisistratus’ warlike achievements, not their whole historicity.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f166'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r166'>166</a>. <cite>Pace</cite> E. Meyer, <cite>G. d. A.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 666, following Justin <span class='fss'>II.</span> 8 (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">quasi sibi non
-patriae uicisset, tyrannidem per dolum occupat</span>).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f167'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r167'>167</a>. On the essentially peaceful character of the Athenian tyranny, see Ciccotti,
-<cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Tramonto d. Schiavitù</span></cite>, p. 49.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f168'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r168'>168</a>. <cite>Pol.</cite> <span class='fss'>VII.</span> (<span class='fss'>V.</span>), 1312<em>b</em>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f169'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r169'>169</a>. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 82.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f170'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r170'>170</a>. Mixed of course with earlier features. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">E.g.</span></i> in Plato (<cite>Rep.</cite> <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 566<em>a-b</em>) the
-banishment and forcible return and the bodyguard are all genuine Peisistratus.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f171'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r171'>171</a>. Plato, <cite>Letters</cite> 1, 2, 3, 4, 7, 8, 13. On the genuineness of the Platonic letters
-see Burnet, <cite>Thales to Plato</cite>, pp. 206, 207 and note.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f172'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r172'>172</a>. Diog. Laert. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 7. 63; 8. 67 f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f173'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r173'>173</a>. Aristotle, <cite>Pol.</cite> <span class='fss'>VII.</span> (<span class='fss'>V.</span>), 1307<em>a</em>, where Hanno of Carthage, Aristotle’s contemporary,
-is also quoted. Both these would-be tyrants tampered with the
-slave population (see Thucydides, <span class='fss'>I.</span> 132 (Pausanias), Orosius, <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 6 (Hanno)),
-and may thus have further helped to obliterate the picture of the peace-loving
-early tyrant and his relationship to free labour.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f174'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r174'>174</a>. Cp. Thuc. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 20; <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 54 on the inaccurate accounts of the Peisistratids prevalent
-in Athens in the historian’s own days.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f175'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r175'>175</a>. On the way that Aristotle’s ideas often colour the facts he quotes see
-Muretus, <cite>Var. Lect.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> 14; Koehler, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Sitzungsb. Preuss. Akad.</span></cite> 1892, p. 505; Endt,
-<cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Wien. Stud.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XXIV.</span> (1901), pp. 50–51, quoted Porzio, <cite>Cipselidi</cite>, p. 244.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>On the general dubiousness of fifth and fourth century explanations of
-seventh and sixth century motives, see Macan on the <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Athenaion Politeia</span></cite> in
-<cite>J.H.S.</cite> <span class='fss'>XII.</span> pp. 34 f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f176'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r176'>176</a>. Aristot. <cite>Pol.</cite> <span class='fss'>VII.</span> (<span class='fss'>V.</span>) 1313<em>a</em>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f177'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r177'>177</a>. Aristot. <cite>Pol.</cite> <span class='fss'>VII.</span> (<span class='fss'>V.</span>) 1315<em>b</em>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f178'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r178'>178</a>. Mommsen, <cite>Hist. Rome</cite> (Eng. trans.), <span class='fss'>III.</span> p. 333.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f179'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r179'>179</a>. Cp. Dion. Hal. <span class='fss'>VII.</span> 1, on the statement in his oldest authorities that
-Dionysius sent corn to Rome in the time of Spurius Cassius (492 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>). The name
-Dionysius appears here a good half century before his birth, doubtless as the
-Sicilian tyrant <i><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">par excellence</span></i>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f180'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r180'>180</a>. Beloch, <cite>Gr. G.</cite><sup>2</sup> <span class='fss'>I.</span> ii. p. 295, is surely underestimating the value of Thucydides’
-express statements about the Peisistratids when he calls them “merely oral
-traditions about the relations of a family that had been expelled from Athens
-100 years before.” This way of putting it hardly suggests that less than 20 years
-may have separated the death of Hippias from the birth of Thucydides, and that
-the tyrant’s family was still sufficiently flourishing at the end of the Peloponnesian
-war to be excluded from the amnesty that restored Thucydides to Athens
-(Didymus <em>ap.</em> Marcellin. <cite>Vit. Thuc.</cite> 32).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f181'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r181'>181</a>. See also chapter <span class='fss'>III</span>, p. 69.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f182'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r182'>182</a>. Beloch, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Rhein. Mus.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>L.</span> (1895), p. 252, n. 1, puts Cylon’s attempt into the
-time between Solon and Peisistratus, De Sanctis, <cite>Atthis</cite><sup>2</sup>, pp. 280 f., into the
-time of Peisistratus’ exile; O. Seeck, <cite>Klio</cite>, <span class='fss'>IV.</span> pp. 318 f., puts it at earliest early
-in the career of Peisistratus; Costanzi, <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Riv. d. Stor. Ant.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>V.</span> pp. 518–19, about
-570 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>; so also Lenschau <em>ap.</em> Bursian, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahresbericht</span></cite> 176 (1918), p. 190. But
-see <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">e.g.</span></i> Ledl, <cite>Stud. z. d. ält. ath. Verfassungsges.</cite> pp. 77 f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f183'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r183'>183</a>. Thuc. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 126.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f184'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r184'>184</a>. Plut. <cite>Solon</cite>, 24.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f185'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r185'>185</a>. Plut. <cite>Solon</cite>, 2; cp. Aristot. <cite>Ath. Pol.</cite> 6, where Solon’s enemies accuse him
-of (dishonest) financial speculations. Aristotle dismisses the charge.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f186'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r186'>186</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 59; Plut., <cite>Solon</cite>, 13, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Amat.</span></cite> 18, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Praecept.</span></cite> 10 (<cite>Moral.</cite> 763, 805), imagines
-this third party as existing at the time of Solon’s reforms: but his account is
-inconsistent in itself and contradicts Hdt. See Sandys, <cite>Ath. Pol.</cite><sup>2</sup> p. 55, Busolt,
-<cite>Gr. G.</cite><sup>2</sup> (1895), <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 302, n. 2, following Diels, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Abh. Berl. Akad.</span></cite> 1885, p. 20, and
-Landwehr, <cite>Philol.</cite> Suppl. <span class='fss'>V.</span> (1889), p. 155.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f187'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r187'>187</a>. So Isocr. <cite>Panath.</cite> 148 (263); Aristot. <cite>Pol.</cite> <span class='fss'>VII.</span> (<span class='fss'>V.</span>), 1310<em>b</em>; cp. Cic. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Orat.</span></cite>
-<span class='fss'>III.</span> 34; <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Brutus</span></cite>, 27, 41; Val. Max. <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 9; Dio Chrys. <span class='fss'>XXII.</span></p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f188'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r188'>188</a>. <cite>Pace</cite> Aristot. <cite>Ath. Pol.</cite> 22 (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὅτι Πεισίστρατος δημαγωγὸς καὶ στρατηγὸς ὢν
-τύραννος κατέστη</span>).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f189'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r189'>189</a>. Cp. Plut. <cite>Solon</cite>, 29, “helping the needy” of Peisistratus when first suspected
-by Solon of aiming at tyranny: cp. also Aristot. <cite>Pol.</cite> <span class='fss'>VII.</span> (<span class='fss'>V.</span>), 1305<em>a</em> (tr. Welldon),
-“the ground of this confidence being their detestation of the wealthy classes. This
-was the case at Athens with Peisistratus in consequence of his feud with the
-(wealthy landed) proprietors of the plain.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f190'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r190'>190</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 64. Grote’s translation, <span class='fss'>III.</span> (ed. 1888), p. 329, n. 4, which makes the
-money come from Athens and the mercenaries from Thrace, is highly improbable.
-Amphipolis, the chief fifth century city on the lower Strymon, is described by
-Thucydides, <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 108, as useful to Athens “from its revenues of money.” Grote’s
-objections to making Peisistratus a Thracian mining magnate are met below.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f191'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r191'>191</a>. So Perdrizet, <cite>Klio</cite>, <span class='fss'>X.</span> (1910), p. 5.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f192'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r192'>192</a>. Guiraud, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">La Main-d’Œuvre dans l’Ancienne Grèce</span></cite>, pp. 30, 31; cp. von Fritze,
-<cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Zeits. f. Num.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XX.</span> (1897), p. 154, who notes that Maronea, the name of the place
-in the Laurium district mined in the time of Peisistratus, is also the name of
-a town in Thrace opposite Thasos (said by Philochorus, <cite>F.H.G.</cite>, <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 404, to
-have been alluded to by Archilochus; cp. Hom. <cite>Od.</cite> <span class='fss'>IX.</span> 197). E. Curtius (quoted
-<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i>) regards the Attic Maronea as having been named after the Thracian.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f193'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r193'>193</a>. Aristot. <cite>Ath. Pol.</cite> 15.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f194'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r194'>194</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 62, 64.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f195'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r195'>195</a>. Of iron and copper, Steph. Byz. s.v. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Αἴδηψος, Χαλκίς</span>, Eustath. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ad</span> Dion.
-Perieget.</cite> 764.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f196'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r196'>196</a>. Svoronos, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Journ. Int. d’Arch. Num.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XV.</span> (1913), pp. 233–4.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f197'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r197'>197</a>. Cp. Muenzer u. Strack, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Münz. Nord-Griech.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> i. p. 8, n. 1.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f198'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r198'>198</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 9; so Dion. Hal. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 13.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f199'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r199'>199</a>. Aristot. <cite>Ath. Pol.</cite> 13.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f200'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r200'>200</a>. Plut. <cite>Solon</cite>, 13; <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Praecept.</span></cite> 10 (<cite>Moral.</cite> 805); <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Amat.</span></cite> 18 (<cite>Moral.</cite> 763).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f201'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r201'>201</a>. See <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">e.g.</span></i> Poehlmann, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Grundriss</span></cite><sup>4</sup> p. 85; E. Meyer, <cite>G. d. A.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 663; Sandys,
-<cite>Ath. Pol.</cite><sup>2</sup> p. 55; Mauri, <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Cittadini Lavoratori dell’ Attica</span></cite>, p. 29; Grundy, <cite>Thucydides
-and Hist. of his Age</cite>, p. 116; Haase, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Abhand. Hist. Phil. Gesell. Breslau</span></cite>, <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 105.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f202'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r202'>202</a>. Below, Appendix A.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f203'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r203'>203</a>. <cite>J.H.S.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXVI.</span> pp. 136–8.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f204'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r204'>204</a>. <cite>A.J.A.</cite> 1889, p. 426; cp. Haase, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Abhand. Hist. Phil. Gesell. Breslau</span></cite>, <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 69,
-n. 16.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f205'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r205'>205</a>. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ath. Mitt.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XXXV.</span> (1910), p. 286, ll. 18–21, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">μέταλλον ἀνασάξιμον ἐπὶ
-Λαυρέωι&nbsp;... ὧι γε(ιτνιᾷ&nbsp;... πρὸς) νότο(ν) ἡ ὁδὸς ἡ ἔξω τοῦ Ῥαγῶνος ἐπὶ Λαύρεον
-φέρουσα καὶ τὸ Σημάχειον</span>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f206'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r206'>206</a>. Steph. Byz. s.v.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f207'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r207'>207</a>. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Abh. Berl. Akad.</span></cite> 1892, p. 37; cp. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> 47; <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ath. Mitt.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XVII.</span> pp. 422, 424.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f208'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r208'>208</a>. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ath. Mitt.</span></cite> 1910, p. 309. The single tombstone of “Aeschines of Semachidai,
-the son of Pamphilus” (<cite>C.I.A.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 2534), found at Brahami, three and a half
-kilometres South of the Acropolis, is probably to be classed with <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> 2535–9
-as belonging to a Semachid who died at Athens. So too with the fragment
-<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ΙΑΧΙΔΟΥ</span> <cite>C.I.A.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> 3897, found at Alopeke, the modern Ampelokipi, one of
-the Eastern terminuses of the Athenian tramways. Demesmen seem to have
-been generally buried either in Athens or in the deme to which they belonged.
-The ordinary Attic word for travel, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀποδημεῖν</span> (lit. “to quit one’s deme”),
-seems to have been still appropriate even in the fourth century.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f209'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r209'>209</a>. <cite>F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 396.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f210'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r210'>210</a>. <cite>F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 396.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f211'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r211'>211</a>. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ath. Mitt.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XXXV.</span> (1910), p. 277, l. 25; 278, l. 42; 281, l. 46; the word may
-have been semi-technical. Appian, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Bell. Civ.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 106, speaks of a <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">λόφος</span> not far
-from Philippi, “in which are the gold mines called the Asyla.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f212'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r212'>212</a>. Cp. Hesych. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Ἐπάκριος· Ζεὺς ὁ ἐπὶ τῶν ἄκρων τῶν ὀρῶν ἱδρύμενος. ἐπὶ γὰρ
-τῶν ὀρῶν τοὺς βωμοὺς αὐτῷ ἵδρυον ὡς ἐπιπολύ.</span></p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f213'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r213'>213</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">I.e.</span></i> with the hill country of the Cleisthenic Interior. Inscriptions (<cite>C.I.A.</cite>
-<span class='fss'>II.</span> 602, 603), of the fourth century or later, mention men of the Interior (Mesogeioi)
-who formed a similar organization to the Epakrioi of <cite>C.I.A.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 570, and
-were possibly composed of lowlanders of the Cleisthenic Interior (Mesogeia). The
-name Mesogeia is now applied to the “undulating district of hill and plain
-stretching to the spurs of Pentelicon on the North, to Hymettus on the West, to
-the vicinity of Marcopoulo on the South, and to the coast hills on the East,”
-Baedeker, <cite>Greece</cite>, 1905, p. 117.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f214'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r214'>214</a>. See <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">e.g.</span></i> J. A. R. Munro’s note <cite>J.H.S.</cite> <span class='fss'>XIX.</span> (1899), p. 187.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f215'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r215'>215</a>. <cite>Odyss.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> 278; cp. Steph. Byz. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Σούνιον· δῆμος Λεοντίδος φυλῆς. Ὅμηρος
-δὲ ἄκρον καλεῖ.</span></p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f216'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r216'>216</a>. Aristoph. <cite>Clouds</cite>, 401.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f217'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r217'>217</a>. Strabo, <span class='fss'>IX.</span> 390.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f218'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r218'>218</a>. Palmerius (Le Paulmier), <cite>Exerc.</cite> p. 4, quoted Schoemann, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Comit. Ath.</span></cite>
-p. 343, n. 4.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f219'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r219'>219</a>. Albertus, <cite>Hesych.</cite> s.v. Alii aliter; <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">e.g.</span></i> Casaubon <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ad</span></i> <cite>Diog. Laert.</cite>, <cite>Solon</cite>, 58
-appears to locate the Diakrioi on the Acropolis.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f220'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r220'>220</a>. Plato, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Critias</span></cite>, 110<em>d</em>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f221'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r221'>221</a>. Strabo, <span class='fss'>IX.</span> 391; cp. <span class='fss'>XIV.</span> 632 f. on the Milesian district where Hdt., <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 20,
-mentions the existence of a Hyperakria: Strabo distinguishes clearly the <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἄκραι</span>
-on the coast from the <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὄρη</span> of the interior.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f222'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r222'>222</a>. No mines are marked actually at Sunium in the map attached to Ardaillon’s
-careful study of the mines of Laurium, but a mine at Sunium (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">μέταλλον ἐπὶ
-Σουνίῳ</span>) is mentioned in the inscription published by Oikonomos, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ath. Mitt.</span></cite>
-<span class='fss'>XXXV.</span> (1910), p. 277, l. 9; so also <cite>C.I.A.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 781: cp. also Eurip. <cite>Cycl.</cite> 293–4,
-“aery Sunium’s silver-veined crag (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὑπάργυρος πέτρα</span>),” tr. Shelley. Sunium
-and Thoricus, also in the mining district (“at Thoricus and Laurium are mines
-of silver,” schol. Aesch. <cite>Pers.</cite> 238), are coupled together by Pliny, <cite>N.H.</cite> <span class='fss'>IV.</span>
-11 (7), as “promontoria.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f223'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r223'>223</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 99.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f224'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r224'>224</a>. There were Diakrioi in Rhodes (Cavaignac, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Étud. Financ.</span></cite> pp. xl, xli) and
-Euboea (Hesych. s.v.) as well as Attica. Miletus had its Hyperakrioi (Hdt.
-<span class='fss'>VI.</span> 20).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f225'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r225'>225</a>. Besides its connexion with (<em>a</em>) Semachidai and (<em>b</em>) the party of Peisistratus,
-we find it as (<em>c</em>) one of twelve cities founded by Cecrops (Strabo, <span class='fss'>IX.</span> 397, Steph.
-Byz. s.v.), (<em>d</em>) one of three groups of cities founded by Cecrops (Suid. and <cite>Et.
-Mag.</cite> s.v.), (<em>e</em>) a country near Tetrapolis (Bekker, <cite>Lex. Seguer.</cite> p. 259), (<em>f</em>) a trittys
-(trittys of the Epakrians: <cite>C.I.A.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 1053 and (?) <span class='fss'>I.</span> 517<em>b</em>; cp. Loeper, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ath. Mitt.</span></cite>
-<span class='fss'>XVII.</span> p. 355, n. 3), and (<em>g</em>) the recipient of payments from Plotheia (<cite>C.I.A.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span>
-570, about 420 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>). It is recognized by Milchhoefer that the word is used in
-a broader and a more restricted sense (<em>ap.</em> Pauly Wissowa s.v. Epakria). Though
-note <i><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">à propos</span></i> of the Epakrian trittys of the inscriptions that trittyes are generally
-named after not the district but the chief place in the district, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">e.g.</span></i> trittys of
-the Eleusinians, of the Peiraeans, <cite>C.I.A.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> 517. Semachidai and Plotheia belong
-to different tribes (Antiochis and Aegeis), and consequently to different trittyes.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f226'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r226'>226</a>. Strabo, <span class='fss'>XI.</span> 499.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f227'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r227'>227</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">E.g.</span></i> Oikonomos, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ath. Mitt.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XXXV.</span> (1910), pp. 277, l. 25; 278, l. 42; 281, l. 46;
-cp. Xen. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Vect.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 2, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τῶν ὑπαργύρων λόφων</span>; Pliny, <cite>N.H.</cite> <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 11 (7), Thoricus
-promontorium.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f228'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r228'>228</a>. Bursian, <cite>Gr. Geog.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> pp. 254–5. Boeckh, <cite>Pub. Econ.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 416, n. 6, quotes
-<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Λαύριον ὄρος</span>, but gives no reference.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f229'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r229'>229</a>. A site between Kamaresa (Maronea?) and Sunium, which Loeper identifies
-with Potamos, is described by him as “im Inneren liegend,” <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ath. Mitt.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XVII.</span>
-pp. 333–4.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f230'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r230'>230</a>. Schol. Ap. Rhod. <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Argon.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> 1129, quoting the <cite>Phoronid</cite>,</p>
-
-<div class='lg-container-b c016'>
-  <div class='linegroup'>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line in22'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἄνδρες ὀρέστεροι,</span></div>
-      <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">οἱ πρῶτοι τέχνην πολυμήτιος Ἡφαίστοιο</span></div>
-      <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">εὗρον ἐν οὐρείῃσι νάπαις, ἰόεντα σίδηρον,</span></div>
-      <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐς πῦρ τ’ ἤνεγκον καὶ ἀρίπρεπες ἔργον ἔδειξαν.</span></div>
-    </div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f231'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r231'>231</a>. Binder, <cite>Laurion</cite>, p. 25 (cp. de Launay in Saglio, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Dict. d. Ant.</span></cite> s.v. ferrum,
-p. 1087), who says this is still the practice in Peru. Smelting was carried on
-close by the mines, see Ardaillon in Saglio, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Dict. d. Ant.</span></cite> s.v. metalla. The sites
-of the ancient Siphnian mines are to this day called Kaminia (furnaces) and
-Kapsala (slag?), Bent, <cite>J.H.S.</cite> <span class='fss'>VI.</span> pp. 196–7.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Note too that at a still earlier epoch gold from mines, as distinguished
-from alluvial gold, was known in Egypt as “gold of the mountain,” Breasted,
-<cite>Records Anc. Egypt</cite>, <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 30: so <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> 28, “electrum of the mountains,” temp.
-Ramses III.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f232'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r232'>232</a>. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Abh. Berl. Acad.</span></cite> <em>d.</em> 1892, p. 47.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f233'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r233'>233</a>. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ath. Mitt.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XVII.</span></p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f234'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r234'>234</a>. Polyb. <span class='fss'>XXXIV.</span> 9.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f235'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r235'>235</a>. Athen. <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 272<em>e</em>; cp. Oros. V. 9, who dates what is apparently the same revolt
-in the time of the first Sicilian slave war (139–132 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f236'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r236'>236</a>. Thuc. <span class='fss'>VII.</span> 27; cp. Bury, <cite>Hist. Greece</cite>, p. 485.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f237'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r237'>237</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>VII.</span> 144; Plut. <cite>Themist.</cite> 4; Aristot. <cite>Ath. Pol.</cite> 22.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f238'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r238'>238</a>. Ardaillon, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Les Mines de Laurium</span></cite> (the best book on the subject), pp. 132, 133;
-where see also a technical explanation of the veins.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f239'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r239'>239</a>. Plut. <cite>Themist.</cite> 4.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f240'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r240'>240</a>. Xen. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Vect.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 2.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f241'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r241'>241</a>. F. Cauer, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Parteien in Megara und Athen</span></cite>, p. 17.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f242'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r242'>242</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 57; they appear to have been exhausted before 490 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> (Perdrizet,
-<cite>Klio</cite>, <span class='fss'>X.</span> (1910), p. 7, quoting Hdt. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 57 and Paus. <span class='fss'>X.</span> 11. 2), a fact that suggests
-an early discovery.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f243'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r243'>243</a>. Furtwaengler, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Berl. Vas.</span></cite> 871 B, 639, 831 A: Wilisch, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahresb. Gym.</span></cite> <cite>Zittau</cite>,
-1901, figs. 19 (Saglio, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Dict. d. Ant.</span></cite> fig. 4987), 20 and p. 20.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f244'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r244'>244</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>VII.</span> 144.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f245'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r245'>245</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 57; cp. E. Meyer, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ges. d. Alt.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 610, on Theognis, 667 f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f246'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r246'>246</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">E.g.</span></i> Perdrizet, <cite>Klio</cite>, <span class='fss'>X.</span> (1910), p. 2.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f247'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r247'>247</a>. Aeschyl. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Persae</span></cite>, 240 (238).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f248'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r248'>248</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 46.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f249'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r249'>249</a>. <cite>Pace</cite> Cavaignac, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Viertelj. f. Soc. u. Wirts. Ges.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>IX.</span> p. 7.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f250'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r250'>250</a>. Xen., <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Vect.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 17, advised the Athenian state to buy slaves to the number
-of three for each citizen and let them out to work the mines. The number of
-Athenian citizens at the time was about 20,000 (cp. Wallon, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">l’Esclavage</span></cite><sup>2</sup>, <span class='fss'>I.</span>
-pp. 222 f.), which makes the proposed number of slave miners about 60,000.
-This was admittedly many more than the number actually employed at the
-time of the proposal, and Xenophon suggests starting with 10,000, which Wallon,
-<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> p. 230, thinks to have been probably the existing number of privately
-owned mining slaves. But even so these numbers show how influential a free
-mining population might well have been. See also <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Vect.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 14, 15 and <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">passim</span></i>;
-Andoc. <cite>de Myst.</cite> 38 (6); Hyp. frag. 33 (Blass); and above, p. 45.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f251'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r251'>251</a>. Dem. <cite>c. Phaenipp.</cite> 20 (1044–5).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f252'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r252'>252</a>. Bérard, <cite>B.C.H.</cite> <span class='fss'>XII.</span> (1888), p. 246, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τέχνη δ’ οὔτις ἔριζε</span>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f253'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r253'>253</a>. Ardaillon, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Les Mines de Laurium</span></cite>, p. 91.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f254'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r254'>254</a>. Solon, Bergk, frag. 12 (4), 49–50,</p>
-
-<div class='lg-container-b c016'>
-  <div class='linegroup'>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἄλλος Ἀθηναίης τε καὶ Ἡφαίστου πολυτέχνεω</span></div>
-      <div class='line in2'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἔργα δαεὶς χειροῖν ξυλλέγεται βίοτον</span>.</div>
-    </div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f255'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r255'>255</a>. Aristot. <cite>Ath. Pol.</cite> 13.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f256'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r256'>256</a>. A means of equation would be to accept the reading of the Berlin papyrus
-<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀποίκων</span> for <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀγροίκων</span> and then, <em>pace</em> Busolt, <cite>Gr. G.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span><sup>2</sup> p. 96, n. 1, identify the
-<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἄποικοι</span> (men away from home; cp. the Milesian <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀειναῦται</span>, men always at sea)
-with the <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πάραλοι</span> (men of the coast). The demiourgoi would then be identified
-with the Diakrioi, and it would have to be assumed that the youthful Peisistratus
-was already leading his faction. Laurentius Lydus, <cite>de Magistr.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> 47, makes
-Solon import from Egypt a triple division into philosopher nobles, warrior
-farmers, and mechanics (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τὴν βάναυσον καὶ τεχνουργόν</span>). The statement appears
-among the fragments of Diodorus <span class='fss'>IX.</span> in Dindorf’s text; but the attribution is
-disputed, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">e.g.</span></i> by Landwehr, <cite>Philol.</cite> Suppl. <span class='fss'>V.</span> (1889), p. 141. The reading <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἄγροικοι</span>
-rather than <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἄποικοι</span> is supported by Dion. Hal. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 9; see further Gilliard,
-<cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Réformes de Solon</span></cite>, p. 105, n. 2.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f257'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r257'>257</a>. Plut. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Mul. Virt.</span></cite> 27 (<cite>Moral.</cite> 262).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f258'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r258'>258</a>. Plut. <cite>Pericl.</cite> 12.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f259'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r259'>259</a>. Aristot. <cite>Ath. Pol.</cite> 13; Plut. <cite>Sol.</cite> 29.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f260'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r260'>260</a>. Perdrizet, <cite>Klio</cite>, <span class='fss'>X.</span> (1910), p. 22, quoting Appian, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Bell. Civ.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 106. Cp. above,
-p. 39, n. 4.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f261'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r261'>261</a>. Harpocrat. s.v. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Ποταμός·</span> “they were lampooned as readily admitting illegal
-claims to citizenship (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὡς ῥᾳδίως δεχόμενοι τοὺς παρεγγράπτους</span>), as others
-proclaim and particularly Menander in <cite>The Twins</cite>”; <cite>Potamioi</cite> was the name of a
-comedy by Strattis; Athen. <span class='fss'>VII.</span> 299<em>b</em>; Suid. s.v. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Ποταμοί</span>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f262'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r262'>262</a>. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ath. Mitt.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XVII.</span> (1892), pl. xii. Inscriptions mention three Potamioi, see
-<cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ath. Mitt.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XVII.</span> pp. 390–1, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Π. καθύπερθεν, Π. ὑπένερθεν, Π. Δειραδιῶται</span>. The first
-two are grouped together apart from the third, and Loeper is probably right,
-as against Koehler, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ath. Mitt.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>X.</span> (1885), pp. 105 f.; cp. <span class='fss'>IV.</span> (1879), p. 102, in
-assigning them to the city trittys of Leontis and making P. Deiradiotai the
-mining village. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">καθύπερθεν</span> is therefore no evidence for an inland mining Potamioi.
-But “Deiradiotai” means “on the ridge,” and supports Loeper’s
-location of Potamioi Deiradiotai, no matter whether the adjective means
-“P. on the ridge,” or “P. near Deiradiotai” (a separate deme, see <cite>C.I.A.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 864).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f263'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r263'>263</a>. Milchhoefer, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ath. Mitt.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XVIII.</span> (1893), p. 284.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f264'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r264'>264</a>. <cite>C.I.A.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 3343.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f265'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r265'>265</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 23, “by the river Strymon&nbsp;... a city&nbsp;... where are mines of silver;
-and a large Greek population dwells around, and a large barbarian.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f266'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r266'>266</a>. Thuc. <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 105, “Brasidas,&nbsp;... learning that Thucydides owned workings in
-the gold mines in that part of Thrace, and as a result was one of the most
-influential men on the mainland”; Marcellinus, <cite>Vit. Thuc.</cite> 19, “(Thucydides)
-married a wife from Skapte Hyle in Thrace, who was very wealthy and owned
-mines in Thrace”; Plut. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Cimon</span></cite>, 4.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f267'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r267'>267</a>. Xen. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Vect.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 14.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f268'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r268'>268</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 60; Aristot. <cite>Ath. Pol.</cite> 14; Athen. 609<em>c</em>; Polyaen. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 21. 1; Val. Max.
-<span class='fss'>I.</span> 2. 2 (ext.); Hermog. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">περὶ εὑρεσ.</span> <span class='fss'>I.</span> 3. 21 (ed. Spengel); cp. schol. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid. ap.</span></i>
-Walzium, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Rhet. Gr.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>V.</span> p. 378. In schol. Aristoph. <cite>Eq.</cite> 447 Phye appears to be
-confused with Myrrina who appears to have been either wife (<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i>) or daughter
-(schol. Dem. <cite>Aristoc.</cite>) of Peisistratus or more probably wife of Hippias (Thuc.,
-and Hesych. s.v. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Βυρσίνης</span>). Athenaeus marries Phye to Hipparchus. The confusion
-may possibly be due to the fact that myrrina, as a common noun, sometimes
-means garland (<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">e.g.</span></i> Pherecr. <cite>Metall.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> 25; Aristoph. <cite>Vesp.</cite> 861; <cite>Nub.</cite>
-1364, etc.), while Phye is described as a garland seller (<cite>Ath. Pol.</cite> and Athen.).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f269'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r269'>269</a>. See <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">e.g.</span></i> Thirlwall, <cite>Hist.</cite><sup>2</sup> <span class='fss'>II.</span> pp. 67–8; Babelon, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Journ. Int. d’Arch. Num.</span></cite>
-<span class='fss'>VIII.</span> (1905), pp. 17, 18; Stein, Hdt. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 60; Beloch, <cite>Gr. G.</cite><sup>2</sup> <span class='fss'>I.</span> i. p. 370; cp. also
-Beloch, <cite>Gr. G.</cite><sup>2</sup> <span class='fss'>I.</span> ii. p. 299.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f270'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r270'>270</a>. Hirschensohn, <cite>Philolog. Obozrenie</cite>, <span class='fss'>X.</span> (1896), Moscow, pp. 119 f.; Beloch,
-<cite>Gr. G.</cite><sup>2</sup> <span class='fss'>I.</span> ii. pp. 290 f., <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Rhein. Mus.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XLV.</span> (1890), p. 469; so De Sanctis, <cite>Atthis</cite><sup>2</sup>, p. 278,
-n. 5; Costanzi, <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Riv. d. Stor. Ant.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>V.</span> pp. 516 f., <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Boll. Fil. Class.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>IX.</span> pp. 84 f., 107 f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f271'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r271'>271</a>. Euseb. <cite>Chron.</cite> Armenian vers. 544/3 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Pisistratus Atheniensibus iterum
-imperauit</span>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f272'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r272'>272</a>. Jerome, <cite>Chron.</cite> 539 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Pisistratus secunda uice Athenis regnat</span>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f273'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r273'>273</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 62.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f274'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r274'>274</a>. Cp. below, chap. <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> pp. 237–9.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f275'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r275'>275</a>. Beloch, <cite>Gr. G.</cite><sup>2</sup> <span class='fss'>I.</span> ii. pp. 292–3, 297.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f276'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r276'>276</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 35, “Peisistratus held supreme power, but Miltiades also had
-influence (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐδυνάστευε</span>)” suggests some sort of co-operation (cp. Hdt. <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 39,
-below, p. 63), though Hdt. <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 35, “annoyed with the government of Peisistratus,”
-shows that it was not cordial.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f277'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r277'>277</a>. Busolt, <cite>Gr. G.</cite><sup>2</sup> <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 316, n. 3.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f278'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r278'>278</a>. <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Journ. Int. d’Arch. Num.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> (1905), p. 19.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f279'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r279'>279</a>. Six, <cite>Num. Chron.</cite> 1895, pl. <span class='fss'>VII.</span> 8, 7, 1.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f280'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r280'>280</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">E.g.</span></i> P. Gardner, <cite>Earliest Coins of Greece Proper</cite>, p. 28; Hill, <cite>Hist. Gk. Coins</cite>,
-p. 17; v. Fritze, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Zeits. f. Num.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XX.</span> (1897), pp. 153–5, emphasizing the connexion
-of Peisistratus with silver as well as with Athena; Lermann, <cite>Athenatypen</cite>,
-pp. 3 f.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>For a somewhat earlier date see Head, <cite>Num. Chron.</cite> 1893, pp. 249, 251;
-Earle Fox, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Corolla Numismat.</span> B. V. Head</cite>, p. 43; Svoronos, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Journ. Int. d’Arch.
-Num.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XIV.</span> (1912), p. 3, nos. 1109–1120; Seeck, <cite>Klio</cite>, <span class='fss'>IV.</span> (1904), p. 176 (Solon or
-even Draco).</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>For a date after Peisistratus see Imhoof-Blumer, Howorth, Six, and (<cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Neue
-Jahrb.</span></cite> 1896, pp. 537 f.) Gilbert, all completely answered by Head, <cite>Num. Chron.</cite>
-1893, pp. 247 f.; Babelon, <cite>J. I. d’A. N.</cite> 1905, pp. 12–16. Holwerda, <cite>Album
-Herwerden</cite>, p. 117, who follows Six, only adds some inconclusive comparisons
-with Greek sculpture.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f281'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r281'>281</a>. There is no need to assume with E. Meyer, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ges. d. Alt.</span></cite><sup>1</sup> <span class='fss'>IV.</span> p. 28, and others,
-that Peisistratus’ Pangaion mines were gold. In the days of Philip and Alexander
-the Great they were best known for their gold; but silver was also mined abundantly,
-see Hdt. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 17; <span class='fss'>VII.</span> 112; Strabo, 331, 34; Livy, <span class='fss'>XLV.</span> 29; Justin, <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 3;
-Orosius, <span class='fss'>III.</span> 12.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f282'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r282'>282</a>. Pollux, <span class='fss'>IX.</span> 74, 75, quoting Euripides (<em>d.</em> 406 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>), Hyperides (<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">fl.</span></i> 350 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>),
-Eubulus Comicus (<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">fl.</span></i> 350 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>); cp. Hesych. s.v. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Παλλάδος πρόσωπον</span>, Photius s.v.
-<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Παλλάδος πρόσωπον</span>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f283'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r283'>283</a>. Schol. Aristoph. <cite>Birds</cite>, 1106, “the tetradrachm was at that time called an owl.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f284'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r284'>284</a>. Cp. Photius s.v. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Παλλάδος πρόσωπον</span>, “the staters, from the stamp: for on
-one side there was a head of Athena.” The stater is the didrachm.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f285'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r285'>285</a>. Hill, <cite>Hist. Gk. Coins</cite>, p. 16; <cite>Brit. Mus. Coins Central Greece</cite>, pl. <span class='fss'>XXIV.</span> 18, 19.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f286'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r286'>286</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 180, “They dress up together on each occasion their fairest maiden in
-a Corinthian helmet and full Greek armour, and, mounting her on a chariot, drive
-her all round the lake.” See further Macan, <cite>Hdt.</cite> <span class='fss'>IV.-VI.</span> <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ad loc.</span></i>, who quotes Phye.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f287'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r287'>287</a>. Aristot. <cite>Ath. Pol.</cite> 14; cp. Athen. <span class='fss'>XIII.</span> 609<em>c</em>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f288'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r288'>288</a>. Solon, frag. 2 (13), ll. 5–6</p>
-
-<div class='lg-container-b c016'>
-  <div class='linegroup'>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">αὐτοὶ δὲ φθείρειν μεγάλην πόλιν ἀφραδίῃσιν</span></div>
-      <div class='line in2'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀστοὶ βούλονται, χρήμασι πειθόμενοι</span>.</div>
-    </div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f289'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r289'>289</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">E.g.</span></i> <cite>B.C.H.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXX.</span> (1906), p. 69, fig. 2; Brit. Mus. from Bunbury sale.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f290'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r290'>290</a>. Archil. frag. 54 (53), <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τὸν κεροπλάστην ἄειδε Γλαῦκον</span>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f291'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r291'>291</a>. Bremer, <cite>Haartracht</cite>, p. 64.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f292'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r292'>292</a>. Garlands of flowers worn on the head appear in Attica during the second
-half of the sixth century; see Pauly Wissowa s.v. Haartracht, p. 2132; cp.
-Bremer, <cite>Haartracht</cite>, p. 15, vogue begins with red figure vase style.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f293'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r293'>293</a>. Time of Hippias, Head, <cite>Hist. Num.</cite><sup>2</sup> p. 368 (but cp. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> n. 3); Seeck, <cite>Klio</cite>,
-<span class='fss'>IV.</span> (1904), pp. 173–5; 508 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>, Holwerda, <cite>Album Herwerden</cite>, p. 119; 500 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>
-or after, <span class='fss'>V.</span> Fritze, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Zeits. f. Num.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XX.</span> (1897), p. 142: Kampanes, <cite>B.C.H.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXX.</span>
-p. 75; 490 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>, Six, <cite>Num. Chron.</cite> 1895, p. 176: Earle Fox, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Coroll. Num.</span> B. V.
-Head</cite>, p. 43: Babelon, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Coroll. Num.</span> B. V. Head</cite>, p. 8: <cite>J. I. d’A. N.</cite> <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> (1905),
-pp. 44 f.; 480 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>, Howorth, <cite>Num. Chron.</cite> 1893, p. 245: Lermann, <cite>Athenatyp.</cite>
-pp. 28 f. As regards a post-Hippias dating, the ungarlanded head of a coin
-with Hippias’ name is not decisive. The coin, which is abnormal, was probably
-struck by the tyrant in exile, and the absence of garland may indicate either the
-exile’s grief or the local coiner’s incompetence. Or was the embarrassed despot
-casting away the ornaments of sovereignty in the hope of retaining or regaining
-the reality? “The olive again has been known to lose its leaves and yet produce
-its fruit; this is said to have happened to Thessalos the son of Peisistratos,”
-Theophrast. <cite>Hist. Plant.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 3. 3; cp. Ruehl, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Rhein. Mus.</span></cite> 1892, p. 460.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f294'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r294'>294</a>. Just as was probably the case with the flower girls at Naukratis, the most
-famous centre of the garland trade, where the Thracian hetaera Rhodopis won
-such great fame in the days of Sappho and Aesop. See Mallet, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Prem. Étab. Gr.
-en Égypte</span></cite>, p. 238, who compares the fioraie of Venice and Florence.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f295'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r295'>295</a>. Phot., Harpocrat. s.v. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">στεφανηφόρος</span>; cp. Boeckh, <cite>Pub. Econ.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> pp. 193 f.
-Lenormant, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Monnaies et Médailles</span></cite>, p. 60; Saglio, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Dict. d. Ant.</span></cite> s.v. drachmae
-Stephanephori, p. 403. The inscriptions, however, in which the expression occurs
-date only from the end of the second century <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>, <cite>C.I.A.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> i. 466–8, 476.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f296'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r296'>296</a>. Bekker, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Anecd. Gr.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> 301, 19.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f297'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r297'>297</a>. Livy, <span class='fss'>XXXVII.</span> 46, 58, 59; <span class='fss'>XXXIX.</span> 7; Cic. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ad</span> Att.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 6, 16; <span class='fss'>XI.</span> 1.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f298'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r298'>298</a>. Diamantaras, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ath. Mitt.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XIV.</span> (1889), p. 413.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f299'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r299'>299</a>. The practice of course is not exclusively Greek; cp., <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">e.g.</span></i>,</p>
-
-<div class='lg-container-b c016'>
-  <div class='linegroup'>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line in12'>il maledetto fiore</div>
-      <div class='line'>ch’ ha disviate le pecore e gli agni.</div>
-    </div>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line in32'>Dante, <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Paradiso</span></cite>, <span class='fss'>IX.</span> 130.</div>
-    </div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f300'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r300'>300</a>. Plut. <cite>Apophth. Lac.</cite>, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Agesilaus</span></cite>, 40 (<cite>Moral.</cite> 211); cp. the proverb <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τὰν ἀρετὰν
-καὶ τὰν σοφίαν νικᾶντι χελῶναι</span> (virtue and wisdom are vanquished by
-tortoises), alluding to the famous coins of Aegina; cp. too <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">βοῦς ἐπὶ γλώσσῃ</span>
-(there’s an ox on my tongue), Theognis 815, Aesch. <cite>Agam.</cite> 35, Pollux <span class='fss'>IX.</span> 61,
-which, whether the ox meant is a gold stater, on which the ox was one of the
-commonest types, or, as P. Gardner suggests, a leather gag, <cite>Num. Chron.</cite> 1881,
-p. 289, is an instance of a similar <i><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">jeu de mot</span></i> dating from the actual epoch of
-Peisistratus.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f301'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r301'>301</a>. Aristoph. <cite>Birds</cite>, 1106; cp. Schol. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ad loc.</span></i> “the tetradrachm was at that time
-(<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">i.e.</span></i> of Aristophanes) called an owl”; Suid. s.v. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">γλαῦκες Λαυρεωτικαί·</span> “of
-those who have much money,” is a misunderstanding of the phrase; cp. his
-statement that the Laurium mines were gold.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f302'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r302'>302</a>. Plut. <cite>Lysander</cite>, 16.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f303'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r303'>303</a>. The modern Liopesi, Milchhoefer, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Abh. Berl. Akad.</span></cite> 1892, p. 17.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f304'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r304'>304</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 12.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f305'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r305'>305</a>. Cp. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">e.g.</span></i> Hdt. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 23, 126 (Myrcinus on Strymon called Thracian), <span class='fss'>VII.</span> 75, 115;
-Aristoph. <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Ach.</span></cite> 273 (“the Thracian daughter of Strymodorus”); Diod. <span class='fss'>XII.</span> 68. 1,
-“this city (Ennea Hodoi on the Strymon) Aristagoras the Milesian had tried
-previously to settle;&nbsp;... but he had met his death, and the occupants had been
-driven out by the Thracians” (about 500 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>); cp. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> <span class='fss'>XI.</span> 70. 5; Plut. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Cimon</span></cite>,
-7, “Eion&nbsp;... a city in Thrace on the Strymon.” Cp. Suid. s.v. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">χρυσὸς Κολοφώνιος</span>;
-Tzetzes <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ad</span></i> Lycoph. <cite>Cass.</cite> <span class='fss'>V.</span> 417 (Hill, <cite>Sources Gk. Hist.</cite> p. 87). For Pangaion
-see Hdt. <span class='fss'>VII.</span> 112, “Mt Pangaion, in which are gold and silver mines, which are
-worked by&nbsp;... most of all the Satrai,” with which cp. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> 110, where the Satrai
-occur in a list of Thracian tribes.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f306'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r306'>306</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 15, 16; Strabo <span class='fss'>VII.</span> 331.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f307'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r307'>307</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 1, 13, 98.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f308'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r308'>308</a>. Meyer, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ges. d. Alt.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> p. 297; Macan, <cite>Hdt.</cite> <span class='fss'>IV.-VI.</span> app. <span class='fss'>III.</span>, <span class='fss'>IV.</span> particularly
-<span class='fss'>IV.</span> sect. 8; neither of whom sufficiently emphasizes the political importance for
-Hippias of these Northern mines. Perdrizet, <cite>Klio</cite>, <span class='fss'>X.</span> (1910), p. 12, denies this
-removal when he says that the Peisistratid’s Thracian possessions had perhaps
-remained in Athenian hands between 512 and 475.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f309'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r309'>309</a>. (<em>a</em>) The Paianian (Phye): <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">γυνὴ&nbsp;... μέγαθος ἀπὸ τεσσάρων πηχέων ἀπολείπουσα
-τρεῖς δακτύλους καὶ ἄλλως εὐειδής. ταύτην τὴν γυναῖκα σκευάσαντες</span>,
-Hdt. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 60; <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">γυναῖκα μεγάλην καὶ καλὴν ἐξευρών&nbsp;... τὴν θεὸν ἀπομιμούμενος τῷ
-κόσμῳ</span>, Aristot. <cite>Ath. Pol.</cite> 14.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>(<em>b</em>) The Paionian: <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀδελφεὴν μεγάλην τε καὶ εὐειδέα&nbsp;... σκευάσαντες ὡς εἶχον
-ἄριστα</span>, Hdt. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 12.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f310'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r310'>310</a>. Nic. Dam. frag. 71, <cite>F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> p. 413, gives the same story, but calls the
-woman a Thracian and the king Alyattes. Macan, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ad</span></i> <cite>Hdt.</cite> <span class='fss'>V.</span> 12 (cp. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i>
-(<cite>Hdt.</cite> <span class='fss'>IV.-VI.</span>), app. <span class='fss'>IV.</span> sect. 7) thinks we probably have a local story transferred
-to Darius; but the transport of Thracians to Asia, recorded also by Nic. Dam.,
-suggests rather that Hdt. is right in attaching the story to Darius. The Lydian
-king of the Nic. Dam. version is perhaps due to Sardis being the scene of the
-story.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f311'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r311'>311</a>. Paionian coins, like Athenian, bore the helmeted head of Athena, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">e.g.</span></i>
-<cite>Boston Mus. Rep.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXII.</span> (1897), p. 40; Svoronos, <cite>J. I. d’A. N.</cite> 1913, p. 197
-(fourth century).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f312'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r312'>312</a>. The corkscrew hair of the most archaic looking garland coins, above, pp. 55–56,
-is found on an obol, Babelon, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Corolla Num.</span> B. V. Head</cite>, pp. 1 f., inscribed
-<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ΗΙ&#x10143;</span>, presumably short for Hippias. Probably it was struck by him in exile,
-<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> p. 7, but in any case it associates the corkscrew curls with the tyranny.
-<cite>Num. Chron.</cite> 1908, pp. 278 f. shows the same corkscrew curls, and the inscription
-<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ΙΠ</span>. This has been expanded both as Hippias and as Peisistratus, but cp. Muenzer
-and Strack, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Münz. Nord-Griech.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> i. p. 8, n. 1.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f313'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r313'>313</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 94.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f314'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r314'>314</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 1.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f315'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r315'>315</a>. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πρῆγμα εὐηθέστατον μακρῷ</span>, Hdt. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 60; cp. Aristot. <cite>Ath. Pol.</cite> 14, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀρχαϊκῶς
-καὶ λίαν ἁπλῶς</span>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f316'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r316'>316</a>. Aristoph. <cite>Birds</cite>, 1106.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f317'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r317'>317</a>. Schol. Aristoph. <cite>Knights</cite>, 1092.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f318'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r318'>318</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 11.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f319'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r319'>319</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 23. Cp. below, p. 271.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f320'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r320'>320</a>. Above, p. <a href='#Page_58'>58</a>; cp. Svoronos, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Journ. Int. d’Arch. Num.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XV.</span> (1913), p. 277.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f321'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r321'>321</a>. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 11.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f322'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r322'>322</a>. Cp. also with the Histiaeus incident the intrigues of Aristagoras with the
-deported Paionians whom Darius had settled in Phrygia (a famous mining
-country), Hdt. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 98.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f323'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r323'>323</a>. Thuc. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 15; Paus. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 14. 1.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f324'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r324'>324</a>. <cite>Brit. Mus. Cat. Vas.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> B 331, where, however, it is called Kallirrhoe
-(more precisely <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">καλιρεκρενε</span>, perhaps a confusion of <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Καλλιρρόη</span> and <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Ἐννεάκρουνος</span>).
-The aqueduct by which Peisistratus improved and enlarged the supply of water
-has been discovered by Doerpfeld, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Arch. Eph.</span></cite> 1894, pp. 3 f.; cp. Theagenes
-(Paus. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 40), Polycrates (Hdt. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 60), and the Corinthian Peirene.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f325'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r325'>325</a>. E. Gardner, <cite>Gk. Sculp.</cite> fig. 34.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f326'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r326'>326</a>. Doerpfeld, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ath. Mitt.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XXVII.</span> (1902), pp. 379 f.; E. Curtius, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Stadtg. v. Athen</span></cite>,
-pp. 73 f.; Michaelis, <cite>Cent. Arch. Discov.</cite> pp. 240–2.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f327'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r327'>327</a>. Plut. <cite>Solon</cite>, 31, “the law against idleness was passed, not by Solon but by
-Peisistratus.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f328'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r328'>328</a>. Aristoph. <cite>Lysistr.</cite> 1150 f. “Do you not know that it was the Spartans again,
-who when you were wearing the labourer’s dress (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">κατωνάκας φοροῦντες</span>), came
-under arms and slew&nbsp;... many friends and allies of Hippias,&nbsp;... and set you free,
-and clothed your people like gentlemen instead of labourers once again (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀντὶ τῆς
-κατωνάκης τὸν δῆμον ὑμῶν χλαῖναν ἤμπισχον πάλιν</span>).” Cp. the charges made
-by fifth century Roman republicans against the kings: below, pp. 223–4.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f329'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r329'>329</a>. Beloch, <cite>Gr. G.</cite><sup>2</sup> <span class='fss'>I.</span> i. 387–8; Hdt. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 94, “(Peisistratus) having secured it
-(Sigeium), established as tyrant his illegitimate son”; cp. Periander and Corcyra.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f330'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r330'>330</a>. Thuc. <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 59.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f331'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r331'>331</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 39; cp. above, p. 52. For numismatic evidence of Hippias’ ties with
-both Lampsacus and the Thracian Chersonese see Head, <cite>Hist. Num.</cite><sup>2</sup> p. 377,
-Lermann, <cite>Athenatypen</cite>, pp. 17–21, coins of (<em>a</em>) Chersonese, <em>obv.</em> Athena head,
-<em>rev.</em> Milesian lion (for Milesian colonies in Chersonese see Strabo, <span class='fss'>XIV.</span> 635;
-<span class='fss'>VII.</span> 331, frag. 52); (<em>b</em>) Lampsacus, <em>obv.</em> Athena head, <em>rev.</em> type of Lampsacus.
-This alliance currency points to a broad and far-reaching commercial policy.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f332'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r332'>332</a>. Ps.-Aristot. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Oec.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 1347<em>a</em>, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τό τε νόμισμα τὸ ὂν Ἀθηναίοις ἀδόκιμον ἐποίησε,
-τάξας δὲ τιμὴν ἐκέλευσε πρὸς αὑτὸν ἀνακομίζειν. συνελθόντων δὲ ἐπὶ τῷ κόψαι
-ἕτερον χαρακτῆρα, ἐξέδωκε τὸ αὐτὸ ἀργύριον.</span></p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f333'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r333'>333</a>. Head, <cite>Num. Chron.</cite> 1893, p. 248 (change very slight); Gilbert, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Neue Jahrb.</span></cite>
-1896, pp. 537 f. (Hippias issued fresh coins from the same silver).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f334'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r334'>334</a>. <cite>Num. Chron.</cite> 1895, p. 178; <cite>J. I. d’A. N.</cite> <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> (1905), pp. 23 f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f335'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r335'>335</a>. <cite>Ath. Pol.</cite> 10.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f336'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r336'>336</a>. Cp. Svoronos, <cite>J. I. d’A. N.</cite> <span class='fss'>V.</span> (1902), p. 32 f. (cp. below, p. 183, n. 6), on a hint
-that Pheidon may have debased the Aeginetan “tortoises” shortly before his fall.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f337'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r337'>337</a>. Cp. Isocr. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Big.</span></cite> 25, 26 (351).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f338'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r338'>338</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 125; cp. Isoc. <cite>de Big.</cite> 25 (351).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f339'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r339'>339</a>. E. Meyer, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ges. d. Alt.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 637.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f340'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r340'>340</a>. Note, however, Hdt. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 62 (see next note), <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">χρημάτων εὖ ἥκοντες</span>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f341'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r341'>341</a>. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">δεῖ δὲ πρὸς τούτοισι ἔτι ἀναλαβεῖν τὸν κατ’ ἀρχὰς ἤϊα λέξων λόγον, ὡς
-τυράννων ἐλευθερώθησαν οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι. Ἱππίεω τυραννεύοντος&nbsp;... Ἀλκμαίωνιδαι,&nbsp;... φεύγοντες Πεισιστρατίδας,&nbsp;... ἐνθαῦτα&nbsp;... πᾶν ἐπὶ τοῖσι Πεισιστρατίδῃσι μηχανώμενοι,
-παρ’ Ἀμφικτυόνων τὸν νηὸν μισθοῦνται τὸν ἐν Δελφοῖσι, τὸν νῦν
-ἔοντα, τότε δὲ οὔκω, τοῦτον ἐξοικοδομῆσαι, οἷα δὲ χρημάτων εὖ ἥκοντες, καὶ
-ἔοντες ἄνδρες δόκιμοι ἀνέκαθεν ἔτι, τόν τε νηὸν ἐξεργάσαντο τοῦ παραδείγματος
-κάλλιον, τά τε ἄλλα καὶ, συγκειμένου σφι πωρίνου λίθου ποιέειν τὸν νηὸν,
-Παρίο τὰ ἔμπροσθεν αὐτοῦ ἐξεποίησαν.</span> Hdt. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 62.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f342'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r342'>342</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 63, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀνέπειθον τὴν Πυθίην χρήμασι</span>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f343'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r343'>343</a>. Aristot. <cite>Ath. Pol.</cite> 19. For huge sums made in this way in recent times on
-classic ground see the <i><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">causes célèbres</span></i> of the Vittorio Emanuele monument and
-the Palazzo di Giustizia at Rome.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f344'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r344'>344</a>. <cite>F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 395, frag. 70.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f345'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r345'>345</a>. Isoc. <cite>Antid.</cite> 232, “Cleisthenes, having been banished from the city by the
-tyrants, persuaded the Amphictyons to lend him some of the money of the god,
-and restored the democracy, and banished the tyrants”; Dem. <cite>Meid.</cite> 144 (561),
-“(the Alcmaeonids), they say&nbsp;... having borrowed money from Delphi, freed the
-city and expelled the sons of Peisistratus.” Themistius, <cite>Orat.</cite> <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 53<em>a</em>, gives
-the Alcmaeonidae as the contractors without any mention of means or motives.
-Hdt. <span class='fss'>II</span>. 180, Strabo <span class='fss'>IX.</span> 421, and Paus. <span class='fss'>X.</span> 5. 13 mention the rebuilding of the
-temple without referring to the Alcmaeonidae.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f346'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r346'>346</a>. Plut. <cite>Sol.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span></p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f347'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r347'>347</a>. Grote, <cite>Hist. Greece</cite>, ed. 1888, <span class='fss'>II.</span> pp. 412–413.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f348'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r348'>348</a>. <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Atti R. Accad. Torino</span></cite>, 1916, pp. 303–4, quoting <cite>Cat. Greek Pap. Rylands</cite>,
-vol. <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 31.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f349'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r349'>349</a>. That the Peisistratids were unfriendly to Delphi is perhaps to be inferred
-from the report highly dubious in itself, but prevalent in various quarters, that
-they had actually caused the fire which destroyed the temple, Philoc. frag. 70,
-<cite>F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 395.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f350'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r350'>350</a>. Cleisthenes’ parents appear to have married before 570 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> Beloch,
-<cite>Gr. G.</cite><sup>2</sup> <span class='fss'>I.</span> ii. p. 286.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f351'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r351'>351</a>. Aristot. <cite>Pol.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> 1275<em>b</em>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f352'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r352'>352</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 66, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τὸν δῆμον προσεταιρίζεται</span>. Cp. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> 69, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἦν τε τὸν δῆμον προσθέμενος
-πολλῷ καθύπερθε τῶν ἀντιστασιωτέων</span>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f353'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r353'>353</a>. Thuc. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 13; cp. Pliny, <cite>N.H.</cite> <span class='fss'>VII.</span> 57 (56). Panofka, <cite>Res Samiorum</cite>, p. 15,
-quotes Pliny, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i>, for attributing to the Samians the invention of horse-transports,
-but the reading is doubtful: edd. hippagum Samii (inuenerunt), but for
-Samii <span class='fss'>MSS</span>. give Damiam.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f354'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r354'>354</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 47 (Messenian war), <span class='fss'>III.</span> 59 (against Aegina), <span class='fss'>V.</span> 99 (Lelantine war).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f355'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r355'>355</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 152.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f356'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r356'>356</a>. Macan, <cite>Hdt.</cite> <span class='fss'>IV.-VI.</span> i. p. 106.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f357'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r357'>357</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 135.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f358'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r358'>358</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 178.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f359'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r359'>359</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 178; cp. Steph. Byz. s.v. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Ἔφεσος</span>. On the Greek <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τεμένη</span> at
-Naukratis see below, Chapter <span class='fss'>IV.</span> pp. 116–7.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f360'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r360'>360</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 179.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f361'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r361'>361</a>. The most famous names connected with this industry are Rhoecus and
-Theodorus (below, pp. 73, 76, 80, 83) and Mnesarchus, father of the philosopher
-Pythagoras (see Diog. Laert. <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 1. 1; cp. Iambl. <cite>Pyth.</cite> 5, 9).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f362'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r362'>362</a>. Theocr. <span class='fss'>XV.</span> 125–6.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f363'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r363'>363</a>. Plut. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Qu. Gr.</span></cite> 57 (<cite>Moral.</cite> 304–5).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f364'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r364'>364</a>. Apul. <cite>Florid.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 15; Aesch. <cite>Pers.</cite> 883.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f365'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r365'>365</a>. For possible early tyrants in Samos see Meyer, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ges. d. Alt.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> pp. 614, 616,
-who names Amphikrates (Hdt. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 59), Demoteles (Plut. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Qu. Gr.</span></cite> 57), and Syloson
-(Polyaen. <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 45). All three are extremely doubtful. Amphikrates was probably
-a legitimate king of the period before the abolition of monarchy: very possibly
-he was a contemporary of the Argive Pheidon (below, pp. 177–8). Demoteles was,
-according to our only authority, the monarch whose murder led to the ascendancy
-of the geomoroi: he is naturally assumed to have been the last sovereign
-of the legitimate royal house. The Syloson of Polyaenus, <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 45, is probably a
-confused recollection of the brother of Polycrates. He helps the Samians during
-a war with the Aeolians to observe a festival of Hera held outside the city and
-makes himself tyrant during the celebration. The connexion with Hera points
-to the family of Polycrates (see below, pp. 76, 81): the Aeolian war may be a
-disguised version of the struggle waged by Polycrates against the Great King
-who was in possession of the Aeolian mainland. This struggle went back to the
-beginning of the reign of Polycrates, when he was associated in his tyranny
-with his brother Syloson: see also Babelon, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Rev. Num.</span></cite> 1894, p. 268.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f366'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r366'>366</a>. Meyer, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ges. d. Alt.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 777, following Grote <span class='fss'>III.</span> (ed. 1888), p. 453.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f367'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r367'>367</a>. Busolt, <cite>Gr. G.</cite><sup>2</sup> <span class='fss'>II.</span> pp. 508–9, n. 3, who notes that Lygdamis was already tyrant
-of Naxos (Polyaen. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 23, <em>pace</em> Plass, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Tyrannis</span></cite>, p. 236).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f368'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r368'>368</a>. Thuc. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 13; Hdt. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 39, 122; Strabo, <span class='fss'>XIV.</span> 637. Max. Tyr. (Teubner),
-<span class='fss'>XXIX.</span> 2; Euseb. <cite>Chron.</cite> Armenian vers. “mare obtinuerunt Samii,” Lat. vers.
-“Dicearchiam Samii condiderunt,” both just after notice of Polycrates’ accession.
-Cp. S. Reinach’s interpretation of the ring which Polycrates cast into the sea
-(Hdt. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 41; Strabo, <span class='fss'>XIV.</span> 638; Paus. <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 14. 8; Pliny, <cite>N.H.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXXVII.</span> 1; Cic.
-<cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Fin.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>V.</span> 30. 92; Val. Max. <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 9. 5 (ext.); Tzetz. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Chil.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>VII.</span> 121; Galen,
-<cite>Protrept.</cite> 4; Eustath. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ad</span></i> Dionys. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 534), with which the French scholar compares
-the ring with which the doge of Venice annually wedded his mistress the
-sea (S. Reinach, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Rev. Arch.</span></cite> ser. <span class='fss'>IV.</span> vol. <span class='fss'>VI.</span> (1905), pp. 9 f.), but cp. Marshall,
-<cite>Brit. Mus. Cat. Rings</cite>, p. xxi, n. 7, who points out that wedding rings seem
-unknown among the Greeks.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f369'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r369'>369</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 60.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f370'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r370'>370</a>. Suid. and Phot. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Σαμίων ὁ δῆμος</span>; Plut. <cite>Pericles</cite>, 26; Athen. <span class='fss'>XII.</span> 540<em>e</em>;
-cp. Hesych. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Σαμιακὸς τρόπος</span>; Phot. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Σάμαιναι</span>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f371'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r371'>371</a>. Thuc. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 13, <span class='fss'>III.</span> 104.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f372'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r372'>372</a>. Phot. and Suid. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Πύθια καὶ Δήλια</span>. So Zenob. <em>ap.</em> Leutsch u. Schneidewin,
-<cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Paroem. Graec.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 165; cp. Diogenian. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> p. 311.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f373'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r373'>373</a>. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐμπορικὸν πρᾶγμα</span>, Strabo, <span class='fss'>X.</span> 486; cp. Pliny, <cite>N.H.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXXIV.</span> 4.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f374'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r374'>374</a>. See below, p. <a href='#Page_260'>260</a>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f375'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r375'>375</a>. Malalas <em>ap.</em> Migne, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Bibl. Patr. Gr.</span></cite> vol. 97, p. 260. So Cedren. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Synops.</span></cite> 243;
-<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> vol. 121, p. 277.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f376'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r376'>376</a>. Plass, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Tyrannis</span></cite>, p. 240.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f377'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r377'>377</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 47, where observe the causes to which the war is attributed.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f378'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r378'>378</a>. Hence the relevance of the long account of the Thraco-Scythian expedition
-in the fourth book of Herodotus, immediately preceding the first attack
-upon Persia by European Greeks, that namely of Athens and Eretria during
-the Ionian revolt described in Book <span class='fss'>V.</span></p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f379'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r379'>379</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 44.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f380'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r380'>380</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 120.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f381'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r381'>381</a>. Malalas, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">loc. cit.</span></i></p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f382'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r382'>382</a>. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">κιθαρίζειν τε καὶ ψάλλειν καὶ καπηλεύειν</span>, Hdt. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 155. So Justin, <span class='fss'>I.</span> 7, iussi
-cauponias et ludicras artes et lenocinia exercere.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f383'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r383'>383</a>. Zenob. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 1, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Λυδὸς καπηλεύει</span>, <em>ap.</em> Leutsch u. Schneidewin, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Paroem. Graec.</span></cite>
-<span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 115.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f384'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r384'>384</a>. pp. <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>–7.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f385'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r385'>385</a>. Cp. Hdt. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 39 with Diod. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 95, 98.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f386'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r386'>386</a>. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὑπὸ τρυφῆς τὰ πανταχόθεν συνάγειν</span>, Athen. <span class='fss'>XII.</span> 540<em>c</em>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f387'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r387'>387</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 51; Athen. <span class='fss'>XII.</span> 514 f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f388'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r388'>388</a>. Athen. <span class='fss'>XII.</span> 540<em>c-d</em>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f389'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r389'>389</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 155; cp. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> 159.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f390'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r390'>390</a>. Arcesilaus II is represented on a famous kylix in the Louvre as presiding
-over the weighing and shipment of a cargo of silphium, and has in that connexion
-been called by Michaelis a silphium merchant, <cite>Cent. Arch. Discov.</cite> p. 235.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f391'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r391'>391</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 162–4.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f392'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r392'>392</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 56. The recipients are Spartan invaders of Samos.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f393'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r393'>393</a>. Archaic Milesian hects of lead plated with electrum, Brandis, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Münzwesen</span></cite>,
-pp. 327–8; F. Lenormant, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">La Monnaie dans l’Antiq.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 225.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f394'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r394'>394</a>. Suid. s.v. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Σαμίων ὁ δῆμος</span>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f395'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r395'>395</a>. On Aiakes see Hdt. <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 13, 22, 25; on the Samaina coins see Head,
-<cite>Hist. Num.</cite><sup>2</sup> pp. 153, 603–4; P. Gardner, <cite>Samos</cite>, p. 17, Pl. I. 17, 18; Babelon,
-<cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Rev. Num.</span></cite> 1894, pp. 281–2, Pl. X.; <span class='fss'>V.</span> Sallet, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Zeit. f. Num.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> p. 135, <span class='fss'>V.</span>
-p. 103.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f396'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r396'>396</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 60.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f397'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r397'>397</a>. Fabricius, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ath. Mitt.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>IX.</span> (1884), pp. 165 f.; <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahrb.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>IV.</span> <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. Anz.</span></cite> pp. 39–40;
-Wiegand, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Abhand. preuss. Akad.</span></cite> Phil. Hist. Class. 1911; Dennis, <cite>Academy</cite>, 1882,
-Nov. 4, pp. 335–6; Guérin, <cite>Patmos et Samos</cite>, pp. 196–7. The great tunneled
-aqueduct that took the water through the mountain which separates the city
-from the source of the supply is still in existence.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f398'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r398'>398</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 87, 88.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f399'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r399'>399</a>. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἔργα Πολυκράτεια</span>, Aristot. <cite>Pol.</cite> <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 1313<em>b</em>; cp. Athen. <span class='fss'>XII.</span> 540<em>d</em>; Suet.
-<cite>Calig.</cite> 21 (regia).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f400'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r400'>400</a>. Water supplies: Cypselids at Corinth (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Πειρήνη</span>), Theagenes at Megara (the
-home of Eupalinus), Peisistratus at Athens (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Καλλιρρόη</span>). Temples: Corinth,
-Athens (the huge Olympiaeum completed by Hadrian 700 years later).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f401'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r401'>401</a>. Clearchus <em>ap.</em> Athen. 540 f.; cp. Ps.-Plut. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 61, s.v. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Σαμίων ἄνθη, καὶ Σαμιακὴ
-λαύρα</span> <em>ap.</em> Leutsch u. Schneidewin, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Paroem. Graec.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 330.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f402'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r402'>402</a>. Burrows, <cite>Discoveries in Crete</cite>, pp. 117 f.; cp. Conway, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> pp. 227 f. The
-ancient derivations are interesting but not helpful: see <cite>Et. Mag.</cite> s.v. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">παρὰ τὸ λίαν
-ἔχειν αὖραν· ἢ δι’ ἧς ὁ λαὸς ῥεῖ εἰς τὴν ὁδόν</span>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f403'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r403'>403</a>. Casaubon <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ad</span></i> Athen. <span class='fss'>XII.</span> cap. 10.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f404'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r404'>404</a>. Ps.-Plut. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 61; cp. Athen. 541<em>a</em>, Eustath. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ad Odyss.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XXII</span>. 128.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f405'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r405'>405</a>. See <cite>Encyc. Brit.</cite><sup>11</sup> s.v. Bazaar: “Persian (bazar, market), a permanent market
-or street of shops or a group of short narrow streets of stalls under one roof.”
-A similar picture is given by Radet, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Lydie</span></cite>, pp. 298–9, of the Lydian <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">γλυκὺς
-ἄγκων</span>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f406'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r406'>406</a>. See Macarius <span class='fss'>VII.</span> 55<em>ap.</em> Leutsch u. Schneidewin, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Paroem. Graec.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 207,
-“Samian laura: of those indulging in luxury” (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐπὶ τῶν εἰς τρυφὴν ἐκκεχυμένων</span>);
-Ps.-Plut. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 61<em>ap.</em> eosd. <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 330, “of those indulging in extreme pleasures (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐπὶ
-τῶν ὑστάταις ἡδοναῖς χρωμένων</span>).”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f407'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r407'>407</a>. It goes on to state that “Polycrates, the tyrant of luxurious Samos, perished
-through his intemperate mode of life.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f408'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r408'>408</a>. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀσχολίαν καὶ πενίαν τῶν ἀρχομένων</span>, Aristot. <cite>Pol.</cite> 1313<em>b</em>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f409'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r409'>409</a>. See above, pp. <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>–32.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f410'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r410'>410</a>. Athen. 540<em>d</em>, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">μετεστέλλετο δέ, φησί, καὶ τεχνίτας ἐπὶ μισθοῖς μεγίστοις</span>:
-Hdt. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 131.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f411'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r411'>411</a>. Athen. 541<em>a</em>, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἔτι δὲ τῆς συμπάσης πόλεως ἐν ἑορταῖς τε καὶ μέθαις.</span> The
-sentence is corrupt, but probably <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἔτι</span> = furthermore, and the subject is still
-Polycrates. It occurs in an extract from Clearchus that appears to deal exclusively
-with the Samian tyrant. If Polycrates is not the subject <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἔτι</span> is probably temporal,
-and the sentence described a state of affairs that had persisted from the time of
-the tyranny.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f412'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r412'>412</a>. Diod. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 95, “behaving with violence both to the citizens and to strangers
-who sailed in to Samos.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f413'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r413'>413</a>. Athen. 602<em>d</em>, “there are some who regarded <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">παλαῖστραι</span> (wrestling schools)
-as counter-fortifications to their own citadels and set them on fire and demolished
-them, as was done by Polycrates the tyrant of Samos.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f414'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r414'>414</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 39 and 45.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f415'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r415'>415</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 120.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f416'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r416'>416</a>. They consisted of “hired mercenaries” and “native bowmen,” Hdt. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 45.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f417'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r417'>417</a>. <em>Ap.</em> Zenob. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 64, s.v. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Πολυκράτης μητέρα νέμει</span> in Leutsch u. Schneidewin,
-<cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Paroem. Graec.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 146.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f418'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r418'>418</a>. Cp. the story in Hdt. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 119 of the woman who preferred to save her brother
-rather than her husband, because the latter was replaceable, but the former
-not.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f419'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r419'>419</a>. Suid. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Σαμίων ὁ δῆμος</span>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f420'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r420'>420</a>. Strabo, <span class='fss'>XIV.</span> 638; Heraclides, <cite>F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 216; Zenobius, <span class='fss'>III.</span> 90 (<em>ap.</em>
-Leutsch u. Schneidewin, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Paroem. Graec.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 79), and Eustath. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ad</span></i> <cite>Dion. Perieg.</cite>
-534, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἕκητι Συλοσῶντος εὐρυχωρίν</span>; Suid. and Phot. s.v. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Σαμίων ὁ δῆμος</span>.
-Cp. Argos after the massacre of Cleomenes (about 494 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>): “Argos was so
-denuded of men that the slaves had the whole situation in their hands, ruling
-and administrating until the sons of the victims grew to manhood,” Hdt. <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 83.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f421'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r421'>421</a>. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πρὸ δὲ τοῦ τυραννῆσαι κατασκευασάμενος στρωμνὰς πολυτελεῖς καὶ ποτήρια
-ἐπέτρεπε χρῆσθαι τοῖς ἢ γάμον ἢ μείζονας ὑποδοχὰς ποιουμένοις</span>, Athen. 540<em>d</em>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f422'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r422'>422</a>. Cp. Tzetz. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Chil.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>X.</span> 347, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τὸ παλαιὸν περὶ στρωμνὰς ἦν τῇ Μιλήτῳ φήμη</span>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f423'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r423'>423</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 139.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f424'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r424'>424</a>. Grote, <span class='fss'>III.</span> p. 461.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f425'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r425'>425</a>. Strabo, <span class='fss'>XIV.</span> 638.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f426'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r426'>426</a>. Athen. <span class='fss'>XI.</span> 464<em>a</em>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f427'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r427'>427</a>. Bronze, Hdt. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 37; silver, gold, Hdt. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 148; Boeckh, <cite>C.I.G.</cite> 138. 7, 19, 27.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f428'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r428'>428</a>. Cp. the borrowed metal vessels used for the entertainment of the Athenian
-envoys to Segesta just before the Athenian expedition to Sicily, Thuc. <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 46.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f429'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r429'>429</a>. Some ancient authorities held that Theodorus flourished more than a century
-before Polycrates (Plin. <cite>N.H.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXXV.</span> 43 (152); cp. Frazer, <cite>Paus.</cite> <span class='fss'>IV.</span> p. 237).
-Theodorus is always associated with Rhoecus and the two names may have been
-borne in alternate generations by one family of artists. This would not require
-the Rhoeci to have flourished longer in Samos than the Wedgwoods have in
-Staffordshire. Whether or no this explanation holds, the divergence in dates
-points to the industry having flourished for a long time in the island. If one
-date for Theodorus is insisted on, that of Hdt. (<span class='fss'>I.</span> 51), which makes him the
-elder contemporary of Polycrates, must be chosen.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f430'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r430'>430</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 152.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f431'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r431'>431</a>. L. Curtius, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ath. Mitt.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XXXI.</span> (1906), pp. 151 f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f432'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r432'>432</a>. Illustrated, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> pp. 151, 152, Pl. XIV.; <cite>Amer. Journ. Arch.</cite> <span class='fss'>XI.</span> (1907), p. 84.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f433'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r433'>433</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">E.g.</span></i> Gardner, <cite>Gk. Sculp.</cite>, Fig. 8.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f434'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r434'>434</a>. Hence perhaps the friendship of Polycrates with Arcesilaus of Cyrene;
-cp. Hdt. <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 152, “It was from this action that the Cyreneans and Theraeans
-first struck up great friendships with the Samians.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f435'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r435'>435</a>. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ath. Mitt.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XXXI.</span> (1906), pp. 160, 161.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f436'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r436'>436</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 39, 125.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f437'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r437'>437</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 40.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f438'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r438'>438</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 43.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f439'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r439'>439</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 43.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f440'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r440'>440</a>. So E. Meyer, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ges. d. Alt.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 792; cp. above, p. <a href='#Page_72'>72</a>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f441'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r441'>441</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 120 f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f442'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r442'>442</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 121.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f443'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r443'>443</a>. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πᾶσα ἡ ποίησις πλήρης ἐστι τῆς περὶ αὐτοῦ μνήμης</span>, Strabo, <span class='fss'>XIV.</span> 638.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f444'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r444'>444</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 55.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f445'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r445'>445</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 85, <span class='fss'>IX.</span> 90.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f446'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r446'>446</a>. The wealth of Polycrates was still proverbial in the days of Plato, see
-<cite>Meno</cite>, 90<em>a</em>, and Stallbaum, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Platonis Meno</span></cite>, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ad loc.</span></i></p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f447'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r447'>447</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 177; Plin. <cite>N.H.</cite> <span class='fss'>V.</span> 11; Mela, <span class='fss'>I.</span> 9 (60).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f448'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r448'>448</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 177.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f449'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r449'>449</a>. Breasted, <cite>Hist.</cite><sup>2</sup> p. 574, apparently an inference from Herodotus’ inaccurate
-statement that a strict caste system prevailed among the Egyptians: only the
-priests became an exclusive caste, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> p. 575.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f450'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r450'>450</a>. Griffith, <cite>Dem. Pap. Rylands</cite>, <span class='fss'>III.</span> p. 10.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f451'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r451'>451</a>. Griffith, <cite>Encyc. Brit.</cite><sup>11</sup>, Egypt, p. 87.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f452'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r452'>452</a>. Mallet, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Prem. Étab. des Grecs en Ég.</span></cite> p. 292, quoting Erman u. Schweinfurth,
-<cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Abh. Ak. Berl.</span></cite> 1885.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f453'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r453'>453</a>. Diod. Sic. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 66.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f454'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r454'>454</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 159; on technical progress in shipbuilding in seventh century Egypt
-see Mallet, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Prem. Étab.</span></cite> pp. 99 f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f455'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r455'>455</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 158, <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 42; cp. Aristot. Meteor. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 14 (352 b); Strabo, <span class='fss'>XVII.</span> 804; Diod. <span class='fss'>I.</span>
-33; Tzetz. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Chil.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>VII.</span> 446. A canal connecting the two seas appears (<em>pace</em> Wiedemann,
-<cite>Hdt.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 158) to have been in use 700 years earlier under Seti I and Ramses II;
-see Petrie, <cite>Hist.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> p. 13; Maspero, <cite>Hist. Anc.</cite><sup>5</sup> p. 228. Necho’s work was
-apparently completed by Darius (How and Wells, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ad</span></i> <cite>Hdt.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 158).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f456'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r456'>456</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 42 and How and Wells, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ad loc.</span></i>; cp. Hdt. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 159 on Necho’s fleets
-of triremes on both the Mediterranean and the Red Sea.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f457'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r457'>457</a>. <cite>Hdt.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.-III.</span> p. 338.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f458'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r458'>458</a>. For convenience of reference I give here a list of the rulers with whom in this
-chapter we shall be concerned. The bracketed forms of the names are Egyptian.
-The dates are taken from Petrie’s <cite>History of Egypt</cite>. In the case of acknowledged
-kings of all Egypt the number of their Dynasty is added after the date.</p>
-
-<table class='table1' summary=''>
-  <tr><th class='c026' colspan='3'>A. <em>Saite rulers.</em></th></tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c009'>Tnefachthus (Tafnekht)</td>
-    <td class='c008'>749–721</td>
-    <td class='c027'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c009'>Bocchoris or (?) Anysis (Bakenranf)</td>
-    <td class='c008'>721–715</td>
-    <td class='c027'>(XXIV)</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c009'>Stephinates or (?) Sethon (Tafnekht II)</td>
-    <td class='c008'>715–678</td>
-    <td class='c027'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c009'>Nechepsus (Nakauba)</td>
-    <td class='c008'>678–672</td>
-    <td class='c027'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c009'>Necho I (Nekau)</td>
-    <td class='c008'>672–664</td>
-    <td class='c027'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c009'>Psammetichus I (Psamtek)</td>
-    <td class='c008'>664–610</td>
-    <td class='c027'>(XXVI)</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c009'>Necho II (Nekau)</td>
-    <td class='c008'>610–594</td>
-    <td class='c027'>(XXVI)</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c009'>Psammouthis or Psammetichus II (Psamtek)</td>
-    <td class='c008'>594–589</td>
-    <td class='c027'>(XXVI)</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c009'>Apries (Haa ab ra, Biblical Hophra)</td>
-    <td class='c008'>589–570</td>
-    <td class='c027'>(XXVI)</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c009'>Amasis (Aahmes)</td>
-    <td class='c008'>570–526</td>
-    <td class='c027'>(XXVI)</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c009'>Psammetichus III (Psamtek)</td>
-    <td class='c008'>526–525</td>
-    <td class='c027'>(XXVI)</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr><th class='c026' colspan='3'>B. <cite>Ethiopian rulers.</cite></th></tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c009'>(Pianchi)</td>
-    <td class='c008'>748–725</td>
-    <td class='c027'>or later</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c009'>Sabacon (Shabaka)</td>
-    <td class='c008'>715–707</td>
-    <td class='c027'>(XXV)</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c009'>(Shabataka)</td>
-    <td class='c008'>707–693</td>
-    <td class='c027'>(XXV)</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c009'>Taharqa (Biblical Tirhakah)</td>
-    <td class='c008'>(701–) 693–667</td>
-    <td class='c027'>(XXV)</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c009'>Ammeris (Amen Rud, Rud Amen, Nut Amen)</td>
-    <td class='c008'>667–664</td>
-    <td class='c027'>(XXV)</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr><th class='c026' colspan='3'>C. <cite>Dates of the dynasties.</cite></th></tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c009'>XXIV (early Saite)</td>
-    <td class='c008'>721–715</td>
-    <td class='c027'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c009'>XXV (Ethiopian)</td>
-    <td class='c008'>715–664</td>
-    <td class='c027'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c009'>XXVI (Saite)</td>
-    <td class='c008'>664–525</td>
-    <td class='c027'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-</table>
-
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f459'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r459'>459</a>. G. Smith, <cite>Assurbanipal</cite>, pp. 20, 27, 28; cp. Petrie, <cite>Hist.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> p. 299, “Niku
-of Mempi and Sa’a.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f460'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r460'>460</a>. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 151.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f461'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r461'>461</a>. Herodotus (<span class='fss'>II.</span> 147) says that these kings had been set up by the Egyptians
-themselves. It is generally recognized that his “dodecarchy” is an Egyptian
-description of the Assyrian administration, but the Assyrians may well have
-taken over a previously existing state of things, and the dodecarchy have
-developed out of the Libyan penetration of Egypt much as the heptarchy
-resulted from the Anglo-Saxon invasion of Britain.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f462'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r462'>462</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 152.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f463'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r463'>463</a>. The Assyrian record gives twenty. Twelve may have been the number of
-kings in Lower Egypt (Mallet, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Prem. Étab.</span></cite> p. 36, quoting Lenormant), or the
-total number at times (Wiedemann, <cite>Hdt.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 147), or Herodotus may have got
-the number twelve from the twelve courts of the labyrinth that he erroneously
-ascribes to this period (Sayce, <cite>Hdt.</cite> <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ad loc.</span></i>).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f464'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r464'>464</a>. Diod. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 66.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f465'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r465'>465</a>. Diod. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 11.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f466'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r466'>466</a>. Mallet, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Prem. Étab.</span></cite> p. 39. Polyaen. <span class='fss'>VII.</span> 3 (= Aristagoras and Theban
-tradition, Gutschmid, <cite>Philol.</cite> 1855, p. 692) makes Psammetichus employ
-Carians because an oracle had warned his rival to beware of cocks and “the
-Carians were the first to put crests on their helmets.” Here too the armour is
-the main thing. The Egyptian warriors (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">μάχιμοι</span>) were called Kalasiries and
-Hermotybies (Hdt. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 164). According to Sayce, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ad loc.</span></i>, Kalasiries = armed with
-leather; but cp. How and Wells, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ad loc.</span></i></p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f467'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r467'>467</a>. He says Psammetichus “sent for” mercenaries from Caria and Ionia.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f468'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r468'>468</a>. Diod. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 11 quotes and praises two lost writers on Egypt, Agatharchides
-of Cnidus (second century <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>) and Artemidorus of Ephesus (about 100 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f469'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r469'>469</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">E.g.</span></i> Wiedemann, <cite>Hdt.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 152; Meyer, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ges. Alt.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 461 (but cp. <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 562);
-Mallet, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Prem. Étab.</span></cite> pp. 37–8 (but cp. p. 41). Only Mallet, however, sees features
-typical of the rulers of the period and he quotes only Lydian and Phoenician
-parallels.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f470'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r470'>470</a>. Strabo <span class='fss'>XVII.</span> 801; cp. Eustath. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Comment. ad Dion. Perieg.</span></cite> 823<em>ap.</em> <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Geog.
-Gr. Min.</span></cite> (Didot), <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 362; Strabo knew Egypt personally, cp. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 118.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f471'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r471'>471</a>. Cp. however Pseudoscymn. 748–750 <cite>ap. Geog. Gr. Min.</cite> (Didot), <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 226,
-<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Ὀδησσός, ἣν Μιλήσιοι κτίζουσιν Ἀστυάγης ὅτ’ ἦρχε Μηδίας</span>. This method
-of dating might have its origin in some work that described the expansion of
-Greece and Media previous to the great clash of 490–479.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f472'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r472'>472</a>. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Rhein. Mus.</span></cite> 1887, pp. 211 f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f473'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r473'>473</a>. Mallet, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Prem. Étab.</span></cite> p. 29.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f474'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r474'>474</a>. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 151–2. Mallet, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Prem. Étab.</span></cite> p. 38, cautiously quotes the Horus myth as
-a parallel for this flight. Nobody now would agree with Sayce (cp. Wiedemann,
-<cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Aeg. Ges.</span></cite> p. 608) that “the story of Psammetichus’ retreat in the marshes is
-clearly (<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">sic</span></i>) borrowed from the myth of Horus.” It is far more likely that the
-story of Horus borrowed from the life of some early Egyptian ruler. Psamtek’s
-flight to the marshes is as natural and well attested as that of Alfred or of
-Hereward, the latter of whom is suspiciously like Horus in name as well as in
-behaviour.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f475'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r475'>475</a>. In Diodorus’ version of the same affair they are specifically stated to have
-done so.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f476'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r476'>476</a>. Diod. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">loc. cit.</span></i></p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f477'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r477'>477</a>. G. Smith, <cite>Assurbanipal</cite>, pp. 64, 66, 67.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f478'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r478'>478</a>. Radet, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Lydie</span></cite>, p. 177, translates “où l’on franchit la mer.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f479'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r479'>479</a>. Assyrian Pisamiilki: see Mallet, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Prem. Étab.</span></cite> p. 49, n. 1; but cp. Wiedemann,
-<cite>Hdt.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 152.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f480'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r480'>480</a>. Breasted, <cite>Hist.</cite> p. 566. This view is now commonly accepted. Against it,
-see Gutschmid, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Neue Beiträge Ges. Or.</span></cite> pp. x.-xi.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f481'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r481'>481</a>. Strabo <span class='fss'>XIII.</span> 590: see Mallet, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Prem. Étab.</span></cite> p. 48, n. 1. Later in his reign
-Psamtek is said by Diodorus (<span class='fss'>I.</span> 67) to have “made an alliance with the Athenians
-and some of the other Greeks”; but here we may follow Mallet (<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ib.</span></i> p. 97; cp.
-pp. 212, 284) and suspect a reflexion backwards of events of the time of Psammetichus
-the Libyan (<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">circ.</span></i> 445 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>), who took part in the uprising against
-Persia in which Egypt received much help from Athens (Mallet, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ib.</span></i> p. 149, n. 3).
-On the very few examples from Naukratis of late Proto-Attic vases (Attic of
-about 600 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>) see Prinz, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Funde aus Naukratis</span></cite>, pp. 75 f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f482'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r482'>482</a>. Isaiah <span class='fss'>XXXVII.</span> 36; II Kings <span class='fss'>XIX.</span> 35; II Chron. <span class='fss'>XXXII.</span> 21.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f483'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r483'>483</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 141, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἕπεσθαι δὲ οἱ τῶν μαχίμων μὲν οὐδένα ἀνδρῶν, καπήλους δὲ
-καὶ χειρώνακτας καὶ ἀγοραίους ἀνθρώπους</span>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f484'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r484'>484</a>. Africanus and Euseb. <cite>F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 593; John of Antioch, <cite>F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>IV.</span>
-p. 540.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f485'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r485'>485</a>. Their significance is well put by Griffith, <cite>Dem. Pap. Rylands</cite>, <span class='fss'>III.</span> pp. 9–10;
-cp. Moret, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Bocchori</span></cite>, pp. 76 f. quoting Revillout, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Précis droit égy.</span></cite> pp. 190 f.
-The Diodorus passages are from <span class='fss'>I.</span> 94 and <span class='fss'>I.</span> 79; cp. also Plut. <cite>Demetr.</cite> 27 and
-Clem. Alex. <cite>Strom.</cite> <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 18, Bocchoris as clever judge in a claim for payment;
-Iambl. (Didot, <cite>Erot. Scrip.</cite> p. 517) on Bocchoris’ skill in assessment of values
-(cup, nosegay, kiss). Moret is scarcely right in saying (<cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Bocch.</span></cite> p. 55) that every
-kind of story is told to illustrate the wisdom of Bocchoris: cp. Revillout <em>ap.</em>
-Moret, p. 78, “Bocchoris avait voulu surtout faire un code commercial.” Diod.
-<span class='fss'>I.</span> 94 places Bocchoris fourth among the reputed lawgivers of Egypt. No similar
-measures are attributed to any of the earlier three.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f486'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r486'>486</a>. Schiaparelli, <cite>Mon. Ant.</cite> <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> pp. 90–100 and Tav. <span class='fss'>II.</span> The context in which
-the vase was found (Poulsen, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Orient u. frühgriech. Kunst</span></cite>, pp. 125–6) recalls
-the Regulini-Galassi and Bernardini graves.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f487'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r487'>487</a>. See Poulsen, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Orient u. frühgr. Kunst</span></cite>, p. 64; cp. Kinch, <cite>Vroulia</cite>, p. 249.
-Schiaparelli, Revillout (<cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Quirites et Ég.</span></cite> p. 4), and Moret (<cite>de Bocch.</cite> pp. 27–8)
-think it of Phoenician make and provenance.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f488'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r488'>488</a>. Plut. <cite>Demetr.</cite> 27.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f489'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r489'>489</a>. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πάντων φιλοχρηματώτατον</span> (Diod. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 94), a trait quite reconcilable with the
-statement of Zenobius (<span class='fss'>II.</span> 60), that he was remembered for his justice (cp. Suid.
-s.v. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Βάκχυρις</span>) and ingenuity (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐπίνοια</span>) as a judge. The statement of Aelian
-that Bocchoris was hated by his countrymen (<cite>H.A.</cite> <span class='fss'>XI.</span> 11; cp. Plut. <cite>Vit. Pud.</cite> 3,
-<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">φύσει χαλεπός</span>) proves only that he, like Solon and Cypselus, excited different
-feelings in different quarters: nobody would now follow Wiedemann (<cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Aeg. Ges.</span></cite>
-p. 579) and quote it against reports favourable to him, as a proof that neither are
-of any use for serious history.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f490'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r490'>490</a>. Manetho, <cite>F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> pp. 592–3; see further below, p. 100, n. 4.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f491'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r491'>491</a>. Breasted, <cite>Records</cite>, <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 858; J. de Rougé, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Chrestom. Egypt</span></cite>, <span class='fss'>IV.</span></p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f492'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r492'>492</a>. <cite>J.H.S.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXVI.</span> p. 103; cp. pp. 91–2, 94 f. The main divergence is in the
-Lesbian thalassocracy, where the Armenian version of the canon of Eusebius
-gives the dates ann. Abr. 1345–1441 (= 96 years), whereas Jerome gives the
-duration as 68 years.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f493'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r493'>493</a>. Note that he probably began his career at a small town near Canopus,
-E. de Rougé (quoting Brugsch), <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Inscr. Hist. Pianchi</span></cite> <em>ap.</em> Maspero, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Bibl. Égypt.</span></cite>
-<span class='fss'>XXIV.</span> p. 290. De Rougé notes that Tafnekht’s name has no cartouche and no
-qualification announcing royal birth and from these facts argues that he was of
-comparatively humble origin.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f494'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r494'>494</a>. Note that the unrevised dating of the Egyptian thalassocracy makes it
-fall into the reign of Bocchoris as dated by Eusebius, Fotheringham, <cite>J.H.S.</cite>
-<span class='fss'>XXVII.</span> p. 87.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f495'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r495'>495</a>. Cp. perhaps Steph. Byz. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Ἑλληνικὸν καὶ Καρικόν, τόποι ἐν Μέμφιδι ἀφ’ ὧν
-Ἑλληνομεμφῖται, ὡς Ἀρισταγόρας.</span> ibid. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Καρικόν· τόπος ἰδιάζων ἐν Μέμφιδι,
-ἔνθα Κᾶρες οἰκήσαντες ἐπιγαμίας πρὸς Μεμφίτας ποιησάμενοι Καρομεμφῖται
-ἐκλήθησαν.</span> Cp. Polyaen. <span class='fss'>VII.</span> 3, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀπὸ τῶν Καρῶν ἐκείνων μέρος τι τῆς Μέμφεως
-κέκληται Καρομεμφῖται</span>. These Caromemphites and Hellenomemphites are
-generally recognized as descendants of Psamtek’s mercenaries who were transplanted
-by Amasis to Memphis (Hdt. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 154).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f496'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r496'>496</a>. Griffith, <cite>High Priests of Memphis</cite>, p. 8, who compares the Herodotean king
-Pheron of Egypt (Hdt. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 111) who plainly is simply a nameless Pharaoh.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f497'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r497'>497</a>. See below, p. <a href='#Page_101'>101</a>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f498'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r498'>498</a>. So apparently Breasted, <cite>Hist. Eg.</cite><sup>2</sup> pp. 552–3.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f499'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r499'>499</a>. Wiedemann, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Aeg. Ges.</span></cite> p. 587; Lauth, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Aeg. Vorzeit</span></cite>, p. 439 f; Oppert, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Rapp.
-Eg. et Assyr.</span></cite> pp. 14 n. 1, 29 n. 1, quoting Brugsch.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f500'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r500'>500</a>. Joseph., <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Antiq. Iud.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>X.</span> 1. 4 (17); cp. Petrie, <cite>Hist. Eg.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> p. 296.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f501'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r501'>501</a>. Cp. Hdt. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 30.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f502'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r502'>502</a>. Griffith, <cite>High Priests of Memphis</cite>, p. 10.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f503'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r503'>503</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Ibid.</span></i></p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f504'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r504'>504</a>. <cite>Königsbuch</cite>, p. 47.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f505'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r505'>505</a>. II Kings <span class='fss'>XVIII.</span> 21; <span class='fss'>XIX.</span> 9; Isaiah <span class='fss'>XXXVI.</span> 6; <span class='fss'>XXXVII.</span> 9.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f506'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r506'>506</a>. Schrader, <cite>Cun. Inscr. and O.T.</cite>, (marginal) pp. 292, 303; cp. 357. This fact
-by itself is fatal to Sourdille (<cite><span lang="ca" xml:lang="ca">Hdt. et la relig. de l’Ég.</span></cite> p. 141) when he places
-Sethon on his index mythologique on the ground that Shabataka was king of
-Egypt at this time.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f507'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r507'>507</a>. Hence the equation with Shabataka, while Tirhaka is equated (Oppert,
-<cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Rapp. Égy. et Assyr.</span></cite> p. 29) with the king of Meroe, is impossible, quite apart
-from its making nonsense of the reference to the bruised reed.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f508'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r508'>508</a>. Petrie, <cite>Hist. Eg.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> p. 312; Griffith, <cite>Dem. Pap. Rylands</cite>, <span class='fss'>III.</span> p. 6.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f509'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r509'>509</a>. Griffith, <cite>High Priests of Memphis</cite>, p. 10; Breasted, <cite>Records</cite>, <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 830 (Pianchi
-stele).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f510'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r510'>510</a>. G. Smith, <cite>Assurbanipal</cite>, p. 20.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f511'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r511'>511</a>. See above, p. <a href='#Page_88'>88</a>, n. 1.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f512'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r512'>512</a>. <cite>F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 593.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f513'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r513'>513</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 151; Diod. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 66; the Apis stelai.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f514'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r514'>514</a>. <cite>F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 594.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f515'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r515'>515</a>. Psamtek’s daughter Nitokris was adopted by Shepnepet, daughter of
-Taharqa (or, according to J. de Rougé, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Ét. sur les textes géogr. du temple d’Edfou</span></cite>,
-p. 62, of Pianchi), sacerdotal princess of Thebes, Breasted, <cite>Records</cite>, <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 935 f.;
-cp. E. de Rougé, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Notice de quelques textes hiérogl. publ. par M. Greene</span></cite>, <em>ap.</em> Maspero,
-<cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Bibl. Égypt.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XXIII.</span> pp. 70 f.; J. de Rougé, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Ét. sur les textes géogr. du temple d’Edfou</span></cite>,
-pp. 59–63; neither of whom understood that N. was daughter of S. only by
-adoption. From the omission of the revolt of Gyges and Psamtek from the
-earlier Assurbanipal cylinders and the statement that Miluhha (Ethiopia)
-revolted with Saulmugina (brother of Assurbanipal), G. Smith, <cite>Assurbanipal</cite>,
-p. 78, cp. pp. 154–5, infers that the revolt of Gyges and Psammetichus took place
-at the time of the general rising against Assyria, which means that Psammetichus
-was allied with Ethiopia at that time. His early flight into Syria, Hdt. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 152,
-is to be connected with his father’s policy rather than with his own.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f516'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r516'>516</a>. Against this identification see Maspero, <cite>Hist. Anc.</cite><sup>5</sup> p. 459, n. 3; E. de Rougé,
-<cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Textes pub. par M. Greene</span></cite>, <em>ap.</em> Maspero, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Bibl. Égypt.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XXIII.</span> pp. 74–75.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f517'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r517'>517</a>. Psamtek himself acknowledged the Ethiopian Taharqa as his predecessor:
-Wiedemann, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Aeg. Ges.</span></cite> p. 600.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f518'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r518'>518</a>. There can be no doubt that the reigns of rival rulers of the period largely
-overlap. Otherwise, as pointed out long ago by Gutschmid (<cite>Philol.</cite> 1855, p. 659),
-we have Psamtek I surviving his father for over 100 years.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f519'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r519'>519</a>. <cite>Hist. Eg.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> p. 318.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f520'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r520'>520</a>. Below, p. <a href='#Page_101'>101</a>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f521'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r521'>521</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">E.g.</span></i> by Breasted.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f522'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r522'>522</a>. Diod. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 45; Plut. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Is. et Os.</span></cite> 8 (<cite>Moral.</cite> 354); cp. Moret, <cite>de Bocch.</cite> pp. 6–8,
-quoting Mariette and Maspero; Breasted, <cite>Records</cite>, <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 811, 884, <cite>Hist.</cite><sup>2</sup> p. 546;
-Griffith, <cite>Dem. Pap. Rylands</cite>, p. 6. The Pianchi stele mentions one son of
-Tafnekht as killed in Pianchi’s campaign against Tafnekht, and another as spared
-by him (Breasted, <cite>Records</cite>, <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 838, 854; cp. Moret, <cite>de Bocch.</cite> p. 6, n. 2).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f523'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r523'>523</a>. <cite>Hist. Eg.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> p. 334.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f524'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r524'>524</a>. <cite>Hist. Eg.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> p. 327.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f525'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r525'>525</a>. Athen. <span class='fss'>X.</span> 418<em>e</em>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f526'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r526'>526</a>. In Diod. (<span class='fss'>I.</span> 45) and Plut. (<cite>de Is. et Os.</cite> 8) Tnefachthos, the father of Bocchoris,
-is said to have accidentally discovered while campaigning against the
-Arabians the joys of the simple life. In Athen. (418<em>e</em>) Neochabis and his son
-Bocchoris are said both to have been moderate in their diet (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">μετρίᾳ τροφῇ
-κεχρῆσθαι</span>). But even if we have here variants of a single story, it would be no
-proof that we are up against the same individuals.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f527'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r527'>527</a>. It is implied by Breasted, <cite>Hist.</cite><sup>2</sup> p. 556, when he calls Necho I “doubtless
-a descendant of Tefnakhte.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f528'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r528'>528</a>. Necho I enjoyed the favours of the Assyrian conqueror (G. Smith, <cite>Assurbanipal</cite>,
-pp. 20, 23, 27–28), but his revolt shows that he was making a virtue of
-necessity.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f529'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r529'>529</a>. Translated Griffith, <cite>High Priests of Memphis</cite>, chaps. <span class='fss'>II.</span>, <span class='fss'>III.</span>: Maspero,
-<cite>Pop. Stories</cite>, pp. 115 f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f530'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r530'>530</a>. Petrie, <cite>Hist.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> fig. 139.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f531'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r531'>531</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 173; cp. Athen. <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 261<em>c</em>, <span class='fss'>X.</span> 438<em>b</em>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f532'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r532'>532</a>. Maspero, <cite>Pop. Stories</cite>, pp. 281–2; the story, however, is Ptolemaic and
-may be influenced by Hdt.; cp. Wiedemann, <cite>Hdt.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 173. E. Meyer, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ges. Aeg.</span></cite>
-p. 366, n. 1, uses the demotic stories about Amasis’ drunkenness as proof that
-the Saite Pharaohs were not popular with their Egyptian subjects. It might
-as well be argued that Edward VII must have been unpopular in England
-because the masses like to associate him with horse-racing and cigars. When the
-Egyptians represented Amasis as drunken they paid him the compliment of
-making him like themselves. The catastrophe of 525 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> was helped on by the
-drunkenness of the servants sent by Amasis to capture Phanes the captain of
-the Greek mercenaries when he was on his way to desert to Persia (Hdt. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 4).
-The Egyptian who “complained before his majesty King Cambyses on the
-subject of all the strangers who dwelt in the sanctuary of Neith (at Sais) to the
-end that they might be expelled” (so-called demotic chronicle, <em>ap.</em> <cite>Rev. Égy.</cite>
-1880, p. 75) is a better witness as to the policy of Cambyses than as to the
-unpopularity of Amasis; cp. the sequel: “His Majesty ordained: expel all the
-strangers who dwell in the sanctuary of Neith: destroy their houses.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f533'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r533'>533</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 172; Hellanicus, <cite>F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 66; but cp. Revillout, <cite>Rev. Égypt.</cite>
-1881, pp. 96–98.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f534'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r534'>534</a>. <cite>Pop. Stories</cite>, pp. 151 f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f535'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r535'>535</a>. <cite>Hist. Anc.</cite><sup>5</sup> p. 531. Maspero refers to the evidence of excavations; Mallet,
-<cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Prem. Étab.</span></cite> pp. 52–53.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f536'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r536'>536</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 179.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f537'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r537'>537</a>. <cite>Naukratis</cite>, <span class='fss'>I.</span> pp. 1 f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f538'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r538'>538</a>. Hieron. <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> (Migne), pp. 365–6.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f539'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r539'>539</a>. s.v. Naukratis.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f540'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r540'>540</a>. <em>Ap.</em> Athen. <span class='fss'>XV.</span> 675.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f541'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r541'>541</a>. Strabo, <span class='fss'>XVII.</span> 801.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f542'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r542'>542</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 178.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f543'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r543'>543</a>. Plutarch, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Sept. Sap. Conviv.</span></cite> 2 (<cite>Moral.</cite> 146), speaks of a certain Niloxenos
-the Naukratite as entertained by Periander. If the setting of the dialogue was
-strictly historical, this would be evidence for the existence of Naukratis before
-590 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> But Amasis is introduced as reigning in Egypt and Croesus apparently
-as already King of Lydia, so that chronological inferences from this fictitious
-dialogue would be rash.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f544'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r544'>544</a>. Strabo, <span class='fss'>XVII.</span> 808; cp. Hdt. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 135; Athen. <span class='fss'>XIII.</span> 596<em>b</em>; Suid. s.v. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Ῥοδώπιδος
-ἀνάθημα</span>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f545'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r545'>545</a>. <cite>Oxyr. Pap.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> pp. 10–13.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f546'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r546'>546</a>. So Gutschmid, <em>ap.</em> Wiedemann, <cite>Hdt.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 178.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f547'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r547'>547</a>. It is forcing the sense of Herodotus’ words to regard them, as does Petrie,
-<cite>Nauk.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 4, as proof positive of a pre-Amasis occupation. Still less is Kirchhoff
-justified (<cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Stud. Gr. Alph.</span></cite><sup>4</sup> p. 47) in regarding them as proving that there were
-no Greeks in Naukratis before the reign of Amasis.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f548'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r548'>548</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">E.g.</span></i> Mallet and E. Meyer.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f549'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r549'>549</a>. I was first led to apply to Egypt my views about the Greek tyranny, before
-I had read Diodorus on Psammetichus, from Herodotus’ account of Sethon and
-his following of tradesmen and artizans; above, p. <a href='#Page_92'>92</a>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f550'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r550'>550</a>. <cite>Nauk.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> pp. 5, 6, 21.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f551'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r551'>551</a>. <cite>J.H.S.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXV.</span> pp. 110 f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f552'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r552'>552</a>. <cite>B.S.A.</cite> <span class='fss'>V.</span> p. 39 f.; <cite>J.H.S.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXV.</span> p. 109; cp. especially the finds there of vases
-dedicated “to the gods of the Greeks” and also to various different individual
-Greek deities. The size of the bricks dates this enclosure as earlier half of sixth
-century, <cite>B.S.A.</cite> <span class='fss'>V.</span> p. 35.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f553'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r553'>553</a>. <cite>B.S.A.</cite> <span class='fss'>V.</span> pp. 41 n. 2, 48; <cite>J.H.S.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXV.</span> p. 107. In 1899 there was found in
-Petrie’s “Great Temenos” a fourth century Egyptian inscription that speaks
-of “Pi-emro which is called Naukratis.” This is, however, <em>pace</em> Hogarth, <cite>J.H.S.</cite>
-<span class='fss'>XXV.</span> p. 106, evidence not for but against thinking of Piemro Naukratis as a
-double town like Buda-Pesth rather than as a bilingual like Swansea Abertawe.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f554'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r554'>554</a>. <cite>J.H.S.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXV.</span> p. 107; <cite>B.S.A.</cite> <span class='fss'>V.</span> p. 43.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f555'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r555'>555</a>. <cite>B.S.A.</cite> <span class='fss'>V.</span> p. 49.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f556'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r556'>556</a>. <cite>Nauk.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> pp. 54 f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f557'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r557'>557</a>. Hirschfeld, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Rhein. Mus.</span></cite> 1887, pp. 215–219; Kirchhoff, <cite>Stud.</cite><sup>4</sup> p. 44 f.; cp.
-Edgar, <cite>B.S.A.</cite> <span class='fss'>V.</span> pp. 50 f. For Gardner’s reply see <cite>Nauk.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> pp. 70 f. For a <i><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">résumé</span></i>
-of the epigraphical evidence see E. S. Roberts, <cite>Gk. Epig.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> pp. 159 f., 323 f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f558'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r558'>558</a>. Wiedemann accepts them, <cite>Hdt.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 178.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f559'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r559'>559</a>. <cite>B.S.A.</cite> <span class='fss'>XIV.</span> p. 263.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f560'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r560'>560</a>. <cite>B.S.A.</cite> <span class='fss'>V.</span> p. 52.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f561'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r561'>561</a>. <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Prem. Étab.</span></cite> pp. 167 f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f562'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r562'>562</a>. Hogarth’s publication of the additional inscriptions found in 1903 is still
-more deficient. Edgar’s account of those found in 1899 is better, though by no
-means adequate. Of 108 probable dedications (some are too fragmentary to
-be certain), 48 are on vases (black glaze, black figure, red figure) that cannot
-have been made before the reign of Amasis, 33 are on cups of types that certainly
-lasted into his reign, 6 on Naukratite fragments (phase not stated), 2 on (late)
-Milesian. The rest are on fabrics difficult to date from the meagre descriptions.
-Unfortunately this collection is not typical. It is to be regretted that Edgar
-thought it “unnecessary to state the provenance of each separate inscription”
-(<cite>B.S.A.</cite> <span class='fss'>V.</span> p. 53). Sixteen have dedications to the gods of the Greeks, and only
-two to Apollo. We may conclude that a large percentage come from the Hellenium
-and are therefore after 570. But this does not prove a late date for graffiti
-generally. Of the sixteen dedications to the gods of the Greeks fifteen are on
-black figure or black glaze vases: the other is on one of the 33 cups mentioned
-above. This fact suggests that the dedications generally could have been dated
-from the vases they are inscribed on if the data had been made available, and
-that Gardner was fairly right in his main conclusion although wrong in his
-method of reaching it. Of the Milesian fragments one has a dedication to Apollo,
-of the Naukratite two (both from the old Southern “Temenos”) are to Aphrodite.
-It is significant that among the finds of the reign of Amasis “the early local
-pottery was disappointingly scarce” (<cite>B.S.A.</cite> <span class='fss'>V.</span> p. 57). It is surprising that the
-excavators did not draw the obvious conclusion.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f563'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r563'>563</a>. <cite>B.S.A.</cite> <span class='fss'>XIV.</span> p. 263; <cite>J.H.S.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXIX.</span> p. 320; Ure, <cite>Black Glaze Pottery</cite>, pp. 59–61.
-Others still unpublished from Burrows’ excavations of 1909.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f564'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r564'>564</a>. For later Boeotian examples see <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ath. Mitt.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XV.</span> pp. 412–413 (Theban Kabeirion)
-and probably those from Mt Ptoon alluded to in <cite>B.C.H.</cite> <span class='fss'>IX.</span> 479, 523.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f565'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r565'>565</a>. Occasional earlier inscriptions are no evidence against this later dating for
-the beginning of the real vogue.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f566'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r566'>566</a>. The inscriptions are largely dedications to deities.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f567'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r567'>567</a>. <cite>B.S.A.</cite> <span class='fss'>V.</span> p. 57.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f568'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r568'>568</a>. Ure, <cite>Black Glaze Pottery</cite>, pp. 32 f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f569'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r569'>569</a>. Three of the stamped black sherds from Naukratis (<cite>B.S.A.</cite> <span class='fss'>V.</span> p. 56,
-nos. 113–15) are inscribed, one with a very secular inscription, one with a Cypriote
-abbreviation, and one with what may be the beginning of a dedication. The
-secular inscription on one example of a very common fabric is no argument
-against the use of other examples for religious purposes.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f570'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r570'>570</a>. The vases so classed by Prinz, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Funde aus Naukratis</span></cite>, p. 69, do not belong
-to the style (cp. Kinch, <cite>Vroulia</cite>, pp. 134 f.). His conclusions <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ib.</span></i> p. 72 therefore
-do not hold.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f571'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r571'>571</a>. <cite>B.S.A.</cite> <span class='fss'>V.</span> p. 57.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f572'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r572'>572</a>. Kinch, <cite>Vroulia</cite>, p. 26.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f573'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r573'>573</a>. Cp. Rhitsona, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">passim</span></i>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f574'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r574'>574</a>. Cp. also Daphnae, which flourished contemporaneously with Corinthian
-and some phases of proto-Corinthian pottery, but yielded no remains of Corinthian
-nor, apparently, of proto-Corinthian: Petrie, <cite>Tanis</cite>, <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 62.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f575'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r575'>575</a>. Brit. Mus. 1886, 6–<span class='fss'>I.</span> 40; Prinz, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Funde aus Nauk.</span></cite> p. 102.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f576'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r576'>576</a>. <cite>J.H.S.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXV.</span> p. 136.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f577'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r577'>577</a>. Edgar, <cite>B.S.A.</cite> <span class='fss'>V.</span> p. 52.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f578'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r578'>578</a>. See <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">e.g.</span></i> <cite>Nauk.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> Pl. IV. 3.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f579'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r579'>579</a>. Wiegand, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Sitz. Preuss. Akad.</span></cite> 1905, pp. 545–6; <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. Anz.</span></cite> 1914, p. 222,
-p. 219, figs. 29–31; Kinch, <cite>Vroulia</cite>, pp. 194–231.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f580'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r580'>580</a>. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Funde aus Nauk.</span></cite> p. 37.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f581'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r581'>581</a>. The Boeotian Kylix style of <cite>B.S.A.</cite> <span class='fss'>XIV.</span> pp. 308 f., Pls. VIII. and XV.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f582'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r582'>582</a>. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. Anz.</span></cite> 1904, p. 105; 1905, p. 62; 1910, p. 224.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f583'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r583'>583</a>. A. J. Reinach, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Journ. d. Sav.</span></cite> 1909, p. 357.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f584'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r584'>584</a>. Boehlau, <cite>Nekrop.</cite> Taf. <span class='fss'>XII.</span> 2, 4, 5, 6, 8, 9, 11; cp. pp. 30, 31.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f585'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r585'>585</a>. An important fact, not sufficiently taken into account by Boehlau and his
-followers.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f586'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r586'>586</a>. Boehlau, <cite>Nekrop.</cite> p. 75; Prinz, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Funde aus Nauk.</span></cite> p. 33.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f587'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r587'>587</a>. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Sitz. Preuss. Akad.</span></cite> 1905, p. 545.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f588'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r588'>588</a>. The ware has often been called Rhodian and more recently (Kinch, <cite>Vroulia</cite>,
-<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">passim</span></i>) Camirian. Rhodes has produced far the most specimens, but probably
-only because tomb-robbing has been particularly prevalent in the island. Rhodian
-provenance is maintained by Poulsen (<cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Orient u. frühgr. Kunst</span></cite>, p. 91), but
-on dangerous stylistic grounds. His treatment of the Russian finds is particularly
-unconvincing. All the same Perrot does well (<cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Hist. de l’Art</span></cite>, <span class='fss'>IX.</span> pp. 390, n. 2,
-403 f.) to remind us that the Milesian attribution is not a certainty.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f589'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r589'>589</a>. Prinz, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Funde aus Nauk.</span></cite> pp. 39 f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f590'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r590'>590</a>. Petrie, <cite>Tanis</cite>, <span class='fss'>II.</span> Pls. XXVII., XXVIII.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f591'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r591'>591</a>. Petrie, <cite>Tanis</cite>, <span class='fss'>II.</span> pp. 51, 52 (quoting Hdt. II. 30, 154). Duemmler’s doubts
-as to the identity of Daphnae and the Greek “Camps” (<cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahrb.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>X.</span> p. 36) seem
-somewhat superfluous.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f592'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r592'>592</a>. Boehlau, <cite>Ion. Nekrop.</cite> pp. 52 f.; cp. Edgar, <cite>Cat. Vases, Cairo</cite>, pp. 10, 13, 14.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f593'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r593'>593</a>. <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Hist. de l’Art</span></cite>, <span class='fss'>IX.</span> p. 404.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f594'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r594'>594</a>. Prinz, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Funde aus Nauk.</span></cite> pp. 73–74.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f595'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r595'>595</a>. <cite>C.R.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 233<em>e</em>, Oxford Ashmolean Museum, G. 127. 2, 3 (the latter two
-excavated 1903). For an illustration of this type see <cite>J.H.S.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXX.</span> p. 354,
-fig. 18.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f596'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r596'>596</a>. See the evidence of the Rhitsona grave catalogues, <cite>B.S.A.</cite> <span class='fss'>XIV.</span>; <cite>J.H.S.</cite>
-<span class='fss'>XXIX.</span>, <span class='fss'>XXX.</span></p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f597'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r597'>597</a>. <cite>Nauk.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> Pl. VI. 1, 2; <span class='fss'>II.</span> Pl. IX. 5; cp. Prinz, pp. 75 f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f598'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r598'>598</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">E.g.</span></i> Petrie and Gardner, <cite>Nauk.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> Pl. V. and (coloured) <cite>J.H.S.</cite> <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> pl. 79.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f599'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r599'>599</a>. <cite>Nauk.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 51; <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 39: cp. Prinz, pp. 87 f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f600'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r600'>600</a>. <cite>Vroulia</cite>, pp. 7, 34, 89.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f601'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r601'>601</a>. <cite>J.H.S.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXIX.</span> pl. 25 and pp. 332 f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f602'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r602'>602</a>. Cp. Buschor, <cite>Gr. Vasenmal.</cite><sup>1</sup> p. 81; Frickenhaus, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Tiryns</span></cite>, <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 53.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f603'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r603'>603</a>. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. Anz.</span></cite> 1910, pp. 224–5; 1914, p. 227.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f604'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r604'>604</a>. Its absence from Daphnae, the military station from which the Greeks were
-removed by Amasis soon after 570 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>, was formerly thought to indicate that
-at that date it had not yet been invented or at least not yet become popular.
-But the chief wares found at Daphnae, including the typical (Clazomenian?)
-Daphnae ware, and excepting only a peculiar local type of situla, are not uncommon
-at Naukratis (<cite>B.S.A.</cite> <span class='fss'>V.</span> pp. 60–61). This could hardly be the case, at
-least not to the same extent, if Naukratis started only when Daphnae ceased.
-We must seek some other explanation of the lack of Naukratite at Daphnae.
-May it not have been simply that such delicate ware was ill-suited for a camp?
-The Naukratite cups show a fabric as fragile as the modern teacup.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f605'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r605'>605</a>. Over 350; <cite>Nauk.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> pp. 60 f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f606'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r606'>606</a>. <cite>Nauk.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 11.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f607'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r607'>607</a>. Its central and crowded position is (<em>pace</em> Edgar, <cite>B.S.A.</cite> <span class='fss'>V.</span> p. 53) no argument
-against this view, but rather the reverse, especially if it is remembered
-that Miletus and presumably as a consequence the Milesian part of Naukratis
-was in a bad way in the days of Amasis.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f608'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r608'>608</a>. On the evidence of excavation as to these temene see Prinz, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Funde aus Nauk.</span></cite>
-pp. 12–13.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f609'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r609'>609</a>. Note, however, Perrot’s comments, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Hist. de l’Art</span></cite>, <span class='fss'>IX.</span> p. 415.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f610'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r610'>610</a>. Prinz, pp. 39–42; <cite>B.S.A.</cite> <span class='fss'>V.</span> pp. 41, 60.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f611'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r611'>611</a>. <cite>Nauk.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 60.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f612'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r612'>612</a>. There is little evidence for the attractive suggestion (A. G. Dunham, <cite>Hist.
-Miletus</cite>, p. 68) that the establishment should be connected with the victory of
-the Samian side and the defeat of the Milesian in the (seventh century) Lelantine
-war.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f613'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r613'>613</a>. <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 152.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f614'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r614'>614</a>. Athen. <span class='fss'>VII.</span> 283<em>e</em>. Hirschfeld may be right in inferring that Apollonius took
-the foundation of Naukratis back to mythical times (<cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Rhein. Mus.</span></cite> 1887, p. 220).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f615'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r615'>615</a>. Prinz, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Funde aus Nauk.</span></cite> p. 75, connects with it the Corinthian sherds, some
-of which are much earlier than Amasis. Better evidence for early Aeginetan
-dealings with Naukratis are the Naukratite sherds, some of them of the earliest
-phase, found in Aegina, Prinz, p. 88.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f616'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r616'>616</a>. Hirschfeld, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Rhein. Mus.</span></cite> 1887, p. 212; E. Meyer, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ges. Aeg.</span></cite> p. 368; Prinz,
-<cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Funde aus Nauk.</span></cite> p. 1.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f617'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r617'>617</a>. Over 100 are recorded, <cite>Nauk.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 62 f.; others, <cite>B.S.A.</cite> <span class='fss'>V.</span> p. 41.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f618'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r618'>618</a>. Not apparently on it: cp. <cite>Nauk.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> pl. 3 (section of the site down to the
-basal mud with no black stratum marked); <cite>B.S.A.</cite> <span class='fss'>V.</span> p. 44 (spoken of as at
-South end of Greek quarter); <cite>J.H.S.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXV.</span> p. 107. Considering that the temple
-lies so very near the scarab factory and due West of it and that the line of
-cleavage between Greek and Egyptian runs East and West it is strange that no
-explicit statement is made on this point.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f619'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r619'>619</a>. <cite>B.S.A.</cite> <span class='fss'>V.</span> pp. 38, 44.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f620'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r620'>620</a>. <cite>J.H.S.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXV.</span> p. 114.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f621'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r621'>621</a>. Athen. <span class='fss'>XV.</span> 675 f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f622'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r622'>622</a>. <cite>Nauk.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span></p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f623'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r623'>623</a>. <cite>Nauk.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> Pl. XIV. 11.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f624'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r624'>624</a>. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Orient u. frühgr. Kunst</span></cite>, pp. 93–99 (Cyprus for examples with an Oriental
-character, Rhodes for those that are purely Greek). An example found at
-Polledrara (Vulci) comes from a grave (“tomb of Isis,” Montelius, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Civ. Prim.
-en Ital.</span></cite> Sér. B, pl. 266. 3) that contained also a scarab of Psammetichus I and
-is probably to be dated in the second half of the seventh century.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f625'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r625'>625</a>. <cite>Nauk.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> Pls. XVI., XVII. For Pl. XVI. 4 see below, fig. 17.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f626'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r626'>626</a>. <cite>Nauk.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 21; cp. p. 42; but cp. Petrie, <cite>B.S.A.</cite> <span class='fss'>V.</span> p. 41, “I found nothing
-but Egyptian South of Aphrodite.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f627'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r627'>627</a>. Prinz, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Funde aus Nauk.</span></cite> p. 84. Prinz, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> pp. 86–87, regards some of the early
-jars from Naukratis as Ionian, comparing the shapes of painted Ionian jars.
-Whether, as Prinz thinks (<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> p. 13), they prove an early Greek settlement in
-the South quarter is another question.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f628'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r628'>628</a>. For Phoenician remains at Naukratis see <cite>B.S.A.</cite> <span class='fss'>V.</span> p. 49, where they are
-probably overestimated; cp. Prinz, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Funde aus Nauk.</span></cite> p. 102.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f629'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r629'>629</a>. For connecting jars of this sort with Greco-Saite trade cp. perhaps Epiphan.
-<cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Mens. et Pond.</span></cite> 182<em>d</em> <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὁ ἀληθινὸς Σαΐτης ξεστῶν ἐστι κβ</span> (= 44 kotylai).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f630'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r630'>630</a>. For a more modest estimate of early Naukratis see Mallet, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Prem. Étab.</span></cite>
-p. 178. The view of Kahrstedt (Pauly Wissowa, S.V. Herostratos) and Hirschfeld
-(<cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Rhein. Mus.</span></cite> 1887, p. 219) (cp. Endt, <cite>Ion. Vasenmal.</cite> p. 68), that Greek Naukratis
-dates only from 570, is untenable.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f631'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r631'>631</a>. One great gap in the evidence would be filled if ever the site of the Milesians’
-Fort was found and excavated.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f632'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r632'>632</a>. See below, pp. <a href='#Page_122'>122</a>–3.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f633'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r633'>633</a>. Petrie, <cite>Hist. Eg.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> pp. 351–2; <cite>Tanis</cite>, <span class='fss'>II.</span> pp. 51 f.; cp. Mallet, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Prem. Étab.</span></cite>
-pp. 129–130.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f634'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r634'>634</a>. Sharpe, <cite>Hist. Eg.</cite><sup>6</sup> <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 167, thought it directed against Tanis, Mendes and
-Bubastis; but there is nothing to show that Amasis had anything to fear from
-these seats of earlier dynasties in the Eastern part of the Delta.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f635'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r635'>635</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 154; cp. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 30; Diodorus (<span class='fss'>I.</span> 67) dates the foundation of The Camps
-after Psamtek’s victory. The site confirms the date. Daphnae could become the
-military base of the Saite prince only after he had disposed of the dodecarchy
-and was mainly concerned with the Assyrian peril; see Petrie, <cite>Tanis</cite>, <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 48.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f636'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r636'>636</a>. Whether troops were actually transferred from the “Fort” to the “Camp”
-is doubtful. There is little trace of Miletus at Daphnae, where the Greek pottery
-appears to have been mainly from Samos (Fikellura ware, Petrie, <cite>Tanis</cite>, <span class='fss'>II.</span>
-pls. 27, 28) and Clazomenae (Daphnae ware, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> pls. 29–31). The marked differences
-between the pottery finds at Naukratis and Daphnae are now generally
-recognized as being local, not temporal, except in so far as the Daphnae series
-ends earlier. But the fact of these local differences still awaits a satisfactory
-explanation. Cp. above, p. <a href='#Page_115'>115</a>, n. 2.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f637'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r637'>637</a>. Meyer, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ges. d. Alt.</span></cite><sup>1</sup> <span class='fss'>I.</span> 384; cp. Mallet, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Prem. Étab.</span></cite> pp. 43, 80. Mallet, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i>
-pp. 79–80, makes Herodotus’ <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">μάχιμοι</span> a sort of militia, but this hardly suits
-their description as a caste. Egyptian documents do indeed show that, in spite
-of Herodotus <span class='fss'>II.</span> 164, <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 60; Plato, <cite>Tim.</cite> 23–24; Isocr. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Bus.</span></cite> 15–17 (224); Diod.
-<span class='fss'>I.</span> 28, 73–74; Strabo <span class='fss'>XVII.</span> 787; there was no hard caste system in ancient Egypt;
-cp. Wiedemann, <cite>Hdt.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 164; Mallet, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Prem. Étab.</span></cite> p. 411. But the <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">μάχιμοι</span>, though
-not a caste, were plainly a sharply defined class.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f638'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r638'>638</a>. <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Prem. Étab.</span></cite> p. 80.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f639'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r639'>639</a>. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ges. d. Alt.</span></cite><sup>1</sup> <span class='fss'>I.</span> 561.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f640'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r640'>640</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 30; Diod. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 67; Strabo <span class='fss'>XVI.</span> 770 and <span class='fss'>XVII.</span> 786 (where they are said
-to have been still in Ethiopia in the days of the historian); Pliny, <cite>N.H.</cite> <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 35 (30);
-Ptol. <cite>Geog.</cite> <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 7 (Didot, i. p. 783); Hesych. s.v. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Μαχλαίονας</span>. On the authenticity
-of this story see Wiedemann, <cite>Hdt.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 30, pp. 128 f., <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ges. Aeg.</span></cite> pp. 137–8
-(sceptical); Mallet, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Prem. Étab.</span></cite> pp. 77 f. Herodotus says there were 240,000,
-Diodorus over 200,000. These numbers will not now be regarded as sceptically
-as they were in the last century.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f641'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r641'>641</a>. Wiedemann, <cite>Hdt.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 161; Breasted, <cite>Records</cite>, <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 1000, 1001.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f642'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r642'>642</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 169; Diod. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 68; Petrie, <cite>Hist. Eg.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> 351–2; Breasted, <cite>Records</cite>,
-<span class='fss'>IV.</span> 1003.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f643'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r643'>643</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 178.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f644'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r644'>644</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 77; cp. Xen. <cite>Cyrop.</cite> <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 2. 10.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f645'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r645'>645</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 39.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f646'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r646'>646</a>. Maspero, <cite>Passing of the Empires</cite>, p. 645; cp. Plut. <cite>Mor.</cite> 261 (<cite>Mul. Virt.</cite> 25).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f647'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r647'>647</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 180.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f648'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r648'>648</a>. From a demotic chronicle published by E. Revillout, <cite>Proc. Soc. Bib. Arch.</cite>
-<span class='fss'>XIV.</span> (Mar. 1892), pp. 251–4; cp. <cite>Rev. Égyptol.</cite> 1880, p. 60.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f649'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r649'>649</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 159; Hirschfeld, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Rhein. Mus.</span></cite> 1887, p. 219, suggests that the fleet with
-which Necho defeated the Syrians may have owed much to the Milesians’ Fort.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f650'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r650'>650</a>. Cp. Hdt. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 161; Lepsius, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Denkm.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> 274<em>d</em>, <em>e</em>; Roberts, <cite>Gk. Epig.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> 151 f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f651'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r651'>651</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 160; according to Diod. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 95, the appeal was made to Amasis.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f652'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r652'>652</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 163; Diod. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 68.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f653'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r653'>653</a>. Heuzey, <cite>Fig. Ant.</cite> pl. 7. 2; Mallet, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Prem. Étab.</span></cite> fig. 27; Prinz, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Funde aus
-Nauk.</span></cite> p. 107.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f654'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r654'>654</a>. For Amasis and trade cp. Plut. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Sept. Sap. Conv.</span></cite> 6 (<cite>Moral.</cite> 151), <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐκείνῳ γὰρ</span>
-(sc. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Ἀμάσιδι</span>) <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἂν γένοιτο πλέονος ἀξία τῆς ἐμπορίας ἡ παρενθήκη</span>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f655'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r655'>655</a>. Mallet, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Prem. Étab.</span></cite> p. 414.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f656'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r656'>656</a>. Cp. Griffith, <cite>Dem. Pap. Rylands</cite>, <span class='fss'>III.</span> p. 44, n. 5.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f657'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r657'>657</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Ibid.</span></i> p. 201. The word analyses p (article)—san (man, vendor)—mtk.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f658'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r658'>658</a>. Earlier Egyptologists derived the word quite differently, explaining it as
-Libyan (<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">e.g.</span></i> <span class='fss'>V.</span> Stern, <cite>Z. f. Aeg. Spr.</cite> 1883, pp. 24 f. and references, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ad loc.</span></i>) or
-Ethiopian (= son of the Sun), (Brugsch, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ges. Aeg.</span></cite> pp. 731 f., but cp. Wiedemann,
-<cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Aeg. Ges.</span></cite> p. 623). Meyer, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ges. Aeg.</span></cite> p. 363, describes it simply as “not Egyptian,”
-presumably as not occurring before the Saite period. But this is no argument if
-the name was till then extremely plebeian. Petrie rejects “man (vendor of)
-mixing bowls,” as manifestly absurd and analyses P-sam-te-k = the (Egyptian)
-lion’s (Upper Egyptian) son (Ethiopian) the (Ethiopian suffix) (<cite>Hist. Eg.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span>
-p. 320, accepted as probable by How and Wells, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ad Hdt.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 151). He compares
-Shaba-ta-ka (Ethiopian dynasty, 707–693) = wild cat’s son the; but this is no
-parallel for the real difficulty, which is the extraordinary hybrid composition.
-Linguistic hybrids are legion. Our own forefathers enriched Latin with the
-word quicksethedgavit. But so complicated a hybrid as Petrie implies cannot
-be considered seriously without some very solid evidence for really parallel
-monstrosities. Spiegelberg (<cite>Orient. Litt. Zeit.</cite> 1905, p. 560), after arguing convincingly
-against Petrie, accepts “bowl vendor” as a popular etymology, but
-rejects it as the real meaning, “denn kein König wird Mischkrughändler heissen
-wollen.” He explains the word as really meaning “man of the god Mtk”; only
-no such god is known. Even if there were, Spiegelberg’s explanation cuts both
-ways. If, as the evidence has shown, there is a probability that Psammetichus
-I had really been a vendor of something like mixing bowls, and got
-his name from his occupation, some such aristocratic explaining away of the
-plebeian name may perhaps have induced him and his successors to keep it, just
-as Mrs Snooks in one of Wells’ stories became more than reconciled to her
-name after it had been explained as an abbreviation of Sevenoaks and spelt
-accordingly.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f659'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r659'>659</a>. <cite>Dem. Pap. Rylands</cite>, <span class='fss'>III.</span> pp. 44, n. 5: 201, n. 3.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f660'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r660'>660</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Ibid.</span></i> p. 201, n. 3.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f661'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r661'>661</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 151.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f662'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r662'>662</a>. Griffith, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> p. 44, n. 5, quoting Hdt. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 174; cp. Ael. <cite>V.H.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 41; Athen.
-<span class='fss'>VI.</span> 261, <span class='fss'>X.</span> 438.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f663'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r663'>663</a>. There is little evidence for a trade in mixed wine. The ancient Greeks
-habitually drank mixed wine, but the mixing was done at home. In England
-there is no wholesale trade in claret cup. But note Mod. Gk. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">κρασί</span>, = mixture,
-the normal word for wine.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f664'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r664'>664</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Ibid.</span></i> p. 44, n. 5.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f665'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r665'>665</a>. Babelon, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Rev. Num.</span></cite> 1894, pp. 267 f.; Th. Reinach, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">L’Hist. par les Monnaies</span></cite>,
-pp. 32–3; Head, <cite>Hist. Num.</cite><sup>2</sup> p. 643; Macdonald, <cite>Coin Types</cite>, pp. 6–8; Radet,
-<cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Rev. des Univ. du Midi</span></cite>, 1895, p. 120; Busolt, <cite>Gr. G.</cite><sup>2</sup> <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 493.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f666'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r666'>666</a>. Evans in <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Corolla Numismatica</span> B. V. Head</cite>, pp. 363–7; Ridgeway, <cite>Compan.
-Gk. Stud.</cite><sup>3</sup> p. 537.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f667'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r667'>667</a>. <cite>Brit. Mus. Excavations at Ephesus</cite> (1908), chaps. <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, <span class='fss'>V.</span></p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f668'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r668'>668</a>. Three have the <span lang='xld' xml:lang='xld' dir='rtl'>&#x10925;&#x10920;&#x10929;&#x10925;&#x10924;&#x10926;</span> inscription that Six explained as an abbreviation
-of Alyattes’ name, <cite>Num. Chron.</cite> 1890, pp. 203 f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f669'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r669'>669</a>. Babelon, <cite>Origines</cite>, pp. 181 f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f670'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r670'>670</a>. Xen. <em>ap.</em> Poll. <span class='fss'>IX.</span> 83; Hdt. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 94.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f671'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r671'>671</a>. Cp. Th. Reinach, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Hist. par les Monn.</span></cite> p. 32. Cp. also the account of the
-invention of money in <cite>Rep.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 371, where Plato connects it with the rise of
-middlemen.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f672'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r672'>672</a>. See below, p. <a href='#Page_148'>148</a>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f673'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r673'>673</a>. Soph. <cite>Antig.</cite> 1037.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f674'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r674'>674</a>. Strabo <span class='fss'>XIII.</span> 626 (cp. <span class='fss'>XIV.</span> 680); Archilochus, quoted below, p. 134; cp.
-Justin <span class='fss'>I.</span> 7.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f675'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r675'>675</a>. Bacchyl. ed. Jebb, fr. 10 (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Λυδία λίθος μανύει χρυσόν</span>); Theophr. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Lap.</span></cite> 4;
-Pliny, <cite>N.H.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXXIII.</span> 43; Pollux <span class='fss'>VII.</span> 102; Hesych. s.v. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">βασανίτης</span> and <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">χρυσῖτις
-λίθος</span>; cp. Ridgeway, <cite>Num. Chron.</cite> 1895, pp. 104 f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f676'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r676'>676</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 52 f.; cp. Radet, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Lydie</span></cite>, pp. 23 f. and references p. 23, n. 1.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f677'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r677'>677</a>. Radet, pp. 31 f. On the political importance of the great highways of trade
-in Lydia see Radet, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Lydie</span></cite>, pp. 108 (tolls along caravan routes in eighth century
-<span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>, Nic. Dam. <cite>F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> p. 381, fr. 49), 227–8 (ferry tolls levied by the state
-under the dynasty founded by Gyges, and state compensation for damage done
-by the flooding of the waterways, Xanthus, <cite>F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 37, fr. 4).</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>For Sardis as geographically more likely than any coast city to have evolved
-a metal coinage see Radet, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Lydie</span></cite>, p. 156; Th. Reinach, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Hist. par les Monn.</span></cite>
-p. 22. For the contrary view see Babelon, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Rev. Num.</span></cite> 1895, pp. 352 f., <cite>Origines</cite>,
-p. 218.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f678'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r678'>678</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">E.g.</span></i> P. Gardner, <cite>Gold Coinage of Asia</cite>, p. 4, <cite>Hist. Anc. Coin.</cite> p. 69; Brandis,
-<cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Münzwesen</span></cite>, p. 201; cp. also Radet, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Lydie</span></cite>, p. 293.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f679'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r679'>679</a>. Plut. <cite>Apophth. Lac.</cite>, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Agesil.</span></cite> 40 (<cite>Mor.</cite> 211<em>b</em>).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f680'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r680'>680</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 54.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f681'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r681'>681</a>. The fact that 73 out of 87 early electrum coins found recently in the Artemision
-at Ephesus are of types usually assigned to Lydia is thus no argument
-against the usual attribution. Of the rest two are Phocaean, two possibly
-Phocaean, four possibly belong to Cyme, one perhaps to Ephesus, while five
-are quite uncertain. Head, <cite>Brit. Mus. Excav. Ephesus</cite>, pp. 79 f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f682'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r682'>682</a>. F. Lenormant, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Monn. royal. de la Lydie</span></cite>, p. 28, quotes two early electrum
-coins, one <em>obv.</em> striated, <em>rev.</em> three incuses, as found in the Plain of Sardis, the other,
-<em>obv.</em> four petals, <em>rev.</em> one incuse, as found at Nymphi, about 12 miles inland from
-Smyrna. An electrum third (67·6 grains) <em>obv.</em> lion’s head, <em>rev.</em> one incuse,
-<cite>Brit. Mus. Coins, Lydia</cite>, p. 2, no. 4, is said to have been found at Ala Shehr
-(Philadelphia), 30 miles S.E. of Sardis.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f683'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r683'>683</a>. Borrell, <cite>Num. Chron.</cite> <span class='fss'>VI.</span> (1843), p. 156; cp. <cite>Brit. Mus. Coins, Troas</cite>, etc.
-p. lvii.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f684'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r684'>684</a>. <cite>Num. Chron.</cite> 1890, p. 210, n. 69; cp. Babelon, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Rev. Num.</span></cite> 1895, pp. 354 f.,
-<cite>Origines</cite>, pp. 215 f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f685'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r685'>685</a>. <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Rev. Num.</span></cite> 1895, p. 303; <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ib.</span></i> Pl. VI. 3.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f686'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r686'>686</a>. Head, <cite>Brit. Mus. Coins, Ionia</cite>, p. xviii.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f687'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r687'>687</a>. Head, <cite>Hist. Num.</cite><sup>2</sup> p. 643, Ridgeway, <cite>Metal. Curr.</cite> p. 293, and others have
-stated that the 168 gr. standard was in regular use for early electrum, but their
-only evidence appears to be this one coin; cp. Head, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ib.</span></i> p. xl., who notes that no
-divisions of this standard are known in electrum. They are fully represented in
-Lydian gold and silver. Others, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">e.g.</span></i> Radet, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Lydie</span></cite>, p. 233, explain it as a three-quarter
-stater of the Phoenician standard normally employed for Lydian
-electrum, but a three-quarter stater is most unlikely. Nobody has suggested
-that the coin was meant to pass as gold.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f688'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r688'>688</a>. <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Rev. Num.</span></cite> 1895, p. 303.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f689'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r689'>689</a>. Head, <cite>Brit. Mus. Coins of Ionia</cite>, p. xxxviii.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f690'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r690'>690</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Ibid.</span></i> p. 184, nos. 6–11. Babelon himself ascribes three small early silver
-pieces to Miletus (his nos. 18, 23, 39 = Pl. VI. 7, 10, 17). They weigh 1·26 grammes,
-1·75 grammes, 1·10 grammes and are hardly helpful from the metrological
-point of view.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f691'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r691'>691</a>. <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">La Chine et les Chinois</span></cite> (1847), p. 173; this, though he refers <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> to ingots
-of silver mingled with gold dust, called “syce,” of which the literal translation
-is “fine silk.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f692'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r692'>692</a>. See further, Radet, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Lydie</span></cite>, pp. 155 f.; Macdonald, <cite>Coin Types</cite>, pp. 6–8.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f693'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r693'>693</a>. <cite>F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> p. 72, fr. 1; so <cite>Et. Mag.</cite> and <cite>Et. Gud.</cite> s.v. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τύραννος</span>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f694'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r694'>694</a>. Cp. Hippias of Elis, <cite>F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 62; Schol. Aesch. <cite>P.V.</cite> 224; Plut. <cite>Vit.
-Hom.</cite>, Didot <span class='fss'>V.</span> p. 153.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f695'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r695'>695</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 12.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f696'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r696'>696</a>. <em>Ap.</em> Aristot. <cite>Rhet.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> 17 and Plut. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">De Tranqu. An.</span></cite> 10 (<cite>Mor.</cite> 470<em>c</em>). The two
-lines quoted above were not consecutive. Plutarch quotes them thus:</p>
-
-<table class='table2' summary=''>
-<colgroup>
-<col width='25%' />
-<col width='74%' />
-</colgroup>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c009'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c028'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">οὔ μοι τὰ Γύγεω τοῦ πολυχρύσου μέλει</span></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c009'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">καὶ</span></td>
-    <td class='c028'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">οὐδ’ εἷλέ πω με ζῆλος, οὐδ’ ἀγαίομαι</span></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c009'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c028'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">θεῶν ἔργα, μεγάλης δ’ οὐκ ἐρέω τυραννίδος.</span></td>
-  </tr>
-</table>
-
-<p class='c007'>But the <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">καὶ</span> appears to connect two extracts from a single passage. Aristotle,
-who quotes only <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">οὔ μοι τὰ Γύγεω</span>, states that the passage was put by Archilochus
-into the mouth of Charon the carpenter (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τέκτων</span>).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f697'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r697'>697</a>. Cp. <cite>Et. Gud.</cite> quoted above, defended by Radet, pp. 146–8. -<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">αννος</span>, so
-R. S. Conway writes to me, is neither Greek nor Latin, but occurs often in
-Etruscan (= Lydian?) and several times in Lycian: “tyrant” is derived from
-“Tyrrhenian” (= Etruscan) by Philochorus (<em>ap.</em> Schol. Lucian, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Catapl.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>I</span>:
-<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τύραννος εἴρηται ἀπὸ τῶν Τυρρηνῶν&nbsp;... ὥς φησι Φιλόχορος. οἱ οὖν Ἀθήνησι
-ῥήτορες ἔθος ἔχουσι τοὺς βασιλέας τυράννους καλεῖν ἀντὶ τῆς παρ’ αὐτοῖς βίας
-τῶν Τυρρηνῶν</span>: the reference is to the Tyrrhenians of Lemnos and Imbros),
-Tzetzes, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Chil.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 890–1 (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐκ τούτων καὶ τὸ τύραννος ὁμοίως ἐπεκλήθη· βίαιοι
-γὰρ οἱ Τυρρηννοὶ καὶ θηριώδεις ἄγαν</span>), Verrius Flaccus (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la"><em>ap.</em> Festum s.v. turannos,
-ed. Teubner, p. 484, a cuius gentis (sc. Tyrrhenicae) praecipua crudelitate etiam
-tyrannos dictos ait Verrius</span>), and the <cite>Et. Mag.</cite> (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἤτοι ἀπὸ τῶν Τυρσηνῶν· ὠμοὶ
-γὰρ οὗτοι</span>). On Vedic affinities of the word <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τύραννος</span> see Peile, <em>ap.</em> Jebb, <cite>Soph.
-O. T.</cite> p. 5.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f698'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r698'>698</a>. <cite>F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> p. 380.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f699'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r699'>699</a>. Radet, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Lydie</span></cite>, p. 79.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f700'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r700'>700</a>. <cite>F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> pp. 380–1; cp. Steph. Byz. s.v. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Θυεσσός</span>, “<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πόλις Λυδίας&nbsp;... ἀπὸ
-Θυεσσοῦ καπήλου</span>.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f701'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r701'>701</a>. <cite>F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> pp. 381–2. The scene of the story is doubtless Hermocapelia,
-put by Pliny, <cite>N.H.</cite> <span class='fss'>V.</span> 33, in Pergamene territory, by Hierocles 670, Teub. p. 21,
-in the eparchy of Lydia. Schubert, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Könige v. Lydien</span></cite>, p. 20, identifies Thyessos
-with Hermes himself.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f702'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r702'>702</a>. <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Lydie</span></cite>, p. 98.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f703'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r703'>703</a>. Radet, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Lydie</span></cite>, p. 79; <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Rev. des Univ. du Midi</span></cite>, 1895, p. 117.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f704'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r704'>704</a>. Radet, pp. 95 f. and <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Rev. des Univ. du Midi</span></cite>, 1895, pp. 118–9 (foundation
-of Sinope by Milesians, 756 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>, implies knowledge on part of Miletus of great
-eastern caravan routes).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f705'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r705'>705</a>. Heraclides, <cite>F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 216, fr. 11.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f706'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r706'>706</a>. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Rhein. Mus.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XXXV.</span> (1880), p. 520.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f707'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r707'>707</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 7 f.; Plut. <cite>Mor.</cite> 622<em>f</em>; Justin <span class='fss'>I.</span> 7. In Nic. Dam. <cite>F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span>
-pp. 384–5 she does not aid Gyges.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f708'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r708'>708</a>. <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Lydie</span></cite>, p. 134; cp. Nic. Dam. <cite>F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> pp. 396, 397, fr. 63, 65; Ael. <cite>V.H.</cite>
-<span class='fss'>III.</span> 26. The Ephesian connexion is (<em>pace</em> Radet) only attested for the later
-rulers of Gyges’ house. Cp. Gelzer, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Rhein. Mus.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XXXV.</span> p. 521. Cp. too with the
-attempt to poison Cadys the attempt to poison Croesus, Plut. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Pyth. Orac.</span></cite>
-16 (<cite>Mor.</cite> 401).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f709'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r709'>709</a>. Nic. Dam. <cite>F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> p. 397, fr. 65; cp. Ael. <cite>V.H.</cite> <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 27; Hdt. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 92. For
-a different version or phase of the struggle see Plut. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Pyth. Orac.</span></cite> 16 (<cite>Mor.</cite>
-401).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f710'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r710'>710</a>. Babelon, <cite>Origines</cite>, p. 105, calls him a banker, on what authority I cannot
-discover: Nic. Dam. calls him simply <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">εὖ μάλα εὐπόρου</span>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f711'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r711'>711</a>. Note that Sadyattes (<em>ap.</em> Suid. (s.v. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Κροῖσος</span>), Alyattes) bears a royal name,
-and that he is almost certainly the rival <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀντιστασιώτης</span> of Croesus of Hdt. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 92.
-A <em>var. lect.</em> in Nic. Dam. has <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἔπαρχος</span> (governor) instead of <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἔμπορος</span> (merchant).
-Sadyattes may therefore well have been a great noble: but that is no reason,
-<em>pace</em> Gelzer, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Rhein. Mus.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XXXV.</span> 520, for not assigning the chief rôle to his wealth.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f712'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r712'>712</a>. Pp. <a href='#Page_37'>37</a> f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f713'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r713'>713</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 54.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f714'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r714'>714</a>. Poll. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 87, <cite>Brit. Mus. Coins, Lydia</cite>, p. <span class='fss'>XX.</span></p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f715'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r715'>715</a>. Aristot. (?) <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mirab. Ausc.</span></cite> 52 (834<em>a</em>).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f716'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r716'>716</a>. Strabo <span class='fss'>XIII.</span> 626; Justin <span class='fss'>I.</span> 7.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f717'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r717'>717</a>. Strabo, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i>; Hdt. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 92.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f718'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r718'>718</a>. Nic. Dam. <cite>F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> fr. 65 end.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f719'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r719'>719</a>. <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Lydie</span></cite>, p. 242.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f720'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r720'>720</a>. The <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀνὴρ ἐχθρός</span> of Hdt. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 92 is almost certainly the Sadyattes of Nic. Dam.
-See Gelzer, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Rhein. Mus.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XXXV.</span> 520; Schubert, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Könige v. Lydien</span></cite>, p. 61.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f721'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r721'>721</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 88–89; the story is repeated but with the point omitted, Diod. <span class='fss'>IX.</span> 33.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f722'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r722'>722</a>. Cp. Bacchyl. <span class='fss'>III.</span>, the earliest reference to the fall of Lydia, written for
-Hiero of Syracuse in 468 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>, where Croesus is made during the sack of Sardis
-to immolate himself and his family and to be saved by Zeus and carried off by
-Apollo to the land of the Hyperboreans.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f723'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r723'>723</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 93; cp. Hipponax, fr. 5 <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">παρὰ τὸν Ἀττάλεω τύμβον κ.τ.λ.</span>
-(an almost contemporary reference); Strabo <span class='fss'>XIII.</span> 627. For excavations of this
-monument see <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Abh. Preuss. Akad.</span></cite> 1858, pp. 539 f. and Pls. IV. (tomb) and V.
-(pottery from the tomb). The pottery suits very well the period of the Mermnad
-dynasty.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f724'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r724'>724</a>. Radet, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Lydie</span></cite>, p. 226, infers for the time of Croesus corporations of artizans
-(potters, boot-makers, dyers, etc.) such as existed in Lydia in the time of the
-Roman empire, but his suggestion is too speculative to build on.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f725'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r725'>725</a>. Strabo <span class='fss'>XIII.</span> 627; cp. Athen. <span class='fss'>XIII.</span> 573<em>a</em>, “Clearchus in Book <span class='fss'>I.</span> of his
-Erotica says Gyges, king of Lydia,&nbsp;... when (his mistress) died, gathered all the
-Lydians of the land and raised what is called the tomb of the hetaera.” This
-looks like the version preserved by Strabo with details borrowed from Herodotus:
-note that the work is here ascribed to Gyges.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f726'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r726'>726</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 153–4.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f727'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r727'>727</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>VII.</span> 27, 28.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f728'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r728'>728</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>VII.</span> 27, 28; Plut. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Mul. Virt.</span></cite> 27 (<cite>Mor.</cite> 262); Polyaen. <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 42.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f729'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r729'>729</a>. Gelzer, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Rhein. Mus.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XXXV.</span> p. 521.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f730'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r730'>730</a>. How and Wells, <cite>Hdt.</cite> <span class='fss'>VII.</span> 27.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f731'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r731'>731</a>. <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Lydie</span></cite>, pp. 155 f., and particularly pp. 162–3.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f732'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r732'>732</a>. Early in his reign before the Cimmerian invasions (on which see Gelzer,
-<cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Rhein. Mus.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XXX.</span> pp. 256 f.), <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Lydie</span></cite>, p. 166. So Cruchon, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Banques dans l’Antiq.</span></cite>
-pp. 15–16.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f733'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r733'>733</a>. <cite>Monn. dans l’Antiq.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 110; cp. Babelon, <cite>Origines</cite>, pp. 39–40.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f734'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r734'>734</a>. Cp. Babelon, <cite>Origines</cite>, p. 94, quoting Terrien de la Couperie, <cite>Brit. Mus. Cat.
-Chinese Coins</cite>, p. 4, on period before fourth century <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">A.D.</span></span> So also <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> (<cite>Cat.
-Chinese Coins</cite>), p. xlviii. 5. Bonacossi, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">La Chine et les Chinois</span></cite> (1847), pp. 172–3,
-says there is no government mint: the precious metals are formed into ingots
-by private bankers: these ingots bear the name of districts, bankers, etc. To
-the present day Chinese bankers stamp foreign coins with their own countermarks,
-Babelon, <cite>Origines</cite>, pp. 121–2.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f735'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r735'>735</a>. Babelon, <cite>Origines</cite>, pp. 41, 42.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f736'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r736'>736</a>. Babelon, <cite>Origines</cite>, p. 98.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f737'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r737'>737</a>. E. Thomas, <cite>Chron. Pathan Kings Delhi</cite>, p. 344 (cp. E. Thomas, <cite>Anc. Indian
-Weights</cite>, p. 57, n. 4), goldsmiths and merchants struck coins in fourteenth
-century <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">A.D.</span></span>; J. Malcolm, <cite>Mem. Central India</cite>, <span class='fss'>II.</span> 80, similar issues still in 1832
-but with permit from central government; cp. Babelon, <cite>Origines</cite>, p. 95.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f738'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r738'>738</a>. Babelon, <cite>Origines</cite>, p. 83, at Kieff and Novgorod in the Middle Ages ingots
-weighing rouble or multiple stamped, sometimes with name, by merchants,
-bankers or goldsmiths. This practice arose before the Russian government first
-struck coins. On Greek and Roman stamped ingots see Saglio, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Dict. d. Antiq.</span></cite>
-s.v. Metalla, p. 1865; all appear to be centuries later than the invention of money,
-on which accordingly they throw no light.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f739'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r739'>739</a>. Babelon, <cite>Origines</cite>, p. 100; <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">e.g.</span></i> Chalmers’ shillings struck by a goldsmith
-named Chalmers in 1783, numerous private issues in California, 1831–1851, with
-the legend “native gold” or “pure gold” and the name and sometimes address
-of the striker.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f740'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r740'>740</a>. Jevons, <cite>Money</cite><sup>23</sup>, p. 65.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f741'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r741'>741</a>. <cite>Origines</cite>, pp. 110 f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f742'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r742'>742</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Ibid.</span></i> p. 123.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f743'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r743'>743</a>. Head, <cite>Hist. Num.</cite><sup>2</sup> pp. lvii. and 644–5, dates private issues 687–610; P. Gardner,
-<cite>Gold Coinage of Asia</cite>, p. 9, attributes the first state coinage anywhere to
-Croesus, against which view see the whole of the present chapter. Gardner’s own
-objection to his own theory, based on the <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ϝαλϝει</span> coins, is not cogent. Alyattes
-might, of course, have struck coins as a private venture. The late King George
-of Greece traded largely in wine grown on the royal estates, but the wine was in
-no sense a state beverage; cp. also Cruchon, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Banques dans l’Antiq.</span></cite> pp. 11 f. For
-Babelon himself see further <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Rev. Num.</span></cite> 1895, pp. 332–3, on the early electrum coin,
-<em>obv.</em> stag, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">φανος ἐμι σεμα</span>; <em>rev.</em> one oblong incuse between two square, which
-Babelon ascribes to Ephesus and suggests was issued by “one of those rich bankers
-who lent to kings and whose safes were filled with precious metals”; see Hdt. <span class='fss'>VII.</span>
-27–29; but cp. Macdonald, <cite>Coin Types</cite>, p. 51. Against Babelon’s view has been
-urged the fact that his supposed collections of private marks on such coins as our
-fig. 19. <em>a</em> (p. 127) form in each case a single group all stamped together.
-But such a stereotyped grouping on the earliest extant specimens is no argument
-against his explanation of the origin of these curious marks, which on other very
-early coins occur in positions which show them to be counter-stamps: see
-<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">e.g.</span></i> that on the back of the tortoise of our fig. 20. <em>b</em>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f744'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r744'>744</a>. His accession is variously dated 716 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> (Hdt.), 708 (Euphorion), 698
-(African.), 687 (Euseb. Arm. vers.); he was still alive after 660 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> and perhaps
-after 650 (Geo. Smith, <cite>Assurbanipal</cite>, pp. 64–68; cp. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> pp. 341–2, Winckler,
-<cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Altorient. Forsch.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>VI.</span> pp. 474 f., 494 f.).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f745'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r745'>745</a>. The <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Γυγάδας χρυσός</span> of Poll. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 87 and <span class='fss'>VII.</span> 98 was not, <em>pace</em> Radet,
-<cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Lydie</span></cite>, p. 162; <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Rev. d. Univ. du Midi</span></cite>, 1895, p. 119, necessarily or even probably
-coined, but the history of Croesus shows that a king who unquestionably coined
-might yet be famous for his uncoined gold. Archilochus calls Gyges “the golden.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f746'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r746'>746</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 8, 91; cp. Xanthus, <em>ap.</em> Nic. Dam. <cite>F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> fr. 49, p. 383 <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐκέλευσε
-(τὸν Γύγην) μετὰ τῶν δορυφόρων εἶναι</span>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f747'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r747'>747</a>. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Könige von Lydien</span></cite>, p. 30.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f748'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r748'>748</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Ibid.</span></i> p. 34; cp. Athen. <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 231<em>e</em>, “The Delphian dedications of silver and
-gold were started by Gyges the king of the Lydians (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὑπὸ πρώτου Γύγου&nbsp;... ἀνετέθη</span>):
-before his reign the Pythia had neither silver nor gold, as is stated by Phanias
-the Ephesian and Theopompus,” and Hdt. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 13, 14, “he won the throne and was
-confirmed on it by the Delphic oracle”.... “In this way the Mermnadae won the
-tyranny&nbsp;... and Gyges, having become tyrant, sent offerings to Delphi not a few,
-but most of the silver offerings at Delphi are his, and besides the silver he
-offered vast sums of gold.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f749'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r749'>749</a>. “He is dedicating golden bricks to the Pythian as payment for his
-oracles,” Lucian, <cite>Charon</cite>, <span class='fss'>II</span>; Hdt. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 50 f.; “we may suppose that the liberality
-of Croesus was intended to secure the Lacedaemonian alliance through Delphic
-influence,” How and Wells, <cite>Hdt.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> 53 (doubtless in view of Xen. <cite>Cyr.</cite> <span class='fss'>VI.</span>
-2. 11 (news is brought to Cyrus) “that Croesus had sent to Sparta about an
-alliance”); <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">μέγιστα θνατῶν ἐς ἀγαθέαν ἀνέπεμψε Πυθώ (Κροῖσος)</span>, Bacchyl.
-<span class='fss'>III.</span> 61–62.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f750'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r750'>750</a>. Smith, <cite>Assurbanipal</cite>, pp. 64–68.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f751'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r751'>751</a>. <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Lydie</span></cite>, pp. 57 f.; cp. Plut. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Qu. Gr.</span></cite> 45 (<cite>Moral.</cite> 302), “when Gyges revolted
-and made war on him (Candaules)”: cp. also Hdt. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 13, “when the Lydians
-much resented the way Candaules was treated and took up arms.” But Herodotus
-goes on to say that the two factions came to an understanding to refer the
-dispute to Delphi.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f752'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r752'>752</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 14; <cite>F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> Nic. Dam. fr. 62; <span class='fss'>IV.</span> p. 401, fr. 6; Paus. <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 21, 5;
-<span class='fss'>IX.</span> 29, 4; Suid. s.v. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Γύγης</span> and <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Μάγνης</span>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f753'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r753'>753</a>. Radet, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Lydie</span></cite>, p. 214; cp. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ib.</span></i> 243 on the commercial necessities that drove
-Croesus to make war on Cyrus when the Persians, “who are accustomed to make
-no use of markets and have no market at all” (Hdt. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 153), threatened the great
-trade routes of the East.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f754'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r754'>754</a>. Radet, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Lydie</span></cite>, p. 171; cp. Hdt. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 17, on the way Sadyattes and Alyattes
-warred against Miletus, and also Ael. <cite>V.H.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> 26; Polyaen. <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 50 on Croesus’
-war with Ephesus.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f755'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r755'>755</a>. Plut. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Qu. Gr.</span></cite> 45 (<cite>Moral.</cite> 302<em>a</em>): <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἦλθεν Ἄρσηλις ἐκ Μυλέων ἐπίκουρος τῷ
-Γύγῃ μετὰ δυνάμεως, καὶ τὸν Κανδαύλην&nbsp;... διαφθείρει</span>. This notice is “historisch
-wertlos,” Meyer, <cite>G. d. A.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 547, following Duncker, <cite>G. d. A.</cite><sup>5</sup> <span class='fss'>I.</span>
-p. 488, but cp. Gelzer, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Rhein. Mus.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XXXV.</span> p. 528; Schubert, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Könige v.
-Lydien</span></cite>, p. 33; Radet, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Lydie</span></cite>, pp. 124 f., 133 f., 136, n. 2. It is more than a
-coincidence that Carian mercenaries become famous just at this time: cp. Archilochus.
-In Lydia, as in Egypt (pp. 89, 123), mercenaries, in great part Greek,
-play an important part throughout the period of the tyrant dynasty. Croesus
-raised a force of mercenaries before he became king, Nic. Dam. fr. 65, <cite>F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span>
-p. 397; mercenaries fought for Croesus against Cyrus, Hdt. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 77; cp. Radet,
-<cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Lydie</span></cite>, p. 261.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f756'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r756'>756</a>. Nic. Dam. fr. 49; <cite>F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> p. 385.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f757'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r757'>757</a>. <cite>Rep.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 359<em>d</em>; cp. Cic. <cite>de Off.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> 9 (38); Suid. s.v. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Γύγου δακτύλιος</span>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f758'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r758'>758</a>. Nic. Dam. <cite>F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> p. 382; cp. Gelzer, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Rhein. Mus.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XXXV.</span> pp. 515 f.;
-Radet, pp. 80 f.; cp. also Hdt. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 8.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f759'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r759'>759</a>. <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Lydie</span></cite>, pp. 89, 120.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f760'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r760'>760</a>. Cp. below, pp. <a href='#Page_149'>149</a> f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f761'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r761'>761</a>. <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Lydie</span></cite>, p. 224. For Gyges’ invisibility Radet, p. 153, compared that of
-Deiokes the Mede who, when he became king, withdrew himself from the sight
-of his subjects, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὁρᾶσθαι βασιλέα ὑπὸ μηδενός</span>, Hdt. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 99.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f762'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r762'>762</a>. <cite>N.H.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXXIII.</span> 4.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f763'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r763'>763</a>. Gelzer, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Rhein. Mus.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XXX.</span> pp. 256 f. According to Eusebius Midas became
-king in <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> 738.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f764'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r764'>764</a>. Hammer, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Zeits. f. Num.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XXVI.</span> 4; Midas himself worked the mines of
-Mt Bermion, Strabo <span class='fss'>XIV.</span> 680. The fame of the Phrygians as metal workers
-went back to mythical times, see Schol. Ap. Rhod. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 1129, with which cp. Diod.
-<span class='fss'>V.</span> 64; Clem. Alex. <cite>Strom.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 360 (132 edit. Sylburg.).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f765'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r765'>765</a>. Note that Kelainai (the home of the rich Pythes, above, p. <a href='#Page_140'>140</a>), which lies
-in East Phrygia near the source of the Maeander, occupied “a central point
-from which trade routes radiated in every direction. It became a commercial
-junction where goods arriving by caravan routes from the East were packed in
-chests to be forwarded to various sea ports.” These words (Head, <cite>Hist. Num.</cite><sup>2</sup>
-p. 666) refer to Apamea, which, from its occupation, was nicknamed Kibotos
-(Box), but Apamea was only a revised version of Kelainai, which lay on the
-heights above it and was supplanted by the lower city in the time of Antiochus I.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f766'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r766'>766</a>. Ovid, <cite>Met.</cite> <span class='fss'>XI.</span> 100 f.; Hyginus, fab. 191.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f767'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r767'>767</a>. Poll. <span class='fss'>IX.</span> 83; so Heraclides, <cite>F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 216; Radet, p. 160, acutely argues
-from the association here of Cyme and Phrygia that this account associates the
-invention of money with the great caravan route, of which Cyme was the main
-terminus before the rise of the Lydian Mermnadae, about which time it was
-replaced by Ephesus, the Greek city with which the Lydians maintained the
-most friendly terms; cp. Ramsay, <cite>J.H.S.</cite> <span class='fss'>IX.</span> (1888), pp. 350 f., followed by
-S. Reinach, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Chroniques d’Orient</span></cite>, <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 574, Radet, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Lydie</span></cite>, p. 172.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f768'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r768'>768</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 14.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f769'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r769'>769</a>. Polyaen. <span class='fss'>VII.</span> 5 makes Midas secure his throne (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Μίδαν τύραννον ἀνηγόρευσαν</span>)
-“by pretending to celebrate by night rites in honour of the great gods.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f770'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r770'>770</a>. On Midas and the ring see also K. F. Smith, <cite>Amer. Journ. Phil.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXIII.</span> p. 273.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f771'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r771'>771</a>. Aristot. (?) <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mirab. Ausc.</span></cite> 45, 47 (833<em>b</em>).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f772'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r772'>772</a>. Strabo <span class='fss'>XIII.</span> 591, <span class='fss'>XIV.</span> 680. See also Radet, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Lydie</span></cite>, p. 44, on Eurip. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Bacch.</span></cite> 13.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f773'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r773'>773</a>. Strabo <span class='fss'>XIII.</span> 590–1, <span class='fss'>XIV.</span> 680; cp. Xen. <cite>Hell.</cite> <span class='fss'>IV.</span> viii. 37.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f774'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r774'>774</a>. It is not known when the river was first exploited, but an early date may be
-safely assumed. The gold washings of the Phasis are said to have been the
-objective of the Argonauts (Strabo <span class='fss'>XI.</span> 499; cp. Hammer, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Zeits. f. Num.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XXVI.</span>
-p. 4). In Egypt “gold of the water,” <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">i.e.</span></i> river gold, is recorded about 1200 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>
-(Lepsius, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Abh. Berl. Akad.</span></cite> 1871, p. 35). The Pactolus washings went back at
-least some generations beyond Croesus (Strabo <span class='fss'>XIII.</span> 626; cp. Dio Chrys. <cite>Orat.</cite> 78,
-Teubner, p. 280).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f775'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r775'>775</a>. <cite>Don Juan</cite>, <span class='fss'>XII.</span> xii. For Gyges and Aladdin see K. F. Smith, <cite>Amer. Journ.
-Phil.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXIII.</span> p. 271.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f776'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r776'>776</a>. E. Meyer, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ges. d. Alt.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> p 580; cp. Regling <em>ap.</em> Pauly Wissowa s.v. Geld,
-p. 972.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f777'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r777'>777</a>. Ridgeway, <cite>Orig. Metallic Currency</cite>, pp. 35 f., 44, 82, 128, 242, 399 f.;
-Babelon, <cite>Origines</cite>, chap. <span class='fss'>II.</span> The rings appear not to have always a fixed weight,
-but the ring, especially if not closed, is a very convenient form for weighing,
-v. Bergmann, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Num. Zeits.</span></cite> 1872, pp. 172–4.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f778'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r778'>778</a>. Strabo <span class='fss'>XIII.</span> 590, see above, p. 148.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f779'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r779'>779</a>. Genesis <span class='fss'>XXIV.</span> 22; cp. Job <span class='fss'>XLII.</span> 11.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f780'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r780'>780</a>. Macdonald, <cite>Coin Types</cite>, p. 52; cp. Brandis, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Zeits. f. Num.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 55.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f781'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r781'>781</a>. Macdonald, <cite>Coin Types</cite>, p. 46.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f782'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r782'>782</a>. Cp. Diog. Laert. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 2. 9 (from a law of Solon’s), <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">δακτυλιογλύφῳ μὴ ἐξεῖναι
-σφραγῖδα φυλάττειν τοῦ πραθέντος δακτυλίου</span>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f783'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r783'>783</a>. See Macdonald, <cite>Coin Types</cite>, p. 45.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f784'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r784'>784</a>. I incline to the view that the types are in part heraldic (<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">e.g.</span></i> the lion), but
-I see nothing in Macdonald’s arguments to invalidate Ridgeway’s illuminating
-explanation of many early coin types as indicating the previous unit of exchange
-(<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">e.g.</span></i> tunny fish or tortoise shell; cp. Ridgeway, <cite>Cambridge Companion to Greek
-Studies</cite>, § 503).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f785'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r785'>785</a>. Xen. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Vect.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 21, referring to public slaves; Ael. <cite>V.H.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 9 (Samian prisoners
-branded with an owl).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f786'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r786'>786</a>. Photius, <cite>F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 483.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f787'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r787'>787</a>. Plut. <cite>Nikias</cite>, 29, the captive Athenians in 413 were branded on the forehead
-with a horse, but after being branded they were sold as domestic slaves (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">οἰκέται</span>),
-which makes it possible that the branding was an act of simple revenge.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f788'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r788'>788</a>. <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Timbres Amphoriques de Lindos</span></cite>, Copenhagen, 1909.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f789'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r789'>789</a>. <cite>Cic. de Off.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> 38; Lucian, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Nav.</span></cite> 42, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Bis Acc.</span></cite> 21; Philostratus, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Vit. Apoll.</span></cite>
-<span class='fss'>III.</span> 8; Plato, <cite>Rep.</cite> 612<em>b</em>. The version which makes the hero an ancestor of Gyges
-is found in Proclus, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Comm. in Remp.</span></cite> 614<em>b</em> (Teubner, <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 111).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f790'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r790'>790</a>. Pollux <span class='fss'>III.</span> 87, <span class='fss'>VII.</span> 98.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f791'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r791'>791</a>. Babelon, in his account of the origin of money, rightly points out (<cite>Origines</cite>,
-p. 167) that “in general the prince has at his disposal a greater quantity of
-precious metal than any banker or merchant.” This fact does not however
-affect our argument. As Babelon himself goes on to observe, the princes of this
-period, like modern monarchs in the East, “had in reserve in their treasuries
-enormous quantities of gold and silver ingots.” He cites Midas, Alyattes,
-Croesus and Darius as coining according to their various requirements from
-this reserve. But there is a point that Babelon does not touch. What started
-these monarchs coining? If, as Babelon assumes, it was simply the fact that
-the previous private coiners supplied bad coins, the position of coins is on a
-par with that of any other commodity. We might expect to hear of kings who
-became butchers and bakers to ensure their subjects good bread and good
-meat. It is therefore more than doubtful whether the initiative is likely to
-have come generally from the ruling sovereign. To imagine again a popular
-clamour for state control, as is done by Babelon, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> pp. 168–9, is probably
-an anachronism. The platform would be too constructive and original for a
-popular agitation. As a general rule constructive movements begin or at least
-take shape with outstanding individuals. Parallels from later periods, such as
-quoted by Babelon, p. 171, are dangerous. A populace can of course clamour
-for the restoration of lost rights and advantages, that of a state coinage among
-the rest. In the days that we are considering no precedents could be quoted
-for a state currency. On the other hand, the situation as conceived either by
-Babelon or myself implies outstanding individuals in the mercantile class. It
-is surely among these that it is most natural to look for the beginnings alike
-of a state coinage and of the new statesmanship that sprang up with it. This
-need not, of course, imply that occasionally a monarch of the old regime did
-not grasp the situation and himself institute a state coinage. Pheidon of Argos
-is a case in point.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f792'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r792'>792</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 127.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f793'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r793'>793</a>. See below, pp. <a href='#Page_156'>156</a>–158.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f794'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r794'>794</a>. Aristot. <cite>Pol.</cite> <span class='fss'>VII.</span> (<span class='fss'>V.</span>), 1310<em>b</em>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f795'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r795'>795</a>. <cite>J.H.S.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXVI.</span> p. 140. Note that in later times Pheidon was regarded as a
-typical miser, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">οἱ λοιποὶ τῶν Ἀθήνησι νεοπλούτων Φείδωνός τε εἰσι καὶ Γνίφωνος
-μικροπρεπέστεροι</span>, Alciphron, <span class='fss'>III.</span> 34, where, however, the statement may be an
-inference from the name.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f796'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r796'>796</a>. Strabo <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 376, “Ephorus says that in Aegina money was first coined by
-Pheidon”; <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Marm. Par.</span></cite> (Jacoby) under 895 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> “Pheidon the Argive&nbsp;... made
-a silver coinage in Aegina (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀφ’ οὗ Φείδων ὁ Ἀργεῖος ἐδήμευσε τὰ μέτρα καὶ
-σταθμὰ κατεσκεύασε καὶ νόμισμα ἀργυροῦν ἐν Αἰγίνῃ ἐποίησεν</span>)”: <cite>Et. Mag.</cite>
-s.v. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὀβελίσκος</span>, “the first of all men to strike a coinage was Pheidon the
-Argive in Aegina”; Eustath. <cite>Comm. Iliad.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 562, “silver was first coined
-by Pheidias (<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">sic</span></i>) there (sc. in Aegina).” So, but with no mention of Aegina, and
-an implication of other metals besides silver, Strabo <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 358, “and he (sc. Pheidon)
-invented the measures called Pheidonian, and weights, and a stamped
-coinage, particularly that in silver,” and Pollux <span class='fss'>IX.</span> 83, “whether Pheidon the
-Argive was first to strike money or Demodike of Cyme when married to Midas
-of Phrygia or Erichthonios and Lykos or the Lydians or the Naxians.” Aelian,
-<cite>V.H.</cite> <span class='fss'>XII.</span> 10, in a list of Aeginetan achievements mentions their invention of
-money: he has no occasion to mention Pheidon but rather the reverse, so that
-no conclusion can be drawn from the omission of the name.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f797'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r797'>797</a>. For Aegina as the first place in Greece to coin see Pindar, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Isthm.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>IV.</span> (<span class='fss'>V.</span>), 1–3:</p>
-
-<div class='lg-container-b c016'>
-  <div class='linegroup'>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Μᾶτερ Ἀελίου πολυώνυμε Θεία</span></div>
-      <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">σέο γ’ ἕκατι καὶ μεγασθενῆ νόμισαν</span></div>
-      <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">χρυσὸν ἄνθρωποι περιώσιον ἄλλων.</span></div>
-    </div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c007'>The statement of the <cite>Et. Mag.</cite> s.v. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Εὐβοικὸν νόμισμα</span> that “Pheidon king of
-Argos struck a gold coinage in Euboea, a place in Argos,” is manifestly a hopeless
-confusion. For the Aeginetan tortoise as the coin of the Peloponnesus see
-Pollux <span class='fss'>IX.</span> 74.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f798'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r798'>798</a>. <cite>Pace</cite> Macan, Hdt. <span class='fss'>IV.-VI.</span>, vol. <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 382. See <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">e.g.</span></i> Hill, <cite>Hist. Greek Coins</cite>, p. 4;
-Regling <em>ap.</em> Pauly Wissowa s.v. Geld, p. 975; about the middle of the seventh
-century, Head, <cite>Hist. Num.</cite><sup>2</sup> p. 394; rather after than before 650, Willers, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Roem.
-Kupferpräg.</span></cite> pp. 8–9, Svoronos, <cite>J. I. d’A. N.</cite> <span class='fss'>V.</span> p. 44; about 620 Earle Fox,
-<cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Corolla Num.</span> B. V. Head</cite>, pp. 40, 46; there is no specific evidence either way, but
-the earlier date seems much more probable, particularly since the discovery of
-the Cretan and Cyprian dumps and the coins from Ephesus discussed in the
-preceding chapter.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f799'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r799'>799</a>. Satyrus, fr. 21, <cite>F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> p. 165; Marm. Par. <cite>F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> pp. 546–7. Theopompus
-(<em>ap.</em> Diod. <span class='fss'>VII.</span> fr. 17 and Syncellus, <cite>F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 283) makes Pheidon
-sixth from Temenos, but this may be due to the accidental omission of a name.
-For fifth century pedigrees of the royal house of Macedon see Hdt. <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 137–9.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f800'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r800'>800</a>. Busolt, <cite>Gr. G.</cite><sup>2</sup> <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 616.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f801'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r801'>801</a>. On Karanos see also Justin <span class='fss'>VII.</span> 1. How and Wells, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ad</span></i> Hdt. <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 127, refer
-wrongly to Theopompus as making Karanos a brother of Pheidon.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f802'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r802'>802</a>. Hence the date 894 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> assigned to Pheidon by the Parian Marble.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f803'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r803'>803</a>. Strabo <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 358; cp. Paus. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 19. 2.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f804'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r804'>804</a>. <cite>Pindar, Nem.</cite> p. 255.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f805'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r805'>805</a>. See further Busolt, <cite>Gr. G.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span><sup>2</sup> p. 619, n. 2, and text. Long pedigrees are not
-in any case infallible material for arriving at a precise date. There is always <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">e.g.</span></i>
-the possibility that here and there a son who died before his father may have
-been left out of the list. A pedigree of the house of Hanover might easily omit
-Frederic the father of George III, as is in fact done by Thackeray, who, in
-chapter <span class='fss'>XXX.</span> of the <cite>Virginians</cite>, speaks of Queen Victoria’s great grandfather,
-meaning George II.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f806'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r806'>806</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 127.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f807'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r807'>807</a>. Cp. Schol. Pindar, <cite>Ol.</cite> <span class='fss'>XIII.</span> 17, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">παῖδας εἶπεν&nbsp;... ὡς ἀπογόνους</span>. The usage is
-poetical, and if accepted here might point to a poetical source for the Agariste
-story.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f808'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r808'>808</a>. Bury, <cite>Pindar, Nem.</cite> pp. 255–6. Bury’s arguments are scarcely affected by
-the question (Macan, <cite>Hdt.</cite> <span class='fss'>IV.-VI.</span>, vol. <span class='fss'>I.</span> <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ad</span></i> <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 127. 11; cp. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ad</span></i> <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 127. 2)
-whether an Argive and Dorian suitor for Agariste is conceivable.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f809'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r809'>809</a>. <em>Ap.</em> Gercke u. Norden, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Einleit. i. d. Altertumsw.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> pp. 80–105.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f810'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r810'>810</a>. See below, p. <a href='#Page_159'>159</a>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f811'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r811'>811</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 113.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f812'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r812'>812</a>. Paus. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 19. 2.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f813'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r813'>813</a>. Beloch, <cite>Gr. G.</cite><sup>2</sup> <span class='fss'>I.</span> ii. pp. 193 f., following Wyttenbach: see Hitzig and Bluemner,
-<cite>Paus.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 19. 2.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f814'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r814'>814</a>. He is perhaps to be equated also with the luxurious Lakydes, king of Argos,
-of Plut. <cite>Mor.</cite> 89<em>e</em>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f815'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r815'>815</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>VII.</span> 149.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f816'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r816'>816</a>. Cp. Paus. <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 35. 2, Damocratidas, king during the second Messenian war
-who does not appear in Theopompus’ list. Plut., <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Fort. Alex.</span></cite> 8 (<cite>Mor.</cite> 340<em>c</em>),
-actually declares that the Heraclid royal family became extinct, and that a
-certain Aegon was indicated by the oracle to succeed them. Of this dynastic
-change there is no hint in Theopompus. Modern sceptics again, distrusting every
-statement about Pheidon not contained in Hdt. <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 127, have doubted Pheidon’s
-royal descent, regarding it as an invention of Theopompus, beyond whom it
-cannot be traced. But if we assume that Theopompus glorified Pheidon to please
-the Macedonian royal family, we must suppose that the latter were anxious from
-the beginning to have their connexion with Pheidon brought into prominence,
-which would hardly have been the case if Pheidon had been regarded as an
-upstart; cp. Hdt. <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 137.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f817'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r817'>817</a>. Paus. <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 22. 2.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f818'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r818'>818</a>. First suggested by Falconer, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ad</span></i> Strab. <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 355, and first fully discussed
-by Weissenborn, <cite>Hellen</cite>, pp. 18 f.; accepted by Busolt, Bury, and Macan,
-and by many earlier scholars, see E. Curtius, <cite>Gr. G.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span><sup>6</sup> p. 660, n. 72.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f819'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r819'>819</a>. Paus. <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 22. 2.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f820'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r820'>820</a>. Strabo <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 355.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f821'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r821'>821</a>. Unger, <cite>Philol.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXVIII.</span> (1869), pp. 399 f., followed by Duncker, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ges. d. Alt.</span></cite>
-<span class='fss'>V.</span><sup>5</sup> p. 546; Holm, <cite>Hist. Greece</cite> (Eng. trans.), <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 213; Reinach, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">L’Hist. par les
-Monnaies</span></cite>, p. 35; Radet, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Rev. Univ. du Midi</span></cite>, 1895, pp. 120–1; P. Gardner,
-<cite>Earliest Coins of Greece Proper</cite>, p. 7; and very tentatively by Head, <cite>Hist. Num.</cite><sup>2</sup>
-p. xliv.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f822'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r822'>822</a>. <cite>Philol.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXVIII.</span> pp. 401 f.; Euseb. <cite>Chron.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> 33, Olymp. 28, “the Eleians
-being occupied through their war against the Dymaeans.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f823'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r823'>823</a>. Strabo <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 358.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f824'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r824'>824</a>. <cite>J.H.S.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> pp. 164–178.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f825'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r825'>825</a>. Busolt, <cite>Gr. G.</cite><sup>2</sup> <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 586.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f826'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r826'>826</a>. Plut. <cite>Numa</cite>, 1.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f827'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r827'>827</a>. C. Mueller, <cite><span lang="co" xml:lang="co">Aeginetica</span></cite>, p. 58, ignored by Jacoby, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Marm. Par.</span></cite> (1904),
-pp. 158–162.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f828'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r828'>828</a>. See further, Bury, <cite>Pindar, Nemeans</cite>, pp. 253–4, and <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> Bury’s discussion
-of the tyrants’ connexions with the great games.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f829'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r829'>829</a>. Ridgeway, <cite>Orig. Met. Curr.</cite> p. 216.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f830'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r830'>830</a>. Svoronos, <cite>J. I. d’A. N.</cite> <span class='fss'>V.</span> (1902), p. 44: their other main mint was at Alexandria.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f831'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r831'>831</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">E.g.</span></i> Head, <cite>Hist. Num.</cite><sup>2</sup> pp. xliv, 394–5; G. F. Hill, <cite>Hist. Greek Coins</cite>, p. 4;
-cp. Babelon, <cite>Origines</cite>, pp. 211–3; Earle Fox, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Corolla Numis.</span> B. V. Head</cite>, p. 34.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f832'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r832'>832</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">E.g.</span></i> Th. Reinach, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Rev. Num.</span></cite> 1894, pp. 2–3; P. Gardner, <cite>Earliest Coins
-Greece Proper</cite>, p. 8; F. Cauer <em>ap.</em> Pauly Wissowa s.v. Argolis, p. 733; Macan,
-<cite>Hdt.</cite> <span class='fss'>IV.-VI.</span> vol. <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 382; How and Wells, <cite>Hdt.</cite> vol. <span class='fss'>II.</span> pp. 117–8.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f833'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r833'>833</a>. Lehmann-Haupt, <cite>Hermes</cite>, <span class='fss'>XXVII.</span> (1892), p. 557; Beloch, <cite>Gr. G.</cite><sup>2</sup> <span class='fss'>I.</span> ii.
-p. 196.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f834'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r834'>834</a>. Plut. <cite>Lys.</cite> 17; Pollux <span class='fss'>VII.</span> 105; <span class='fss'>IX.</span> 77–8; cp. Plut. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Fab. Max.</span></cite> 27; Hdt.
-<span class='fss'>II.</span> 135; and perhaps Caes. <cite>B.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>V.</span> 12 (reading “taleis” as against “anulis”).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f835'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r835'>835</a>. Jevons, <cite>Money</cite><sup>23</sup>, p. 28.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f836'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r836'>836</a>. See Homolle <em>ap.</em> Saglio, <cite>Dict. Ant.</cite> s.v. donarium, pp. 374, n. 155 and 378.
-It is hardly surprising (<em>pace</em> Th. Reinach, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Rev. Num.</span></cite> 1894, p. 5) that no instance
-there quoted is contemporary with the first recorded event in Greek history.
-Nor is Reinach’s psychology sound when he maintains (<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i>) that giving
-away what one no longer needs is an action that by its sentimental or archaeological
-character betrays a rather recent epoch. Reinach, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Rev. Num.</span></cite> 1894,
-pp. 1–8, notes that the ancients often kept in their temples samples of
-weights and measures and quotes examples from Athens, Delos, Lebadea, Rome
-(see also Homolle <em>ap.</em> Saglio, <cite>Dict. Ant.</cite> s.v. donarium, n. 176), whereas there is
-no other certain instance of the dedication of a disused currency (Paus. <span class='fss'>X.</span> 14. 1,
-dedication at Delphi of double axes by Periklytos of Tenedos, is so interpreted
-by Babelon, <cite>Origines</cite>, pp. 75 f., 208, but see Regling <em>ap.</em> Pauly Wissowa s.v.
-Geld, p. 974 and references <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> Coins have been found in temples superscribed
-<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀνάθεμα</span> (dedication) and <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἱαρόν</span> (sacred), Babelon, <cite>Origines</cite>, p. 208, but these
-may be nearer in intention to the modern offertory than to Pheidon’s reputed
-dedication). He therefore maintains that the <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὀβελίσκοι</span> were not called in by
-Pheidon, but first issued by him: Pheidon’s invention thus becomes something
-that happened in Argos not in Aegina, and must be put back at least into
-the eighth century. Reinach accordingly dates the tyrant eighth Olympiad
-(748 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>). His conjecture only carries weight if that is regarded as the most
-probable date for Pheidon, against which see above, pp. 159–160.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f837'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r837'>837</a>. Svoronos, <cite>J. I. d’A. N.</cite> <span class='fss'>IX.</span> (1906), pls. <span class='fss'>X.-XII.</span> For connecting iron spits
-with the coinage at Argos cp. perhaps the Argive iron coins of usual shape and
-type, Koehler, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ath. Mitt.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>VII.</span> pp. 1–7, dating, however, only from the fourth
-century <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span></p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f838'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r838'>838</a>. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Tiryns</span></cite>, <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 114. It does not follow simply from this that they were demonetized
-offerings, and not standard samples. Spits on the new standard may
-have circulated concurrently with the new silver coinage. In Thebes and
-Sparta very heavy iron spits were used as currency as late as the fourth century,
-Plut. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Fab. Max.</span></cite> 27; <cite>Lysand.</cite> 17. On the other hand the spits published by
-de Cou in the <cite>Argive Heraeum</cite> (vol. <span class='fss'>II.</span> pp. 300–323, pls. <span class='fss'>CXXVII.-CXXXII.</span>; cp.
-vol. <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 63), appear to be mainly of the Geometric period, and discountenance
-the view that a spit currency was instituted by Pheidon and went on after
-him.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f839'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r839'>839</a>. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 82–89.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f840'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r840'>840</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 83; cp. <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 46 and Paus. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 29. 5.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f841'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r841'>841</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 83. “The thalassocracy might be local and relative to Epidaurus,”
-Macan, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ad loc.</span></i></p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f842'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r842'>842</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 88.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f843'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r843'>843</a>. Hence too, <em>pace</em> How and Wells, it is improbable that the Argives who helped
-Aegina were merely mercenaries.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f844'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r844'>844</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 84.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f845'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r845'>845</a>. Cp. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐκ τόσου</span>, Hdt. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 88 (89), and Macan, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ad loc.</span></i></p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f846'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r846'>846</a>. Macan, <cite>Hdt. IV-VI.</cite> vol. <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 106; cp. How and Wells, <cite>Hdt.</cite> <span class='fss'>V.</span> 86. 4; so
-C. Mueller, <cite><span lang="co" xml:lang="co">Aeginetica</span></cite>, p. 73 (“coniectura satis uaga”), <cite>F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 481;
-Duncker, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ges. d. Alt.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>IV.</span><sup>1</sup> p. 312, n. 1; Helbig, <cite>Homer. Epos.</cite><sup>2</sup> p. 162; Hirschfeld
-<em>ap.</em> Pauly Wissowa s.v. Aigina, p. 966; Amelung, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> s.v. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">χιτών</span>, p. 2327;
-Studniczka, <cite>Altgr. Tracht</cite>, p. 4; Abrahams, <cite>Gk. Dress</cite>, p. 39.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f847'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r847'>847</a>. Macan, <cite>Hdt. IV-VI.</cite> vol. <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 106, successful war with Megara, conquest
-of Salamis, new coinage, development of trade and commerce, patronage of
-Delos.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f848'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r848'>848</a>. <cite>Pace</cite> Duncker, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ges. d. Alt.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>VI.</span><sup>5</sup> p. 52.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f849'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r849'>849</a>. How and Wells, <cite>Hdt.</cite> <span class='fss'>V.</span> 84. 1.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f850'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r850'>850</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 87.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f851'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r851'>851</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 61; Aristot. <cite>Ath. Pol.</cite> 17; cp. Hdt. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 94; Plut. <cite>Cato Mai.</cite> 24.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f852'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r852'>852</a>. Studniczka, <cite>Altgr. Tracht</cite>, p. 4.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f853'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r853'>853</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 50–52; Her. Pont. <em>ap.</em> Diog. Laert. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 7. 1; Paus. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 28. 8; Athen.
-<span class='fss'>XIII.</span> 589 f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f854'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r854'>854</a>. His father-in-law is said to have perished in the second Messenian war;
-cp. Diog. Laert. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 7. 1 with Strabo <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 362; Paus. <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 17. 2, 22. 7.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f855'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r855'>855</a>. <cite><span lang="co" xml:lang="co">Aeginetica</span></cite>, pp. 63–73.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f856'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r856'>856</a>. Plut. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Pyth. Or.</span></cite> 19 (<cite>Moral.</cite> 403). Neither Plutarch’s story nor Mueller’s
-inference is confirmed by the fact that the story of the wooing of Procles’
-daughter is quoted by Athenaeus <span class='fss'>XIII.</span> 589 f. from “Pythaenetus in his third
-book about Aegina.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f857'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r857'>857</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 88; cp. Athen. <span class='fss'>XI.</span> 502<em>c</em>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f858'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r858'>858</a>. This fact is obscured by Hoppin’s translation of the passage, <cite>Argive Heraeum</cite>
-<span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 175, who renders <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τῶν θεῶν τούτων</span> “<em>their</em> gods,” <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἱρόν</span> “temples,” and
-omits <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">αὐτόθι</span>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f859'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r859'>859</a>. Macan, <cite>Hdt. IV.-VI.</cite> <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ad loc.</span></i>; cp. How and Wells, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ad loc.</span></i></p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f860'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r860'>860</a>. Below, Appendix B.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f861'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r861'>861</a>. Cp. its continuation, if continuation it was, under the tyrants. For Athens
-with no fleet about 650 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> see B. Keil, <cite>Solon. Verfass.</cite> p. 94. For Athens and
-Mitylene, E. Meyer, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ges. d. Alt.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> sect. 402, n.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f862'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r862'>862</a>. E. Meyer, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> sect. 403 n.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f863'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r863'>863</a>. Plut. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Exil.</span></cite> 10 (<cite>Moral.</cite> 603) (Cyclades settled first by the sons of Minos,
-later by those of Kodros and Neilos); Plut. <cite>Solon</cite>, 26 (Aipeia in Cyprus founded
-by a son of Theseus).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f864'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r864'>864</a>. Bacchyl. <span class='fss'>XVI.</span>; cp. Paus. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 17. 3. Theseus fetches the ring to prove himself
-a true son of Poseidon, and brings with it a crown.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f865'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r865'>865</a>. Perrot et Chipiez, <span class='fss'>X.</span> pl. ix.; Buschor, <cite>Gr. Vasenmal.</cite><sup>1</sup> fig. 113.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f866'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r866'>866</a>. S. Reinach, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Cultes, Mythes, et Relig.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 218. Theseus’ connexion with
-Troezen, Paus. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 27. 7, points to the Athens of the period as powerful in the
-Saronic Gulf.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f867'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r867'>867</a>. <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Rev. Arch.</span></cite><sup>3</sup> <span class='fss'>XXV.</span> (1894), pp. 14–15. Add <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Arch. Eph.</span></cite> 1898, pl. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 1
-(Eleusis).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f868'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r868'>868</a>. <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mém. Acad. Inscr. et B.-L.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XXXVI.</span> (1898), p. 390.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f869'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r869'>869</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Ibid.</span></i> p. 421, based on Brueckner and Pernice, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ath. Mitt.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XVIII.</span> (1893),
-p. 153. For further discussion of this naval question see below, Appendix C.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f870'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r870'>870</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">E.g.</span></i> Lady Evans, <cite>Greek Dress</cite>, pp. 24 and 29; cp. p. 28: Studniczka, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ges.
-Altgr. Tracht</span></cite>, pp. 13, 29; Helbig, <cite>Epos.</cite><sup>2</sup> pp. 162–163.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f871'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r871'>871</a>. See below, Appendix D.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f872'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r872'>872</a>. A paper on this subject is being prepared by my wife.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f873'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r873'>873</a>. Plut. <cite>Sol.</cite> 21.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f874'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r874'>874</a>. Bury, <cite>Hist. Greece</cite><sup>2</sup>, p. 174.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f875'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r875'>875</a>. Cp. the 346 iron brooches (peronai) in the extant (fifth century) inventory
-of this temple, Furtwaengler, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Berl. Phil. Woch.</span></cite> 1901, pp. 1004–5, 1597–9.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f876'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r876'>876</a>. Rings, pp. 35, 394; ear-rings, p. 35; fibulae (but not with pins), p. 42. Add
-<cite>Brit. Mus. Cat. Jewellery</cite>, early Greek fibula no. 1089 (Rhodes); Furtwaengler,
-<cite>Winckelmannspr.</cite> 1883, pp. 5–10, archaic Greek gold ornaments found at
-Vetterfeld, all apparently weighing some multiple of the Attic drachma. On the
-whole question of ring money, see above, chapter <span class='fss'>V</span>, p. 148. Ridgeway is criticized
-by Svoronos, <cite>J. I. d’A. N.</cite> <span class='fss'>IX.</span> p. 184, who, however, admits the main fact that
-“goldsmiths habitually make their ornaments from a specific weight of metal in
-agreement with the prevalent standard of weight.” We must of course beware
-of arguing from the practice of places like modern Nigeria, where the native
-jewellers are in the habit of making up rings and other objects out of coins
-supplied for the purpose by their customers, see <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">e.g.</span></i> J. W. Scott Macfie, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Rev.
-d’Ethn. et de Sociol.</span></cite> 1912, p. 282.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f877'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r877'>877</a>. As in Aristot. <cite>Ath. Pol.</cite> 10, “the increase of the <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">μέτρα</span> and of the <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">σταθμοί</span>.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f878'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r878'>878</a>. Pheidon’s invention is described by Pliny, <cite>N.H.</cite> <span class='fss'>VII.</span> 57 as concerning
-“mensuras et pondera.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f879'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r879'>879</a>. Suid. s.v.; Harpocrat. s.v.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f880'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r880'>880</a>. Cp. the Delos inventory.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f881'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r881'>881</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">E.g.</span></i> (didrachms), <cite>J. I. d’A. N.</cite> 1912, pp. 17, 18, nos. 1727, 1728, 1732 (12·06,
-12·14, 12·26); <cite>Hermes</cite>, <span class='fss'>XXVII.</span> p. 558 (13·44); cp. Head, <cite>Hist. Num.</cite><sup>2</sup> p. xlv.
-Note, however, Willers, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Roem. Kupf.</span></cite> p. 9, in Brit. Mus. 38, very archaic weigh
-11·713; 20 more advanced weigh 12·266.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f882'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r882'>882</a>. P. Gardner, <cite>Hist. of Anc. Coinage</cite>, p. 152.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f883'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r883'>883</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">E.g.</span></i> <cite>J. I. d’A. N.</cite> 1912, pp. 1, 3, drachmae nos. 1038, 1044, 1083, 1093
-(3·60, 4·12, 4·10, 3·95), didrachms nos. 1042, 1043 (8·48, 8·20).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f884'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r884'>884</a>. Of the weights found at Naukratis, Petrie, <cite>Naukratis</cite>, <span class='fss'>I.</span> pp. 83–4, 87, notes
-that the earliest Aeginetan are the heaviest, the earliest Attic the lightest.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f885'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r885'>885</a>. According to Pollux <span class='fss'>IX.</span> 76, the Aeginetan drachma contained ten Attic
-obols, and was thus a little <em>more</em> than half as heavy again as the Attic drachma,
-which contained six Attic obols. This statement is not easily explained. It is
-doubtful what period it refers to.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f886'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r886'>886</a>. Ridgeway, <cite>Metallic Currency</cite>, pp. 219–228; cp. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> 307, 311, and <cite>J.H.S.</cite>
-<span class='fss'>VIII.</span> (1887), pp. 140 f.; cp. also, Head, <cite>Hist. Num.</cite><sup>2</sup> p. 395.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f887'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r887'>887</a>. For the gradual rise in value of silver, see Reinach, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Hist. par les Monnaies</span></cite>,
-pp. 72–3; in 438 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> gold was to silver as 14 : 1, in 408 as 12 : 1, in 356 as 10 : 1.
-For the fall in weight of the Attic silver pieces struck on the gold standard,
-cp. the fall from the Homeric gold talent of 135 grains to the Persian gold Daric
-of 130 grains, Ridgeway, <cite>Met. Curr.</cite> p. 126.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f888'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r888'>888</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 127; cp. Pliny, <cite>N.H.</cite> <span class='fss'>VII.</span> 57. 7; Euseb. <cite>Chron.</cite> anno Abrahami
-1201; Jerome, anno Abrahami 1198.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f889'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r889'>889</a>. Pollux <span class='fss'>IX.</span> 74.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f890'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r890'>890</a>. Koehler, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Rhein. Mus.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XLVI.</span> (1891), p. 3.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f891'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r891'>891</a>. Wilamowitz, <cite>Aristot. u. Athen.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> pp. 280–288; so E. Meyer, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ges. d. Alt.</span></cite>
-<span class='fss'>II.</span> sect. 341 n. (p. 538).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f892'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r892'>892</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 87–93.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f893'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r893'>893</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Ibid.</span></i> <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 92.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f894'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r894'>894</a>. Cp. Soph. <cite>O.T.</cite> 1269; Eurip. <cite>Hec.</cite> 1170.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f895'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r895'>895</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 92, <span class='fss'>IX.</span> 73–5.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f896'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r896'>896</a>. Thuc. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 41; cp. the inscription <em>ap.</em> Koehler, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Rhein. Mus.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XLVI.</span> (1891),
-p. 5, n. 1.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f897'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r897'>897</a>. Macan, <cite>Hdt. IV-VI.</cite> vol. <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 103.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f898'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r898'>898</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Ibid.</span></i> p. 106.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f899'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r899'>899</a>. Cp. Macan, <cite>Hdt. IV-VI.</cite> vol. <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 107.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f900'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r900'>900</a>. Pollux <span class='fss'>IX.</span> 76.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f901'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r901'>901</a>. Strabo <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 358.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f902'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r902'>902</a>. Above, pp. 162–4.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f903'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r903'>903</a>. <em>Ap.</em> Strabo <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 358.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f904'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r904'>904</a>. Plato, <cite>Laws</cite>, <span class='fss'>III.</span> 683<em>c-d</em>; Diod. <span class='fss'>VII.</span> 13.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f905'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r905'>905</a>. Strabo <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 389; Paus. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 29. 5, <span class='fss'>VII.</span> 4. 2; cp. Hdt. <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 46, but contrast
-Schol. Pind. <cite>Ol.</cite> <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 39, “a certain Triakon of Argos settled Aegina.” Mueller,
-<cite><span lang="co" xml:lang="co">Aeginetica</span></cite>, p. 67 reconciles the two versions by stating that Deiophontes, “per
-Triaconem Aeginam occupaverat.” Triakon appears in Tzetzes, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Chil.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>VII.</span> 133
-(ll. 317, 319) as developing Aeginetan shipping after Aeacus:</p>
-
-<div class='lg-container-b c016'>
-  <div class='linegroup'>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὁ Αἰακὸς κατάρξας δὲ ποιεῖν αὐτοῖς ὁλκάδας</span></div>
-      <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὥσπερ καὶ μετὰ θάνατον τοῦ Αἰακοῦ Τριάκων.</span></div>
-    </div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f906'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r906'>906</a>. The troubles that led up to the war had begun with a refusal of the Epidaurians
-to make their annual payment to Athens, Hdt. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 82, 84.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f907'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r907'>907</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 82.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f908'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r908'>908</a>. Strabo <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 358.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f909'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r909'>909</a>. Paus. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 24. 7.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f910'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r910'>910</a>. C. Mueller, <cite><span lang="co" xml:lang="co">Aeginetica</span></cite>, p. 53.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f911'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r911'>911</a>. Strabo <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 362; Paus. <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 14. 8, 15. 1, 7, 17. 7. Beloch and his followers,
-<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">e.g.</span></i> Costanzi, <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Riv. Stor. Ant.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>V.</span> p. 522, follow their general practice and post-date
-the war.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f912'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r912'>912</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 47.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f913'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r913'>913</a>. Thuc. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 13.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f914'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r914'>914</a>. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">παγὰς ἀργυρορίζους</span>, Stesich. fr. 4 (5). The river is the Baetis (Guadalquivir).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f915'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r915'>915</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 152. For Aeginetan aspirations towards the Spanish Eldorado,
-see perhaps Pindar, <cite>Nem.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> 21, <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 69.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f916'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r916'>916</a>. C. Mueller, <cite><span lang="co" xml:lang="co">Aeginetica</span></cite>, p. 73.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f917'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r917'>917</a>. <cite>F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 481. Duris makes the Spartans take the place of the Argives,
-and the hapless Athenian is blinded before being put to death. Duris, however,
-is plainly based on Herodotus: Spartans are substituted for Argives as the
-enemies of Athens under fifth century influence, and a little archaeology is
-thrown in, borrowed perhaps from Thucydides, <span class='fss'>I.</span> 6. The position of the story
-in the narrative of Duris might indicate his view (not necessarily correct) as
-to its date, but we know only that it occurred in the second book of his Horae
-(Schol. Eurip. <cite>Hec.</cite> 915, where the fragment is preserved, “<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐν τῷ ιβ τῶν Ὡρῶν</span>”;
-“recte procul dubio Hullemanus <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐν τῷ β</span>,” <cite>F.H.G.</cite> <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ad loc.</span></i>), which mentioned
-events of the sixth century, and may have dealt with the seventh also.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f918'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r918'>918</a>. Paus. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 6. 7, 7. 1, 13. 1; cp. Strabo <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 389.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f919'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r919'>919</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 67, war of Cleisthenes, the third tyrant of the family, with Argos,
-and his device for inducing the Argive hero Adrastus, who was buried in Sicyon,
-to quit the city.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f920'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r920'>920</a>. Paus. <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 15. 1, 23. 4. This is firmer evidence, <em>pace</em> Hicks, <cite>Cambridge Comp.
-Greek Stud.</cite><sup>1</sup> p. 58, n. 3, than Plut. <cite>Moral.</cite> 194 (<cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Reg. et Imp. Apoph.</span></cite>), where
-Epaminondas, speaking in 369 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>, declares “that he had refounded Messene
-after an interval of 230 years.” Plutarch may equally well be used as evidence
-that the extinction of archaic Messene did not synchronize with the end of the
-second Messenian war.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f921'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r921'>921</a>. Paus. <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 15. 7, 17. 7.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f922'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r922'>922</a>. Cp. Paus. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 6. 7, 7. 1: “Phalkes, son of Temenos with his Dorians seized
-Sicyon,”&nbsp;... “from that time the Sicyonians became Dorians and formed part
-of Argolis.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f923'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r923'>923</a>. For its lapse in the interval see references below, p. 183, n. 3. On the
-tyranny at Sicyon, see below, chapter <span class='fss'>IX.</span></p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f924'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r924'>924</a>. Strabo <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 389, cp. 369, 335; Ptol. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 14. 33, 34.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f925'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r925'>925</a>. <cite>Il.</cite> <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 152, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἔστι πόλις Ἐφύρη μυχῷ Ἄργεος ἱπποβότοιο</span>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f926'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r926'>926</a>. Paus. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 1. 1.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f927'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r927'>927</a>. Paus. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 4. 2 (trans. Frazer). “Like every attentive reader of Homer, I am
-persuaded that Bellerophon was not an independent monarch, but a vassal of
-Proetus, king of Argos. Even after Bellerophon had migrated to Lycia, the
-Corinthians are known to have been still subject to the lords of Argos or Mycenae.
-Again, in the army which attacked Troy, the Corinthian contingent was not
-commanded by a general of its own, but was brigaded with the Mycenaean and
-other troops commanded by Agamemnon.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f928'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r928'>928</a>. Apollodorus <span class='fss'>II.</span> 8. 4.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f929'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r929'>929</a>. Plut. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Amat. Narr.</span></cite> B (<cite>Moral.</cite> 772); Schol. <em>ap.</em> Rhod. <cite>Arg.</cite> <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 1212; see also
-Diod. <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 10; Alex. Aetol. <cite>Anth. Lyr.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> 208; Max. Tyr. (ed. Teubner), <span class='fss'>XVIII.</span>:
-cp. Wilisch, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahrb. Class. Phil.</span></cite> 1876, pp. 586 f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f930'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r930'>930</a>. Cleisthenes, the tyrant of Sicyon, regarded with particular favour one of
-his daughter’s suitors, “because he was related by descent to the Cypselids of
-Corinth,” Hdt. <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 128 (quoted by Grote in this connexion). For friendship between
-Corinth and Sicyon at this time, see perhaps also Nic. Dam. <cite>F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> p. 395;
-cp. Wilisch, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Goett. Gel. Anz.</span></cite> 1880, <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 1195.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f931'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r931'>931</a>. Thuc. <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 3, 4; Thucydides must be preferred to Strabo <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 269, 267, who
-says the first Greek cities in Sicily included Syracuse, and were founded in the
-tenth generation after the Trojan wars (<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">i.e.</span></i> about 800 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>, E. Meyer, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ges. d. Alt.</span></cite>
-<span class='fss'>II.</span> sect. 302 n.).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f932'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r932'>932</a>. Jacoby, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Marm. Par.</span></cite> p. 158.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f933'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r933'>933</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Ibid.</span></i> <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ad loc.</span></i></p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f934'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r934'>934</a>. See perhaps Plato, <cite>Laws</cite>, 690<em>d-e</em>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f935'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r935'>935</a>. Aristot. <cite>Pol.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 1265<em>b</em>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f936'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r936'>936</a>. Schol. Pind. <cite>Ol.</cite> <span class='fss'>XIII.</span> 20.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f937'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r937'>937</a>. <cite>Ad</cite> <cite>Ol.</cite> <span class='fss'>XIII.</span> 27.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f938'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r938'>938</a>. A quotation at length is needed to illustrate our authority’s mentality.
-He explains <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τίς γὰρ ἱππείοις ἐν ἔντεσσιν μέτρα ἐπέθηκε</span>, <cite>Ol.</cite> <span class='fss'>XIII.</span> 27, thus:
-“by gear he is meaning quarts and bushels owing to their hollowness&nbsp;... now of
-this gear for measures he says that the Corinthians were the inventors. But
-why did he call them equestrian? Because Pheidon, who first struck their
-measures for the Corinthians, was an Argive, and the poets call Argos equestrian:
-Eurip. (<cite>I.T.</cite> 700), ‘when to Hellas and to equestrian Argos thou dost come’.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f939'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r939'>939</a>. Justin <span class='fss'>VII.</span> 1; cp. above, p. 156.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f940'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r940'>940</a>. Strabo <span class='fss'>VII.</span> 326.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f941'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r941'>941</a>. For the lot of Temenos having been really dissipated, see Paus. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 26. 2,
-28. 3; <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 27. 1; <span class='fss'>II.</span> 36. 5; <span class='fss'>III.</span> 7. 4; <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 8. 3, 14. 3, 34. 9.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f942'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r942'>942</a>. <cite>F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> p. 378, fr. 41.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f943'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r943'>943</a>. The Argive tyrant’s overlordship in Corinth is accepted, but put into the
-eighth century by Unger, <cite>Philol.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXVIII.</span> pp. 399 f., <span class='fss'>XXIX.</span> pp. 245 f., and Wilisch,
-<cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Neue Jahrb.</span></cite> 1876, pp. 585 f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f944'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r944'>944</a>. Svoronos, <cite>J. I. d’A. N.</cite> <span class='fss'>V.</span> p. 42 states that some of the earliest “tortoises”
-are bad money (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">κίβδηλα</span>), and suggests that Pheidon debased the coinage when
-his prosperity began to diminish towards the end of his reign. This suggestion
-has no direct confirmation, but it harmonizes with what is known of the fall
-of the tyranny in other places, notably Athens, where it coincides with the loss
-of the Paionian mines, and Rome, where Tarquin fell, “exhaustus munificentia
-publicorum operum.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f945'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r945'>945</a>. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 13.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f946'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r946'>946</a>. Cp. Livy <span class='fss'>XXXIII.</span> 32; Val. Max. <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 8. 5; Aristid. <cite>Isthmic.</cite> p. 102.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f947'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r947'>947</a>. Thuc. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 13; cp. Strabo <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 378.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f948'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r948'>948</a>. cp. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">δυνατωτέρας γενομένης τῆς Ἑλλάδος καὶ τῶν χρημάτων τὴν κτῆσιν ἔτι
-μᾶλλον ποιουμένης τυραννίδες ἐν ταῖς πόλεσι καθίσταντο, τῶν προσόδων
-μειζόνων γιγνομένων</span> with <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">οἱ Κορίνθιοι&nbsp;... χρήμασί τε δυνατοὶ ἦσαν&nbsp;... καὶ ἐμπόριον&nbsp;...; παρέχοντες δυνατὴν ἔσχον χρημάτων προσόδῳ τὴν πόλιν</span>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f949'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r949'>949</a>. Cp. perhaps the tradition which makes the artist Butades migrate from
-(proto-Corinthian?) Sicyon to Corinth. Pliny, <cite>N.H.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXXV.</span> 43 (12).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f950'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r950'>950</a>. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Pliny, <cite>N.H.</cite> <span class='fss'>VII.</span> 57 (56), figlinas (inuenit) Coroebus Atheniensis, in iis orbem
-Anarcharsis Scythes, ut alii Hyperbius Corinthius. Schol. Pind. <cite>Ol.</cite> <span class='fss'>XIII.</span> 27</span>
-(on achievements of Corinthians), <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Δίδυμος δέ φησι δηλοῦσθαι τὸν κεραμεικὸν
-τρόχον ἐκ μεταφορᾶς</span>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f951'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r951'>951</a>. Birch, <cite>Hist. Pott.</cite> p. 185. For Corinthian textiles see Barth, <cite>Corinth. Comm.</cite>
-pp. 22 f. quoting Athen. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 27<em>d</em>, <span class='fss'>XII.</span> 525<em>d</em>., <span class='fss'>XIII.</span> 582d, Aristoph. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Ranae</span></cite> 440. For
-general industrial activities see Strabo 382, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">γραφική τε καὶ πλαστικὴ καὶ πᾶσα
-ἡ τοιαύτη δημιουργία</span>; Oros. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 3, officina omnium artificum atque artificiorum.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f952'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r952'>952</a>. From recent excavations of the American School. I am indebted for the
-photograph to Miss A. Walker.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f953'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r953'>953</a>. Cp. below, p. 242.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f954'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r954'>954</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">E.g.</span></i> 79 vases in one grave in Rhodes, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahrb.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> 144.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f955'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r955'>955</a>. <cite>Gr. G.</cite><sup>2</sup> <span class='fss'>I.</span> 459, n. 6.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f956'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r956'>956</a>. See for instance the story of Demaratus and Tarquinii, discussed in the
-chapter on Rome.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f957'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r957'>957</a>. Bluemner, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Gewerb. Tätig.</span></cite> 35–37; Wilisch, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahrb. Gym. Zittau</span></cite>, 1901, p. 7.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f958'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r958'>958</a>. Gyges used the Corinthian treasury at Delphi (Hdt. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 14). Periander sent
-slaves to Alyattes (Hdt. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 49).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f959'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r959'>959</a>. The revolts from Corinth of Corcyra and Megara are also associated by
-Busolt (<cite>Lakedaim.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> 200) with the rise of Cypselus. If they helped it, it was
-probably by discrediting the ruling Bacchiads.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f960'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r960'>960</a>. <cite>Gr. G.</cite><sup>2</sup> <span class='fss'>I.</span> 627 (where “seventh” century is a misprint for “sixth”; cp. p. 651);
-cp. p. 499 and Wilisch, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahrb. Gym. Zittau</span></cite>, 1901, p. 25.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f961'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r961'>961</a>. <cite>Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Corinth</cite>, p. xviii; <cite>Hist. Num.</cite><sup>2</sup> <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ad loc.</span></i></p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f962'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r962'>962</a>. <cite>Earliest Coins Greece Proper</cite>, pp. 22 f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f963'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r963'>963</a>. Aristot. <cite>Pol.</cite> <span class='fss'>VII.</span> (<span class='fss'>V.</span>), 1315<em>b</em>; Nic. Dam. <cite>F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> p. 392.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f964'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r964'>964</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 92. 21.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f965'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r965'>965</a>. For full references see Busolt, <cite>Gr. G.</cite><sup>2</sup> <span class='fss'>I.</span> pp. 642–3.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f966'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r966'>966</a>. Strabo <span class='fss'>X.</span> 452; cp. Busolt, <cite>Gr. G.</cite><sup>2</sup> <span class='fss'>I.</span> 642, who quotes also Strabo <span class='fss'>I.</span> 59,
-Polyb. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 5. 12.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f967'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r967'>967</a>. Aristot. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Oecon.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 1346<em>a-b</em>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f968'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r968'>968</a>. Suid. s.v. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Κυψελιδῶν ἀναθήματα</span>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f969'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r969'>969</a>. Cp. Knapp, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Korrespondenz-Bl. Gelehrt-Schulen Wuerttembergs</span></cite>, 1888, p. 120,
-n. 1, who compares fourteenth century Italian tyrants.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f970'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r970'>970</a>. Plut. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Ei ap. Delph.</span></cite> 3 (<cite>Moral.</cite> 385); Dio Chrys. <span class='fss'>XXXVII.</span> 456M (103 R);
-Plato, <cite>Ep.</cite> 2. The unfriendly Nic. Dam. <cite>F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> p. 393, quotes this view,
-but adds <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τὸ δὲ οὐκ ἦν</span>; cp. Plato, <cite>Rep.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> 336; <cite>Protag.</cite> 343<em>a</em>. Appian (<cite>bell. Mithr.</cite>
-28) does not mention Periander, but accepts his claim: “of the seven sages so
-called all who engaged in active life ruled and tyrannized more savagely than
-the normal tyrant (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὠμότερον τῶν ἰδιωτικῶν τυράννων</span>).”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f971'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r971'>971</a>. “Periander first changed the government (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πρῶτος μετέστησε τὴν ἀρχήν</span>),”
-Heraclides, <cite>F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 213; “Periander, the son of Cypselus king of Corinth,
-received the kingdom by inheritance from his father and out of savagery and
-violence turned it into a tyranny,” Nic. Dam. <cite>F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> p. 393; “they say that
-Periander the Corinthian was originally popular (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">δημοτικόν</span>), but afterwards
-changed his policy and became tyrannical,” Greg. Cypr. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 30 = Leutsch,
-<cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Paroem. Gr.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 89; cp. (almost the same words) Schol. <cite>Hipp. Maj.</cite> 304 E;
-cp. also Diog. Laert. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 7. 5. Hdt. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 92. 23 regards Periander’s early mildness
-as a change from Cypselus, but his account is frankly anti-Cypselid.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f972'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r972'>972</a>. “Cypselus was a demagogue and throughout his reign remained without
-a bodyguard: but Periander proved tyrannical but warlike,” Aristot. <cite>Pol.</cite>
-<span class='fss'>VII.</span> (<span class='fss'>V.</span>), 1315<em>b</em>, where Cypselus’ alleged demagogism is probably only a late
-inference from a genuine tradition that he was not a soldier: see chap <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 31.
-The passages quoted in the last note from Heraclides and Nicolaus go on at
-once to mention that Periander instituted an armed bodyguard, and Nicolaus
-adds that “he made repeated campaigns and was warlike.” This statement
-may be accepted though the context of the last passage shows that the picture
-of the tyrannical Periander is influenced by the conception of the tyrant as a
-military despot prevalent since Aristotle (see chap. <span class='fss'>I.</span> pp. 28 f.). The maxim <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">καλὸν
-ἡσυχία</span> (peace is a good thing) is attributed to Periander by Diog. Laert. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 7. 4,
-but such utterances are notoriously quite consistent with the most aggressive
-military policy.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f973'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r973'>973</a>. Nic. Dam. <cite>F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> p. 393 (a son of Periander founded Potidaea); cp. How
-and Wells, <cite>Hdt.</cite> vol. <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 341 on Potidaea and Epidamnus (founded 626 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>
-Euseb.; cp. Thuc. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 24) as controlling the great road from Durazzo to Salonika.
-The road traversed the land of the Lynkestai, whose kings claimed Corinthian
-descent, Strabo <span class='fss'>VII.</span> 326.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f974'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r974'>974</a>. Heraclides, <cite>F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 213.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f975'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r975'>975</a>. Nic. Dam. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i></p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f976'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r976'>976</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 92; Aristot. <cite>Pol.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> 1284<em>a</em>, <span class='fss'>VII.</span> (<span class='fss'>V.</span>), 1311<em>a</em>; Dion. Hal. <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 56.
-Myres, <cite>J.H.S.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXVI.</span> pp. 110 f. makes Periander an active partner in the Milesian
-thalassocracy, which he dates at this period. Reasons for not accepting Myres on
-the Milesian thalassocracy are suggested in the chapter on Egypt, but his account
-of Periander’s naval support of Thrasybulus is valuable and convincing. Myres
-quotes the story of Arion and his wonderful adventure with the pirates and the
-dolphins on the Corinthian merchant ship that was bearing him to Periander’s
-court, Hdt. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 23–4; Plut. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Sept. Sap. Conv.</span></cite> 18 f. (<cite>Moral.</cite> 161).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f977'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r977'>977</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 48, 49; Nic. Dam. <cite>F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> pp. 393–4; Plut. <cite>de Mal. Hdt.</cite> 22, 23
-(<cite>Moral.</cite> 859–861); Diog. Laert. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 7. 2. Hence Movers, <cite>Phoen.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> iii. 109, calls
-Periander a slave dealer; so also Wilisch, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Gœtt. Gel. Anz.</span></cite> 1880, p. 1202, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahrb.
-Gym. Zittau</span></cite>, 1901, p. 22, n. 9, who refers also to Hdt. <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 105 (on Panionios
-the Chian who in the early part of the fifth century “made his living” by
-mutilating boys whom “he took and sold at Sardis and Ephesus for great sums”).
-Wilisch infers also, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> p. 22, from the <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἱερόδουλοι</span> or consecrated prostitutes
-of the Corinthian temple of Aphrodite, an import from Asia to Corinth of female
-slaves: see Athen. <span class='fss'>XIII.</span> 573; Strabo <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 378 and perhaps 347. This view is
-not necessarily contradicted by Heraclides, who declares (<cite>F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 213)
-that Periander drowned all the procuresses in the city (Steinmetz however
-reads <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀπέδυσε</span>, stripped). Heraclides is not indeed discredited by the fact that
-Athenaeus <span class='fss'>X.</span> 443<em>a</em>, makes not only Periander but also Cleomenes or Cleomis
-tyrant of Methymna dispose of loose women in this Napoleonic way. The double
-assignation decides neither whether the story is true or false nor which way went
-the borrowing. But Wilisch and Heraclides may both be right. A tyrant who
-traded in prostitutes might yet be most severe on unlicensed prostitution.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f978'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r978'>978</a>. Busolt, <cite>Gr. G.</cite><sup>2</sup> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 466.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f979'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r979'>979</a>. See below, pp. 212–4.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f980'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r980'>980</a>. Diog. Laert. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 7. 6; cp. E. Curtius, <cite>Pelop.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> 13; Gerster, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Isthme de Corinthe</span></cite>,<a id='t191'></a>
-<cite>B.C.H.</cite> <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> (1884), pp. 225 f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f981'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r981'>981</a>. Cp. the epitaph, Diog. Laert. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 7. 3,</p>
-
-<div class='lg-container-b c016'>
-  <div class='linegroup'>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πλούτου καὶ σοφίης πρύτανιν πατρὶς ἥδε Κόρινθος</span></div>
-      <div class='line in4'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">κόλποις ἀγχίαλος γῆ Περίανδρον ἔχει.</span></div>
-    </div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f982'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r982'>982</a>. <cite>F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> p. 393; cp. Heraclides, <cite>F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 213, “putting a complete
-stop to the acquisition of slaves and to luxury.” These statements are treated
-sceptically by Busolt, <cite>Gr. G.</cite><sup>2</sup> <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 646 (mainly on the dangerous ground that
-Periander’s behaviour is too typical to be true), and by Poehlmann, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Grundr.
-Gr. G.</span></cite><sup>1</sup> 62, <sup>4</sup>79, but accepted or defended by Knapp, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> p. 119; Duncker,
-<cite>G. d. A.</cite> <span class='fss'>VI.</span><sup>5</sup> 63; Wilisch, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahrb. Gym. Zittau</span></cite>, 1901, p. 17; cp. p. 12; Meyer, <cite>G. d. A.</cite>
-<span class='fss'>II.</span> 621; Beloch, <cite>Gr. G.</cite><sup>2</sup> <span class='fss'>I.</span> i. p. 270. These writers mainly explain the measures
-as intended to protect small home industries against large slave factories (so
-Busolt, <cite>Lakedaim.</cite> p. 201). Porzio, <cite>Cipselidi</cite>, p. 235, n., rightly points out that
-the authors who preserve this notice did not so understand it, but wrongly
-maintains that this fact is fatal to the explanation. Porzio’s own explanation
-(that the Cypselids’ taxation led to discontent which endangered the tyrants
-whose “main care was therefore to empty the city by forcing their subjects to
-live solitary and scattered in the country,” <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> p. 236) runs counter to the facts,
-which show that cities increased under the tyranny.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f983'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r983'>983</a>. <cite>F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 213.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f984'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r984'>984</a>. Diog. Laert. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 7. 5.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f985'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r985'>985</a>. Cp. Wilisch, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahrb. Gym. Zittau</span></cite>, 1901, p. 13, “promotion of home industries,
-attitude towards slave labour, introduction of the coinage, these were the main
-questions for the government of the Cypselids, especially Periander”; so Busolt,
-<cite>Lakedaim.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> 202, 211.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f986'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r986'>986</a>. Strabo <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 378; cp. Barth, <cite>Corinth. Comm.</cite> p. 14. Strabo calls the Bacchiads
-tyrants, probably in the later sense of bad despotic rulers. Note, however, that
-he associates their “tyranny” with great wealth and commercial connexions.
-“The Bacchiads too became tyrants, and being wealthy and many and of distinguished
-family for some two hundred years they held rule and exploited the
-market with impunity. These Cypselus put down and himself became tyrant....
-Of the wealth associated with this house there is evidence in the dedication of
-Cypselus at Olympia, a hammered gold statue of large size.” Busolt, <cite>Lakedaim.</cite>
-<span class='fss'>I.</span> 201–3, thinks that the Bacchiads had the industry of Corinth in their own
-hands, and that they employed in it numerous slaves who proved irresistible
-competitors to the crowd of <i><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">petit bourgeois</span></i>, and that Cypselus made himself
-tyrant by putting himself at the head of the latter. Servile competition was put
-out of the way when Cypselus had made himself tyrant, and the working classes
-of the citizen population were occupied in numerous public works. Busolt
-rightly recognizes the commercial element in Cypselus’ power, but the evidence
-is all against a highly organized servile industry at this early date; in Corinth
-itself the legislation against servile labour is attributed to Periander, and the
-date of the legislation is a good indication of the date at which servile labour
-first seriously threatened free; the exploiting of the market by the Bacchiads
-is not evidence for commercial undertakings on the part of the Bacchiads,
-but rather of their having held aloof from commerce.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f987'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r987'>987</a>. This suggestion is quite consistent with the vague statement of Aelian,
-<cite>V.H.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> 19, that they fell “through immoderate luxury” (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">διὰ τρυφὴν τὴν ἔξω
-τοῦ μέτρου</span>).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f988'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r988'>988</a>. Busolt, <cite>Gr. G.</cite><sup>2</sup> <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 637; E. Meyer, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Rhein. Mus.</span></cite> 1887, p. 91.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f989'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r989'>989</a>. <cite>Et. Mag.</cite> <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">βλαισός· ὁ τοὺς πόδας ἐπὶ τὰ ἔξω διεστραμμένος καὶ τῷ Λ
-στοιχείῳ ἐοικώς· διὰ τοῦτο καὶ Λάμβδα ἐκαλεῖτο ἡ γυνὴ μὲν Ἠετίωνος μήτηρ δὲ
-Κυψέλου τοῦ Κορίνθου τυράννου</span>. Knapp, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> p. 33, notes that Bacchis,
-ancestor of the Bacchiads, was also lame, Heraclid. <cite>F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 212.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f990'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r990'>990</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 92. 7.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f991'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r991'>991</a>. Paus. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 4. 4; cp. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 18. 7.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f992'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r992'>992</a>. <cite>Hdt.</cite> <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ad loc.</span></i></p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f993'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r993'>993</a>. Thuc. <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 42. His family lived at Petra, Hdt. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 92. 7, which has led Knapp,
-<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> pp. 33–34, n. 5, to compare Cypselus with the Paladin Roland who was
-son of Charlemagne’s sister Bertha and a poor knight named Milo. Roland was
-born among the rocks and was called Roland because he rolled across the cave
-in which he was born.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f994'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r994'>994</a>. <cite>F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> pp. 391–2.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f995'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r995'>995</a>. <cite>Gr. G.</cite><sup>2</sup> <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 636, n. 2.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f996'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r996'>996</a>. Cp. Schubring, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Cypselo</span></cite> (Goettingen, 1862), pp. 62 f.; Wilisch, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Goett. Gel.
-Anz.</span></cite> 1880, p. 1198.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f997'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r997'>997</a>. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Goett. Gel. Anz.</span></cite> 1880, pp. 1196–1197.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f998'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r998'>998</a>. Wilisch, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Goett. Gel. Anz.</span></cite> 1880, p. 1197; Knapp, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> p. 115; Busolt, <cite>Gr. G.</cite><sup>2</sup>
-<span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 637, quoting Ar. <cite>Pol.</cite> <span class='fss'>VII.</span> (<span class='fss'>V.</span>), 1310<em>b</em>, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Κύψελος ἐκ δημαγωγίας</span>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f999'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r999'>999</a>. <cite>Gr. G.</cite><sup>2</sup> <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 637. So more recently Porzio, <cite>Cipselidi</cite>, p. 180, who thinks the
-Ephorean version a mere amplification of Herodotus. In uncritical incredulity
-Porzio rivals Pais (see <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">e.g.</span></i> <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> pp. 164–5 and cp. below, pp. 236 f.).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1000'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1000'>1000</a>. Cp. Wilisch, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Goett. Gel. Anz.</span></cite> 1880, pp. 1198–9, quoting Plut. <cite>de Mal. Hdt.</cite>
-22 (<cite>Moral.</cite> 860), Strabo <span class='fss'>XIII.</span> 600.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1001'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1001'>1001</a>. Wilisch, <cite>Eumelus</cite> (Zittau, 1875). The <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Κορινθιακὰ</span> were known to Theopompus
-(<em>b.</em> 380 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>, quoted eight lines, Tzetz. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ad Lyc.</span></cite> 174) and Apollonius
-Rhodius (<em>b.</em> 265 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>, used them for his <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Argonautica</span></cite>). To judge from slight
-extant fragments they dealt with the mythical period. But even so they may
-well, when complete, have contained material for eighth century Corinthian
-history. They were not known to Pausanias in the original; Paus. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 1. 1.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1002'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1002'>1002</a>. Tzetzes, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ad Lyc.</span></cite> 174; Schol. Pind. <cite>Ol.</cite> <span class='fss'>XIII.</span> 74.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1003'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1003'>1003</a>. Paus. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 1. 1. Groddech and Wilisch think the <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">συγγραφὴ</span> a prose précis of
-the <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἔπη</span>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1004'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1004'>1004</a>. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὑποθήκας εἰς ἔπη δισχίλια</span>, Diog. Laert. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 7. 4; cp. Suid. s.v. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Περίανδρος·
-ὑποθήκας εἰς τὸν ἀνθρώπειον βίον, ἔπη δισχίλια</span>. The maxims quoted by
-Diogenes as from this work are utterly commonplace, but they might none the
-less be derived from a poem or collection as valuable as that of Theognis.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1005'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1005'>1005</a>. Plut. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Sept. Sap. Conviv.</span></cite> 21 (<cite>Moral.</cite> 163).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1006'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1006'>1006</a>. Porzio, <cite>Cipselidi</cite>, p. 195.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1007'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1007'>1007</a>. Diog. Laert. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 7. 1.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1008'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1008'>1008</a>. On the family of Cypselus see above, p. 193. The accounts make it on
-the father’s side older than that of the ruling Bacchiads.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1009'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1009'>1009</a>. Cp. Wilisch, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Goett. Gel. Anz.</span></cite> 1880, p. 1198, Knapp, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> p. 41 (who realizes
-that ancient lists of Corinthian magistrates may have survived till the days of
-Ephorus and been used by him).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1010'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1010'>1010</a>. Polemarch was a common title (Knapp, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> p. 39). The duties of the
-office varied and were by no means always military: see Schubring, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Cyps.</span></cite>
-pp. 62–63, quoting Sparta, Athens, Boeotia, Aetolia (Polyb. <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 18. 2).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1011'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1011'>1011</a>. Aristot. <cite>Pol.</cite> <span class='fss'>VII.</span> (<span class='fss'>V.</span>), 1315<em>b</em>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1012'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1012'>1012</a>. <cite>de Cypselo</cite>, p. 64.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1013'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1013'>1013</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 92.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1014'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1014'>1014</a>. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Sept. Sap. Conv.</span></cite> 21 (<cite>Moral.</cite> 163–4). Periander’s court poet Chersias (above,
-p. 195) tells of Cypselus “whom those who were sent to destroy him when a new
-born child refrained from slaying because he smiled on them. And afterwards
-they repented and sought for him, but did not find him, since he had been put
-away by his mother in a cypsele.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1015'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1015'>1015</a>. As is done by Porzio, <cite>Cipselidi</cite>, p. 198.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1016'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1016'>1016</a>. Sayce, <cite>Encyc. Brit.</cite><sup>11</sup> s.v. Babylonia and Assyria, p. 103; Maspero, <cite>Hist.
-Anc.</cite><sup>5</sup> pp. 157–8.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1017'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1017'>1017</a>. For other parallels cp. Bauer, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Sitz. Ak. Wiss. Wien</span></cite>, vol. 100 (1882), pp. 553
-(German), 557 (Indian).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1018'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1018'>1018</a>. The fact that Cypselus smiled before being put in his cypsele while Moses
-cried when left in his ark hardly proves the identity of the legends, <em>pace</em> Knapp,
-<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> 1888, p. 32, n. 1.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1019'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1019'>1019</a>. As also in those quoted by Bauer, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Sitz. Ak. Wiss. Wien</span></cite>, vol. 100, pp. 553, 557.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1020'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1020'>1020</a>. Paus. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 17. 5.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1021'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1021'>1021</a>. Note <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">e.g.</span></i> the human-legged centaurs, the winged Artemis, and the misreadings
-by Pausanias of inscriptions plainly in the archaic Corinthian alphabet
-(with its <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">σὰν κίβδηλον ἀνθρώποις</span>), Paus. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 19. 7, 19. 5; Stuart Jones, <cite>J.H.S.</cite>
-<span class='fss'>XIV.</span> p. 40.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1022'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1022'>1022</a>. <cite>Phaedrus</cite>, 236<em>b</em> and schol. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ad loc.</span></i></p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1023'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1023'>1023</a>. <cite>Pol.</cite> <span class='fss'>VII.</span> (<span class='fss'>V</span>.) 1313<em>b</em>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1024'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1024'>1024</a>. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Sept. Sap. Conv.</span></cite> 21 (<cite>Moral.</cite> 164), “and found him not, since he had been
-put into a cypsele by his mother. Wherefore Cypselus built his house at Delphi.”
-The omission here is particularly striking. Plutarch, living in Boeotia, has a
-reason for referring to offerings at Delphi rather than at Olympia: but the
-counter-motive for quoting Olympia would surely have been stronger still if
-Plutarch had believed that the actual cypsele was there.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1025'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1025'>1025</a>. <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 353, 378. No other dedications by Cypselus are mentioned.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1026'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1026'>1026</a>. <cite>Or.</cite> <span class='fss'>XI.</span> 163 M. (325 R.).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1027'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1027'>1027</a>. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 17. 5.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1028'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1028'>1028</a>. So Hitzig, <cite>Pausan.</cite> <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">loc. cit.</span></i> (vol. <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 396); Schubring, <cite>de Cyps.</cite> p. 26 f.; Overbeck,
-<cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Abh. Saechs. Ges. Wiss.</span></cite> 1865, p. 611. The equation of cypsele with coffer was
-accepted without question by many scholars of the last century, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">e.g.</span></i> Preller,
-<cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. Zeit.</span></cite> 1854, p. 297; Klein, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Sitz. Ak. Wiss. Wien</span></cite>, <span class='fss'>CVIII.</span> pp. 56, 69 f.; Plass,
-<cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Tyrannis</span></cite>, p. 151; Duncker, <cite>G. d. A.</cite> <span class='fss'>VI.</span><sup>5</sup> pp. 39, 40; Curtius, <cite>Gr. G.</cite><sup>6</sup> <span class='fss'>I.</span> pp. 262–3;
-Holm, <cite>Gk. Hist.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> 307 (cp. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> Pref. p. v. where Holm claims to have endeavoured
-to bring into clear relief what may be regarded as proved and what as hypothesis).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1029'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1029'>1029</a>. See <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">e.g.</span></i> Bluemner’s despairing agnosticism, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Woch. Kl. Phil.</span></cite> 1885, p. 609.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1030'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1030'>1030</a>. Suid. s.v.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1031'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1031'>1031</a>. Suid. s.v.; Schol. Aristoph. <cite>Pax</cite>, 631; Hesych. s.v.; Schol. Lucian, <cite>Lexiphanes</cite>, 1.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1032'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1032'>1032</a>. Hesych. s.v.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1033'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1033'>1033</a>. Aristot. <cite>H.A.</cite> <span class='fss'>IX.</span> 627<em>b</em> (in form <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">κυψέλιον</span>); Plut. <cite>de Exil.</cite> 6 (<cite>Moral.</cite> 601);
-Suid. s.v.; Hesych. s.v.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1034'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1034'>1034</a>. Pollux <span class='fss'>X.</span> 92.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1035'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1035'>1035</a>. Pollux <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 13.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1036'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1036'>1036</a>. Suid. s.v.; Hesych. s.v.; Pollux <span class='fss'>II.</span> 85.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1037'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1037'>1037</a>. Pollux <span class='fss'>II.</span> 82, so <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 82, 85, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">κυψελίς</span>; Hesych. s.v. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">κυψέλαι, κυψελίς</span>;
-Schol. Aristoph. <cite>Pax</cite>, 631; Lucian, <cite>Lexiphanes</cite>, 1, and Schol. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i>; cp. Alex.
-Aphrod. <cite>Prob.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 63; Cassius Iatrosoph. <cite>Prob.</cite> 32.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1038'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1038'>1038</a>. Steph. Byz. s.v. For other references see Pape, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Gr. Eigennamen</span></cite>, s.v.
-Schubring, <cite>de Cypselo</cite>, p. 14, thinks the Thracian Cypsela founded by Miltiades
-of the Chersonese and named after his father Cypselus, a relation of the Corinthian.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1039'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1039'>1039</a>. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Abh. Bay. Ak.</span></cite>, <cite>Phil. Class.</cite>, 1890, pl. I. 7, 8.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1040'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1040'>1040</a>. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Abh. Bay. Ak.</span></cite>, <cite>Phil. Class.</cite>, 1890, pl. I. 6; Imhoof, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Monn. Gr.</span></cite> pls. C 5, C 6,
-C 7 and pp. 51, 52. These coins have been found mainly in the Hebrus valley,
-some of them during the construction of the railway from Adrianople to Aenus.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1041'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1041'>1041</a>. Pollux <span class='fss'>II.</span> 86 says that “physicians invented these names. Aristotle thought
-the parts of the ear to be nameless except the lobe.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1042'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1042'>1042</a>. Suid. s.v. and Schol. Aristoph. <cite>Pax</cite>, 631 speak of a “six bushel kypsele”
-(<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἑξμέδιμνος κυψέλη</span>).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1043'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1043'>1043</a>. For terra cotta corn jars cp. probably Hor. <cite>Ep.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> vii. 29 f. Earthenware
-offers the best protection against damp as well as rodents.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1044'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1044'>1044</a>. Saglio, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Dict. d. Ant.</span></cite> s.v. citing also Suid., <cite>Et. Mag.</cite>, Plut. <cite>Mor.</cite> 601<em>c</em>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1045'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1045'>1045</a>. <cite>Od.</cite> <span class='fss'>XIII.</span> 105; cp. Porphyr. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Antro Nymph.</span></cite> 17.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1046'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1046'>1046</a>. Bluemner’s view that the poet meant simply natural holes in the rock may
-be right, but his inference that the passage is no evidence for artificial hives is
-absurd, especially in the light of the stone looms (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἱστοὶ λίθεοι</span>) described in
-the same passage and actually quoted by Bluemner (<em>ap.</em> Hermann, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Lehrb. Gr.
-Antiq.</span></cite><sup>3</sup> <span class='fss'>IV.</span> p. 120, n. 1).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1047'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1047'>1047</a>. Varro, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Re Rust.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> 16. 15, (alui) deterrimae fictiles; Columella <span class='fss'>IX.</span> 6,
-deterrima conditio fictilium; Pallad. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 38, (aluearia) fictilia deterrima sunt.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1048'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1048'>1048</a>. Varro, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Re Rust.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> 16. 15, ex uiminibus rotundos; Pallad. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 38, salignis
-uiminibus.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1049'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1049'>1049</a>. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">γαυλοῦ δὲ σμικροῖο, τόθι γλυκὺ νᾶμα μέλισσα</span> | <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πηγάζει</span>, <cite>Anth. Pal.</cite>
-<span class='fss'>IX.</span> 404.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1050'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1050'>1050</a>. “<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Ex ferulis quadratas</span>,” Varro, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Re Rust.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> 16. 15; “the best are those
-made of boards,” Florentinus, <cite>Geopon.</cite> <span class='fss'>XV.</span> 2. 7; cp. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> 2. 21, “Juba king
-of the Libyans says bees should be kept in a wooden box (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐν λάρνακι ξυλίνῃ</span>)”;
-“<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">figura cerarum talis est qualis et habitus domicilii; namque et quadrata et
-rotunda spatia nec minus longa suam speciem uelut formae quaedam fauis
-praebent</span>,” Columella <span class='fss'>IX.</span> 15. 8. For possible earlier evidence for square hives
-see Aristoph. <cite>Vesp.</cite> 241 with Schol. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ad loc.</span></i> In Theocr. <span class='fss'>VII.</span> 78 f. bees occupy
-a large rectangular box (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">λάρναξ</span>) of sweet cedar wood, but they are taking
-part in a miracle and it would be rash to generalize from their behaviour.
-See further Pauly Wissowa s.v. Bienenzucht.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1051'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1051'>1051</a>. Iron rather than copper is suggested by the heavy hammers in the picture,
-but cp. below, n. 4.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1052'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1052'>1052</a>. Saglio s.v. Fer, p. 1090. Bluemner, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Gewerbe u. Künste</span></cite>, <span class='fss'>IV.</span> p. 363, with unnecessary
-vagueness calls it an Aufsatz. But <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> p. 331 he calls the vase on
-Saglio, fig. 937 a “gefäss- oder kesselartiger Aufsatz.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1053'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1053'>1053</a>. = <cite>Berl. Cat. Vases</cite>, 2294; the whole vase in colours Gerhard, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Trinkschalen</span></cite>,
-Pls. XII., XIII.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1054'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1054'>1054</a>. Mau, <em>ap.</em> Pauly Wissowa s.v. fornax, calls all three furnaces (<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">i.e.</span></i> Saglio,
-figs. 937, 2964–5) Schmiedeöfen and says they served a double purpose, partly
-to raise iron to a glowing heat for the smithy, partly to smelt metals more easily
-molten (<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">e.g.</span></i> copper, bronze). On these vases as melting pots cp. Gerhard,
-<cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Trinkschalen</span></cite>, p. 22 (Schmelzkessel); Furtwaengler, <cite>Berl. Cat.</cite> 2294 [“above, a
-round cauldron with lid (inside it metal?)”]. So Saglio and de Launay <em>ap.</em>
-Saglio <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Dict. d. Ant.</span></cite> s.v. Caelatura, p. 790, ferrum, p. 1090, n. 6. For the way
-metals may have been smelted in these vases cp. Diod. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 14 (from Agatharcides,
-describing the mining and working of gold in “Furthest Egypt” (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">περὶ
-τὰς ἐσχατιὰς τῆς Αἰγύπτου</span>) under the Ptolemies). When the metal has been
-pounded and washed and the gold dust (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ψῆγμα</span>) is left behind “finally other
-skilled workmen (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τεχνῖται</span>) take what has been collected and cast it into earthenware
-pots (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">εἰς κεραμεοὺς χύτρους</span>); and mixing in the right proportions lumps
-of lead and grains of salt and further a little tin and some barley bran, they put
-that in too, and having made a well fitting lid and carefully sealed it (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">περιχρίσαντες</span>)
-with clay, they heat it on a furnace for five days and nights without
-a break. Then letting it cool they find nothing left in the vases (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀγγείοις</span>) but the
-gold.” If the process thus described is open to criticism it should be remembered
-(Bluemner, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Gewerbe u. Künste</span></cite>, <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 132) that Diodorus was not a metallurgist,
-and that ancient methods were probably far from perfect, even of their kind.
-Bluemner, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> <span class='fss'>IV.</span> p. 363, regards Saglio 2964 (above, fig. 27) as a smithy. For
-<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">κάμινος</span> = smithy cp. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">e.g.</span></i> Lucian, <cite>Prometh.</cite> 5. But the furnace here is too big
-and elaborate for a smithy. None of our three vase pictures shows an anvil.
-What Bluemner <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> calls a small anvil is too small to be an anvil at all; cp. the
-lump of iron in the same picture and also Bluemner’s own fig. 53, which shows an
-anvil of a natural size; cp. too the similar projections to Bluemner’s supposed
-anvil in the corresponding position on the furnaces of our other two vase pictures,
-both of which projections are obviously not anvils. The picture of an unquestionable
-smithy, Bluemner, fig. 53, shows a quite different type of furnace, not half a
-man’s height, called in Bluemner “ein niedriger konisch geformter Schmelzherd.”
-The heavy hammers in Saglio, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Dict. d. Ant.</span></cite> fig. 2964, do not prove a smithy; they
-may have been used for various other purposes, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">e.g.</span></i> breaking up the ore; cp.
-Diod. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 13 (Aithalia in Etruria), <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τοὺς λίθους καίουσιν ἔν τισι φιλοτέχνοις
-καμίνοις&nbsp;... (καὶ)&nbsp;... καταμερίζουσιν εἰς μεγέθη σύμμετρα&nbsp;... ταῦτα ἔμποροι κομίζουσιν
-εἰς τὰ ἐμπόρια</span>. Or smelting and forging may have gone on simultaneously
-in the same works.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1055'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1055'>1055</a>. Style of Brygos, Furtwaengler, <cite>Berl. Cat. Vases</cite>, p. 596.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1056'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1056'>1056</a>. Winter, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahrb.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XII.</span> pp. 160 f. and fig. 1.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1057'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1057'>1057</a>. Conze, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahrb.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>V.</span> pp. 118 f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1058'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1058'>1058</a>. For well preserved examples see those figured by Conze, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahrb.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>V.</span> pp. 134, 137.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1059'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1059'>1059</a>. Dumont had already inferred that these stoves were regularly intended
-“<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">à soutenir les plats ou les autres ustensiles qu’on plaçait sur ces sortes de
-réchauds.</span>” See <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahrb.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>V.</span> p. 135, and Conze, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> Neither writer suggests cypselae.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1060'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1060'>1060</a>. <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Rev. Arch.</span></cite> 1869, <span class='fss'>II.</span> Pl. XVII.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1061'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1061'>1061</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Ibid.</span></i> <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 423.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1062'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1062'>1062</a>. Third to second century <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>, Conze, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahrb.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>V.</span> pp. 138–9.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1063'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1063'>1063</a>. <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Rev. Arch.</span></cite> 1869, <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 432.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1064'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1064'>1064</a>. Above, figs. 27, 28, 29.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1065'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1065'>1065</a>. Similar cypselae are perhaps depicted on the Corinthian terra cotta tablets
-from Penteskuphia, <cite>Berl. Cat. Vas.</cite> nos. 616, 631, 802; but see Furtwaengler,
-<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ad loc.</span></i></p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1066'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1066'>1066</a>. Cp. Plut. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Sept. Sap. Conv.</span></cite> 21 (<cite>Moral.</cite> 164). Cypselus erected the house in
-Delphi believing that it was a god who on that occasion prevented his crying.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1067'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1067'>1067</a>. Pauly Wissowa s.v.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1068'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1068'>1068</a>. <cite>Thesm.</cite> 505 f. The Scholiast explains that the pot was used “because they
-used to expose children in pots.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1069'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1069'>1069</a>. Aristoph. <cite>Clouds</cite>, 1065.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1070'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1070'>1070</a>. See below, pp. 217, 244–5.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1071'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1071'>1071</a>. Cypselus may have been chosen rather than a more general name or a name
-derived from some other shape, owing to the huge size of the cypsele. Modern
-potters have a great respect for a man who can throw a particularly large vase.
-So, too, had the ancients, as is shown by the proverb <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐν τῷ πίθῳ τὴν κεραμείαν
-ἐπιχειρεῖν μανθάνειν</span>, Plato, <cite>Gorg.</cite> 514<em>e</em>. What is probably the earliest allusion
-to actual Corinthian vases in all Greek literature speaks of a parasite hurrying
-to dinner and not stopping to admire his host’s <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">κάδοι</span>. “<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">οὐδὲ δοκιμάζω τοὺς
-Κορινθίους κάδους</span>,” Diphilus <em>ap.</em> Athen. <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 236<em>b</em>. The <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">κάδος</span> was a vessel of
-large size and might be of pottery; cp. Athen. <span class='fss'>XI.</span> 472<em>e</em>, 473<em>b</em> and especially
-<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Κλείταρχος ἐν ταῖς Γλώσσαις τὸ κεράμιόν φησιν Ἴωνας κάδον καλεῖν</span>. For the
-archaic period the large number of furnaces depicted on the Penteskuphia tablets
-suggests that the furnace cypsele may have been an article of much importance,
-assuming that all the furnaces were provided with cypselae for use as occasion
-required. Their comparatively rare appearance in the pictures is sufficiently
-explained on artistic grounds if the flames blazed up better when they were
-removed.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1072'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1072'>1072</a>. <cite>C.I.G</cite>. <span class='fss'>III.</span> pp. 709–10, where the word, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">e.g.</span></i> <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τρίπους</span>, precedes the name.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1073'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1073'>1073</a>. Head, <cite>Hist. Num.</cite><sup>2</sup> p. 666.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1074'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1074'>1074</a>. Diod. <span class='fss'>XIX.</span> 2; Justin <span class='fss'>XXII.</span> 1; Plut. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Reg. et Imp. Apophth.</span></cite> s.v. (<cite>Moral.</cite> 176);
-Athen. <span class='fss'>XI.</span> 466<em>a</em>; Amm. Marc. <span class='fss'>XIV.</span> fin.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1075'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1075'>1075</a>. <span class='fss'>XII.</span> 15, <span class='fss'>XV.</span> 35.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1076'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1076'>1076</a>. Bauer, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Sitz. Ak. Wiss. Wien</span></cite>, vol. 100, pp. 564–5; cp. Tillyard, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Agathocles</span></cite>,
-p. 13, n. 2.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1077'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1077'>1077</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Ibid.</span></i>, so Schubert, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Agathokles</span></cite>, p. 29 (quoting Ferrari, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Agathokles</span></cite>, p. 10
-(1872)), Tillyard, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Agathocles</span></cite>, p. 26.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1078'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1078'>1078</a>. The bees that are said to have settled on the hips of a stone statue of him
-set up by his mother when he was well over seven years old are, <em>pace</em> Schubert,
-<cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Agathokles</span></cite>, p. 30, hardly a substitute.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1079'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1079'>1079</a>. Cp. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">e.g.</span></i> Hdt. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 92. 10, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πολλῶν δ’ ὑπὸ γούνατα λύσει</span> (oracle about Cypselus)
-and <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> 92. 16, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἔδει ἐκ τοῦ Ἠετίωνος γόνου Κορίνθῳ κακὰ ἀναβλαστεῖν</span> with
-Diod. <span class='fss'>XIX</span>. 2, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐξέπεσε χρησμὸς ὅτι μεγάλων ἀτυχημάτων ὁ γεννηθεὶς αἴτιος ἔσται
-Καρχηδονίοις καὶ πάσῃ Σικελίᾳ</span>. In this point the Romulus story is still more
-remote from the Agathocles than is that of Cyrus.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1080'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1080'>1080</a>. Head, <cite>Hist. Num.</cite><sup>2</sup> p. 179.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1081'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1081'>1081</a>. Cp. Hdt. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 92. 21: “when Cypselus became tyrant this is the sort of man
-he proved: many of the Corinthians he banished, etc.” Agathocles and Cypselus
-both reigned about the same length of time, a fact that would attract Timaeus,
-who was excessively interested in such coincidences or parallels of time (Tillyard,
-p. 14). [Cypselus reigned 657–627; Agathocles’ reign is usually dated
-317–289; but cp. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ath. Mitt.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XXII.</span> p. 188 (new fragment of Marmor Parium),
-319/8, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Ἀγαθοκλῆν Συρακόσιοι εἵλοντο αὐτοκράτορα στρατηγόν</span>, which may indicate
-what Agathocles himself regarded as the date of his accession.]</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1082'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1082'>1082</a>. But cp. Schubert, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Agath.</span></cite> p. 31, “<span lang="de" xml:lang="de">wie man darauf kam, den Karkinos</span> (father
-of Agathocles) <span lang="de" xml:lang="de">gerade zum Töpfer zu machen, lässt sich natürlich nicht mehr erkennen</span>.”
-Schubert, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> pp. 26 f., discovers two sources for the story of the
-tyrant’s early days, and ascribes the pottery making to one (Timaeus), and
-to the other the rescue of the infant from attempted murder. His division
-appears to be very arbitrary.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1083'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1083'>1083</a>. Polyb. <span class='fss'>XV.</span> 35.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1084'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1084'>1084</a>. Diod. <span class='fss'>XIX.</span> 3; cp. Tillyard, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Agath.</span></cite> p. 28; Schubert, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Agath.</span></cite> p. 31.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1085'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1085'>1085</a>. <cite>Gr. G.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> i. 186, n. 3.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1086'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1086'>1086</a>. Diod. <span class='fss'>XIX.</span> 3; Justin <span class='fss'>XXII.</span> 1.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1087'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1087'>1087</a>. <cite>Hist. Animal.</cite> <span class='fss'>IX.</span> 618<em>a</em>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1088'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1088'>1088</a>. So Aubert and Wimmer ad <cite>Hist. Animal.</cite> <span class='fss'>IX.</span> 108.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1089'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1089'>1089</a>. Mr W. Warde Fowler has suggested to me that the cypselus is the Rufous
-or Eastern Swallow, which builds a more elaborate nest than the House Martin
-and has not the white rump that so distinguishes the House Martin but is
-absent from Aristotle’s description of the cypselus.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1090'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1090'>1090</a>. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Πάγασαι, Κορυθεῖς</span>, <cite>de Cypselo</cite>, pp. 29 f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1091'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1091'>1091</a>. Paus. <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 3. 6; <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 5. 6, 29. 5; cp. Polyaen. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 7 (Cypselus’ stratagem against
-the Heraclids); Nic. Dam. <cite>ap. F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> p. 377; Athen. <span class='fss'>XIII.</span> 609<em>e</em>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1092'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1092'>1092</a>. As a traveller according to Pliny, <cite>N.H.</cite> <span class='fss'>X.</span> 55 (39), it excelled even the other
-birds of the swallow tribe.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1093'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1093'>1093</a>. Steph. Byz. s.v., an outpost fortified by the Mantineans, Thuc. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 33.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1094'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1094'>1094</a>. Paus. <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 5. 4 f.; Diog. Laert. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 7. 1.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1095'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1095'>1095</a>. Niese, <cite>Hermes</cite>, <span class='fss'>XXVI.</span> p. 30, thinks the Arcadian pedigree of Melissa a late
-invention, but his argument from the silence of Herodotus is of very little weight.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1096'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1096'>1096</a>. See above, Chapter IV.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1097'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1097'>1097</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">E.g.</span></i> by Bury, <cite>Hist. Greece</cite><sup>2</sup>, p. 152.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1098'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1098'>1098</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">E.g.</span></i> the priest Psammetichus, Breasted, <cite>Records</cite>, <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 1026–9 (<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">circ.</span></i> 610–544
-<span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>). For a list of its bearers see Wiedemann, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Aeg. Ges.</span></cite> p. 623.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1099'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1099'>1099</a>. See above, p. 123: written probably between 594 and 589 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span></p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1100'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1100'>1100</a>. In Naukratis, which became under Psammetichus of Egypt the chief Greek
-trading-centre in the country, Corinthian potsherds take the second place among
-the vase finds of the earlier period of the Greek settlement, Milesian coming
-first (Prinz, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Funde aus Nauk.</span></cite> p. 75), though note that Corinth was not among
-the Greek cities that had an establishment at Naukratis, the Aeginetans being
-the only European Greeks to possess one. On Egypt and Miletus see above,
-Chapter IV. To the evidence usually quoted for Egyptian influence on Periander
-we should perhaps add a story told by Diog. Laert. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 7. 3. When Periander was
-an old man he is said to have provided for his own death and burial in the
-following way. He directed two men to kill and bury a man they would meet
-on a certain night at a certain lonely spot. He arranged with four others that
-they should kill these two on their way back. The four in their turn were to be
-disposed of in like manner by a larger band. At the appointed hour Periander
-himself went to the spot to which the two had been directed and was there
-killed and buried by them. The essence of this story is that Periander took
-extraordinary precautions to prevent anyone knowing the place of his burial.
-Such precautions at once recall Egypt. Can the story have originated as a skit
-on Periander’s Egyptianizing tendencies?</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1101'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1101'>1101</a>. Above, p. 125.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1102'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1102'>1102</a>. <cite>Pol.</cite> <span class='fss'>VII.</span> (<span class='fss'>V.</span>), 1315<em>b</em>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1103'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1103'>1103</a>. <cite>F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> p. 394.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1104'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1104'>1104</a>. In Aristotle Gorgos is Susemihl’s emendation for Gordios. In Plutarch’s
-<cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Sept. Sap. Conv.</span></cite> 17 (<cite>Moral.</cite> 160) Gorgos (Didot, Gorgias) brother of Periander
-takes part, and the name occurs too often to be a mistake for some quite different
-name. Nic. Dam. <cite>F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> p. 393 mentions a Gorgos son of Periander who
-broke his neck when chariot racing. There can be little doubt that in all these
-passages the same name should be read, and that that name should be Gorgos,
-which appears on Ambracian coins as that of a local hero. See <cite>Mon. Ined. Inst.</cite>
-<span class='fss'>I.</span> pl. XIV. nos. 1, 2. The name Gordios was much used in the Phrygian royal
-family. But as in Aristot. <cite>Pol.</cite> 1315<em>b</em> it is probably only an intrusion for the
-less familiar Gorgos it is no evidence for connexion between the Cypselids and
-the house of Midas.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1105'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1105'>1105</a>. <cite>Gr. G.</cite><sup>2</sup> <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 657, n. 4.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1106'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1106'>1106</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Ibid.</span></i> So Knapp, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> pp. 123–4.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1107'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1107'>1107</a>. Geo. Smith, <cite>Assurbanipal</cite>, p. 28. The identification is not certain, but we
-find Neboshazban where we should look for Psammetichus: the Assyrian
-practice is illustrated, in a repetition of this very sentence in question, by the
-double name of Neboshazban’s fief: “and Neboshazban his (<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">i.e.</span></i> Necho’s) son
-in Athribis, which Limir-patesi-Assur is its name, to the kingdom I appointed”
-(<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> pp. 46–47).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1108'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1108'>1108</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">E.g.</span></i> Plato, <cite>Tim.</cite> 21<em>e</em>, Neith = Athena.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1109'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1109'>1109</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">E.g.</span></i> Chem Peh’-resu (?) = Perseus, Wiedemann, <cite>Hdt.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> pp. 368–9.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1110'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1110'>1110</a>. Phacussa atque Mylonpolis sunt Graeca nomina ex Aegyptiacis translata,
-Gutschmid, <cite>Philol.</cite> <span class='fss'>X.</span> p. 528.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1111'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1111'>1111</a>. There is of course the alternative possibility (assumed by Duncker, <cite>G. d. A.</cite>
-<span class='fss'>VI.</span><sup>5</sup> p. 72, n. 1), that one of the names is merely a mistake. The Lycophron
-son of Periander of Herodotus is plainly the Nikolaos of Nic. Dam. <cite>F.H.G.</cite>
-<span class='fss'>III.</span> p. 393.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1112'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1112'>1112</a>. See below, p. 256.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1113'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1113'>1113</a>. Polyb. <span class='fss'>VI.</span> fr. ii.; Strabo <span class='fss'>V.</span> 219–20, <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 378; Dion. Hal. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 46; Diod.
-<span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 31; Cic. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Rep.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 19–20 (34–36); Schol. Bob. ad Cic. <cite>pro Sulla</cite>, 22; Livy
-<span class='fss'>I.</span> 34, <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 3; Florus, <cite>Epitome Liui</cite>, <span class='fss'>I.</span> 5. 1; Pliny, <cite>N.H.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXXV.</span> 5, 43; cp. <span class='fss'>XXXIII.</span> 4;
-Aurel. Vict. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Vir. Ill.</span></cite> 6; cp. <cite>C.I.L.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> i. p. 43 and <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Roem. Mitt.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XIX.</span> p. 117 (acta
-triumphorum Capitolina), L.TARQUINIUS.DEMARATI.F.PRISCUS; <cite>C.I.L.</cite>
-<span class='fss'>XIII.</span> 1668 (Claudius at Lyons); Zonaras <span class='fss'>VII.</span> 8.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1114'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1114'>1114</a>. Dion. Hal. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 47; cp. Livy <span class='fss'>I.</span> 34, Lucumoni contra&nbsp;... cum divitiae iam
-animos facerent.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1115'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1115'>1115</a>. Livy <span class='fss'>I.</span> 34.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1116'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1116'>1116</a>. Dion. Hal. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 48.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1117'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1117'>1117</a>. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Vir. Ill.</span></cite> 6.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1118'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1118'>1118</a>. Diod. <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> fr. 31.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1119'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1119'>1119</a>. Polyb. <span class='fss'>VI.</span> fr. ii. 10. Polybius insists on this point: <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πιστεύων ἁυτῷ τε καὶ
-τοῖς χρήμασι&nbsp;... διὰ τὴν χορηγίαν&nbsp;... μεγάλης ἀποδοχῆς ἔτυχε&nbsp;... τῇ τοῦ βίου χορηγίᾳ
-μεγαλοψύχως εἰς τὸ δέον ἑκάστοτε καὶ σὺν καιρῷ χρώμενος</span>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1120'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1120'>1120</a>. Cp. Diod. <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> fr. 31, “he was introduced to the king, Ancus Martius, and
-became his greatest friend, and helped him much in the administration of the
-kingdom”; Dion. Hal. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 48, “he very soon became friends with the king”&nbsp;...
-“being held in high honour by the king”; also the passage from the same chapter
-quoted above; Livy <span class='fss'>I.</span> 34, Tarquinius gets himself made guardian of Ancus’
-young sons; Aur. Vict. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Vir. Ill.</span></cite> 6, “he even secured the friendship of King
-Ancus.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1121'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1121'>1121</a>. Cp. Diod. <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> fr. 31, “making himself agreeable to everyone (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πᾶσι προσφιλῶς
-ὁμιλῶν</span>)”; Dion. Hal. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 48, “by courteous greetings and ingratiating discourses”
-(cp. <span class='fss'>VI</span>. 60, “every tyrant develops out of a mob flatterer”); Livy <span class='fss'>I.</span> 34, “benigno
-alloquio, comitate inuitandi,” <span class='fss'>I.</span> 35, “he is said to have been the first to canvass
-for the throne and to have made a speech designed to win over the plebeians.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1122'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1122'>1122</a>. Or perhaps rather increasing; cp. Strabo <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 378, “Demaratus&nbsp;... brought
-such great wealth from home to Etruria that he became ruler of the city that
-received him, and his son was actually made king of Rome.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1123'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1123'>1123</a>. Strabo <span class='fss'>V.</span> 220.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1124'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1124'>1124</a>. Pliny, <cite>N.H.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXXV.</span> 43 (12); so (multo uero elegantius) Val. Max. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 4. 2.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1125'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1125'>1125</a>. Livy <span class='fss'>I.</span> 34. 2, “bonorum omnium heres,” so also 34. 4.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1126'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1126'>1126</a>. Dion. Hal. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 47, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">κληρονόμον ἁπάσης τῆς οὐσίας</span>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1127'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1127'>1127</a>. Dion. Hal. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 47.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1128'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1128'>1128</a>. Livy <span class='fss'>I.</span> 38, “<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ut non quietior populus domi esset quam militiae fuisset.</span>”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1129'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1129'>1129</a>. Livy <span class='fss'>I.</span> 35.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1130'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1130'>1130</a>. Dion. Hal. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 67. On the forum shops see also Livy <span class='fss'>XXVI.</span> 27; Varro,
-<cite>L.L.</cite> <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 59.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1131'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1131'>1131</a>. Livy <span class='fss'>I.</span> 39; Dion. Hal. <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 1 (but cp. <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 2; Pliny, <cite>N.H.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXXVI.</span> 70 (204)).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1132'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1132'>1132</a>. <em>Ap.</em> Charisii, <cite>Art. Gramm.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 105, ed. Keil.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1133'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1133'>1133</a>. <cite>N.H.</cite> <span class='fss'>XVIII.</span> 3, <span class='fss'>XXXIII.</span> 13.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1134'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1134'>1134</a>. Variae, <span class='fss'>VII.</span> 32.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1135'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1135'>1135</a>. See Samwer, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">ält. roem. Münzwesen</span></cite>, p. 43; T. Frank, <cite>Class. Phil.</cite> <span class='fss'>XIV.</span> (1919),
-pp. 314 f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1136'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1136'>1136</a>. For copious illustrations see Haeberlin’s sumptuous <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Aes Grave</span></cite>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1137'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1137'>1137</a>. See <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">e.g.</span></i> Pasqui, <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Notiz.</span></cite> 1897, pp. 265<em>p</em>, 267<em>a</em> (Praeneste).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1138'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1138'>1138</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Aes rude</span></i> is recorded among the finds of the earlier stips at Conca (Satricum
-in South Latium) which appears to belong exclusively to the seventh and sixth
-centuries <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>, <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Notiz.</span></cite> 1896, pp. 29–31, 101.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1139'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1139'>1139</a>. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Roem. Kupferpräg.</span></cite> pp. 21–22.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1140'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1140'>1140</a>. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Aes Grave</span></cite>, p. 5.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1141'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1141'>1141</a>. <cite>N.H.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXXIII.</span> 13.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1142'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1142'>1142</a>. <span class='fss'>XXXIII.</span> 13, so <span class='fss'>XVIII.</span> 3, ouium boumque effigie.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1143'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1143'>1143</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">E.g.</span></i> <cite>Brit. Mus. Rep. Coins</cite>, <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 3.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1144'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1144'>1144</a>. As is done by Babelon, <cite>Origines</cite>, pp. 186 f., who quotes as a possible example
-of regal “aes signatum,” Garrucci, pl. XVII. figs. 1<em>a</em>, 1<em>b</em>; but cp. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> p. 195,
-where he much antedates the earliest silver coins of Rome.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1145'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1145'>1145</a>. Mueller-Deecke, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Etrusker</span></cite>, <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 382.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1146'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1146'>1146</a>. Justin <span class='fss'>XLIII.</span> 3. The traditional date is 600 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> Cp. the statements as to
-Servius’ intercourse with Ephesus, Livy <span class='fss'>I.</span> 45: Dion. Hal. <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 25–26 (quoting
-an ancient inscription); Aur. Vict. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Vir. Ill.</span></cite> 7. The Phocaeans expelled from
-Corsica about 537 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> ultimately settled at Velia near Paestum, a fact that has
-led Pinza, <cite>Bull. Comm.</cite> 1898, p. 269, to see a Phocaean quarter in the Velia at
-Rome: he compares the Vicus Tuscus, but even so the evidence hardly justifies
-the inference.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1147'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1147'>1147</a>. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Vir. Ill.</span></cite> 7.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1148'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1148'>1148</a>. Cruchon, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Banques dans l’Antiq.</span></cite> pp. 13, 14, 16, so regards him, and compares
-the laws of Manu (fourteenth century <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1149'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1149'>1149</a>. Cic. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Rep.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 60 (35); Gellius <span class='fss'>XI.</span> 1, 2; Festus s.v. peculatus.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1150'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1150'>1150</a>. <cite>Compan. Lat. Stud.</cite> sect. 685.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1151'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1151'>1151</a>. On the whole question of the origin of Roman coinage see most recently
-Haeberlin’s <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Aes Grave</span></cite>, especially pp. 1–6, and Grueber, <cite>Brit. Mus. Coins
-Rom. Rep.</cite> vol. <span class='fss'>I.</span>, especially p. 1, n. 1, p. 3, n. 1. The introduction of money of
-bronze and iron was attributed by Suetonius to Numa, Suid. s.v. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Ἀσσάρια</span>:
-“Assaria: obols. Numa the first king of Rome appointed after Romulus was the
-first to present the Romans with (money) of iron and bronze, all his predecessors
-having paid with (money of) leather and earthenware: these from his own name
-he named nummia, as stated by Tragkylios” (<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">i.e.</span></i> Suetonius Tranquillus).
-Conflicting versions where both are doubtful tend to discredit one another. But
-the whole notice about Numa hardly affects those about Servius. The temptation
-to equate Numa with nummus must have been great. Yet nobody before
-Suetonius appears to have succumbed to it, and the claim he makes for Numa
-is concerned only with a very primitive stage in the history of the currency.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1152'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1152'>1152</a>. Livy <span class='fss'>I.</span> 42.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1153'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1153'>1153</a>. Florus <span class='fss'>I.</span> 6. 3.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1154'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1154'>1154</a>. Plut. <cite>Num.</cite> 17 (from Varro (?), see Pauly Wissowa s.v. collegium, p. 391);
-cp. Pliny, <cite>N.H.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXXIV.</span> 1, <span class='fss'>XXXV.</span> 46.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1155'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1155'>1155</a>. Mommsen, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Roem. Staatsr.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> 287, who connects the Servian organization of
-the collegia with the Servian centuries of artizans.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1156'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1156'>1156</a>. For other views see Kornemann <em>ap.</em> Pauly Wissowa s.v. collegium; cp. also
-Mommsen, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Colleg.</span></cite> 31.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1157'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1157'>1157</a>. Mommsen, <cite>Hist. Rome</cite><sup>2</sup>, <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 249; Humbert <em>ap.</em> Saglio, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Dict. d. Antiq.</span></cite> s.v.
-collegium, p. 1292.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1158'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1158'>1158</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">E.g.</span></i> Dion. Hal. <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 4, “seducing the poor citizens by benevolences and
-gifts.” So, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> 3, 9, 10, 40, and Livy <span class='fss'>I.</span> 47; Cic. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Rep.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 21 (38), “Servius
-began to reign&nbsp;... because, when Tarquin was falsely said to be seriously wounded
-but alive, he assumed the royal insignia, and gave judgments and freed debtors
-at his own expense.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1159'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1159'>1159</a>. Dion. Hal. <cite>IV.</cite> 13, “immediately upon securing the throne he (Servius)
-distributed the public land to the poorer class of Romans (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τοῖς θητεύουσι
-Ῥωμαίων</span>)”: Livy <span class='fss'>I.</span> 46, “Servius,&nbsp;... having first conciliated the goodwill of
-the plebeians by dividing among them individually land taken from the enemy,
-dared to put to the people the question whether they wished and bade him to
-be king”; cp. Varro <em>ap.</em> Non. p. 43, “<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">uiritim: et extra urbem in regiones <span class='fss'>XXVI.</span>
-agros uiritim liberis attribuit</span>”; Aur. Vict. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Vir. Ill.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>VII.</span> 7, “he distributed
-corn to the plebs.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1160'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1160'>1160</a>. <cite>C.I.L.</cite> <span class='fss'>XIII.</span> 1668.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1161'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1161'>1161</a>. Gardthausen, <cite>Mastarna</cite>, p. 27. Professor R. S. Conway tells me that tarna
-= Tarcna strikes him as <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">a priori</span></i> possible.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1162'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1162'>1162</a>. Dion. Hal. <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 30.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1163'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1163'>1163</a>. Livy <span class='fss'>I.</span> 56. On the building of this temple see also Livy <span class='fss'>I.</span> 38; Cic. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Repub.</span></cite>
-<span class='fss'>II.</span> 36 (20); Dion. Hal. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 69; <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 59; Tac. <cite>Hist.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> 72; Plut. <cite>Popl.</cite> 13; Florus
-<span class='fss'>I.</span> 1. 7; Aur. Vict. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Vir. Ill.</span></cite> 8; Zonaras <span class='fss'>VII.</span> 11.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1164'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1164'>1164</a>. Livy <span class='fss'>I.</span> 59.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1165'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1165'>1165</a>. Dion. Hal. <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 44.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1166'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1166'>1166</a>. Reading doubtful.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1167'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1167'>1167</a>. Dion. Hal. <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 59.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1168'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1168'>1168</a>. Dion. Hal. <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 81.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1169'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1169'>1169</a>. For other public works ascribed to the Tarquin dynasty see Livy <span class='fss'>I.</span> 45;
-Dion. Hal. <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 26 (Servius, temple of Diana on the Aventine).</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Livy <span class='fss'>I.</span> 44 (agger, fosse, and wall of Servius; cp. Strabo <span class='fss'>V.</span> 234); Livy <span class='fss'>I.</span> 36–8
-(well begun by Priscus); Dion. Hal. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 67; Aur. Vict. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Vir. Ill.</span></cite> 6 (wall of
-Tarquinius Priscus); Eutrop. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 6 (walls and cloacae of Tarquinius Priscus).</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Pliny, <cite>N.H.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> 9 (agger of Tarquinius Superbus on the East side of the city).</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>It was in the reputed period of the Tarquins that the people of Latium seem
-to have first learned to make walls of squared stones, Pinza, <cite>Bull. Comm.</cite> 1897,
-pp. 228 f.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Serv. ad <cite>Aen.</cite> <span class='fss'>XII.</span> 603 f. (Cass. Hem., second century <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>), (Superbus, cloaca),
-Pliny, <cite>N.H.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXXVI.</span> 24 (Priscus, cloaca), the Chronographer of 354 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">A.D.</span></span>, Joh.
-Laur. Lyd. (sixth century), <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Mens.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 24, Joh. Antioch. (seventh century),
-<cite>F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>IV.</span> p. 553, Isidore of Seville (seventh century), <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Etym.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>V.</span> 27. 23, Suid.
-(tenth century), s.v. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Σούπερβος</span>, all say that Tarquinius Superbus introduced
-into Rome penal labour (see below, p. 226) in mines and quarries. There appear
-to have been quarries on the slopes of the Capitol which may have been worked
-in the regal period. Pais argues that they could not have been worked before
-the fifth century because they were called lautumiae, a name borrowed from
-Siceliot Greek: his view is based on the groundless assumptions (i) that a Siceliot
-word could not reach Rome before the fifth century, and (ii) that the quarries
-cannot be older than their name. In point of fact the quarries have been inferred
-from the name being frequently applied by Livy in his third decade to a
-prison known also as the Tullianum, Varro, <cite>L.L.</cite> <span class='fss'>V.</span> 151, or Mamertine prison,
-or more recently as the church of San Pietro in Carcere. The prison is one of
-the most ancient structures in Rome, and has been compared with the beehive
-tombs of Greece.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The whole Capitol and Palatine are completely catacombed to a great depth
-by shafts and passages of most uncertain dates, discussed by Boni, <cite>J.R.S.</cite>
-<span class='fss'>III.</span> pp. 247–250, and called by him favissae. Can Boni’s favissae, or any part
-of them, be the lautumiae of the Tarquins? See Dion. Hal. <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 44.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1170'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1170'>1170</a>. Livy <span class='fss'>I.</span> 57.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1171'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1171'>1171</a>. Cicero probably regarded the wealth of Superbus as military spoil; cp.
-<cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Rep.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 46 (25), “deinde uictoriis diuitiisque subnixus exsultabat insolenter,”
-but on a point like this his words are of little weight. Equally valueless as
-evidence for the state of things in regal Rome are his contemptuous references
-to artizans, <cite>de Off.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> 150 (42), “opifices omnes in sordida arte uersantur: neque
-enim quidquam ingenuum habere potest officina.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1172'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1172'>1172</a>. Dion. Hal. <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 71, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">οὔτε δωρεαῖς ἔτι κατεχόμενοι ὡς πρότερον</span>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1173'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1173'>1173</a>. Cic. <cite>Phil.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> 10 (4).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1174'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1174'>1174</a>. Pliny, <cite>N.H.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXXVI.</span> 24; Dio Cass. <span class='fss'>II.</span> fr. xi. 6; the Chronographer of 354 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">A.D.</span></span>;
-Joh. Laur. Lyd. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Mens.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 24; Joh. Ant. <cite>F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>IV.</span> p. 553; Isid. <cite>Etym.</cite> <span class='fss'>V.</span>
-27. 23; Suid. s.v. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Σούπερβος</span>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1175'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1175'>1175</a>. Florus <span class='fss'>I.</span> 7.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1176'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1176'>1176</a>. Cic. <cite>pro Rab.</cite> 13 (4) is, however, no evidence for Superbus personally, but
-only for the severity of ancient law.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1177'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1177'>1177</a>. Bloch, <cite>Répub. Rom.</cite> p. 57.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1178'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1178'>1178</a>. Livy <span class='fss'>II.</span> 2.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1179'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1179'>1179</a>. Dion. Hal. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 5. Note, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> <span class='fss'>V.</span> 12, C.’s banishment was ultimately arranged
-on a financial understanding. He took with him 25 talents into exile.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1180'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1180'>1180</a>. Dion. Hal. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 64.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1181'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1181'>1181</a>. Dion. Hal. <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 74.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1182'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1182'>1182</a>. Livy <span class='fss'>II.</span> 5; so Dion. Hal. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 13.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1183'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1183'>1183</a>. Livy <span class='fss'>II.</span> 9.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1184'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1184'>1184</a>. Dion. Hal. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 22.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1185'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1185'>1185</a>. Diod. <span class='fss'>XI.</span> 37; Livy <span class='fss'>II.</span> 41; Dion. Hal. <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 69, 77; Cic. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Rep.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 35 (60),
-27 (49), <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Amicit.</span></cite> 8 (28), 11 (36), Phil. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 44 (114); Pliny, <cite>N.H.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXXIV.</span> 9 (4), 14;
-Val. Max. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 8. 2 (the above all quoted Mommsen, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Roem. Forsch.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 173,
-n. 37); Florus <span class='fss'>I.</span> 17. 26. The Greek writers say he aimed at a tyranny.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1186'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1186'>1186</a>. So specifically Livy, Dion. Hal., Val. Max., Florus, in the passages cited
-above; cp. Pliny, <cite>N.H.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXXIV.</span> 14, “<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">eam (statuam) quam apud aedem Telluris
-statuisset sibi Sp. Cassius qui regnum affectauerat</span>.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1187'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1187'>1187</a>. Livy. Note the bronze statue of Ceres erected from the proceeds of his
-property after his fall. See next note.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1188'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1188'>1188</a>. Cp. Dion. Hal. <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 78. At his death his peculium (personal fortune) was
-confiscated and dedicated to Ceres, Val. Max. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 8. 2, but there is no hint that
-it was very large. It appears to have only sufficed to make a single bronze
-statue, Livy <span class='fss'>II.</span> 41, Pliny, <cite>N.H.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXXIV.</span> 9 (4). Dionysius speaks of the great
-wealth of Cassius’ opponents.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1189'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1189'>1189</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">E.g.</span></i> Livy <span class='fss'>II.</span> 16, Publicola (perhaps, however, merely a wrong inference
-from the statement that the government paid for his funeral (so also Dion. Hal.
-<span class='fss'>V.</span> 38); but cp. the way that in fifth century Athens enormously rich men like
-Nikias avoided anything that might draw attention to their wealth).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1190'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1190'>1190</a>. Livy <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 13–16; so Dion. Hal. <span class='fss'>XII.</span> 1. 1, “most potent in wealth, having
-recently inherited his father’s estate” (whence Mommsen, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Roem. Forsch.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span>
-p. 211, describes him as “according to Dionysius a rich merchant’s son”);
-Florus, <cite>Epit.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> 17. 26, “Spurium largitione suspectum regiae dominationis
-praesenti morte (populus) multauit.” Maelius is repeatedly said to have aimed
-at the kingship, so Cic. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Rep.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 27 (50), <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Senect.</span></cite> 16 (56), <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Amic.</span></cite> 11 (36),
-<cite>Phil.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 11, 34, 44 (26 and 27, 87, 114) (cp. also <em>in Cat.</em> <span class='fss'>I.</span> 1. 3); Varro, <cite>L.L.</cite> <span class='fss'>V.</span> 157;
-Val. Max. <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 3. 1 (Rom.); Diod. <span class='fss'>XII.</span> 37 (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐπιθέμενος τυραννίδι</span>); Dion. Hal. <span class='fss'>XII.</span> 1
-(<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐπιθέσει τυραννίδος</span>); Plut. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Brut.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span></p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1191'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1191'>1191</a>. Livy <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 13; cp. Dion. Hal. <span class='fss'>XII.</span> 1. 2, “having many associates and employees
-(<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἑταίρους καὶ πελάτας</span>) he sent them in various directions supplied with money
-from his own pocket to collect food.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1192'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1192'>1192</a>. See especially Mommsen, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Roem. Forsch.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 189, who follows Dion. Hal.
-and believes the seditio Manliana to have been an armed revolt. Note, however,
-that Livy says that at Manlius’ trial he brought to court 400 individuals whom,
-at his own expense, he had saved from financial ruin (<span class='fss'>VI.</span> 20; cp. <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 14: so also
-Aur. Vict. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Vir. Ill.</span></cite> 24), and that the site of his house became the mint (Livy
-<span class='fss'>VI.</span> 20). Aurelius Victor, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">loc. cit.</span></i>, states further that he was accused by the senate
-of having secreted Gallic treasures.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1193'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1193'>1193</a>. It does not for the moment matter whether the misrepresentation goes back
-to Brutus or only to Livy or somewhere in between.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1194'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1194'>1194</a>. Mommsen, <cite>Rom. Hist.</cite><sup>2</sup> (English translation), <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 328.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1195'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1195'>1195</a>. Cp. Salvioli (French translation), <cite>Capitalisme dans le Monde Antique</cite>, p. 77.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1196'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1196'>1196</a>. Livy <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 59–60; cp. Dion. Hal. <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 19.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1197'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1197'>1197</a>. Salvioli, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Capitalisme</span></cite>, p. 227.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1198'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1198'>1198</a>. Mommsen, <cite>Hist. Rome</cite> (English translation<sup>2</sup>), <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 495 f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1199'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1199'>1199</a>. Dion. Hal. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 40.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1200'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1200'>1200</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Ibid.</span></i> p. 498.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1201'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1201'>1201</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 66.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1202'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1202'>1202</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Ibid.</span></i> pp. 500–1.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1203'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1203'>1203</a>. Diod. <span class='fss'>XX.</span> 36; cp. Livy, <span class='fss'>IX.</span> 29, uiam muniuit et aquam in urbem duxit
-<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">eaque unus perfecit</span></i>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1204'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1204'>1204</a>. Hill, <cite>Historical Roman Coins</cite>, p. 18; see also <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> pp. 10–18, based on
-Haeberlin’s <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Systematik</span></cite>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1205'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1205'>1205</a>. Val. Max. <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 13. 5 (Rom.).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1206'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1206'>1206</a>. Mommsen, <cite>Hist. Rome</cite> (English translation<sup>2</sup>), <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 504.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1207'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1207'>1207</a>. Suet. <cite>Tiberius</cite>, 2.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1208'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1208'>1208</a>. Mommsen, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 94.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1209'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1209'>1209</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">E.g.</span></i> Bloch, <cite>Répub. Rom.</cite> p. 58. One of the earliest recorded strikes in England
-is that of the Wisbech shoemakers who in 1538 left the town and established
-themselves on a neighbouring hill from which they summoned their masters to
-come out and meet them and hear their demands for higher wages. Webb, <cite>Hist.
-of Trade Unionism</cite>, p. 3.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1210'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1210'>1210</a>. Livy <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 9.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1211'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1211'>1211</a>. Below, p. 235.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1212'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1212'>1212</a>. The reported attempts at servile insurrections in fifth century Rome
-(Livy <span class='fss'>III.</span> 15–16; Dion. Hal. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 51) seem never to have had plebeian support,
-and are perhaps to be partly explained as a result of a more complete severance
-between the free and servile population. The alleged participation of ambitious
-slaves “seduced by hopes of freedom” (Dion. Hal. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 53) in a conspiracy to
-restore Tarquinius Superbus is not the same thing.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1213'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1213'>1213</a>. Livy <span class='fss'>V.</span> 1.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1214'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1214'>1214</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Ibid.</span></i> This sudden withdrawal of the supply of labour by the subsequent
-king of Veii should be noted in connexion with the discussion (above, p. 233) of
-the significance of the Roman “secessions.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1215'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1215'>1215</a>. The story of his interference in the national games might perhaps be
-regarded with suspicion. It recalls Pheidon. But the essence of the story, the
-sudden withdrawal of the supply of labour, is not in the Pheidon story. It rather
-recalls what happened at Columbus, Ohio, in midwinter, 1891, when the gas
-kings suddenly cut off the gas. Hy. D. Lloyd, <cite>Wealth against Commonwealth</cite>,
-p. 365.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1216'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1216'>1216</a>. Pais’ most recent works are his <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Storia Critica</span></cite> and <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Ricerche</span></cite>; but for
-English readers I have thought it better to refer mainly to his earlier but equally
-characteristic <cite>Ancient Legends of Roman History</cite> (1906).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1217'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1217'>1217</a>. The method is of course much older than Pais; cp. G. C. Lewis, <cite>Credib.
-Early Rom. Hist.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 228, “we have no difficulty in explaining the fictitious
-character of the events of that early period provided we consider them fictitious.”
-For an early instance see Bachofen, <cite>Tanaquil</cite> (1870), where the Etruscan Tarquin-Tanaquil
-are equated with the Lydian Heracles (ancestor of Demaratus)-Omphale;
-cp. Damonno, the wife of Gyges, etc. (above, p. 135). Bachofen’s
-comparison may be not altogether groundless, but it is sufficiently explained
-by assuming, as these stories perhaps imply, that the political status of women
-among the Lydo-Etruscans was not quite so backward as it has hitherto been
-in Europe generally. The traces of impropriety which Bachofen detected in
-these ladies’ behaviour may be merely a reflexion of the European attitude
-towards the claims of women for any sort of political equality with men.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1218'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1218'>1218</a>. Tarquin = Tarchon the friend of Aeneas.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1219'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1219'>1219</a>. Pais, <cite>Legends</cite>, pp. 105, 122.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1220'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1220'>1220</a>. Varro, <cite>L.L.</cite> <span class='fss'>V.</span> 41; Dion. Hal. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 69; Pais, <cite>Legends</cite>, pp. 109–116.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1221'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1221'>1221</a>. Pais, <cite>Legends</cite>, pp. 116–127.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1222'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1222'>1222</a>. Cp. G. C. Lewis, <cite>Credib. Early Rom. Hist.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 472.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1223'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1223'>1223</a>. Note, too, the curious history of his successor, who, though claimed as a
-Saxon king, is said to have been of Danish extraction. He bears the name of
-a son of Knut, and spends his brief reign in disposing of another king Harold,
-who is admittedly a Scandinavian. All this must surely be a clumsy attempt to
-anglicize the last of the Danish kings.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1224'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1224'>1224</a>. Cp. Pais’ explanation of Servius Tullius as the fugitive slave god of Aricia,
-<cite>Legends</cite>, pp. 142 f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1225'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1225'>1225</a>. Ovid, <cite>Fasti</cite>, <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 549 f. Caeculus, the mythical founder of Praeneste, was
-found as a babe in a hearth, Virg. <cite>Aen.</cite> <span class='fss'>VII.</span> 681 (cp. <span class='fss'>X.</span> 544), and Cato <em>ap.</em> Schol.
-Veron. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ad loc.</span></i> He was conceived by a spark and manifested by a fire, Serv.
-ad <cite>Aen.</cite> <span class='fss'>VII.</span> 681. Servius Tullius himself offers a still closer analogy. He was
-the issue of the union between a disguised princess (cp. Livy <span class='fss'>I.</span> 39) and a
-burning hearth (according to Frazer, <cite>Magic Art</cite>, <span class='fss'>II.</span> 267–8, the normal form of
-parentage among the early kings of Rome; cp. Plut. <cite>Romulus</cite>, 2), which made
-known its passion for her when she was bringing it cakes (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πελάνους</span>). Subsequently
-Servius announced his coming kingship by himself catching fire, Dion.
-Hal. <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 2; Pliny, <cite>N.H.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXXVI.</span> 70; Plut. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Fort. Rom.</span></cite> 10 (<cite>Moral.</cite> 323); Ovid, <cite>Fasti</cite>,
-<span class='fss'>VI.</span> 627–36. These four references have both birth and burning. For birth see
-also Arnob. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">adv. Gent.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>V.</span> 18 (quoting Flaccus); for burning Florus <span class='fss'>I.</span> 1. 6;
-Serv. ad <cite>Aen.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 683; Aur. Vict. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Vir. Ill.</span></cite> 7; Laur. Lyd. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Ostent.</span></cite> 279 (18 <span class='fss'>B</span>, <span class='fss'>C</span>);
-Cic. <cite>Divin.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> 53 (121).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1226'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1226'>1226</a>. Cp. S. Luke <span class='fss'>XXIV.</span> 30, 31.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1227'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1227'>1227</a>. Pelham, <cite>Outlines</cite><sup>2</sup>, p. 7; cp. Niebuhr, <cite>History of Rome</cite> (trans. Walter),
-<span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 231.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1228'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1228'>1228</a>. Dion. Hal. <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 73.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1229'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1229'>1229</a>. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">οἰκηίῃ τε τριήρει καὶ οἰκηίῃ ἀνδρῶν δαπάνῃ</span>, Hdt. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 46–7; cp. <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 62,
-where Themistocles threatens to sail to the far West with the whole population
-of Athens.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1230'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1230'>1230</a>. Pais, <cite>Legends</cite>, p. 312, n. 7, asserts that “that tradition which makes him
-(Tarquinius Priscus) a contemporary of Romulus was received among the
-official versions.” But Dion. Hal. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 37, which alone he quotes in support,
-speaks only of a nameless lucumo from Solonium.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1231'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1231'>1231</a>. Strabo <span class='fss'>V.</span> 220, 226.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1232'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1232'>1232</a>. There are the same two <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">a priori</span></i> possibilities about the Greek artists Gorgasus
-and Damophilus, said by Pliny (<cite>N.H.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXXV.</span> 45) to have adorned the temple of
-Ceres in the Circus Maximus, which is said to have been dedicated in 494 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>
-In this case there is the further complication that the adornment may have been
-indefinitely later than the dedication. But there is no evidence that it was.
-Greek inscriptions on the temple recorded that the right side was the work of
-Demophilus, the left of Gorgasus. It is begging the question to say that these
-artists must be later than 390 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> because the inscriptions are mentioned by
-Pliny. Rayet (<cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mon. de l’Art Ant.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 7 of chapter entitled “Louve en Bronze”)
-regards Pliny’s statement as confirming the extant archaeological evidence for
-Greek artistic influence on early republican Rome. This is going too far in the
-opposite direction: but Rayet’s view has no inherent impossibility. Nothing is
-said about restoration or reconstruction in the account of the work of these
-Greek artists on the Roman temple.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1233'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1233'>1233</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 92.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1234'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1234'>1234</a>. Martha, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">l’Art Étrusque</span></cite>, p. 120, n. 1.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1235'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1235'>1235</a>. Cic. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Rep.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 20 (36).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1236'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1236'>1236</a>. Cic. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Rep.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 19 (34).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1237'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1237'>1237</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">E.g.</span></i> from Caere, Pottier, <cite>Album</cite>, <span class='fss'>I.</span> nos. E 629–40; <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Roem. Mitt.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 155,
-<span class='fss'>XXII.</span> pp. 133–4, 150–1; <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Bullettino dell’ Inst.</span></cite> 1884, pp. 122–3, 1885, p. 211.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1238'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1238'>1238</a>. Cp. above, fig. 22 from Corinth. The Corinthian pottery from Tarquinii is
-well illustrated Montelius, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Civ. Prim. Ital.</span></cite> Sér. B, plates 297, 298.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1239'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1239'>1239</a>. <cite>Cat. Berl. Vas.</cite> 831 = <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ant. Denk.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> pl. 8, fig. 3<em>a</em>. In discussing this tablet
-Wilisch, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahresb. Gymn. Zittau</span></cite>, 1901, p. 20 and fig. 22, associates it with the
-Demaratus tradition.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1240'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1240'>1240</a>. For travelling potters cp. Bent, <cite>J.H.S.</cite> <span class='fss'>VI.</span> (1885), p. 198, on the modern
-potters of Siphnos: “In springtime they start on their travels far and wide and
-settle in towns and villages for days and weeks until the place is supplied with
-large and well made earthenware, amphorae, and cooking utensils.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1241'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1241'>1241</a>. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Roem. Mitt.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XXII.</span> p. 122; so <cite>Bull. Comm.</cite> 1898, p. 273, n. 3.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1242'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1242'>1242</a>. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Roem. Mitt.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XXII.</span> p. 162; cp. Furtwaengler, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ant. Gemm.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> pp. 174–5; see
-also <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Roem. Mitt.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XXII.</span> p. 156, quoting Furtwaengler, <cite>Olymp.</cite> <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 114 f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1243'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1243'>1243</a>. Vases and bronzes have been attributed to local workshops on stylistic
-grounds. The frescoes must obviously have been executed <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">in situ</span></i>. As regards
-the architectural terra cottas, their size and the number required for each building
-raise the question of local fabric quite apart from their style and technique.
-Unfortunately hitherto remains of this sort have been inadequately excavated
-and no less inadequately published. Rizzo, whose valuable article on the Conca
-finds is referred to more fully below, regards the earliest Conca series as “di
-manufattura non di arte locale.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1244'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1244'>1244</a>. See further pp. 245–6, 251–4. The absence in some cases of seventh century
-Corinthian counterparts to the sixth century Ionic finds is due mainly to the
-accidents of discovery. The earliest architectural terra cottas from the regions
-round Rome are for instance all sixth century and Ionic: but the literary tradition
-ascribes the invention of terra cotta antefixes to Butades, who worked at
-Corinth (Pliny, <cite>N.H.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXXV.</span> 43 (12); cp. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> 45; cp. also <cite>Year’s Work Class. Stud.</cite>
-1914, p. 2 (D. Lamb on recent finds at Corfu)). We may expect therefore that
-when more attention has been paid to excavation and publication we shall find
-that seventh century Italy possessed (which probably means produced) architectural
-terra cottas, and that these terra cottas were in style Corinthian.
-A fresco at Tarquinii, <cite>Bull. Comm.</cite> 1911, p. 26, fig. 9, depicts a gable which recalls
-that of the actual temple recently unearthed in the Corinthian colony of Corcyra.
-At Conca the votive offerings, which go back further than the architectural
-terra cottas, include both Proto-Corinthian and Corinthian pottery (Pinza,
-<cite>Mon. Ant.</cite> <span class='fss'>XV.</span> p. 494; Barnabei and Cozza, <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Notiz.</span></cite> 1896, pp. 29 f.). That the
-Conca finds lend plausibility to the Demaratus story is recognized by Rizzo,
-<cite>Bull. Comm.</cite> 1911, p. 44, who, however, does not appear to recognize the historical
-significance of the material being Ionian.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1245'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1245'>1245</a>. Rizzo, <cite>Bull. Comm.</cite> 1911, pp. 43–6.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1246'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1246'>1246</a>. Klein, <cite>Meistersig.</cite><sup>2</sup> p. 72, nos. 1–3. For the absurdity of saying that the
-name Eucheir is obviously fictitious, cp. the fact that one of the greatest
-composers of early English church music (dominantly vocal) bears the name of
-Byrd. What too does Rizzo think about the historicity of M. Pottier, the
-distinguished French archaeologist to whom we owe the catalogue of the Greek
-vases in the Louvre?</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1247'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1247'>1247</a>. Demaratus is said to have fled from the tyranny of Cypselus (above, p. 216).
-He may have been an unsuccessful rival of Cypselus for the Corinthian tyranny.
-Cp. the facts quoted, p. 52, as to Miltiades the rival of Peisistratus tyrant of
-Athens, and the tyranny that Miltiades secured for himself in the Thracian
-Chersonese.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1248'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1248'>1248</a>. Livy <span class='fss'>I.</span> 45.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1249'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1249'>1249</a>. Dion. Hal. <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 25–6.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1250'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1250'>1250</a>. Aur. Vict. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Vir. Ill.</span></cite> 7.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1251'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1251'>1251</a>. Strabo, <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 179, 180, remarks on the similarity of the images of Artemis at
-Ephesus, at Marseilles, and in the Servian temple at Rome; see Seeley, <cite>Livy I.</cite>
-chap. 45.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1252'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1252'>1252</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">E.g.</span></i> <cite>Brit. Mus. Cat. Vases</cite>, <span class='fss'>II.</span> fig. 41 and pl. II., Buschor, <cite>Gr. Vasenmal.</cite><sup>1</sup>
-p. 94.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1253'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1253'>1253</a>. Buschor, <cite>Gr. Vasenmal.</cite><sup>1</sup> pp. 97–9 and figs. 62, 63.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1254'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1254'>1254</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Ibid.</span></i> pp. 87–90 and fig. 56. Clazomenae lay only 20 miles from Phocaea,
-the city with which we have just seen reasons for associating Servius.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1255'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1255'>1255</a>. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Roem. Mitt.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>IX.</span> (1894), pp. 253 f. and especially 254–5, 269 (where Petersen
-compares with Ephesian work) and 287–296 (particularly close parallels from
-Clazomenae).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1256'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1256'>1256</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">E.g.</span></i> Montelius, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Civ. Prim. Ital.</span></cite> Sér. B, pl. 342; Rizzo, <cite>Bull. Comm.</cite> 1910,
-p. 320, 1911, p. 43, discussing representations of temple gables in some of the
-frescoes.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1257'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1257'>1257</a>. Graillot, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mélanges d’Arch. et d’Hist.</span></cite> 1896, pp. 148 f.; Barnabei and Cozza,
-<cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Notiz. d. Scav.</span></cite> 1896, pp. 28 f.; Rizzo, <cite>Bull. Comm.</cite> 1910, pp. 307 f.; cp. Walters,
-<cite>Brit. Mus. Cat. Terracottas</cite>, pp. xvii. and 171–9 (Ionic Greek architectural
-terra cottas from Lanuvium and Caere), 183 (Etruscan terra cotta sarcophagus
-under Ionic influence from Caere).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1258'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1258'>1258</a>. Rizzo, <cite>Bull. Comm.</cite> 1910, p. 318. The Velletri examples show a striking
-resemblance to finds made in Asia Minor at Larissa near Phocaea.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1259'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1259'>1259</a>. <cite>Bull. Comm.</cite> 1911, pp. 46–7; cp. 1910, p. 313.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1260'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1260'>1260</a>. <cite>Bull. Comm.</cite> 1911, p. 47.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1261'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1261'>1261</a>. Perhaps after the “Sacred” war of the beginning of the sixth century when
-the fall of Krisa cut off Cumae from her mother city, see below, pp. 259–260.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1262'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1262'>1262</a>. Cic. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Tusc. Quaest.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> 12 (27); Livy <span class='fss'>II.</span> 21; Dion. Hal. <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 21; cp. <span class='fss'>VII.</span> 2, 12.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1263'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1263'>1263</a>. See below, pp. 278–9.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1264'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1264'>1264</a>. Platner, <cite>Topography of Rome</cite><sup>2</sup> (1911), p. 106. Cp. Huelsen, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Forum Romanum</span></cite>,
-trans. Carter, 1906, p. 3.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1265'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1265'>1265</a>. Platner, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> p. 105. Pais claims the story of Curtius (445 or 362 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>;
-Varro, <cite>L.L.</cite> <span class='fss'>V.</span> 148; Livy <span class='fss'>VII.</span> 6) as an alternative version of the draining of the
-Forum. The existence of two conflicting versions would not, <em>pace</em> Pais, <cite>Legends</cite>,
-pp. 35–6, prove that neither was true; in this particular case we have not two
-rival stories, since the Curtius legend refers not to the original draining of the
-site, but to a sudden flood, such as that which so alarmed the Romans in the
-days of Horace (<cite>Odes</cite>, <span class='fss'>I.</span> ii. 12–20). The Forum continues to be seriously flooded
-from time to time.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1266'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1266'>1266</a>. On this pottery and its provenance see below, Appendix B, pp. 315–319.
-Considering the claims of Corinth to have produced ware of this style it is interesting
-to note that some quantity of it has been found in Rome, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">e.g.</span></i> <cite>Mon. Ant.</cite>
-<span class='fss'>XV.</span> figs. 88<em>a</em>, <em>b</em>, and 89, pp. 109 f., pl. IX. 9, 10, 14, 15, 18, pl. X. 1, 4, 5, pl. XVII. 9.
-See also below, nn. 4, 5.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1267'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1267'>1267</a>. Ure, <cite>Black Glaze Pottery</cite>, pls. X. 3, XI. 1, 2.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1268'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1268'>1268</a>. <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Notiz.</span></cite> 1903, p. 380; 1911, p. 161.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1269'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1269'>1269</a>. 1903, p. 388, fig. 17; 1911, p. 160, fig. 3<em>d</em>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1270'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1270'>1270</a>. See Appendix E.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1271'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1271'>1271</a>. See Appendix F.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1272'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1272'>1272</a>. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Etrusker</span></cite>, <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 114.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1273'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1273'>1273</a>. <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Journal des Savants</span></cite>, 1909, p. 213.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1274'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1274'>1274</a>. <cite>Mastarna</cite>, p. 43.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1275'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1275'>1275</a>. <cite>Legends</cite>, pp. 142 f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1276'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1276'>1276</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Ibid.</span></i> p. 134.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1277'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1277'>1277</a>. Above, p. 231. Ceres, Liber, and Libera, whose worship is said to have
-been introduced into Rome in the seventh year of the republic, are plainly the
-Attic-Eleusinian triad.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1278'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1278'>1278</a>. Martha, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">L’Art Étrusque</span></cite>, p. 125, mentions several thousand Attic vases
-from the single city of Vulci.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1279'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1279'>1279</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">E.g.</span></i> <cite>Mon. Ant.</cite> <span class='fss'>XV.</span> p. 242<em>a</em>, <em>b</em>, <em>c</em>, pl. IX. 16, pl. X. 3, pl. XVII. 11.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1280'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1280'>1280</a>. Except perhaps <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Notiz.</span></cite> 1903, p. 137, fig. 17; cp. Sieveking and Hackl, <cite>Cat.
-vases Munich</cite>, 613, pl. 30, classified as Italian Corinthian.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1281'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1281'>1281</a>. <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Notiz.</span></cite> 1903, pp. 407, 412, 424, 425, figs. 36, 42, 55, 57.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1282'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1282'>1282</a>. Sieveking and Hackl, pl. 18, 481.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1283'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1283'>1283</a>. <cite>Mon. Ant.</cite> <span class='fss'>XV.</span> fig. 157 and p. 508.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1284'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1284'>1284</a>. Pl. XIII. 6.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1285'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1285'>1285</a>. <cite>Mon. Ant.</cite> <span class='fss'>XV.</span> fig. 153<em>b</em>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1286'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1286'>1286</a>. Dickens, <cite>Cat. Acrop. Mus.</cite> p. 193 on Athens Nat. Mus. no. 654.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1287'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1287'>1287</a>. <cite>Mon. Ant.</cite> <span class='fss'>XV.</span> p. 263, fig. 105.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1288'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1288'>1288</a>. <cite>J.R.S.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> p. 249. Such vague language is unworthy of its distinguished
-author, particularly in a paper in which he repeatedly pleads for scientific
-precision.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1289'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1289'>1289</a>. Petersen, <cite>Klio</cite>, 1908, pp. 440 f.; 1909, pp. 29 f.; cp. Michaelis, <cite>Cent. Arch.
-Discov.</cite> p. 250. Experts have differed to the extent of eighteen centuries in the
-dating of this fine animal. Early scholars attributed it to a dedication of 296 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>
-recorded by Livy <span class='fss'>X.</span> 23, when the consuls “simulacria infantium conditorum
-urbis sub uberibus lupae posuerunt.” But 296 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> is no time for so archaic a
-work. This led certain German scholars, including Bode, to regard it as a work
-of the twelfth or thirteenth century <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">A.D.</span></span>, and the cast of it at Berlin was expelled
-from the Classical collections. Already, however, in 1867 Bachofen in the
-<cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Annali dell’ Inst.</span></cite> pp. 184–8 had incidentally suggested (as possible though not
-likely) a date at the end of the sixth century <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> A reasoned argument for this
-dating was first put forward by Rayet, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mon. de l’Art Ant.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> vii. Rayet shows
-that the wolf was in existence in the ninth century <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">A.D.</span></span>, that the animals of
-the twelfth and thirteenth centuries <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">A.D.</span></span> are stylistically different, and that the
-Capitoline wolf has close affinities with other representations of animals that
-are unquestionably archaic Greek. The children are of course much later.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1290'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1290'>1290</a>. It has not been thought necessary to combat the ultra-sceptical views of
-Mommsen (<cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Roem. Forsch.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> pp. 156 f., 199 f.) and Pais (<cite>Ancient Italy</cite>, pp. 276 f.;
-<cite>Ancient Legends</cite>, chap. <span class='fss'>XI.</span>), as to the historical existence of Cassius and
-Maelius.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1291'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1291'>1291</a>. Above, p. 239.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1292'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1292'>1292</a>. Martha, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">L’Art Étrusque</span></cite>, p. 123; <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Roem. Mitt.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XXII.</span> pp. 131, 133–4, 150–1,
-162; Pottier, <cite>Album</cite>, <span class='fss'>I.</span> E 629–40.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1293'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1293'>1293</a>. Strabo <span class='fss'>V.</span> 220.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1294'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1294'>1294</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 167.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1295'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1295'>1295</a>. In Chapter I of this book I have tried to show that this conception of the
-tyrant disappears from Greek literature with the advent of Dionysius of Syracuse.
-If, therefore, the Tarquin story is only pseudo-history, it must have been
-concocted in the fifth century.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1296'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1296'>1296</a>. Aristot. <cite>Pol.</cite> <span class='fss'>VII.</span> (<span class='fss'>V.</span>), 1315<em>b</em>; Strabo (where, however, the reference includes
-the third century Aratus) <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 382.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1297'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1297'>1297</a>. Diod. <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 24; Liban. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Orat. c. Severum</span></cite>, <span class='fss'>III.</span> p. 251 Reiske; Hellad. <em>ap.</em> Phot.
-530<em>a</em> Bekker. Cp. Foerster, <cite>Phil.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXXV.</span> p. 710.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1298'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1298'>1298</a>. Plut. <cite>Ser. Num. Vind.</cite> 7 (<cite>Moral.</cite> 553).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1299'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1299'>1299</a>. <cite>Oxyrhync. Pap.</cite> <span class='fss'>XI.</span> no. 1365.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1300'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1300'>1300</a>. <cite>Pace</cite> De Gubernatis, <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Atti R. Accad. Torino</span></cite>, 1916, p. 293.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1301'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1301'>1301</a>. See above, pp. 26f. De Gubernatis, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> pp. 294–7, suggests as author
-Menaechmus of Sicyon, who probably flourished about the time of the Diadochoi,
-see Abel, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Schol. Pind. Nem.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>IX.</span> p. 254.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1302'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1302'>1302</a>. Paus. <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 19. 2.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1303'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1303'>1303</a>. He took part with Solon in the Sacred War (about 590 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>) and was the
-grandfather of the Athenian Cleisthenes who reformed the Athenian constitution
-in 508 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span></p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1304'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1304'>1304</a>. Aristot. <cite>Pol.</cite> <span class='fss'>VII.</span> (<span class='fss'>V.</span>), 1316<em>a</em>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1305'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1305'>1305</a>. Nic. Dam. <cite>F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> p. 394.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1306'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1306'>1306</a>. Aristot. <cite>Pol.</cite> 1315<em>b</em> (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">διὰ τὸ πολεμικὸς γενέσθαι Κλεισθένης</span>).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1307'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1307'>1307</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 67 (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Κλεισθένης γὰρ Ἀργείοισι πολεμήσας</span>...). Athen. <span class='fss'>XIII.</span> 560<em>c</em>
-implies that Argos and Sicyon were on the same side in the Krisaian war, but
-no conclusions can be based on this romantic passage which ascribes the war
-(like the Trojan war) to the rape of some Argive women. An Argive (Leokedes,
-son of the tyrant Pheidon) appears among the suitors of Agariste, Cleisthenes’
-daughter. He has been suspected by the moderns as being chronologically
-impossible, as being the only Dorian, and as raising the number from twelve to
-thirteen (Macan ad Hdt. <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 127); but his <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">a priori</span></i> improbability is not decisive
-against his historical reality. Cleisthenes may have changed his policy towards
-the end of his career, though against this must be set the evidence for rivalry
-between Sicyon and Argos over the foundation (?) of the Nemean games right
-at the end of Cleisthenes’ reign, Bury, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Nemean Odes</span></cite>, pp. 250–1.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1308'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1308'>1308</a>. Paus. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 9. 6; <span class='fss'>X.</span> 37. 6 (“so the Amphictyons resolved to make war on the
-Kirrhaians, and they appointed Cleisthenes, tyrant of Sicyon, to the command”);
-Polyaen. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 5 (cp. <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 13); Frontin. <cite>Strat.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> 7. 6; Schol. Pind. pref. to <cite>Nem.</cite> <span class='fss'>IX.</span>
-(quoted below).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1309'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1309'>1309</a>. Cp. Hom. <cite>Il.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 520; <cite>Hymn. Apoll.</cite> 438; Paus. <span class='fss'>VII.</span> 19. 7.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1310'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1310'>1310</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 129; cp. Nic. Dam. <cite>F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> p. 395.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1311'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1311'>1311</a>. Strabo <span class='fss'>IX.</span> 418 <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">εὐτυχήσαντες γὰρ οἱ Κρισαῖοι διὰ τὰ ἐκ τῆς Σικελίας καὶ τῆς
-Ἰταλίας τέλη πικρῶς ἐτελώνουν τοὺς ἐπὶ τὸ ἱερὸν ἀφικνουμένους</span>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid. supra</span></i>,
-<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πόλις ἀρχαία Κίρρα ἐπὶ τῇ θαλάττῃ ἱδρυμένη&nbsp;... ἵδρυται δ’ ἀπαντικρὺ Σικυῶνος,
-πρόκειται δὲ τῆς Κίρρας τὸ Κρισαῖον πεδίον εὔδαιμον. πάλιν γὰρ ἐφεξῆς ἐστιν
-ἄλλη πόλις Κρῖσα, ἀφ’ ἧς ὁ κόλπος Κρισαῖος</span>, cp. Mariéjol, <cite>de Orthagoridis</cite>,
-pp. 29 f.; Beloch, <cite>Gr. G.</cite><sup>2</sup> <span class='fss'>I.</span> i. p. 337, n. 3. Whether Kirrha is either geographically
-or etymologically distinct from Krisa is immaterial for our enquiry.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1312'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1312'>1312</a>. Schol. Pind. preface to <cite>Nem.</cite> <span class='fss'>IX.</span> <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">φησὶ δὲ ἐν τῷ πολέμῶ τῶν Κρισαίων κατὰ
-θάλασσαν ῥᾳδίως τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ποριζομένων καὶ διὰ τοῦτο μακρᾶς γενομένης
-τῆς πολιορκίας Κλεισθένην τὸν Σικυώνιον ναυτικὸν ἰδίᾳ παρασκευάσαντα κωλῦσαι
-τὴν σιτοπομπίαν αὐτῶν, καὶ διὰ ταύτην τὴν εὐεργεσίαν τὸ τρίτον τῶν
-λαφύρων ἔδοσαν τῷ Κλεισθένει καὶ Σικυωνίαν</span> (alii <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Σικυωνίοις</span>), <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">αφ’ οὗ καὶ
-Σικυώνιοι τὰ Πύθια πρῶτον παρ’ ἑαυτοῖς ἔθεσαν</span>. The authority here used by
-the scholiast is uncertain. Possibly it is Menaechmus of Sicyon, on whom see
-above, p. 258, n. 2.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1313'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1313'>1313</a>. Sicyon has not much of a harbour (Bursian, <cite>Geog. Gr.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> i. p. 30), but it
-managed to raise a respectable squadron of ships for the Persian and Peloponnesian
-wars (Hdt. <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 43; Thuc. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 9), when its importance was far less than
-in the age of the tyrants.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1314'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1314'>1314</a>. According to one reading of the scholium to Pindar, <cite>Nem.</cite> <span class='fss'>IX.</span> it was
-to these proceedings that Cleisthenes owed his throne: <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">καὶ διὰ ταύτην τὴν
-εὐεργασίαν τὸ τρίτον τῶν λαφύρων ἔδοσαν τῷ Κλεισθένει καὶ Σικυωνίαν</span>.
-(See above, n. 1.) But the name of a country in the objective accusative
-without the article is unusual, and <span class='fss'>MS.</span> evidence appears to support the
-reading <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Σικυωνίοις</span>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1315'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1315'>1315</a>. Bury, <cite>Nemean Odes</cite>, Appendix D. The year 586 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> is generally given as
-the date of the first Pythian games; but our authorities state that the festival
-was older. What happened after the Sacred War was a change in the character
-of the festival, which from being purely musical became largely athletic (Strabo
-<span class='fss'>IX.</span> 421; Paus. <span class='fss'>X.</span> 7. 2–5).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1316'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1316'>1316</a>. To the instances quoted by Bury add perhaps the interferences of Polycrates
-in the great Delian festival, above, pp. 70, 71.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1317'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1317'>1317</a>. See especially Isocr. <cite>Panegyr.</cite> 43 (49).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1318'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1318'>1318</a>. Strabo <span class='fss'>X.</span> 486; cp. Livy <span class='fss'>I.</span> 30, “Tullus (<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">i.e.</span></i> Tullus Hostilius, king of Rome)
-<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ad Feroniae fanum mercatu frequenti negotiatores Romanos comprehensos
-querebatur</span>”; S. Matt. <span class='fss'>XXI.</span> 12, “and Jesus entered into the temple of God,
-and cast out all them that sold and bought in the temple, and overthrew the
-tables of the money-changers.” From this point of view the Greek games
-may be compared, too, with some of the great fairs of mediaeval Europe; see,
-<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">e.g.</span></i>, Dagobert I, diplom. ann. 629; Pipin, diplom. ann. 753, de festo S. Dionysii,
-cited Barth, <cite>Corinth. Comm.</cite> p. 9, n. 1. Cp. also the fairs held in the neighbourhood
-of sanctuaries in pre-Mohammedan Arabia, Margoliouth, <cite>Mohammed</cite>,
-p. 6.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1319'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1319'>1319</a>. Cornford, <cite>Thucydides Mythistoricus</cite>, p. 35.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1320'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1320'>1320</a>. Cp. Grote (ed. 1888), <span class='fss'>II.</span> pp. 65–66, who acutely argues that Cleisthenes
-aimed mainly at suppressing not our Homer but the lost <cite>Thebais</cite> when he prohibited
-the recitation of Homer in Sicyon. The <cite>Thebais</cite> glorified the Dorian
-heroes who overthrew prehistoric Thebes.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1321'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1321'>1321</a>. Macan ad Hdt. <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 127.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1322'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1322'>1322</a>. A. B. Cook, <cite>C.R.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXI.</span> p. 169, but cp. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> p. 233.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1323'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1323'>1323</a>. The oracle had prophesied, and therefore presumably favoured, the establishment
-of the tyranny by Orthagoras, <cite>Oxyrhync. Pap.</cite> <span class='fss'>XI.</span> 1365; Diod. <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 24;
-Plut. <cite>Ser. Num. Vind.</cite> 7 (<cite>Moral.</cite> 553) (where the tyranny of Orthagoras is
-made to result from an outrage committed at the Pythian games).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1324'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1324'>1324</a>. “Sikyon ist keine Handelstadt,” <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ges. d. Alt.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span><sup>1</sup> p. 628.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1325'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1325'>1325</a>. Below, pp. 316–7 and references, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i></p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1326'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1326'>1326</a>. Paus. <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 19. 2.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1327'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1327'>1327</a>. Frazer, Paus. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ad loc.</span></i></p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1328'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1328'>1328</a>. Frazer, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i></p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1329'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1329'>1329</a>. The Cretan sculptors Dipoenus and Scyllis came about 580 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> to Sicyon,
-“which was long the home of all such crafts. The Sicyonians contracted with
-them for statues of the gods, but before they were completed the artists complained
-that they were ill used and departed to Aetolia” (Pliny, <cite>N.H.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXXVI.</span> 4).
-Gardner suggests that the artists left Sicyon on the death of Cleisthenes (<cite>Gk.
-Sculp.</cite><sup>2</sup> p. 103). The wild and half civilized Aetolia seems an odd refuge for such
-highly skilled craftsmen. Beyond Aetolia from Sicyon lay the city of Ambracia,
-which Pliny declares to have been crammed with works of Dipoenus (<cite>N.H.</cite>
-<span class='fss'>XXXVI.</span> 4). On the strength presumably of this statement, Gardner (<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i>) makes
-the artists retire to Ambracia from Sicyon. Ambracia was a Corinthian colony
-and appears to have continued under a tyrant of the house of Cypselus after
-the fall of the great tyrant houses in the isthmus states. The Sicyonians
-were ordered by Apollo to recall the artists and let them finish their work,
-and this was done though it cost the Sicyonians dear (magnis mercedibus
-impetratum est, Pliny, <cite>N.H.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXXVI.</span> 4). It may be noted that tyranny too was
-revived at Sicyon. A tyrant Aeschines was expelled by the Spartans, presumably
-towards the end of the sixth century, Plut. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Hdt. Malig.</span></cite> 21 (<cite>Moral.</cite> 859). The
-wanderings of Dipoenus and Scyllis thus point to a possible connexion between
-the tyrannical form of government and good conditions for skilled labour.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1330'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1330'>1330</a>. Paus. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 9. 6.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1331'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1331'>1331</a>. Poll. <span class='fss'>VII.</span> 685; Mariéjol, <cite>de Orthagoridis</cite>, pp. 11–12, compares the Megareans
-who</p>
-
-<div class='lg-container-b c016'>
-  <div class='linegroup'>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line in2'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πρόσθ’ οὔτε δίκας ᾔδεσαν οὔτε νόμους,</span></div>
-      <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀλλ’ ἀμφὶ πλευρῇσι δορὰς αἰγῶν κατέτριβον,</span></div>
-      <div class='line in2'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἔξω δ’ ὥστ’ ἔλαφοι τῆσδε νέμοντο πόλεος</span></div>
-      <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">καὶ νῦν εἴσ’ ἀγαθοί</span>. <span class='sc'>Theognis</span> 54–7.</div>
-    </div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1332'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1332'>1332</a>. <cite>Pace</cite> Bury, <cite>Hist. Greece</cite><sup>2</sup>, p. 155.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1333'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1333'>1333</a>. Aristot. <cite>Pol.</cite> <span class='fss'>VII.</span> (<span class='fss'>V.</span>), 1315<em>b</em>; cp. <cite>Oxyrhync. Pap.</cite> <span class='fss'>XI.</span> 1365, ll. 58 f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1334'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1334'>1334</a>. Busolt, <cite>Gr. G.</cite><sup>2</sup> <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 663. Cleisthenes, the last and best remembered of the
-dynasty, seems to have made himself particularly obnoxious to the upper classes.
-His marked antipathy to Homer, the poet of aristocracy and divine right, may
-have had a social as well as a racial basis, as may have been the case also with
-his treatment of the Argive-Sicyonian hero, king Adrastus, whose festival, which
-doubtless savoured of aristocratic ancestor worship, he replaced by the cult of
-the parvenu and plebeian wine-god Dionysus.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1335'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1335'>1335</a>. Thuc. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 126; Aristot. <cite>Rhet.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> 2; Aristot. <cite>Pol.</cite> <span class='fss'>VII.</span> (<span class='fss'>V.</span>), 1305<em>a</em>; Paus. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 28. 1,
-40. 1, 41. 2; Plut. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Qu. Gr.</span></cite> 18 (<cite>Moral.</cite> 295).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1336'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1336'>1336</a>. Euseb. <cite>Chron.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> ch. 33. Theagenes is brought down by Beloch into the sixth
-century, but on the weakest possible evidence.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1337'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1337'>1337</a>. Aristot. <cite>Pol.</cite> <span class='fss'>VII.</span> (<span class='fss'>V.</span>), 1305<em>a</em>. Cauer’s idea, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Part. u. Polit. in Megara u. Athen</span></cite>,
-p. 16, that the rise of Theagenes coincided with a severe blow to the colonial
-power of Megara in the Black Sea has no evidence to support it.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1338'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1338'>1338</a>. Xen. <cite>Mem.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 7. 6; cp. Aristoph. <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Ach.</span></cite> 519, <cite>Pax</cite> 1002.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1339'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1339'>1339</a>. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Kleinschr.</span></cite> pp. 116–17; cp. 119, n. 1. Meyer quotes Isoc. <cite>de Pace</cite>, 117 (183), on
-the humble beginnings of Megara, but the passage suggests no particular dates.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1340'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1340'>1340</a>. <cite>Gr. G.</cite><sup>2</sup> <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 470.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1341'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1341'>1341</a>. Xen. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Anab.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 2. 1; Arrian, <cite>Perip.</cite> 18.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1342'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1342'>1342</a>. On the relationships between Megara and Miletus at this period practically
-nothing is known. They appear to have been friendly, Meyer, <cite>G. d. A.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 676
-(but cp. Cauer, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Part. u. Polit. in Megara u. Athen</span></cite>, pp. 14 f.). Corinth on the
-other hand appears to have been friendly to Samos the rival of Miletus, and we
-hear of an early collision between Corinth and Megara (Meyer, <cite>G. d. A.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span>
-p. 449). It is therefore not unlikely that the great wool trade of Miletus with
-the far West passed through Megara rather than through the rival isthmus
-state of Corinth.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1343'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1343'>1343</a>. Paus. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 44. 4.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1344'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1344'>1344</a>. <cite>N.H.</cite> <span class='fss'>VII.</span> 57.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1345'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1345'>1345</a>. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Hauptstätten d. Gewerbfleisses</span></cite>, p. 89.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1346'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1346'>1346</a>. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Gewerbliche Tätigkeit</span></cite>, p. 71.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1347'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1347'>1347</a>. Theog. 183–4.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1348'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1348'>1348</a>. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Part. u. Polit. in Megara u. Athen</span></cite>, p. 24.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1349'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1349'>1349</a>. H. Sieveking, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Viertelj. f. Soc. u. Wirt.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>VII.</span> p. 64.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1350'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1350'>1350</a>. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Sozialismus</span></cite><sup>2</sup>, <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 195, n. 2.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1351'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1351'>1351</a>. Hy. D. Lloyd, <cite>Wealth against Commonwealth</cite>, chap. <span class='fss'>III.</span></p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1352'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1352'>1352</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Ibid.</span></i> chap. <span class='fss'>XVIII.</span></p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1353'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1353'>1353</a>. Paus. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 40. 1, 41. 2.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1354'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1354'>1354</a>. Meyer, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ges. d. Alt.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span><sup>1</sup> p. 567. Hezekiah came to the throne 714 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span></p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1355'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1355'>1355</a>. Plut. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Qu. Gr.</span></cite> 18 (<cite>Moral.</cite> 295).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1356'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1356'>1356</a>. So Cauer, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Part. u. Polit. in Megara u. Athen</span></cite>, p. 31.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1357'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1357'>1357</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 20–22, <span class='fss'>V.</span> 28, <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 46; Aristot. <cite>Pol.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> 1284<em>a</em>, <span class='fss'>VII.</span> (<span class='fss'>V.</span>), 1305<em>a</em>;
-Plut. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Qu. Gr.</span></cite> 32 (<cite>Moral.</cite> 298); Suid. s.v. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Γέργηθες, Περιβολή, Τύρβη</span>; Athen.
-<span class='fss'>XII.</span> 523<em>f</em>–524<em>b</em>; Myres, <cite>J.H.S.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXVI.</span> 110–115 (on Milesian thalassocracy).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1358'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1358'>1358</a>. Swoboda <em>ap.</em> Pauly Wissowa s.v. Damasenor. This possibility is stated as
-a fact by A. G. Dunham, <cite>Hist. Miletus</cite>, p. 127.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1359'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1359'>1359</a>. So Beloch <cite>Gr. G.</cite><sup>2</sup> <span class='fss'>I.</span> i. p. 359.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1360'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1360'>1360</a>. For a quite different interpretation see Wecklein, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Sitzb. Bay. Akad. Muenchen:
-philos.-philol. Kl.</span></cite> 1873, p. 45; Wachsmuth, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Stadt Athen</span></cite>, <span class='fss'>I.</span> 481.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1361'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1361'>1361</a>. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Tyrannis</span></cite>, p. 226.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1362'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1362'>1362</a>. Eustath. ad <cite>Odyss.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> 399. He himself so uses it ad <cite>Odyss.</cite> <span class='fss'>XII.</span> 103 and
-<cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Opusc. de emen. vita monach.</span></cite> 126.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1363'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1363'>1363</a>. Poehlmann, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Sozialismus</span></cite><sup>2</sup>, <span class='fss'>I.</span> 183, regards Cheiromache as consisting mainly
-of “the compact masses of journeymen, labourers and tradespeople, whom the
-great developments of industry, trade, and shipping were concentrating in
-ever growing numbers in the cities.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1364'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1364'>1364</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Apud</span></i> Athen. <span class='fss'>XII.</span> 524<em>a</em>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1365'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1365'>1365</a>. How and Wells, ad <cite>Hdt.</cite> <span class='fss'>V.</span> 28.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1366'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1366'>1366</a>. Athen. <span class='fss'>XII.</span> 524<em>b</em>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1367'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1367'>1367</a>. Casaubon <em>ap.</em> Schweighaeuser, <cite>Athen.</cite>, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ad loc.</span></i> explains “unwarlike” as
-referring to the children who were tarred and burnt along with their elders;
-but there is no indication that the oracle is thinking particularly of the children,
-nor would unwarlike be a very appropriate adjective for them.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1368'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1368'>1368</a>. <cite>Pol.</cite> <span class='fss'>VII.</span> (<span class='fss'>V.</span>), 1305<em>a</em>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1369'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1369'>1369</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 92; so Aristot. <cite>Pol.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> 1284<em>a</em>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1370'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1370'>1370</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 21–22.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1371'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1371'>1371</a>. E. Meyer, <cite>G. d. A.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> 1, p. 57.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1372'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1372'>1372</a>. Miletus must have profited enormously by the fall of Polycrates (about
-523 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>) and the raising of the blockade that he had maintained against all the
-subjects or allies of the Great King.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Hdt. <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 137 makes Histiaeus assert that it was thanks to Darius that the
-Ionian tyrants were on their thrones, and that if the power of Darius was
-destroyed neither would he (Histiaeus) be able to rule the Milesians nor any
-other tyrant any other people. But the Greek does not say that Darius had
-put the tyrants on their thrones, and the words of Histiaeus are described as
-an opinion, not as an assertion of fact. Herodotus therefore neither states nor
-suggests that the Ionian tyrannies were due to the active interference of Darius.
-After the Ionian revolt the Persian satrap “established democracies in the
-Greek cities,” or in other words openly proclaimed that they might govern
-themselves.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1373'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1373'>1373</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 11.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1374'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1374'>1374</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 23. Cp. above, p. 62.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1375'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1375'>1375</a>. Grundy, <cite>Great Persian War</cite>, p. 66.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1376'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1376'>1376</a>. For this view cp. my remarks in Chapter II on the part played by the
-Thracian mines in “rooting” and maintaining the tyranny of Peisistratus.
-Cp. also the later attempt of Histiaeus to secure the Thracian island of Thasos
-with its great fleet and extremely productive mines, Hdt. <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 46.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1377'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1377'>1377</a>. <em>Ap.</em> Suid. s.v. Pythagoras.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1378'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1378'>1378</a>. Athen. <span class='fss'>VII.</span> 289<em>c</em>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1379'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1379'>1379</a>. Ael. <cite>V.H.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> 26; Polyaen. <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 50; cp. Hdt. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 26.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1380'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1380'>1380</a>. Suid. s.v. Hipponax.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1381'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1381'>1381</a>. Pauly Wissowa s.v. Ephesus, pp. 2788–9, quoting Suid. s.v. Aristarchos.
-The rope with which the Ephesians bound their city to the temple during the
-siege by Croesus and the liberal contribution by Croesus to the rebuilding of the
-temple are no evidence, <em>pace</em> E. Curtius, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Ephesus</span></cite>, pp. 14–15, that the government
-of the city at this period passed for a time into the hands of the priesthood.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1382'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1382'>1382</a>. So Buerchner <em>ap.</em> Pauly Wissowa s.v. Ephesus, p. 2788. Plass, however,
-<cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Tyrannis</span></cite>, pp. 229–30, regards Melas and Pindaros as Basilids and Pythagoras
-as later than them.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1383'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1383'>1383</a>. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τῷ δήμῳ καὶ τῇ πλήθυι ἦν τε καὶ ἐδόκει κεχαρισμένος, ἅμα τὰ μὲν αὐτοὺς
-ἐπελπίζων ὑποσχέσεσιν, τὰ δὲ ὑποσπείρων αὐτοῖς ὀλίγα κέρδη</span>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1384'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1384'>1384</a>. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τούς γε μὴν ἐν ἀξιώσει τε καὶ δυνάμει περισυλῶν καὶ δημεύων</span>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1385'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1385'>1385</a>. Cp. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">e.g.</span></i> <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀπέχρησε μὲν οὖν καὶ ταῦτα</span> (his behaviour to his subjects) <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἂν
-κάκιστα ἀνθρώπων ἀπολέσαι αὐτόν· ἤδη δὲ καὶ τοῦ θείου κατεφρόνει, κ.τ.λ.</span></p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1386'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1386'>1386</a>. Ael. <cite>V.H.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> 26.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1387'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1387'>1387</a>. Radet, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Lydie</span></cite>, p. 172. There is, however, <em>pace</em> Radet (pp. 82, 134), no evidence
-that the Melas, son-in-law of Gyges, described by Nic. Dam. <cite>F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> p. 396
-as prince of Daskylion was an ancestor of Melas the father of Pindarus (so also
-Gelzer, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Rhein. Mus.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XXXV.</span> pp. 520–1) and a predecessor of this later Melas as
-tyrant of Ephesus. Radet assumes the Daskylion of Nic. Dam. to be a mistake
-for Ephesus.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1388'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1388'>1388</a>. Nic. Dam. <cite>F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> p. 397; see above, p. 137.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1389'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1389'>1389</a>. Euseb. and Hieron. <cite>Chron.</cite></p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1390'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1390'>1390</a>. Polyaen. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 47.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1391'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1391'>1391</a>. Pol. <span class='fss'>VII.</span> (<span class='fss'>V.</span>), 1310<em>b</em> 29, 1316<em>a</em> 37 (based perhaps on Antiochus of Syracuse,
-Endt, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Wien. Stud.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XXIV.</span> p. 53).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1392'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1392'>1392</a>. Above, Chap. I, pp. 26 f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1393'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1393'>1393</a>. Freeman, <cite>History of Sicily</cite>, <span class='fss'>II.</span> 56, used it to rebut the view that the struggle
-that ended with the tyranny of Panaitios was “only a strife between the rich
-and the poor” and to infer that it was probably racial. The significant “only”
-sufficiently explains the inference.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1394'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1394'>1394</a>. Polyaen. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 1. 1.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1395'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1395'>1395</a>. Cic. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ad Att.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>VII.</span> 12. 2, 20. 2; <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Div.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> 23; Val. Max. <span class='fss'>III.</span> iii. extern. 2; Plut.
-<cite>Ser. Num. Vind.</cite> 7 (<cite>Moral.</cite> 553); Lucian, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Ver. Hist.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 23; <cite>bis Acc.</cite> 8; <cite>Phalaris</cite>,
-A and B <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">passim</span></i> (<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> A 6, Phalaris declares that he punished conspirators
-savagely, cp. Plut. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Amat.</span></cite> 16 (<cite>Moral.</cite> 760), simply because they thwarted his
-intention of governing mildly; <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> A 8, 9, men naturally kindly like himself are
-more pained by inflicting punishments than by receiving them); Athen. <span class='fss'>XIII.</span>
-602<em>a-b</em>; Ael. <cite>V.H.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 4. The last two give an anecdote where Phalaris shows that
-he can be merciful as well as cruel.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1396'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1396'>1396</a>. Pind. <cite>Pyth.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> 95 f., cp. Schol. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ad loc.</span></i>; Timaeus <cite>F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> pp. 221–2 (Polyb.
-<span class='fss'>XII.</span> 25; Diod. <span class='fss'>XIII.</span> 90; Schol. Pind. <cite>Pyth.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> Timaeus appears to have denied
-the historical existence of the bull); Diod. <span class='fss'>XIX.</span> 108; Cic. <cite>Verr.</cite> <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 33; Ovid,
-<cite>A.A.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> 653; <cite>Trist.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> xi. 41 f.; <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Ib.</span></i> 441; Pliny, <cite>N.H.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXXIV.</span> 19; Plut. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Parall.</span></cite>
-39 (<cite>Moral.</cite> 315); Lucian, <cite>Phalaris</cite>, A 1, 11; B 11.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1397'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1397'>1397</a>. Pind. <cite>Pyth.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> 95 f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1398'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1398'>1398</a>. Aristot. <cite>Pol.</cite> <span class='fss'>VII.</span> (<span class='fss'>V.</span>), 1310<em>b</em>; and (?) <cite>Rhet.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 20 (possibly referring to another
-Phalaris). The fable of the horse and stag is attributed to Stesichorus when
-Phalaris was <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">στρατηγὸς αὐτοκράτωρ</span> of Himera and asking for the bodyguard
-with which he intended to make himself tyrant.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1399'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1399'>1399</a>. Euseb. Ol. 52. 3–56. 3; Suid. s.v.; cp. Schol. Pind. <cite>Ol.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> 68 (38). For an
-earlier date see Euseb. Ol. 32. 3–39. 2 and Pliny, <cite>N.H.</cite> <span class='fss'>VII.</span> 57 (tyrannus primus
-fuit Phalaris Agrigenti), but these two passages make the tyrant flourish before
-the foundation of the city that he ruled.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1400'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1400'>1400</a>. Holm, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Gesch. Sic.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> 149 (cp. <cite>Hist. of Greece</cite>, <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 363), who, however, fails
-to see the full application of his own words.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1401'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1401'>1401</a>. Lucian, <cite>Phalaris</cite>, A 3.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1402'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1402'>1402</a>. Aristot. <cite>Pol.</cite> <span class='fss'>VII.</span> (<span class='fss'>V.</span>), 1310<em>b</em>, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τύραννοι κατέστησαν&nbsp;... ὁι περὶ τὴν Ἰωνίαν
-καὶ Φάλαρις ἐκ τῶν τιμῶν</span>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1403'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1403'>1403</a>. Plut. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Praec. Ger. Rep.</span></cite> 28 (<cite>Moral.</cite> 821); on the overthrow of Phalaris see also
-Plut. <cite>cum Princ. Philosoph.</cite> 3 (<cite>Moral.</cite> 778).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1404'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1404'>1404</a>. Diod. <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 11.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1405'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1405'>1405</a>. Pauly Wissowa s.v. Agathokles, 14<em>b</em> (in Supplement Heft <span class='fss'>I</span>).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1406'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1406'>1406</a>. Cp. perhaps the use of <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐπίστασις</span> above, p. 81.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1407'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1407'>1407</a>. Dem. <cite>Olynth.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> 25–6; <cite>Aristocr.</cite> 207; <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">περὶ Συντάξ.</span> 29 (= <span class='fss'>III.</span> 35; <span class='fss'>XXIII.</span> 689;
-<span class='fss'>XIII.</span> 174).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1408'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1408'>1408</a>. The military stratagems attributed to Phalaris by Polyaenus, <span class='fss'>V.</span> 1. 3, 4, and
-Frontinus, <span class='fss'>III.</span> 4. 6, are not very illuminating, but note that in one of them
-Phalaris is made to achieve his aim by a fraudulent deal in corn.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1409'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1409'>1409</a>. Somewhere about the time of Phalaris Sicily was invaded by a Carthaginian
-army under a commander named Malchus, Justin <span class='fss'>XVIII.</span> 7. It has been suggested
-that Phalaris was pre-eminently the leader of the Agrigentines against
-the Punic peril (Bury, <cite>Hist. Greece</cite><sup>2</sup>, p. 297), and that he played a similar part
-to that played during a later invasion by the Syracusan Dionysius. For this
-suggestion there is no evidence whatsoever. There is no certainty either that
-the invasion of Malchus occurred in the age of Phalaris or that Agrigentum was
-endangered by it or even alarmed. On the other hand there are hints that
-Phalaris was the reverse of anti-Carthaginian. The Semites of Carthage were
-devoted to the cult of Moloch, in whose worship no small part was played by the
-molten image of a calf and the offering to it of human sacrifices. Perhaps the
-most likely origin of the story of the bull of Phalaris is to be sought in this
-Moloch worship. The tyrant may have had a large Phoenician contingent
-among his foreign employees and have very much shocked his Greek subjects
-by allowing these Semites to practise Semitic rites in Agrigentum. Meyer,
-however, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ges. d. Alt.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 682 n., suggests a connexion between the bull of
-Phalaris and the Cretan bull cult. Note that the story of the bull of Phalaris
-impressed Grote as having a historical basis: “The reality of the hollow bull
-appears to be better authenticated than the nature of the story would lead us to
-presume,” <cite>Hist. Greece</cite>, ed. 1888, <span class='fss'>IV.</span> p. 65; cp. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> p. 296, n. 1.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1410'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1410'>1410</a>. Livy <span class='fss'>II.</span> 21, 34; Dion. Hal. <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 21.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1411'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1411'>1411</a>. Dion. Hal. <span class='fss'>VII.</span> 3.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1412'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1412'>1412</a>. Dion. Hal. <span class='fss'>VII.</span> 4, 5; Plut. <cite>Mul. Virt.</cite> 26 (<cite>Moral.</cite> 261).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1413'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1413'>1413</a>. Dion. Hal. <span class='fss'>VII.</span> 4. 5, 6. 4.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1414'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1414'>1414</a>. Plut. <cite>Mul. Virt.</cite> 26.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1415'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1415'>1415</a>. See Niese <em>ap.</em> Pauly Wissowa s.v. Aristodemus (8).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1416'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1416'>1416</a>. Strabo <span class='fss'>XIII.</span> 610; cp. 614. See further Diod. <span class='fss'>XVI.</span> 52; Diog. Laert. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 1. 3–11
-(quoting Demetrius Magnes and Theocritus); Dion. Hal. <cite>Ep. ad Amm.</cite> 5;
-Demetrius, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Eloc.</span></cite> 293; Hesych. Miles. <cite>F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>IV.</span> p. 156; Harpocrat. s.v.
-<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Ἑρμίας</span>; Hesych. s.v. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Τάρνη</span>; Suid. s.v. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Ἀριστοτέλης</span>; <cite>Et. Mag.</cite> s.v. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Ἑρμῆς</span>;
-Lucian, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Eunuch.</span></cite> 9; Himerius, <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 6; Tertull. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Apol. adv. Gent.</span></cite> 46; Euseb. <cite>Prep.
-Ev.</cite> <span class='fss'>XV.</span> 2. Suid. s.v. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Ἀριστοτέλης</span> and Hesych. Miles. make Aristotle marry
-a daughter of Hermias; Diog. Laert. “a daughter or niece”; Euseb., Harpocrat.,
-Suid. s.v. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Ἑρμίας</span> and <cite>Et. Mag.</cite> an adopted daughter who was by birth the
-tyrant’s sister (Euseb.).</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Plato (?), <cite>Ep.</cite> <span class='fss'>VI.</span>, implies that two of Hermias’ companions had attended the
-Academy, but not Hermias himself. But even so the letter, if genuine, is evidence
-of intercourse between Hermias and Plato.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The sources for Hermias are collected and discussed by Boeckh, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Klein. Schrift.</span></cite>
-<span class='fss'>VI.</span> 188 f. and Larcher, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mém. Acad. Insc. et B.-Lettr.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XLVIII.</span> pp. 208 f. Larcher,
-writing in 1792, is less complete, but extremely interesting from his attitude
-towards Hermias’ rebellion from the king of Persia. “<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Moi-même, j’ai longtemps
-été persuadé qu’un rebelle qui avoit été justement puni du dernier supplice,
-n’étoit pas un personnage assez important pour mériter qu’on s’en occupât. Mais
-en le voyant célébré par Aristote j’ai pensé qu’un homme qui s’étoit attiré les
-louanges d’un grand philosophe devoit sortir de l’espèce d’obscurité à laquelle
-il étoit en quelque sort condamné</span>”; p. 208; cp. p. 225, where Larcher explains
-the Greek conception of the rights of nationality and their refusal to submit
-to a foreign conqueror. This perverted attitude of the Greeks he attributes to
-their benighted religion.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1417'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1417'>1417</a>. <cite>J.H.S.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXXV.</span> p. 167. Note that Hermias was famed for fair dealing. “If
-ever he made any purchase and this happened frequently in the case of books,
-the vendor, being his subject (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἰδιώτης</span>), would demand a price less than their
-value. But Hermias used to correct the mistake and declare that the book was
-worth more and pay accordingly” (Suid.).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1418'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1418'>1418</a>. Diog. Laert. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 1. 31 (46).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1419'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1419'>1419</a>. Athen. <span class='fss'>XI.</span> 508 f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1420'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1420'>1420</a>. <cite>J.H.S.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXXV.</span> p. 167.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1421'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1421'>1421</a>. Athen. <span class='fss'>XI.</span> 509<em>a</em>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1422'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1422'>1422</a>. Boswell, ed. Fitzgerald, <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 422.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1423'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1423'>1423</a>. Orosius <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 6; cp. Aristot. <cite>Pol.</cite> <span class='fss'>VII.</span> (<span class='fss'>V.</span>), 1307<em>a</em> above.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1424'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1424'>1424</a>. Euboulos (the unnamed banker of Strabo <span class='fss'>XIII.</span> 610; cp. Diog. Laert. <span class='fss'>V.</span>
-<span class='fss'>I.</span> 5 (3)) is quoted by Aristotle (<cite>Pol.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 1267<em>a</em>) as demonstrating to a Persian
-satrap that it would not pay for him to besiege Atarneus, on which Boeckh
-observes that “the idea is worthy of a banker,” <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Kl. Schr.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>VI.</span> p. 188. He seems
-to have been notoriously accessible to economic arguments. “Anyhow Kallisthenes
-in his Apophthegms says that the poet Persinos, being neglected by
-Euboulos of Atarneus went to Mitylene, and when Euboulos expressed surprise
-wrote to him that it was because he found it more pleasing exchanging in
-Mitylene than in Atarneus the Phocaean staters he had brought with him,”
-Poll. <span class='fss'>IX.</span> 93.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1425'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1425'>1425</a>. Besides his connexions with Hermias Aristotle had been brought up <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">παρά
-τινι Προξένῳ Ἀταρνεῖ</span>, Ammon. <cite>Vita Arist.</cite></p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1426'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1426'>1426</a>. Boeckh, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Kleine Schriften</span></cite>, <span class='fss'>VI.</span> p. 191, says of Hermias, “seine Macht darf
-man nicht gering anschlagen”; but Atarneus <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τὸ τοῦ Ἑρμείου τυραννεῖον</span>
-(Strabo <span class='fss'>XIII.</span> 614) is described by Himerius (<cite>Or.</cite> <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 6) as <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πόλις μέγεθος οὐ μεγάλη</span>.
-Even on the most liberal estimate it sinks into utter insignificance in the light
-of the conquests of Alexander, which so shortly followed it.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1427'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1427'>1427</a>. <cite>Pol.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 1273<em>a</em>; <span class='fss'>III.</span> 1280<em>a</em>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1428'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1428'>1428</a>. <cite>Pol.</cite> <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> (<span class='fss'>VI.</span>), 1318<em>a</em>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1429'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1429'>1429</a>. Hicks, <cite>Manual Gk. Hist. Inscr.</cite> no. 100. The expression occurs four times
-in the thirty-two extant lines of the inscription. Hermias is mentioned without
-his partners only once, right at the end.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1430'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1430'>1430</a>. Perhaps also the reality. Plato’s sixth letter, which is addressed to Hermias
-and Erastos and Koriskos (cp. Diog. Laert. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 1. 31 (46)), urges the three to form
-a “single bond of friendship” (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">μίαν φιλίας συμπλοκήν</span>). Boeckh, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Kl. Schr.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>VI.</span>
-p. 191, describes Hermias’ tyranny as “eine Hetairie mehrerer, an deren Spitze
-ein anerkanntes Haupt stand.” Hermias was at least primus inter pares; cp. the
-use made of his seal, Polyaen. <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 48.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1431'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1431'>1431</a>. Diog. Laert. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 1. 7 (6); Athen. <span class='fss'>XV.</span> 696; cp. also the epigram ascribed to
-Aristotle on Hermias’ statue at Delphi, Diog. Laert. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i></p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1432'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1432'>1432</a>. Suid. s.v. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Ἀριστοτέλης</span>; cp. Athen. <span class='fss'>XV.</span> 696<em>a-b</em>; Diog. Laert. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 1. 7; Hesych.
-Miles. <cite>F.H.G.</cite> <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 156–7.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1433'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1433'>1433</a>. <cite>Pace</cite> Endt, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Wien. Stud.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XXIV.</span> pp. 67–68. He is not called tyrant by Aristotle
-either in the Paean (where he is called <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Ἀταρνέος ἔντροφος</span>, v.l. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἔντροπος</span>
-(= <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐπίτροπος</span>, viceroy, steward?), see Larcher, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> p. 244), or in the epitaph
-Diog. Laert. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 1. 7. The <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Oeconomica</span></cite>, included among the works of Aristotle and
-probably written by one of his pupils, refers to him without calling him tyrant
-(<span class='fss'>II.</span> 28: on authorship see ed. Teubner, introd. p. viii). Nor is Euboulos so
-called where mentioned in the <cite>Politics</cite> (<span class='fss'>II.</span> 1267<em>a</em>). Demetrius may be following
-the Aristotelian tradition when he calls Hermias simply <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὁ τοῦ Ἀταρνέως ἄρξας</span>
-(but cp. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">παρὰ τοῖς τυράννοις</span>). So Suid. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὅστις ἦν ἄρχων Ἀταρνέως</span>. In
-other writers Hermias is generally styled tyrant (so Strabo, Diod., Diog. Laert.,
-Dion. Hal., Lucian).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1434'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1434'>1434</a>. Diod. <span class='fss'>XV.</span> 7; Plut. <cite>Dio</cite>, 5; Diog. Laert. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 1. 14 (19). The story may be a
-fiction (Burnet, <cite>Thales to Plato</cite>, p. 211), but if so it is probably based on the
-fact of a quarrel between the tyrant and the philosopher.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1435'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1435'>1435</a>. Dionysius himself had a clearer conception of the danger of a monopolist
-becoming a political potentate, as appears from a passage of Aristotle himself.
-“In Sicily a certain person who had had money deposited with him bought up
-all the iron from the iron works (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">σιδηρείων</span>), and after that, when the merchants
-came from the emporia, he was the sole salesman. He did not greatly overcharge;
-but none the less on fifty talents he made a hundred. When Dionysius perceived
-this he told him to take off the money, but not to remain any longer in Syracuse,
-since he had discovered a source of income that was prejudicial to his interests.”
-(Arist. <cite>Pol.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 1259<em>a</em>.) The incident as described hardly, however, suggests that
-the monopolist was Dionysius’ greatest danger.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1436'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1436'>1436</a>. Strabo <span class='fss'>XIII.</span> 623.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1437'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1437'>1437</a>. An inscription published <cite>J.H.S.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXII.</span> p. 195 gives his father the Greek name
-of Attalus, but he is described by Athenaeus, <span class='fss'>XIII.</span> 577<em>b</em>, quoting Carystius, as
-the son of a courtesan flute girl from Paphlagonia, and by Pausanias, <span class='fss'>I.</span> 8. 1, as
-a Paphlagonian eunuch.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1438'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1438'>1438</a>. Strabo <span class='fss'>XIII.</span> 623; Paus. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 10. 4.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1439'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1439'>1439</a>. Appian <span class='fss'>XI.</span> 10 (<cite>Syr.</cite> 63).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1440'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1440'>1440</a>. Fraenkel, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Inschr. v. Perg.</span></cite> no. 245, fr. C, l. 44; Bevan, <cite>House of Seleucus</cite>,
-<span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 156.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1441'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1441'>1441</a>. <cite>J.H.S.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXII.</span> p. 193 f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1442'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1442'>1442</a>. Polyb. <span class='fss'>XXIII.</span> 8.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1443'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1443'>1443</a>. Holm, <cite>Hist. Greece</cite>, <span class='fss'>IV.</span> p. 280.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1444'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1444'>1444</a>. Mommsen, <cite>Hist. Rome</cite> (English trans.), <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 403.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1445'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1445'>1445</a>. Holm, <cite>Hist. Greece</cite> (English trans.), <span class='fss'>IV.</span> pp. 280, 296.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1446'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1446'>1446</a>. Published in full by Minns, <cite>Greeks and Scythians</cite>, pp. 641–2, and discussed,
-<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> pp. 460–3 and <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">passim</span></i>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1447'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1447'>1447</a>. Minns, p. 641, l. 65.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1448'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1448'>1448</a>. Minns, p. 642, l. 59.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1449'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1449'>1449</a>. Ure, <cite>Black Glaze Pottery</cite>, p. 35, n. 6.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1450'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1450'>1450</a>. Macrob. <cite>Sat.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> xi. 33.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1451'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1451'>1451</a>. Minns, p. 459.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1452'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1452'>1452</a>. Cp. Minns, p. 462, n. 2.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1453'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1453'>1453</a>. Strabo <span class='fss'>XIII.</span> 624. The significance of this proceeding cannot be put better
-than in the words of Holm, <cite>Hist. Greece</cite>, <span class='fss'>IV.</span> p. 527: “It is characteristic of the
-Pergamene dynasty that it concluded its career in the spirit in which it began
-it. Its rule was of private origin: Philetairos had appropriated treasure and
-treasury. After that the Pergamene rulers had raised themselves to the rank
-of kings by their money and their clever policy, and as such had achieved much
-good. The last sovereign of the line, however, reverted to the view that his
-position was of a private nature and he disposed of everything that he claimed
-as if it were private property.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1454'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1454'>1454</a>. Strabo <span class='fss'>XIII.</span> 624. The friendship dated from at least 211 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>, Livy <span class='fss'>XXVI.</span> 24.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1455'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1455'>1455</a>. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">οὐ ψθίνει Κροίσου φιλόφρων ἀρετά</span>, Pind. <cite>Pyth.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> 93–94; but cp. what the poet
-says <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> 95–98, about what was probably a similar government (see above,
-pp. 274–8), that the Greeks knew from the inside: “Phalaris men tell of everywhere
-with hate” (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐχθρὰ Φάλαριν κατέχει παντᾷ φάτις</span>).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1456'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1456'>1456</a>. Beloch, <cite>Gr. G.</cite><sup>2</sup> <span class='fss'>I.</span> i. 348.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1457'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1457'>1457</a>. Beloch, <cite>Gr. G.</cite><sup>2</sup> <span class='fss'>I.</span> i. 359.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1458'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1458'>1458</a>. Cp. recent days, when a relapse into some of the conditions of the dark ages
-turned “business men” into polemarchs or publicists and in some notorious
-cases into both combined.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1459'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1459'>1459</a>. Except perhaps Pheidon, who is exceptional in other ways as well.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1460'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1460'>1460</a>. The lawgiver and the tyrant are often sharply contrasted, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">e.g.</span></i> Lucian,
-<cite>Phalaris</cite> A, 8.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1461'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1461'>1461</a>. <cite>Rep.</cite> 566<em>a</em>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1462'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1462'>1462</a>. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 92.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1463'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1463'>1463</a>. 1181–2; cp. 1203–4.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1464'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1464'>1464</a>. E. Gardner, <cite>Greek Sculpture</cite><sup>2</sup> figs. 44, 45.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1465'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1465'>1465</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">E.g.</span></i> the famous drinking song beginning <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐν μύρτου κλαδί</span>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1466'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1466'>1466</a>. For hatred and condemnation of tyranny or praise of tyrannicides see further
-Aristoph. <cite>Thesm.</cite> 335 f.; Polyb. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 11; Cic. <cite>de Off.</cite> <span class='fss'>III.</span> 6; Xenoph. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Hiero</span></cite>, <span class='fss'>II.</span> 8;
-Plut. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Timol.</span></cite> 5, 37; Ael. <cite>V.H.</cite> <span class='fss'>XIV.</span> 22.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1467'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1467'>1467</a>. See above, pp. 133–4.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1468'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1468'>1468</a>. Nordin, <cite>Klio</cite>, <span class='fss'>V.</span> pp. 402 f., explains the title <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τύραννος</span> as adopted in the
-seventh century because kingship was then revived as a reality while king meant
-a functionary who was essentially powerless. This explanation may well be
-true, but it throws no light on the character of the revived reality.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1469'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1469'>1469</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">E.g.</span></i> <span class='fss'>I.</span> 7, 73, 100, 109; <span class='fss'>II.</span> 147 (the dominions of the twelve rulers who
-divided Egypt after Sethon are called tyrannies, the rulers themselves are called
-kings); <span class='fss'>V.</span> 113 (“Philokypros, whom Solon of Athens, when he came to Cyprus,
-praised in his poems most of all tyrants” (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τυράννων μάλιστα</span>)); <span class='fss'>VII.</span> 52, 99, 164;
-<span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 67, 137, 142.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1470'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1470'>1470</a>. The term has of course at different periods been applied to governments
-that differed widely from one another both in the character and in the basis of
-their power. There is no reason for classing Cypselus and Dionysius together as
-the same kind of ruler, as Holm (<cite>Gk. Hist.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 266, n. 15), followed by Bury
-(<cite>Gk. Hist.</cite><sup>2</sup> p. 147; cp. Francotte, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mélanges</span></cite>, pp. 62 f.), has gone out of his way to
-do. Holm’s points have already been met: they are (1) For Phalaris, Peisistratus
-and Polycrates brute force was as indispensable as for later tyrants like Dionysius
-and Agathocles. (2) These latter owed their rise as much as earlier tyrants to
-the hatred that the lower classes bore the nobles. (3) Herodotus does not distinguish
-king from tyrant. Bury’s dogmatism on this point and his denial of
-the existence of an “age of tyrants” is responsible for the inception of this book.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1471'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1471'>1471</a>. <cite>Pol.</cite> <span class='fss'>VII.</span> (<span class='fss'>V.</span>), 1310<em>b</em>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1472'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1472'>1472</a>. <cite>Rep.</cite> 552<em>b</em>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1473'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1473'>1473</a>. Cp. Isocr. <cite>Paneg.</cite> 62 (105), “thinking it monstrous that the few should be
-masters of the many and that those who are below them in point of property but
-in other respects not a whit their inferiors should be excluded from office.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1474'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1474'>1474</a>. Poehlmann, <cite>Grundriss</cite><sup>4</sup>, p. 73, n. 1 (my theory a “falsche Verallgemeinerung”).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1475'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1475'>1475</a>. Sieveking, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Viertelj. Soc. Wirt.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>VII.</span> p. 81.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1476'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1476'>1476</a>. How and Wells, <cite>Hdt.</cite> <span class='fss'>V.</span> 92 <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">β</span> 1, regard an anti-Dorian reaction as a usual
-feature of early Peloponnesian tyrannies.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1477'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1477'>1477</a>. Busolt, <cite>Lakedaim.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 209; cp. Hdt. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 23; Suid. s.v. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Ἀρίων</span>; Strabo <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 378.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1478'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1478'>1478</a>. Busolt, <cite>Lakedaim.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 210.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1479'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1479'>1479</a>. Polyb. <span class='fss'>XII.</span> 13.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1480'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1480'>1480</a>. Except at Sicyon it seldom lasted more than two generations; cp. Hdt. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 92,
-where the oracle prophesies that Cypselus and his sons shall be kings of famed
-Corinth, but not his sons’ sons, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">αὐτὸς καὶ παῖδες, παῖδων γε μὲν οὐκέτι παῖδες</span>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1481'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1481'>1481</a>. <cite>Anticipations</cite>, pp. 156–7; cp. the North of England saying that it is three
-generations from clogs to clogs.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1482'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1482'>1482</a>. <cite>Varieties of Religious Experience</cite>, p. 319.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1483'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1483'>1483</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Ibid.</span></i> p. 318.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1484'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1484'>1484</a>. Cp. H. G. Wells, <cite>Tono Bungay</cite><sup>1</sup>, p. 486, on the governing classes of Great
-Britain as seen at Westminster, “the realities are greedy trade, base profit-seeking,
-bold advertisement—and kingship and chivalry&nbsp;... are dead.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1485'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1485'>1485</a>. See <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">e.g.</span></i> Mauri, <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Citt. Lav. dell’ Attica</span></cite>, p. 30.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1486'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1486'>1486</a>. Aristot. <cite>Pol.</cite> <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> (<span class='fss'>VI.</span>), 1319<em>a</em>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1487'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1487'>1487</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Ibid.</span></i> 1318<em>b</em>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1488'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1488'>1488</a>. Aristot. <cite>Ath. Pol.</cite> 16; cp. Ael. <cite>V.H.</cite> <span class='fss'>IX.</span> 25 and Max. Tyr. <span class='fss'>XXIII.</span> (Teubner,
-= Duebner, p. 117).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1489'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1489'>1489</a>. Grundy, <cite>Thuc. and his Age</cite>, p. 117.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1490'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1490'>1490</a>. For a full discussion of these people see Gilliard, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Réformes de Solon</span></cite>, chap. <span class='fss'>VI.</span></p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1491'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1491'>1491</a>. Aristot. <cite>Ath. Pol.</cite> 2.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1492'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1492'>1492</a>. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">οἱ τῷ γένει μὴ καθαροί&nbsp;... ὡς πολλῶν κοινωνούντων τῆς πολιτείας οὐ
-προσῆκον</span>. Aristot. <cite>Ath. Pol.</cite> 13.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1493'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1493'>1493</a>. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">θητικὸς ὄχλος</span>, Plut. <cite>Sol.</cite> 29.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1494'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1494'>1494</a>. Thuc. I. 2. Xenophon indeed, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Vect.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> 3, calls Attica all productive
-(<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">παμφορωτάτη</span>), and declares that things that could not even grow in many
-places bear fruit in Attica. But the context shows that this only applies to the
-most favoured districts, cp. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> 5, quoted below; the reference, too, is strictly
-to the variety of Attic crops (doubtless a result of Athenian luxury and enterprise);
-cp. Plato, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Critias</span></cite>, 110<em>e</em>–111<em>a</em>: “(fifth century) Attica can vie with any
-land in the variety and excellence of its products (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τῷ πάμφορον εὔκαρπον
-τε εἶναι</span>); but in those days” (<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">i.e.</span></i> in the mythical past) “in addition to their
-quality it produced them in great abundance.” Theophrastus, <cite>Hist. Plant.</cite>
-<span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 8, says that “at Athens the barley produces more meal than anywhere else,
-since it is an excellent land for that crop”; but this says nothing as to the amount
-of land in Attica under barley. Boeckh, <cite>Public Economy</cite>, <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 109, calculates
-that in ancient Attica 955,500 plethra out of a total area of 2,304,000 were under
-corn; but his calculation is based on a series of conjectures as to the yearly consumption
-and import which hardly weigh against the considerations adduced
-below.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1495'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1495'>1495</a>. Aristot. <cite>Ath. Pol.</cite> 16. So (<em>ap.</em> Leutsch, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Paroemiograph. Gr.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 756)
-Mantissa, <span class='fss'>I.</span> 76 (where Peisistratus expresses surprise at anyone farming such
-land, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τίνας καρποὺς ἀναιρούμενος τοιαῦτα γεωργοίη χωρία</span>), and, with no reference
-to Hymettus, Zenob. <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 76 (<em>ap.</em> eosd. <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 105).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1496'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1496'>1496</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 137.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1497'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1497'>1497</a>. Stat. <cite>Theb.</cite> <span class='fss'>XII.</span> 622, 620.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1498'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1498'>1498</a>. Athen. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 28<em>d</em>, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">θύμον Ὑμήττιον</span>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1499'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1499'>1499</a>. Paus. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 32; cp. Plut. <cite>Sol.</cite> 23 (Solon offered rewards for killing wolves).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1500'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1500'>1500</a>. Plato, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Critias</span></cite>, 111<em>c</em>; cp. references, Bursian, <cite>Geog. Gr.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 254.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1501'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1501'>1501</a>. Cp. the “forest clad mountain (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὄρος καταειμενον ὕλῃ</span>)” of <cite>Odyss.</cite> <span class='fss'>XIII.</span> 351.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1502'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1502'>1502</a>. Columella <span class='fss'>IX.</span> 2.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1503'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1503'>1503</a>. Aristot. <cite>Hist. Anim.</cite> <span class='fss'>IX.</span> 624<em>b</em>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1504'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1504'>1504</a>. Zimmern, <cite>Greek Commonwealth</cite>, p. 44, quoting J. L. Myres.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1505'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1505'>1505</a>. Bursian, <cite>Gr. Geog.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 252; cp. Cavaignac, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Études Financ.</span></cite> p. 13; Guiraud,
-<cite>Prop. Fonc.</cite> p. 505, n. 5. Bursian is based on Paus. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 32 (quoted above).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1506'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1506'>1506</a>. Thuc. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 20, 23; cp. Loeper, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ath. Mitt.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XVII.</span> (1892), p. 394, n. 1.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1507'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1507'>1507</a>. Another possibility is to equate the Plain of Thucydides with the Parts
-round the City of Cleisthenes. This is only probable on the assumption that the
-Cleisthenic triple division followed the lines of the old local parties, and that the
-old names persisted in unofficial usage. It implies that the Peisistratan Diakria
-corresponded roughly to the Cleisthenic Mesogeia and extended far south of
-Brauron (see p. 311). But more probably Thucydides is using “plain” in its
-natural sense of low-lying level open country.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1508'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1508'>1508</a>. Xen. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Vect.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> 5; cp. Strabo <span class='fss'>IX.</span> 400, “far the best honey comes from the
-mining district.” The passage from the <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Vect.</span></cite> is misunderstood by Grundy,
-<cite>Thuc. and his Age</cite>, p. 151, n. 2, who says, “the reference is certainly to a widespread
-system of market-gardening and perhaps also to the purchasing power
-of the product of vine cultivation.” Grundy gives no evidence that cabbages
-or other vegetables or even wine were many times as valuable as corn; he plainly
-takes <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὀρυττομένη</span> as though it were <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">σκαπτομένη</span>, and appears to think that the
-sentence refers to Attica at large, a view that is rendered most unlikely both by
-the language (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἔστι δὲ καὶ γῆ ἡ σπειρομένη οὐ φέρει καρπόν</span>, not <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">καὶ σπειρομένη
-μὲν ἡ γῆ οὐ φέρει καρπόν</span>), and the context (the crops of Attica are finished
-with in <span class='fss'>I.</span> 4, and the sentence just quoted follows a statement about the Attic
-quarries and precedes the declaration that the mines are the gift of God).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1509'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1509'>1509</a>. Schol. Aesch. <cite>c. Timarch.</cite> 97 (13); cp. Harpocrat. s.v. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐσχατιά</span>, and
-<cite>Lex. Seguer.</cite> <em>ap.</em> Bekker, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Anec. Gr.</span></cite> p. 256. See further Boeckh, <cite>Pub. Econ.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span>
-p. 86.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1510'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1510'>1510</a>. Lucret. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 1370–5; Virg. <cite>Aen.</cite> <span class='fss'>XI.</span> 316–20 and Servius, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ad loc.</span></i>; cp. <cite>Aen.</cite>
-<span class='fss'>XI.</span> 569; Tac. <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Ann.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> 17. The Latin evidence all shows that when Pliny, <cite>N.H.</cite>
-<span class='fss'>XVIII.</span> 12, says that foreign wheat can only be compared with the mountain
-crops of Italy (montanis Italiae agris), he is using “mons” of anything that is
-not valley. Caesar, it should be remembered, speaks of the mountains of Kent.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1511'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1511'>1511</a>. <cite>C.I.A.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 782; Aeschin. <cite>c. Timarch.</cite> 121 (17).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1512'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1512'>1512</a>. The <span class='fss'>MS.</span> is much abbreviated and very corrupt, Schow, <cite>Hesych.</cite> p. x.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1513'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1513'>1513</a>. Cp. Strabo <span class='fss'>IX.</span> 391.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1514'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1514'>1514</a>. Cp. the maps of Milchhoefer, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Abh. Berl. Acad.</span></cite> 1892 after p. 48, and Loeper,
-<cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ath. Mitt.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XVII.</span> pl. XII. Milchhoefer’s “coast” goes considerably further North
-than Loeper’s.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1515'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1515'>1515</a>. Perhaps not altogether so, at least after the Persian peril and Themistocles
-had given the mining district something of a naval character. See <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ath. Mitt.</span></cite>
-<span class='fss'>X.</span> p. 111.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1516'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1516'>1516</a>. “It would be tedious to enumerate the demes of the interior owing to
-their number,” Strabo <span class='fss'>IX.</span> 399, just after a (presumably full) enumeration of
-the Attic coast demes. The city was probably growing rapidly at the time of
-Cleisthenes’ reforms.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1517'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1517'>1517</a>. “First they ravaged the land that looks towards the Peloponnesus, then
-(<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἔπειτα δέ</span>) that which faces Euboea and Andros.” “The addition of <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">δέ</span> emphasizes
-the antithesis,” Marchant, <cite>Thuc.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ad loc.</span></i></p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1518'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1518'>1518</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 81; Strabo <span class='fss'>IX.</span> 395, 400; <cite>C.I.A.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 1059 (cp. Strabo <span class='fss'>IX.</span> 398), 1194,
-1206<em>b</em>, 1195.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1519'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1519'>1519</a>. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">γουνὸς Σουνιακός</span>, Hdt. <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 99. The meaning of <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">γουνός</span> is not certain, but
-see Liddell and Scott s.v.: Macaulay translates “hill region.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1520'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1520'>1520</a>. Hesych. and Suid. explain <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">παραλία</span> and <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πάραλος</span> by <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">παραθαλάσσιος</span>,.
-M. Psellus by <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐπιθαλαττίδιον</span>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1521'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1521'>1521</a>. See Loeper, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ath. Mitt.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XVII.</span> p. 429.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1522'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1522'>1522</a>. Strabo <span class='fss'>IX.</span> 392.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1523'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1523'>1523</a>. <cite>Vesp.</cite> 1223, <cite>Lysis</cite>, 58.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1524'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1524'>1524</a>. Suid. s.v.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1525'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1525'>1525</a>. Steph. Byz. s.v.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1526'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1526'>1526</a>. See <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">e.g.</span></i> Kroker, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahrb.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> pp. 112–13; Buschor, <cite>Gr. Vasenmal.</cite><sup>1</sup> p. 39; Mueller
-and Oelmann, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Tiryns</span></cite>, <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 161.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>The Geometric of the Argolid is described by Poulsen, <cite>Dipylongräber</cite>, p. 66,
-as a “featureless variety” (unpersönliche Gattung).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1527'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1527'>1527</a>. On export of Dipylon ware see Pottier <em>ap.</em> Saglio, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Dict. d. Ant.</span></cite> s.v. vases,
-p. 634; Prinz, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Funde aus Naukratis</span></cite>, p. 77 (Cyprus and Thera).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1528'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1528'>1528</a>. Beloch, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Rhein. Mus.</span></cite> 1890, p. 590, following Kroker, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahrb.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> pp. 95 f.,
-who however is mistaken (<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> p. 113) in dating Dipylon vases with war ships
-depicted in action as necessarily later than 664 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> See below, pp. 321 f. So also
-F. Poulsen, <cite>Dipylongräber</cite>, pp. 13 (seventh? century Egyptian objects in
-Dipylon graves), 27–28 (Proto-Corinthian vases in Attic Geometric graves).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1529'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1529'>1529</a>. Boehlau, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahrb.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> (1887), pp. 33–66. For the name Phaleron see <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahrb.</span></cite>
-<span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 44.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1530'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1530'>1530</a>. Late seventh century Attic ware, style of Netos amphora, has been found
-at Naukratis, where Prinz, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Funde</span></cite>, p. 77, argues that it must have been taken
-by Aeginetans, since Aegina was the only European Greek city with a concession
-at Naukratis. But for the general poverty of Athens at that period cp. the
-Acropolis finds, which show some thousand Dipylon sherds, as against only
-about forty Proto-Attic, 160 Vourva (Attic with zones of animals and rosette
-fill-ornament, date probably about 600 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>), fifteen Proto-Corinthian, and
-125 Corinthian; Graef, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Vasen Acrop. Athen</span></cite>, pp. 23, 34, 41, 44, 51. At least two
-of the Proto-Corinthian sherds, and a very considerable number of the Corinthian
-may be sixth century.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1531'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1531'>1531</a>. Thiersch <em>ap.</em> Furtwaengler, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Aegina</span></cite>, p. 451.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1532'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1532'>1532</a>. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ath. Mitt.</span></cite> 1897, p. 262 (Aegina); Furtwaengler, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Aegina</span></cite>, p. 448.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1533'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1533'>1533</a>. Above, pp. <a href='#Page_176'>176</a> f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1534'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1534'>1534</a>. Prinz, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Funde aus Naukratis</span></cite>, p. 69, following Loeschcke, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ath. Mitt.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XXII.</span>
-p. 264.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1535'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1535'>1535</a>. Above, pp. <a href='#Page_185'>185</a>–7, <a href='#Page_241'>241</a>–3.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1536'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1536'>1536</a>. Thiersch, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Aegina</span></cite>, p. 448; Graef, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Woch. Klass. Phil.</span></cite> 1893, p. 139.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1537'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1537'>1537</a>. Hoppin, <cite>Argive Heraeum</cite>, <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 59, <span class='fss'>II.</span> pp. 119 f. (arguing from the unbroken
-development of the style that can be traced in the Heraeum finds); Dragendorff,
-<cite>Thera</cite>, <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 193; but cp. Furtwaengler, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Aegina</span></cite>, p. 477; <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Berl. Phil. Woch.</span></cite> 1895,
-p. 202; Poulsen, <cite>Dipylongräber</cite>, p. 75.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1538'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1538'>1538</a>. Cp. finds at Corinth itself and at the Corinthian Syracuse. Corinthian is
-admittedly not a development of Proto-Corinthian; but from this to argue with
-Prinz, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Funde aus Nauk.</span></cite> p. 70, that Proto-Corinthian cannot be a Corinthian
-product is to assume that an industry once in existence makes it impossible for
-a rival concern, producing a different style of article, to be started in the same
-city, even in the case of so cosmopolitan a centre as Corinth.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1539'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1539'>1539</a>. Gabrici, <cite>Mon. Ant.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXII.</span> p. 362; de Ridder, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de Ectypis</span></cite>, p. 56, n. 4.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1540'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1540'>1540</a>. Furtwaengler, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Aegina</span></cite>, p. 477; Thiersch, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Aegina</span></cite>, p. 448; Prinz, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Funde aus
-Nauk.</span></cite> p. 70; K. F. Johansen, <cite>Sikyoniske Vaser</cite>. The Chigi vase, a Proto-Corinthian
-masterpiece, has an inscription in an alphabet that is neither Argive,
-Aeginetan, nor Chalcidian (see especially the lambda), but may well be
-Sicyonian.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1541'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1541'>1541</a>. Pottier in Saglio, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Dict. d. Ant.</span></cite> s.v. Vases, p. 637, sums up for North Peloponnesus
-not far from Corinth; Frickenhaus, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Tiryns</span></cite>, <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 103, Argolis but not
-Argos (cp. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> pp. 145–6, Mueller and Oelmann on a type of geometric Kraterskyphos
-common in the Argolid that leads up directly to Proto-Corinthian).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1542'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1542'>1542</a>. Above, pp. <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>–180.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1543'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1543'>1543</a>. For Sicyonian potteries being important at this time see Waldstein, <cite>Arg.
-Heraeum</cite>, <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 166, n. 1, and cp. above, p. 316, n. 10.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1544'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1544'>1544</a>. <cite>Argive Heraeum</cite>, <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 175.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1545'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1545'>1545</a>. Busolt, <cite>Gr. G.</cite><sup>2</sup> <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 200, thinks it dates “probably as early as the seventh
-century.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1546'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1546'>1546</a>. Below, pp. 321 f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1547'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1547'>1547</a>. <cite>B.S.A.</cite> <span class='fss'>XI.</span> pp. 226–7; Furtwaengler, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Aegina</span></cite>, p. 478; Thiersch, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> p. 458;
-Pallat, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ath. Mitt.</span></cite> 1897, p. 324.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1548'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1548'>1548</a>. Thiersch <em>ap.</em> Furtwaengler, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Aegina</span></cite>, p. 458 (Vourva).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1549'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1549'>1549</a>. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Aegina</span></cite>, p. 436; cp. Furtwaengler, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> p. 474.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1550'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1550'>1550</a>. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ath. Mitt.</span></cite> 1897, pp. 265 f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1551'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1551'>1551</a>. <cite>Argive Heraeum</cite>, <span class='fss'>II.</span> pp. 121–2. Hoppin, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> p. 102, thinks the Heraeum
-Geometric probably Argive rather than Attic. As regards the abrupt termination
-of Geometric on the Heraeum site, it should be remembered that the temple
-only dates from the eighth to the seventh century, Frickenhaus, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Tiryns</span></cite>, p. 118,
-and that a previous secular settlement appears to have come to a violent end.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1552'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1552'>1552</a>. And for much else as well, including some Argive.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1553'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1553'>1553</a>. Pallat, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ath. Mitt.</span></cite> 1897, pp. 273 f., 315; cp. Studniczka, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ath. Mitt.</span></cite> 1899,
-pp. 361 f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1554'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1554'>1554</a>. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ath. Mitt.</span></cite> 1897, p. 332; cp. Buschor, <cite>Gr. Vasenmal.</cite><sup>1</sup> pp. 64, 66.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1555'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1555'>1555</a>. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ath. Mitt.</span></cite> 1897, p. 263.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1556'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1556'>1556</a>. See <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch.-epig. Mitt. aus Oesterreich</span></cite>, <span class='fss'>II.</span> pp. 17 f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1557'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1557'>1557</a>. Visited by the writer in the spring of 1914.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1558'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1558'>1558</a>. How and Wells, <cite>Hdt.</cite> <span class='fss'>V.</span> 88. 2.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1559'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1559'>1559</a>. <cite>Argive Heraeum</cite>, <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 175; <cite>C.R.</cite> <span class='fss'>XII.</span> pp. 86–87.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1560'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1560'>1560</a>. <cite>Argive Heraeum</cite>, <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 177, nos. 14, 16.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1561'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1561'>1561</a>. <cite>Argive Heraeum</cite>, <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 173.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1562'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1562'>1562</a>. Frickenhaus, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Tiryns</span></cite>, <span class='fss'>I.</span> pp. 97–98.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1563'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1563'>1563</a>. <cite>Argive Heraeum</cite>, <span class='fss'>II.</span> pp. 96–97; cp. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Tiryns</span></cite>, <span class='fss'>I.</span> pp. 97–98, 117.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1564'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1564'>1564</a>. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Tiryns</span></cite>, <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 95.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1565'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1565'>1565</a>. Furtwaengler, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Aegina</span></cite>, p. 441, quoting “pot dealer” (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">χυτρόπωλις</span>), applied
-to Aegina by Pollux <span class='fss'>VII.</span> 197.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1566'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1566'>1566</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">E.g.</span></i> Thera, see Dragendorff, <cite>Thera</cite>, <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 231.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1567'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1567'>1567</a>. Cp. Prinz, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Funde aus Naukratis</span></cite>, p. 69.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1568'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1568'>1568</a>. Thuc. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 13.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1569'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1569'>1569</a>. Torr, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Rev. Arch.</span></cite><sup>3</sup> <span class='fss'>XXV.</span> p. 25.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1570'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1570'>1570</a>. Torr, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> figs. 3, 6 (probably), 10, 11, 12; Cartault, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mon. Gr.</span></cite> 1882–4, p. 53,
-figs. 2, 3.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1571'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1571'>1571</a>. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahrb.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> pp. 111–13; cp. Torr, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Rev. Arch.</span></cite><sup>3</sup> <span class='fss'>XXV.</span> p. 25. Kroker and Torr are
-answered by Pernice, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ath. Mitt.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XVII.</span> (1892), pp. 304–6; Pottier, <cite>Cat. Vases
-Louvre</cite>, <span class='fss'>I.</span> pp. 222–3.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1572'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1572'>1572</a>. On the same psychological grounds, quite apart from the historical evidence
-for Athenian naval power during the dark ages, we must reject Assmann’s
-suggestion, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. Anz.</span></cite> 1895, pp. 118–19, that the Dipylon ships are the vessels
-of “the dreaded Phoenician pirates.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1573'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1573'>1573</a>. Brueckner and Pernice, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ath. Mitt.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XVIII.</span> pp. 135–7; Pottier, <cite>Cat. Vases
-Louvre</cite>, <span class='fss'>I.</span> pp. 231–3; Helbig, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mém. Acad. Inscr. et B.-L.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XXXVI.</span> (1898), p. 390.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1574'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1574'>1574</a>. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Arch. Eph.</span></cite> 1898, pl. V. 1.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1575'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1575'>1575</a>. Poulsen, <cite>Dipylongräber</cite>, p. 100.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1576'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1576'>1576</a>. <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mém. Acad. Inscr. et B.-L.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XXXVI.</span> (1898), p. 400; <em>pace</em> Kroker, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahrb.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span>
-p. 111.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1577'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1577'>1577</a>. Suggested and rejected by Brueckner and Pernice, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ath. Mitt.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XVIII.</span> p. 153.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1578'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1578'>1578</a>. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Wiener Vorlegeblätter</span></cite>, 1888, pl. I. 8; Walters-Birch, <cite>Hist. Anc. Pott.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span>
-pl. XVI.; Buschor, <cite>Gr. Vasenmal.</cite><sup>1</sup> pp. 60–61.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1579'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1579'>1579</a>. <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mém. Acad. Inscr. et B.-L.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XXXVI.</span> (1898), p. 394, fig. <em>e</em> = <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. Zeit.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XLIII.</span>
-(1885), pl. VIII. 1. Just after Helbig’s publication another Attic Geometric
-vase was published by Skias from his excavations at Eleusis, which shows a
-ship’s crew attacking men on land, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Arch. Eph.</span></cite> 1898, p. 110, and pl. V. 1.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1580'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1580'>1580</a>. Strabo <span class='fss'>II.</span> 99.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1581'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1581'>1581</a>. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. Zeit.</span></cite> 1885, p. 133; so Assmann, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Berl. Phil. Woch.</span></cite> 1899, p. 18.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1582'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1582'>1582</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Op. cit.</span></i> pp. 397–400.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1583'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1583'>1583</a>. As noticed by Torr, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Rev. Arch.</span></cite><sup>3</sup> <span class='fss'>XXV.</span> p. 25, the only naval engagement
-mentioned in Homer occurs between a fleet and a land force, <cite>Il.</cite> <span class='fss'>XV.</span> 367 f.;
-cp. Sallust, “nauigationem inuadendarum terrarum causa ortam.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1584'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1584'>1584</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 83. Duris of Samos, Schol. Eurip. <cite>Hec.</cite> 934, attributes the Athenian
-attack on Aegina to previous Aeginetan raids on Attica.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1585'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1585'>1585</a>. Kinkel, <cite>Epic. Frag.</cite> p. 118, fr. 96.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1586'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1586'>1586</a>. Cp. Myres, <cite>J.H.S.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXVI.</span> p. 85.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1587'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1587'>1587</a>. See above, p. 109.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1588'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1588'>1588</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 86.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1589'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1589'>1589</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 86.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1590'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1590'>1590</a>. Athens, Hdt. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 85; Aegina, Hdt. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 86. 2.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1591'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1591'>1591</a>. So Macan, <cite>Hdt.</cite> <span class='fss'>IV.-VI.</span> ad <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 82. 2 and vol. <span class='fss'>II.</span> pp. 105–6.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1592'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1592'>1592</a>. Thuc. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 13.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1593'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1593'>1593</a>. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ath. Mitt.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XVII.</span> p. 298, figs. 5, 6; p. 303, figs. 9, 10; Pernice, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> pp. 294,
-306; cp. <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mon. Grecs</span></cite>, 1882–4, pl. IV. 2, 3 and pp. 51–2.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1594'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1594'>1594</a>. Layard, <cite>Mon. of Nineveh</cite>, series <span class='fss'>I.</span> pl. 71.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1595'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1595'>1595</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 159.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1596'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1596'>1596</a>. Clem. Alex. <cite>Strom.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> 16.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1597'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1597'>1597</a>. Against this view see Kroker, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahrb.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 110, n. 39; cp. Beloch, <cite>Gr. G.</cite><sup>2</sup>
-<span class='fss'>I.</span> i. p. 275, n. 1; Busolt, <cite>Gr. G.</cite><sup>2</sup> <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 449.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1598'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1598'>1598</a>. Above, pp. 177–8.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1599'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1599'>1599</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 59.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1600'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1600'>1600</a>. Brueckner and Pernice, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ath. Mitt.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XVIII.</span> p. 153, followed by <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">e.g.</span></i> Helbig,
-<cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mém. Acad. Inscr. et B.-L.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XXXVI.</span> (1898), pp. 387 f. Against this view see
-Assmann, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Berl. Phil. Woch.</span></cite> 1899, pp. 16 f., who argues merely (1) that the
-dead on the ships proves them Phoenician, (2) that if the Athenians depicted
-their own ships, there would be more ships on Black and Red Figure Attic vases.
-But against this note (1) that the Dipylon vases are funeral vases, (2) that, in
-spite of Salamis, fifth century Attic vases do not abound with pictures of enemy
-ships.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1601'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1601'>1601</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 71.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1602'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1602'>1602</a>. Thuc. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 126.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1603'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1603'>1603</a>. Forchhammer, <cite>Philol.</cite> 1874, p. 472; Schoemann, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahrb. Class. Phil.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>CXI.</span>
-(1875), p. 451; J. W. Headlam, <cite>C.R.</cite> <span class='fss'>VI.</span> p. 253; Busolt, <cite>Gr. G.</cite><sup>2</sup> <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 190, n. 2.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1604'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1604'>1604</a>. Wecklein, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Sitz. bayr. Akad., philos.-philol. Kl.</span></cite> 1873, pp. 33–34; G. Gilbert,
-<cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahrb. Class. Phil.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>CXI.</span> p. 10; Macan, <cite>Hdt.</cite> <span class='fss'>IV.-VI.</span>, and How and Wells, <cite>Comment.
-Hdt.</cite> ad Hdt. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 71.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1605'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1605'>1605</a>. Aristot. <cite>Ath. Pol.</cite> 8; Pollux <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 108.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1606'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1606'>1606</a>. Aristot. <cite>Ath. Pol.</cite> 8, “organized for the collection of taxes and their disbursement
-(<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τὰς εἰσφορὰς καὶ τὰς δαπάνας τὰς γιγνομένας</span>)”: cp. Pollux <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 108;
-Photius s.v. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ναύκραροι</span>; perhaps also s.v. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ναύκληρος</span>; Suidas; and <cite>Lex. Seguer.</cite>
-<em>ap.</em> Bekker, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Anec. Gr.</span></cite> p. 282.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1607'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1607'>1607</a>. Mitchell and Caspari’s edit, of Grote, p. 8, quoting Aristot. <cite>Ath. Pol.</cite> 8. 3; cp.
-Hesych. s.v. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ναύκλαροι</span> (<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">sic</span></i>, but in error for <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ναύκραροι</span>; cp. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> “afterwards
-they were called demarchs”), who describes naukraroi simply as “the men who
-collected the taxes from each district.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1608'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1608'>1608</a>. Aristot. <cite>Ath. Pol.</cite> 21 (quoted Harpocrat. s.v. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ναυκραρικά</span>); Schol. Aristoph.
-<cite>Clouds</cite>, 37; Pollux <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 108; Photius s.v. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ναυκραρία</span>, Suidas s.v. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">δήμαρχοι</span>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1609'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1609'>1609</a>. Pollux <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 108, “ship, from which perhaps naukrary has got its name.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1610'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1610'>1610</a>. Grote, <cite>Hist.</cite>, edit. 1888, <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 426. Cp. Pollux <span class='fss'>I.</span> 74–5, <span class='fss'>X.</span> 20, the master of
-the (whole) house is called <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ναύκληρος</span> (<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">sic</span></i>).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1611'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1611'>1611</a>. Wecklein, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Sitz. bayr. Akad.</span></cite> 1873, p. 43; Wachsmuth, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Stadt Athen</span></cite>, <span class='fss'>I.</span> 481,
-n. 4; the derivation from <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ναῦς</span> is denied also by Assmann, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Berl. Phil. Woch.</span></cite>
-1899, p. 19, and Keil, <cite>Solon. Verfass.</cite> p. 94, and doubted by Buechsenschuetz,
-<cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Berl. Phil. Woch.</span></cite> 1907, p. 815.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1612'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1612'>1612</a>. Pollux <span class='fss'>I.</span> 74. So <span class='fss'>X.</span> 20.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1613'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1613'>1613</a>. Hesych. s.v. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ναύειν</span>, “to supplicate, from the fact that suppliants flee for
-refuge to the hearth”; <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ib.</span></i> s.v. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ναύκληρος</span> (<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">sic</span></i>)<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">· ὁ συνοικίας προεστώς</span>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1614'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1614'>1614</a>. G. Meyer in G. Curtius, <cite>Stud.</cite> <span class='fss'>VII.</span> pp. 176–9.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1615'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1615'>1615</a>. To the evidence for nau- in naukrary meaning ship add <cite>Lex. Seguer.</cite> in
-Bekker, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Anecd. Gr.</span></cite> 283. 20 s.v. naukraroi, “Those who equip the ships, and
-act as trierarchs, and are subordinate to the polemarch.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1616'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1616'>1616</a>. Glotz, <cite>Et. Soc. et Jurid.</cite> p. 246; cp. <cite>Odyss.</cite> <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 391, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἄρχοι κραίνουσι</span>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1617'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1617'>1617</a>. Unless, as maintained by Boeckh, <cite>Public Econ.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 327, n. 285, one is to
-be inferred from the comparison made by the Atthidograph Kleidemos between
-naukraries and the symmories of his own day; Phot. s.v. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ναυκραρία</span>; cp. Pollux
-<span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 108.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1618'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1618'>1618</a>. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahrb. Cl. Phil.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>CXI.</span> (1875), pp. 12 f. (answered by Schoemann, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahrb.
-Cl. Phil.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>CXI.</span> (1875), pp. 452 f., and Duncker, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ges. d. Alt.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>VI.</span><sup>5</sup> p. 120, n. 2);
-so also Lenschau ap. Bursian, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahresb.</span></cite> 176 (1918), pp. 194–5.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1619'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1619'>1619</a>. <cite>Clouds</cite> 37, “whether established by Solon or even earlier.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1620'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1620'>1620</a>. Plut. <cite>Solon</cite>, 9.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1621'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1621'>1621</a>. De Sanctis, <cite>Atthis</cite><sup>2</sup>, pp. 305 f.: so Costanzi, <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Riv. Stor. Ant.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>V.</span> pp. 514–15.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1622'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1622'>1622</a>. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahrb. Cl. Phil.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>CXI.</span> (1875), p. 454.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1623'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1623'>1623</a>. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ges. d. Alt.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>V.</span><sup>5</sup> p. 474.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1624'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1624'>1624</a>. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Attisch. Bürgerrecbt</span></cite>, p. 152; cp. Wachsmuth, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Stadt Athen</span></cite>, <span class='fss'>I.</span> pp. 473–4.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1625'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1625'>1625</a>. <cite>Gr. G.</cite><sup>2</sup> <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 189, n. 1; cp. p. 191.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1626'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1626'>1626</a>. Glotz, <cite>Et. Soc. et Jurid.</cite> pp. 231–43; but cp. Buechsenschuetz, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Berl. Phil.
-Woch.</span></cite> 1907, pp. 815–16.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1627'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1627'>1627</a>. Helbig, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mém. Acad. Inscr. et B.-L.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XXXVI.</span> p. 405; cp. Wilamowitz, <cite>Aristot.
-u. Athen</cite>, <span class='fss'>II.</span> 54; Gilliard, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Réformes de Solon</span></cite>, p. 108, n. 2.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1628'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1628'>1628</a>. Wecklein, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Sitz. bayr. Akad., philos.-philol. Kl.</span></cite> 1873, p. 30–48; Forchhammer,
-<cite>Philol.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXXIV.</span> p. 472, on the meagre evidence of Thuc. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 15; Plut.
-<cite>Theseus</cite>, 24.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1629'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1629'>1629</a>. Above, p. 169.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1630'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1630'>1630</a>. Mitchell and Caspari, p. 8 of their edition of Grote.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1631'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1631'>1631</a>. With this last remark contrast my whole account of the first Aeginetan
-war. Boeckh, <cite>Public Econ.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 341, notes that in the time of Cleisthenes the
-number of ships in the fleet is fifty (Hdt. <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 89), corresponding to that of the
-naukraries, which had been raised from the earlier forty-eight, Photius, s.v.
-<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ναυκραρία</span>.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1632'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1632'>1632</a>. Strabo <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 374, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὑπὲρ τῶν Ναυπλιέων Ἀργεῖοι συνετέλουν, ὑπὲρ Πρασιέων
-δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι</span>; cp. C. Mueller, <cite><span lang="co" xml:lang="co">Aeginetica</span></cite>, <span class='fss'>I.</span> § 7.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1633'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1633'>1633</a>. “There was a sort of Amphictyonic council” at Kalauria, Strabo <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 374
-(Ephorus), who quotes</p>
-
-<div class='lg-container-b c016'>
-  <div class='linegroup'>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἴσον τοι Δῆλόν τε Καλαυρείαν τε νέμεσθαι</span></div>
-      <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Πυθώ τ’ ἠγαθέην.</span></div>
-    </div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1634'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1634'>1634</a>. Paus. <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 24. 4, 35. 2.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1635'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1635'>1635</a>. Paus. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 7. 4, <span class='fss'>IV.</span> 14. 3.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1636'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1636'>1636</a>. So F. Cauer in Pauly Wissowa s.v. Argolis, p. 730, “about the time of the
-second Messenian war.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1637'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1637'>1637</a>. Thuc. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 6.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1638'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1638'>1638</a>. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πέπλοισι Δωρικοῖσιν</span>, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Persae</span></cite>, 182–3.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1639'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1639'>1639</a>. As already noted by Studniczka, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ges. Altgr. Tracht</span></cite>, p. 18, although (like
-Helbig, <cite>Hom. Epos</cite><sup>2</sup>, 163, 164, and Holwerda, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Rhein. Mus.</span></cite> 1903, p. 520) he
-overlooks the important word <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">αὖ</span>. Partly perhaps because he wrote before the
-excavations of Sparta, partly because of his preconceived views on other points,
-Studniczka has failed to see the full force of his own observations.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1640'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1640'>1640</a>. <cite>B.S.A.</cite> <span class='fss'>XIII.</span> pp. 77 f.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1641'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1641'>1641</a>. G. Dickens, <cite>J.H.S.</cite> <span class='fss'>XXXII.</span> pp. 17–19.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1642'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1642'>1642</a>. Dorian states followed Sparta in this revival earlier than did Athens; see
-Kalkmann, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahrb.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>XI.</span> pp. 41–42.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1643'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1643'>1643</a>. Hdt. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 88; cp. Studniczka, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ges. Altgr. Tracht</span></cite>, pp. 14 f. on the Semitic
-origin of <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">χιτών</span>, the distinguishing garment of the <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Ἰάονες ἑλκεχίτωνες</span> (Hom.
-<cite>Il.</cite> <span class='fss'>XIII.</span> 685). The discrepancy with Hdt. that some scholars have found in
-Thuc. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 6 is only apparent, see Holwerda, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Rhein. Mus.</span></cite> 1903, p. 520.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1644'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1644'>1644</a>. See especially the pottery of the period.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1645'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1645'>1645</a>. Skias, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Arch. Eph.</span></cite> 1898, p. 103, n. 3 (Eleusis); Furtwaengler, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Aegina</span></cite>, p. 474.
-As compared with the Geometric pin the archaic (post-geometric) type is shorter,
-but thicker, stronger, and the ornamental knobs thicker and closer. This type
-is particularly well represented at the Argive Heraeum (Thiersch <em>ap.</em> Furtwaengler,
-<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> p. 414): that is to say, the period when dress-pins became heavier in
-the Argolid is once again the end of the Geometric period.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1646'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1646'>1646</a>. So Studniczka, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ges. Altgr. Tracht</span></cite>, p. 19. The distinction is rightly disregarded
-in Abrahams, <cite>Gk. Dress</cite>, pp. 42, 58.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1647'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1647'>1647</a>. Serv. ad <cite>Aen.</cite> <span class='fss'>XI.</span> 206, <span class='fss'>V.</span> 64, <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 152. Burial within the village, near, or more
-often in the house itself, was usual in Latium in the neolithic period from which
-the Romans inherited much ritual (<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">e.g.</span></i> the use of stone knives in sacrifice and
-stone arrow-heads in declaring war), Pinza, <cite>Bull. Comm.</cite> 1898, pp. 77, 84–85,
-116 f. Hence possibly the practice of burying vestal virgins within the city.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Intramural burial was practised at Megara (Paus. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 43, 44; Plut. <cite>Phoc.</cite> 37),
-Sicyon (Plut. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Arat.</span></cite> 53; Hdt. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 67; cp. Becker, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Charicles</span></cite>, Eng. trans.<sup>8</sup> p. 393),
-Sparta (Plut. <cite>Lycurg.</cite> 27, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Inst. Lac.</span></cite> 18 (<cite>Moral.</cite> 238)), and Tarentum (Polyb.
-<span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 30; cp. Athen. <span class='fss'>XII.</span> 522 f. and <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Notiz. d. Scav.</span></cite> 1895, p. 238). For graves of
-particularly distinguished individuals the market-place was the usual spot
-(Pindar, <cite>Pyth.</cite> <span class='fss'>V.</span> 93; Thuc. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 11, which, however, implies that the market-place
-was subsequent to the tomb; Paus. <span class='fss'>II.</span> 13. 6; Plut. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Timol.</span></cite> 39; Strabo <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> 371).
-Cp. also (Plato), <cite>Minos</cite>, 315<em>d</em>, and Rohde, <cite>Psyche</cite>, <span class='fss'>I.</span> p. 228, n. 3, <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 340, n. 2.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1648'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1648'>1648</a>. Cp. Frazer, <cite>Magic Art</cite>, <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 232, cases (differently explained by Frazer) of
-new-born children being brought to the hearth as a mode of introducing them to
-the ancestral spirits. Pinza, <cite>Bull. Comm.</cite> 1898, pp. 116–17 <i><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">à propos</span></i> of early burials
-within the house quotes the lares grundules, explained in the light of the statement
-of Fulgentius, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Serm. Ant.</span></cite> 7, that till late times children were buried
-sub grundo. Unfortunately Fulgentius is a doubtful authority on a point of
-this sort: see Roscher, <cite>Lex.</cite> s.v. Lares, p. 1886.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1649'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1649'>1649</a>. <em>Ap.</em> Cic. <cite>de Leg.</cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> 23 (58).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1650'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1650'>1650</a>. Marquardt, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Privatleben</span></cite><sup>2</sup>, p. 360.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1651'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1651'>1651</a>. Serv. <cite>Aen.</cite> <span class='fss'>XI.</span> 206. Smith, <cite>Dict. Biog. and Myth.</cite>, states that the Duilius in
-question is the consul of 260 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span> The first Duilius to attain the office was
-K. Duilius in 336 <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">B.C.</span></span>, a sufficiently late date. The prohibition was again re-enacted
-in the reign of Hadrian, <cite>Dig.</cite> 47, 12, 3, sect. 5.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1652'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1652'>1652</a>. Serv. ad <cite>Aen.</cite> <span class='fss'>XI.</span> 206; Plut. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Qu. Rom.</span></cite> 79 (<cite>Moral.</cite> 283).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1653'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1653'>1653</a>. Dion. Hal. <span class='fss'>III.</span> 1.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1654'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1654'>1654</a>. Casagrandi, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Nouem Combusti</span></cite> (appendix to <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Minores Gentes</span></cite>), gives all the
-restorations of the gloss; his own runs “<span lang="la" xml:lang="la"><em>nouem combusti</em> fuerunt legati] T. Sicinii.
-Volsci [eos interfecerunt cum proelium] inissent aduersus [Romanos. sumptu
-publi]co combusti feruntur [et sepulti in crepidi]ne quae est proxime Cir[cum,
-ubi locus est la]pide albo constratus.</span>” If the <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">locus lapide albo constratus</span> was
-<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">proxime Circum</span>, it may have been, technically at least, outside the city at the
-time of the obsequies.</p>
-
-<p class='c007'>Mommsen, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Roem. Forsch.</span></cite> <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 168 (Sp. Cassius), speaks of the cremation as
-having taken place “auf dem roemischen Markt”: he gives no evidence for the
-locality. The nouem combusti were in any case exceptional personages. But
-even so they are a warning against hasty conclusions from the archaeological
-evidence.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1655'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1655'>1655</a>. Val. Max. <span class='fss'>VI.</span> 3. 2 (Rom.); cp. Dio Cass. <span class='fss'>V.</span> fr. 22; Zonaras <span class='fss'>VII.</span> 17.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1656'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1656'>1656</a>. The Valerii were buried “close to the Forum (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">σύνεγγυς τῆς ἀγορᾶς</span>) under
-the Velia,” Dion. Hal. <span class='fss'>V.</span> 48; cp. Plut. <cite>Poplic.</cite> 23. Plutarch <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Qu. Rom.</span></cite> 79 says
-that the Fabricii as well as the Valerii had the right of burial in the Forum,
-but made only formal use of it. Cicero and Plutarch are easily reconciled by
-supposing that some formality in the Forum took place always and the actual
-burial occasionally.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1657'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1657'>1657</a>. Suet. <cite>Tib.</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span></p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1658'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1658'>1658</a>. Festus s.v. Romanam portam and Argea; cp. Jordan, <cite>Topog. Rom</cite> <span class='fss'>I.</span> i.
-p. 176, n. 40; p. 190, n. 64; <span class='fss'>II.</span> p. 283; but cp. Pinza, <cite>Bull. Comm.</cite> 1898, p. 116.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote' id='f1659'>
-<p class='c007'><a href='#r1659'>1659</a>. Graffunder, <cite>Klio</cite>, <span class='fss'>XI.</span> pp. 116–20, one on the Palatine, the other on the
-Esquiline. Being nowhere near the Forum they are probably cases of inherited
-rather than strictly individual merit: cp. Pinza, <cite>Mon. Ant.</cite> <span class='fss'>XV.</span> p. 778.</p>
-</div>
-
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