summaryrefslogtreecommitdiff
path: root/old/62191-0.txt
diff options
context:
space:
mode:
authornfenwick <nfenwick@pglaf.org>2025-02-02 01:25:55 -0800
committernfenwick <nfenwick@pglaf.org>2025-02-02 01:25:55 -0800
commite07961d41fa0d6542181bf3027a4b2804530d25b (patch)
treeae4e44094dfdc50a605341841f296899d6e54dae /old/62191-0.txt
parent574c44082038c195015483cc83adbf9cebbc1f68 (diff)
NormalizeHEADmain
Diffstat (limited to 'old/62191-0.txt')
-rw-r--r--old/62191-0.txt10689
1 files changed, 0 insertions, 10689 deletions
diff --git a/old/62191-0.txt b/old/62191-0.txt
deleted file mode 100644
index f621246..0000000
--- a/old/62191-0.txt
+++ /dev/null
@@ -1,10689 +0,0 @@
-The Project Gutenberg eBook, Hong Kong, by Gene Gleason
-
-
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most
-other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
-whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of
-the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
-www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have
-to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook.
-
-
-
-
-Title: Hong Kong
-
-
-Author: Gene Gleason
-
-
-
-Release Date: May 22, 2020 [eBook #62191]
-
-Language: English
-
-Character set encoding: UTF-8
-
-
-***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HONG KONG***
-
-
-E-text prepared by Tim Lindell and the Online Distributed Proofreading
-Team (http://www.pgdp.net) from page images digitized by the Google Books
-Library Project (http://books.google.com) and generously made available by
-HathiTrust Digital Library (https://www.hathitrust.org/)
-
-
-
-Note: Project Gutenberg also has an HTML version of this
- file which includes the original illustrations.
- See 62191-h.htm or 62191-h.zip:
- (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/62191/62191-h/62191-h.htm)
- or
- (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/62191/62191-h.zip)
-
-
- Images of the original pages are available through
- HathiTrust Digital Library. See
- https://hdl.handle.net/2027/mdp.39015002199274
-
-
-
-
-
-HONG KONG
-
-GENE GLEASON
-
-
-
-
-
-
-The John Day Company, New York
-
-© 1963 by Gene Gleason
-
-All rights reserved. This book, or parts thereof, must not be
-reproduced in any form without permission. Published by The
-John Day Company, 62 West 45th Street, New York 36, N.Y., and
-simultaneously in Canada by Longmans Canada Limited, Toronto.
-
-Library of Congress Catalogue
-Card Number: 63-7957
-
-Manufactured in the United States of America
-
-
-
-
-_To all who helped—particularly, Pat_
-
-
-
-
-Contents
-
-
- INTRODUCTION 11
-
- 1. UP FROM BRITISH BARBARISM 15
-
- 2. AN AVALANCHE FROM THE NORTH 47
-
- 3. CONFLICT AND COEXISTENCE WITH TWO CHINAS 85
-
- 4. INDUSTRIAL GROWTH AND GROWING PAINS 113
-
- 5. HIGH LAND, LOW WATER 155
-
- 6. A NEW DAY FOR FARMS AND FISHERIES 175
-
- 7. CRIME, POWER AND CORRUPTION 201
-
- 8. TWO WORLDS IN ONE HOUSE 227
-
- 9. RAMBLING AROUND THE COLONY 259
-
- 10. SHOPPING BEFORE DINNER 289
-
- INDEX 309
-
-_Sixteen pages of illustrations will be found following page 160._
-
-
-
-
-Hong Kong
-
-[Illustration: BRITISH CROWN COLONY OF HONG KONG and Adjacent Areas]
-
-
-
-
-Introduction
-
- Hong Kong is a high point on the skyline of the Free World. As
- a free port operating on a free-world basis, it is too valuable
- to lose.—SIR ROBERT BROWN BLACK, Governor of the British Crown
- Colony of Hong Kong, 1962
-
-
-Except for Portugal’s tiny overseas province of Macao, Hong Kong is
-the last Western outpost on the mainland of China. It is the Berlin of
-East Asia, poised in perilous balance between two ideologies and two
-civilizations.
-
-The government and people of Hong Kong have performed a matter-of-fact
-miracle by saving the lives of more than a million refugees from Red
-China. Without appealing for foreign aid or emergency subsidies from the
-home country, the colony’s rulers have provided jobs, homes and freedom
-for the destitute. Private charitable organizations overseas and outright
-gifts from the governments of Great Britain and the United States have
-achieved miracles on their own in feeding, clothing and educating the
-poor of Hong Kong, but the main burden is too great to be borne by any
-agency except the full public power of the royal crown colony.
-
-Most of Hong Kong’s people are too poor to afford what an American would
-consider minimum comforts. They came to Hong Kong with nothing, yet every
-day they send thousands of food packages back to Red China, hoping to
-save their relatives from starvation.
-
-These are only the workaday miracles of Hong Kong; the greatest
-miracle is that it exists at all. It has never had enough of the good
-things—land, water, health, security or money—but always a surplus of the
-bad ones—wars, typhoons, epidemics, opium, heroin, crime and corruption.
-
-It is one of the most contradictory and baffling places in the
-contemporary world—a magnificent port and a teeming slum; a
-bargain-hunter’s paradise and a nest of swindlers; a place of marginal
-farmland and superlative farmers, efficient and orderly, sly and corrupt.
-It has outlived a thousand prophecies of its imminent doom. Its people
-dwell between the claws of a tiger, fully aware of the spot they’re on,
-but not at all dismayed.
-
-Tourists and sailors come to Hong Kong by the hundreds of thousands every
-year, half-expecting to discover inscrutable Orientals, or to be followed
-down a dark alley by a soft-shod killer with a hatchet in his hand.
-The Orientals turn out to be the noisiest, most gregarious people the
-Westerner has ever seen. No one follows him down a pitch-black alley at
-midnight, unless it’s a stray cat looking for a handout, or a shoeshine
-boy working late.
-
-The real magic of Hong Kong is that none of it is exactly what you
-expected. You prowl around for handicraft shops and find them next to an
-automated textile mill. You’ve been told to keep your eye open for the
-sprawling settlements of squatter shacks, and you find them slowly being
-swallowed up by multi-story concrete resettlement estates. You turn on
-the faucet in your hotel at noon and it issues a dry, asthmatic sigh; you
-try it again at six and it spits at you like an angry camel, splashing
-all over your suit.
-
-You look for a historic hill in Kowloon, and there is what’s left of it—a
-stumpy mound, shaved down by a bulldozer, with the rest of it already
-dumped into the sea to form the foundation of a new industrial city. You
-look for the romantic hallmark of Hong Kong, a Chinese junk with bat-wing
-sails, and it putt-putts past on a Diesel engine without a scrap of
-canvas on the masts.
-
-You fear for your life as you stand on the crowded sidewalk, plucking
-up the courage to bull your way through a fantastic tangle of autos,
-motor-scooters, double-deck trams, rickshaws, massed pedestrians
-and laborers carting bulky loads on bamboo shoulder-slings, but the
-white-sleeved patrolman in the traffic pagoda parts the torrent with a
-gesture like Moses dividing the Red Sea and you cross without a scratch.
-
-A small, slender Chinese beauty in a closely fitted Cheongsam strolls by
-with a skirt slit to the mid-thighs, and you begin to perceive the reason
-for the thousands of Caucasian-Chinese intermarriages in the colony. Such
-unions go so well they hardly merit comment in today’s Hong Kong gossip;
-a generation ago, they would have overturned a hornet’s nest of angry
-relatives in both racial groups.
-
-Hong Kong is like the Chinese beauties in their Cheongsams; no matter
-how often you turn away, your next view will be completely different and
-equally rewarding.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER ONE
-
-Up from British Barbarism
-
- The common disposition of the English barbarians is ferocious,
- and what they trust in are the strength of their ships and the
- effectiveness of their guns.—GOVERNOR LU K’U OF CANTON, 1834
-
-
-In 1841, the British crown colony of Hong Kong attached itself like
-a small barnacle to the southeast coast of the Celestial Empire. The
-single offshore island that constituted the whole of the original colony
-was a spiny ridge of half-drowned mountains forming the seaward rampart
-of a deep-water harbor. Before the British came, it had no geographic
-identity. They gave it the Chinese name “Hong Kong,” usually translated
-as “fragrant harbor,” which distinguished the one appealing feature of
-its forbidding terrain.
-
-Sparsely inhabited from primitive times, Hong Kong, the more than two
-hundred rocky islands scattered outside its harbor, and the barren
-seacoast opposite them lay far out in the boondocks of China. Its
-innumerable, deeply indented coves and mountain-ringed harbors made it a
-favorite lurking place for coastal pirates.
-
-For centuries, fleets of pirate junks had apportioned their rapacity
-between pouncing on coastwise ships and pillaging isolated farms and
-fishing settlements. The Manchu emperors, lacking the unified navy
-necessary to sink these cut-throats, attempted to bolster the thin
-defenses along the pirate-infested coast of Kwangtung Province by
-offering tax-free land to any of their subjects who would settle there.
-Even so, there was no wild scramble to accept the gift.
-
-Less troublesome than pirates but hardly more welcome to the rulers of
-China were the European traders who had been plying the Chinese coast
-since the beginning of the sixteenth century. In the middle of that
-century, Portuguese merchant-sailors overcame part of this hostility by
-employing their well-armed ships to help the Chinese emperor crush a
-pirate fleet. They were rewarded with imperial permission to establish a
-small trading outpost at Macao, forty miles west of Hong Kong Island.
-
-Traders from Spain, Holland, England, France and America soon began to
-operate out of Macao, and the British East India Co. opened a trade base
-at Canton in 1681 to supply a lively English market with Chinese tea and
-silk. Canton, the only Chinese port open to world trade, stood due north
-of Macao and ninety-one miles northwest of the future colony at Hong Kong.
-
-Throughout a century and a half of dealings at Canton, European traders
-enjoyed the same degree of liberty: they were all free to pay whatever
-prices or imposts the Chinese Hong merchants and customs officials chose
-to demand. The Chinese wanted neither foreign goods nor foreign traders,
-but if the latter persisted in buying and selling at Canton, they were
-expected to submit to strict Chinese regulations or get out.
-
-There were rules forbidding any foreigner to live in Canton except during
-the six-month trading season, rules denying foreign women the right to
-enter the city, rules against possessing firearms and an absolute ban
-against bringing foreign warships past the Boca Tigris (Tiger’s Mouth),
-the fortified strait on the Canton River estuary leading to the city.
-
-In practice, the rules were a kind of game; few were consistently
-enforced unless the Western traders raised a howl over Chinese customs
-duties or bumptiously insisted on dealing directly with the officials of
-the Celestial Empire instead of its merchants. Then the reins were yanked
-up tight, and the commercial interlopers had to obey every restriction to
-the letter.
-
-Foreigners at Canton remained in a weak bargaining position until a few
-European traders, particularly the English, discovered one product that
-the Chinese passionately desired. It was compact, easy to ship, extremely
-valuable, and it brought full payment in hard cash upon delivery. It
-could be brought from British India in prodigious quantities, and because
-it contained great value in a small package, it could slip through
-Chinese customs without the disagreeable formality of paying import
-duties. This was opium—the most convincing Western proof of the validity
-of the profit motive since the opening of the China trade.
-
-The Chinese appetite for opium became almost insatiable, spreading upward
-to the Emperor’s official family and draining away most of the foreign
-exchange gained by exporting tea and silk. The alarmed Emperor issued
-a denunciation of this “vile dirt of foreign countries” in 1796, and
-followed it with a long series of edicts and laws intended to stop the
-opium traffic.
-
-The East India Co., worried by repeated threats of imperial punishment,
-relinquished its control of the opium trade and dropped the drug from its
-official list of imports. Private traders with less to lose immediately
-took up the slack, and after opium was barred from Canton, simply
-discharged their cargoes of dope into a fleet of hulks anchored off the
-entrance of the Canton River estuary. From the hulks it was transshipped
-to the mainland by hundreds of Chinese junks and sampans. Chinese port
-officials, well-greased with graft, never raised a squeak of protest.
-
-The Emperor himself seethed with rage, vainly condemning the sale of
-opium as morally indefensible and ruinous to the health and property
-of his people. Meanwhile, the trade rose from $6,122,100 in 1821 to
-$15,338,160 in 1832. The British government took a strong official line
-against the traffic and denied its protection to British traders caught
-smuggling, but left the enforcement of anti-opium laws in Chinese hands.
-A joint Sino-British enforcement campaign was out of the question, since
-the Chinese had not granted diplomatic recognition to the British Empire.
-
-This insuperable obstacle to combined action was the natural child
-of Chinese xenophobia. When Lord Napier broached the subject of
-establishing diplomatic relations between Britain and China in 1834, the
-Emperor’s representatives stilled his overtures with the contemptuous
-question, “How can the officers of the Celestial Empire hold official
-correspondence with barbarians?”
-
-The glories of a mercantile civilization made no impression on a people
-who regarded themselves as the sole heirs of the oldest surviving culture
-on earth. To the lords of the Manchu empire, English traders were crude,
-money-grubbing upstarts who had neither the knowledge nor the capacity
-to appreciate the traditions and philosophy of China. What could these
-cubs of the Renaissance and the Industrial Revolution contribute to a
-civilization of such time-tested wisdom? They could contribute to its
-collapse, as the Chinese were to learn when their medieval war-machine
-collided with the striking power and nineteenth-century technology of the
-British Navy.
-
-After the East India Co. lost its monopoly on the China trade in
-1833, the British government sent its own representatives to settle a
-fast-growing dispute between English and Chinese merchants. Once again
-the Chinese snubbed these envoys and emphasized their unwillingness to
-compromise by appointing a new Imperial Commissioner to suppress the
-opium trade.
-
-For a time, the British merchants comforted themselves with the
-delusion that Lin Tse-hsu, the Imperial Commissioner, could be bought
-off or mollified. He dashed these hopes by blockading the Boca Tigris,
-surrounding the foreign warehouses at Canton with guards and demanding
-that all foreign merchants surrender their stock of opium. He further
-insisted that they sign a pledge to import no more opium or face the
-death penalty.
-
-Threats and vehement protests by the traders only drove Lin to stiffer
-counter-measures, and the British were at last forced to surrender more
-than 20,000 chests of opium worth $6,000,000. Commissioner Lin destroyed
-the opium immediately. British merchants and their government envoys
-withdrew from Canton by ship, ultimately anchoring off Hong Kong Island.
-None of them lived ashore; the island looked too bleak for English
-habitation, though it had already been considered as a possible offshore
-port of foreign trade.
-
-With the British out of the opium trade, a legion of freelance
-desperadoes flocked in to take it over, leaving both the British and
-Chinese governments shorn of their revenue. Further negotiation between
-Lin and Captain Charles Elliot, the British Superintendent of Trade in
-China, reached an impasse when Lin declined to treat Elliot as a diplomat
-of equal rank and advised him to carry on his negotiations with the
-Chinese merchants.
-
-Having wasted their time in a profitless exchange of unpleasantries, both
-sides huffily retired; the Chinese to reinforce their shore batteries and
-assemble a fleet of twenty-nine war junks and fire rafts, and Captain
-Elliot to organize a striking force of warships, iron-hulled steamers and
-troop transports.
-
-The junk fleet and two British men-of-war clashed at Chuenpee, on the
-Canton River estuary, in the first battle between British and Chinese
-armed forces. It was a pushover for the British; Chinese naval guns were
-centuries behind theirs in firepower, and the gun crews on the junks
-were pitifully inaccurate in comparison with the scientific precision
-of the British. Within a few minutes the junks had been sunk, dismasted
-or driven back in panicky disorder. The British on the _Hyacinth_ and
-_Volage_ suffered almost no damage or casualties.
-
-No formal state of war existed, however, so Captain Elliot broke off the
-one-sided engagement before the enemy had been annihilated. He pulled
-back to wait until orders came from Lord Palmerston, British Foreign
-Secretary, directing him to demand repayment for the $6,000,000 worth of
-opium handed over to Lin. At the same time, Elliot was told to obtain
-firm Chinese assurance of future security for traders in China, or the
-cession of an island off the China coast as a base for foreign trade
-unhampered by the merchants and officials of the Celestial Empire.
-Palmerston, maintaining the calm detachment of a statesman 10,000 miles
-distant from the scene of battle, thought it would be best for Elliot to
-win these concessions without war.
-
-Elliot, mustering the full strength of his land and sea forces, blockaded
-the Canton and Yangtze Rivers, occupied several strategic islands and put
-Palmerston’s demands into the hands of Emperor Tao-kuang. Humiliated by
-the irresistible advance of the despised foreigners, the Emperor angrily
-dismissed Commissioner Lin. His replacement, Commissioner Keeshen, began
-by agreeing to pay the indemnity demanded by Lord Palmerston and to hand
-over Hong Kong Island, then deliberately dragged his feet to postpone the
-fulfillment of his promises. Elliot, fed to the teeth with temporizing,
-ended it by throwing his whole fleet at the Chinese. His naval guns
-pounded their shore batteries into silence, and he landed marines and
-sailors to capture the forts guarding Canton.
-
-The Chinese land defenders were as poorly equipped as the sailors of
-their war junks; when they lighted their ancient matchlocks to fire them,
-scores of soldiers were burned to death by accidentally igniting the
-gunpowder spilled on their clothing.
-
-In a naval action at Anson’s Bay, the flat-bottomed iron steamer
-_Nemesis_, drawing only six feet of water, surprised a squadron of junks
-by pushing its way into their shallow-water refuge. A single Congreve
-rocket from the _Nemesis_ struck the magazine of a large war junk,
-blowing it up in a shower of flying spars and seamen. Eleven junks were
-destroyed, two were driven aground and hundreds of Chinese sailors were
-killed within a few hours. Admiral Kwan, commander of the shattered
-fleet, had the red cap-button emblematic of his rank shot off by the
-British and was later relieved of the rank by his unsympathetic Emperor.
-
-Keeshen hastened to notify Elliot that he stood ready to hand over Hong
-Kong and the $6,000,000 indemnity. But even the shock of defeat had not
-flushed the Emperor from his dream world of superiority; he repudiated
-Keeshen’s agreement and ordered him to rally the troops for “an awful
-display of Celestial vengeance.” Well aware of the hopelessness of his
-situation, Keeshen tried to hold out by postponing his meetings with
-Elliot. Elliot, not to be put off this time, countered by opening a
-general assault along the Canton River. Within a month, his combined land
-and sea offensive had reduced every fort on the water route to Canton and
-his ships rode at anchor in front of the city.
-
-British preparations to storm the city were well advanced when a fresh
-truce was arranged. The entire British force sailed back to Hong Kong,
-having retreated from almost certain victory. Elliot, however, felt no
-disappointment; he had never wanted to use more force than necessary to
-restore stable trade conditions. He feared that full-scale war would
-bring down the Chinese government, plunging the country into revolution
-and chaos.
-
-Hong Kong had become _de facto_ British territory on January 26, 1841,
-when the Union Jack was raised at Possession Point and the island claimed
-for Queen Victoria. Its 4,500 inhabitants, who had never heard of the
-Queen, became her unprotesting subjects.
-
-The acquisition of the island produced ignominy enough for both sides;
-Keeshen was exiled to Tartary for giving it up and Elliot was dismissed
-by Palmerston for accepting “a barren island with hardly a house upon
-it,” instead of obeying the Foreign Secretary’s orders and driving a much
-harder bargain.
-
-A succession of disasters swept over the colony in its first year of
-existence. “Hong Kong Fever,” a form of malaria thought to have been
-caused by digging up the earth for new roads and buildings, killed
-hundreds of settlers. Two violent typhoons unroofed practically every
-temporary building on the rocky slopes and drowned a tenth of the boat
-population. The wreckage of the ships and buildings had scarcely been
-cleared away when a fire broke out among the flimsy, closely packed mat
-sheds. In a few hours, it burned down most of the Chinese huts on the
-island.
-
-The flavor of disaster became a regular part of Hong Kong history. Its
-own four horsemen—piracy, typhoons, epidemics and fires—raced through the
-colony at frequent but unpredictable intervals, filling its hills and
-harbor with debris and death. There is still no reason to assume that
-they will not return, either singly or as a team, whenever the whim moves
-them.
-
-Even imagining Hong Kong as an island bearing no more than a minimum
-burden of natural hazards, it is difficult to understand how it became
-settled at all. The London _Times_ scorned it editorially in 1844 with
-the comment that “The place has nothing to recommend it, if we except the
-excellent harbor.”
-
-The original colony and the much larger territory added to it in the next
-120 years have no natural resources of value, except fish, building stone
-and a limited supply of minerals. Only one-seventh of its total area is
-arable land; at best, it can grow enough rice, vegetables and livestock
-to feed the present population for about three months of a year. There
-is no local source of coal, oil or water power. Fresh water was scarce
-in 1841, and in 1960, after the colony had constructed an elaborate
-system of fourteen reservoirs, the carefully rationed supply had to be
-supplemented with additional water bought and pumped in from Red China.
-
-Hong Kong has an annual rainfall of 85 inches—twice that of New York
-City—but three-fourths of it falls between May and September. At the end
-of the rainy season, ten billion gallons may be stored in the reservoirs
-but by the following May, every reservoir may be empty. Water use,
-especially during the dry winter, has been restricted to certain hours
-throughout the colony’s history. Running water, to the majority of Hong
-Kong’s poor, means that one grabs a kerosene tin and runs for the nearest
-public standpipe. Those lucky enough to reach the head of the line before
-the water is cut off may carry home enough to supply a household for one
-full day.
-
-The industries of the colony, which expanded at a spectacular rate after
-World War II, could never have survived on sales to the local market.
-Most of its residents have always been too poor to buy anything more
-than the simplest necessities of food, clothing and shelter. No tariff
-wall protects its products from the competition of imported goods, but
-resentment against the low-wage industries of the colony continually
-puts up new barriers against Hong Kong products in foreign countries,
-including the United States.
-
-From its thinly populated beginnings, Hong Kong has been transformed
-into one of the most dangerously overcrowded places on earth, with
-1,800 to 2,800 persons jamming every acre of its urban sections. Eighty
-percent of its population is wedged into an area the size of Rochester,
-N.Y.—thirty-six square miles. About 325,000 people have no regular
-housing. They sleep on the sidewalks, or live in firetrap shacks perched
-on the hillsides or rooftop huts. A soaring birth rate and illegal
-infiltration of refugees from Red China add nearly 150,000 people a year.
-
-Fire is the best-fed menace of contemporary Hong Kong. In the 1950-55
-period, flash fires drove 150,000 shack and tenement dwellers out of
-their homes, racing through congested settlements with the swiftness and
-savagery of a forest in flames. Tuberculosis attacked the slum-dwellers
-at the same ruinous pace. No one dares to predict what would happen if
-one of the colony’s older, dormant scourges—plague or typhus—were to
-break out again. But the colony found cause for relief and pride when a
-1961 cholera scare was halted by free, universal inoculations.
-
-More than a century of turmoil and privation has taught the colonists to
-accept their liabilities and deal with their problems, yet they prefer to
-dwell on the assets and virtues which have enabled them to endure, and in
-many cases, to prosper tremendously.
-
-Hong Kong harbor has always been the colony’s greatest asset. Of all the
-world’s harbors, only Rio de Janeiro equals its spacious, magnificent
-beauty, with its tall green mountains sloping down to deep blue water.
-Perhaps Rio has a richer contrast of tropical green and blue, but the
-surface of Hong Kong harbor is so irrepressibly alive with criss-crossing
-ferry lines, ocean freighters riding in the stream, and tattered junk
-sails passing freely through the orderly swarm that it never looks the
-same from one minute to the next and is incapable of monotony.
-
-An oceanic lagoon of seventeen square miles, the harbor lies sheltered
-between mountain ranges to the north and south and is shielded from the
-open sea by narrow entrances at its east and west ends. Vessels drawing
-up to thirty-six feet of water can enter through Lei Yue Mun pass at the
-eastern end of the harbor. Through the same pass, jet airliners approach
-Kai Tak Airport, roaring between the mountains like rim-rock flyers as
-they glide down to the long airstrip built on reclaimed land in Kowloon
-Bay, on the northern side of the harbor.
-
-The intangible ramparts of the colony are as solid as its peaks: the sea
-power of the British and American navies, and the stability of British
-rule. At their worst, the colony’s overlords have been autocratic,
-stiff-necked and chilly toward their Chinese subjects.
-
-The same British administrators who nobly refused to hand over native
-criminals for the interrogation-by-torture of the Chinese courts could
-flog and brand Chinese prisoners with a fierce conviction of their own
-rectitude. Nevertheless, they brought to China something never seen there
-before; respect for the law as an abstraction, an objective code of
-justice that had to be followed even when it embarrassed and discommoded
-the rulers.
-
-Almost from its inception, the colony attracted refugees from China. Many
-brought capital and technical skills with them, others were brigands and
-murderers fleeing Chinese executioners.
-
-Banking, shipping and insurance services of the colony quickly became the
-most reliable in Southeast Asia. Macao, in spite of its three-century
-lead on Hong Kong, was so badly handicapped by its shallow harbor,
-critical land shortage, and unenterprising government that it sank into
-a state of suspended antiquity. Hong Kong merchants, eager for new
-business, kept in close touch with world markets. Labor was cheap and
-abundant, still it was more liberally paid than in most of the Asiatic
-countries. Labor unions numbered in the hundreds, but they were split
-into so many quarreling political factions that they could rarely hope to
-win a showdown fight against the colony’s business-dominated government,
-although the Seamen’s Union did obtain many concessions after a long
-strike in 1922.
-
-Notwithstanding the social gulfs between the British, Portuguese, Indian
-and other national elements in the colony, all of them march arm-in-arm
-through one great field of endeavor; the desire and the capacity to make
-money. Hong Kong lives to turn a profit, and its deepest fraternal bond
-is the Fellowship of Greater Solvency.
-
-Motivated by this common purpose, the British and Chinese dwelt together
-in peaceful contempt during the first fifteen years of the colony’s
-history, sharing the returns of a fast-growing world trade. The opium
-traffic resumed as though there had never been a war over it. The only
-enemy that worried the merchants became the Chinese pirates who preyed on
-their ships.
-
-From Fukien to Canton, pirate fleets prowled the China coast. Two of
-their favorite hangouts were Bias Bay and Mirs Bay, within easy striking
-range of Hong Kong. With the arrival of the British, they began looting
-foreign merchant-ships with the same unsparing greed they had previously
-inflicted on Chinese ships and villages.
-
-British warships, superior to the pirate craft in all but numbers and
-elusiveness, hunted them down with task forces. In four expeditions
-between 1849 and 1858, the Queen’s Navy sank or captured nearly 200
-pirate junks. Thousands of prisoners were taken, and a fair share of them
-were hanged. British landing forces, storming up the beaches from the
-warships, leveled every pirate settlement they could find.
-
-The land-and-sea offensive had a temporarily restraining effect, but
-new-born pirate fleets sprang up like dragon’s teeth to turn to the
-practice of seaborne larceny. A fifth column of suppliers, informers,
-and receivers of stolen goods within the colony obligingly assisted the
-pirates in plucking their neighbors clean. Hong Kong’s oldest industry
-has retained its franchise down to present times; in 1948, airborne
-pirates attempted to high-jack a Macao-Hong Kong plane in flight.
-The plane crashed, killing all but one person who was detained and
-questioned, then released for lack of jurisdiction and sent back to China.
-
-Piracy was the fuse that touched off a second Sino-British war in 1856,
-when the Chinese government charged that a Chinese ship manned by a
-British skipper was, in fact, a pirate vessel. While the skipper was
-absent from the Chinese lorcha, the _Arrow_, his entire crew was taken
-prisoner and accused of piracy by China.
-
-The incident landed in the lap of Sir John Bowring, a former Member of
-Parliament and one of the most curiously contradictory of all colony
-governors. Philosophically a liberal and a pacifist, he was markedly
-sympathetic toward the Chinese. A prolific author, economist and
-hymn-writer, he had a brilliant gift for linguistics and was credited
-with a working knowledge of 100 languages, among them Chinese. He
-initiated wise and far-reaching improvements, including the first
-forestry program, which were enacted into law by later governors. With
-all these gifts, his five-year term (1854-1859) was marred by a series of
-hot and futile wrangles with his subordinates.
-
-This mercurial man reacted to the capture of the _Arrow_’s crew
-by demanding an apology and their release. When the apology was
-not immediately dispatched, he assembled a military force and set
-out to capture Canton. War in India delayed the arrival of British
-reinforcements, and Canton withstood the assault. Meanwhile, Chinese
-collaborators in Hong Kong poisoned the bread supplied to Europeans;
-Bowring’s wife was one of scores of persons who suffered serious illness
-by eating the bread.
-
-Shortly afterward the French joined forces with the English. Canton and
-Tientsin were captured, and the Chinese government was forced to agree to
-add more trading ports to the five provided by the 1842 Nanking Treaty.
-
-The ensuing short-term armistice was broken by sporadic Chinese attacks
-on British supply lines and a general resumption of hostilities, ending
-in the occupation of the Chinese capital at Peking.
-
-The Kowloon Peninsula, jutting from the Chinese mainland to a point one
-mile north of Hong Kong Island, became involved in the war when its
-residents rioted against British troops encamped there. The British
-had considered the annexation of Kowloon for several years, realizing
-that if the Chinese decided to fortify it their guns would command
-Hong Kong harbor. Treating the riot as a compelling reason for taking
-possession, the British obtained an outright cession of the peninsula
-and Stonecutters Island, a little body of land about one mile west of
-Kowloon, under the terms of the 1860 Convention of Peking.
-
-Bowring, meanwhile, had created a public Botanic Garden—still a beautiful
-hillside haven at the heart of the colony—laid down new roads and
-erected a number of public buildings. But his daily relations with
-other colony officials had degenerated into a battle-royal of insults
-and counter-accusations. The home government, appalled at Bowring’s
-un-British disregard for good form, rushed in a new minister to direct
-negotiations with China and replaced Bowring as governor with Sir
-Hercules Robinson, an unusually able colonial administrator. Bowring
-left the colony with his reputation at low ebb, snubbed by its English
-residents. The Chinese of Hong Kong, inured to snobbery but grateful for
-Bowring’s attempts to help them, saw him off with parting gifts.
-
-Sir Hercules began his administration with a piece of good fortune;
-practically all the contentious subordinates who had made Bowring’s
-tenure a long nightmare resigned or retired. The colony’s military
-leaders kept the pot simmering by demanding most of Kowloon for their own
-use, although Robinson wanted to preserve it for public buildings and
-recreational grounds.
-
-In England, where the brimstone smell of the Bowring affair lingered for
-many months, the London _Times_ was moved to describe the China outpost
-as a “noisy, bustling, quarrelsome, discontented and insalubrious little
-island” whose name was “always connected with some fatal pestilence,
-some doubtful war, or some discreditable internal squabble.” Robinson’s
-skirmish with the military attracted no more attention than a stray
-pistol-shot after a thundering cannonade.
-
-Between wars and internal bickering, the colony was growing up. The
-California gold rush of 1849, followed by a major gold strike in
-Australia two years later, created a surge of prosperity as goods
-and Chinese laborers funneled through the port on their way to the
-goldfields. Japan was opened to world trade in 1853, and American
-whalers and seal hunters had begun to call at Hong Kong. Total shipping
-tonnage cleared through the port rose 1,000 percent in the fifteen years
-after 1848. With skilled labor and well-equipped dockyards at hand, the
-building, refitting and supplying of ships became the colony’s most
-important industry.
-
-Overseas shipment of Chinese laborers from mainland China to perform work
-contracts in Central America, Australia, and the islands of the Indian
-Ocean created grave human problems.
-
-Chinese were being kidnaped, abused like slaves and packed into the
-airless, filthy holds of sailing ships where they died at an alarming
-rate. From 1855 on, the colony imposed tighter and tighter restrictions
-on the trade, prescribing better living conditions aboard ship and
-prosecuting kidnapers of labor. But the labor suppliers evaded the laws
-of the colony by taking on provisions at Hong Kong and calling at other
-ports along the China coast to shanghai contract workers.
-
-The first of many waves of refugees to seek asylum in Britain’s
-“barbarian” enclave arrived with the outbreak of the Tai Ping Rebellion
-in 1850. Led by Hung Siu Tsuen, a Christian student, the rebels attacked
-the ruling Manchu Dynasty and fomented wild disorder in Canton. Thousands
-of apprehensive Chinese fled to Hong Kong, throwing themselves on the
-mercy of the foreign devils.
-
-Governor Robinson and the land-hungry generals eventually compromised
-their conflicting claims to Kowloon real estate, but the colony
-government spent years of patient effort in straightening out the fuzzy,
-inexact and spurious titles to individual land-holdings on the peninsula.
-On the whole, British courts achieved a fair adjudication of claims.
-
-Sir Hercules did not permit his administrative successes to alter the
-colony’s reputation for day-to-day blundering. He housed prisoners in
-a hulk off Stonecutters Island where it was accidentally swamped by an
-adjoining boat with a loss of thirty-eight lives. On a kindly impulse,
-he belatedly moved the hulk closer to shore, and a group of convicts ran
-down the gangplank to dry land and freedom.
-
-Such oversights were exceptional; when Sir Hercules ended his term in
-1865, he could look back on an administration which had put the unpopular
-colony on its feet by reforming its courts and modernizing and expanding
-its public works. This was no fluke, for he went on to similar successes
-in Ceylon, Australia, New Zealand and South Africa before being elevated
-to the peerage.
-
-During its formative period, the colony was predominantly a society of
-adult males. Its merchants and workers came from China to earn a living
-and to send their savings back to their wives and children; when they
-grew too old to work, they returned to their native cities and villages.
-But there was always a number of families among the population, and after
-the refugees began pouring in, the percentage of children rose. In 1865,
-children numbered 22,301 in a total population of 125,504. Only 14,000 of
-these were of school age, and less than 2,000 of them attended school.
-
-Missionaries began to run schools for Chinese and European children
-almost from the time the colony was established, but the scale of their
-undertakings was modest. The Chinese organized native schools, and like
-the missionary ventures, floundered along with ill-trained teachers,
-inadequate buildings and loose supervision. Government schools, low in
-quality and enrollment, freed themselves of religious control in 1866. A
-private school with advanced ideas instructed Chinese girls in English,
-only to discover that its pupils were accepting postgraduate work as the
-mistresses of European colonists.
-
-Five Irish governors, starting with Sir Hercules Robinson in 1859,
-ruled Hong Kong in succession, and three of them ranked among the
-ablest executives in its history. Each one was in his separate way a
-strong-minded, individualistic, and occasionally rambunctious chief.
-After the Hibernian Era came to an end in 1885, no later governors
-emulated their mildly defiant gestures toward the home government.
-
-Sir Richard Graves Macdonnell, second of the Irish governors, was a tough
-and seasoned colonial administrator who tackled the unsolved problems
-of crime and piracy with perception and vigor. He saw that naval action
-against the pirate fleets would bring no lasting results while the
-sea-raiders had the assistance of suppliers, informers and receivers of
-stolen goods within the colony. He put all ship movements in Hong Kong
-waters under close supervision, and assigned police to ferret out every
-colonist working with the pirates. To a greater degree than any of his
-predecessors, he succeeded in checking piracy, but no governor has ever
-stamped it out.
-
-Macdonnell also intensified the campaign against robbery, burglary and
-assault. Commercial interests applauded his increased severity in the
-treatment of prisoners and his frequent reliance on flogging, branding
-and deportation of offenders. Macdonnell himself saw no contradiction
-between such rough-shod methods and, on the other hand, his generosity in
-donating crown land for a Chinese hospital where the destitute and dying
-could be cared for in a decent manner. Previously, relatives of ailing,
-elderly paupers had deposited them in empty buildings with a coffin and
-drinking water, leaving them to suffer and die alone.
-
-Sir Arthur Kennedy, who followed Macdonnell, was one of the colony’s
-most popular governors. He knew his job thoroughly and he combined this
-knowledge with sound judgment, a lively sense of humor, and a rare talent
-for pleasing the traders and the Colonial Office. He initiated the Tai
-Tam water-supply system and continued Macdonnell’s relentless fight
-against crime.
-
-Kennedy threw his more orthodox colleagues into a dither by entertaining
-Chinese merchants at official receptions in Government House, his
-executive residence. He went so far as to invite these Chinese to suggest
-improvements in the laws of the colony, and they promptly asked for a law
-to punish adulterous Chinese women. Knowing that each of the petitioners
-had several wives and concubines, Sir Arthur realized that his volunteer
-legal advisers were actually looking for government sanction to hobble
-their restless bedmates. He tabled the petition with tact.
-
-External changes produced surprising mutations in the progress of the
-colony. Its isolation diminished with the opening of the Suez Canal in
-1869 and the completion in the next year of direct overland telegraph
-connection with England. No longer was a governor left to his own devices
-for days and weeks, improvising policy at the peril of his job until
-orders arrived from home.
-
-The hazards of life on the South China coast remained. In 1874, the
-colony was devastated by the worst typhoon since 1841. Flying rooftops
-filled the skies above the island, and 2,000 Chinese fishermen and their
-families drowned in the ruins of their floating villages.
-
-Sir Arthur’s departure to become the Governor of Queensland was a
-melancholy time for the colony’s Chinese. They were openly devoted to
-him—the first governor who had treated them more or less as equals. Even
-the English liked him, and he became the first and only governor to have
-a statue erected to his memory in the colony’s Botanic Garden. The statue
-disappeared during the Japanese Occupation of World War II.
-
-Kennedy’s successor, Sir John Pope Hennessy, not only preserved this
-solicitude for the Chinese but provoked a storm of protest from European
-residents by practicing leniency toward Chinese prisoners. When murders
-and burglaries increased, his humanitarian policies were blamed.
-Hennessy, a resourceful debater who was at his best in defending his own
-policies, was not intimidated. The weak side of his administration showed
-in a quite different area—his habitual neglect of essential paper work.
-
-Hennessy’s friendliness toward the Chinese unexpectedly involved him in
-controversy with the Chinese themselves. For centuries, wealthy Chinese
-families had “adopted” little female domestic slaves by purchasing them
-from their parents or relatives. In the households of the rich, these
-Mui Tsai could be identified at once by their shabby clothing and their
-general appearance of neglect.
-
-Even families of limited means purchased Mui Tsai, so that the mother
-of the family could take a job outside her home while the juvenile
-slavey cared for the children and contended with the simpler household
-drudgery. For the poorest families, sale of a daughter as a Mui Tsai
-was the natural solution to an economic crisis. But the institution,
-unacceptable to Western eyes from any aspect, had become the vehicle for
-gross abuses—the kidnaping and sale of women as prostitutes in Hong Kong
-or for transportation overseas. Kidnapings had become so numerous and
-flagrant by 1880 that Governor Hennessy and Sir John Smale, the colony’s
-Chief Justice, condemned the Mui Tsai system as contrary to British law.
-
-The Chinese protested that Mui Tsai was not slavery; it was an ancient,
-respectable adjunct of family life. Indeed, it was quite humane, for it
-saved the daughters of many impoverished families from being drowned.
-The English didn’t want that, did they? The Chinese offered no defense
-of kidnaping and forced prostitution arising from the institution of Mui
-Tsai.
-
-Under pressure of the colony government, influential Chinese set up the
-Po Leung Kuk, or Society for the Protection of Virtue, to rescue women
-and girls from flesh peddlers, provide a home for them in a section of
-the Chinese-operated Tung Wah Hospital, and train them for respectable
-occupations.
-
-Hennessy, like Governor Bowring, entangled himself in a series of
-acrimonious disputes with other colony officials, antagonizing them in
-groups by lashing out at the school system, prison maladministration
-and the harsh treatment of convicts. His most combative foe was another
-Irishman, General Donovan, head of the colony’s armed forces. Their
-verbal Donnybrook erupted over the perennially thorny question of how
-much Kowloon land the military was entitled to.
-
-General Donovan hit back at Hennessy with a sneak attack; he complained
-to the home government about the outrageous sanitary conditions in
-the colony—the lack of proper drainage, the polluted seafront, and
-the verminous tenements where entire Chinese families shared one room
-with their pigs and other domestic animals. All these conditions had
-existed in Hong Kong since 1841, but no one had called them to the home
-government’s attention with the holy indignation of Donovan.
-
-Osbert Chadwick was sent from England to investigate and he found
-sanitary conditions every bit as bad as Donovan had described them.
-Chadwick’s report became the basis, after long postponement and inaction,
-for the creation of a Sanitary Board and fundamental sanitary reforms.
-
-Hennessy left the colony in 1882 to become Governor of Mauritius and to
-lock horns with a new team of associates. Four administrators and two
-governors passed through the colony’s top executive position in the next
-decade, but none effected any substantial improvements in sanitation.
-Every attempt to clean up pesthole tenements was balked by cries of
-persecution and government interference from the landlords; they would
-consent to no improvements unless the government paid their full cost.
-
-In other directions the colony advanced steadily. It completed a new
-reservoir system and central market and rebuilt the sewage and drainage
-system. Ambitious land-reclamation projects were pushed ahead at Causeway
-Bay and Yau Ma Tei to meet the unabating demand for level sites in the
-crowded, mountainous colony. Kowloon, a wasteland of undulating red rock,
-in the 1880s began cutting down its ridges and using the spoil to extend
-its shoreline—a process that continues at an amazingly accelerated rate
-today.
-
-Hong Kong has never known an age of serenity; its brief interludes of
-comparative calm have always been followed by cataclysmic upheavals. In
-the spring of 1894, the colony was invaded by plague, long endemic on
-the South China coast. Within a few months, 2,485 persons had died of
-pneumonic, septicemic and bubonic plague, and Western medicine had no
-more power to check it than had Chinese herb treatments.
-
-The onset of plague was so terrifying that long-deferred sanitary reforms
-were rushed through and rigidly enforced. Deaf to the protests of all
-residents, British military units began regular inspections of Chinese
-homes. Sanitary teams condemned 350 houses as plague spots and evicted
-7,000 persons from infected dwellings. Resenting foreign invasion of
-their privacy and mistrustful of Western medicine, the Chinese retaliated
-by posting placards openly in Canton and furtively inside the colony
-accusing British doctors of stealing the eyes of new-born babies to treat
-plague victims.
-
-Business came to a stop and ships avoided the plague-stricken port. The
-plague abated for a year, then returned in 1896 to take another 1,204
-lives. The Chinese kept up a rear-guard action against sanitary measures
-with strikes and evasions, hiding their dead and dying or dumping their
-bodies in the streets and harbor. Sometimes they exposed their dying
-relatives on bamboo frames stretched across the narrow streets, hoping
-that the departing soul would haunt the street instead of its former
-house.
-
-The benighted traditionalism of the colony’s Chinese awoke the British
-administration to one of its most serious weaknesses; a half-century of
-British rule had failed to give to 99 percent of the colony’s residents
-any clear idea of the civilization they were expected to work and live
-under. The tardy lesson eventually took effect, and the British embarked
-on a long and intensive program of improving and enlarging their school
-system. In the Tung Wah Hospital, English and Chinese doctors learned to
-their surprise that therapies unlike their own were not necessarily sheer
-quackery, and that they could work together for the benefit of their
-patients.
-
-With the population of the colony exceeding 160,000 in the early 1880s,
-military and commercial leaders turned to the possibility of acquiring
-more land on the Chinese mainland. They pressed the British Foreign
-Office to seek the territory running north from the Kowloon Peninsula to
-the Sham Chun River, about 15 miles away. The suggestions were rejected
-as prejudicial to Sino-British relations until other foreign powers
-started to thrust into Chinese territory for commercial concessions and
-spheres of political influence.
-
-France, Russia and Japan were the spearheads of this infiltration of the
-Celestial Empire, which had been weakened by internal rebellion. Japan
-defeated China in the 1894-95 war and exerted ever-stronger commercial
-control over the mainland. Russia made its bid by advancing through
-Manchuria and occupying Port Arthur. Germany hastened to join the
-commercial invaders. Hacked at from four directions, the Chinese people
-attempted to close ranks in defense of their homeland.
-
-The United States, with no apparent desire to annex Chinese territory,
-nevertheless heightened both British and Chinese apprehension by
-launching its naval attack on Manila from Mirs Bay in May, 1898. The
-Chinese feared another land grab, and the British felt they could best
-protect Hong Kong if they were able to deal with a strong, unified China.
-
-Despite its earlier reluctance to disturb the status quo, Great Britain
-was now convinced that it had to acquire the territory between Kowloon
-and the Sham Chun River as a protective buffer for Hong Kong. On July 1,
-1898, Britain obtained a 99-year lease to this mainland territory and 235
-adjacent islands with a total land area of 365½ square miles.
-
-Chinese guerrilla forces in the New Territories—as this leased area is
-still called—opposed the British occupation but were defeated and driven
-out by British troops in a ten-day campaign. That was the easiest part
-of it. It took four years of wrangling with the uncooperative Chinese
-residents to establish valid titles to private plots of land in the New
-Territories. Kowloon City, an eight-acre patch on the border of Kowloon
-and the New Territories, became a kind of orphan in the transaction,
-with the British firmly insisting it was part of the lease and the
-Chinese arguing somewhat inconclusively that it was not. Nationalist
-China claimed it as recently as 1948, but Red China has not so far pushed
-a similar claim. Britain regarded it as hers in 1960, and sent in her
-police to clean out the robbers and murderers who had long used it as a
-hiding place.
-
-A general deterioration of Sino-British relations followed the leasing of
-the New Territories. The two empires were at odds over the maintenance of
-Chinese customs stations in the New Territories, the presence of Chinese
-warships in Kowloon Bay and the treatment of Chinese prisoners in Hong
-Kong jails. Moreover, each disagreement was intensified by the patriotic
-fervor which led to the Boxer Rebellion.
-
-At the opening of the twentieth century, the Chinese Empire had been
-driven into a hopeless position. Bound and crippled like the feet of her
-women, she had neither the weapons nor the industrial capacity to repel
-the encroaching armies of Europe and Japan. By any reasonable standard,
-she was beaten before she started to fight back.
-
-Out of China’s desperation grew a super-patriotic secret society, The
-Fist of Righteous Harmony, or Boxers, who claimed that magical powers
-sustained their cause, making them invulnerable to the superior weapons
-of foreigners. Occult arts and a rigorous program of physical training,
-the Boxers professed, would carry them to victory. It was a crusade of
-absurdity; foolish and foredoomed, but plainly preferable to unresisting
-surrender.
-
-The Boxers opened their offensive by murdering missionaries and Chinese
-Christians, causing a new rush of refugees to Hong Kong. They burned
-foreign legations in Peking and sent the surviving Chinese Christians and
-foreigners fleeing to the British legation for safety. An international
-army, composed of French, German, Russian, American and Japanese units,
-lifted the siege of the legation on August 14, 1900, and remained in
-Peking until peace was signed eleven months later.
-
-Recurrences of plague killed 7,962 persons in the colony at the turn of
-the century, but the discovery that plague was borne by rats prompted
-a war to exterminate them. Rewards of a few cents were paid for their
-carcasses, and profit-hungry Chinese were suspected of importing
-rats from Canton to claim the bounty. The threat of plague gradually
-decreased, but malaria, tuberculosis, pneumonia, and cholera remained to
-ravage the refugee-jammed colony.
-
-On September 18, 1906, a two-hour-long typhoon hit the colony without
-warning, drowning fifteen Europeans and from 5,000 to 10,000 Chinese. No
-one could accurately estimate the deaths, which were concentrated among
-the fishermen and boat people, but nearly 2,500 Chinese boats of all
-types were hammered into kindling wood or sunk without trace. Fifty-nine
-European ships were badly damaged and a French destroyer broke in two.
-Piers and sea walls were breached and undermined, and 190 houses were
-blown down or rendered uninhabitable. Roads and telephone lines were
-washed out, farm crops and tree plantations were laid low by the power of
-the worst storm in local history. Damage estimates ranged far into the
-millions.
-
-In the aftermath of the typhoon, all elements of the population
-cooperated to raise a relief fund. The money collected was used to repair
-wrecked boats, recover and bury the dead, feed and house the homeless and
-provide for the widows and orphans of storm victims. (The horror of this
-catastrophe was reenacted on September 2, 1937, when a typhoon and tidal
-wave engulfed a New Territories fishing village, drowning thousands.)
-
-The dawn of the twentieth century marked the final collapse of the
-Celestial Empire. Dr. Sun Yat Sen, who had been banished from Hong Kong
-in 1896 for plotting against the Chinese government, steadily intensified
-his revolutionary activities until, in 1911, he led the revolution which
-overthrew the tottering monarchy and replaced it with the Republic of
-China. The unrest that accompanied this violent change-over caused more
-than 50,000 refugees to cross the Chinese border into British territory.
-
-The transition from empire to republic did not end China’s internal
-turmoil, and for many years afterward its political disturbances were
-felt in Hong Kong. Piracy flourished in the waters around the colony;
-one band of corsairs set fire to a steamship, causing the deaths of 300
-passengers. Brigands and warlords preyed on southern China, sometimes
-making forays across the colony’s border to pounce on villages in the New
-Territories. China was torn by political struggles during the 1920s, and
-these provoked strikes within the colony and Chinese boycotts of Hong
-Kong goods. All through this period, refugees poured across the border in
-unending lines.
-
-The worldwide depression of the 1930s brought a sharp drop in colony
-trade, but the government created jobs for thousands with road-building
-and other public works.
-
-Japan opened its war against China in 1937, and within a year Hong
-Kong was bursting with the addition of 600,000 refugees. Poverty and
-overcrowded housing offered ideal conditions for epidemics of smallpox
-and beriberi which killed 4,500 persons in 1938. Still, the total
-population climbed to 1,600,000. Government refugee camps housed about
-5,000 people; another 27,000 regularly slept in the streets.
-
-Emboldened by victories in China and an alliance with Nazi Germany, the
-Japanese militarists launched their “Greater Far Eastern Co-Prosperity
-Sphere” by attacking Hong Kong, Pearl Harbor and the Philippines on
-December 7-8, 1941. Crossing the Chinese border at Lo Wu in the New
-Territories, two Japanese divisions supported by overwhelming air power
-invaded and conquered the colony within three weeks. They proceeded
-without pause to loot its warehouses and strip its factories of machinery
-for shipment to Japan.
-
-The Japanese imprisoned the remaining British residents and raped and
-pillaged at will. By torture, starvation, and main force they drove a
-million Chinese residents from the colony and maintained a merciless
-control over the survivors by propaganda, intimidation, imprisonment and
-the use of Chinese fifth-columnists.
-
-With their smashing victories in the Philippines, East Indies and at
-Singapore, the Japanese should have found it comparatively easy to unite
-Asiatics against the whites who had once lorded it over them. But they
-suffered from the same compulsion as the Germans; at a time when they
-had a chance to win allies among the people they had conquered, they
-botched it by senseless cruelties. When their firecracker-like string of
-victories had burned out, they had gained no friends, but instead had
-earned millions of new enemies.
-
-Nearly four years passed before the Japanese were beaten into
-unconditional surrender and the British rulers returned to Hong Kong.
-Their return had a kind of spectral quality as the British Pacific Fleet,
-commanded by Rear Admiral C. H. J. Harcourt, steamed through Lei Yue Mun
-pass, gliding under the silent muzzles of Japanese guns emplaced along
-the mountainsides with their crews standing at attention beside them.
-
-This was on August 30, 1945. The British went ashore to find thousands
-of their countrymen and other Allied prisoners gaunt and starving in
-prison camps. Many had been crippled and deformed by torture. Others
-had been killed in Allied bombing raids on Hong Kong. Seven large and
-seventy-two small ships had been sunk in the harbor, 27,000 homes had
-been destroyed. The fishing fleet was in ruins and the fishermen were in
-rags. Nine-tenths of the surviving residents were dead broke, while a few
-collaborators and black-marketers had accumulated fortunes. Livestock
-had virtually disappeared. Millions of carefully cultivated trees,
-planted to check erosion and retain the run-off of tropical rainfall for
-drainage into the reservoirs, had been chopped down to provide firewood.
-Schools were almost entirely suspended. Railroads and ferry lines were
-in an advanced stage of disrepair. Disease and crime had reached their
-highest rates in many years.
-
-The British, who are inclined to procrastinate in the solution of small
-crises, can be indomitable in the face of major emergencies. Within six
-months after reoccupying the colony they had restored its government and
-society to working order. Six years after the British return, the colony
-was more prosperous, more congested, and more progressive than it had
-ever been before.
-
-Nationalist China was driven from the mainland in 1949, and a new
-Communist state took its place. Britain promptly recognized Red China
-as the ruling power on the mainland, but relations between the Chinese
-Reds and Hong Kong were strained by Communist-caused disturbances in
-the colony and shooting “incidents” at sea and in the air. There was no
-apparent danger of war, however. In 1951, the colony’s trade amounted to
-$1,550,000,000, the highest point it had ever reached.
-
-If there were signs of complacency in Hong Kong, they were erased by
-the outbreak of the Korean war. The United Nations clamped immediate
-restrictions on the colony’s trade with Red China, and Red China slashed
-its imports from Hong Kong. Trade volume declined still further when Hong
-Kong voluntarily halted its exports to Korea and the sending of strategic
-materials to Red China. The United States at first included Hong Kong in
-its embargo of all trade with Red China, but the colony prevailed upon
-America to ease the ban. America agreed to accept goods from Hong Kong,
-provided that they were accompanied by a Certificate of Origin attesting
-that they were made in Hong Kong and had not simply been transshipped
-from Communist China through the colony.
-
-With the China market gone, as well as Hong Kong’s traditional role
-as a transshipper to and from China, the colony executed its most
-spectacular economic somersault since 1841; it switched from trading
-to manufacturing. In six years, the great entrepôt became an important
-industrial producer. By 1962, over 70 percent of the goods it exported
-were made in the colony, and about half its workers were employed in
-industry.
-
-Having performed this overnight flip-flop without suffering an economic
-set-back, Hong Kong has become more prosperous than ever. Except that it
-has too many people, hasn’t enough land to stand on, can’t raise enough
-food or store enough water, is incessantly harried by rising tariffs and
-shipping costs, and has no idea what its testy, gigantic neighbor to the
-north will do next, Hong Kong would appear not to have a worry in the
-world.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER TWO
-
-An Avalanche from the North
-
- “When one reads of 1,000,000 homeless exiles all human
- compassion baulks and the great sum of human tragedy becomes a
- matter of statistical examination.”—“A PROBLEM OF PEOPLE,” Hong
- Kong Annual Report, 1956
-
-
-From the end of World War II until the fall of 1949 the mainland of
-China rumbled with the clash of contending armies. Thousands of Chinese,
-uprooted and dispossessed by the Nationalist-Communist struggle, streamed
-southward across the Hong Kong border in a steady procession.
-
-The orderly nature of the exodus ended when Mao Tse-tung, having beaten
-and dispersed the Nationalist forces of Chiang Kai-shek, turned his
-guns on all people suspected of thinking or acting against the People’s
-Republic of China. What had been a slow withdrawal became a headlong
-flight for life.
-
-For six months after the Reds took over the mainland, Hong Kong clung
-to its free-immigration policy. Then it reluctantly adopted a formula of
-“one in, one out”—accepting one immigrant if another person returned to
-China. But the refugee flow continued at a reduced rate in spite of land
-and sea patrols on both sides of the international boundary.
-
-In 1956, the British relaxed immigration rules for seven months, hoping
-the refugees would go home. Instead, 56,000 new refugees arrived from
-China, and the colony reimposed its restrictions.
-
-The Chinese side of the frontier unexpectedly opened in May, 1962, and
-70,000 refugees dashed for Hong Kong. The colony, alarmed and already
-desperately overcrowded, strengthened and extended its boundary fence and
-returned all but 10,000 of the new arrivals to China.
-
-This race for freedom aroused the Free World’s tardy compassion. The
-United States moved to admit 6,000 Hong Kong refugees, including some who
-had applied for admission as long ago as 1954. Taiwan, Brazil, and Canada
-also expressed willingness to accept a limited number. Until this change
-of heart, Taiwan had taken only 15,000 colony refugees, and the United
-States only 105 a year. None of these offers will materially reduce the
-number of Hong Kong refugees, whose total is officially estimated at
-1,000,000. Unofficial estimates set the total around 1,500,000.
-
-Whatever the total within this range, it stuns the imagination. The
-well-intentioned observer who has come to sympathize finds himself
-backing away from this amorphous mass, unable to isolate or grasp its
-human content of individual misery, privation and heartache. He wants to
-help, as he would do if he saw a child struck down in the road, but when
-the whole landscape is a panorama of tragedy, he hardly knows where to
-begin.
-
-There are a dozen landscapes like that in Hong Kong; the hills of Upper
-Kowloon with thousands of flimsy shacks perched uncertainly on their
-steep granite faces; the heights above Causeway Bay where squatter
-settlements flow down the mountainside like a glacier of rubbish; the
-rooftops of Wanchai, maggoty with close-packed sheds; the rotting
-tenements of the Central District strewn in terraces of misery across
-the lower slopes of Victoria Peak; the sink-hole of the old Walled City
-in Kowloon with its open sewers and such dark, narrow alleys that its
-inhabitants seem to be groping around in a cave with a few holes punched
-through the roof.
-
-Yet there are people in the colony who have chosen to cut their way
-through this thick tangle of indiscriminate suffering. Going beyond
-that first fragile desire to help and the secondary conclusion that no
-one person can do anything effective against a problem of such vast
-dimensions, they have learned to stand in the path of an avalanche and
-direct traffic. They have opened a way to solve the refugee problem by
-the simple process of starting somewhere. Ultimate solutions, in the
-sense of housing and feeding all the refugees by giving them productive
-jobs in a free economy, lie many years and millions of dollars away.
-Meanwhile, people of courage and resolution, dealing with individual
-human needs instead of wallowing in statistics, have achieved wonders in
-improving the lot of Hong Kong’s refugees. Who they are and what they
-have done offer the real key to Hong Kong’s problem of people.
-
-Sister Annie Margareth Skau, a Norwegian missionary nurse of towering
-physical and spiritual stature, began her work among Hong Kong’s refugees
-with invaluable postgraduate training. She herself was a refugee from
-China, driven out by the Reds.
-
-Born in Oslo, she studied nursing at its City Hospital and decided
-to become a “personal Christian,” dedicating her life to labor as a
-missionary nurse of the Covenanters, or Mission Covenant Church of
-Norway. The work was certain to be arduous, for the Covenanters sent
-their workers to such remote corners of the world as Lapland, the Congo
-or the interior of China. Annie, who has an almost mystical intensity of
-religious faith, had no qualms about her probable assignments. Besides,
-she looked about as large and indestructible as Michelangelo’s Moses, and
-possessed a temperament of ebullient good nature.
-
-After serving successfully in several other missions, she was sent to
-China in the late 1930s. Establishing herself at a mission in Shensi,
-northeastern China, she was the only Western-trained medical worker among
-the 2,000,000 residents of this agricultural region. In all likelihood,
-she was the largest woman ever seen by the Chinese children under her
-care—over six feet, four inches tall, with a Valkyrie’s frame—but
-so gentle that none of the children were awed by her presence. Her
-appearance anywhere was a signal for laughter and games; she never seemed
-too tired to play with children and teach them little songs.
-
-Invading Japanese armies passed within two miles of her mission and
-clinic in 1938, but none of the villagers ever betrayed the foreigner’s
-presence. She had a quick, retentive mind, and learned to speak Mandarin
-Chinese almost as well as she knew her own language. On the rare
-occasions when an English-speaking visitor reached the out-of-the-way
-settlement, he was surprised to find Sister Annie speaking his language
-quite capably. Throughout the war and into the postwar era, she continued
-to bring Christianity and expert medical care to her adopted people.
-
-When the Communists seized control of China, however, the Christian
-missionaries were doomed. The Christian God became a hateful image in
-a shrine reserved for Lenin, Stalin and Mao Tse-tung, and a beloved
-missionary nurse in a farming village was transformed into an enemy of
-the people. The commissars and their lackeys began by hedging Annie
-about with arbitrary regulations, then they confiscated medical supplies
-intended for her patients.
-
-None of these measures succeeded in halting her work. Exasperated at
-their failure, the local party leaders finally dragged her before
-a kangaroo-style People’s Court. The word had been passed that any
-villager who arose to denounce her for crimes against the state would
-be handsomely rewarded. Not a single accuser appeared. Having lost face
-before the entire village, the Reds were more determined than ever to
-punish her.
-
-If no one who knew Sister Annie could be lured into a denunciation of
-her, the obvious solution was to haul her off to a distant village where
-no one knew her. Having done this, the Reds threw her into jail as an
-object-lesson to anyone who befriended Christians. An old woman, knowing
-nothing of Annie but remembering the humane work of other missionary
-nurses in the village, begged the Communists to put her in jail with the
-foreign prisoner so that she could comfort her.
-
-“Even the guards were kind to me,” Annie recalls. “The village people
-didn’t jeer at me or try to hurt me; they kept trying to pass food to me.
-They were loyal to the last minute!”
-
-Under the relentless persecution and mistreatment, Annie’s strong body
-broke down, and in the summer of 1951, she was close to death from
-pneumonia and malaria. The Reds, who refused to let her leave the country
-when she was well, hurried to get rid of the ailing woman. Exhausted and
-gravely ill, she left China and returned to Norway for a long rest and
-the slow regaining of her normal health.
-
-Eighteen months later she came back to Asia knowing that she would never
-be readmitted to a Communist China. But there was still work to be done,
-and she turned her efforts to a squalid shacktown in Hong Kong called
-Rennie’s Mill Camp.
-
-Three years earlier the routed remnants of Chiang’s army, left behind
-on the mainland, had thrown together a cluster of shacks beside Junk
-Bay, a backwater of the British colony without roads, water, light or
-sanitation. Nearly 8,000 persons, wounded soldiers and their wives and
-children, camped haphazardly on the steep shores of the bay, ran up the
-Nationalist flag and claimed the forlorn site as their own.
-
-When Annie reached the camp in March, 1953, traveling by sampan and
-clambering over the high hills like a lost Viking, she found it haunted
-by despair; a dirty, disease-ridden place, dragged down by the decline
-of the Nationalist cause. Another nurse had started a small clinic in a
-wooden hut, eight by ten feet in floor area, which treated 600 patients
-a day. Annie and the other nurse shared sleeping quarters in a cubicle
-attached to the hut.
-
-Sometimes the cases were so numerous and critical that the two nurses put
-the worst cases in their own cramped beds and spent the night on their
-feet treating other patients. Their medical equipment consisted of one
-thermometer, a few antiseptics and dressings, and a rickety table that
-wobbled groggily on the half-decayed floorboards.
-
-With the approach of Christmas, 1953, the fortunes of the clinic sank
-to a new low. Both nurses were quite broke, unable to buy the food and
-medical supplies their patients needed so critically. Acting more from
-faith than reason, Annie set out to pick her way over the precipitous
-rocks to Lei Yue Mun pass and cross by sampan to Hong Kong Island, hoping
-to beg for help.
-
-To her delighted surprise, the mission’s post-office box on the island
-produced a windfall—$200 in contributions from ten persons overseas.
-Charging into the shopping crowds, Annie spent every cent on food and
-medicine. She scarcely noticed the weight of her purchases as she trekked
-the hard route back to Rennie’s Mill. Until three o’clock Christmas
-morning, the two nurses were on their feet, handing out life-saving
-presents and exchanging holiday greetings in Mandarin and Cantonese.
-
-“The money problems weren’t so bad after that,” Annie says. “Gifts came
-in from welfare organizations and individuals, and we were able to build
-a little stone clinic and a home for ourselves.”
-
-At the same time, health problems grew worse at Rennie’s Mill. Drug
-addiction and tuberculosis spread through the camp as its inhabitants
-abandoned hope of an early return to China.
-
-“Bad housing and poor food started the TB,” she explains. “But it got
-much worse when people gave up hope, or heard about their relatives
-being killed by the Communists. Chinese people are devoted to their
-parents, and to be separated from them, or learn they’ve been killed—it’s
-heartbreaking.
-
-“That was when we realized we’d have to build a rest home for those
-patients,” Annie says. “We didn’t have any money; all we had was a
-mission to do the best we could. One day I boarded a sampan with a group
-of children and we rowed out into Junk Bay until we came to a little
-inlet. I saw a hill just above us, jutting right out to the shore. I knew
-right then we would build our chapel on that hill.”
-
-Annie discusses the incident with the fervor and conviction of one who
-has received a private revelation.
-
-“I saw the whole rest-center arranged around that chapel almost as if
-it were already completed, built around love. I had no idea where the
-money was coming from, not any kind of an architect’s plan, but it didn’t
-matter. I knew that Christ would find a way.”
-
-A way began to appear when a nurse who had worked with Sister Annie
-visited the United States in 1954, telling children in Wisconsin schools
-about their work. The response was electrifying. One small boy stood up
-beside his desk to announce with utter seriousness, “I want to give my
-heart to Jesus.” The appeal spread like a prairie fire; by February,
-1955, Wisconsin school children had sent more than $2,500 for the new
-rest home, which was called Haven of Hope Sanatorium. An anonymous
-contributor donated another $5,000 through the Church World Service, Hong
-Kong welfare agency of the National Council of Churches of Christ in
-America.
-
-“Now our sanatorium had walls and a roof,” Annie says. “So we prayed for
-furniture and food for our patients—and for bedpans, too.
-
-“It was a hand-to-mouth existence,” she remembers without a trace of
-self-pity. “Our staff had no resources—we were so short of staff that
-some of us worked for two years without a day off. We didn’t mind it at
-all; we worked with one mind and one spirit, as if that sanatorium and
-what it stood for was our one reason for living.”
-
-In its early stages, the sanatorium was nothing more than a rest home.
-One day, almost as an afterthought on a busy round of duties, Annie asked
-a few of her patients to help her with some routine tasks. They pitched
-in at once and returned the following day to volunteer for more duties.
-They kept at the work for several days, then called on Annie in a kind
-of delegation.
-
-“Give us instructions, show us what to do,” they respectfully demanded.
-“We want to learn how to be real nurses.”
-
-Annie agreed, taking care to see that none of the volunteers exerted
-themselves beyond the limits of their precarious health. After three
-months, they insisted on examinations to show what they had learned.
-
-From modest and tentative beginnings, the courses multiplied and expanded
-into a full-scale nursing school, offering a two-and-a-half-year
-progression of classes in eleven different subjects, with stiff exams.
-Most of the pupils are girls between eighteen and twenty who specialize
-in TB nursing. The eleventh class was graduated in February, 1962, and
-the demand for new enrollments was so brisk that Annie, as Director of
-Nursing Services, could accept only five out of sixty eager applicants.
-
-The sanatorium grew into a 206-bed institution of modern and spotless
-appearance, and a 40-bed rehabilitation center for chronic and infectious
-TB patients has been built nearby. Church World Service cut a road
-through to the isolated site and it was later paved by the colony
-government. Tuberculosis has been brought under control at Rennie’s Mill
-Camp, and the Haven of Hope is drawing many of its patients from outside.
-There is no danger of a shortage; TB strikes everywhere among Hong Kong’s
-poor.
-
-Haven of Hope is administered by the Junk Bay Medical Council, which also
-operates a clinic at Rennie’s Mill. Four doctors comprise the sanatorium
-staff. Except for Annie and Miss Martha Boss, the assistant matron,
-from Cleveland, Ohio, all the nurses are Chinese. Miss Boss, trained in
-the same diligent tradition as Annie, spends three days a week at the
-sanatorium, three days on church work and school duties in Rennie’s Mill,
-and the seventh day on an industrial medical project.
-
-Rennie’s Mill Camp no longer looks like a shacktown. Catholic and
-Protestant mission schools have been established, and many residents are
-employed in handicraft shops. A new police post has been erected beside
-the camp, and a bus line carries camp residents to the business and
-shopping districts of Kowloon. Soon a reservoir is to be constructed with
-government aid on a hill above the camp, and a modern housing development
-will replace inadequate dwellings.
-
-Taiwanese flags still fly in the breeze at many places in the camp, and
-Nationalist Chinese contribute to its support. But its main lease on life
-comes from the churches and the colony of Hong Kong.
-
-Although the scope of Annie’s activities has become much wider, she
-has lost none of her personal and religious attitude. When she walks
-through the wards she is followed by the smiles of hundreds of children.
-At any moment, she will stop to lead a grinning group of little girls,
-perched on their beds like sparrows, in a song. With Annie joining in the
-gestures, the kids sing out in Cantonese “Jesus loves little children ...
-like me ... (pointing to themselves) ... like you ... (pointing at Annie
-or the girl in the nearest bed) ... like all the others” (with a big,
-wide-open sweep of the arms).
-
-Annie hugs a lively, black-haired youngster and says quietly, “Her
-mother was seven months pregnant when she swam from China to Macao with
-this little one on her back. The girl’s been here two years, and she’s
-gradually getting better. Her mother went back to China, and has probably
-been liquidated by the Communists.”
-
-Another girl reacts to Annie’s pat on the head with the wiggly cordiality
-of a puppy.
-
-“This little one was scared to death of ‘imperialists’ when she came
-here,” Annie explains. “It took us a long time to persuade her that the
-Red propaganda wasn’t true.”
-
-Her first two patients at Haven of Hope, a brother and sister, have now
-completely recovered. Both had seen their parents tortured and killed by
-the Reds.
-
-“When the girl came to us, her face was like stone,” Annie says. “For two
-years I played with her, trying all kinds of funny things to bring her
-out of that frozen stupor, but she never smiled once.
-
-“I wasn’t getting anywhere,” she continues. “Then I tried something
-different. On July 6, 1955, I put her in a sampan with eleven other kids,
-and took them all to see the wonderful new building we’d just finished.
-You know, the first time she got a look at it she broke into a big smile!
-It was the first time she looked happy. Now she’s fourteen, and her
-greatest ambition is to be a nurse.”
-
-A magnificent chapel, built exactly where Annie had visualized it, was
-completed in time for Christmas services in 1961. A group of Norwegian
-seamen donated an illuminated cross to surmount its roof. At night, when
-their ships sail out from Hong Kong, they can see it glowing above a line
-of hills that cut back from the sea like the fiords of Norway.
-
-To Annie, the chapel embodies the same spirit she expressed in naming the
-eleven wards at Haven of Hope Sanatorium: Love, Peace, Joy, Patience,
-Kindness, Goodness, Faithfulness, Neatness, Temperance, Hope and Courage.
-
-For qualities like these, exemplified in her work at Rennie’s Mill Camp
-and the sanatorium, Sister Annie Margareth Skau was given the Florence
-Nightingale Award of the International Red Cross on May 18, 1961. Annie
-regarded the award not as a personal tribute, but as an honor earned and
-shared by everyone who worked or contributed to make the Haven of Hope a
-reality.
-
-“There is so much that needs to be done for these poor, homeless people,”
-she says. “Why, we’ve hardly begun the job.”
-
-In 1951, the same year that Annie Skau was exiled from Red China, the
-Communists drove out a remarkable European-Chinese couple who had been
-helping moneyless families to support themselves by setting up home
-industries. Their house, with all their savings invested in it, was
-seized by the state and they reached Hong Kong with a total capital of
-thirty-four cents.
-
-The husband, Gus Borgeest, had been a production expediter in a Shanghai
-textile mill for twenty years. His background was almost as international
-as the U.N.; a British subject, he was born in Shanghai of mixed
-British, Danish, Portuguese, Italian and German ancestry. Mona, his
-Christian-Chinese wife, was born of Cantonese parents in the Hong Kong
-fishing town of Aberdeen.
-
-During the Japanese invasion, Gus was interned for two years. He spent
-his time in prison reading about the Quakers and became converted to
-their ideal of helping others. When the war ended, he returned to his
-Shanghai job until Mona contracted tuberculosis. To aid her recovery,
-the couple moved to the more favorable climate of Hangchow. It was only
-a stopover, for the political climate that developed after the Reds took
-control made the survival of Christian welfare workers an impossibility.
-
-Arriving in Hong Kong, Gus found a job in the Fish and Vegetable
-Marketing Organization of the colony government. Mona had regained her
-health, and the two of them spent their spare hours doing refugee welfare
-work in the squatter settlements. It was thoroughly discouraging; living
-conditions were deplorable and the refugees, subsisting on handouts, were
-losing their pride and initiative.
-
-“We aren’t accomplishing anything,” Gus told Mona. “It’s a waste of
-time—unless we can do something, find some way to help people earn their
-way out of these miserable firetraps.”
-
-After a long series of discussions in which they considered and discarded
-a variety of self-help schemes, Gus and Mona agreed to stake all their
-resources on one hopeful but wholly untried plan. They put aside every
-spare penny until they had saved $700. Now Gus was ready to present their
-plan to the appropriate officials of the colony government.
-
-He went to K. M. A. Barnett, District Commissioner and the colony’s top
-authority on the Chinese people and their customs. Mr. Barnett listened
-in some wonderment while Gus outlined a proposal to build a refugee
-rehabilitation center on a desolate island seven miles west of Hong Kong
-Island. He would teach people how to make a living by farming marginal
-land—and there was plenty of such land lying idle in the colony.
-
-The Commissioner was friendly, but he needed the answers to certain
-questions. What was Gus’s farming experience? Twenty years in a textile
-plant. Why did Gus think he could grow anything on that island? Hadn’t
-the Chinese farmers abandoned it?—and they could grow almost anything,
-anywhere! Gus was positive he could make it go. Did he have any money?
-Gus mentioned the $700 and said he was sure it would be enough for
-a starter. On the face of it, the plan looked highly unfeasible to
-Mr. Barnett, but he sensed something out of the ordinary in Gus’s
-determination. Besides, the Commissioner reflected, his office was never
-crowded with people who intended to do something simply for the benefit
-of their fellow men.
-
-Having weighed the matter thoroughly, District Commissioner Barnett
-recommended that the strange couple from Shanghai be given a chance.
-The colony government leased the barren, 200-acre island to Gus for
-thirty-four dollars a year, and he and Mona spent most of their savings
-to buy two tents, bedding, a sack of rice, cooking utensils and farming
-tools.
-
-On June 5, 1953, Gus, Mona, their five-year-old daughter, Naomi, and two
-refugee farmers set sail for their new home, which Gus had rechristened
-Sunshine Island, in a hired junk. On their first night ashore it rained
-four inches in two hours, but they stuck it out with Mona doing the
-cooking and Naomi scampering around for field grass to ignite the fire.
-Twelve days after they landed, a refugee fisherman, his wife and daughter
-nosed their leaky boat against a sandy beach and became the next settlers.
-
-Within a month, Gus and his helpers had tilled a small patch of land and
-were raising some chickens, geese and nanny goats. Three-fourths of his
-capital had been consumed by these improvements and the farming books he
-pored over every night. An interest-free loan from a Quaker friend kept
-the venture afloat, and they sweated through the humid summer building
-grass huts, planting crops, and slashing paths through the shoulder-high
-sword grass.
-
-Any heavenly blessings they received did not cover weather conditions,
-for Typhoon Tess flattened their huts and tore up their garden. Yet the
-improbable colony earned its first income at the end of five months—$2.60
-from the sale of rabbits they had raised. Loans and small gifts from
-friends overseas furnished additional support. Virtually nothing went
-swimmingly; the first few families who joined them on Sunshine couldn’t
-stomach the solitary island and had no interest in working to pay their
-way.
-
-One of the worst catastrophes in Hong Kong history—the Shek Kip Mei
-fire that destroyed the shacks of more than 60,000 squatters—created an
-unsought opportunity for Gus. Strapped for cash, he landed a temporary
-job helping to relocate the fire victims and sent his earnings back to
-Mona, who kept the Sunshine Island project breathing. He returned in
-a few months to find the island earning about one-third of what the
-Borgeests had spent on it.
-
-Both of them decided on some major changes. He talked to welfare agencies
-and secured their help in selecting people who had the desire and the
-qualifications to benefit from the scheme; farmers and those who wanted
-to learn simple trades, or people like Professor Ting, a former lecturer
-at Hangchow Christian College, who was willing to mind the geese while
-building up his shattered health. Every worker on the island earned $.35
-a day, plus food and lodging for his family; a puny income, even by Hong
-Kong standards, but in their view, infinitely preferable to handouts.
-
-Welfare organizations in Hong Kong had been watching the progress of
-the fledgling colony and were quick to appreciate its value. The United
-Church of Canada donated $960, the Hong Kong Welfare Society put up $30
-a month to pay families working on the island, and other agencies joined
-in—Church World Service, Catholic Relief Services and the Lutheran World
-Federation—sending cash, supplies and carefully chosen settlers.
-
-When the first stone houses on the island were completed in 1955,
-Gus struck a note of triumph by giving them the high-sounding name of
-Villa Borghese—a salute to his Italian ancestors. Twenty families,
-comprising 100 persons, had entered wholeheartedly into the spirit
-of the plan, digging terraced gardens from the rocky hillsides and
-planting pineapples. Bamboo, banana, and pine trees were set firmly on
-the hillsides or in the sheltered hollow between Sunshine’s two highest
-hills. Refugee students, earning their tuition from welfare agencies,
-excavated a fish-breeding pond.
-
-For the first time Gus was able to pay himself a salary of $36 a month,
-but as often as not in succeeding months he turned it right back into
-the kitty to balance his accounts. Periodic crises like typhoons, crop
-failures, and the death of valuable livestock regularly badgered the
-colony, but Gus contrived to ride them out.
-
-In 1957, Gus was laid low by a serious case of tuberculosis. For six
-months he reluctantly remained in a chair placed on a sunny terrace in
-front of his house. From there he directed Mona in the management of the
-colony. Gradually regaining his strength, he recovered fully in two years
-and resumed active charge of the enterprise.
-
-Increased aid from the outside enabled Gus to raise every worker’s daily
-pay to 70 cents. Sunshine Island lost its bleak look; besides its new
-stone buildings, it had over 800 fruit trees and 300 pigs, including 30
-breeding sows. Roads had been chopped through its spiny ridges, knitting
-the whole project together.
-
-Hong Kong’s government staff, satisfied that Gus was doing something
-solidly beneficial for refugees, furnished district officers,
-agriculturists, forestry and fisheries experts as consultants on various
-Sunshine Island jobs.
-
-But the human dividends of Sunshine Island were far more impressive
-than its physical achievements. More than 700 men and women, including a
-number of drug addicts, had found new hope on the island. After working
-there for six months or a year and creating a small nest-egg from their
-savings, they applied their newly acquired skills to start their own
-farms on marginal land or get jobs in the city. A large majority of them
-are now earning their own living in the British colony.
-
-Gus, having conceived Sunshine Island as a pilot project for farming
-marginal land, schooled a group of his “graduates” in a marginal-farm
-resettlement at Cheung Sheung, in the New Territories. Each new farmer
-received two acres from the Hong Kong government, plus a cow, farm tools
-and a small cash allowance. Practically all of them made the grade as
-independent farmers.
-
-Activities expanded once more on Sunshine Island when the Hong Kong
-Junior Chamber of Commerce donated $2,500 to build a piggery for
-30 animals, and 20 more sties were added to it in 1961. Papaya and
-pomegranate trees were added to the orchard. The island became a local
-attraction for visitors, with Boy Scouts and other youth organizations
-camping and swimming at a beach on the side of the island most distant
-from the farm area.
-
-With the knowledge he paid a steep price for on Sunshine Island, Gus has
-set up marginal-farm projects at three more locations besides Cheung
-Sheung.
-
-“I think that Mona and I have reached our first major objective,” he
-said, early in 1962. “That is to show refugee families a better way of
-living than handouts and squatter settlements, and to help strengthen the
-over-strained economy of Hong Kong.”
-
-Several other organizations have adopted the self-help system pioneered
-by the Borgeests, and Gus is ready to move on to fresh challenges once
-the Sunshine Island settlement becomes self-supporting. He believes
-this can be done within three years; from there on, he would like to
-turn Sunshine over to an administrative committee capable of running it
-without him.
-
-The island has become a bustling work center. A one-handed stonemason who
-has built hundreds of feet of stone-and-cement walls for pig pastures is
-erecting the walls of another piggery. Dozens of Hakka women in their
-black-fringed straw hats are transporting dirt in straw baskets to clear
-the site of a new road. One man tirelessly splits boulders with a heavy
-hammer and a chisel; while he works, he listens to Cantonese music
-issuing from his transistor radio, perched on an adjoining rock. A sampan
-taxi, operating between Sunshine and the nearby island of Peng Chau,
-supports a family with several children and a seaworthy chow dog.
-
-Gus is absorbed in new plans to help others. Two years ago he undertook
-a complete survey of the island of Shek Kwu Chau, two miles west of
-Sunshine, to determine whether it could be made into a rehabilitation
-center for some of Hong Kong’s 250,000 narcotics addicts. With only
-slight modifications, the survey has become the blueprint for the center,
-opening in 1962 under the administration of the Society for the Aid and
-Rehabilitation of Drug Addicts. He was one of the early developers of
-Hei Ling Chau, the island leprosarium run by the Mission to Lepers, and
-remains a member of its administrative council.
-
-On the last day of August, 1961, Gus and Mona became winners of a Ramon
-Magsaysay Award, the “Nobel Prize of the East,” for their Sunshine
-Island accomplishments. The award also carried a $10,000 prize, and the
-Borgeests decided to save it for the education of their three daughters.
-
-“We have no other funds,” Gus explained. “But a lot of people who heard
-about the prize must have decided that old Gus is on easy street. Our
-contributions fell off, and our debts started shooting up again.”
-
-At fifty-two, Gus is a ruggedly built man whose face and bald head have
-been burned dark brown by the sun. His one gospel is the doctrine of
-helping others to help themselves.
-
-“The Chinese people don’t want to live on anybody’s charity,” Gus said.
-“And that’s doubly true of the refugees; they wouldn’t have come here,
-most of them, if they’d been willing to become stooges for a government
-that did all the thinking for them.”
-
-Gus has a well-defined conception of the way he prefers to spend his own
-future:
-
-“I’d like to devote the rest of my life to work among the lepers and drug
-addicts. We couldn’t do much for the addicts on Sunshine; we’d get them
-accustomed to living without drugs, but they’d slip back into addiction
-when they met their old companions back in the city.
-
-“And if there’s time enough, I’d like to go to one of the rural areas in
-the Philippines with Mona and set up another place like Sunshine Island.
-With what we’ve learned here, I know we could do a lot better.”
-
-The heroic works of the Borgeests and Sister Annie Skau, outstanding
-though they are, have directly affected the lives of less than one
-percent of Hong Kong’s refugees. But the dimensions of the crisis are
-so great that they have engaged the attention of scores of humane and
-intelligent people. They have gone far beyond routine assistance to
-devise creative and practical solutions to the colony’s refugee problems.
-
-Monsignor John Romaniello, a Maryknoll missionary from New Rochelle,
-N.Y., used his noodle to produce millions of meals for hungry refugees.
-A roundish man with nothing on his mind but the Lord’s work and noodles,
-he revels in his title as “noodle king of Hong Kong.” He sings about
-noodles, writes about noodles, puns about noodles and buttonholes every
-American tourist he meets for contributions to buy more noodles.
-
-It is showmanship with a purpose. Behind the kidding lies an idea so
-obvious that no one ever thought of it until Monsignor Romaniello
-came to Hong Kong in 1957 as director of Catholic Relief Services. He
-noticed that millions of dollars’ worth of American surplus foods like
-milk powder, corn meal, and wheat flour being sent to the colony to
-feed refugees were winding up on the black market. Having lived among
-the Chinese for thirty years, he decided to keep a close eye on the
-surplus-food traffic.
-
-One day he observed a young girl taking a sack of surplus flour into a
-bakery, then paying the baker to convert it into noodles. The simple
-incident stayed in his mind, nagging at him. Later, while riding across
-the harbor on the Star Ferry, the answer to a gigantic riddle came to him
-in one reflective flash; the little girl was paying to have the flour
-made into noodles because her mother, like most refugee mothers, had
-no way of turning the flour into an edible meal. The same was true of
-com meal; there was neither space nor cooking facilities for it in the
-average refugee cubicle. In their raw state, the surplus foods were alien
-to a Chinese palate.
-
-Why not convert these foods into noodles? No colony baker was equipped
-to handle the job on the scale Monsignor Romaniello envisioned. On
-any scale, the cost was too high for the refugee feeding program.
-Monsignor Romaniello, helped by other Maryknoll fathers, constructed a
-noodle-making machine out of scrap parts and an old engine. It looked
-like nothing ever designed by engineers, but it rolled out the noodles.
-
-The Maryknoll noodles caught on at once with the Chinese, who found them
-easy to prepare and agreeable to eat. With funds provided by Catholic
-Relief Services and the Hong Kong Junior Chamber of Commerce, the first
-noodle-making contraption was replaced by a production-line model. Within
-four years, Hong Kong noodles were pouring out of the machines at the
-rate of 5,000,000 pounds a year, and welfare organizations like the
-Church World Service had adopted them. Noodle machines were exported to
-the Philippines, Macao, Taiwan, Korea and Vietnam as the noodle mania
-grew.
-
-Another Catholic priest, working in a phase of welfare work wholly unlike
-that of the “noodle king,” has achieved a degree of success comparable
-to that of Monsignor Romaniello. He is Father P. J. Howatson, an Irish
-Jesuit who has become a key figure in the colony’s youth leadership
-program.
-
-Welfare workers will tell you, holding their breath as they do so, that
-gangs of young hoodlums have not yet infested Hong Kong. Widespread
-poverty, overcrowded housing, and a predominantly young population seem
-to offer fertile soil for their growth, but welfare people believe
-juvenile gangs have not appeared primarily because of the integral unity
-of the Chinese family, with its respect for parents and elders.
-
-There is a second line of defense, the Boys’ and Girls’ Clubs
-Association, which embraces 13,000 of the poorest youngsters in its
-recreational and leadership programs. Father Howatson is the prime mover
-in the Association, doing some of its finest work among rooftop squatters
-in Wanchai, a waterfront jungle of bars and cabarets where shiploads of
-pent-up sailors are regularly turned loose.
-
-Because of the magnitude of Hong Kong’s welfare needs and the bewildering
-assortment of private organizations attempting to deal with them, there
-is an absolute necessity for a central clearinghouse to eliminate
-overlapping in some areas and neglect in others. This is the function
-of the Hong Kong Council of Social Service, a coordinating agency of
-ninety welfare organizations which regularly checks the balance sheets of
-its affiliates. If they pass muster, the colony government grants them
-substantial aid to supplement their own resources.
-
-The Council, under its executive secretary Madge Newcombe, is also
-charged with discovering where and what the needs of poor people are, and
-then of assigning the religious or welfare societies best equipped to
-satisfy them. There is no shortage of needs; the Council’s concern is to
-avoid imbalance and wasted effort in meeting them.
-
-Five years ago the Council created the Central Relief Records Office.
-With its file of approximately 200,000 cards, listing the name of every
-relief client and the aid he is receiving from each agency, the office
-has drastically reduced the duplication of welfare-agency work and
-chiseling by potential recipients. There is no need for begging; relief
-is so well organized that any hungry person can get a meal at a welfare
-agency.
-
-Apart from feeding and housing the colony’s displaced persons, there is
-a human problem of especial poignance. A resettlement estate, at its
-outset, is an assembly of strangers from all over China, some from big
-cities, some from back-country hamlets, tossed together like beans in a
-bowl.
-
-At Wong Tai Sin, one of the largest resettlement estates, 60,000 people
-are packed into long rows of multi-story concrete blocks. Physically,
-they are far better off than they were in the shacktowns they came
-from, but when they first moved in they were strangers lost in a crowd,
-rootless and with no sense of community interests.
-
-During World Refugee Year (1959-60), the United States government met
-the problem of building community consciousness at Wong Tai Sin with one
-of its most effective gifts—$210,000 to build a community center there.
-Now completed and in full operation, it is a large, modern, five-story
-building teeming with community enterprises.
-
-The variety of its activities is bewildering: classes for the deaf,
-courses in Diesel mechanics and refrigeration engineering, Chinese opera,
-day nurseries, social events, libraries, movies and a hundred other
-interests—all of them designed to form a congenial community out of
-thousands of isolated families.
-
-The idea worked so well that the United Kingdom put up an equal amount
-of money to build a second center in the new-born industrial city of
-Tsuen Wan. The Toronto and Canadian World Refugee Year committees donated
-$75,000 for a third community center at Chai Wan, on Hong Kong Island.
-Others are planned, and the public response to the centers has been so
-enthusiastic that the colony hopes to establish one in every resettlement
-estate.
-
-The Hong Kong branch of Church World Service, a department of the
-National Council of the Churches of Christ in America, picked up fresh
-vigor a few years ago. Dr. Elbert E. Gates, Jr., pastor of the First
-Baptist Church of Westfield, N.J., made an incidental stop at Hong Kong
-during a trip to Australia. He and his wife, June, had a close-up look
-at the colony’s refugees, and what they saw made an unforgettable
-impression on them. In 1959, he gave up his pastorate and took a
-one-third cut in salary to become director of the Church World Service
-branch in Hong Kong.
-
-Working together, the couple have become leaders in colony refugee
-activities. The statistical side alone is enormous—distributing 53,000
-quarts of powdered milk a day and 2,500,000 balanced-ration biscuits a
-month, and operating a noodle factory and a central kitchen with a daily
-capacity of 40,000 meals. There are scholarships for young people, dental
-clinics, foundling homes, homes for orphaned girls and a dozen other
-undertakings.
-
-Dr. Gates, a cheerful, tireless advocate of the colony’s poor people,
-interrupts his work many times to show overseas visitors what is being
-done, and still needs to be done, to help the refugees. He takes most
-pleasure, perhaps, in displaying the “self-help” projects of Church World
-Service.
-
-At one school in the hills of Kowloon, he directs a home where girls are
-taught to make dresses, sweaters and ties for the American market. All
-were formerly homeless, most are under twenty years old, some are blind,
-others have only one hand or one arm. They have all learned to knit,
-including the girl with one arm, and are earning their living by making
-high-quality products for sale in the best stores.
-
-“We don’t want to produce curios, or something that tries to play on
-people’s sympathy by calling itself a refugee product,” Dr. Gates says.
-“These girls have proved they can turn out goods that will hold their own
-in a competitive market.”
-
-It is obvious that Doctor and Mrs. Gates are enjoying themselves as much
-as those they help when they drop into the Faith Hope Nursery, a joint
-enterprise of Church World Service and the YWCA. The nursery children,
-two to five years old, are shack-dwellers whose mothers work during the
-day. At the nursery, the kids receive daytime care, meals, clothes and a
-daily bath, with plenty of time left over for group singing and dancing.
-When the pastor and his wife appear, moppet grins spread the width of the
-classroom and there is a spirited exchange of Cantonese greetings.
-
-Church World Service, together with CARE, Catholic Relief Services and
-the Lutheran World Service, form the recognized “big four” of Hong Kong’s
-private welfare organizations. Each one does its own work and cooperates
-willingly with the other three, as well as scores of other Catholic,
-Protestant and non-denominational groups. One hears a certain amount of
-subdued muttering about this or that religious group pushing hard for new
-members, but there is no sign that it has seriously impaired their aim,
-which is to help all poor people without regard to finicky distinctions
-of race or religion.
-
-CARE, the non-denominational American member of the big four, made a
-brilliant and original addition to its long-established welfare program
-in 1961. This was the Ap Chau Island settlement, built for the families
-of fishermen.
-
-The people who fish the waters around Ap Chau, a three-acre island in the
-northeastern corner of the New Territories, had for generations spent
-their entire lives on fishing junks, never establishing homes on shore
-or attending schools. But the technical demands of the modern fishing
-industry put them at a competitive disadvantage, and they petitioned the
-colony government for permission to build homes on Ap Chau and send their
-children to school.
-
-Graham French, a Philadelphia philanthropist who was in Hong Kong to
-observe CARE operations, heard about the petition and became curious
-enough to investigate it thoroughly. He discovered that the petitioners
-were so deeply indebted to loan-sharks that they had no real chance to
-finance housing ashore unless they got outside funds. He offered to give
-$17,500 to get the settlement started, CARE added another $20,000 and the
-colony government spent $14,000 to clear a site for the houses.
-
-With these combined funds, a settlement consisting of houses for
-forty-eight families, or 360 people, was completed in December, 1961.
-The Royal Engineers laid an undersea 1,000-yard pipeline from a mainland
-reservoir to supply the island with fresh water. The fishing families,
-for their part, formed a community cooperative to administer the scheme.
-Rents go into a revolving fund, and members of the co-op can borrow from
-it at one percent interest to repair and mechanize their boats.
-
-The fishermen’s wives were at first so naïve about living on shore that
-they tried to furnish their houses with a piled-up heap of boards and
-braces resembling the poop deck of a fishing junk.
-
-After a time, the seagoing ladies learned to adjust themselves to
-conventional tables and chairs. Using sewing machines supplied by
-CARE, they took instructions from the government teacher on the island
-and learned to sew their own curtains. Their husbands took carpentry
-instruction at the same school and produced some acceptable furniture.
-Ultimately, the entire project will become self-supporting.
-
-A similar cooperative settlement has been launched at Sai Kung, a market
-town in the New Territories. Lawrence and Horace Kadoorie, Hong Kong
-industrialists and philanthropists, donated pigs to bolster the domestic
-economy of Sai Kung. Three other allied ventures have been okayed by the
-government for construction at Tai Tam, on Hong Kong Island, and on the
-outlying islands of Tsing Yi and Po Toi.
-
-Numerically, the most extensive of all private welfare groups in Hong
-Kong are the Kaifongs, or Chinese neighborhood welfare associations,
-with 665,000 members. Operating on slim budgets, they have nevertheless
-managed to provide medical care, distribute emergency relief supplies,
-conduct hundreds of free classes, set up noodle factories and give
-anti-cholera shots.
-
-The Kaifongs are a departure from the older Chinese practice of limiting
-charity to your own family or clan; they branch into such community-wide
-interests as traffic safety and antinoise campaigns. Once they even put
-on a drive to persuade Kowloon kids not to fly their kites in the path
-of airliners approaching Kai Tak Airport! (This last one sounds a bit
-overzealous, but not to anyone who has stood in the streets of Kowloon
-Tong while the jets roared overhead, all but untying his shoelaces with
-their vibrations.)
-
-Although the United States government has conducted no regular
-foreign-aid program in Hong Kong, it has given the colony almost
-$30,000,000 worth of aid, either as surplus foods or as part of its Far
-East Refugee Program.
-
-The main burden of relief falls, as it should, on the colony government.
-The Hong Kong administration spends $10,000,000 annually on social
-welfare work and more than $55,000,000 a year on every form of direct and
-indirect aid to its millions of poor residents.
-
-The problem of what to do about its refugees had been with the colony
-throughout its history. Whenever China was afflicted by famine, unrest or
-revolution, thousands of its people sought temporary haven in Hong Kong.
-
-Perhaps the most noted refugee of the pre-British era was Ti Ping, the
-last boy Emperor of the Sung Dynasty, who was driven out of China by the
-Mongols in 1279 A.D. He encamped on the Kowloon Peninsula for almost
-a year, then resumed his flight to the west, where he was defeated and
-drowned in a sea battle with the Mongols. An inscribed rectangular rock
-called the Sung Wong T’oi, or Terrace of the Sung Emperor, stands near
-Kai Tak Airport to commemorate his stopover.
-
-The British had barely settled in their new colony when a group of
-refugees who had been plotting to overthrow the Manchu emperors fled
-there in the 1840s. Unwilling to endanger their relations with the
-Manchus, the British branded the plotters under the arm and shipped them
-back to China. The Tai Ping Rebellion of 1850, fomented by a Christian
-Chinese, Hung Siu Tsuen, to depose the Manchus, provoked serious disorder
-in Canton and brought another wave of frightened Chinese to Hong Kong.
-
-Thousands of Chinese streamed into the colony during the next decade, but
-most of them moved on to the goldfields of California and Australia, or
-to contract labor in the Americas and the islands of the Indian Ocean.
-Their passage was expedited by labor-traders who often recruited manpower
-by kidnaping Orientals and shipping them out in barbarously overcrowded
-vessels.
-
-The Boxer Rebellion of 1900, bringing a rash of murders of missionaries
-and Chinese Christians, forced thousands to seek safety in Hong Kong. A
-far greater number arrived in 1911 when Dr. Sun Yat Sen overthrew the
-Manchu Empire. In the early chaotic days of the Chinese Republic about
-100,000 refugees came to the crown colony, jamming its housing and
-creating prime conditions for a plague outbreak which presently killed
-nearly 2,000 persons.
-
-There was a brief reversal in the direction of the refugee procession
-when Britain entered World War I and 60,000 Chinese turned back home.
-But continuing disorders in China brought many right back to Hong Kong,
-and the southward drift persisted through the 1920s.
-
-When the Japanese invaded China in 1937, the drift became a tidal wave;
-in two years 600,000 refugees crossed the border. The population had
-reached 1,600,000 when the Japanese attacked Hong Kong in December, 1941.
-
-Having no desire to support such a large population, the Japanese
-conquerors set to work to reduce the head-count. Their methods were a
-model of brutality; starvation, execution and driving the Chinese back to
-their homeland with bayonets. All who attempted to detach themselves from
-the northbound herd were instantly killed. By the end of the war, the
-Japanese had cut the colony population to less than 600,000.
-
-During the war, the colony came perilously close to losing its chances
-of ever being returned to its place in the British Empire. At the Yalta
-Conference, President Franklin D. Roosevelt told Stalin privately
-that he thought Hong Kong should be returned to China or made into an
-internationalized free port after the Japanese were defeated.
-
-Nothing was said to Prime Minister Winston Churchill, who had flatly
-opposed every attempt to whittle down Britain’s colonial possessions. Ten
-years after, when asked about the Roosevelt proposal, Churchill replied,
-“According to the American record [of the Yalta Conference], President
-Roosevelt said he knew I would have strong objections to this suggestion.
-That was certainly correct—and even an understatement.”
-
-Chiang Kai-shek also campaigned for the return of Hong Kong to China and
-almost as soon as the war ended, James F. Byrnes, American Secretary of
-State, announced that the future status of Hong Kong would be determined
-at a meeting of the Council of Foreign Ministers. As soon as they learned
-about this, the British, led by Prime Minister Clement Attlee, registered
-their emphatic disapproval and the idea died without further discussion.
-
-Although Hong Kong did not go back to China, the Chinese went back to
-Hong Kong. During the postwar struggles of Nationalist and Communist
-forces, thousands of their Chinese countrymen removed to Hong Kong,
-including virtually all who had been driven from the colony by the
-Japanese. But the great human avalanche came in 1949, when the Reds
-gained absolute control of the country. Fugitives from Communist
-“liberation” swarmed into Hong Kong at the rate of 10,000 a week.
-
-One year after the Communists took over, the colony’s population reached
-2,360,000. More than 330,000 people were living in hillside squatter
-settlements, sleeping on the sidewalks, on tenement rooftops, even in
-the center strip of the widest Kowloon streets. A shacktown fire in
-1950 drove 20,000 persons from their homes. The next year a single fire
-dishoused 10,000 people, and a series of fires in 1952 burned out 15,000
-others.
-
-Sooner or later, colony officials told themselves, the refugees would
-return to China as the immigrant waves of other years had done. The
-government took a firm stand on the doctrine that it was not supposed
-to become the landlord for millions of its residents, but it yielded
-sufficiently to erect temporary wooden huts and bungalows for 40,000
-squatters.
-
-All the high-principled resolutions to stay out of the public
-housing business were swept away on Christmas Night, 1953. A roaring
-conflagration broke out at Shek Kip Mei, in Upper Kowloon, racing up
-the tiers of hillside shacks as if it were mounting a flight of steps.
-Somewhere between 60,000 and 70,000 people were left homeless. About half
-of them found shelter with friends or relatives, and the government was
-plunged into the enormous task of feeding, clothing and rehousing the
-fire victims.
-
-Pausing just long enough to permit the displaced people to sift their
-few remaining possessions from the ashes, the government bulldozed
-the 45-acre site, leveled the ground, and had erected emergency
-accommodations on it in fifty-three days. The streets had hardly been
-cleared of homeless people when a new shack fire at Tai Hang Tung
-dishoused 24,000 others.
-
-Simultaneously, the colony recognized the inadequacy of its
-cottage-and-bungalow housing, which required too much land and provided
-for too few people. It began the construction of multi-story resettlement
-estates—six- and seven-story blocks of reinforced concrete clustered
-together in populous communities. Eleven such estates, lodging 360,000
-people in fireproof and typhoon-proof structures, have been completed
-since 1954 at a cost of $32,000,000. One toilet is shared by hundreds
-of people and there is no electric light in the rooms unless the tenant
-pays extra for it. But when they are seen beside the remaining shacks,
-the multi-story blocks seem immeasurably superior. In addition to the
-multi-story estates, 80,000 persons have been housed in fourteen cottage
-resettlement areas.
-
-An apartment in a resettlement block is a concrete-walled room, renting
-for $1.60 to $4.60 a month. The Hong Kong Housing Authority has built a
-higher-quality low-cost apartment in skyscraper developments, renting
-from $8 to $23 a month, and 106,000 persons are to be accommodated in
-them by 1964.
-
-Around 30,000 people live in flats built by the Hong Kong Housing
-Society, a voluntary group aided by government loan funds, and this
-number will be doubled in a few years. If the colony maintains its
-present rate of building, it can provide new apartments for 100,000
-persons annually for the next five years.
-
-This small mountain of statistics looms large on the landscape until you
-consider that there are now about 500,000 to 600,000 people living in
-squatter shacks, on sidewalks and rooftops and in tumbledown firetrap
-tenements. Theoretically, they could all be rehoused in five or six
-years, but the colony’s population is rising meanwhile at the rate of
-150,000 a year.
-
-The dreams of Hong Kong housing officials are haunted by figures; a baby
-born every five minutes and illegal immigrants sneaking across the border
-at an incalculable rate. Illegal immigration is never estimated at less
-than 10,000 a year and often set as high as 40,000. Popular guesswork may
-jack it up to 20,000 a month.
-
-In its own protection, the colony has been forced to forbid further
-immigration, except at an approximate rate of fifty a day. Its
-only shield against a smothering horde of advancing people is the
-effectiveness of its land and marine police. To the extent that the
-border police can restrain illegal immigration, the colony may be able to
-catch up with its housing needs, provided, of course, that the birth rate
-tapers off.
-
-The colony’s marine police are a small, well-trained force contending
-with overwhelming odds. Their fleet of 27 boats and 610 men is charged
-with patrolling 400 miles of coastline and 728 square miles of
-territorial waters. They have one 58-foot boat with a top speed of 22
-knots and three jet boats of 20-foot length, useful in hot pursuit, with
-a maximum speed of 42 knots. Their 70-foot launches mount a 50-caliber
-Browning machine-gun on the foredeck and carry a cache of smaller arms,
-but they deliver no more than 11 knots.
-
-As many as five of the patrol boats may be out on duty at one time, but
-the sea lanes from Macao and China are crowded with ships at all hours.
-A police launch cruising along the western edge of Hong Kong waters on a
-clear day will often have forty vessels within its sight.
-
-There are red sails in every sunset off Lantau, largest and westernmost
-of Hong Kong’s 237 islands. The skipper of a police launch may spend
-every spare moment scanning the horizon for suspicious-looking craft,
-but even in full daylight he cannot hope to detect and halt all the
-smugglers. At night, when the smugglers slip through fog or run without
-lights, the skipper’s chances are considerably slimmer. The Red Chinese
-gunboats are also on the prowl just beyond territorial limits, hoping to
-catch their runaway countrymen, but they are often unsuccessful.
-
-The Hong Kong courts charged 1,551 illegal immigrants in 1961; another
-1,763 were intercepted by the marine police and sent back to China.
-Thousands of others slipped through the net either at Macao or Hong Kong.
-Here are a few typical incidents that occurred during two months in the
-winter of 1961-62.
-
-Eighty-three men, women, and children stole a Chinese military launch and
-escaped to Macao. Marine police caught seventy-three illegal immigrants
-in a motor junk off Lamma Island. Police discovered thirty-two men and
-women attempting to slip past Castle Peak in a sailing junk. A woman and
-two children were arrested in Tai Tam Bay, Hong Kong Island. A Communist
-gunboat intercepted a sampan near Lappa Island, opposite Macao, firing
-shots into the hull and driving the dozen women and children aboard back
-to Red territory. A Red gunboat fired on a junk at the mouth of the
-Canton River estuary, sinking it with all twenty-nine immigrants aboard.
-
-During the same period, an unknown number of illegal immigrants swam
-across Starling Inlet from the Chinese mainland to Hong Kong, using rafts
-and basketballs to keep themselves afloat. A middle-aged man swam from
-Lappa Island to Macao under the muzzles of Communist guns to visit his
-son. On every dark night or at any time there is a chance of screening
-their passage in foggy or overcast weather, the immigrants keep coming in.
-
-Marine police inspectors say there is a well-organized traffic in
-smuggling illegal immigrants. Smugglers can buy a second-hand junk in
-Macao and stuff its hold with twenty to forty immigrants. They have
-a regular scale of prices based on the financial blood-count of each
-customer; $40 for well-heeled Shanghai Chinese, $30 for a moderately
-solvent Fukienese, and $13 to $20 for a Cantonese farmer or laborer. If
-the smugglers fall into the hands of the marine police, they may spend
-a year in prison, and their passengers will be sent back to an ice-cold
-reception in Red China. Jail sentences seldom keep smugglers from
-returning to the trade; the profits justify the risk.
-
-“If we catch a boat with people that look like genuine fishermen, we
-may warn them to get a Hong Kong operating license and let them go,” a
-marine police inspector said. “If we spot one that looks like a regular
-smuggler, we arrest the whole bunch.”
-
-The marine police crews are predominantly Cantonese; first-class seamen
-and courageous policemen, but at best they can scarcely hope to snare
-more than a minority of those who are determined to break through the
-blockade. When the successful ones reach Hong Kong Island or one of
-the sheltered coves of the New Territories, they are met by friends,
-relatives or confederates of the smugglers. They vanish into the almost
-impenetrable masses of Chinese and emerge a few months later to register
-as residents. In most cases the British have no alternative but to accept
-them.
-
-Many of the police are themselves refugees from Red China. They perform
-their antismuggling duties conscientiously, but if refugees get through
-despite their best efforts and vigilance, they may be something less than
-heartbroken.
-
-Protection of the land border with Red China is the responsibility of the
-200 uniformed men of the Frontier Division, with headquarters at Fanling,
-four miles south of the border. Measured in a straight line, the border
-is only thirteen miles long, but 22 miles as it follows a snaky line from
-Deep Bay in the west to Mirs Bay in the east. On the colony side, it is
-backed up by a closed zone which varies in depth from a few hundred yards
-to a mile. No one except police, farmers living in the area, or persons
-carrying special passes from the Commissioner of Police is allowed to
-enter or move about in the closed area.
-
-Before the dramatic refugee surge of May, 1962, only nine-tenths of the
-border was fenced on the British side, and the stoutness of the fence was
-variable—high and topped with barbed wire at some places, but no more
-than a plain, low fence at others. The storming of the barrier in 1962
-caused the British to build an entirely new one which stretched the full
-length of the border. Crowned with many strands of barbed wire, it stood
-10 feet high and was laid out like a long cage, with 20 feet of enclosed
-ground between the outer, parallel fences.
-
-Between the marshlands on the west and the hilly country in the east, the
-Frontier Division police have three main stations and nine police posts.
-From each of these, police observers scan the border with binoculars.
-Foot patrols also keep a continuous watch along the boundary. At night,
-when the closed area is under curfew, searchlights and dogs are added to
-the regular patrols. When the integrity of the border is as seriously
-threatened as it was by the spring invasion of 1962, the closed area may
-be increased to a depth of three miles, as Governor Black ordered on May
-19, 1962.
-
-Under normal conditions, farmers who live along the border enjoy a
-kind of twilight-zone immunity. Known to the patrols, they may cross
-the border during the day to work either in Hong Kong or China without
-molestation, but they must be home before nightfall, because the border,
-with all its rail and road connections, shuts down at dark. Night
-crossings, even before the 10-foot barrier went up, were discouraged by
-peremptory challenges and bullets.
-
-The Reds have no fence on their side of the border. They do not need it;
-nobody wants to get in.
-
-Why did the Red Chinese permit the transborder flight of May, 1962?
-At first it was interpreted as a deliberate attempt to embarrass the
-British, and certainly the colony’s police and military units had a
-thankless assignment. When they transported the captured refugees back to
-the border, they were jeered at and reviled by colony residents. Protests
-were issued by international relief officials.
-
-The onus soon shifted to Red China, which was revealed by the exodus as a
-land of hunger. All news from Communist China is censored or second-hand,
-so no accurate explanation of the flight could be made at the time. It
-appeared, however, that industrial retrenchment in the cities of China
-had caused many city-dwellers to move to rural areas, perhaps to seek
-food, perhaps to bolster the country’s sagging farm production.
-
-Most of those who crossed the border in the big May surge were from
-the adjoining province of Kwangtung, indicating that free movement of
-people within China was confined to this one southern area. Most of those
-interviewed in Hong Kong complained that they were hungry, and that
-they had lived on a substandard diet for months with no real hope of
-improvement.
-
-There was a momentary temptation to regard the flight as a sign that
-civil government had collapsed in Communist China, but this hope faded
-on May 25, when the Reds again sealed off the border. No official
-explanation for the turn-about was made, but newspapermen in the colony
-suspected that a sharp British protest to Peking may have prompted the
-clamp-down.
-
-To the refugees in Hong Kong, the world spotlight meant very little,
-except that it may have made other countries aware that no place in the
-world has shielded so many fugitives from Communist tyranny as the crown
-colony.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER THREE
-
-Conflict and Coexistence with Two Chinas
-
- “There is a saying in China; ‘If the east wind does not prevail
- over the west wind, then the west wind will prevail over the
- east wind.’ I think the characteristic of the current situation
- is that the east wind prevails over the west wind; that is, the
- strength of socialism exceeds the strength of imperialism.”—MAO
- TSE-TUNG, MOSCOW, 1957
-
-
-So spoke the chairman of the Chinese Communist Party at a time when all
-the winds seemed to be blowing his way. For eight years the People’s
-Republic of China had performed with the disciplined enthusiasm of a
-collegiate cheering section, expanding its industrial capacity at a
-prodigious rate and disseminating its political influence throughout
-Asia. Soviet Russia had given complete ideological support and technical
-assistance to its junior partner in world Communism.
-
-Since then, the winds have shifted to a new quarter. The Great Leap
-Forward that began in 1958 has struck a dead calm. Backyard factories
-and foundries have failed to attain either the standards or quantity of
-production anticipated, but they succeeded for a time in clogging the
-country’s transportation system and in interfering with the distribution
-of food and other consumer goods. The same confused planning that turned
-the emphasis from large-scale industrial production to backyard factories
-also transformed the traditional small Chinese farm and the medium-sized
-collective farm into titanic agricultural communes. By a combination of
-mismanagement and adverse growing conditions, the communes have brought
-about the worst food shortage in China’s recent history.
-
-In the summer of 1961, the prevailing winds from Moscow turned
-unseasonably icy as an ideological split developed between Russia and
-China. No one outside the Communist partnership could assess the full
-significance of the break, but it offered very little prospect of
-increased Soviet assistance to Communist China.
-
-Every change in the political winds of mainland China creates an eddy
-in Hong Kong. In the eight years when Red China was swept along by
-the momentum of its revolutionary spirit, the colony was beset by a
-succession of incidents. British ships and planes became the target
-for Chinese Communist guns. Long after the mainland fell under the
-unchallenged domination of the Reds, the grim warfare between Communists
-and Nationalists continued in the streets of Hong Kong.
-
-Whether by coincidence or direct cause, the second year of the Great Leap
-Forward brought an unexpected lull in the Communist harassment of the
-colony. Left-wing agitation in the schools and trade unions persisted,
-but colony officials noticed that Communist sympathizers, once so avid
-for violent strikes and street demonstrations, seemed to have lost their
-appetite for both. The assumption was that Peking had told them they
-could expect no further support from that source. At the same time,
-shooting incidents and border clashes virtually ceased.
-
-There was no disposition in the colony to regard this undeclared
-armistice as a bid for reconciliation. The news that the Great Leap had
-made its first big stumble was already in circulation, and the colony
-administration, quite unofficially, reached its own conclusion; Communist
-China was temporarily too busy mopping up its own mess to indulge its
-normal passion for badgering Hong Kong. When China’s house had restored
-order, its Communist leadership would be right back at the colony’s
-throat.
-
-Hong Kong’s colonial administration has never deluded itself with
-the belief that it could survive a massive assault by Red China. In
-population and the size of its armed forces, Hong Kong is outnumbered by
-approximately 200 to 1. Against Japan in 1941, Hong Kong’s resistance
-lasted less than three weeks; against Red China, it might last about half
-as long.
-
-But there are certain restraining factors unreflected in the comparative
-strength of the opposing land forces. The most tangible of these are the
-ships of the British and United States navies, continually riding at
-anchor in Hong Kong harbor or cruising in the surrounding seas. Aircraft
-carriers, submarines, cruisers and destroyers equipped with planes and
-missiles tend to put the brakes on impulsive acts of aggression by an
-inferior naval power.
-
-A Communist grab for Hong Kong would almost inevitably involve Red China
-in a major war. Great Britain has shown no disposition to surrender this
-profitable possession without a fight, and although the United States
-has made no specific pledge to defend the colony, it is not likely to let
-the Chinese Communists snatch it from her principal ally.
-
-Red China’s instinctive belligerence may be tempered by the fate of its
-first outright aggression, which did not keep the United Nations out of
-Korea, but did a great deal to keep Red China out of the United Nations
-for years thereafter.
-
-Aided in part by these considerations, Hong Kong has sat since 1949 on
-the doorstep of a country dedicated to its destruction. In the late
-1940s, it was felt that a substantial cut in the colony’s trade with
-China would ruin the British enclave by purely peaceful methods. Most of
-the trade has been lost since then, but Hong Kong has perversely grown
-more prosperous than ever before.
-
-The overriding reason why Hong Kong continues to thrive in the shadow of
-its hostile neighbor is economic. Ideologies apart, they need each other.
-
-Despite the drop in their total trade, Hong Kong remains Red China’s
-chief non-Communist trading partner. In recent years it has become a
-lop-sided arrangement, with the Chinese Communists shipping ten times
-more goods to the colony than they purchase from her. Yet the imbalance
-appears to suit the purposes of both sides.
-
-Hong Kong, which cannot produce enough food to sustain its population
-for more than a few months of the year, has imported an average of
-$200,000,000 worth of goods from Red China in each of the last three
-years, and food represents more than a third of the total. In the same
-years, Red China imported about $20,000,000 annually from the colony.
-Thus the Reds earned a favorable trade balance of $180,000,000 a year,
-giving them the foreign exchange they need as critically as Hong Kong
-needs food.
-
-It may be wondered why the Chinese Communists, with three successive crop
-failures, are willing to export any of their food. But they must earn
-foreign exchange to pay for grain, flour, powdered milk and sugar to save
-themselves from starvation, and their food purchases in the world market
-during 1960 and 1961 ran up a bill of $360,000,000.
-
-The whole pattern of mainland-colony trade has been reversed since
-1950. In that year, their trade came to $406,000,000, or about a third
-of Hong Kong’s total world trade of $1,314,000,000. By 1960, the total
-colony-mainland trade had skidded to $228,000,000 and represented only
-one-seventh of the colony’s world trade volume of $1,716,000,000.
-
-In 1950, Hong Kong exported $255,000,000 to Red China, but imported
-only $151,000,000 from her. The crown colony still serves as a major
-transshipment port for China’s trade with other countries, but her
-importance as an exporter and re-exporter from other countries to China
-was painfully diminished by United Nations and United States embargoes
-during the Korean war.
-
-The pinch of those embargoes was so tight that it looked for a while
-as if Hong Kong, which had prospered on its Chinese export trade for
-110 years, would wither from the loss of it. To the amazement of its
-economic obituary writers, the colony side-stepped its assigned grave
-by developing its own industries. Within a few years, Hong Kong became
-bigger as a manufacturer than it had ever been as a trader.
-
-Red China’s benefits from the existing trade with Hong Kong go further
-than the earning of foreign exchange from a favorable trading balance.
-She also trades profitably in human misery. The Chinese refugees who fled
-to Hong Kong are the prime victims of this merciless squeeze.
-
-No matter how intensely the refugees dislike the Communist regime on the
-mainland, they have not severed their ties with friends and relatives in
-China. They are the first to know of economic reverses and crop failure
-inside China because the news is brought to them by travelers crossing
-the colony border. It is a story repeated by almost every new refugee who
-escapes from the homeland to Macao or Hong Kong.
-
-The effect on the Chinese in Hong Kong is irresistible; by every
-tradition of family loyalty they are compelled to help their starving
-kinsmen in China. In obedience to this obligation, the Hong Kong Chinese
-sent 13,000,000 two-pound packets of food and other household needs
-through the colony’s post office in 1961 to friends and relatives across
-the border.
-
-The squeeze takes the form of customs duties which often exceed the value
-of the goods shipped. If the sender mails his parcel from a Hong Kong
-post office, the receiver in China pays the duty when it arrives. But the
-duty can be any amount the Red Chinese officials choose to assign, and
-many recipients refuse the parcels because they cannot pay for them. If
-a parcel agent handles the shipment, sending it through the Chinese post
-offices across the frontier or through his own agents inside China, the
-Hong Kong sender has to pay all the duties in colony currency before it
-starts on its way.
-
-One Chinese resident who came to the colony in 1962 told _The South China
-Morning Post_, a Hong Kong English-language daily, that the Red Chinese
-government was taking in about $53,000 a day on these parcel duties,
-with the peak of the loot coming at Chinese New Year, when presents
-are shipped home in the greatest numbers. A vast percentage of the
-parcel-senders were poor people, and each parcel cost them anywhere from
-a day’s to a week’s wages, or more.
-
-The external harmony which has prevailed between the colony and the
-mainland since 1959 offers a glaring contrast to the discord that
-preceded it. Ever since 1949, the Reds have been taking angry swipes
-at the colony, a game in which their worst enemies, the Chinese
-Nationalists, frequently joined.
-
-In the year that the Reds gained control of the mainland, trade relations
-and communications between China and Hong Kong were broken off. The
-Kowloon-Canton Railway suspended transborder operations and Communist
-guerrilla forces lined up threateningly along the frontier.
-
-While the Communists pressed the colony from the north, the Nationalists
-launched a blockade of all ports along the Chinese coast. Caught between
-the opposing forces, the colony banned political societies with outside
-allegiance and bolstered its own defenses. Additional lands and buildings
-were requisitioned for military use and 900 volunteer soldiers were added
-to its garrison.
-
-Great Britain sought to relieve the existing tension by recognizing
-Red China on February 6, 1950, but there was no exchange of diplomatic
-representatives. Swelling tides of Chinese refugees continued to pour
-across the frontier and the colony instituted its first immigration
-controls in May, 1950.
-
-The initial breach in Hong Kong’s policy of cautious neutrality came on
-June 5, 1950, when two Nationalist warships, enforcing their own blockade
-against the Reds, attacked the 800-ton British merchant vessel _Cheung
-Hing_. This dreadnought, steaming along with a cargo of fertilizer
-from Amoy, was raked with Nationalist shells which killed six of her
-passengers and wounded six others.
-
-Early in August, 1950, the Reds produced their own series of incidents.
-Communist gunboats fired on three British ships just outside Hong Kong
-territorial waters and an armed Red junk bombarded the American freighter
-_Steel Rover_. The day after the _Rover_ incident, a Communist shore
-battery on Ling Ting Island, a few miles outside the southern limit
-of Hong Kong waters, directed its cannon and machine guns against the
-British freighter _Hangsang_, wounding two British officers. Communist
-forts in the same area fired on the Norwegian freighter _Pleasantville_
-on August 6, but no hits were scored.
-
-The shootings were collectively interpreted as a Red warning to keep all
-Allied shipping away from her installations on Ling Ting and the nearby
-Lema and Ladrone islands. On August 17, the British destroyer _Concord_
-replied to the warning by exchanging a half-hour of shellfire with the
-Communist forts.
-
-None of these incidents was as disruptive as the Communist agitation
-inside the colony. Here the core of the trouble arose from the Hong Kong
-Federation of Trade Unions, or FTU, an openly pro-Red group with more
-than sixty member unions whose power was concentrated in shipyards,
-textile mills and public utilities. The FTU succeeded in fomenting a
-streetcar strike in 1949. With zealous devotion to the party line,
-the FTU unions shoved themselves into every labor dispute they could
-penetrate. They also displayed a touching concern for the unhappy living
-conditions of the refugees, undeterred by the fact that most of the
-refugees obviously preferred them to conditions in Communist China.
-
-A flash fire in a refugee settlement on November 21, 1951, drove 10,000
-persons from their shacks and enabled Red China to rush in with the offer
-to send a relief mission. The Communist angels of mercy were to be met at
-the Hong Kong terminus of the Kowloon-Canton Railway by a banner-waving
-group of left-wing welcomers. They failed to show up, and a riot broke
-out in which there was one fatality and thirty injuries before police
-brought it under control.
-
-The left-wing unions trumpeted their public concern for the refugees by a
-number of street demonstrations which police barely managed to keep from
-exploding into new riots. Wearying of the skirmishes, Police Commissioner
-Duncan MacIntosh tried a new tack. With the consent of Governor Alexander
-Grantham, he offered to satisfy the strident Communist demands to improve
-the refugees’ lot by paying full transportation costs and expenses of ten
-Hong Kong dollars to every person who wanted to return to any part of Red
-China. The only acceptance came from an old man who wanted to be buried
-with his ancestors in Northern China.
-
-The sea-lane incidents resumed on September 25, 1952, when a Communist
-gunboat halted the Macao ferry with a burst of warning shots, searched
-the ship and removed a Chinese passenger. In the same year, there were
-two other Communist and three Nationalist attacks on British ships.
-
-A Communist warship came upon a Royal Naval launch in the Pearl River
-estuary on September 10, 1953, riddled it with shells and killed six men,
-wounding five others. A stiff British protest was delivered to Peking
-without bringing either an apology or compensation. The Nationalists kept
-up their end of the harassment in that month with one of their warships
-firing on the British destroyer _St. Bride’s Bay_ off the China coast.
-
-Each of these incidents stirred the British government to send protests
-to Peking or Taipeh, but they usually elicited only transient interest
-outside the countries directly involved.
-
-The Chinese Communists’ capture of two American newsmen and an American
-merchant-marine captain on March 21, 1953, brought the United States
-government into the long succession of Hong Kong incidents. The reaction
-was quick and angry, for the Reds had subjected the United States to an
-unceasing campaign of vilification and had already imprisoned more than
-thirty American civilians in China. The Dixon-Applegate case came as a
-kind of climactic tail-twister.
-
-Richard Applegate, National Broadcasting Company correspondent in Hong
-Kong, and Donald Dixon, International News Service correspondent in
-Korea, were sailing five miles west of Lantau Island on Applegate’s
-42-foot sailboat, the _Kert_, when they were stopped by a Chinese gunboat
-manned by Chinese soldiers. The newsmen, accompanied by merchant marine
-Captain Benjamin Krasner, his Chinese fiancée and two Chinese sailors,
-were in international waters, bound for Macao on a pleasure cruise.
-Protests that they were violating no law had no effect on the Reds, who
-accused them of straying into Chinese waters.
-
-The _Kert_ and its six passengers were towed to the Communist base at
-Lap Sap Mei, transferred to Canton and held prisoners until September
-15, 1954. The United States protested vehemently to Peking, and Great
-Britain joined in demands that the group be set free. Harry J. Anslinger,
-United States Commissioner of Narcotics, had a private revelation which
-he duly reported to the United Nations: The _Kert_ had been captured
-by Chinese narcotics smugglers, led by Lu Wang-tse, a notorious woman
-pirate! Nothing more was heard of the lady known as Lu—Applegate said
-after his release that he could not imagine how the preposterous tale had
-originated, but the Red Chinese let many months pass before they admitted
-the capture.
-
-When the three Americans were finally released, they had suffered
-physically from a skimpy diet of practically inedible food. Captain
-Krasner’s fiancée, and one of the crewmen, a British subject living in
-Hong Kong, were subsequently allowed to leave China, but the other
-Chinese crewman remained a prisoner.
-
-The international repercussions of the Dixon-Applegate affair were
-intensified by a fresh provocation which called ships and planes of the
-United States, Britain and France into emergency action. This was the
-callous and apparently senseless shooting down of a British-owned Cathay
-Pacific Airways C-54 Skymaster on July 23, 1954, with the loss of ten
-lives, by three Red Chinese LA-9 Lavochkin piston-engined fighter planes.
-
-The Skymaster, carrying twelve passengers and a crew of six, took off
-from the Bangkok airport at 8:28 P.M., heading northeast in bright
-moonlight over Thailand and Indochina for the 1,071-mile flight to Hong
-Kong. The passenger load was light, so most people occupied window seats.
-The sun rose soon after the plane flew out over the South China Sea. Cape
-Bastion, the southeastern tip of Hainan Island, a Communist possession
-about the size of Denmark, became visible 50 miles away. Below, a brisk
-southwest wind whipped the sea into whitecaps.
-
-Co-Pilot Cedric Carlton suggested a time-saving route nearer to Hainan,
-but Captain Phillip Blown decided to hold his present course, keeping
-far away from Hainan to avoid another of the Red charges that their
-twelve-mile limit was being violated by non-Communist flyers. At 8:45
-A.M., Carlton looked out a starboard window and shouted to Captain Blown
-that two cream-colored fighter planes with Red Chinese markings were
-coming up fast from the rear on his side. Captain Blown put the plane on
-automatic pilot, took a quick look back through the port window and saw a
-third fighter zeroing in on his side of the tail.
-
-“Without any warning, they opened up with machine-gun and cannon fire,”
-Captain Blown later wrote in his report. “The noise and the shambles from
-their guns was terrific. It was obviously a premeditated attack.”
-
-The hail of bullets from short range immediately set fire to the
-Skymaster’s left outboard engine, and the No. 4 engine on the far right.
-Flames burst from the auxiliary and main fuel tanks beside the No. 4
-engine at almost the same moment.
-
-Captain Blown, flying at 9,000 feet, instantly went into a dive. He
-turned sharply left and right as he descended, trying to shake the
-pursuing fighters, and headed for the sea at 300 miles an hour. He was
-fighting to get out of the line of fire long enough to dump his gas and
-check the flames that were eating away a broad section of the skin on his
-right wing.
-
-The guns of the LA-9s kept up their clatter on his tail and bullets
-tore through the plane cabin, splintering the interior and killing
-several passengers. Bullets whizzed past the two pilots and smashed the
-boost pressure and fuel-flow gauges. At 5,000 feet, the rudder controls
-snapped; at 3,000, the right aileron control was shot off. The No. 4
-engine was feathered, but its extinguisher failed to stifle the raging
-flames.
-
-The Skymaster began to stall groggily toward the right, but Captain Blown
-checked it by throttling back his two left-wing engines and pouring full
-power on No. 3, the only operative engine on the right side. The ship’s
-speed dropped to 160 miles an hour, and the right wing began to dip.
-
-With the small degree of control remaining, Captain Blown plunged the
-Skymaster through the shoulder of a 15-foot wave as the right wing and
-No. 4 engine snapped off, then slammed into the middle of the next
-wave. The solid impact of the water caved in the cockpit windows. The
-tail broke off, up-ended in unison with the fuselage and headed for the
-sea bottom. Less than two minutes elapsed between the attack and the
-ditching.
-
-Thirty seconds after hitting the water, the fuselage sank out of sight.
-Two of the Red fighters executed a U-turn around the wreckage before
-heading back to their base at Sanya, on the southern end of Hainan
-Island. Few of the victims had time to put on life jackets. When the
-cabin went down, only those washed clear of it had a chance to survive.
-
-The eight survivors clambered or were dragged aboard the twenty-man
-inflated rubber raft. Captain Blown spread a weather awning over the
-raft and warned all passengers to keep out of sight under it in case of
-another attack.
-
-Steve Wong, the Chinese radio operator, had died in the wreck. Captain
-Blown remembered seeing him talk into the mike all during the dive
-toward the sea and sending a final message, “Losing altitude, engine on
-fire.” The message was heard at Kai Tak Airport in Hong Kong and rescue
-operations started immediately.
-
-Two hours later, rescue planes began to circle over the raft—Hornets, a
-Sunderland, Valetta, York and a French B-24, but none could land on the
-water. A pair of U.S. Air Force SA-16 Grumman Albatrosses were dispatched
-from Sangley Point in the Philippines. One of the big amphibians landed
-in sheltered water on the lee side of Tinhosa Island and taxied out to
-the raft in a perilously rough sea.
-
-The rescuers were guided to the spot by smoke flares dropped by the
-French B-24. Dozens of Chinese junks wallowed and rocked on the waves at
-some distance from the raft, making no attempt to interfere as American
-fighter planes flew cover over the raft. The survivors had been on the
-raft for seven hours before being rescued.
-
-Besides the three fatalities among the crew—Stewardess Rose Chen, Steve
-Wong and Flight Engineer G. W. Cattanach—there were seven passenger
-deaths, including a tea merchant, a Hong Kong University student, an
-American exporter and his two sons, and the owner of a Hong Kong curio
-shop. Captain Blown, who continued as a Cathay Pacific Airways pilot for
-many years, received a Queen’s Commendation for his cool-headed efforts
-to save the Skymaster and the lives of those aboard.
-
-Humphrey Trevelyan, British Chargé d’Affaires at Peking, delivered his
-government’s strongly worded protest, and the Red Chinese ultimately paid
-$1,027,600 indemnity for the loss of the plane. No explanation of the
-shooting was given, except for undocumented guesses that the Communists
-may have been trying to kill or kidnap some person on the plane or to
-scare off all ships approaching her territorial limits.
-
-The shooting prompted John Foster Dulles, American Secretary of State, to
-issue a hot denunciation of the “further barbarity” of the Chinese Reds.
-The U.S. Navy Department dispatched two aircraft carriers, the _Hornet_
-and the _Philippine Sea_, to join in the rescue. Their planes raced to
-the rescue scene, ready to start shooting if there were any Red Chinese
-interference. It was one of the angriest moments between the U.S. and Red
-China since the Korean war. It passed without further raising of American
-tempers, but reinforced the already intense American antipathy for Mao’s
-Communist state.
-
-Less than one year later, the destruction of a second airliner in
-the South China Sea thrust Hong Kong into the Communist-Nationalist
-crossfire. A Lockheed Constellation of Air-India International took
-off from Kai Tak Airport, bound for the first Afro-Asian Conference
-at Bandoeng carrying eight Red Chinese delegates. The conference was
-intended to assure the uncommitted nations that Communist China had put
-aside its warlike ways to become an exemplar of peaceful coexistence.
-
-There was an appalling roar as the Constellation approached Sarawak; a
-bomb burst in the baggage compartment, setting the aircraft afire. Pilot
-Captain D. K. Jatar, showing incredible skill and nerve, managed to guide
-the shattered plane to a jolting belly-landing at 150 miles an hour.
-But the impact with the sea tore the Constellation apart and it sank in
-moments, leaving a circle of flames on the surface. Before the radio went
-dead, the ship had issued an international distress call.
-
-Eleven passengers and five crewmen, including Captain Jatar, died in
-the crash and explosion. Three surviving crew members drifted in a life
-raft for nine hours until they were picked up by the British frigate
-_Dampier_. All the Chinese delegates were among those killed, and Peking
-charged sabotage. The accusation proved to be well-based; the bomb had
-been planted by a Nationalist saboteur, employed as a cleaner by the
-British maintenance company at Kai Tak Airport. Hong Kong police offered
-a $17,500 reward for his arrest, but he escaped to Taiwan on another
-airplane.
-
-The Hong Kong government issued a warrant for the bomber’s arrest, but
-the Nationalist authorities replied that they had no legal basis for his
-extradition to the colony. There the matter rested, with the abiding
-hatred between Peking and Taipeh continuing as before.
-
-Each of the sea and air incidents threatened the security of the
-colony to some degree, but none rocked its internal structure with the
-earthquake power of the Double Ten riots of October, 1956. No other
-crisis since World War II has presented such a frontal challenge to
-its ability to preserve law and order. Three days of savage guerrilla
-warfare raged through thickly congested streets, and when the fight was
-over, the British administration had had the fright of its life.
-
-Statistics convey none of the heat of these bloody battles, but they
-measure a few of their dimensions: 59 people killed, 500 injured, nearly
-$1,000,000 in property damage, 6,000 arrests, 1,241 prison sentences
-and four executions for murder. Nearly 3,000 police and several army
-battalions were engaged in subduing the rioters. From east to west,
-the riots extended across eleven miles of Upper Kowloon and the New
-Territories, and were marked by fifty-four skirmishes between mobs and
-the uniformed forces.
-
-If the genesis of the riots were to be narrowed down to a single
-proximate cause, it would have to be something as trivial as an argument
-over a few paper flags pasted on a concrete wall. Physically, that was
-where they started, but their true origin goes back at least three
-centuries.
-
-The riots took their name from the common designation of a patriotic
-holiday on October 10, the tenth day of the tenth month, marking the
-anniversary of the establishment of the Chinese Republic in 1911. In
-Hong Kong, it is preceded by the October 1 celebration of the birthday
-of Red China. Each holiday gave Nationalist or Communist sympathizers
-an opportunity to explode strings of firecrackers, hold rallies and fly
-their national flags. On both days, police were out in full force to
-prevent riots between the opposing Chinese groups, and they managed to
-keep the lid down fairly well until 1956.
-
-The October 1 holiday in 1956 passed without undue commotion and October
-10 began with no indication of Communist violence. Nationalist flags were
-displayed by refugees all over the colony, particularly in the heavily
-populated resettlement estates of Upper Kowloon. The refugees were
-predominantly pro-Nationalist, having been driven from their homeland by
-the Reds. After years of exile and grinding poverty, many of them were
-steeped in bitterness and yearning for revenge against the Communists.
-
-The Triad gangs, whose members played a key part in the Double Ten riots,
-had been established in China three centuries ago as a patriotic society
-dedicated to the overthrow of the foreign Manchus who dethroned the
-native Ming Dynasty. Their professed ideals slowly rotted away and they
-devolved into a band of thugs, living on protection rackets, shake-downs
-of street peddlers and petty criminals, enforced by fear and strong-arm
-brutality. Since World War I, crime has become their primary business and
-their patriotism survives only as a front.
-
-On October 10, 1956, pro-Nationalist residents of the Shek Kip Mei
-Resettlement Estate began to take down the paper flags they had pasted on
-the concrete walls of the housing blocks. Housing officials had objected
-that the pasted flags were difficult to remove after the Double Ten
-holiday was over, and the tenants, who could still fly flags from poles
-or ropes, accepted the cleanup job unprotestingly.
-
-At Li Cheng Uk, a resettlement estate about a quarter of a mile to
-the northwest of Shek Kip Mei, housing officials themselves removed
-Nationalist flags and symbols stuck on the walls. It was early in the
-morning of the Double Tenth, when an unfriendly crowd of about 400
-gathered quickly and demanded that the flags be restored. Police were
-called, but the crowd swelled to more than 2,000 by early afternoon
-and its demands became more extravagant. Impatient for action, some of
-the crowd attacked two resettlement officials, beating them severely.
-Police units, hurrying to help the injured men, were met with a barrage
-of flying bottles. They replied with tear gas and the mob, turning its
-anger on the police, showered them with rocks. A resettlement office was
-set afire but police reinforcements succeeded in dispersing the mob. By
-midafternoon, with two persons arrested and four injured, peace appeared
-to have been restored.
-
-Right after the dinner hour, a newly formed mob at Li Cheng Uk renewed
-the rock-throwing attacks on police. Nationalist flags were unfurled and
-a shouting mass of rioters charged into police lines. Four riot units of
-240 men were called out and the strengthened force threw a cordon around
-six blocks while a sporadic exchange of rocks and tear gas continued. The
-area enclosed by the cordon became relatively quiet, but new disorders
-broke out along its southern edge. Police vehicles were attacked, and
-members of Triads were sighted in the center of the commotion.
-
-Rioting became general and violent by 10:30 P.M. and police set up
-roadblocks on main routes into the area. The mobs altered their tactics,
-splitting into small fighting squads that pounded a segment of the police
-lines with a swift, sharp attack, then scattered and ran before police
-could bring up reserves. Within a few minutes, the attack squads would
-re-form on another block and hit police lines again. As the evening
-advanced, the riot zone kept expanding into other parts of Kowloon.
-Police units were alerted on Hong Kong Island to forestall possible riots
-there.
-
-Police were only one of the mob targets. A fire engine returning from
-a minor blaze near the Kowloon resettlement estates was bombarded with
-bricks, bottles and chunks of concrete. The engine driver, struck on
-the head by a flying object, lost control of the truck and it plunged
-erratically into a crowd, killing three and injuring five. Ambulances
-were stoned as they arrived to pick up the casualties. An Auxiliary
-Fire Service vehicle was dumped over and set on fire. Hordes of rioters
-swarmed into the area, more police were summoned and a four-hour battle
-ensued.
-
-The looting phase of the riots began with an attack on a bakery in the
-heart of the disturbed area. After smashing the bakery windows and
-setting it afire, rioters turned their rock-and-stone batteries on
-firemen called to put out the flames. Two floors of the building were
-destroyed before the firemen could extinguish the blaze. Meanwhile,
-rioters went berserk on the streets, looting and burning shops until
-the massed strength of police laboriously regained control of the
-neighborhood.
-
-Another battle was fought in the crowded streets of Mongkok. Rocks were
-dropped on the police from balconies while Triad gangs embarked on
-the looting of shops. Marauding gangs roamed the Kowloon streets down
-to Austin Road, the northern edge of the tourist and luxury shopping
-section, before police hammered them into submission.
-
-General restoration of order in Kowloon was still far off. October 11 was
-only a half-hour old when police learned that a mob infiltrated by Triad
-gangsters was preparing to set fire to a pro-Communist private school.
-Police sent to investigate were pelted with rocks and forced to withdraw
-with five men injured. A riot unit used tear gas to pen the rioters
-inside the resettlement buildings while other police went to the school.
-They found looters and arsonists busily at work and arrested eleven men.
-
-About 3:45 A.M., hoodlums became active near Kai Tak Airport, a mile and
-a half east of Tai Hang Tung, wrecking a traffic pagoda.
-
-Sunrise on October 11 brought a lull, but at 10 A.M., there was renewed
-rioting at Li Cheng Uk. Triad thugs peddled Nationalist flags by
-threatening to beat up anyone who refused to buy. Looting and mob
-barricades again confronted police who had been hard-hit by injuries.
-
-One mob launched a full-scale attack on the Sham Shui Po police station,
-but were repelled by gunfire and scattered into the side streets when an
-armored car pursued them. Mobs of ever-increasing size were fast-moving
-and elusive, and tear gas did little more than drive them to another
-location where they attacked again. They lighted bonfires in the streets
-and then heaved rocks at the firemen called to extinguish them.
-
-The Kowloon rioters displayed no signs of a unified battle plan, nor any
-concerted push toward a strategic objective. But their actions revealed a
-consistent pattern of criminality after the looting and extortion began,
-confirming the police belief that Triads were in control. Police decided
-to shoot to kill, but realized that even this last-ditch measure would be
-useless unless they deployed their units to surround the rioters and take
-them prisoner. Shortly after noon of October 11—and very late by many
-people’s judgment—three battalions of the Hong Kong army garrison were
-thrown into the fight.
-
-With army battalions in action, the mob spirit began to die down
-throughout Kowloon by evening. A curfew was imposed, cross-harbor ferry
-service suspended, and the main impetus of the Kowloon riots came to an
-end.
-
-Rigid enforcement of the curfew slowly cleared the streets of bystanders,
-but failed to drive the active rioters to cover. Looting and stoning of
-police persisted in Mongkok until after midnight, when riot guns and
-tear gas finally halted it. Strong-arm gangs armed with rocks, hammers,
-and iron bars prowled through eastern Kowloon, extorting money from
-shopkeepers, looting factories and battling police. Three rioters were
-killed and more than 400 arrested before the plundering was checked.
-
-Looting and arson continued for the third day, October 12, at many
-places in Kowloon. The mass riots of the first two days were replaced
-by a merciless street war between bands of gangsters and the uniformed
-services of the colony. Three looters were shot to death in a raid on a
-provision shop in Mongkok. Firemen, ambulance crews and practically every
-man in a uniform was stoned or beaten if he ventured into a riot area.
-
-On the afternoon of the 12th, police began dragnet raids on the hideouts
-of rioters and looters, taking 1,170 prisoners. The next day, raids at
-Li Cheng Uk by police and military units took 1,000 prisoners, and 700
-others were rounded up at Tai Hang Tung.
-
-On the morning of October 14, the curfew was lifted in Kowloon and most
-of the army units were relieved. But a night curfew continued for three
-more nights in northwestern Kowloon.
-
-The day after the Kowloon riots erupted, a related but different kind
-of rioting broke out in Tsuen Wan, a New Territories factory town five
-and one-half miles west of Li Cheng Uk. In this area of textile and
-enamelware factories, most of the workers lived in company dormitories;
-physically close, but divided into intensely hostile pro- and
-anti-Communist unions.
-
-Tsuen Wan had experienced some friction over the refusal of factory
-owners to display Nationalist flags on plant buildings during the Double
-Ten holiday, although pro-Nationalist workers could display the flags in
-their dormitories. No open protest was made until the afternoon of the
-next day, when a mob gathered outside a cotton mill and insisted that
-Nationalist flags be shown. The company acceded, and even granted the
-crowd leaders a small amount of money.
-
-But the right-wing unions were in no mood for peaceful solutions that
-same evening when they launched a series of raids on Communist union
-offices; they looted and burned the offices and beat some leftist workers
-so savagely that five of them died. Sixty other leftist union members
-were collared by a mob and dragged off to a Nationalist rally where they
-were kicked and punched until many were unconscious. Meanwhile, another
-group of right-wing unionists continued to raid Communist union offices,
-assaulting any members they could find. Army troops were called to
-restore order, and their heavy vehicles crashed through mob barricades to
-remove the injured and clamp a strict curfew on Tsuen Wan.
-
-One mile south of the town, mobs were still on a rampage, attacking a
-canning factory and setting it on fire. Four other factories on the
-outskirts of Tsuen Wan were besieged by mobs carrying Nationalist flags.
-Their demands were identical; either the plant would put out Nationalist
-flags and pay protection to the mob, or the place would be burned down.
-Management officials hastened to comply.
-
-Several large textile mills were also favored with mob visits and a
-peremptory demand that they fire all pro-Red workers. Four miles west of
-Tsuen Wan, a Nationalist union group combined forces with a Triad gang,
-looted a textile factory, set fire to an automobile, stole a factory
-truck and withdrew after having their demands satisfied by management.
-Five houses and shops identified with Communist interests were invaded
-and wrecked.
-
-The Tsuen Wan curfew was extended to surrounding areas and remained in
-force until October 16 while police and the army locked horns with
-the Nationalist rioters. Left-wingers were not an immediate problem,
-most of them having fled to the hills for their lives. But the rightist
-demonstrators were tough; they were disciplined fighters, ably led
-and guided by whistle-blast commands. Eight persons were killed, 109
-seriously injured and 684 arrested before the rioters capitulated.
-
-Long after the restoration of law and order, fear continued to keep
-workers away from their jobs. Full production did not resume at factories
-and mills in the Tsuen Wan area until early in November.
-
-When the last of the Double Ten disorders ended, the hard-pressed colony
-government had a chance to assess events. Most of the property damaged
-by mobs belonged to Communists or their sympathizers, but Nationalist
-vengeance was by no means the only reason for its destruction; the longer
-the riots continued, the more inescapable became the conclusion that they
-were directed by criminals bent on manipulating patriotic emotions to
-enrich themselves.
-
-The Double Ten riots did more than weaken the prestige of the
-Triads, whose leaders were either arrested or deported; it helped to
-illustrate the futility of waging a street war in Hong Kong over the
-Nationalist-Communist issue. Partisanship toward either side still
-burns strongly among the older Chinese, but it is a dwindling flame.
-Younger people, and many Chinese intellectuals within the colony, seem
-indifferent or hostile to both camps. Practically no one wants to return
-to Red China, and Taiwan had shown little inclination to welcome Chinese
-immigrants from Hong Kong until the border rush of May, 1962.
-
-The turmoil occasioned by the Double Ten riots was succeeded by a period
-of comparative calm between Red China and the colony. But it ended in
-1958, when the Chinese Communists clamped tight restrictions on inshore
-fishing by boats from Hong Kong. The Reds, perennially belligerent over
-the suspected invasion of their territorial limits, demanded that any
-boats fishing in their waters must have a Communist registration in
-addition to their colony registry. The registration also involved a
-Communist share of the fisherman’s catch, and Hong Kong boats resented
-the gouge. The apparent solution was to keep their craft out of Communist
-waters.
-
-The Reds made the problem more complex by invading Hong Kong waters on
-numerous patrol swoops to seize Hong Kong junks. The first of these came
-in October, 1958, when Red patrol boats grabbed several junks near Po Toi
-Island, on the southern edge of colony waters. In December, a Communist
-gunboat fired on junks in colony waters, killing two fishermen and
-injuring several others. A month later, a Chinese gunboat crossed into
-colony waters and captured two fishing boats with six persons aboard. In
-May, 1959, an armed Communist tug pushed nine miles into Hong Kong waters
-to round up a pair of large fishing junks.
-
-In self-defense, many Hong Kong fishermen abandoned inshore fishing, and
-ventured much farther out to sea. Without intending to, the Reds helped
-to stimulate the mechanization of the colony’s fishing fleet and improve
-its efficiency.
-
-The colonial administration at Hong Kong carefully avoids comment on
-the Nationalist-Communist issue. It can, of course, initiate no foreign
-policy of its own, but must keep precisely to the line set down by the
-British government. It is expected to get along as best it can with both
-Red China and Taiwan, and leave the high-level thundering to London.
-
-While the colony’s officials are well aware that the United States and
-other Western powers are using Hong Kong as an observation post on Red
-China, and that both Red China and Taiwan have their corps of spies in
-the colony, they take no official cognizance of such activities until
-they become too conspicuous. Unfortunately, they often do. Toward the
-end of 1961, the colony had 21 Nationalist spies in custody, including a
-former leader of guerrilla forces in Southeast Asia.
-
-Even more embarrassing are the cases in which one of the colony’s
-officials turns out to be a foreign spy. On October 2, 1961, the colony
-government arrested John Chao-ko Tsang, an Assistant Superintendent of
-Police and one of its most promising career men, and deported him to Red
-China on November 30. The case created a sensation, for Tsang had the
-highest post of any colony official ever involved in an espionage case.
-
-With its customary delicacy in matters affecting Red China, the
-government announced only that Tsang was being deported as an alien.
-Fourteen other “aliens” were rounded up for questioning in the case, and
-four of them were sent across the border at Lo Wu with John Tsang. Tsang
-was later rumored to be in charge of public security for the Reds at
-Canton.
-
-Tsang’s arrest was pure luck. A Chinese detective returning from Macao
-on another case noticed a man dressed as a common laborer take a bundle
-of $100 banknotes from one pocket and put it into another. The detective
-questioned him about the large amount of money, but found his answers
-pretty thin. He was accordingly hauled to a police station, questioned
-further and searched. A letter found on him was eventually traced to John
-Tsang. Unofficially, the letter was said to contain instructions from a
-Communist espionage cell in Macao.
-
-The former Assistant Superintendent was thirty-eight years old, and so
-intelligent and popular that he looked to be headed for a top place in
-the department. Born in China, he had come to Hong Kong before the Reds
-ruled the mainland, joined the police in 1948 and rose rapidly from the
-ranks. He had gone to Cambridge University in 1960 for advanced studies,
-married while there, and returned to the colony in mid-1961. He was then
-one of the highest-ranking Chinese officers in the department.
-
-The nature of Tsang’s work gave him an expert’s knowledge of the colony’s
-defenses and internal security, information of obvious value to the Reds.
-His associates in the police force still doubt that he came to Hong Kong
-as a spy, believing that he turned Communist after he became established
-in the colony. His wife and mother remained in Hong Kong after his
-deportation.
-
-The Tsang case was also an embarrassment to Hong Kong Chinese who aspired
-to high office in the colony. It bolstered the anti-Chinese bias of
-old-school colonialists, giving them an opportunity to say, “See! When
-you give those Chinese a good job, they sell you out.”
-
-The stream of political abuse which Peking had directed at Hong Kong
-for a decade was superseded in 1960 by a stream of fresh water flowing
-at the rate of 5 billion gallons a year. On November 15, 1960, the two
-governments signed an agreement under which Red China was to tap its
-newly built Sham Chun reservoir, two miles north of the colony border,
-to provide an auxiliary supply for Hong Kong. The colony put up its
-own pumping station and laid ten miles of steel pipeline, four feet in
-diameter, to convey the water to its own large reservoir at Tai Lam,
-near Castle Peak. The water began flowing in December, 1960, and the
-arrangements for receiving and paying for it have proceeded smoothly
-since then.
-
-No one has assessed the symbolic or political significance of the deal,
-which meets only a small fraction of the colony’s water needs, but it
-disconcerts many American tourists.
-
-“Do you mean to tell me I’ve been drinking Communist water?” they ask.
-Most of the food they ate in Hong Kong probably came from Red China,
-but water is different. Some of them eye it suspiciously, as if they
-expected it to have a reddish hue or to contain traces of poison. The
-water is purified and filtered in Hong Kong, however, and thus far it has
-maintained a crystal-clear neutrality.
-
-The life-or-death issue between Red China and Hong Kong is one that may
-not be decided until June 30, 1997, the termination date of the New
-Territories lease. If it is not renewed, more than 90 percent of the
-colony’s land will revert to China, leaving Great Britain with Hong Kong
-Island, most of the Kowloon Peninsula and Stonecutters Island.
-
-If China refuses to renew, as she has a clear legal right to do under the
-terms of the 99-year lease, she will get much more than the land itself.
-With it will come the colony’s only modern airport, practically all its
-productive farmland, its chief industrial centers at Tsuen Wan and Kwun
-Tong, by far the greater part of its reservoirs and water-supply system,
-from one-third to one-half its population and all its mineral resources
-except a few quarries and clay pits.
-
-“It would be folly to try to foresee what will happen in thirty-five
-years,” said one of the colony’s principal officials in 1962. “In this
-age of fission and fusion, it’s impossible to see even five years ahead.”
-
-On one point, there is little doubt among the colony’s officials: without
-the New Territories, Hong Kong would be untenable.
-
-Outside of the colony, the 1997 deadline looms like doom; inside,
-it is just another of those far-off worries, like an epidemic or a
-catastrophic typhoon. Everyone knows it is coming; meanwhile, they go on
-making money, putting up new factories and hotels and planning gigantic
-public works.
-
-Some of the colony’s leading businessmen expect the Chinese Communists,
-or any other power ruling the mainland in 1997, to drive a tough bargain
-for the New Territories and then renew the lease for another 99 years.
-
-Red China, which holds all the cards, hasn’t tipped its hand.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER FOUR
-
-Industrial Growth and Growing Pains
-
- “Some are born great, some achieve greatness, and some have
- greatness thrust upon them.”—SHAKESPEARE, _Twelfth Night_
-
-
-In 1951 the economy of Hong Kong set two memorable precedents; it reached
-the highest level in the colony’s 110-year history and then fell flat on
-its face. When the year ended, it looked as if Hong Kong was finished as
-a world trading port.
-
-Twelve months earlier all indicators had pointed toward a continuing
-boom. Red China, frantically buying goods to equip itself for the
-Korean war, had pushed the colony’s trade volume to an all-time high of
-$1,314,000,000 in 1950. Buying continued at the same furious rate until
-May 18, 1951, when most of the trade was choked off by the United Nations
-embargo on shipments to Red China. Even so, Hong Kong’s total trade
-volume reached a new high of $1,628,000,000 in 1951.
-
-The U.N. embargo administered the _coup de grâce_ to the crown colony
-trade with Communist China, but it was only the last of a series of trade
-restrictions arising from the Korean war. The United States embargoed
-all its trade with Red China when the conflict broke out in June, 1950,
-and at first included Hong Kong in the ban. The colony voluntarily
-stopped its trade with North Korea in the same month and banned a list of
-strategic exports to Red China in August, 1950. In December, 1950, and
-March, 1951, the colony increased its list of strategic items banned for
-export to China.
-
-The cumulative effect of these restrictions, which were critically
-important in checking Chinese Communist aggression, was to push Hong Kong
-to the edge of economic disaster. With the loss of the China trade, the
-colony lost half its export market and about one quarter of its imports.
-This was the trade which had always been the main reason for the colony’s
-existence.
-
-Prospects for reviving the China trade when the Korean war was over did
-not look encouraging. Long before the embargoes and restrictions had gone
-into effect, the Chinese had begun to shift their trade from Hong Kong to
-Soviet Russia and Europe.
-
-Hong Kong had grown and prospered on its ability to receive, process
-and reship the products of others, but its own productive capacity was
-insignificant. With a few minor exceptions, its industries—chiefly the
-building, repairing and supplying of ships—existed to serve its trade.
-Its banks and insurance companies, too, lived almost entirely on the
-colony’s trade. Accordingly, when trade collapsed toward the end of 1951,
-the whole economy of the colony came crashing down with it.
-
-In the aftermath of the 1951 debacle, there was at first no thought of
-substituting industry for trade. For a variety of reasons, industry in
-the colony had never been developed independently of trade. Certainly
-Great Britain had not established the colony to produce goods which
-would compete with English manufacturers. The Hong Kong market was too
-small and its people generally too poor to support its own industries.
-There was no tariff wall to protect the colony’s goods from outside
-competition, and this factor alone had stifled several early attempts to
-launch local industries.
-
-Many natural handicaps combined to make the colony a most unlikely place
-for industry. Its mineral resources were few and limited in quantity.
-It had no local source of power to run a plant. Its water supply was
-chronically short of ordinary needs and suitable land for factories
-was scarce and expensive. The colony could not raise enough food nor
-provide enough housing to take care of its potential factory workers.
-And if anyone were imprudent enough to invest his money in an expensive
-industrial establishment, how could he be sure that the Reds would not
-move in and take it over, just as they had grabbed the mills and plants
-of Shanghai?
-
-The colony had a few assets worth noting, however. Its government was
-stable and orderly, and had attracted a heavy influx of capital from
-pre-Communist China and the shaky regimes of Southeast Asia. Its banking,
-shipping and insurance services were the most efficient on the mainland
-of Asia, and its merchant community had well-cultivated connections with
-the world market. Its sheltered deep-water harbor was one of the best in
-Asia.
-
-The colony’s possibilities as a future industrial power were further
-enhanced by an unlimited supply of cheap labor and the immigration of
-skilled workers and experienced industrialists from Red China. Its labor
-unions numbered in the hundreds, but were so weakened by factional
-fights and political objectives that they were unable to drive a hard
-bargain in wage negotiations. Under Imperial Preference and the Ottawa
-Agreements of 1932, colonial products paid a lower tariff rate within the
-British Commonwealth than their foreign competitors.
-
-Finally, any industry in Hong Kong could rely on one intangible asset of
-unique value; the character of the average Chinese workman. In most cases
-he was a refugee, uneducated and penniless but determined to reestablish
-himself with any job he could find. Having landed a job, he worked at it
-with a diligence, energy and skill that astounded Western observers.
-
-Although industry had accounted for a very minor part in the colony’s
-economy before 1951, its beginnings go back to the earliest years. Its
-first recorded product was the eighty-ton vessel, _Celestial_, built and
-launched by Captain John Lamont at East Point, on Hong Kong Island, on
-February 7, 1843. The California gold rush of 1849 and the Australian
-gold strike two years later caused a shipping boom in Hong Kong as
-scores of sailing ships carried Chinese labor to work in the goldfields.
-Shipbuilding expanded rapidly, a dry dock was constructed on the island
-and a whole new industry of refitting and supplying ships came into
-being. A foundry for the casting of ship cannon was established in the
-same era when cannon were the only valid insurance against South China’s
-coastal pirates.
-
-A group of ship-repair yards was consolidated in 1863 as the Hong Kong
-& Whampoa Dock Co., which subsequently sold its Chinese facilities and
-established its headquarters at Hung Hom, on Kowloon Bay. The Taikoo
-Dockyard & Engineering Co. began operations at Quarry Bay, on the north
-shore of Hong Kong island, in 1908. Between them, the two yards have
-completed nearly 1,400 ships, ranging from large cargo and passenger
-vessels to light harbor craft. Each company employs about 4,000 men,
-which is still the largest number employed by any Hong Kong industrialist.
-
-These two companies, equipped to build 10,000-ton ships and capable of
-repairing practically any ocean liner that enters the harbor, remain the
-giants of local industry. But where they and about two dozen smaller
-shipyards employed 28 percent of the colony’s industrial workers in 1938,
-they now hire around 3 percent. Theirs is not a declining industry, but
-it has become a hopelessly outnumbered one.
-
-The colony’s oldest export industry has a rather spicy history,
-antedating the establishment of Hong Kong by at least twenty years. A
-Cantonese hawker with an eye for trade discovered that the roots of
-the ginger plant when boiled in syrup had a strong appeal for British
-traders. Following the line of the most susceptible palates, the
-merchant, Li Chy, moved his ginger-preserving plant to Hong Kong in
-1846. Some helpful soul introduced the product to Queen Victoria, who
-was so taken with its flavor that she made it a regular dessert at royal
-banquets, and suggested that it be named the “Cock Brand.” Whether or
-not the Queen’s intervention actually occurred is open to question, but
-there is no doubt that preserved ginger became a favorite English and
-European delicacy. Li Chy’s Chy Loong Co. and a dozen eager imitators
-kept Caucasian tongues tingling until 1937, when U Tat Chee, the Ginger
-King, formed a syndicate to standardize quality and prices. During the
-Korean war, the United States detected a perceptible Marxist taint in
-the ginger that grew in Red China and banned its importation. A more
-democratic strain was then planted in the New Territories, and with
-suitable documentary evidence, permitted to enter the United States.
-Preserved ginger exports currently bubble along at 225 tons a year,
-pleasing overseas tastes and being credited by the Chinese with curing
-the lesser debilities of old age.
-
-Sailing ships were insatiable rope-consumers, and from this demand grew
-the Hong Kong Rope Manufacturing Co., formed in 1883, and still doing
-business in Kennedy Town at the west end of Hong Kong Island.
-
-The Green Island Cement Co., founded in Macao and transferred to Hong
-Kong in 1899, drew most of its raw materials from outside the colony
-to supply the local building industry. After replacing a kiln and four
-grinding mills hauled away by the Japanese in World War II, it got back
-into production in time to ride upward with the postwar building boom.
-
-The Taikoo Sugar Refinery Co., established in 1884, was one of the first
-local companies to provide houses for its workers. Extensively modernized
-in 1925, it prospered until the Japanese looted and wrecked its plant so
-thoroughly that it was unable to resume production until the fall of 1950.
-
-A 55,000-spindle cotton mill made a pioneer beginning in 1898, but the
-unrelieved humidity of the climate damaged its machinery and impaired its
-efficiency. Stiff competition did the rest and it was out of business
-before World War II. Flour mills and shell-button factories prospered for
-a time, then wilted in the heat of competition.
-
-As cattle country, Hong Kong is slightly superior to the Sahara Desert.
-Nevertheless, Sir Patrick Manson, a doctor who specialized in tropical
-medicine, decided to establish a dairy company in 1886. He leased 330
-acres of semi-vertical pasture from the crown and his first herd of 80
-cows clambered and skidded around its dizzying slopes for a decade until
-an epizootic of rinderpest exterminated them. A new herd which soon
-outgrew its pasturage was stall-fed thereafter, living on fodder grass
-hand-gathered by patient Chinese women. Today’s herd includes about half
-the colony’s 3,000 dairy cows and is the chief domestic source of milk
-and butter. The dairy company has proliferated into a nutritional combine
-called The Dairy Farm, Ice & Cold Storage Co., which runs a chain of food
-stores, restaurants, soda fountains and ice and cold storage plants.
-
-The match-making industry, dating from 1938, offers a gloomy illustration
-of Gresham’s Law. Factories were built on Peng Chau, To Kwa Wan in
-eastern Kowloon and at Yuen Long in the New Territories, turning out
-tiny, cheap wooden matches. Factory equipment was primitive, wages low
-and the matches, more often than not, splintery and unpredictable. At
-its peak in 1947, the industry employed almost 1,000 workers, chiefly
-women. Then Macao entered the market with still lower wages and skimpier
-matches. Every box of Macao matches ought to bear the warning: “Take
-Cover Before Striking Match,” but they far outsell the colony product.
-They have also done a lot to stimulate the manufacture of low-cost
-cigarette lighters.
-
-Because of the colony’s habitual preoccupation with trade, many of its
-industries existed for decades without attracting much attention outside
-their own circle of customers. With the collapse of trade in 1951,
-they assumed such unexpected importance that they seemed to have been
-invented for the occasion. Some of them, like the printing and beverage
-industries, were a century old. Cosmetics, furniture manufacturing and
-the fabrication of nails and screws dated from the early 1900s. Three
-industries of considerable importance in the export market—electric
-batteries and flashlights, rubber footwear, and canned goods—had been
-around since the 1920s. Enamelware, electro-plating, machinery, tobacco,
-and motion picture industries appeared during the depression decade, and
-the leather industry emerged in 1947.
-
-Cottage industries, or small enterprises operating out of the home or
-a back-room workshop, are as old as Chinese civilization, embracing
-everything from wood and ivory carvings to musical instruments, jade,
-coffins, toys, beadwork, lanterns and silk-covered New Year’s dragons.
-They average perhaps a dozen employees each, and number in the thousands.
-
-The colony government has kept a careful record of total employment in
-registered factories (with 20 or more employees and subject to government
-inspection) and recorded workshops (15-19 workers and subject to
-inspection), but it has never had a statistical record of the number of
-industrial workers outside these two categories.
-
-There are government estimates, but no precise figures, for the number of
-persons working in cottage industries, or such major industrial groups
-as building construction, engineering construction, agriculture, fishing
-and public transport. Estimates of the number of people working in shops,
-offices, and other commercial establishments are even hazier.
-
-A purely statistical assessment of changes in Hong Kong industry that
-followed the 1951 trade collapse must necessarily be limited to the
-registered and recorded industries. Luckily, it has been the registered
-and recorded factories which most clearly reflected the colony’s recent
-economic revolution.
-
-Between 1947, when the postwar boom began moving, and 1951, when the U.
-N. embargo was imposed, the number of registered and recorded industries
-rose from 1,050 to 1,961 and their employed force nearly doubled. The
-colony’s trade had been shooting upward at almost the same rate, and the
-Net Domestic Product (the total value of all its goods and services) had
-increased by 75 percent.
-
-The embargo halted the trade boom and reduced its volume by almost
-one-third in 1952. Not until 1960 did the total climb back to the record
-level of 1951. Colony traders, abruptly cut off from the China mainland
-market, had to find new markets or liquidate their accumulated stocks.
-Some found new markets in Southeast Asia; others liquidated their
-stock for whatever it would bring. Colony imports rose uncomfortably
-above exports, investment capital began searching around for better
-opportunities outside Hong Kong and unemployment became an additional
-cause for anxiety.
-
-One obvious need was to step up the colony’s export volume at once. It
-was in this situation that the “poor relation” in Hong Kong’s economy—its
-industry—came into its own.
-
-Despite its rapid postwar growth, the colony’s industry had supplied only
-about ten percent of the products it exported. In simple desperation, the
-traders invested their Korean war profits in local industry. So also did
-the transplanted Shanghai industrialists who had lost their factories
-to the Chinese Communists but had retained their capital and managerial
-skills. The effect on Hong Kong was basic and far-reaching.
-
-After a two-year period of readjustment, the number of industrial
-undertakings, or individual registered and recorded manufacturers,
-increased at the rate of 500 a year. Employment in the industries more
-than doubled; by the end of 1961, the colony had 6,359 companies with
-271,729 workers. The climb continued into 1962.
-
-Local industry, which had once contributed only ten percent of the value
-of colony exports, contributed more than seventy percent by 1962. Trade
-had made its comeback by then, but it showed no sign of regaining the
-dominant position it had occupied until 1952.
-
-Entirely without warning and almost against its will, Hong Kong had
-become a manufacturing center instead of an entrepôt. New industries
-had cropped up from nowhere, taken a firm hold and climbed to the most
-important positions in the colony’s productive economy. A few of the
-old industries had slumped, but most were expanding with the general
-prosperity.
-
-During the uneasy two-year period of transition from trade to
-manufacturing, the colony had to lay down two sets of regulations to
-stabilize its trade relations with Japan and the United States.
-
-Japanese industry, swiftly reviving during the American Occupation, began
-pouring cotton yarn and piecegoods, household utensils and metalware into
-the Hong Kong market. In 1952, Hong Kong imported four times more from
-Japan than it exported to her. But the colony was less concerned about
-export-import balances than it was over reducing the Sterling Area’s
-adverse balance of payments with Japan. Japanese imports were tightly
-restricted or suspended from early in 1952 until the second half of 1953.
-Meanwhile, local industries enjoyed a welcome breather from Japanese
-competition, especially in their home market.
-
-Restoration of trade with the United States was essential. The volume of
-this trade had taken a steep dive after the U.S. and U.N. embargoes
-on trade with China, and the United States wanted no Communist products
-funneled through Hong Kong, nor any Red Chinese raw materials fabricated
-in the colony. The Hong Kong Commerce and Industry Department and the
-U.S. Treasury Department finally worked out a solution: the Comprehensive
-Certificate of Origin, covering every kind of goods that might be
-suspected of Red Chinese origin. Among these were silk, linen, cotton,
-jade, furniture, Chinese antiques and handicrafts. Goods of North Korean
-origin were similarly classified.
-
-In enforcing the Comprehensive Certificate of Origin regulations, the
-Commerce and Industry Department directly supervises the raw material
-supply and the finished products of the factories; in some cases, it
-seals the goods after examination and keeps them under surveillance until
-they are exported. Severe legal and administrative penalties are slapped
-on manufacturers or dealers who are caught falsifying a Comprehensive
-Certificate of Origin. The colony government protects the validity of
-the certificates to insure trade relations with its biggest customer,
-and because it gives the colony a monopoly on certain goods for which
-Red China would otherwise have the market sewed up. The most vociferous
-critics of the Comprehensive Certificate of Origin are American tourists
-who recoil from it as if they had been handed two sets of income-tax
-demands for the same year.
-
-With the road clear for industrial expansion, the response was
-overwhelming, and more than half the growth came in six light industries.
-Between 1948 and 1958, the six light-industry groups showed these
-increases in employment: garment-making, 20,000; metal products, 13,000;
-cotton spinning, 11,000; cotton weaving, 9,000; plastic wares, 8,000; and
-rubber footwear, 3,000.
-
-At the end of 1961, registered and recorded industries employed a round
-total of 272,000 persons, with 42 percent of these workers concentrated
-in two categories; textile-making with 69,000, and garment-making with
-45,000. Metal products were third in line with 28,000. Shipbuilding and
-ship-breaking employed 13,000. Plastics, non-existent until 1947, had
-separated into two major industries, plastic wares and plastic flowers,
-with each employing around 13,000 workers. Food manufacturing, printing
-and publishing, rubber products, machinery, electrical apparatus and
-chemicals were the other leaders. In the metal-products line, just one
-of its many specialized products, the manufacture of flashlight cases,
-employed more than 6,000 persons.
-
-The success of Hong Kong’s light industries is typified by three of its
-leaders in plastics, textiles and metal wares. The Three Ts—H.C. Ting, P.
-Y. Tang and John Tung—were prosperous Shanghai industrialists when the
-Chinese Communists closed in on them. Each one managed to reestablish
-himself in Hong Kong as the head of a major industry. Together, they
-represent one of Red China’s unintentionally generous gifts to the
-colony—the exodus of capital and management skill. A whole new complex
-of tall, modern buildings in the North Point section of Hong Kong Island
-called Little Shanghai is a monument to this newly arrived capital.
-
-H. C. Ting, managing director and principal owner of Kader Industrial
-Co., Ltd. at North Point, began as a battery salesman for a Shanghai
-factory, set up his own company, the Wei Ming Battery Works, in 1925, and
-began tinkering around in a laboratory to develop a long-lived battery.
-He picked up his chemistry as he went along and painstakingly dissected
-hundreds of messy cells until he evolved a really durable battery that
-sold well. He branched into flashlights, bulbs and carbon rods, survived
-the Japanese invasion of China and planned to try his luck in the
-plastics industry after the war. Foreign exchange limitations made it
-impossible to equip a plastics factory in Shanghai, so he sent a group of
-his employees to Hong Kong in 1947 with instructions to set up a plant.
-
-The new factory was to include a cold-storage unit which could cool and
-store plastics and also make ice for sale. It was a dismal flop and Mr.
-Ting hurried down the following year to untangle the snarls. He soon
-discovered that he had, in effect, enrolled himself for a cram course in
-refrigeration engineering, but he learned enough to make the plant pay.
-
-Today the North Point plant, greatly enlarged, employs 1,300 people
-and makes 400 different plastic items. Its four-story building of
-prestressed, reinforced concrete backs into a rocky hillside which is
-being blasted away to make room for a new ten-story plant. Mr. Ting
-trains all his own workers, pays them straight wages instead of the usual
-piece-work rates and hands out annual bonuses, in some instances, equal
-to ten months’ pay.
-
-Operating on the general premise that he’ll try anything until he makes
-it work, Mr. Ting designs many of his own products, and if he can’t find
-a machine to make it, designs that also. One machine molds a plastic
-automatic pistol and its bullets in a single operation; the model is so
-precisely fitted that it works as smoothly as the original gun. Other
-machines mold a pair of binoculars with one press, then equip it with
-accurate lenses stamped out of clear Styrene plastic. A plastic doll,
-including the eyes, is pressed out in seconds, but the mold has been
-carefully developed from a hand-made clay original that is reproduced
-first in plaster of Paris and then in polyester before the steel die is
-cut. Dressing the dolls keeps 100 girls busy at Kader sewing machines.
-The plant works three shifts daily, but Mr. Ting sleeps through one shift
-at his penthouse on the roof. His latest venture is transistor radios,
-jointly undertaken with a Japanese electrical appliance company.
-
-“We can compete with anything except junk,” Mr. Ting said. “If Hong Kong
-turns out quality products at reasonable prices, we can gradually raise
-the living standards of our labor to the level of other countries. It
-can’t be done overnight; they tried it in Red China and failed.”
-
-P. Y. Tang, head of the South Sea Textile Manufacturing Co. at Tsuen Wan,
-is an engineering graduate of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology
-and the largest producer of cotton yarn and grey cloth in the colony. His
-main plant covers nine acres along the waterfront and contains 45,000
-spindles and 900 looms. Its employed force numbers 2,100.
-
-Tsuen Wan, now an industrial center with more than 60,000 residents,
-was a village with a few huts and no roads when Mr. Tang erected a
-pilot plant there in 1948. He had brought 300 technicians and skilled
-workers, plus his own administrative experience as managing director of
-the gigantic Ching Foong Cotton Manufacturing Co. in Shanghai and other
-cities of China.
-
-Experience was not enough; Hong Kong had practically nothing to help the
-mill get started—no cotton, power, spare parts, skilled labor or parallel
-industries, such as weaving and garment-making, that could use yarn and
-doth. There was no local market and the humid climate quickly rusted the
-machinery.
-
-Mr. Tang beat the rust problem and shaved his operating costs by keeping
-the machines in continuous use, running 8,500 hours a year, compared
-with 3,700 hours a year in German mills and 1,500 hours in English ones.
-He opened up new markets for his prolific output in Great Britain, the
-United States, Australia, Africa, and elsewhere. His early sales were
-made at a loss, but with his markets established and Red China knocked
-out of the market by the U.N. embargo, South Sea sales and profits soared.
-
-The main plant is completely air-conditioned, reducing summer working
-temperatures by twenty degrees. The spindles and looms, imported from
-Japan, England, Switzerland and the United States, are the finest
-obtainable. Much of the carding, combing, and sizing machinery is fully
-automatic, tended by Chinese girls in their early twenties. Some of the
-girls appear to be prematurely grey, but it’s nothing more than loose
-cotton that has settled on their black hair; all wear breathing masks to
-protect their lungs from floating cotton. Every phase of the operation is
-under strict quality control, preserving the uniform diameter of the yarn
-and testing its tensile strength.
-
-The South Sea plant sometimes disconcerts visiting textile executives,
-who expect a Hong Kong textile mill to look like an over-extended cottage
-industry. What they find here, and in several other Hong Kong mills, is a
-streamlined efficiency equal to the best in the world.
-
-The young men and women employees, most of them single, live in free
-dormitories near the plant, pay an average of 27 cents a day for meals
-and have a choice of Cantonese, Shanghai or Swatow cuisine. They have
-workmen’s compensation, a barber shop with electric hair-dryers for
-the women, a vocational training program, and for high-performance
-workers, a lounge and recreation center. The plant is non-union, with a
-six-day, 48-hour week. Wages are slightly above the colony average for a
-registered factory, ranging from $1.38 to $2.25 a day.
-
-Mr. Tang has been in the thick of the fight to protect the colony’s
-textile industry from demands—especially clamorous in England and the
-United States—that its exports be reduced.
-
-“I just can’t see the wisdom of Western powers in restricting Hong Kong
-textile exports,” he told David Lan, a reporter for _The China Mail_, a
-colony daily. “We have no hinterland or diversified industries to which
-refugees may turn from a threatened textile industry.”
-
-“From 1959 through 1961, total colony exports of cotton piece goods were
-less than 5 percent of Great Britain’s production, and 0.53 percent of
-United States output,” he stated.
-
-“We are asking for no aid but only a fair chance to trade,” he said.
-
-John Tung, third of the alliterative industrial Taipans, has been
-connected with the colony’s metalware industry since 1937. Like Mr. Tang,
-he was the son of a Chinese industrialist. His father started the I. Feng
-Enamelling Company in Shanghai shortly after World War I and established
-a Hong Kong branch in 1937. John, working part-time for his father while
-he attended the University of Shanghai, left both school and job and
-founded his own firm, the Freezinhot Bottle Co., to manufacture vacuum
-flasks. By 1940, he, too, set up a Hong Kong branch. When the Communists
-expropriated Shanghai industries, he moved to the colony to direct both
-the I. Feng and Freezinhot branches.
-
-The I. Feng enterprise prospered, and in the familiar Hong Kong pattern,
-dozens of small operators rushed in to cut some of the pie. By 1956 there
-were approximately 30 of them in the field and Mr. Tung had to cut back
-his production. The marginal companies went broke in the glutted market,
-but I. Feng remained the largest in its line. Mr. Tung proceeded to build
-the Freezinhot bottles by handling all the manufacturing processes in
-his own plant, instead of the usual practice of contracting them out,
-and successfully invaded Japanese markets in Africa, Latin America and
-Southeast Asia.
-
-Like many other Hong Kong manufacturers, he set up subsidiary companies
-outside the colony. Bet-hedging is widely practiced among colony
-entrepreneurs; the economic climate is unpredictable and no one wants
-to be caught flat-footed. In the colony, Mr. Tung also runs a firebrick
-works, a marble plant and a trading company, shuttling daily between his
-various offices.
-
-He takes a coolly realistic view of tomorrow’s prospects, declaring that
-the market for enamelware and vacuum bottles in underdeveloped countries
-will drop when hot running water, electric percolators and refrigerators
-make his products less useful, or the countries develop their own
-industries to meet the need. He probably would not be offended if his
-potential competitors subscribed to this pessimistic outlook.
-
-Mr. Tung’s survival in the 1956 enamelware boom illustrates a recurring
-weakness in the colony’s economy, the perennial, headlong dash to make a
-fast dollar. The urge is irresistible, with new industries coming over
-the horizon and eager money lying in wait for them. At the first sniff
-of profit, the money swarms into the latest bonanza, fresh companies
-pop up like dandelions and products flood the market. Older firms slash
-prices repeatedly to meet each competitive assault; presently, the bottom
-falls out and half the old and new companies disappear in a welter
-of bad debts. The frantic cycle has swept through the apparel, film,
-glove, plastic flower, and enamelware industries without losing any of
-its momentum or lure. It is often and justly deplored, but in Hong Kong
-it will always be difficult to find an investor panting to turn a slow
-dollar.
-
-The race for a quick profit careens along at a perilous pace in the
-colony’s building industry, where the investor in a large apartment
-or office building may get all his capital back within four years,
-or go broke in six months. The industry moved ahead at a moderate
-$25 million-a-year rate until about two years after the post-embargo
-manufacturing boom began. Then it took off, reaching a new record of
-$42,000,000 in 1959. In 1960 it shot up to $69,000,000, and held the
-steep angle of climb into 1961.
-
-It is the building aspect of Hong Kong’s industrial spurt that strikes
-every visitor at once. A skyscraper bank building and two hotels, of
-600 and 1,000 rooms respectively, are going up in the central business
-district of Hong Kong Island. There is hardly a square block in the main
-business area where there is not at least one building under construction.
-
-The transformation of the Tsim Sha Tsui section at the tip of Kowloon
-Peninsula is even more startling. In the 1920s, it was predominantly a
-quiet house-and-garden neighborhood strung along both sides of Nathan
-Road, the main north to south street. The Peninsula Hotel opened at the
-south end of Nathan Road in 1928 to become the new social center of the
-colony, and its Peninsula Court annex was added in 1957.
-
-During the 1950s, Tsim Sha Tsui slowly became an area of small hotels and
-luxury shops catering to tourists. An epidemic of building fever swept
-over it in 1959, and the place will never be the same again. Three huge
-hotels—the Ambassador, Imperial and Park—opened in 1961 with a total
-of 1,025 rooms. Two years later, the 800-room President was to join
-the Kowloon tourist parade. Tall apartment buildings, reaching almost
-as high as their rents, and an assortment of compact luxury hotels,
-sprouted through the thick crust of tourists and shoppers. Guests at
-the top of the newly opened Imperial Hotel looked down on a scene of
-general devastation at the opposite side of Nathan Road; dozens of old
-structures being demolished to make way for larger and more expensive
-ones.
-
-New hotels opening throughout the colony in 1963 will add 3,368 rooms,
-doubling its tourist capacity. Many of them will show the familiar marks
-of speculative building—undersized rooms, insufficient elevator service,
-thin walls and cracked masonry. The best hotels will stay the course,
-but the merely flashy ones may be pulled through the same wringer as the
-overly eager, overnight speculators in other industries.
-
-The construction industry, which employs 160,000 people, roughly
-estimated, was also active in less speculative projects. From 1957
-through 1961, it erected more than 200 factories, many of them on
-reclaimed land. Government construction on water-supply facilities,
-land reclamation, and resettlement estates ran just over $40,000,000 in
-1960-61, and was scheduled to increase considerably in the next fiscal
-year.
-
-All of the large new hotels in Hong Kong were built to serve a tourist
-trade which could scarcely have supported three of them in 1940. For
-well over a century, Hong Kong had about as much tourist appeal as the
-islands of Langerhans; and in its early days, the English used to sing a
-derisive song, “You can go to Hong Kong for Me.” In the popular mind, it
-was associated with such disagreeable phenomena as rainstorms, typhoons,
-floods, pirates, malaria, bubonic plague, squalor and poisoners. Most
-of these scourges have disappeared, but it took travelers many years
-to forget them. People went to Hong Kong only on government or private
-business or because, being either rich or retired, they had been
-everywhere else and wanted to add one more odd-sounding place to their
-itinerary.
-
-Distance alone was a formidable obstacle; by today’s shortest air route,
-Hong Kong is 10,611 miles from New York and 7,286 miles from London.
-It was much farther by ship, and it took weeks to get there. Imperial
-Airways opened the first regular airline service from Europe in 1936,
-and Pan American World Airways started weekly transpacific flights in
-1937. Early flights from New York or London still required a week, more
-or less, and although faster piston-engined planes gradually pared down
-the time, it took the introduction of jet airliners in 1958 to cut the
-longest flights to approximately 24 hours.
-
-The new Kai Tak Airport, whose 8,350-foot runway juts into Kowloon Bay
-on a strip of reclaimed land, opened on September 12, 1958, six weeks
-earlier than the first oceanic jet passenger service. Scheduled ocean
-liners and cruise ships continue to call at Hong Kong, but four-fifths of
-all tourists arrive by air at Kai Tak. More than 210,000 of them came in
-1961, with Americans and residents of the British Commonwealth comprising
-the two largest groups. Not included in this total are the 132,000
-members of the American armed forces who had shore leave in the colony
-during 1961. For many years they have been the largest group of colony
-visitors; liberal spenders and generally law-abiding.
-
-After ignoring Hong Kong effortlessly for decades, Americans had their
-attention drawn to it by a variety of stimulants. Hollywood motion
-pictures such as _Soldier of Fortune_, _Love Is a Many-Splendored Thing_,
-_The World of Suzie Wong_, and _Ferry to Hong Kong_ were of varying
-artistic merit, but they all helped the tourist business. Television,
-radio and film personalities—Arthur Godfrey, William Holden, Jack Paar,
-Ed Sullivan, and David Brinkley—presented documentary reports on the
-colony. There was even a television adventure serial about Hong Kong,
-but with the exception of a few on-the-spot film clips spliced in for
-authenticity, it dealt with people, places and customs unknown to any
-colony resident.
-
-Tourism stands next to the textile industry as a source of foreign
-exchange and it has created thousands of jobs for hotel and restaurant
-workers, entertainers, guides and shop clerks. Recognizing its economic
-value, the colony government set up the Hong Kong Tourist Association a
-few years ago. The association beams its Lorelei serenade to tourists
-overseas, but in its own yard, it functions as a watchdog. Its warning
-yip is brief: Don’t flim-flam the tourists, or you’ll kill a $120
-million-a-year industry.
-
-Transportation facilities in and out of the colony are equipped to handle
-any foreseeable increase in freight or passenger traffic during the next
-few years. Seventy-six shipping lines sail to 234 ports around the world.
-Nineteen airlines operate out of Kai Tak, with the four busiest—Cathay
-Pacific (chiefly regional), British Overseas Airways, Pan American and
-Japan Air Lines—averaging two or more arrivals and departures every day.
-
-No one has the exact figures on how many people are employed in all the
-industries of the colony beyond the registered and recorded factories and
-including every category. But 1,200,000 have some sort of job, whether
-working at home, in factories, on farms, at sea or for the government.
-Government employs about 50,000.
-
-There is no minimum wage. Most workers are paid by the day or on a
-piece-work basis. Normal daily wages of industrial workers are 50
-cents to $1.30 for the unskilled, $1.20 to $1.70 for semiskilled, and
-$1.30 to $3.50 for skilled men. Women get 30 percent less than men.
-Overtime is at time and a quarter or time and a half, with the latter
-prevalent. Incentive pay is given for good performance and attendance.
-Some companies provide free or subsidized food to compensate workers
-for cost-of-living jumps. A bonus of one month’s wages is paid by many
-companies just before the Chinese New Year.
-
-As a rule the European firms and a few westernized Chinese firms provide
-a cost of living allowance on top of the basic wage. Yet in spite of
-rapid industrial expansion, inflation has been slight; the index rose
-only 22 points between 1947 and 1961. The eight-hour day and six-day,
-48-hour week are observed by most European companies, but some Chinese
-companies have an 11-hour day. Women and all workers under eighteen are
-given a second rest day a week by law. Many big companies, especially
-those dealing in textiles, provide dormitories and free bedding for
-unmarried workers; some house the families of married workers, and the
-government encourages this practice by providing land for such quarters
-at half the market price. A few companies provide recreation rooms and
-free transportation to and from the job. Workmen’s compensation insurance
-has been prescribed by law since 1953. Women, as well as children under
-fourteen years old, may not work between 8 P.M. and 7 A.M.
-
-Hong Kong wages look tiny to an American worker who earns more in an hour
-than a colony factory hand receives in a day. But the chasm between the
-two standards of living is not so vast. The Hong Kong worker takes the
-bus, streetcar or ferryboat for less than two cents a ride; his lunch
-costs about ten cents, and his month’s rent is under $5.00 if he lives in
-a resettlement estate, and below $23 a month if he occupies a low-income
-Housing Authority development unit.
-
-There are 245 labor unions in the colony, but they lack biting power
-in wage negotiations. Three have more than 10,000 members each: the
-seamen’s union; the spinning, weaving and dyeing workers; and the motor
-transport workers. These three, with the unions of the seafarers, workers
-in Western-type employment, restaurant and café employees, government
-workers and teachers, represent 40 percent of all union membership.
-The unions split into a pro-Communist Federation and a pro-Nationalist
-Council. The pro-Red unions are strongest among seamen, public utilities,
-shipyards and textiles; the anti-Reds are most influential in the
-building trades, food and catering and numerous small industries. Only
-25 of the 245 labor unions are free of political leadership. Collective
-bargaining is generally confined to the transport, printing, and
-enamelware industries, and to taxi drivers.
-
-Most wages are set by agreement between the worker and his employer;
-the agreement is verbal and follows no uniform wage-scale. Family
-connections, references from friends, or the contracting system are
-used to get jobs. Except in the large shipyards and textile mills, the
-apprentice system is mostly a matter of observation and imitation.
-Several private trade schools train boys and girls in various jobs, and
-Hong Kong Technical College and Hong Kong University teach engineering,
-commerce and highly advanced technical specialties, with the university
-giving a full range of professional training. But when all are combined,
-they fall far short of the demand.
-
-The majority of the colony’s industrial workers impress both employers
-and outside observers as industrious, purposeful, capable and
-intelligent. They are unwilling to make bold, independent decisions, some
-employers complain. On the other hand, they are seldom encouraged to do
-so.
-
-In the last few years, an increasing number of American businessmen
-have found the risks and rewards of the colony’s economy well worth
-their interest. The first American trading concern, Russell & Co., was
-established there in 1850, but the road was rocky, and Russell, along
-with several later Yankee traders, faded out of the picture before 1900.
-About a dozen American companies located agencies in Hong Kong in the
-early 1900s. Most notable of these was the International Banking Corp.,
-which opened a Hong Kong branch in 1902; after a series of mergers and
-name changes it became a major branch of the First National City Bank
-of New York, occupying its own large building in the central financial
-district.
-
-Except for First National City, Singer Sewing Machine Co., National Cash
-Register Co. and a few others, most of the American offices were agencies
-or area representatives until the last decade.
-
-Anker B. Henningsen, a Montana-born businessman of Danish ancestry, came
-to Hong Kong from China, where his family had been in business since
-1913. With his son A. P. Henningsen, he heads a group of companies that
-distribute Coca-Cola and other soft drinks, export and import women’s
-wearing apparel, run a quality dress shop called Paquerette, Ltd., and
-act as agents for a number of American chemical, pharmaceutical and
-manufacturing companies. They employ 300 people.
-
-The older Henningsen’s father, a Danish immigrant to the United States,
-had built a prosperous produce business in the Northwest and later
-supplemented it by shipping eggs from China to the U.S. Eggs came
-in by the boatload until his competitors sabotaged the business by
-circulating the canard that the Chinese eggs were hundreds of years
-old. Mr. Henningsen turned then to Europe for his primary market, but
-his American produce operations took a beating in the 1919 to 1921
-depression. A. B. went out to China in 1923 to start his own ice cream
-and frozen-drink-on-a-stick business. He had to install refrigeration
-units in all his retail outlets, working out of a central plant with
-3,000 employees. In cold months, he packed and shipped eggs; in summer,
-he made and sold 125,000 frozen suckers a day. Sticks for the suckers
-were stamped out of Idaho pine planks, shipped from the U.S. in the form
-of heavyweight packing crates to avoid lumber duty. It was no small item;
-the Shanghai plant used 250,000 board feet of Idaho pine a year.
-
-In 1933 he set up a dairy business, imported 500 head of American cattle
-and a full line of equipment for a modern dairy farm. A few years later,
-Japanese bombers killed the entire herd. He was president of the American
-Association and the American Chamber of Commerce in Shanghai when he and
-1,500 other Americans were interned by the invading Japanese. As head of
-the American business community, he was permitted to organize a hospital,
-school and food facilities for the prisoners. Repatriated to the United
-States in September, 1943, he operated a dried-egg plant for the Army
-during the rest of the war. He returned to China after the war, and ran
-produce and export companies until the Reds began to gain control of the
-country. Liquidating his interests in China, he came to Hong Kong and
-organized a soft-drink bottling company in 1948.
-
-He and his son extended branches to Japan, Korea and Taiwan, but closed
-them down after a time, he said, because he could not find executive
-personnel capable and willing to run them. He expects Hong Kong to
-survive and prosper, despite the ever-present threat from Red China.
-
-“Hong Kong is China’s best source of foreign exchange,” Mr. Henningsen
-says. “If the Reds took it over, the whole economy would collapse, just
-as it did in Shanghai. The Communists have mismanaged their food supply
-so badly that their people can’t work. All they get to eat is a small
-rice ration, a few vegetables, very little fish and no meat at all. If
-people are underfed, they just die on the vine.”
-
-Robert J. Newton, another native of the American Northwest, has
-established his own prosperous business in the colony. Born in Salem,
-Oregon, he worked as a construction engineer in California, Hawaii and
-the Philippines. He made his first Hong Kong visit in the early 1930s,
-found it easy to do business with the people there and was deeply
-impressed by the skill of its workmen. He returned to the colony often in
-succeeding years.
-
-He had made the building of boats his lifetime hobby, and was frequently
-praised for the quality of his craftsmanship. But it was not until the
-1950s that he began to consider boat construction as a possible business.
-His two sons, Whitney and John, became his associates, with John heading
-a distributorship for Bireley’s soft drinks. Whitney became the manager
-of American Marine, Ltd., the boat-building yard established by his
-father.
-
-In 1958, the company set up operations in a tin-roofed shed that was not
-much larger than a two-car garage. The yard site was along the shore of
-an inlet on Clear Water Peninsula, nearly five miles due east of Kowloon.
-Well away from other industrial areas, it lay just across Junk Bay from
-the Chinese Nationalist refugee settlement at Rennie’s Mill Camp.
-
-American Marine, which produces pleasure boats for the American market,
-outgrew its corporate cradle in a few weeks; its present shed is 500 feet
-long and 300 feet wide, and will be doubled in area during 1962. The
-company turns out 40 to 50 yachts a year, selling from $7,000 to $70,000
-each. Mr. Newton and his son are the only Americans in the company; all
-of their 300 workmen are Chinese.
-
-Mr. Newton’s basic assumption was that he could produce a sailboat,
-modified luxury junk, motor sailer, or power cruiser to the finest
-design specifications, ship it to the United States as deck cargo on a
-freighter, and still undersell American boat-builders by a fair margin.
-The idea appears to be sound. His yard crew is working on 30 boats at a
-time and expects to raise its annual output to 80 or 100 boats a year
-when the enlarged shed has been completed.
-
-Wood for his boats comes from many countries—Sitka spruce, for spars,
-from the American Northwest; teak from Thailand; and other hardwoods from
-Borneo and mahogany planking from the Philippines. Engines and fittings
-come from the United States. The largest of his boats to date is a
-59-foot motor sailer, and all are built to the specifications of American
-marine designers and architects such as Sparkman & Stephens, Inc. of New
-York, and William Lapworth of Los Angeles. It takes six to eight months
-to finish most boats.
-
-One problem he has, Mr. Newton explains, is training Chinese workmen to
-use power tools. Ten years ago power equipment was a great rarity in the
-colony; now American Marine has 50 electric drills, planers, bandsaws and
-a bolt-threader. Some of his workmen had never seen a power tool before
-they were trained to use them at the boatyard. Whitney Newton’s ability
-to speak Cantonese is helpful, but the instructor has to proceed with the
-utmost caution in introducing a greenhorn to a bandsaw.
-
-American Marine builds a few modified junks, using American equipment
-and finishing them like yachts. The three masts of the typical Chinese
-junk are retained, but the rigging is simplified and the usual ponderous
-rudder is greatly reduced in size. They sell for $10,000 or more. The
-Newtons built one for Don the Beachcomber, Hollywood restaurant owner.
-Americans are often infatuated with the romantic outline of a large
-working junk, but they would soon go aground trying to handle its
-complicated sails.
-
-American Marine follows the Chinese practice of paying one month’s
-bonus to its workers at the New Year. Trucks carry the men to and from
-work. A barracks and mess hall accommodate those who live at the yard.
-The hamlet of Hang Hau, half-destroyed by fire years ago and still in
-ruins, was American Marine’s only neighbor in 1958. Now there is a mill
-for cold-rolled steel and a ship-breaking shop, with the light-colored
-buildings of Haven of Hope Sanatorium arrayed along the hills of the
-opposite shore.
-
-Mandarin Textiles, Ltd., best known in the United States for its Dynasty
-line of high-styled women’s apparel, is also directed by an American,
-Linden E. Johnson. Mr. Johnson, who served with the U.S. armed forces
-in China during World War II, stayed on to become a Shanghai textile
-executive. When the Reds drove him out of China, he came to Hong Kong
-and founded Mandarin with a Chinese partner who was murdered by a
-fellow-Chinese in 1957. Mr. Johnson kept the business going, completed an
-eight-story plant in Kowloon, near Kai Tak, in 1958, and expanded it into
-one of the colony’s finest tailoring and designing houses.
-
-Mandarin, which makes the Empire line in cottons in addition to the
-Dynasty silks and brocades, employs up to 1,300 workers. It provides a
-recreation room, catered meals and classes in English for its work force.
-Most of its permanent staff are highly skilled people, like the young
-sewing-machine operator who stitches intricate rose and tea-leaf designs
-on quilted fabrics at high speed, working from memory with unerring
-accuracy. The cutters, tailors, and pressers are advanced craftsmen,
-trained by long apprenticeship.
-
-Mandarin introduces about fifteen new silk and brocade patterns each
-year, originated by its own designer, Doris Saunders, with such names
-as Cherry Blossom, Ivory Blue, Sing Song and Garland. Its stockroom
-carries nearly 500 patterns, including as many as eight different color
-variations on a single pattern. Wives of visiting VIPs often tend to go
-haywire when exposed to this exciting inventory, and have had to be led
-or dragged away from the shelves. Most of the brocades are woven by the
-Fou Wah mills in Tsuen Wan. Finished garments are packed in waterproof
-paper and special shipping boxes and sent to the U.S. by air express or
-sea freight.
-
-Mandarin keeps its finger on the high-fashion pulse through its Dynasty
-Salon in the colony’s Hotel Peninsula, but it also cagily remains in
-touch with a wider and less sophisticated market by noting what the
-American sailors buy at its servicemen’s outlet in Wanchai, where the
-fleet comes in.
-
-Textiles have become the largest single factor in the colony’s economy.
-Textile exports totaled $273.5 million in 1960, or 55 percent of the
-colony’s entire domestic exports. In 1961, textiles constituted 52
-percent of all exports. The industry employs 42 percent of all the
-workers in registered and recorded industries. It has a capacity of
-614,000 spindles and 18,700 looms.
-
-All this is cause for rejoicing in Hong Kong textile circles, but to
-textile producers in England, the United States and Canada, it is a
-problem that becomes greater all the time. The United States absorbed 31
-percent of the colony’s textile exports in 1960, and the British Isles
-were a close second with 26 percent. Textile exports to the United
-States took a sharp drop in 1961, while those to the British Isles showed
-only a slight decline.
-
-There was much concern among Lancashire mill-owners when Hong Kong
-cottons began to hit the English market. American textile producers
-and textile union leaders joined in a protest that was echoed with
-lesser volume by the Canadian textile industry. In all three countries,
-textile men declared that if they had to compete with Hong Kong’s low
-wage-scales, they would be driven to the wall.
-
-American textile producers have their own special complaints against the
-Hong Kong industry. They point out that because of the existing price
-differential, Hong Kong can buy U.S. cotton at 8½ cents less per pound
-than American mills can, and that the colony has been stocking up heavily
-on it. In 1960, Hong Kong imported 55 percent of its raw cotton from
-the United States. The U.S. textile men say that while Japan’s textile
-exports have been held down by a five-year quota limitation, Hong Kong
-has rushed in to sell America the items that Japan agreed not to sell.
-
-The demand for restrictions on colony textile exports to the United
-States began in 1958. United States officials visited the colony in 1959
-with a proposal for a voluntary cut in the exports. The Hong Kong garment
-manufacturers proposed a three-year quota arrangement, starting in July,
-1960, to hold exports to the 1959 level, plus 15 percent on cotton
-blouses and blouse sets, shorts and trousers, sport shirts, brassieres
-and pajamas. American textile producers immediately rejected the proposal
-as far too generous to Hong Kong competitors.
-
-During the negotiations, American importers placed huge orders with Hong
-Kong to get in ahead of the threatened limitations. When the agreement
-blew up, they found an interesting variety of reasons why they couldn’t
-accept most of what they had ordered, such as late deliveries, and
-unsatisfactory quality. Exports to the U.S. dropped and the decline
-persisted into 1961.
-
-In May, 1961, President Kennedy proposed an international textile
-conference to work out some agreeable way to control textile exports.
-The United States then suggested that Hong Kong cut its textile exports
-at least 30 percent below the levels of 1960. But the word “quota” had
-assumed a fearsome aspect in Hong Kong because of a textile agreement
-involving the colony, England, India and Pakistan. Hong Kong had agreed
-to limit its exports to the British Isles, provided that Pakistan and
-India would do the same. In 1961, the Hong Kong industry began to suspect
-that India and Pakistan might jump the traces, leaving the colony
-interests holding the bag.
-
-A large section of the Hong Kong press is rabidly pro-textile industry,
-and every American move toward textile controls is headlined as a thrust
-at the heart of the colony’s principal industry. Communist papers shoved
-their way into the act by crying that American restrictions would starve
-the refugee workers who left the People’s Republic of China to escape
-that very fate.
-
-After the July 1961 International Textile Conference at Geneva, the Hong
-Kong government, following long bilateral discussions with the U.S.,
-agreed to limit its exports according to the Geneva Textile Agreement,
-with July 1960-June 1961 as the base year, and dividing the affected
-export items into 64 different categories. Starting date of the agreement
-was October 1, 1961.
-
-Meanwhile, the United States Tariff Commission began to study the
-8½-cents-a-pound cotton export differential at the direction of President
-Kennedy. Genuinely alarmed, Hong Kong business groups hired Dean
-Acheson, lawyer and former American Secretary of State, to represent them
-before the Commission and help to retain the price differential.
-
-The textile volcano erupted again in March, 1962, when the colony
-government, acting under the one-year agreement that went into effect
-the previous October, banned eight categories of textile exports to the
-United States. The Hong Kong _Tiger Standard_, clamorous advocate of the
-textile interests, excoriated the move as a prelude to economic ruin.
-Pandemonium ran through the industry. The government ban was lifted
-almost immediately. Prospects of a peaceful solution seemed as poor as
-ever.
-
-On September 6, 1962, the U.S. Tariff Commission voted to retain the
-8½-cent export differential and rejected a proposal to raise the duty on
-cotton imports. This action coaxed the Hong Kong manufacturers out of
-their sulks, but it sent the American textile-makers into a fresh tantrum.
-
-Hong Kong’s motion picture industry is one of the world’s most prolific,
-and least-known, producers of feature films. More than 300 feature-length
-pictures were made in 1961 by its six major studios and scores of
-independent producers who rented working space from the big studios. All
-were in Cantonese or Mandarin, aimed at the Overseas Chinese market in
-Taiwan, the Philippines, Southeast Asia and elsewhere. Mandarin features
-are generally based on heroic or historical themes, with rich costuming
-and elaborate sets; each one takes 35 to 40 days of shooting and costs
-around $40,000. A few Mandarin films have contemporary stories. Cantonese
-films, usually drawing on time-tested plots from Cantonese opera, can be
-run off in 10 or 15 days for less than $20,000 and are more popular than
-Mandarin with the Hong Kong fans.
-
-As might be guessed from their shooting schedule, many of these quickies
-are rubbish. But the quality of the Mandarin films has improved, and a
-few super-productions costing as much as $175,000 are made every year.
-Hong Kong films have won top honors at the East Asian Film Festival for
-the last four years.
-
-The Shaw Brothers, Run Run Shaw and Run Me Shaw, bill themselves with
-typical cinematic restraint as The Greatest Purveyors of Entertainment in
-the Far East, and are the kings of the local industry. Late in 1961 they
-moved their Hong Kong organization into a modern and elaborate studio at
-Clearwater Bay in the New Territories. Its four sound stages were to be
-increased to six within a few months, and its employed force numbered
-several hundred, plus an equal number of low-paid extras.
-
-Lin Dai, twenty-six-year-old beauty and box-office queen of the Shaw
-Brothers studio, took the 1961 best-actress Golden Harvest Award. As the
-highest-paid star, she earned $42,000 annually on a three-picture-a-year
-contract. A singer, actress and dancer, she is stunning by any standards,
-East or West, and the studio plans to release some of her best films in
-the American art-theater circuit. Thus far, their American audience has
-been restricted to Chinese-American viewers.
-
-The Shaws, who also own studios in Malaya and a chain of 120 theaters in
-Southeast Asia, began operations in Hong Kong three years after Grandview
-Film Co. founded the local industry in 1933. After a slow start, the
-industry boomed in the early 1950s, overexpanded and crashed, leaving
-only four companies in the field by 1956. Pro-Nationalist studios such as
-Shaw Brothers have no market in Red China, but there are a number of Hong
-Kong film-makers who have a pro-Communist slant. Shaw’s new studio can
-produce wide-screen pictures, overcoming one of the handicaps that has
-limited the growth of the industry in the colony. Generally speaking,
-there is still plenty of room for technical and artistic improvement.
-
-The 1961 Hong Kong census reported a total of 337,000 women in all
-the employed forces, yet women have played a disproportionately small
-part in the direction of industry and public affairs until the last
-twenty years or so. It is not surprising that Chinese women were
-excluded from public life, since they had few rights outside their
-homes until the establishment of the Chinese Republic in 1911. But
-British women, presumably well-educated and qualified to take executive
-responsibilities, found few opportunities to do so. The fact that Queen
-Victoria ruled the colony for the first sixty years of its existence
-should have helped, but it didn’t. What influence women had was unseen,
-and was exerted through their husbands or other men.
-
-Even today there is not one woman in the top echelon of Hong Kong
-government, although women constitute about one-twelfth of the
-government’s Class I and II administrative staff officers (more than a
-third of these women are Chinese).
-
-In nongovernmental posts, there are about ten women conducting their own
-retail shops, chiefly in fashions, jewelry and objets d’art. Rosalind
-Henwood, an American, heads an air freight forwarding business.
-
-There are about a dozen women of prominence in writing, advertising and
-publicity. Two of them, Mrs. Beatrice M. Church and Miss Elma Kelly,
-direct their own advertising and publicity agencies. Mrs. Church, a
-former Far Eastern correspondent for the _London Daily Mail_, survived
-Japanese air attacks and ship-sinkings during World War II, served in the
-SWANS, a women’s service affiliated with the British Navy, and returned
-to Hong Kong to reestablish the pioneering advertising and publicity
-firm she had founded with her husband, Captain Charles Church. Captain
-Church, his health shattered by Japanese tortures during imprisonment
-at Singapore, died of the effects of his injuries in 1950. Mrs. Church
-assumed sole control of the business, the Advertising and Publicity
-Bureau, and has successfully operated it since then. Miss Kelly, a native
-of Melbourne, Australia, began her career as an analytical chemist.
-She also was a Japanese war prisoner before setting up her own agency,
-Cathay, Ltd., in Hong Kong.
-
-There are about 20 women executives and administrators in private
-or semipublic health and welfare agencies. Women staff officers in
-government health and welfare work number approximately 150—by far the
-largest group of women in civil-service staff posts. The colony has a
-small number of women doctors, educators and lawyers, plus one architect,
-but most women professionals in these fields are government officers.
-
-Women employed in art or cultural activities total about fifteen,
-including several Chinese movie actresses. Miss Aileen Woods, a colony
-resident for nearly forty years, is widely known for her Down Memory
-Lane program over Radio Hong Kong, which she conducted from 1947 to
-1954. A Japanese prisoner in Hong Kong during the war, she subsisted on
-a semistarvation diet of rice, fish and boiled sweet-potato leaves; her
-weight fell to 81 pounds and many of her fellow prisoners died. Miss
-Woods, now seventy-five years old and in excellent health, was honored by
-a personal visit from Princess Alexandra of Kent during the Princess’s
-tour of Hong Kong in November, 1961. She was awarded the Coronation Medal
-in 1953, and the Member of the British Empire in 1958. She still does
-occasional programs for Radio Hong Kong, a government agency, and is
-regarded as the unofficial dean of the colony’s working women, having
-begun her career as a world-touring featured dancer in the _Ziegfeld
-Follies_ and other shows more than fifty years ago.
-
-In private business and professional activities, as in government staff
-positions, about one-third of the colony’s career women are Chinese, and
-both groups of women have achieved much greater prestige and success than
-any previous generation of the colony’s women. Among the Tanka fishing
-people of Hong Kong, women own most of the fishing junks. On Po Toi, a
-small island southeast of Hong Kong Island, a Chinese woman, who died in
-1957, held the rank of village elder; as such, she was the arbiter of all
-local disputes, having an authority rarely given to women. Many women
-in the colony hope that the lady from Po Toi will become a trend-setter
-instead of a legend.
-
-What are the prospects for Hong Kong industry and trade? Among the
-many persons who have weighed these prospects are three of the most
-influential men in the commercial life of the colony: Hugh Barton,
-chairman and managing director of Jardine, Matheson & Co.; Sir Michael
-Turner, chairman, general manager and a director of the Hongkong &
-Shanghai Banking Corp.; and John L. Marden, chairman of Wheelock, Marden
-& Co. A listing of their combined directorships would fill two closely
-printed pages, and it would be only a mild exaggeration to say that
-they and the companies they head are in everything of a business nature
-in the colony. Each man also holds an important position in the colony
-government; Sir Michael as an unofficial member of the Executive Council,
-Mr. Barton as an unofficial member of the Legislative Council, and Mr.
-Marden with unofficial membership in the Urban Council.
-
-Mr. Barton heads one of the oldest and most respected business houses
-in Hong Kong, with financial or operational control of companies in such
-diverse lines as real estate, shipping, wharves, warehousing, insurance,
-utilities, textiles, transport, engineering, airlines and trading.
-Jardine’s, as it is commonly called, was deeply engaged in the opium
-trade during the colony’s early years, but has long since turned to other
-interests.
-
-One of its recent investments, the Jardine Dyeing & Finishing Co.,
-was established two years ago and now produces two million yards of
-high-quality cloth per month.
-
-Barton believes that if the United States drops the 8½-cents-a-pound
-cotton export differential, most of the cloth produced in Hong Kong will
-not be able to compete in the world market. Of the 500 million yards
-of cloth produced annually by Hong Kong, a relatively small amount is
-exported to the United States.
-
-However, Barton feels, removal of the 8½-cent differential would cripple
-the local industry’s efforts to produce its cloth cheaply enough to
-compete in the markets of Southeast Asia and elsewhere.
-
-“Many people urge the textile industry to accept tight controls of its
-exports, or they want our textile producers to diversify by going into
-new industries,” he says. “But the imposition of such controls doesn’t
-fit the character of Hong Kong, which has prospered because it is a free
-port with a minimum of controls.
-
-“Of course it is easy to advise diversification, but what about the
-Shanghai textile industrialists who spent a lifetime becoming experts in
-the business? The Hong Kong textile industry is built on that knowledge,
-and it can’t be reconverted to some other industry overnight,” Barton
-states.
-
-He feels that some degree of diversification is certainly desirable, but
-that Hong Kong cannot afford to drop its textile industry.
-
-“There is a fresh Indonesian market for low-grade textiles produced
-here,” he says. “And there are many good markets for Hong Kong’s made-up
-cloth.”
-
-He points out that local industry in many lines was hit by a 1961
-substantial rise in shipping costs and port charges. In turn, the
-shipping industry has taken a loss from the invasion of the dry-cargo
-field by the super-tankers originally built to ship oil. Freighters,
-tramp steamers, and ocean liners have all experienced a drop-off in
-profits because of this invasion, he declares. Many new nations, partly
-influenced by national pride and prestige, have launched their own
-shipping lines, further crowding and depressing the profit margins of
-existing lines.
-
-“Industrial production and tourism are our two lungs,” Barton says of
-Hong Kong’s economy. “We not only have to maintain our present employment
-levels; we must also find jobs for thousands and thousands of young
-people in the next few years.”
-
-He cites one of the major discoveries of the 1961 census—that 40.8
-percent of the total population of Hong Kong is under fifteen years of
-age—as evidence of the coming demand for new jobs.
-
-Accustomed to economic upheavals, Jardine’s has adapted itself to changed
-conditions by investing in growth industries, and by developing new
-industrial sites at Tsuen Wan, Kwun Tong and West Point. It is selling
-some of its land holdings to finance a six-year modernization of the
-wharf operations of the Hongkong and Kowloon Wharf & Godown Co. Its new
-international ship terminal in Kowloon, costing $7 to $8 million, will
-include a pier 1,200 feet long, and will have car parks, shopping areas
-and a bowling alley.
-
-Sir Michael Turner, head of the Hongkong & Shanghai Bank, emphasizes that
-local industries, confronted with restrictions in their export markets,
-must seek new markets for their output.
-
-“Our land and labor costs are rising,” Sir Michael says. “But we must be
-able to compete with Japan, Formosa, and ultimately, Red China. Red China
-can ignore costs and flood our markets, as they did previously in shoes
-and textiles.”
-
-Sir Michael has a limited faith in the doctrine that the colony’s market
-problems can be solved by diversification of its industries.
-
-“Even diversification means that we’ll encounter resistance in the new
-lines we enter.” He believes that the colony’s industries must maintain
-quality and raise it where possible, rather than lowering standards to
-compete with inferior products.
-
-He says that Hong Kong has attracted investment capital from all over
-Southeast Asia because of its exceptional political stability, and
-because local industry was not disrupted by union work-stoppages. He
-cites the traditional Chinese dislike of regulation and regimentation as
-a factor inhibiting the expansion of union power.
-
-“The shortage of land and water is still our greatest limitation,” Sir
-Michael says. “Land development is very costly, and although the builder
-of an apartment house may recover his costs in one year, that is not
-possible in the construction of factories.”
-
-He notes that the colony has a serious problem of “under-employment,”
-rather than unemployment. He adds that the colony’s predominantly young
-population would necessitate a sharp increase in government spending for
-schools and hospitals. Like Mr. Barton, he recognizes that thousands of
-additional jobs must be ready for young people when they begin moving
-into the employment market.
-
-He regards the preservation of Imperial Preference as vital to the colony
-in meeting Japanese competition, but he believes that Hong Kong will not
-be injured by the European Common Market if the colony’s economic needs
-are recognized in the agreement.
-
-Although the Hongkong & Shanghai Bank is commonly viewed as the
-incarnation of everything British, its founders included an American,
-two Parsees, two Germans and an Ottoman Jew. For many years it has been
-a leader in employing and training Portuguese office workers, accepting
-them on individual merit instead of drawing a rigidly British line. The
-bank celebrates its centennial in 1964.
-
-John L. Marden is the chief executive of a company which dates from 1933
-under its present title, but has corporate origins going back to the
-opening of the China trade. The Wheelock Marden companies have interests
-in shipping, shipbuilding, textiles, finance, aviation, land, insurance,
-merchandising and many other lines.
-
-Among Hong Kong’s industrial assets, Mr. Marden lists its freedom from
-controls, its political stability, its low income tax on individuals and
-corporations and its resistance to inflation.
-
-It is his conviction that Hong Kong industry should concentrate on
-quality products, and those which require a high labor content. He cites
-transistor radios of the less complicated type as an example of the
-colony’s high-labor products.
-
-“I think we should emphasize that there is something more at stake than
-profits,” Marden says. “The colony is seeking to create 300,000 new jobs
-for the young people who will be coming on the job market soon; if we can
-do this without appealing for outside aid, then we’ve made a contribution
-to the economy of the entire free world.”
-
-In the past, he believes, colony industries just took orders as they
-came. Now, in his opinion, the industries must develop their own
-marketing facilities to discover what products are needed, and then work
-to meet these needs. He feels that there must be greater diversification
-if Hong Kong is to hold its place in the industrial world.
-
-These three men, like practically every leader in its industrial and
-political community, are acutely conscious of the many hazards that Hong
-Kong faces.
-
-And not one of them acts or speaks as though he were not solidly
-confident that Hong Kong will overcome its handicaps and external dangers
-and go on to greater prosperity.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER FIVE
-
-High Land, Low Water
-
- “It is unfortunate that the space between the foot of the
- mountains and the edge of the sea is so very limited.”—HALL &
- BERNARD, _The Nemesis in China_, 1847
-
-
-Hong Kong has always had more land and water than it could use, because
-most of the land is a hilly waste and most of the water is salty.
-
-From the first years of the colony until today, the persisting shortage
-of usable land and fresh water has confronted every governor with a
-problem that he could neither solve nor ignore. They have all wrestled
-with it, none more vigorously than the governors of the last fifteen
-years, and the problem has become more costly, complex and acute than
-ever.
-
-In any community, land and water problems are related to each other;
-in the peculiar circumstances of Hong Kong’s climate, geography and
-population, they intersect at more points than Laocoön and the serpents.
-
-Consider the governor’s alternatives: If he stores the entire run-off of
-the summer rainy season in the reservoirs it will barely meet the minimum
-needs of the urban millions on Kowloon and Hong Kong Island, and it will
-cause the withering of the crops of farmers in the New Territories during
-the winter dry season. If he cuts the city supply, how can he meet the
-ever-increasing needs of the new industrial centers, like Tsuen Wan and
-Kwun Tong, that the government is building on land reclaimed from the sea?
-
-The if’s are endless: If he stops the reclamation program to reduce
-the demand for more water, real estate costs will climb so fast that
-local industries will price themselves out of the export market. If he
-builds all the reservoirs the colony needs, who will pay for them? If he
-doesn’t, how can the fast-growing population of the colony survive? If
-the reservoirs displace more farmers, who will raise the food?
-
-The present disposition of the colony government is to provide as much
-additional land and water as it can, and let the if’s fall where they
-may. To that end, it has spent about $60 million on reclamation and
-$55 million to increase its water supply since World War II. Over the
-next decade, its further expenditures in these two areas may reach $300
-million. Many projects have not yet been authorized, but much of the
-preliminary surveying has been done. With the need for them becoming more
-imperative as the colony’s population continues to increase, it is not so
-much a question of if as of when.
-
-Allocation of several hundred million dollars to correct deficiencies
-of the topography is none too large for the job that must be done. When
-one has noted that Hong Kong has a sheltered deep-water harbor (probably
-the bed of an old river that flowed from west to east), that one-seventh
-of its land is arable, and that its mines and quarries yield a modest
-amount of iron ore, building stone, kaolin clay, graphite, lead, wolfram
-and a few other minerals, one has exhausted the list of its terrestrial
-assets. Its liabilities are unlimited.
-
-Three broken lines of perpendicular hills cut across the colony from
-northeast to southwest, with irregular spurs branching off haphazardly;
-two dozen peaks poke up from 1,000 to 3,140 feet. Eighty percent of the
-surface is either too steep for roads or buildings, too barren to grow
-anything but wiry grass or scrub, too swampy to walk through or so hacked
-up by erosion that it is worthless and an eyesore. The rest, except for
-farmland, is either in forest or packed with people in numbers ranging
-from 1,800 to 2,800 an acre. Rivers tumble from the high hills in all
-directions, but they are short and unreliable, mostly summer torrents and
-winter trickles.
-
-Hong Kong’s weather is impartially disrespectful toward annual averages,
-periodic tables and the population. Rainfall averages about 85 inches a
-year, with the rainy season extending from April through September. There
-have been long summer droughts and ruinous winter floods. On July 19,
-1926, it rained nearly 4 inches in one hour and 21 inches in 24 hours.
-
-Prevailing winds blow from the east in every month but June, and the
-colony’s fishing settlements have been located to protect them from it.
-The protection avails nothing against typhoons, which usually form in the
-Caroline Islands, curve northwards over the Philippines and hit Hong Kong
-from all angles, principally during the June to October season, though
-there is no month which has not had at least one of them. Four out of
-five bypass the colony, but the fifth may inflict devastation on ships,
-boats and shoreline villages. It never snows and freezing temperatures
-are extremely rare, yet the high, year-round humidity can put a raw edge
-on cool wintry days and make summer clothing stickily uncomfortable.
-Except for flat farmland in the northwestern New Territories, topsoil is
-thin, highly acid and leaches badly during the rainy season.
-
-This chronicle of drawbacks only tends to revive the question every
-British administrator since 1841 must have asked himself: Why did we ever
-settle this hump-backed wasteland? They have answered the question by a
-dogged and unremitting effort to make it a habitable place.
-
-The first English traders had scarcely settled along the north shore of
-Hong Kong Island when it became evident that there was a shortage of
-suitable land. The slopes of Mt. Gough and Victoria Peak rose steeply
-behind Queen’s Road, the only street along the shore. Holders of
-waterfront lots on the road extended them toward the harbor pretty much
-at random, giving them more level land but creating a jagged shoreline
-unprotected by any seawall. Several governors sought to build a straight
-and solid seawall, but the lot-holders balked at paying its cost.
-
-Two poorly constructed seawalls, erected in piecemeal fashion, were
-wrecked by typhoons before the government was able to push through a
-unified seawall and reclamation scheme. By 1904, a massive seawall
-stretched along the island front for two miles, and Queen’s Road stood
-two blocks inland from the harbor. Most of the colony’s principal office
-buildings have been built on this reclaimed land.
-
-Once the value of reclamation had been proved, the whole northern shore
-of the island was gradually faced with a seawall. Much of the Wanchai
-district rose from the sea in the 1920s and its new-found land was soon
-covered with tenements or bars and cabarets catering to the sailors’
-trade. Swamps became solid ground and promontories were swallowed up by
-the seven-mile-long reclamation.
-
-Starting in 1867, a succession of seawall and land-fill projects altered
-the size and shape of the Kowloon Peninsula.
-
-By the time of the Japanese invasion, a total of 1,425 acres, or more
-than two square miles, had been reclaimed. The gain was twofold, for it
-not only added level land, it absorbed all the fill from sites where
-obstructing hills had been cut down to make existing ground usable.
-
-The foundation of the colony’s tourist industry and air cargo business
-rests on land reclaimed from Kowloon Bay and converted into an
-international airport. Its name and its origin go back to 1918, when two
-real estate promoters, Sir Kai Ho Kai and Au Tak, organized the Kai Tak
-Land Development Co. to create building sites by filling in the northern
-end of Kowloon Bay. Homesites and an 800-foot-long airstrip were in use
-on the land by 1924, with Fowler’s Flying School the first aviation
-tenant. Government took it over in 1930, improving and enlarging it in
-preparation for the first international flight, an Imperial Airways’
-weekly service to Penang started March 24, 1936, linking with the main
-route between England and Australia. Four other international airlines,
-including Pan American and Air France, joined the formation before the
-Japanese seized the field in 1941. The Japanese extended its area and
-built two concrete runways, but its buildings were bombed into rubble
-before the war ended.
-
-Restored to full operations in 1947, Kai Tak handled the strangest
-one-way traffic boom in its history. In one month of 1949, 41,000
-passengers were flown in from China to escape the advancing Communist
-armies. Mainland service ended a year later, and traffic declined to
-one-third of its former volume. The field itself, penned in by rocky
-peaks, had reached the limits of its development, and the largest
-four-engined ships were rapidly outgrowing it. For jets, it would be a
-cow pasture at the bottom of a canyon.
-
-The Department of Civil Aviation, after concluding that nothing further
-could be done to expand the existing field, began casting around for
-alternate sites. Fourteen of them, including Stonecutters Island and
-Stanley Bay, were ruled out for excessive cost, inaccessibility, or risky
-topography before the experts decided to put the airport right next to
-the old one, on a strip of land that didn’t then exist.
-
-The government put up the money and the job of building a promontory
-7,800 feet long and 800 feet wide that would point directly into Kowloon
-Bay began in 1956. A few hills would have to be knocked down to clear the
-approaches, but disposal of the dirt would be simple, since 20 million
-cubic yards of fill were needed to build the promontory. The new airport
-runway was to have a length of 8,350 feet, extending the full length of
-the reclaimed strip and well beyond its landward end.
-
-Three thousand laborers, most of them hauling dirt by hand, worked nearly
-three years to lay down the man-made peninsula. Although it was near
-the old airport, it overcame the earlier field’s approach limitations
-by being pointed straight at the 1,500-foot-wide harbor entrance of Lei
-Yue Mun, and at the opposite end, having the Kowloon hills truncated to
-permit another clear shot at the runway, depending on which direction
-best fitted weather conditions.
-
-The new runway went into use in 1958, with the completion of the terminal
-coming several years later. Temporary terminal buildings bulged with
-incoming tourists, but they were moved through these buildings fairly
-well. Most colony residents are hardly aware of the arrival and departure
-of the huge jets, though they shake the earth with their thunder as
-they pass over Kowloon. Kai Tak has become a full 24-hour airport. Its
-200-foot-wide runway is stressed to take a maximum plane weight of
-400,000 pounds, well above the limit of the heaviest airliners. From the
-air it looks like a super-highway lost at sea.
-
-[Illustration: North from Victoria Peak. The colony government and main
-business section are chiefly based on Hong Kong Island, foreground.
-Kowloon Peninsula and the long runway of Kai Tak Airport lie at top
-center. The New Territories start with the mountains in the background,
-extend north to the Red China border. Hong Kong is one of the busiest
-seaports in the world.]
-
-[Illustration: Hong Kong in a hurry. Queens Road Central, in the colony’s
-commercial center, swarms with pedestrians in a typical noon-hour rush.]
-
-[Illustration: A Chinese funeral procession. Chief mourners ride in a
-rickshaw. Street bands, drummers, and cymbal players march with them.
-Firecrackers are exploded along the way to dispel evil spirits.]
-
-[Illustration: Many picturesque laddered streets, such as the one above,
-climb the slopes of Victoria Peak in the heavily populated Western
-District of Hong Kong Island. Passable only by foot or in sedan chair,
-they also serve as playgrounds for children and runs for dogs, cats, and
-chickens.]
-
-[Illustration: Night view of Government House, executive mansion of Hong
-Kong’s British Governor. Behind it are Victoria Peak and tiers of fine
-apartment buildings.]
-
-[Illustration: Billy Tingle, the colony’s best known athletic instructor,
-demonstrates the game of cricket to young pupils at the Hong Kong Cricket
-Club.]
-
-[Illustration: In contrast to Hong Kong’s many fashionable and modern
-houses and apartment buildings, thousands of tightly packed boats serve
-as floating homes in the mud flats of Aberdeen, on Hong Kong Island.
-Periodically they are damaged or destroyed by typhoon.]
-
-[Illustration: Bearded monsters like the one above adorn the prow of
-rowing shells which participate in Hong Kong’s annual Dragon Boat
-Festival races, part of a colorful religious observance held annually in
-the late spring.]
-
-[Illustration: Workmen unload 800-pound hampers of vegetables from Red
-China at Lo Wu, where a railroad bridge crosses the Sham Chun River on
-the Hong Kong-China border. The Communist flag flies above guard post at
-the right.]
-
-[Illustration: A marine police inspector at Hong Kong hauls in a
-water-logged sampan used by six refugees in their escape from Red China.
-They spent three nights and two days in the leaky craft before a fishing
-junk picked them up near Lantau Island. Because of the overwhelming
-number of refugees arriving in Hong Kong police were forced to return the
-six to Red China.]
-
-[Illustration: This Hong Kong heroin addict has been reduced to near
-starvation by his craving for the drug. Drug addiction in the colony is
-closely related to crime and poor living conditions.]
-
-[Illustration: A hollowed-out wooden doll found in the home of a dope
-smuggler. The heroin cache, covered with a closely fitted lid, was
-difficult to detect.]
-
-[Illustration: Girls at work in the vast spinning room of the South Sea
-Textile Manufacturing Co. at Tsuen Wan, Hong Kong, one of the world’s
-most modern textile mills.]
-
-[Illustration: By contrast, a woman uses a primitive wooden plow to till
-a rice field in the New Territories, where power equipment is too large
-and too costly for the tiny farms.]
-
-[Illustration: A carpenter at a Shau Kei Wan shipyard on Hong Kong Island
-uses an ancient bow type of drill in building a Chinese junk.]
-
-[Illustration: At another yard in Shau Kei Wan, a workman employs a
-portable electric power drill. Primitive and modern tools often are used
-side-by-side in the changing and expanding Hong Kong boat industry.]
-
-[Illustration: A young refugee Chinese girl paints artificial birds at
-the China Refugee Development Organization factory in Kowloon, where
-about 40,000 of these wire paper and cotton birds are produced every
-month for sale overseas.]
-
-[Illustration: A welfare pioneer, Gus Borgeest established a farm colony
-on desolate Sunshine Island, Hong Kong, to teach refugees how to raise
-crops on marginal land. With him is his wife, Mona, and Ruth, one of
-their daughters.]
-
-[Illustration: A freighter moored to a Hong Kong harbor buoy off-loads
-its cargo into junks and lighters. There most cargo is handled in this
-way, rather than by transferring it directly to piers.]
-
-[Illustration: Fishing junks sail along Tolo Channel, one of the
-deep-water inlets in the Eastern New Territories of Hong Kong. The bleak
-hills are characteristic of the colony’s predominately rocky, barren
-terrain.]
-
-[Illustration: Refugees from Red China collect tin, tar paper, scrap
-lumber and sacking for use in making their flimsy shelters. Multi-story
-concrete resettlement developments are gradually replacing such shacks in
-Hong Kong.]
-
-Opening of the new Kai Tak Airport brought the colony an additional gain
-by freeing 70 acres of the old field for industrial development.
-
-Less than half a mile from the seaward end of Kai Tak, the first new town
-in the government’s history is being built—Kwun Tong, an industrial,
-commercial and residential area along the northeastern shore of Kowloon
-Bay. A ten-year project of large extent, it required the removal of a
-whole range of hills. The spoil was then hauled to the bay and dumped
-behind a protecting seawall 2,477 feet long. The leveled hills and the
-land reclaimed from the sea will provide a 514-acre site, close to a
-square mile, for an industrial center whose population is expected to
-reach 300,000 within a few years.
-
-Digging and filling began in 1955 and have proceeded with such speed that
-today, in order to get a panoramic view of the project, one has to go to
-a hill three quarters of a mile back from the seawall. Block after block
-of multi-storied factories stretch along the sea front, approximately
-eighty of them, several blocks deep in the industrial zone between the
-seawall and Kwun Tong Road, which cuts directly across the town. On the
-landward side of Kwun Tong Road, the commercial and recreational zones
-are beginning to take shape; behind them, the long files of resettlement
-estates housing 60,000 persons and various government-aided housing for
-another 15,000. Privately built houses are also being developed.
-
-Kwun Tong has all the noisy, dusty confusion of any construction job in
-progress, but there are already 15,000 people working in its completed
-factories, making cotton yarn, furniture, garments, and other products.
-Most of the factories are humming and a few betray signs of hasty
-organization. One plant spent two years tinkering with stop-gap orders
-for simple novelties while its management tried to find some profitable
-use for a million dollars’ worth of fine machinery standing idle under
-its roof.
-
-Kwun Tong will never be a beauty spot because its main function is
-industrial. Nearly half its total area will be reserved for homes and
-commercial use, however. Proceeds from land sales are expected to repay
-the government for its $17 million investment in Kwun Tong.
-
-Tsuen Wan, a second industrial town about eight miles northwest of Kwun
-Tong in the New Territories, has reclaimed around 70 acres from the sea.
-Gin Drinkers’ Bay, an adjoining inlet used for ship-breaking, is being
-filled in to provide 400 more acres of industrial sites. No one knows
-the origin of its name but it no longer matters; this glass will soon
-be filled with earth. When completed, Tsuen Wan will be a town of about
-175,000 people.
-
-Specialized reclamation projects have been pushed ahead at many other
-spots. At North Point, on Hong Kong Island, 12,000 people live in tall
-apartments built on recently reclaimed land. The new City Hall opened in
-1962 on reclaimed waterfront land in the Central District. Five blocks
-of the central waterfront, just west of the reclaimed land on which the
-Star Ferry’s Hong Kong Island terminal sits, are being extended several
-hundred feet into the harbor for more building sites.
-
-The principal land-fill operations have been restricted to the island
-and Kowloon Bay, except for Tseun Wan. The limitation has been human,
-rather than geographic; most urban workers can’t afford to travel to
-outlying locations and they don’t want to anyway. They plainly prefer the
-excitement, gossip and sociability of the crowded cities.
-
-Nevertheless, central reclamation possibilities are running out, unless
-the government proposes to pave its entire harbor. As a more likely
-alternative, it sent engineers out in 1957 to study reclamation sites
-in the bays and shallow inlets of the New Territories. Five have been
-tentatively chosen that could be developed to create 3,000 more acres
-of land. The cost would come to more than $83 million, so there’s no
-eagerness to tackle the project at once.
-
-The never-ending task of providing more land for the colony’s growing
-population would be meaningless without the assurance of an adequate
-water supply. At this stage in the colony’s development, even when the
-work of increasing the water supply is proceeding on a scale no previous
-generation would have attempted, the builders and planners are not
-deluding themselves. They know that when they have completed the last
-unit of the reservoir system under construction, the needs of the colony
-will probably have outstripped its capacity. There were times in the past
-when some optimistic governor, presiding at the opening of a new dam or
-reservoir, fancied that the problem had been met. The next drought was
-sufficient to knock his hopeful predictions into a cocked hat.
-
-Hong Kong has never been inclined to waste water. On the rare occasions
-when its people had a full supply, as in certain periods of 1958 and
-1959, its maximum average consumption ran to about 88 million gallons a
-day for nearly 3,000,000 people. New York City, with just under 8,000,000
-people, consumes about 1 billion 200 million gallons a day. Because of
-an unparalleled water-supply system, Americans are the world’s champion
-water-wasters. An American will use 100 gallons a day, compared with 27
-gallons per person in Hong Kong, and about 50 gallons per person in Great
-Britain.
-
-There are compelling reasons why Hong Kong residents will not waste
-water. The colony, unlike New York City, cannot draw from a watershed
-covering several states. Except for a relatively small amount piped in
-from Red China since 1960, it has had to rely on surface water collected
-entirely from its 398¼ square miles of land area, which is about
-one-fourth larger than New York City. And it has to get the water while
-the getting is good; during the annual five-month dry season, the surface
-run-off averages only 600,000 gallons a day.
-
-The colony may have been mistaken from the start about its potential
-water resources; even before it was established, sailing ships stopped
-regularly at Hong Kong Island to draw clear, sparkling water from its
-hillside springs. After the island was settled the springs soon fell
-short of needs, and five wells were sunk to tap new sources of supply.
-Their levels, too, sank as rapidly as the population rose. Governor
-Hercules Robinson expressed his concern over the dwindling supplies by
-offering $5,000 in 1859 to anyone who could design a reservoir system
-adequate for 85,000 residents. S. B. Rawling, civilian clerk-of-works
-for the Army Royal Engineers, took the prize with a plan to build a
-2-million-gallon reservoir at Pok Fu Lam, on the slopes of Victoria Peak,
-and carry the water through a ten-inch pipe to tanks above Victoria City.
-
-Completed in four years, Pok Fu Lam proved to be short of the need even
-then, for the population had risen to 125,000. Striving to catch up, the
-colony installed a much larger reservoir above Pok Fu Lam, linked it
-to a pair of supplementary reservoirs, and discovered that the demand
-was still in advance of supply. Before the end of the century, new
-reservoirs had been added at Tai Tam and Wong Nai Chung, and the water
-finally reached the eastern sections of the city. Filtration through sand
-beds was also incorporated into the system.
-
-None of these efforts satisfied the popular needs for long. Completion
-of Tai Tam Tuk Reservoir in 1917 near the southeastern end of the island
-raised the storage capacity to 1 billion, 419 gallons and everyone
-thought the problem was solved at last. A series of punishing droughts
-killed that bright hope, and the building of the Aberdeen Reservoirs
-rounded out all the parts of the island that could be drained for
-storage. Two reservoirs on the Kowloon Peninsula were tied to the island
-with underwater pipelines, but this was done only after a spring drought
-in 1929 had dried up five of the island’s six reservoirs, making it
-necessary to bring in water by ship from as far away as Shanghai.
-
-The rain-gathering potential of the New Territories had been exploited
-by the 1930s with the construction of the Shek Li Pui and the Jubilee
-Reservoirs. When the Japanese arrived, they found 13 reservoirs with a
-storage capacity of 6 billion gallons. They let the mains deteriorate
-during their occupation of the colony, applying their own brand of
-water-rationing by cutting off all supply to entire sections of the
-colony whenever they chose to.
-
-Following World War II, the government tried deep boring to reach
-underground water resources, but this turned out to be scarcely worth
-the effort. After years of surveying and study, engineers laid out the
-Tai Lam Chung Reservoir System, at the central western end of the New
-Territories. This called for construction of a two-section dam 2,300
-feet long and 200 feet high. This gigantic main dam, built entirely
-of concrete, created a reservoir of 4 billion, 500 million gallons.
-Twenty-three miles of “catchwaters,” or concrete channels to trap run-off
-from the rains, funneled the surface water from 11,000 acres into the
-reservoir. It took eight years to construct, being completed in 1960 at a
-cost of almost $25 million.
-
-None of these large dams served the needs of the hundreds of small
-villages in the New Territories, which still relied on wells and streams
-or threw up earth dams in hilly areas to form their own miniature
-reservoirs. After World War II the colony government and the Kadoorie
-Agricultural Aid Association, a private philanthropic body, furnished
-grants of cement to replace these crude and leaky installations with
-concrete dams and concrete-lined wells, plus pipes to carry the water
-into the villages.
-
-Rice crops in the New Territories were dependent on their own irrigation
-systems, traditionally constructed of earth channels and dams. They were
-laid out with evident shrewdness to cover the greatest possible area,
-but the dams and channels had to be nursed along constantly to prevent
-leaking and to keep them from becoming choked with weeds. The government
-and the Kadoorie Association also furnished materials to replace these
-systems with concrete dams and channels. Nearly 600 dams and more than
-220,000 feet of channels have been improved in this way since World War
-II.
-
-When the Tai Lam Chung Reservoir was under construction, a very delicate
-balance of catchwaters and irrigation channels had to be worked out so
-that the reservoir collected all the excess summer rain not required for
-irrigation, but did not draw off the sparse winter rains which farmers
-had to have. The farmers’ initial assumption when they saw the huge
-catchwater channels passing the farms on their way to the reservoir was
-that they were being robbed of water; it took considerable diplomacy and
-convincing proof to allay their suspicions.
-
-Farmers who learned that their villages were about to be inundated by
-the big reservoir were even less happy. They rejected the government’s
-proposal to move them to another rural area and insisted on moving, if
-move they must, to the developing industrial town of Tsuen Wan. They
-received the full market price for their farm property and were resettled
-in new houses at Tsuen Wan, with shop space they could rent to replace
-their farming income. A few holdouts threatened to stay in their old
-homes until the reservoir floated them to glory, but belatedly reversed
-themselves and walked out on dry land.
-
-The Tai Lam Chung relocation was hardly concluded when the government
-found itself involved in an even knottier problem. Continuing demands
-for more water forced the construction of still another dam—Shek Pik,
-on Lantau Island. This was a remote part of the colony, much larger
-than Hong Kong Island, but completely without roads until 1957. A
-few government people visited the island regularly, but its isolated
-villages, with their square stone towers or “cannon houses,” were more
-likely to regard all visitors as pirates until proved otherwise. Armed
-and alert, they holed up in the towers to defend themselves against
-marauders who still stage occasional raids in sparsely settled areas.
-
-Two villages in southwestern Lantau, Shek Pik and Fan Pui, would have
-to be removed to make way for the new dam. Their people, having no
-knowledge of modern technology and no need for a dam, viewed the project
-with fear and hostility. The dam was not, in fact, being built for them;
-its collected water was to be carried by pipeline to Hong Kong Island,
-Kowloon and Peng Chau. Fan Pui, the smaller village, had to be treated
-with diplomacy and compensated before its 62 people consented to move to
-another rural area on the island. Inhabitants of Shek Pik elected to move
-to Tsuen Wan, settling in new five-story blocks. The oldest inhabitant,
-an eighty-six-year-old woman, made the transfer with full official
-ceremony, her sedan chair borne by four policemen. The ancestral tablets
-and household gods also made the trip on the shoulder-poles of respectful
-bearers. Anything less than this diplomatic ritual would have made the
-entire relocation impossible.
-
-Preliminary work on the Shek Pik Dam became a trail-blazing venture
-into unexplored territory. A ten-mile paved road had to be built along
-the edge of the sea from the sheltered harbor at Silver Mine Bay to
-the future dam site. Test borings at the foot of Shek Pik Valley where
-the dam was to cross disclosed that the ground was a porous mixture of
-gravel, boulders, and rotten granite down to 137 feet below the surface.
-Since the ground stood only 15 feet above sea level, seawater would be
-able to seep into the reservoir and the fresh water in the reservoir
-would escape beneath the dam, undermining it.
-
-If a regular concrete dam were to be built on such ground, its
-foundations would have to go down at least 137 feet, a frightfully
-expensive procedure. Engineers produced a reasonable alternative by using
-the recently developed technique called grouting. In this process, a
-mixture of water, cement, and clay is pumped into porous ground under
-high pressure, sealing off the foundation without requiring excavation to
-bed rock. A series of tests established that this process was feasible
-for Shek Pik, and preparations to build an earth dam were made in 1958.
-
-The dam was to be 2,300 feet long, with a maximum height of 180 feet. It
-would back up 5 billion, 400 million gallons; a third of the colony’s
-total water storage. A ten-mile tunnel was to carry the water from the
-treatment works near the dam to Silver Mine Bay. From there it would be
-pumped under the sea in twin 30-inch-diameter pipelines to reach Hong
-Kong Island, eight miles east of Lantau. Fifteen miles of catchwaters
-were to drain about twelve square miles of land, aided by the fact that
-rainfall on Lantau Island is generally ten percent heavier than on Hong
-Kong Island and is more evenly distributed throughout the year.
-
-One of the tunnels was delayed for a time by a peculiarly Chinese
-problem; its “fung shui” was regarded as injurious to a resident dragon.
-The fung shui, a very important consideration among local people, meant
-that any proposed change in the local landscape had to be undertaken
-with great care. It would never do to nip off the top of a hill that was
-shaped like a dragon, for that might blind the mythical beast and put a
-hex on the countryside. The thing to do was to hire a fung shui expert
-from a nearby village; for a suitable fee, he would propitiate the dragon
-and the work of dam-building could proceed.
-
-In a more practical way, the engineers had to install concrete channels
-and pipelines to make certain that sufficient quantities of water were
-diverted to irrigate farms near the catchment area. Hillsides above the
-big catchwaters had to be faced with chunam, a mixture of straw, lime,
-clay and cement which keeps the hillside soil from washing into the
-catchwaters and clogging them.
-
-By early 1962, the southwestern portion of Lantau was criss-crossed by
-deep catchwaters and the earth dam was rising at the foot of the valley,
-with its core of impermeable clay being made ready for a covering of
-ordinary clay and dirt. Up in the mountains at the head of the valley,
-Buddhist monks and nuns continued their quiet, contemplative existence
-in the Po Lin Monastery, almost untouched by the dam project. Even when
-a few more guests stayed overnight at the Po Lin hostel, the pattern of
-prayer and work did not change.
-
-Construction of the dam, pipelines, tunnels, and catchwaters became an
-international venture, with French, English, American, and Hong Kong
-contractors sharing the work under supervision of government engineers.
-The entire $40 million job is to be completed late in 1963.
-
-There were no claims that the completion of Shek Pik would give the
-colony all the water it required. The new dam on Lantau and the water
-pumped in from China would be helpful, but far short of indicated needs.
-
-Two factors balanced each other in planning further exploitation of the
-colony’s water resources. More reservoirs of the type already in use
-would displace more farmland than Hong Kong could afford to lose. But the
-introduction of grouting, the foundation technique successfully employed
-at Shek Pik, made it possible to consider reservoir sites which would
-have seemed ridiculously unsuitable a few years earlier. And these sites,
-it appeared, could be developed without invading farm areas.
-
-In the late 1950s, engineers of the Public Works Department and two
-consulting firms directed their search for more water toward the thinly
-settled scrub country of the eastern New Territories. This part of
-the colony consists of two peninsulas with the irregular outline of
-an ink-blot, separated by the broad, ten-mile-long Tolo Channel. Both
-peninsulas are chopped into by dozens of deep bays, coves and inlets
-bordered by high, rocky hills. Hundreds of inshore fishermen ply the
-surrounding waters, but most of the region is too barren and mountainous
-for farming.
-
-Survey engineers made two recommendations which startled laymen: (1)
-Build a 6,600-foot-long dam across the entrance of Plover Cove, a
-four-square-mile inlet from Tolo Channel, and cut it off from the sea.
-(2) Build a similar but much shorter dam to seal off Hebe Haven, an inlet
-about one-fourth as large as Plover Cove. When the dams were finished all
-that would be necessary would be to pump the seawater out of the inlets
-and let the rains fill them with fresh water. The two reservoirs would be
-enough to double the storage capacity of the colony’s water-supply system.
-
-These basic recommendations in further discussions evolved into an
-integrated scheme of tremendous size and complexity, covering the entire
-eastern half of the New Territories. It included a series of service
-reservoirs and pumping stations along a main pipeline extending from
-the Red China border to Kowloon. These would be linked to Plover Cove
-and Hebe Haven by another system of tunnels. Virtually all the surface
-rains in the eastern end of the New Territories would be fed through
-catchwaters into the two main reservoirs. Since Hebe Haven might collect
-more summer rain than it could hold, the excess water could be conveyed
-by tunnel to Plover Cove, with its much larger capacity. Even the water
-brought by pipeline from Red China would be fed into the integrated
-system. Three balancing reservoirs, to maintain a controlled and even
-flow of water, and two large new filtration plants, to purify the water
-before it made the last stage of its journey to urban consumers, were to
-become part of the system.
-
-Many of the connecting pipelines were to be designed to convey water
-in either direction, making the utmost use of storage capacity. By
-these refinements of the original recommendations, the capacity of the
-integrated scheme would be raised to 100 million gallons a day when it
-came into full use.
-
-The first stage of the gigantic new system had made remarkable progress
-by the early part of 1962. The Lion Rock Tunnel had already been begun by
-cutting through the side of a mountain to connect the filtration plant at
-Sha Tin with a pair of service reservoirs in Kowloon. The tunnel, 32 feet
-in diameter, will carry three pipelines, each four feet in diameter, and
-a two-lane, 24-foot-wide auto road three-fourths of a mile through Lion
-Rock Mountain. Excavation work on the Lion Rock Reservoirs, with a total
-capacity of 41 million gallons, had almost been completed. At the other
-end of the tunnel, at the Sha Tin filtration plant and pumping station,
-a hillside site as extensive as four football fields had been excavated
-and the spoil was being used to fill a shallow inlet. Construction of
-ten miles of tunnels and the 10-foot-high Lower Shing Mun Dam were well
-advanced.
-
-Meanwhile, engineers were probing the soil structure at the entrance
-of Plover Cove. Working from barges in 35 feet of water, they bored
-down through 35 feet of soft clay, reaching to almost twice that depth
-before they found impermeable clay and rock to form the foundation for
-their earth-fill dam. When complete, the dam will extend 35 feet above
-the water and 70 feet below it, with grouting to provide a watertight
-foundation. The main section of the dam will cross the cove’s wide
-entrance. Two shorter sections will close off side entrances to the cove.
-
-The first stage of this integrated scheme will be rounded out in 1964.
-Both Hebe Haven and Plover Cove should be ready by 1970, though any
-completion dates beyond 1964 are likely to be elastic. At each stage,
-improvements are introduced and existing goals altered.
-
-In addition to these broad-scale developments, the colony has taken
-immediate measures to conserve the present supply of fresh water by
-making it possible to use salt water for such purposes as flushing and
-fire-fighting. Since 1958, salt-water mains have been installed in four
-densely populated sections of Kowloon and two on Hong Kong Island.
-Fluoridation of the entire water supply began in March, 1961.
-
-The possibility of distillation of seawater for producing a fresh-water
-supply has been examined by engineers, but thus far the outlook is
-discouraging; the cost remains far too high. There is even a faint,
-faraway hope that some day atomic energy may be employed to distill an
-unlimited supply of fresh water from the ocean at low cost.
-
-If every phase of Hong Kong’s integrated scheme is in operation by
-1970, its water shortage may be over. Similarly, if all the reclamation
-projects now under consideration are brought to fulfillment in the next
-decade, there may be enough land to meet all ordinary requirements.
-
-The determination of these requirements, however, will derive from the
-Department of Public Works only secondarily. The primary determinant will
-come from the Registry of Marriages.
-
-Any recent visitor to the Central Marriage Registry would appreciate the
-difficulties in predicting the population of Hong Kong even five years
-hence; there the walls of two long corridors are so thickly papered with
-overlapping notices of marriage that not much more than the names and
-occupations of the prospective couples remain visible.
-
-Neither land nor water is likely to become a surplus commodity in
-tomorrow’s Hong Kong.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER SIX
-
-A New Day for Farms and Fisheries
-
- “On our small and peculiar land area, it would be impossible to
- reach a high order of self-sufficiency in food production.”—W.
- J. BLACKIE, former Hong Kong Director of Agriculture, Fisheries
- & Forestry
-
-
-For more than a thousand years men have wrested a precarious living from
-the farms and fishing grounds of the New Territories, yet they remained
-outside the economic and social orbit of Hong Kong until a few months
-after World War II.
-
-Politically, the New Territories had been part of the British crown
-colony since 1898. Nevertheless, the people of this scrambled-egg land
-mass and the 235 islands around it had held their interest in its British
-rulers to the legal minimum. The British themselves, passing through the
-New Territories on their way to the Fanling golf course or the Chinese
-border, viewed the region and its people with the fixed indifference of a
-New York commuter rolling over the swampy monotony of the Jersey meadows.
-
-This reciprocal insularity broke down at last under the pressure of
-two events which have touched and twisted the lives of almost everyone
-in contemporary Hong Kong: the Japanese Occupation of World War II and
-the rise of Communist China. To the people of the New Territories, the
-Japanese interlude was an economic disaster; denuding their forests,
-depleting their livestock and impoverishing their fishing fleet. Both
-the Japanese and the Communists drove thousands of refugees into the New
-Territories to compete with resident farmers for scarce marginal land.
-The Communists further disrupted things by closing the China market to
-New Territories produce and by forcing colony fishermen to keep twelve
-miles away from its coast and its islands.
-
-The four main Chinese groups in the New Territories, the Cantonese and
-Hakka farmers, and the Hoklo and Tanka fishermen, were no more severely
-shaken by all this than were the British. When the Japanese and the
-Communists had done their work, the British and the urban Chinese of
-Hong Kong found themselves dependent as never before on the fish and
-produce of the New Territories. The picturesque, faraway people of the
-countryside had come into sudden, sharp focus as instruments of the
-colony’s survival.
-
-No one seriously expects the farmers and fishermen of Hong Kong to
-produce enough food to sustain more than 3,000,000 inhabitants, but the
-more they can bring to market, the greater the colony’s chances for
-survival.
-
-The total area of farmland under cultivation has averaged about 33,000
-acres for many years, except for a sharp drop during the Japanese
-occupation, but the size and nature of its yield have changed radically
-in the last fifteen years. The maximum farmland area cannot exceed much
-more than 40,000 acres, and even then much of it would look more like a
-rock garden than a farm. American and European farmers would consider
-most of the colony land already under cultivation as unworthy of their
-time and effort.
-
-In 1940, rice was the chief crop, occupying seven-tenths of all
-cultivated land in the colony. Since the war, rice has steadily lost
-acreage to vegetable-growing, and in spite of its greater productivity
-per acre through improved irrigation and a more judicious use of
-fertilizers, it has fallen far behind vegetables in cash value. Vegetable
-crops today yield almost three times as much money as rice; $7,614,000
-for the 1960-61 vegetable crop, compared with $2,870,000 for rice.
-Vegetable production has more than quadrupled since 1947.
-
-When the Japanese were driven from the colony in 1945, they had reduced
-the livestock population to 4,611 cattle, 659 water buffalo, 8,740 pigs
-and 31,000 poultry. A count at the end of 1960 showed 18,000 cattle,
-2,000 water buffalo, 184,000 pigs and 3,405,000 poultry. This tremendous
-increase stemmed directly from the expansion of the domestic market,
-but it was made possible by the colony government’s postwar plunge into
-marketing cooperatives for farm and sea products, the introduction of
-private and public loans for farmers and fishermen at reasonable interest
-rates, and the application of scientific methods to every phase of the
-farming and fishing industries.
-
-Agricultural production of every kind totaled $40,506,000 in 1960-61.
-In descending order of value, this included poultry (chiefly chickens),
-vegetables, pigs, rice, various animal products such as hides, hair
-and feathers, fresh milk, sweet potatoes and other field crops. Among
-other products of special interest are fruit (litchi, limes, tangerines,
-olives, etc.), pond fish (mullet and carp), export crops (water
-chestnuts, ginger, vegetable seeds, etc.) and such flowers as gladiolus,
-chrysanthemum, dahlia and carnation.
-
-That $40,506,000 farm-income figure has a momentarily impressive ring
-until one sees how it is divided. The average vegetable farm is about
-two-thirds of an acre, and the average “paddy,” or shallowly flooded unit
-of rice-growing land, usually runs to two acres, with an upward limit
-of five acres. There are several larger farms of 100 acres or more, but
-these are share-cropped by tenant farmers for exporters of special crops
-such as water chestnuts or ginger. The size of almost all other farms is
-dictated by the amount of hand labor one farm-owning family can perform;
-the only extra-human labor comes from the plow-pulling power of the
-dwarfish Brown Cattle and water buffalo. On these postage-stamp farms,
-tractors would be prohibitively expensive and as destructive as an army
-tank. Even a hand-operated power cultivator would be far too costly for a
-typical family farm.
-
-By Western standards, any farm of less than two acres would barely
-qualify as a truck garden, but the Chinese of the New Territories
-cultivate the land with unique intensiveness. A fresh-water paddy
-produces at least two rice crops and often an additional “catch crop”
-of vegetables each year; six to eight crops are harvested annually on
-all-vegetable farms.
-
-Farm income is as subdivided as the land. There are an estimated 30,000
-farm families and a total of 250,000 persons who rely on farming for
-their living. The per capita income of the farming population therefore
-runs around $162 a year, or $13.50 a month, less the forty to sixty
-percent of crop value they must share with the landowner, leaving a
-meager net income of as little as $81 a year, or $6.75 a month. Things
-have been worse; in 1955 the annual per capita net income of farm people
-was about $30.
-
-What the farm worker has, in one of the lowest-paid and most arduous jobs
-in the colony’s industries, is a place to live, enough to eat and an
-almost irreducible minimum of money for clothing and other expenses. In
-thousands of cases, his lean resources are supplemented by remittances
-from his relatives overseas, but he could not have survived in the
-postwar economy without the basic reforms in marketing, credit and
-research that began in 1946. One expensive event such as a wedding ($200)
-or a funeral ($100) could keep a tenant farmer in debt for years to loan
-sharks who charged him interest of eight to thirty percent a month. In
-numerous instances, it still happens.
-
-For generations Hong Kong farmers had lived in permanent bondage to
-the “laans,” or middlemen, who controlled the marketing of farm and
-fishery products, paying the producers as little as possible and cutting
-themselves a thick slice of profit for the relatively simple process of
-taking the goods to market. They advanced money to farmers and fishermen
-at extraordinary usury rates, further tightening their strangle-hold. The
-Japanese Occupation, by grinding the farm and fishing population into
-desperate poverty, unintentionally broke the grip of the laans.
-
-When the British Military Administration took control in the fall of
-1945, it acted decisively to save the primary industries. Two men,
-Father Thomas F. Ryan, Jesuit missionary and the colony’s first Acting
-Superintendent of Agriculture, and Dr. G. A. C. Herklots, naturalist and
-author, were designated for the task.
-
-Many years later, Father Ryan, who had long since returned to teaching at
-the Jesuit Wah Yan College on Hong Kong Island, said when asked about his
-1945 assignment:
-
-“I really knew very little about agriculture, but Dr. Herklots and I were
-asked to help with the vegetable and fish marketing. It was obvious that
-the laans were beginning again to take all the profits.”
-
-The Jesuit priest and the naturalist learned a lot about marketing in a
-hurry. The vegetable and fish marketing organizations they set up under
-government control ended the dominance of the laans, but not without some
-anguished howls from the displaced profiteers. For a standard ten percent
-commission, the vegetable marketing organization transported and sold all
-vegetables grown or imported into the colony at the government wholesale
-market in Kowloon. A Federation of Vegetable Marketing Cooperative
-Societies grew out of the original organizations. It extended credit to
-farmers and has progressed steadily toward ultimate control of the market
-by the co-op societies. As the co-ops take charge of organization work,
-three percent of the ten percent commission is refunded to them. The
-Vegetable Marketing Organization also distributes fertilizer in the form
-of matured nightsoil, i.e., human excrement treated to reduce its germ
-content.
-
-The Fish Marketing Organization, established along the same general lines
-as the Vegetable Marketing Organization, controls the transport and
-wholesale marketing of marine fish, charging a six percent commission on
-sales. It created loan funds to help fishermen rehabilitate and mechanize
-their boats. Evolution of the Fish Marketing Organization toward a
-wholly cooperative set-up has been impeded by the fact that only fifteen
-percent of the fishermen can read or write, compared with a colony-wide
-literacy rate of seventy-five percent. Living and working aboard their
-boats, fisher folk could not attend school. This ancient pattern has
-been altered in the last few years because more wives and children of
-fishermen are living ashore. About 4,000 children of fishermen attend
-schools on land, and there are special classes for adult fishermen.
-
-Father Ryan and Dr. Herklots laid the foundation for the first Department
-of Agriculture, Fisheries & Forestry, which came into existence in 1950
-after a series of preparatory steps had been taken. Father Ryan initiated
-a survey of the colony’s primary industries and personally directed
-the renovation and replanting of the Botanic Garden and other public
-park areas, as well as the first postwar reforestation of the scalped
-hillsides in the reservoir catchment areas. In 1947, he relinquished his
-colony post to become the Jesuit Superior in Hong Kong. In recent years
-he has conducted a local radio program of classical music as a sideline.
-
-Long-term assistance to farmers came from another private source in
-1951: Horace and Lawrence Kadoorie, two Jewish brothers who shared
-positions of prime importance in the Hong Kong business community. Sir
-Elly Kadoorie was a former official of the colony government and one
-of its early business leaders. His two sons were members of a family
-which came to Hong Kong from the Middle East in 1880 and built a large
-fortune. The brothers were partners in the business house named for
-their father and directors of more than thirty other companies. Both had
-earned reputations as shrewd, tough businessmen; but Horace, the bachelor
-brother, had acquired a special fame among ivory collectors as the author
-of the seven-volume book, _The Art of Ivory Sculpture in Cathay_.
-
-The Kadoories, observing the general poverty of colony farmers and the
-even worse situation of the refugees who crowded into Hong Kong in the
-late 1940s, decided to do something to help these displaced persons get
-on their feet. Knowing the Chinese to be a predominantly agricultural
-people, they chose a form of help that would make impoverished farmers
-self-supporting; that of raising pigs donated by the Kadoories.
-Pig-raising is a fairly simple venture that makes good use of marginal
-land, and pork is always in demand at local markets.
-
-Reaction to the idea was chilly; other businessmen considered it
-unworkable and farmers regarded it skeptically, looking for a catch
-in it. The Kadoorie brothers agreed to put it to a test, choosing 14
-families with no farming experience for the experiment. The group
-included a handyman, a carpenter, a beggar, a semi-invalid and a
-stonebreaker. The Kadoories gave them cement, bamboo straws and a few
-hand tools and invited them to build their own pigsties.
-
-“Every one of those families made good,” Horace Kadoorie recalled in
-a 1961 interview. “Today they all have excellent farms. Their success
-in proving that you can really help people who are willing to help
-themselves was what convinced us we were on the right track.”
-
-The brothers, working independently at first, and then in close
-collaboration with the officials of the Department of Agriculture,
-have given various forms of assistance to over 300,000 people in 1,092
-villages.
-
-They functioned through two allied agencies, the Kadoorie Agricultural
-Aid Association, which makes outright gifts, and the Kadoorie
-Agricultural Aid Loan Fund, which makes interest-free loans. The two
-Kadoories and colony agricultural officials are jointly members of
-the boards of directors of the two institutions. The Association has
-donated the equivalent of $3 million-plus in agricultural gifts. The
-Fund, established by the Kadoories with an initial gift of $44,000, has
-been increased to $306,000 by the government. The J. E. Joseph Fund,
-another farm-loan fund, established in 1954, is also administered by the
-government; its initial capital of $79,000 is loaned at three percent
-interest.
-
-In an economy like that of the United States, $3 million in gifts would
-disappear like a pebble in a lake, but with that amount the Kadoorie
-philanthropies have changed the face of the New Territories. The list of
-improvements is awe-inspiring, and it is no exaggeration to say one can
-hardly walk a mile anywhere in the rural district without seeing evidence
-of their eminently useful contributions.
-
-They contributed junks and sampans to isolated villages, and then built
-27 piers to accommodate them. Dirt paths were the only routes between
-many villages and farmers either walked or sloshed through the mud,
-sometimes using bicycles and carrying five or six members of the family
-or possibly a live pig lined up on the fenders and handlebars. The
-Kadoorie Association has provided 150 miles of concrete paths, six motor
-roads and 142 bridges to make the going easier.
-
-Often villages depended on mountain springs for their drinking water, but
-these had an unfortunate habit of sinking back into the ground before
-they had served the thirsty villagers. The Association disciplined the
-vagrant waters with thirty miles of concrete channels, 293 dams, 400
-wells, 51 sumps and 8 reservoirs. Rogue rivers and the invading sea had
-eaten away valuable farmland, and the Kadoorie Association produced
-restoratives with 29 seawalls, 30 retaining walls and a variety of
-culverts and floodgates. Odds and ends, helpful in diverse ways, ranged
-from rain shelters to compost pits, poultry sheds to outhouses.
-
-Pigs were popular because, as Horace explained, “It’s the only animal you
-can see expanding daily.” Thousands were given away, and advice on caring
-for them was supplied by the agricultural stations.
-
-One group that was the especial beneficiary of pig gifts were farm
-widows ranging from seventeen to ninety-six years of age. Horace, as the
-roving scout of the Kadoorie Association, had noticed that hundreds of
-women whose husbands had been killed by the Japanese or had died natural
-deaths had not only lost the family rice-winner, they lost the “face”
-or community status they enjoyed with their husbands. Custom frowned on
-their remarriage, so they could do little but linger disconsolately on
-the fringes of village life. The Kadoories talked it over and decided
-that a gift of pigs, cows, ducks or chickens would give these widows
-something to occupy themselves with and enable them to earn some money.
-In a period of two years 10,000 widows received these animals and
-enclosures for them. Feed they obtained through the Kadoorie Agriculture
-Aid Loan Fund. Blind and elderly women were able to care for flocks of
-chickens; younger ones received pigs and cows. The usual pig gift was
-six purebred Chinese sows from the Kadoorie Experimental and Extension
-Farm at Pak Ngau Shek; all pigs were inoculated against disease and the
-Agricultural Department specialists showed the widows how to care for
-the animals. Many women tripled their small incomes by breeding pigs and
-selling their offspring. As the owners of livestock, they became persons
-of consequence in their villages.
-
-With the aid of government experts, the brothers bought hundreds of
-foreign pedigreed pigs, and bred Berkshires, Yorkshires and middle whites
-with the local animals to produce a larger and hardier strain. Cows and
-water buffaloes, indispensable as draught animals, were distributed by
-drawing lots in the villages, and the drawings became lively public
-gatherings with soft drinks and cakes served all around. Gifts or loans
-financed the construction of numerous fish-breeding ponds, with the seed
-fish supplied gratis.
-
-The 25,000 loans made through the Fund covered livestock, seeds and
-fertilizer, building materials, insecticides and spraying equipment, land
-development and other purposes. Over 95 percent of the loan applications
-are approved, and the repayment rate has remained very high.
-
-Creating new land for farming has been an important part of Kadoorie
-efforts. Horace came upon a group of squatters who had been moved
-from the city to make room for a new road; he found them moping about
-forlornly on a rocky field which was the site of a cemetery from which
-the bodies had been removed. Horace suggested that they use the rocks
-to build pigsties, promising them the needed cement and two pigs for
-each sty. On his next visit he found many pigsties completed, but was
-temporarily baffled when the settlers asked him to buy for them a nearby
-hillside rock, fully 100 yards wide and stretching from the bottom of the
-hill to the top. He acquired the rock, and the settlers, working from the
-bottom upwards, covered it with terraced growing lands.
-
-At Nim Shue Wan village, a hillside settlement along a steep shore, the
-Kadoorie Association built a seawall, mixed the sticky red earth of the
-hillside with beach sand, and produced a good soil for vegetable-growing
-which now supports 100 families in the area. At Pak Ngau Shek, the
-Kadoorie farm on the high slopes of Tai Mo Shan, highest (3,140 feet)
-mountain in the colony, the brothers began to experiment with plants and
-animals, chiefly because the land had been judged worthless for farmers.
-If they could make anything thrive there, they believed, it might teach
-them some way to utilize the colony’s heavy proportion of wasteland. They
-had many failures, such as typhoons uprooting all their shallow-rooted
-peach trees, but they discovered that even trees and vegetables
-considered unsuitable for high lands did very well. Some vegetables,
-growing more slowly on the mountainsides, reached the market when lowland
-crops were less plentiful, and therefore brought better prices. The farm
-operated at a financial loss, but gave full value as an agricultural
-testing site.
-
-The Kadoorie Agricultural Aid Association meets once every two weeks,
-considers 50 to 100 applications for help, and tries to assist about 15
-new families every day. It has given away 7,000 pigs in less than three
-months. Many situations won’t wait for committee meetings; some farmers
-in dire straits have walked up to Boulder Lodge, Horace’s home at Castle
-Peak, to ask for help in the middle of the night. Horace, who often works
-a 13-hour day and spends Sundays roaming around the farm districts, is
-more flattered than annoyed by these occasional late-hour callers.
-
-“Speed is of the essence in this work,” he said. “When a typhoon heads
-this way, we assemble building materials for repair work and all the
-quick-growing seeds we can buy; then we’re ready to help the farm people
-get back into operation and plant vegetables as soon as the flooding
-subsides.”
-
-Fire is often a total disaster to the rural poor, wrecking their homes
-and frequently killing their livestock. When an entire village was wiped
-out by fire in 1960, the Kadoories threw a round-the-clock emergency
-staff into a four-day rescue operation, providing new furniture, clothes,
-two months’ food supply, extra cash, livestock, bicycles and rebuilding
-all the houses.
-
-Hundreds of artificial limbs donated by Kadoorie Association have enabled
-crippled people to earn their living as farmers and fishermen. The
-Association doesn’t scatter its benefits recklessly; all applicants are
-thoroughly investigated to discover whether they will work to improve
-themselves when they receive aid. When a man or woman receives a gift of
-livestock, he may not sell it for one year without Kadoorie Association
-consent; if disease or unavoidable accidents kill the stock, the
-Association replaces them free.
-
-“Our idea has been to find out the wants of those in need,” Horace said.
-“It is worth more than anything else.”
-
-The contributions of the Kadoorie brothers and the many other religious
-and philanthropic bodies working in the colony serve as a valuable
-supplement to the main task of directing and improving the primary
-industries. The principal responsibility lies with the Department
-of Agriculture and Forestry, and with the Department of Cooperative
-Development and Fisheries, which was separated from Agriculture and
-Forestry in 1961.
-
-The Chinese farmers of the New Territories can grow a garden on the side
-of a rock—as Horace Kadoorie found out for himself—but they know little
-about scientific farming, and until the 1950s, there was no one to teach
-them. Now the Agriculture & Forestry Department conducts three-week
-general agricultural courses, followed by one-week specialized courses
-in paddy cultivation, pond-fish culture and other phases of farming.
-There are vocational courses, lectures to cooperatives, radio farming
-broadcasts, film shows, guided visits to experimental stations and an
-annual Agricultural Show at Yuen Long with prizes for the best farm
-products.
-
-At the Sheung Shui Market Garden Experimental Station, only two miles
-from the Red China border, S. Y. Chan, an assistant agricultural officer,
-directs a five-acre center for testing every species of foreign and
-domestic vegetables and flowers he can lay his hands on. Chinese white
-cabbage, Taiwan radishes, sugar peas, chrysanthemums, 30 varieties of
-English and American tomatoes, chives, and corn each have their small
-test patch to show whether they can survive in Hong Kong’s climate.
-Roses, for example, wilt and die in a few seasons, but the station is
-seeking new strains with greater durability. Unlike plants and flowers in
-most sections of the United States, the majority of Hong Kong vegetables
-and flowers grow best in winter, the local summers being too wet.
-
-At Ta Kwu Ling Dryland Experimental Station, the problem is how to get
-some use out of the thousands of acres of former farmland abandoned
-because of poor soil or insufficient water. The station, started in
-1956, made little progress at first. Then it added compost of manures
-and chemical fertilizers to the soil, and tried deep plowing to retain
-moisture in the earth. Large white local radishes as big as yams did
-well in this ground, and so did sweet potatoes. The department experts
-found that windbreaks of sugar cane helped to offset the drying effects
-of strong winds. Several types of fodder, including six varieties of
-grasses, were tried out in sample patches. Five of the station’s eleven
-acres are devoted to improvement of local pig breeds by crossing them
-with exotic strains.
-
-The Castle Peak Livestock Experimental Station, located in an area of
-badly eroded hills, is the chief center for artificial insemination of
-pigs. Semen from selected strains of Berkshire, middle white, and large
-white and improved local boars is injected into local sows, producing
-larger and hardier litters. Various breeds of chickens are crossed to
-develop poultry which thrive under local conditions and are acceptable
-to Chinese tastes. A complete laboratory treats and experiments with
-every known disease of poultry, pigs and cattle. Pig semen is carried by
-bicycle, truck and helicopter to outlying sections of the New Territories
-to service local sows.
-
-Artificial insemination of pigs, based on its highly successful use in
-Japan, has become increasingly important in Hong Kong, with more than
-1,000 instances of its use in 1961.
-
-In the northwestern lowlands near Yuen Long, the department has developed
-a fast-growing source of food in the fish-raising ponds. From the top
-of a small hill, Yu Yat-sum, fisheries officer, is able to point to a
-speckled, silvery expanse of such ponds, covering 700 acres in individual
-ponds from one to 10 acres each. Each acre produces about a ton of fish
-every year.
-
-Mr. Yu explains that a five-acre pond, equipped with sluice gates and
-surrounded by dirt embankments, could be built for $2,700. Usually they
-are owned by a village or a co-op society. They are only five feet deep,
-but packed with 3,000 to 3,600 fry an acre, each about the length of a
-paper clip. The fish would all be crushed and battered if it were not
-for their superior adaptation—big head and silver carp cruise near the
-surface, grass carp favor the mid-levels, and grey mullet and mud carp
-gravitate to the bottom. Fed on rice bran, dry peanut cakes and soya
-bean meal, they fatten at a prodigious rate and are ready for the market
-within a year, selling at 21 to 30 cents a pound. For the pond owners,
-it’s a net return of twenty percent per year. There are more than 1,000
-acres of these ponds in the New Territories, and they are increasing at
-the rate of 60 acres a month.
-
-The Chinese have their own strict ideas of what fresh fish means; to
-them, the only fresh fish from a pond is a live one, so the carp and
-mullet travel to market in tubs, still alive. The job of Mr. Yu and other
-departmental experts is to see that the fish do not perish before their
-time because of diseases or excessive salinity in the pond water.
-
-The Tai Lung Forestry and Crop Experimental Station concentrates on the
-expansion of the colony’s forests, which almost disappeared during World
-War II. Here the six-inch seedlings of Chinese pine, eucalyptus, China
-fir and other species are placed in polythene tubes and covered with soil
-by patient Hakka women who do the work by hand. After a few months in the
-shade and a brief maturing period in full sunlight, the polythene tube
-is removed and the tree is planted on a hillside in one of the reservoir
-catchment areas. Spaced about six feet apart on all sides, they go in at
-the rate of 2,500 an acre. Tai Lung produces 1,500,000 of these plantings
-each year. A month after they are placed on the hillsides, their progress
-is checked by an inspector; if more than twenty percent have died, the
-area is replanted. A second check is made a year later.
-
-Four main forest areas stretching across the New Territories from Tolo
-Harbor to Lantau Island now total more than 11,500 acres. In ten years
-some of the lean China pines have shot up to 30 feet high. The overworked
-forestry staff has been so busy planting trees and keeping a close watch
-on forest fires that it has had little time for the next stage of the
-reforestation, which is thinning overcrowded areas. Other complications
-confront them when a firebreak is cut through the hillside forests; the
-cutover strip erodes quickly in the summer rainstorms, damaging the tree
-plantations and sending silt into the reservoirs.
-
-If forestry is the youngest of Hong Kong’s primary industries, fishing
-is indisputably the oldest, and for many centuries, the largest primary
-income producer. Until fairly recent times, fishermen were inclined to
-demonstrate their versatility and supplement their income by piracy.
-Fast, steel-hulled naval ships with long-range guns have taken much of
-the lure out of part-time piracy, especially for the crews of slow-moving
-junks, and the fisher folk have become a law-abiding group. Today they
-number around 86,000 and catch approximately $10 million worth of fish
-every year. Not included in their ranks are the keepers of fish ponds,
-who are regarded as farmers, or those who live on boats but earn their
-living by hauling cargo, running water-taxis or selling merchandise from
-their boats.
-
-The fishing people, chiefly Tanka but including other Chinese like the
-Hoklo and Hakka, are concentrated at Aberdeen and Shau Kei Wan on Hong
-Kong Island and seven settlements in the New Territories. By environment
-and preference, they are deeply conservative, disinclined to mix in the
-affairs of landlubbers. Nevertheless, the irresistible winds of change
-which have swept through the colony since World War II have shaken them
-loose from their traditional moorings.
-
-Like the farmers, they were able to free themselves from the iron grip
-of the laans when the Fish Marketing Organization put the middlemen out
-of business. The Fish Marketing Organization gave them a fair return
-on their catch, established cheap credit to improve their boats and
-equipment, provided boats and trucks to get their fish to the five
-wholesale markets and founded schools for their children. CARE and
-other relief organizations came to their aid. The Fisheries Division
-offered classes in navigation, modern seamanship and boat design, marine
-engineering and the use of up-to-date fishing equipment, with classes
-being adapted to the fishermen’s working schedules. A fisheries research
-unit from Hong Kong University became a regular part of the departmental
-organization. The 240-ton otter trawler _Cape St. Mary_ cruised the
-fishing grounds from the Gulf of Tong King, west of Hainan Island, to
-Taiwan in the east, gathering data on ocean currents, water temperatures
-and depths and the feeding habits of fish. A fishing master was appointed
-and careful studies were made of pearl- and edible-oyster culture.
-
-All these are routine procedures in present-day fishing centers, but
-they were virtually unknown in Hong Kong until 1946. Since then, despite
-harassment and inshore fishing restrictions enforced by Red China, the
-tonnage and market value of the annual catch have almost tripled.
-
-Red China has maintained a certain disinterestedness in its mistreatment
-of fishermen. During the last five years the Communists demanded so great
-a share of the fish caught by their own people that thousands of their
-fishing boats never returned. Some sailed far out in the China Sea, then
-turned back toward Hong Kong and became refugees; others slipped through
-Chinese shore patrols at night and defected to the British colony.
-Between 1957 and 1962, the new arrivals swelled the colony fishing fleet
-from 6,000 to the present 10,550 units.
-
-The most radical change in the colony’s fleet, however, has come from
-within. The Chinese junk, famous throughout the world as the symbol of
-Hong Kong, has dropped its picturesque sails; more than 4,000 of them now
-churn along under Diesel power. The Chinese junk is as diverse in its
-size, shape and function as the infinitely varied Chinese people. There
-are sixteen different classes of junks in Hong Kong alone, and none of
-them closely resembles a junk from any other part of China. They are
-single-, double- and triple-masted; they are little craft 25 feet long or
-lumbering giants of 100 foot length. To a colony fisheries expert, “junk”
-is only a loose generic term; he immediately classifies it according
-to the job it is designed for, as a long-liner (four classes by size),
-seiner (two main types, depending on the net it uses), trawler (four
-main types, depending on the kind of trawling it does), gill-netters,
-fish-collecting junks and several miscellaneous varieties.
-
-Since the British came to Hong Kong, the junks operating in local waters
-have borrowed design features from European ships. The big fishing junks
-of Hong Kong, with their high stern, horizontal rails and the large,
-perforated rudder pivoting in a deep, vertical groove on the stern,
-resemble no other junks in the world. Like junks from all parts of China,
-and even the boats of ancient Egypt, they have an oculus, or painted
-image of the human eye, on their bow. In fishing junks, the center of the
-eye is directed downward so that it can keep a close watch on the fish;
-trading junks have the eye aimed higher so that it can scan the distant
-horizon. The bow eyes of the old-fashioned sailing junks no longer have
-much to look forward to. The deep-sea trawlers, operating as far as
-250 miles out, are all mechanized. The sailing junks operate closer to
-shore, but the cargo-carrying junks in Victoria harbor are predominantly
-mechanized. To anyone who has crossed the harbor recently it is obvious
-that the sails are disappearing at an alarming rate.
-
-The fishermen who live and work on junks instead of viewing them
-abstractly from a distance have not yet formed a Committee for the
-Preservation of the Romantic Junk. After approaching mechanization with
-reluctance and suspicion in 1948, they became convinced that the big
-sailing junk is through. Motorized junks can reach the distant fishing
-grounds much faster, they catch a lion’s share of the fish, and they
-return to market far ahead of sail competition. Because of their greater
-speed and stability, they can venture out in the typhoon season when sail
-craft are obliged to stick closer to shore. Within ten years, fishing
-authorities say, the sailing junk will have become virtually extinct.
-
-It has been proposed that the Hong Kong Tourist Association hire a
-couple of junks to sail up and down the harbor for the sole delectation
-of tourists, but no official action has been taken. Tourists can travel
-40 miles west to Macao where the harbor is still crowded with sailing
-junks. Here the sails persist only because the Macao fishing industry
-lacks the low-interest loans available to Hong Kong fishermen through the
-Fish Marketing Organization and the fishing co-ops. Without such credit,
-very few fishermen could afford Diesel engines or other motor-driven
-equipment. In Hong Kong, even the little 4-horsepower engines of sampans
-are bought on credit.
-
-Now that progress has reached the fishing fleet, it will not be satisfied
-until it changes everything. Under the direction of such knowledgeable
-men as Jack Cater, co-op and fisheries commissioner, Lieutenant Commander
-K. Stather, fishing master, and Wing-Hong Cheung, craft technician on
-modern junk design, the whole junk-building industry is being turned
-upside down.
-
-For centuries, the junk has been built without plans or templates, with
-the designers proceeding entirely by habit and skill. This is relatively
-easy in building a 15-foot sampan, but when it is extended to 100-ton
-vessels of 90-foot length it becomes both art and architecture. The size
-of the investment, by local standards, is staggering: $40,000 for a large
-trawler and its mechanized equipment, and around $7,000 for a mechanized
-40-footer.
-
-There are nearly 100 junk-building yards in the colony, but no more
-than ten of these are capable of building a junk from blueprints. The
-fisheries department is conducting boat-design classes in three major
-fishing centers, Aberdeen, Shau Kei Wan and Cheung Chau, and training
-builders to read plans. The classes are held at night to avoid conflict
-with working hours, and the courses are for three months.
-
-The junk-building yards present a vivid picture of a civilization in
-transition. At one yard, a workman is laboriously breaming the hull of
-a sampan—killing marine borers by passing bundles of burning hay beside
-and beneath it—and a workman or two in an adjoining yard are covering
-the hull of another boat with anti-fouling paint. The object of the two
-operations is identical, but the anti-fouling paint protects the wood
-about four times as long as breaming and takes no longer to apply. On the
-port side of an 86-foot trawler, a Chinese carpenter is using a half-inch
-electric power drill; on the starboard, another man is drilling holes
-with a steel bit spun by a leather thong with its ends fixed to a wooden
-bow.
-
-Lu Pan, the Celestial master builder who transmitted the secrets of
-carpentry and shipbuilding to mankind, is honored with a tiny shrine
-in an obscure corner of every yard. Joss sticks are lighted before a
-statuette of this practical divinity, and his birthday observance on the
-13th day of the Sixth Moon is a holiday in the shipyards. Lu Pan has not
-yet betrayed any overt sign of annoyance at the invasion of his domain by
-power tools and Diesel engines.
-
-The timber that is cut for these all-wooden ships is tough and
-durable—China fir, teak, and various hardwoods chiefly from Borneo, like
-billian, kapor and yacal. The planks are hewn at mills near the yards,
-and bent to fit the curvature of the hull. The curving is accomplished by
-heating the center of the plank with a small fire and weighting its ends
-with heavy stones to set the curve. The 3-inch-thick planks are secured
-to the upright framing members with 14-inch steel spikes, and the main
-stringer, just below deck level, is fastened with threaded bolts. Despite
-the general disarray of the open yards and the lack of precise plans,
-the junk almost invariably turns out to be a nicely dovetailed, exactly
-balanced boat, good for twenty or thirty years of service in the rough
-weather of the China Sea.
-
-The long-liner ranks as the giant of the junk fleet, having an overall
-length between 80 and 100 feet. Junks of this class fish from 20 to 60
-miles south of the colony, cruising above a vast expanse of underwater
-flats where depths seldom exceed 90 feet and the muddy bottom makes other
-kinds of fishing unfeasible.
-
-A typical long-liner under construction at the Yee Hop Shipyard in Shau
-Kei Wan has a 90-foot length and the elephantine stern characteristic of
-its class. Its high poop carries bunks for 16 men, with additional bunks
-located forward and a total crew capacity of 57 men, sandwiched in with
-no more than a yard of clearance between upper and lower bunks. Eight
-sampans can be stowed along its deck and lowered over the side when the
-fishing grounds are reached. Despite its traditional outline, it has
-Diesel engines, twin-screw propellors and a 20-ton fishhold lined with
-modern insulation material.
-
-Costing about $36,000 with full equipment, one long-liner, for example,
-was ordered by Hai Lee Chan, a Shau Kei Wan fisherman who already owned
-another like it, plus two smaller junks. During the two and one-half
-months that 35 carpenters required to complete it, Mrs. Chan and her
-twelve-year-old daughter remained on or around the junk to keep a
-watchful eye on its construction. A long-liner of this kind may put out
-as many as 100,000 hooks on lines attached to its bow and stern or strung
-out by its covey of sampans. A single trip to the fishing grounds may
-keep it at sea for a week or more and bring a ten-ton catch of golden
-thread, shark and lizard fish.
-
-Comparable in size but differing completely in design are two deep-sea
-trawlers built at the Kwong Lee Cheung Shipyard in Kowloon. These are
-sister ships, 86 feet long, and the first ones of their size that
-faithfully followed the modern specifications laid down by Mr. Cheung and
-the Fisheries Department. They were the first big trawlers constructed
-according to written plans and framed around modern templates or patterns
-in Hong Kong.
-
-As they neared completion late in 1961, the twin wooden trawlers of 100
-tons each looked more like dismasted clipper ships than junks. The old
-type of high poop had been cut down and crew quarters moved forward. The
-fat, bulging stern had been slimmed down to improve the streamline, and
-the traditional rudder-slot was gone. The deck was level and uncluttered,
-with far more working space than older junks provided. The outline of the
-hull was slim and graceful, giving more longitudinal stability than the
-tub-bottomed junk. The free-swinging tiller and massive wooden rudder had
-been replaced by a ship’s wheel and a much smaller rudder of steel that
-turned on a metal shaft. Powered winches would be welded to their decks.
-Mechanized and streamlined, the new trawlers could deliver more speed
-than a motorized trawler of conventional shape, and require less fuel to
-do it.
-
-When the two partners who had ordered the trawlers, fishermen Lee Loy
-Shing and Cheng Chung Kay, smilingly greeted visitors to the yard,
-pointing out the features of their new ships with considerable pride,
-it was evident that they regarded the old-style junk as an expensive
-antique. Mechanization has already proved itself; although mechanized
-boats number less than half the fishing fleet, they take 80 percent of
-the catch. Many fishermen are beginning to believe that modern ship
-design is as important to the future of Hong Kong’s fishing fleet as
-mechanization.
-
-Steel-hulled trawlers of the Japanese “bull” type are already being used
-by the fishing companies in the colony. One dozen of them operate in the
-Gulf of Tong King, near Hainan Island. However, they are much too costly
-for most fishing families.
-
-Colony fishing methods are as varied as the boats used. The deep-sea
-trawlers, generally working in pairs, drag a huge bag-shaped net along
-the sea bottom, gathering in horsehead and red snapper, or red goatfish
-and golden thread. Purse-seiners, working in pairs and fairly close
-to shore, stretch a big net between them at night and use a bright
-light to lure such smaller fish as anchovies and carangoid into the
-net. The Pa T’eng seiners set gill nets along the bottom for yellow
-croaker, and drift nets for white pomfret and mackerel. Other types
-include gill-netters, shrimp beam-trawlers, and three smaller classes of
-long-liners. About twenty kinds of fish form most of the catch, and among
-these are conger pike, big eyes, grouper, young barracuda and red sea
-bream.
-
-The ship carpenters of Hong Kong are far above average ability, so much
-so that the Chinese Communists have attempted, without notable success,
-to induce them to build junks in China. Demand for their skills has,
-however, raised their wages about one-third in the last two years.
-
-The fishermen have had their rigid conservatism shattered by the changes
-around them. In spite of their usual illiteracy, they have learned the
-rules of navigation at fisheries department schools. More advanced
-classes have qualified for licenses as engineers, pilots, navigators
-and boat-builders. For the first time they have lodged their families
-on shore, with the wives becoming used to housekeeping and the children
-attending schools.
-
-Many Westerners, seeing this upheaval in the fine, free life of the
-fisherman, deplore the passing of the old ways. The fishermen, always
-quicker at grabbing for prosperity than in clinging to romantic
-illusions, are moving forward at top speed without a thought to their
-suddenly disappearing past.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER SEVEN
-
-Crime, Power and Corruption
-
- “We have absolutely no doubt from the evidence and statistics
- we have studied that corruption exists on a scale which
- justifies the strongest counter-measures.”—HONG KONG ADVISORY
- COMMITTEE ON CORRUPTION, January, 1962
-
-
-The British crown colony of Hong Kong came into existence under
-circumstances bearing less resemblance to the majesty of British law
-and order than they did to a territorial dispute between the Capone and
-O’Banion mobs during the Chicago of the 1920s. Its founding fathers were
-dope peddlers whose ability to bribe Chinese customs officials made the
-traders rich and goaded the Chinese Emperor into a war that cost him the
-loss of a worthless island called Hong Kong.
-
-The Rev. George Smith, an English missionary who visited the colony
-during its first five years, approached the place with the exalted
-conviction that his country had “been honoured by God as the chosen
-instrument for diffusing the pure light of Protestant Christianity
-throughout the world.” He went ashore to discover a polyglot Gehenna with
-no market for the Word.
-
-“The lowest dregs of native society flock to the British settlement in
-the hope of gain or plunder,” he wrote. “There are but faint prospects
-at present of any other than either a migratory or a predatory race
-being attracted to Hong Kong, who, when their hopes of gain or pilfering
-vanish, without hesitation or difficulty remove elsewhere.”
-
-The Rev. Smith was no more favorably disposed toward his fellow
-countrymen. He felt the British rulers were too harsh with the Chinese,
-permitting the general population to be exploited by a few Mandarins.
-As for the merchants and traders, he regarded their behavior as setting
-a bad example for the Chinese. Saving souls in Hong Kong, he decided,
-demanded more miracles than he had at his disposal, and with considerable
-relief, he transferred his missionary efforts to the more congenial
-atmosphere of South China.
-
-Other missionaries accepted the long odds against grappling successfully
-with the devil in Hong Kong, but the struggle left many of them
-disheartened. When the merchants and sailors were not engaged in the
-opium traffic, they frequently busied themselves by purchasing Chinese
-mistresses from the Tanka boat people. Many of the Eurasians of South
-China were the issue of this type of transaction.
-
-Law enforcement in the colony was a farce. The few Europeans who could
-be induced to join the underpaid police force were the scourings of the
-Empire, remittance men or wastrels who accepted the jobs because they did
-not dare go home to England.
-
-Householders, disgusted with the ineptness of the police, hired private
-watchmen who went about at night beating bamboo drums to advertise their
-presence. This noisy custom was later forbidden, and burglary, highway
-robbery and harbor piracy increased. Sir John F. Davis, the colony’s
-second governor, tried to persuade property owners to improve police
-protection by paying more taxes for it, but the merchants demurred,
-setting a precedent which was applied to many proposed improvements in
-years to come. The attitude seemed to be: Progress is fine, provided one
-doesn’t have to pay for it. Sir John attempted to keep track of known
-criminals by obliging every colony resident to register, but was forced
-to abandon the idea when the Chinese staged a three-month general strike
-in protest.
-
-Piracy, smuggling, opium-smoking, prostitution, semislave trading in
-contract laborers, gambling, and graft flourished for many years,
-resisting the sporadic attacks of a succession of governors. In 1858, for
-the first and last time, an exceptional balance was achieved. Licenses
-for the sale of liquor, the favorite Western vice, and revenue from
-opium, the leading weakness of the Chinese, each brought 10,000 pounds of
-income to the colony government.
-
-Under such powerful governors as Sir Richard Graves Macdonnell (1866-72)
-and Sir Arthur E. Kennedy (1872-77), the colony made significant
-advances in the control of piracy and urban crime. The quality of police
-protection improved and both men won the applause of local merchants by
-their Draconic policy of branding, flogging and deporting law-breakers.
-The Chinese Emperor and the liberal elements in the British Parliament
-disapproved of the severity applied but did not intervene to stop it.
-
-The Chinese government never ceased its opposition to the smuggling of
-opium from Hong Kong, although many of its venal officials shared in
-the profits of the traffic. For two decades, from the mid-1860s to the
-mid-1880s, China attempted to enforce a blockade against smuggled salt
-and opium, but opium continued to represent almost half its total imports.
-
-A joint Sino-British commission agreed to place some limitation on the
-trade in 1886, but the British zeal for enforcement was diluted by the
-desire for continuing profits. Even after controls were repeatedly
-tightened in the early 1900s, the returns held steady; in 1906, the opium
-trade was valued at 5 million pounds and yielded $2 million in colony
-revenue. Unfavorable world opinion gradually narrowed the trade, but the
-nonmedical sale and use of the drug was not entirely banned until World
-War II.
-
-In the last several decades, the Hong Kong Police Department has outgrown
-its disreputable origins and has become an efficient law-enforcement
-organization. Nevertheless, the image of the colony that persists in the
-imagination of many Westerners who have never been there is a cesspool of
-iniquity such as the one that horrified the Rev. Smith.
-
-Just how wicked and criminal is today’s Hong Kong?
-
-A layman’s comparison of the crime rates of the United States and
-Hong Kong for the year 1960, as published by the Federal Bureau of
-Investigation and the Hong Kong Police Department respectively, gives an
-objective picture of their relative lawlessness.
-
-Both sets of figures are for predominantly urban areas, covering ten of
-the most comparable categories of crime. The figures give the actual
-number of crimes per one million population. Because of inherent
-differences in the manner of classifying and reporting crimes, a margin
-of error of ten percent should be allowed in their interpretation.
-
- 1960—CRIME RATES PER 1 MILLION POPULATION
-
- CRIME CATEGORY UNITED STATES HONG KONG
- Murder 55 8
- Rape 74 50
- Serious Assault 645 178
- Burglary 1,358 157
- Larceny 2,785 2,562
- Forgery 234 60
- Prostitution 319 527
- Narcotics 289 4,677
- Drunkenness 16,375 257
- Robbery 361 30
-
-Such statistics are always subject to many different interpretations,
-which will not be made here. But they confirm one impression shared by
-virtually everyone who has spent many nights (either at home or on the
-streets) in both New York City and Hong Kong: You’re a lot safer in Hong
-Kong.
-
-The most glaring disparity between the rates is, of course, in the
-comparative number of arrests for drunkenness. The American rate is more
-than 60 times higher than that of Hong Kong, and it is a safe inference
-that a fair share of the colony arrests for drunkenness are made among
-Europeans and Americans, who comprise less than two percent of the
-population. Hundreds of thousands of Chinese in Hong Kong drink beer,
-wine or hard liquor, but a Chinese drunk in public is a rarity.
-
-In major crimes of violence—murder, rape, serious assault and
-robbery—America has a much higher crime rate. With the stated allowance
-for error, the United States and Hong Kong could be considered about
-equally inclined toward larceny—a legal term which covers the more
-popular forms of stealing. Stealing automobiles, however, has not really
-caught on in the colony; there is practically no place to hide a car
-after stealing it. Bicycle theft is more common there.
-
-Prostitution is one of the two categories in which Hong Kong has a higher
-rate than America. A highly intelligent missionary who has dealt with the
-problem for many years had this succinct comment:
-
-“The problem hinges on two factors; the British Army Garrison and the
-fact that Hong Kong is a recreation port for the United States Navy.
-Remove these and the problem vanishes.”
-
-For a variety of realistic reasons, this missionary does not expect
-the problem to vanish, though the police and the clergy, working from
-different directions, are doing their best to reduce its incidence. Both
-groups recognize poverty as one major cause of prostitution that can be
-fought with education and better jobs.
-
-The comparative rates of narcotics offenses in the United States and
-Hong Kong indicate that such crime is sixteen times more prevalent in
-the colony than in America. They also confirm a fact recognized by every
-law-enforcement unit in Hong Kong: Drugs are the No. 1 colony crime
-problem. By government estimates, there are no less than 150,000, and
-perhaps as many as 250,000 drug addicts in the colony. In the entire
-United States there are between 45,000 and 60,000 drug addicts.
-
-The gravity of the colony’s narcotics problem is best illustrated by the
-type of addiction practiced there. Almost all addicts use either opium or
-heroin, with heroin users three times more numerous than opium addicts.
-The trend toward heroin has grown more powerful every year since World
-War II, because the tight postwar laws against opium drove the drug
-sellers to a much more potent narcotic and one that could be smuggled
-more easily. Heroin is a second cousin to opium, being derived from
-morphine, which, in turn, has been extracted from opium.
-
-Heroin, commonly called “the living death,” is from 30 to 80 times
-stronger than opium. An opium smoker may go along for years, suffering no
-more physical damage than a heavy drinker; a heroin addict, who may be
-hooked in as short a time as two weeks, sinks into physical, mental and
-moral ruin within a few months.
-
-A peculiar kind of economic injustice operates among drug addicts, who
-are most often found among the poorest segments of the colony’s Chinese
-population. Even in the years when the British traded openly and without
-compunction in opium, they almost never became addicted to it, and today
-a British addict in Hong Kong is an extreme rarity. A number of young
-Americans living or visiting in the colony have picked up the habit,
-probably under the impression that they are defying conventions. They, at
-least, can afford the price of the rope with which they hang themselves.
-This is not so for the Chinese addict, whose habit costs him an average
-of $193 a year (HK $1,100), or much more than he can earn in a similar
-period. Unless he has saved enough money to keep him going until the
-drugs kill him, he turns to various kinds of crime to support his habit.
-
-Opium-smoking is a cumbersome process requiring a bulky pipe, pots of the
-drug, a lamp to heat it and scrapers to clean the pipe. Smoking produces
-a strong odor which makes a pipe session vulnerable to police detection
-and arrest. There are no opium dens in Hong Kong; the usual term is opium
-divan, implying an elegance seldom encountered in the addicts’ squalid
-hangouts.
-
-Heroin, odorless and requiring no bulky apparatus, is taken in various
-ways. “Chasing the dragon” is done by mixing heroin granules and base
-powder in folded tinfoil, then heating it over a flame and inhaling the
-fumes through a tube of rolled paper or bamboo. When a matchbox cover is
-substituted for the tube, the method is called “playing the mouth organ.”
-A third technique involves the placing of heroin granules in the tip of a
-cigarette, which is lit and held in an upright position while the smoker
-draws on it; this is known as “firing the ack-ack gun.” Needle injection,
-and the smoking or swallowing of pills made by mixing heroin with other
-ingredients are additional methods.
-
-The opium poppy may only be grown illegally in Hong Kong, but the few
-farmers who attempt to raise it in isolated valleys have produced hardly
-enough for their own use. Practically all of it comes in by ships and
-planes in the form of raw opium or morphine, which can be converted to
-heroin within the colony. On ships, the drugs are hidden in the least
-accessible parts of the vessel or concealed in cargo shipments; they
-can also be dumped overside in a waterproof container with a float and
-marker as the ship nears the harbor, to be picked up by small, fast boats
-which land them in sparsely settled areas. Variations of the same methods
-are used by incoming planes, with a prearranged airdrop sometimes being
-employed.
-
-With thousands of ships and planes arriving and departing every year,
-the chances of stopping all narcotics smuggling are practically nil. A
-complete search of every arrival would be physically impossible, and
-even in cases where the police or the Preventive Service of the Commerce
-and Industry Department have been tipped off to an incoming shipment,
-it may take a full day to locate the hiding place. The drugs may be
-packed inside a cable drum, buried in bales of waste, concealed in
-double-bottomed baskets, cached inside the bodies of dolls or surrounded
-by bundles of firewood; the hiding places are as inexhaustible as the
-cleverness of the smugglers.
-
-Where do the narcotics come from? Harry J. Anslinger, United States
-Commissioner of Narcotics from 1930 to 1962, had been telling the world
-for at least a decade that Red China was the chief source of supply.
-Anslinger said the Chinese Communists were up to their necks in the
-traffic because it brought them the foreign exchange they desperately
-needed and simultaneously undermined the morale of the West by spreading
-drug addiction among its people.
-
-Not one official in the British crown colony accepted Mr. Anslinger’s
-thesis for a minute. Hong Kong Police Commissioner Henry W. E. Heath,
-the Secretariat for Chinese Affairs, and the Preventive Service of the
-Commerce and Industry Department unanimously declared that there was
-absolutely no evidence that any large amount of the drugs smuggled into
-the colony came from Red China. American customs officials in Hong Kong
-were inclined to sustain the British view.
-
-Anslinger had named Yunnan Province in southwestern China as the leading
-opium-growing area. Colony officials will concede that some opium may be
-grown in Yunnan, but they believe that a much greater share is cultivated
-in northwest Laos, northern Thailand and the Shan States of eastern
-Burma. These four areas are so close to one another that the difference
-between the two hypotheses is more political than geographic.
-
-Regardless of which field the poppy comes from, colony officials have
-found that more than half the opium seized upon entering Hong Kong has
-arrived on ships and planes that made their last previous stop at
-Bangkok, Thailand. It is presumed that few drugs arrived bearing the name
-and address of the manufacturer or the stamp giving the country of origin.
-
-In 1960, the colony’s antinarcotics units set what they believe to be
-a world record for drug seizures, grabbing 39 shipments that included
-3,626 pounds of opium, 153 pounds of morphine, 337 pounds of morphine
-hydrochloride, 5 pounds of heroin and 155 pounds of barbitone. On
-November 30, 1960, the Preventive Service captured 1,078 pounds of raw
-opium hidden in bundles of hollowed-out teakwood on a newly arrived ship.
-Less than two weeks later they discovered another vessel trying the same
-trick and made a haul of 769 pounds of raw opium, 16 pounds of prepared
-opium, 45½ pounds of morphine and 293 pounds of morphine hydrochloride.
-There were 50 seizures in 1961, putting a further serious crimp in the
-smuggling racket.
-
-Feeling persecuted and hurt, many smugglers shifted their base of
-operations to Singapore. Even so, it was not an unqualified triumph for
-Hong Kong’s antinarcotics force; by pinching off the drug supply they
-forced its market price sky-high, and desperate addicts began stealing
-and robbing to pay for their dope.
-
-Halting the manufacture of heroin within the colony is as difficult as
-catching dope smugglers. A heroin “factory” requires little space and
-can be set up in some obscure corner of the New Territories or lodged in
-an expensive top-floor apartment on Hong Kong Island; the profit margin
-is so great that production costs are but a small obstacle. Enforcement
-costs are almost as steep. In 1959, the Preventive Service trebled its
-manpower. In February, 1961, maximum penalties for drug manufacturing
-were raised from a fine of $8,750 and ten years in prison to a $17,500
-fine and life imprisonment.
-
-Almost two-thirds of all prisoners in Hong Kong jails are drug addicts,
-but the jailing of addicts, however necessary to protect society, offers
-no cure for addiction. The colony government has sought to meet this
-phase of the problem by setting up a narcotics rehabilitation center at
-Tai Lam Chung Prison and a voluntary treatment section in the government
-hospital at Castle Peak.
-
-Dr. Alberto M. Rodrigues, a colony-born physician of Portuguese ancestry
-and an unofficial member of the Hong Kong Legislative Council, became
-chairman of a voluntary committee formed in 1959 to help drug addicts.
-With government approval, his committee took over Shek Kwu Island near
-Lantau in 1960 to establish a center where about 500 addicts could be
-accommodated if they volunteered for treatment. The island was chosen
-because it was isolated, and with proper security measures, could keep
-the addict entirely away from drugs until medical and nursing care had
-put him back on his feet. Gus Borgeest, the refugee rehabilitation
-pioneer who established a welfare center on Sunshine Island, helped in
-the early planning of Shek Kwu Chau, which began operations during 1962.
-
-Sir Sik-nin Chau, who has served on both the Executive and Legislative
-Councils, headed an antinarcotics publicity campaign which was solidly
-backed by the British and Chinese newspapers. The Kaifong associations
-joined in the drive with lectures and leaflet-distribution among the
-Chinese community. The public was urged to report any information about
-narcotics sales or divans, but the response was slow and timid; many
-ordinary citizens were obviously afraid of beatings and reprisals by the
-Triad gangs engaged in drug-peddling. Others hung back in obedience to a
-deep-seated Chinese tradition of not sticking your neck out by reporting
-on the other fellow’s dirty work. Some headway has been made against this
-attitude, but the general feeling of the drive’s publicity people is that
-their campaign must be sustained for years to overcome it.
-
-Hong Kong’s drug problem is unlike that of New York City, where drug
-addiction among teen-agers is cause for grave concern. Few Chinese
-youngsters seem to be attracted to the habit. It is the middle-aged, the
-unemployed, and most of all, the desperately poor who chase the dragon
-for a brief sensation of well-being, ease and warmth that is succeeded
-by a crushing letdown, physical collapse and eventual death. Abrupt
-withdrawal of the drugs is like an earthquake from within, causing
-cramps, vomiting, excruciating bodily pain and pathological restlessness.
-Only a gradual withdrawal under close medical supervision will bring
-about a cure, and even that carries no guarantee if the rehabilitated
-addict is turned back to joblessness and squalor.
-
-Much of the drug traffic into Hong Kong is not intended for local
-consumption, but for reexport to America and Europe. The crossroads
-position of Hong Kong on international air and shipping routes makes it
-particularly advantageous to this trade, and internal enforcement is
-insufficient to cope with it. To bolster their defenses against this
-traffic, colony drug-suppression officials depend on close coordination
-with police in Southeast Asia, with the World Health Organization
-Committee on Drugs Liable to Produce Addiction, and the Commission
-on Narcotic Drugs of the United Nations Economic and Social Council.
-The colony police force has opened its own sub-bureau of Interpol
-(International Criminal Police Organization) to strengthen its offensive
-against international drug peddlers.
-
-One oddity of the colony’s widespread drug addiction is that it is
-seldom apparent to the average visitor; he may spend weeks there without
-seeing a single identifiable drug victim. Trained observers can often
-spot an addict by his dazed expression or emaciated appearance, but
-even in these cases they need further evidence to verify the appraisal.
-Dragon-chasers don’t charge through the streets like rogue elephants—not
-in the colony, at any rate—they stay hidden and comatose in their
-squatter shacks or divans.
-
-Police find the Triad gangs perennially active in the sale of narcotics,
-just as they are in pimpery, extortion and shakedown rackets. Congested
-areas such as Yau Ma Tei and Sham Shui Po have the highest crime rates
-and the largest Triad membership. Only about five percent of the 500,000
-Triad members are engaged in major crimes, yet the threat of vengeance
-from this militant minority is generally sufficient to keep the other
-members silent and submissive. The mere implication of Triad backing, in
-a threatening letter sent to a rich Chinese, usually produces cash to pay
-off the letter writer, although police have recently had more success in
-persuading prospective victims of these menaces to contact them instead
-of paying off. Kidnapings are rare, though at least one case made the
-headlines in 1961.
-
-The makeup of the police department closely reflects both the hierarchy
-and the numerical grouping of the colony’s population. The line force
-of uniformed men and detectives in all grades totaled 8,333 in 1961.
-Nine-tenths were Chinese and less than 500 were British, with less than
-200 Pakistanis and a handful of Portuguese. The top 50 administrative
-posts were almost solidly British, however. The force also includes a
-civilian staff of 1400.
-
-For the purposes of the ordinary citizen, a colony cop is a Chinese cop,
-for these are the only officers he sees regularly. Taken as a group,
-they are an alert-looking, smartly uniformed body, predominantly young,
-slim and athletic. Day or night, they appear to be very much on the job,
-and the worldwide complaint that a cop is never there when you need him
-seems peculiarly inapplicable to Hong Kong. The Chinese officer quite
-obviously is proud of his job, but the swaggering bully-boy pose is alien
-to his nature.
-
-A few Chinese officers, like police in all other cities, go bad. When
-they are drummed out of the force, it is generally for shaking down
-a hawker or a merchant. More serious cases involve the protection of
-gambling, prostitution, after-hour bars, or even collaboration with Triad
-gangsters who split their protection money with the man on the beat.
-Once in a great while a case like that of Assistant Superintendent John
-Chao-ko Tsang crops up, with a high-ranking Chinese officer involved in
-spying for a foreign government—Communist China, in this instance. But
-such is the exception and does not change one lesson the British rulers
-have learned in 120 years of hiring almost every kind of recruit from a
-Scotsman to a Sikh; that of them all, the rank-and-file Chinese cop is
-the finest the colony has ever had.
-
-The command structure of the police department, which is highly
-centralized under an all-British top administration, is reflected in
-almost every branch of the colony government. There are approximately
-15,000 natives of the British Isles in the colony, excluding members of
-the armed forces and their families, and they occupy virtually all of the
-top government posts.
-
-A number of writers have expressed the view that Hong Kong is actually
-controlled by about twenty persons, and while this could be criticized
-as extreme—and certainly impossible to prove—it could just as well be
-said that it is controlled by not more than ten persons: The governor;
-the colonial secretary; the financial secretary; the director of Public
-Works; the managing director of Jardine, Matheson & Co. (the most
-powerful and longest-established business house); the general manager of
-the Hongkong & Shanghai Bank (the leading financial institution); the
-two most influential Chinese members of the Executive and Legislative
-Councils; and the most prominent Portuguese and Indian member of the
-Executive or Legislative Council. Perhaps the best way to test this
-top-ten theory would be to try running something in opposition to these
-ten, and no one has ventured that yet.
-
-There is no important elective office in Hong Kong, no widely qualified
-electorate and no open agitation for universal suffrage. Nor is there
-any sign of a forcibly suppressed yearning for democratic rule on the
-part of the general population. The Communists, of course, loudly profess
-their love of elective government, but the British and a majority of the
-Chinese construe this to mean the entering wedge for Red China to annex
-the colony. This is an old-fashioned colonial autocracy, completely
-dominated by a small minority at the top, but even without a vote it
-appears to enjoy more confidence from its subjects than do the Reds on
-the mainland of China.
-
-The greatest strength of the colony government is that in spite of
-its pin-point degree of representation, it can rule in an orderly and
-efficient manner without the excesses of tyranny or dictatorship. For
-ultimately, it is not the governing few but the law that rules in Hong
-Kong.
-
-The Hong Kong government is a subsidiary of the British Crown. It gets
-its orders from the Colonial Office and they are carried out by the
-governor and two advisory bodies, the Executive and Legislative Councils.
-The governor is the head of both councils. Five persons have seats
-in both councils by virtue of their office—the commander of British
-forces in the colony, the colonial secretary, the attorney general,
-the secretary for Chinese affairs, and the financial secretary. In
-addition, one colony official is nominated to the Executive Council,
-and four other government officials are nominated for the Legislative
-Council. The governor goes outside the official family to nominate six
-unofficial members of the Executive Council and eight unofficial members
-of the Legislative Council. Altogether, there are 31 places in this
-policy-making hierarchy. Since several of its members hold two jobs
-in this selective directorate, there are at present a total of 23 men
-participating in top-level government.
-
-The governor must consult with the Executive Council on all important
-matters, but he decides what must be done. If he takes action against
-the express advice of his Executive Council, he owes a full explanation
-for doing so to the Colonial Secretary. The governor makes the laws with
-the advice and consent of the Legislative Council, and he must have its
-approval for all public spending. British common law, adapted where
-necessary to local conditions and Chinese customs, is the legal code of
-Hong Kong.
-
-Thus the colony presents a unique governmental phenomenon. Approximately
-ten to twenty English-speaking men holding undisputed sway over 3,300,000
-subjects, of whom not one in ten understands the language of his rulers
-and hardly fifty percent can claim Hong Kong as their birthplace.
-
-By all visible signs, the colony is one of the best-run governments in
-the Far East. Its roads are paved and traffic moves in an orderly way
-in spite of the highest vehicle concentration per mile of road anywhere
-in the world. The same order prevails in the incessant shuttling of
-harbor vessels. Public transportation is swift, frequent and generally
-on schedule. Poverty and privation are everywhere, but starvation is
-virtually non-existent. Business and trade thrive and unemployment is
-low. Wages seem minuscule when compared with American standards, yet are
-higher than in most of the countries of Asia. A majority of its people
-are indifferent to the government, but they are not afraid of it. When
-something has to be done, there are people at the top with the resolution
-and the intelligence to do it without trampling human rights.
-
-Is Hong Kong’s autocracy, therefore, a model for the world? On the
-contrary, there is hardly another place where its practices would be
-applicable. Hong Kong’s exasperating uniqueness has defied even the
-efforts of the Colonial Office to make it conform to British government
-practices.
-
-With all its efficiency, however, Hong Kong has the weaknesses of its
-governmental structure and its political environment. Because of its
-extreme centralization, its almost ingrown character in relation to
-its constituents, it is often out of touch with the people it governs.
-Enormous barriers of language and culture block its view, and graft and
-corruption threaten it from every angle. In Asia, graft is the deadliest
-enemy of every form of government which pretends to deal justly with its
-citizens, and Hong Kong is not invulnerable to its attack.
-
-From the earliest days of the colony, the Chinese people who emigrated
-there were fugitives from restraint and oppression. Many of them were
-outright fugitives from justice. Whatever their virtues or vices, they
-had found existence under the government of their homeland so intolerable
-that they willingly submitted to the rule of an alien people they neither
-trusted nor admired. From centuries of bitter experience in China, they
-believed that no government was to be trusted. The secret of survival
-was to avoid all open defiance of governments and to go on living within
-the framework of one’s family and clan as though the government did
-not exist. One did not cheat the other members of his clan, because
-retribution could be swift and terrible. Relations with civil rulers were
-not an ethical compact; they were a battle of wits, a stubborn struggle
-for self-preservation in which the cunning of the individual was the only
-weapon against the greed and power of the state.
-
-How much more applicable these lessons were when those rulers were
-foreign devils who did not speak one’s language! One did not rebel
-against the headstrong foreigners and their military superiority; he
-obeyed them in externals, so far as it was necessary to escape reprisals,
-and went on quietly building his own internal mechanisms of graft like a
-busy termite in an unsuspecting household. If the people of the household
-mistook the termites for industrious but harmless little ants, it was all
-the easier for him.
-
-The metaphor need not be done to death, for it is no longer as apposite
-as it once was. But there is no question that graft and corruption
-continue to eat away at the structure of the colony government.
-In a hundred casual conversations with a hundred different colony
-residents—English, Chinese, American, Portuguese, governmental and
-nongovernmental—the visitor will almost never hear that the ruling powers
-have railroaded some poor devil off to jail without cause, swindled him
-out of his property to benefit the state, or hounded the populace into
-semistarvation with unbearable taxation. If these evils exist, they are
-neither frequent enough nor sufficiently conspicuous to engage people’s
-passions.
-
-But on the subject of graft—the innumerable, small nicks taken from
-merchants, builders, and the ordinary citizen seeking any type of
-official favor or permit—the floodgates of complaint are wide open. Much
-of this is generalized, unproved, even irresponsible, operating at about
-the same intellectual level as a taxi-driver’s jeremiad. Nevertheless,
-there is a core of solid complaint that cannot be ignored.
-
-Within the colony government, there is a large segment that bridles
-at the least intimation of official graft. The motto of this segment
-is: Don’t rock the boat. We know we’re not perfect, they seem to be
-saying, but don’t go around kicking over beehives, or the first thing
-we know, the Colonial Office will be down on our heads with all kinds
-of inquiries, full-dress investigations and a fearful flap. We’ll all
-be sacked, sent home in disgrace, and it won’t change one thing for the
-better. So let’s keep quiet, muddle along as best we can and try to
-eliminate the grafters quietly, one at a time. We’re really not a bad lot
-of chaps, you know.
-
-Fortunately, some of the colony’s chief officers do not subscribe to the
-theory that corruption can be defeated by a public pretense that it does
-not exist.
-
-Something like a civic shock-wave was recorded in Hong Kong on January
-11, 1962, when Chief Justice Michael Hogan opened the Supreme Court
-Assizes by coming to grips with the issue of corruption.
-
-“No one would claim we are entirely immune from this evil,” Sir Michael
-said. He noted that the heavy penalties prescribed for corruption
-offenses must be enforced without recourse to “the surreptitious whisper
-in the corridor; the accusation made behind his (the accused’s) back; or
-the anonymous letter. If such methods should come to be accepted, then we
-would have another evil just as bad, if not worse, than corruption.”
-
-The Chief Justice proceeded to put his finger on one of the main
-obstacles to the exposure of corruption:
-
-“There is a reluctance to come forward and give information; to come, if
-necessary, into court and face the possibility of a cross-examination,
-attacking character, credit and the power of recollection—in fact a
-reluctance to pay the price that the rule of law demands.”
-
-He contrasted this attitude with the recent case of a Mr. Tong, who
-captured and held on to a sneak-thief despite six stab wounds, and asked:
-
-“Does this mean that physical courage is more plentiful than moral
-courage in Hong Kong today?”
-
-He reached the heart of the matter with the observation that a citizen
-will be very slow to come forward with a complaint against an official if
-he knows that perhaps tomorrow or the next day or the day after, he has
-got to come and ask that official, or some colleague of that official, or
-somebody apparently identified with him in interest, for a concession, or
-a privilege, or some act of consideration.
-
-It is only when men have clearly defined rights, he continued, that they
-enjoy the security to challenge the abuse of power and the ability to
-choke off corruption. If an official can grant or withhold permission
-“without the necessity of giving public reasons for the decision,” the
-Chief Justice declared, “you immediately create an opening for corruption
-or the suspicion of it.”
-
-The Chief Justice’s address, particularly in its allusion to
-“closed-door” decisions and a lack of moral sense in the community,
-produced headlines and editorials in the local press and acute twinges
-of discomfort among those who either benefited by corruption or feared
-any public admission that it existed. In itself, the address was
-neither an exposé nor an indictment, but its delivery by the brilliant
-and articulate Chief Justice in one of the most solemn ceremonies of
-the governmental year rang a clear warning from the citadel: If the
-corrupters were haled before the courts, they could expect no easy-going
-tolerance for their misdeeds.
-
-During the previous July, Governor Black had moved to correct one
-weakness peculiar to Hong Kong. Because of the Chinese tradition that
-personal contact with the government is to be avoided, many residents
-were reluctant to approach an official for such routine information as
-where to apply for an identity card or how to locate a lost pet. If they
-plucked up the courage to ask a question, they assumed that some fee,
-to be paid either above or below the table, would be exacted for any
-answer given. The situation offered a happy hunting ground for grafters,
-either those on the government payroll who dealt with the general public
-or the self-appointed private “fixers” who directed the applicant to a
-particular official for a small fee. Sometimes the fixer and the official
-were in cahoots and sheared the lamb at both ends of his journey.
-
-Why it took the colony 120 years to plug this rat hole is a baffling
-question. It was done at last by creating a Public Enquiry Service with
-an all-Chinese staff capable of speaking virtually any local dialect and
-of supplying direct and accurate answers to every kind of question about
-the government and its functions. Coming under the general authority of
-the Secretariat for Chinese Affairs, it is headed by Paul K. C. Tsui,
-a native of Hong Kong and a colony administrative officer since 1948.
-Controller Tsui spent months roaming the colony, talking to editors,
-listening to gossip in goldsmiths’ shops and to the complaints people
-dictated to sidewalk letter-writers or expressed to housing and tenancy
-offices.
-
-When he felt that he had gained some idea of the questions and problems
-on people’s minds, Mr. Tsui sought the answers to them from the
-appropriate departments. He then assembled a small staff, compiled and
-cross-indexed a vast store of information in readily accessible form,
-and established an office in the entrance hall of the Central Government
-Offices, West Wing, on July 3, 1961. There his three information
-officers, who had expected to have to handle 80 requests for information
-a day, found them streaming in at the rate of about 135 a day. Early
-in 1962, a similar office had to be opened in Kowloon to meet the same
-demand. When the Chinese people were satisfied that they could get
-specific, friendly answers to their problems without having to pay a fee,
-they were both amazed and grateful.
-
-Mr. Tsui, taking a tip from the operators of goldsmiths’ shops, put his
-staff on hard chairs and the public on soft chairs, permitting them to
-talk comfortably across a low counter in a pleasant, informal atmosphere.
-At times it takes an agitated inquirer fifteen minutes to blow off steam
-before he can get around to stating what it is he really wants to know,
-but the staff will patiently wait him out. A married woman about thirty
-years of age appears to represent the favorite official type of most
-questioners, although they like also to have an older male official
-handy as a corroborating reference. Queries in English are handled as
-efficiently as are those in Chinese.
-
-Once the news of this service reaches all colony residents—many English
-and Chinese had still not heard of it in 1962—one of the most prevalent
-forms of petty graft and ill-will toward government will have been
-eliminated.
-
-Chief Justice Hogan’s attack on “closed-door” decisions and official
-impropriety was followed a week later by the sixth report of the
-Advisory Committee on Corruption, composed of a five-man body appointed
-by Governor Black from the membership of the Executive and Legislative
-Councils.
-
-The report found the highest susceptibility to corruption among the
-departments dealing directly with the general public—police, public
-works, urban services, commerce and industry and refugee resettlement.
-Inspection services of all kinds, it said, showed the greatest
-vulnerability to graft.
-
-So far the report only echoes a truism known to every municipal
-administration; that when the government comes to bear on some
-individual’s right to perform a particular function, usually for money, a
-few gold coins in an inspector’s pocket will often expedite a favorable
-decision.
-
-The Advisory Committee on Corruption has recommended clearly defined,
-simple licensing procedures and the introduction of bilingual (Chinese
-and English) application forms and explanatory booklets. A corollary
-recommendation that all new government employees receive a pamphlet
-detailing the penalties for corruption has already been accepted.
-
-The Committee called for legislation that would require a public servant
-to explain exactly how he came to be in possession of any property
-that was not in keeping with his income, and to face a penalty if his
-explanation did not hold. They also sought a law giving the courts
-the power to seize any money involved in a corruption charge, plus a
-recommendation for stiffer punishments against corruption.
-
-The report urged that the names of officials convicted of corruption
-be made public, and that figures showing the total number of officials
-dismissed be published at certain intervals. At present, there are
-numerous angry cries that when a crooked British official is caught and
-sacked, he is spirited out of the colony without a word about it; whereas
-a Chinese official fired for a similar offense receives unrelenting
-publicity and back-handed treatment that implies, “Well, what else can
-you expect from these Orientals?”
-
-The Anti-Corruption Branch of the police department is now the chief
-agency responsible for detecting corruption in all departments of
-government. The Committee has invited direct reports of corruption from
-the public, some of which have led to the prosecution and firing of
-several officials. During the first eleven months of 1961, the police
-department received an additional 422 complaints charging corruption.
-Americans are usually surprised to find that the colony’s police
-department is charged with detecting corruption in other government
-departments. In America it is done the other way around; other government
-departments seem to be investigating the police force for signs of
-corruption.
-
-Generally unsubstantiated but endlessly repeated to visitors, are
-the popular charges that the police are shaking down shopkeepers and
-peddlers, or that building inspectors are blinded by gold when a builder
-is detected extending a structure over a sidewalk in violation of local
-codes and ordinances.
-
-The report, last of the series issued by the Committee, suggested that
-it would be desirable to hold the givers of bribes equally guilty with
-the civil servants who accepted them. This is a sticky issue in any
-community, despite the unassailability of its ethical position. If it
-were rigidly enforced, it would infringe the freedom of speech of many
-prominent persons who deplore dishonesty in government, because it would
-put them in jail.
-
-The Advisory Committee has also warned civil servants to deal only
-with the applicants in person, or with professional representatives in
-order to exclude corrupt middlemen from all transactions. This warning
-is especially appropriate in Hong Kong, where a middleman with no
-discernible function except his ability to collect a fee will attempt to
-worm himself into every business deal.
-
-All of the Committee’s recommendations are made directly to the
-governor, who in turn discusses them with the Colonial Office before
-taking action.
-
-Colony newspapers have printed long excerpts from all the reports, and
-the _China Mail_ declared that they simply said what the newspaper had
-been publishing for two years.
-
-What Chief Justice Hogan and the Committee have jointly accomplished is
-to raise an issue of critical importance in the survival of the colony
-government. Whether it will be resolved as decisively as it has been
-faced may require months and years to answer.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER EIGHT
-
-Two Worlds in One House
-
- “Care must be taken not to confound the habits and institutions
- of the Chinese with what prevails in other parts of the
- world.”—BRITISH HOUSE OF LORDS (circa 1880)
-
-
-Hong Kong has furnished the Sino-British answer to a universal question:
-What’s in it for me? Its progress from the earliest days has been more
-powerfully influenced by the lure of gold than by the Golden Rule, with
-its British and Chinese residents having little in common except their
-human nature and an equal dedication to the maximum profit in the minimum
-time.
-
-“They don’t even speak the same language!” is a convenient expression
-of the ultimate separation between peoples, but while it is true that
-nine-tenths of Hong Kong’s Chinese do not speak English, the linguistic
-gap is only one of the many chasms that stand between them and their
-British rulers.
-
-The British traders and fighting men who muscled their way into
-possession of Hong Kong Island in 1841 were looked upon with fear and
-loathing by the Chinese governing class, who considered them gun-toting
-barbarian brawlers. To the English, the Chinese seemed a docile
-subspecies of humanity. It has taken most of the intervening 121 years
-to convince a majority of both sides that the initial judgments may have
-been wrong.
-
-The differences between nineteenth century Chinese and European
-civilizations were wide. Europeans, when they thought about religion
-at all, worshipped one God in a variety of antagonistic churches; the
-Chinese worshipped hundreds of gods, sometimes subscribing to several
-contradictory creeds simultaneously, without apparent conflict. Europeans
-were monogamous by law and custom; the Chinese, without odium, could be
-as polygamous as their means would allow.
-
-None of these theological or moral disparities weighed heavily on the
-English while they were securing a foothold in China and building the
-opium trade. On the contrary, when they noted the willingness with which
-Chinese customs officials accepted their bribes, they felt they had
-established a kind of moral bond with the East. These people, whatever
-their eccentricities, were ready to do business in the accepted Western
-way.
-
-When the British settled down to the business of governing their new
-colony, they collided at every turn with the language barrier. Except for
-a few conscientious missionaries and a minuscule number of lay scholars,
-the British were wholly ignorant of Cantonese, the prevailing Hong Kong
-tongue, and they were loftily disinclined to learn it. The extremes
-to which this arrogant insularity sometimes went were demonstrated by
-Governor Samuel George Bonham (1848-1854), who denied promotions to
-those subordinates who learned Chinese; he felt that the language was
-injurious to the mind, robbing it of common sense. In other respects,
-Governor Bonham was not so benighted as his linguistic convictions would
-indicate. Nor was he alone in his attitude toward the Chinese people;
-Governor Hercules Robinson (1859-1865) once wrote that it was his
-constant endeavor to “preserve the European and American community from
-the injury and inconvenience of intermixture” with the Chinese population.
-
-Since all government business was (and continues to be) conducted
-in English, British officials frequently had to rely on Portuguese
-interpreters who had moved to Hong Kong from Macao. The Portuguese,
-facile linguists and unburdened by delusions of racial superiority,
-filled the role admirably. But in the colony courts, the simple task of
-swearing a witness in presented obstacles even to the best interpreters.
-Having never sworn an oath in the English fashion, the Chinese viewed it
-as just one more instance of outlandish mumbo-jumbo. At first the English
-tried cutting off a rooster’s head as a testament of the witness’s
-intention to tell the truth; then an earthenware bowl was broken to
-signify the same thing. A yellow paper inscribed with oaths or the name
-of the witness was burned in court as another form of swearing-in.
-Governor Bonham instituted a direct oral affirmation in 1852, but the
-complications that ensued must have intensified his conviction that the
-Chinese language was an insult to logic. If a defendant were asked, “Do
-you plead guilty?” the question was rendered in colloquial Cantonese as
-“You yes or no not guilty?” If the respondent answered “Yes, I am not
-guilty,” it could mean either “Not Guilty” or “Guilty.” Somehow the oaths
-were sworn, but not without a certain despair among the court attendants.
-
-Although the European community seldom concerned itself with Chinese
-customs, it managed to raise a considerable storm over their “places of
-convenience” during the 1860s. These creations of the colony’s Chinese
-merchants were a sort of employee-retirement plan which consisted of
-taking one’s elderly or ailing workers to a crude shelter located on the
-north slope of Victoria Peak. There the faithful employee was rewarded
-for his long service by being given a quantity of drinking water and
-a coffin and left to die; if he were blessed with friends, they might
-visit him at this place, offer him an occasional scrap of food or a
-fresh ration of drinking water, and finally bury him. Often he died
-alone and without proper burial. This was too much, even for European
-opium traders, and Governor Richard Macdonnell stilled their protests
-by offering a free site for a Chinese hospital at Possession Point.
-This replacement of the terrible “dying-houses” was financed by the
-wealthier Chinese for their destitute countrymen. It became the first
-of the Tung Wah Chinese hospitals, now greatly expanded and modernized.
-The inevitable outcry that provision of the simplest medical care for
-the destitute would cause these facilities to be jammed by hordes of
-undeserving poor was raised—as it still is today—and proved false.
-
-Sanitary conditions among the Chinese were horrible when the British
-arrived and remained so for the rest of the nineteenth century. The
-colony government made many attempts to improve them, but it was
-regularly stymied by the tenement dwellers who opposed any form of health
-inspection as an invasion of privacy, and by landlords who resented
-any proposal which threatened their profit margins. During the bubonic
-plague epidemics of the 1890s, the government provided a special plague
-burial-ground and offered the families of the dead quantities of lime to
-render the bodies of the victims noninfectious. The Chinese responded by
-abandoning their dead in the streets or throwing them in shallow graves;
-the donated lime was sold to building contractors.
-
-The surviving tenements of the Western District of Hong Kong Island
-are still a shock to visiting Westerners. Still, their dark, dirty and
-overcrowded condition is a distinct improvement upon the disease-ridden
-pestholes of the last century. Sanitary inspectors, no longer detested
-and attacked by the population, can go anywhere and they carry full
-police powers for enforcing corrective action. The Chinese, never any
-fonder of dirt than the English, have been converted to the belief that
-the once-hated British methods can help them to achieve cleanliness.
-
-Because of their tenuous contact with the Chinese residents of
-the colony, the British rulers tended to deal with them through
-intermediaries. This function was at first performed by the Mandarins,
-or members of the Chinese official class, who were as willing to gouge
-their countrymen for the British as they had been to do it for the
-Emperor; provided, of course, that they were able to deduct their usual
-cut. Governor Arthur Kennedy (1872-1877), who was the first to invite the
-Chinese to receptions at Government House, relied on the committee of the
-Man Mo Temple to control Chinese affairs.
-
-Man Mo Temple, an ancient building still standing on Hollywood Road in
-the congested Western District, was a mixture of Buddhist and Taoist
-elements. Its leaders were Kennedy’s very potent allies, all working
-secretly to control Chinese affairs, acting as commercial arbitrators,
-negotiating the sale of official titles, and welcoming visiting
-Mandarins. Man Mo Temple, now administered by the Tung Wah Hospital
-committee, remained a respectable institution, but a number of other
-temples sprang up to challenge its influence.
-
-In numerous cases the so-called temples were nothing more than a
-sanctimonious swindle. Privately promoted as a business speculation,
-they solicited funds from the public with fraudulent claims of divine
-or political influence. Abuses of this sort became so flagrant that
-the colony government, after long delay, enacted the Chinese Temples
-Ordinance in 1928, which provided for registration of the temples and
-an accounting of their funds to the Secretariat for Chinese Affairs.
-Certain long-established temples were exempt from various provisions of
-the Ordinance, but the founding of temples as a private business venture
-was forbidden. Surplus funds of the existing temples—the amount remaining
-after all maintenance and operating costs had been met—were transferred
-to a general Chinese charities fund.
-
-The Chinese Mui Tsai custom, that of selling young girls as servants,
-troubled British and Chinese relations in Hong Kong for half a century.
-From ancient times, Chinese families had purchased little girls from
-impoverished parents and put them to work as household drudges. The
-colony officials raised their first strong objections to the practice in
-1878, condemning it as thinly disguised slavery. Speaking of slavery, the
-Chinese retorted, what about the licensed brothels where 80 percent of
-the inmates had been sold into prostitution?
-
-A committee appointed by Governor John Pope Hennessy (1877-1882) found
-that hundreds of the Mui Tsai, when they had outgrown their household
-enslavement, were being resold as prostitutes for shipment to Singapore,
-California and Australia. A species of Caucasian scum who lived in the
-colony were active partners in the trade. Governor Hennessy and Chief
-Justice John Smale forwarded the committee’s reports to the British House
-of Lords with urgent recommendations for tight corrective laws. The
-Lords, suddenly revealing an unsuspected concern for the integrity of
-Chinese customs, killed most of the proposed reforms.
-
-Establishment of the Po Leung Kuk, or Society for the Protection of
-Virtue, helped to limit the kidnaping of women and girls, but the
-institution of Mui Tsai was to persist well into the twentieth century.
-The English eventually outlawed licensed brothels after decades of
-criticism from many countries.
-
-Covert prostitution continues at a brisk pace in Hong Kong today, with
-sailors favoring the Wanchai district and the bars of the Tsim Sha Tsui
-section of Kowloon. The Chinese are more inclined to patronize the
-western areas of Hong Kong Island. The dance hall and cabaret girls of
-Wanchai, whose ranks include some spectacularly beautiful women, charge
-their eager patrons about four dollars an hour for the privilege of
-dancing with them, sharing a plate of melon seeds and drinking tea. The
-cabarets are murky dens, furnished in Chinese warehouse modern, with
-a third-rate jazz band dragging the tempo along in the semidarkness.
-There is no guarantee of intimacies—emphatically not on the premises—and
-the prospective suitor is obliged to continue shelling out his money
-for repeated visits until the girl decides whether he has the kind of
-bankroll she could care for. If he is too repulsive to her, not even that
-will do.
-
-A cabaret girl can earn $300 a month or more, or about five times as
-much as a schoolteacher earns. Few of these girls speak English, but
-this ability has never been regarded as a prerequisite. Apart from the
-moral considerations of the job, its competitive aspects are becoming
-more intense all the time. Bar girls, who have little respect for the
-traditional preliminaries, may bestow their favors on five customers
-while the cabaret charmers are fencing with one.
-
-The singsong girls, formerly held in great esteem as entertainers and
-prostitutes, have almost disappeared from the colony. Many of them were
-Mui Tsai who had been trained to sing seemingly interminable Cantonese
-songs in a falsetto voice for their tea-shop patrons, accompanying
-themselves on a kind of horizontal stringed instrument which they tapped
-with padded hammers. In the later evening, they moved about from one
-businessmen’s club to another in the West Point section of the island.
-Not all were prostitutes, and there is still at least one tea shop along
-Queen’s Road Central where entertainment is confined to music. Westerners
-who hear their music often find themselves thinking of older days.
-
-Considering the fact that Hong Kong is a world seaport, the rate of
-venereal infection is surprisingly low. To a greater extent than in most
-Western cities, poverty is a basic cause of prostitution, but here too
-sheer laziness, greed and stupidity play their part in the provision
-of recruits. As usual, the greatest profits from the trade go to its
-protectors—Triad gangsters and corrupt policemen.
-
-The entire subject of the status and treatment of women has provided a
-continual source of animosity and disagreement throughout the colony’s
-history. The rich Chinese Taipans, with their numerous wives and
-mistresses lodged in separate establishments, have remained the envy
-of many a Western man who could not emulate them without violating the
-laws of the colony and placing himself beyond the pale of polite Western
-society.
-
-Since the founding of the Chinese Republic in 1911, well-educated
-Chinese women have not looked happily on polygamy. Their convictions
-were solidified and shared by millions of other Chinese wives when Red
-China tightened the marriage laws, making monogamy not only legal but
-practically mandatory. These improvements in the status of Chinese
-women have not gone unnoticed in Hong Kong, where a British, Christian,
-monogamous community finds itself in the embarrassing position of
-tolerating plural marriage among its Chinese subjects long after the
-institution has been outlawed in China.
-
-There is nothing in this thorny problem which lends itself to edicts
-and sweeping judgments. It is charged with the most delicate emotional
-considerations, involving not only the legality of existing marriages,
-the legitimacy of offspring and the fundamental rights of women, but
-also the division of property and the inheritance of estates. Colony
-officials are aware that the work of solving it must be approached with
-the greatest subtlety.
-
-To begin with, there are six kinds of marriages to be considered, all
-with different premises. Two are classified as Chinese Modern Marriages;
-those contracted in Hong Kong under Nationalist China laws, and those
-contracted in China or any other place outside the colony under the
-same Nationalist laws. Marriages contracted under Chinese custom as it
-existed and was recognized in 1843 are Chinese Customary Marriages.
-Marriages under the colony’s laws, Christian or otherwise, are called
-Registry Marriages. There are also Reputed Marriages, which is the colony
-designation for common-law marriages, and, finally, a group called
-Foreign Marriages, which includes all those contracted outside the
-colony under foreign laws, particularly those performed and registered
-in Red China under its monogamous marriage law. Thus, the usually simple
-question, “Are you married?” when fully answered in Hong Kong, may take a
-considerable amount of the inquirer’s time.
-
-Chinese Customary Marriages, still popular in the colony, are generally
-recognized as valid, but there is no single definition which covers them.
-There are any number of ancient prescriptions for them which contradict
-one another, but they are alike in that they follow the accepted rites
-and ceremonies of the families of the bride and groom. Chinese women
-with a modern consciousness of their rights have no affection for such
-unions, since they permit a husband to divorce his wife for any reason
-and give her no right to leave him if she really feels inclined to do so.
-Furthermore, and this is an equally sore point, it permits the husband
-to take concubines, though the notion that a wife might adopt a similar
-polygamy is quite inconceivable.
-
-Chinese Modern Marriages in the colony far outnumber all other types—more
-than 200,000, by an official estimate—although Registry Marriages have
-recently gained in number. All that is required to make them valid is an
-open ceremony witnessed by two persons. The Nationalist laws applicable
-to such unions give the man no legal right to acquire a concubine,
-despite the fact that some husbands in the colony find it convenient to
-pretend they do. The “extra” girls are naturally flattered to be told
-they are concubines (i.e., secondary wives with full domestic rights),
-rather than mistresses with no legal or social standing.
-
-In everyday relationships with the courts and the government, Chinese
-Modern Marriages are recognized as respectable unions. None the less,
-they have no legal validity when contracted in Hong Kong, for they
-are neither entered at the Marriage Registry nor are they celebrated
-according to “the personal law and religion of the parties,” as colony
-laws require.
-
-Reputed Marriages are, in many respects, exactly like common-law
-marriages in the United States: two people live together, sometimes have
-children and are regarded by themselves and their friends as married,
-unless they should grow weary of each other and part. In Hong Kong,
-however, a concubine is sometimes added, making the institution look
-something like a house of cards with an annex. Foreign Marriages, or
-unions contracted abroad and according to the laws of the country where
-the couple formerly lived, present few legal obstacles. If they were
-married in Red China, and the marriage was registered there, the union
-is monogamous; when the couple move to Hong Kong, their marriage has the
-same standing as that of an American or European couple living in the
-colony.
-
-The complications arising from this matrimonial disparity have been the
-subject of intensive study since World War II. In earlier days, the
-marital customs of the Chinese community were of little interest to the
-British. One did not associate with the Chinese unless it was required
-for the purposes of political window-dressing. But the glacial snobbery
-of old colonialism suffered a disrespectful mauling during World War
-II from which it has never quite recovered. At that time the Chinese
-penetrated all but the tightest circles of Hong Kong society, and
-hundreds of British and Chinese intermarried without loss of “face” in
-either group. This last was the boldest departure, for while it was true
-that outcasts of both races had intermarried since the founding of the
-colony, a socially acceptable member of either race who attempted it was
-snubbed by both English and Chinese.
-
-British-Chinese intermarriages are monogamous, and in spite of the
-inevitable interference of aunts, uncles and cousins, have generally
-worked out better than either race would have expected them to two
-decades ago. Of themselves, these mixed marriages are not a social issue
-in the colony, but they have indirectly breached the barrier between
-the two racial communities. Marriage laws of all sorts have become the
-concern of the entire colony population.
-
-The 1948 Committee on Chinese Law and Custom defined many of the marital
-contradictions which persist to this day. Then, as now, one of the
-most vexing questions was the legal status of the “secondary wife”
-or concubine sanctioned by Chinese Customary Marriages. The English
-meaning of “concubine,” connoting a mistress or secret paramour, was not
-applicable to the Chinese concubine; she joined her husband’s household,
-with or without the principal wife’s consent, and it was his obligation
-to support her. Her children were legitimate, but her husband could
-divorce her more readily than he could his principal wife.
-
-But what were the rights of real and pseudo-concubines? Could they and
-their children be discarded without support? To what extent might they
-challenge the rights of the real wife? The 1948 Committee produced no
-definitive answers to these questions, nor did it urge any precipitate
-action to change the status of concubines. It did recommend that after a
-certain date, the taking of new concubines be declared illegal.
-
-Sir Man Kam Lo, a Chinese member of the Hong Kong Executive Council,
-subsequently wrote a dissent to the 1948 report, saying that he believed
-the concubine should be allowed to remain in cases where the principal
-wife was ill or unable to bear children. As he noted, the birth of a male
-heir is of the greatest importance to the succession of a Chinese family.
-Very few families, he felt, would regard an adopted son as a suitable
-heir.
-
-Arthur Ridehalgh, former Attorney General, and John C. McDouall,
-Secretary for Chinese Affairs, made a detailed study of Chinese
-marriages in the colony in 1960 and submitted a variety of
-recommendations intended to clear up some of the ambiguities and
-contradictions.
-
-It was their proposal that the government set a definite date for
-outlawing Chinese Modern Marriages and to validate all marriages of this
-type which had been previously contracted as monogamous unions, provided
-that neither spouse was lawfully married to anyone else. The so-called
-concubines of husbands who had been parties to a Chinese Modern Marriage
-would receive no further legal recognition, and in fact they had never
-been entitled to any.
-
-Regarding Chinese Customary Marriages, the study favored the recording
-of these marriages to establish their validity, and the banning of all
-future marriages in which either partner is under sixteen years of age.
-As to Reputed Marriages, the study advocated remarriage of the couples
-under colony law with the right to back-date the marriage to the time
-they had begun to live together.
-
-The Ridehalgh-McDouall report also favored several changes in the
-divorce laws. One change would permit a principal wife in a Chinese
-Customary Marriage to get a divorce with maintenance until her death
-or remarriage if the husband, after a date to be set by law, acquired
-a concubine without the principal wife’s consent or knowledge. Another
-recommendation, after a date set by law, would bar divorce in a Chinese
-Customary Marriage without the free consent of both parties.
-
-The study warned against any all-out banning of concubines in Chinese
-Customary Marriages, but supported gradual restriction of the right
-to take concubines. As for mistresses in other types of marriages who
-posed as legal concubines, the study urged the government to expose the
-practice as a popular fallacy with no lawful basis. It also gave its
-backing to laws which granted a legal concubine full rights to seek a
-divorce and obtain maintenance for her children, and legislation which
-empowered a principal wife to sue a husband for divorce and support of
-herself and children.
-
-Other recommendations proposed added protection of the rights of wives in
-Chinese Modern Marriages against infringement by pseudo-concubines, and
-legal provision to assure the support of illegitimate children.
-
-All these findings are still being weighed by the colony government
-and quick action on them is unlikely. To a large degree, the proposed
-changes in marriage laws represent a new offensive in the long war for
-women’s rights, and it might be noted that the women of this century have
-compiled an impressive list of victories in this regard. With enough
-nagging and prodding, they should be able to carry the day in Hong Kong
-too.
-
-In the discussion of such pervasive issues as the difference between
-Chinese and British marriage customs, it is convenient to view the
-Chinese as a single group of people constituting 98.2 percent of the
-colony’s population. Since 95 percent of the population speak Cantonese,
-it would seem to follow that Hong Kong is a homogeneous community, except
-for a light top-dressing of “foreign devils.” But this superficial
-impression is as wide of the mark as the saying “All Chinese look alike.”
-
-There are scholars who object to the word Chinese as the description of
-one people, arguing quite persuasively that there are so many racial
-strains in China that no single label adequately describes them. The
-point is drawn a bit fine for the majority of Western observers, yet
-anyone who spends a few weeks in Hong Kong will begin to appreciate the
-racial diversity of the Chinese people.
-
-By the unverified judgment of the eye, the colony’s Chinese people are
-two or three inches shorter than the American of average height, and
-noticeably taller than the average Japanese or Filipino. But that is
-perhaps the limit of any valid comparison between Americans and Chinese
-as far as appearance goes.
-
-The Chinese one sees on the street range from jockey-sized runts to
-towering giants; from tiny women weighing perhaps 90 pounds to queenly
-six-footers; from the palest of white skins to a deep walnut brown. Many
-have features which seem more Slavic or Polish than anything classifiable
-as Chinese. There are almond eyes and pop eyes; slit eyes and bug-eyes.
-Noses tend to be a little less prominent and less sharply defined than
-European noses, but exceptions occur. The bloated red nose of the
-dedicated drinker never shows itself, except on a Caucasian face. Dark
-hair is almost universal and bald heads less common than in an American
-crowd. Pudgy types occur with some regularity, but tremendously fat
-people are rarely seen.
-
-About half the people who live in the urban areas were born in the
-colony and most of their ancestors came from Kwangtung, the Chinese
-Province immediately north of the Hong Kong border. Kwangtung was also
-the birthplace of the majority of the recent refugees from Red China.
-Eight-tenths of the city-dwellers speak the dialect of Cantonese used
-in Canton City, where the British traders were based before Hong Kong
-became a colony. This dialect and others closely related to it are
-the _lingua franca_ of the colony’s urban Chinese, but there are 96
-Cantonese dialects in existence, many of them unintelligible to users
-of the Canton City dialect. The babble of urban tongues includes Hoklo,
-Sze Yap and Hakka, all from different parts of Kwangtung, Shanghainese
-(chiefly heard at North Point and Hung Hom in the colony), Chiuchow (in
-the Western District), Fukienese (at North Point) and Kuoyu, or Mandarin
-(near Hong Kong University and at Rennie’s Mill Camp).
-
-In the New Territories, where even a Westerner can detect differences of
-dress and custom, the Cantonese hold most of the flat, fertile farmland
-and speak a dialect which puzzles city Cantonese. Ancestors of the
-Cantonese farmers have lived in the New Territories for nine centuries.
-The Hakka people, whose women may be identified immediately by their
-broad-brimmed straw hats with a hanging fringe of thin black cloth,
-settled the same area at about the time of the earliest Cantonese, but
-were pushed into the less desirable farmland and generally dominated by
-the Cantonese. They fought each other intermittently for centuries, but
-the feud has died down and they now share several villages peacefully,
-frequently intermarry, and restrict their warfare to husband-wife
-squabbles. The Hakkas of the eastern New Territories operate their own
-single-masted, high-hull boats for hauling farm produce and ferrying
-passengers.
-
-The Hoklos, a smaller group with a knack for handling light, fast boats,
-once lived entirely on boats and worked as shrimp fishermen. They moved
-ashore many years ago and now have their chief settlements on Cheung Chau
-and Peng Chau, a few miles west of Hong Kong Island.
-
-By the testimony of historians, the Tanka people, who dominate the
-colony’s fishing industry, are the oldest surviving group in Hong Kong.
-Antedating the Chinese, they lived in the area when the Cantonese came
-along to push them off the land and generally treat them like despised
-inferiors. They lived entirely on boats, and when the British traders
-arrived, the Tanka had no compunctions about dealing with them in
-defiance of the Chinese Emperor’s orders. Over 90 percent of them speak
-Cantonese, with a small number speaking Hoklo and other dialects. Hardy
-and conservative, they avoid city ways, live on their junks and sampans
-and follow their own distinctive festivals and religious ceremonies.
-Since World War II they have begun to send their children to schools
-ashore and to become more directly involved in the economic life of the
-colony.
-
-World War II provided a turning point in the fortunes of those boat
-people who operated cargo lighters in the harbor. Heartily disliking the
-Japanese, they used false-bottomed boats to secrete food stolen from
-their cargoes and then distributed it among the half-starved population
-ashore. They were the only residents permitted to eat in the large hotel
-restaurants like those at the luxurious Peninsula in Kowloon. Most of
-them, wholly unfamiliar with chairs, ate by squatting on the chair-seats
-as they had squatted on deck while eating at sea. Nowadays, they are more
-sophisticated, and in spite of their non-Chinese origin, as intensely
-Chinese as any group in the colony.
-
-Because of the floodtide of tourists which has swept into Hong Kong in
-the last few years, it has become a conversational bromide to say that
-the influx will soon destroy its colorful Chinese community. To accept
-such a doctrine is to overestimate the impact of tourism and underrate
-the resistance of the Chinese.
-
-The Hong Kong tourist is a highly localized phenomenon. Except for a fast
-motor tour through the main roads of the New Territories and a short
-whirl around Hong Kong Island, he rarely wanders more than a mile from
-the island and Kowloon terminals of the Star Ferry. He shops, gawks, eats
-at a few restaurants which are more tourist-oriented than Oriental, and
-is gone, leaving nothing but the click of the shopkeepers’ abacuses to
-mark his passage.
-
-It may seem incongruous to characterize nearly one-fourth of the human
-race as clannish, but it is undeniable that the Chinese, no matter where
-they have lived, have retained their home ties, customs and culture. They
-are rock-ribbed individualists rather than nationalists, but when they
-live abroad, whether in Hong Kong or the Chinatowns of San Francisco and
-New York, they remain distinctly and unalterably Chinese. In Singapore
-and Manila they are resented for their commercial shrewdness and their
-stubborn insistence on remaining Chinese. If their next-door neighbors
-can’t change them, what reason is there to believe that the tourists of
-Hong Kong can do so?
-
-There are certain comic aspects to the relations of the British and
-Chinese in Hong Kong. Living side-by-side for 121 years, they have told
-each other—sometimes directly, more often by implication—“You can’t
-change me!” To a large extent, they have both held out, like a silent
-couple eating at opposite ends of a long dinner table. Lately the table
-has been contracting, but the prospects of a cozy twosome are still
-somewhat distant.
-
-Meanwhile, the Chinese go on living by their own calendar, celebrating
-festivals and family events according to their traditions, and following
-their ancient religions. The rural people cling to their belief in
-fung shui (literally, wind and water), a form of geomancy which guides
-them in locating their houses and burial places on the particular site
-most pleasing to the living and the dead. On the other hand, the old
-superstitious fear of Western medicine has been overcome; in the 1961
-Hong Kong cholera outbreak, 80 percent of the population flocked to
-government centers for inoculations.
-
-Neither the British, the Nationalist Republic, nor the Chinese
-Communists—all of whom favor the 12-month Western calendar—have been able
-to wean the colony’s Chinese people from their ancient lunar calendar.
-The old calendar was supposedly devised in 2254 B.C. by astrologers
-working under the orders of Emperor Yao, who wanted it to serve as a
-crop-planting guide for his predominantly agricultural subjects. It is
-the gauge by which all festivals are set and varies in length from 354
-to 385 days. The years proceed in cycles of twelve, each being named
-for a particular animal such as the rat, rabbit, rooster and horse
-until the twelfth animal is reached and the cycle repeats. Each year is
-subdivided into 24 solar “joints and breaths,” which being based on close
-observation of weather and the growing season, tick off the seasonal
-changes with remarkable accuracy.
-
-Because of its variable length and its nonconformity to Western ideas of
-what a calendar should look like, the Chinese calendar causes endless
-confusion for foreigners. Most of them cling firmly to the Gregorian
-calendar and keep a close eye on the colony’s newspapers to learn when
-the next festival is due. The religious significance of the festival
-means nothing to them and it does not need to; the ceremonies and
-celebrations attending the day are so animated and colorful that they can
-be enjoyed for their spectacle alone.
-
-Chinese New Year, generally occurring between the middle of January and
-the third week of February, is celebrated on the first three days of
-the First Moon. It marks the beginning of spring, and gives the Chinese
-population sufficient time to recover from the shock of seeing the
-Westerners booze it up on New Year’s Eve. Chinese employees receive
-a bonus of an extra month’s pay, the shops close and firecrackers,
-permitted by colony law for a two-day period, keep up an unending
-cannonade. A tourist wandering into the uproar feels like a dude in a
-frontier saloon; everybody seems to be shooting at his feet.
-
-Red papers lettered with gold are stuck on boats and the doors of shops
-and houses inviting the lucky spirits to lend a hand. The fearful din of
-the firecrackers is a pointed hint to malicious spirits, advising them
-to get out fast. All debts are paid, finances permitting, and the past
-year’s feuds and grudges are wiped out, so far as human nature will allow.
-
-The heart of the observance takes place in the home, with all members
-of the family dining together on the last night of the old year and the
-children receiving “lucky” money in red envelopes to assure them of safe
-passage through the coming year. After dinner, everyone adjourns to the
-courtyard where branches of sesame, fir and cypress have been strewn;
-these are stepped on and burned as a symbol of the departing year.
-Firecrackers are set off to discourage the prowlings of the Skin Tiger,
-a kind of reverse-action Robin Hood who steals the cakes of the poor to
-give them to the rich; as the Skin Tiger views it, the poor have lived
-off the wealthy all year, so isn’t it time to square accounts?
-
-A lighted lamp is placed before the shrine of the Kitchen God, who is
-expected back from his trip to divine headquarters. Every door is sealed
-and locked until 5 A.M. the next day, when the entire household gets up
-to see the master of the house reopen the doors, remove the seals and
-extend a welcome to the New Year. Incense sticks are lighted, Heaven,
-Earth and the family ancestors are honored and the Kitchen God, now
-returned from his journey, is properly greeted. New Year’s Day is the
-occasion for a complete family reunion, with outsiders being excluded. No
-meat is eaten, since the use of a knife on this day would imply cutting
-off a friendship, and no sweeping is done, for a broom might sweep away
-good luck. Later, gifts are exchanged, with baskets of food being rated
-as thoroughly acceptable. The season’s greetings—“Kung Hei Fat Choy”—ring
-out everywhere.
-
-In Hong Kong, a local newspaper and the radio promote a Fat Choy Drive
-to provide a New Year’s feast for even the poorest families. When the
-family phase of the celebration is over, there is a day for visiting
-friends, and with true Chinese practicality, a final day to worship the
-God of Wealth, making certain that he does everything divinely possible
-in the year ahead to boost the family’s fortunes. In former days it
-was customary to prolong the observance for fifteen days or more, but
-the demands of modern business limit it to three or four days in most
-instances.
-
-The birthday of Kuan Yin, the Buddhist Goddess of Mercy, is celebrated
-on the 19th day of the Second Moon, and she is regarded with such
-affection that practically all of the Taoist temples honor her as well.
-Legend describes her as the youngest daughter of an ancient prince who
-attempted to force her into marriage to perpetuate the family line.
-She objected, was murdered by her father in some ambiguous fashion and
-descended to Hell, where by sheer charm she transformed the place into a
-paradise. Returned to earth, she found her father dying of a skin disease
-and cut off parts of her own body to preserve his unworthy hide. Women
-are especially devoted to her, bearing birthday gifts of food, paper
-clothing, chickens and roast pig to her image in the temples. Until the
-thirteenth century, Kuan Yin was often represented as a male divinity,
-probably with the connivance of early defenders of male prerogatives,
-but she has become exclusively female since then, for only as a woman
-could she possess an ear sympathetically attuned to the troubles of
-mortal women.
-
-The Ching Ming Festival, occurring toward the end of the Second Moon or
-at the beginning of the Third Moon (late March or early April in our
-calendar), provides an occasion to honor one’s ancestors. The worship of
-ancestors is the keystone of Chinese religious beliefs, as well as the
-strongest link binding them together as a single people. Its profound
-influence on every phase of Chinese life is seldom fully appreciated by
-foreigners, who regard it as morbid, backward-looking and intellectually
-sterile. But even foreigners in Hong Kong share some of the Ching Ming
-spirit by using the day to tidy up the graves of their own departed and
-place flowers by the headstones.
-
-The Chinese do no cooking and eat no hot food on the day preceding Ching
-Ming, acting in deference to a long-gone official who was accidentally
-burned to death by his dunder-headed confreres. Women and children wear
-a sprig of willow on the day itself to safeguard themselves against the
-posthumous horror of returning to this life in the form of dogs. The
-family visits its ancestral graves, makes any needed repairs and sets out
-a feast for the dead. Paper replicas of money and clothing are burned to
-let the deceased know that their interests are being looked after, and a
-little diversionary fire is lighted nearby to distract evil spirits and
-keep them from butting into the main sacrifice. Having made its gesture
-of feeding the dead, the family then falls to and eats the feast itself.
-
-Because land is scarce in the colony, graves are rented only for a
-limited period. Six or seven years after a member of the family has
-died, his survivors obtain an exhumation permit and visit the grave
-on Ching Ming to dig up his coffin. The bones are removed from the
-coffin, carefully sorted and cleaned with sandpaper, and packed into an
-earthenware urn with the skull on top. The undertaker, accompanied by
-members of the family, then removes the urn to a hillside site in the New
-Territories, selecting a location with a favorable fung shui, where the
-deceased presumably will be able to enjoy a pleasant view.
-
-Chinese coffins are a massive, rough-hewn product, resembling a four-leaf
-clover in outline; if they are still in sound condition after their first
-tenant is evicted, they may be resold at a discount for rehabilitation
-and put to use again.
-
-Many Occidentals would pale at the thought of sandpapering and
-reassembling the last of Aunt Matilda, but the Chinese entertain no such
-qualms. They take a calm and realistic view of death, handling the bones
-of the dead with complete respect, but without morbidity or gloom. Ching
-Ming is a time of remembrance rather than lamentation.
-
-T’ien Hou, the Taoist Queen of Heaven, celebrates her birthday on the
-23d day of the Third Moon. For the boat people, it is the most important
-festival of the year; T’ien Hou is their chief patron, keeping her benign
-eye on such matters as a good catch and fair weather. Her shrines are
-in the cabin of every junk, and her 24 temples stand in every village
-that overlooks the sea. In her earthly days, the story goes, she was a
-fisherman’s daughter. Once she fell into a trance while her parents were
-far out at sea. Dreaming that a storm was about to drown them, she roused
-herself and pointed directly at their boat. It was the only one in the
-fleet to return safely.
-
-Her ship-saving talents led directly to her deification, and she has
-since acquired two invaluable assistants, Thousand-Mile Eyes and
-Fair-Wind Ears. Her principal temple is at Joss House Bay on Tung Lung
-Island, about two miles east of Hong Kong Island. On her birthday, an
-all-day ferry service brings her worshippers from the main island, and
-the boat people arrive in sea-trains of junks towed by a launch, flying
-dozens of flags and Happy-Birthday banners. Every boat is packed to the
-gunwales with men, women and children jostling one another as they reach
-for sweet cakes, tea and soft drinks. At Joss House Bay, the passengers
-swarm ashore as if the boats were about to sink and climb a wide granite
-stairway to the temple. Incense sticks are lighted, roasted animals and
-red eggs are placed before the Goddess and a small contribution is handed
-to the temple attendant.
-
-Bursting firecrackers, lion dances and processions enliven the
-celebration until the men of the various fishing guilds wind it up with
-a hot scramble for “the luck,” a bamboo projectile with a number inside.
-It drops into the crowd like a bride’s bouquet, but the free-for-all that
-follows is no place for a bridesmaid. The winning team makes the year’s
-luck and gets possession of an elaborate portable shrine to the Queen of
-Heaven. Rich and poor, humble and great join without class distinction in
-having a gossipy, boisterous holiday.
-
-The people of Cheung Chau feel obliged to say a kind word for all the
-animals and fish who were executed to feed mankind during the past
-year, and this debt is squared by the four-day Bun Festival on their
-dumbbell-shaped island. Its date is set by lot, and usually falls in the
-last few days of the Third Moon or the first ten days of the Fourth Moon.
-No animals are killed and no fish are caught during the festival. Troupes
-of actors are imported to perform in an enormous temporary theater, with
-its roof of coarse matting supported on a bamboo framework tied together
-with rattan strips. Daily and nightly presentations of Cantonese Opera
-are put on with the performers in elaborate costumes, shrilling their
-lines above the tireless clamor of cymbals.
-
-The festival centerpiece consists of a triple-peaked bun mountain,
-or conical framework covered with varicolored buns from its base to
-its 60-foot summit. As soon as it is completed, it is covered with a
-tarpaulin to protect the buns until the climactic ceremony on the final
-day of the festival.
-
-The various guilds on the islands compete in a long procession which
-passes under floral arches on the village streets. The perennial
-feature of the procession is a series of tableaux enacted by children
-on platforms borne on the shoulders of several men. The subjects are
-mythological, and by the ingenious use of a well-concealed steel
-framework, make a mere toddler appear to be dancing nimbly on the tip
-of a fiddle held by a child standing beneath the dancer. It’s all an
-amiable fake, understood as such by the crowd, but executed with such
-aplomb by the children that it never fails to delight the spectators.
-Images of Gods and Goddesses are also carried in the line of march,
-with lion dancers and clowns to add further excitement. A mass for the
-recently departed fish and animals is celebrated on the final night, and
-their hungry souls are permitted to take a few ghostly nips at the bun
-mountain. An officiating priest decides when they’ve had enough, takes a
-careful look around to see that no latecomers from the Great Beyond have
-been neglected, and signals the slavering bystanders to pitch in. The
-young men of the island scramble up the bunny slopes in a mad dash for
-the topmost bun, but there are thousands of edibles at all levels, so no
-climber need go hungry.
-
-The Dragon Boat Festival, coming on the fifth day of the Fifth Moon (late
-May to late June), probably attracts more attention from the foreign
-population than any other Chinese celebration. It is hotly competitive,
-pitting large teams of rowers against each other in all-day races at
-Aberdeen, Kennedy Town, Tai Po and elsewhere. The individual heats are
-short, close together and accompanied by loud cheers and the booming of
-the pace-setting drums in every boat. A carved dragon’s head ornaments
-the bow and the stern is a simulated dragon’s tail; in between lies 80 to
-100 feet of low, fairly narrow hull, with the rowers flailing away in a
-fast circular stroke. The crews, who train for three or four weeks before
-the annual races, also keep the boats in shape, and one European crew
-that includes a number of government employees competes at Tai Po.
-
-It was a government employee who gave rise to the festival in the fourth
-century, B.C. He was the honest Chu Yuan, an official who tried to
-persuade the Chinese Emperor to correct the corruption of his court;
-when his pleas were ignored, he drowned himself by leaping into the
-Nih Loh River. A group of sympathetic villagers rowed out to the site
-and cast silk-wrapped dumplings into the water, hoping to attract his
-wandering spirit, or in another version of the legend, to lure the fish
-away and protect his body from their attack. The bow man of today’s
-Dragon Boats preserves the tradition by casting rice cakes or dumplings
-wrapped with bamboo leaves from his craft. The principles of cleanliness
-exemplified by Chu Yuan are practiced a few days in advance of the races,
-when every family cleans house and sets off firecrackers to stampede
-lurking cockroaches into panicky flight. The races themselves exercise a
-purifying influence, for most of the rowers are thoroughly drenched by
-the splashing paddles.
-
-The Mid-Autumn Festival, celebrated on the 15th day of the Eighth Moon,
-belongs entirely to women, and is marked by them in the privacy of the
-home. The feminine principle in nature is in the ascendant and the moon,
-which is considered a female deity, is at the apogee. A table is set
-in the courtyard, and the moon is offered gifts of tea, food, burning
-incense and the seed of the water calthrop. The service takes place at
-night, illuminated by lanterns and moonlight, and includes a prayer
-to the honored satellite, who is also quizzed about the matrimonial
-prospects of her devotees. Fruit and moon cakes are essential to the
-feast that follows, and as always, firecrackers are exploded. Wealthier
-households may set up a midnight moon-viewing party, with a banquet
-and a group of blind musicians singing an ode to the moon. These blind
-musicians, numbering about 100 in all, have their own colony at the west
-end of Hong Kong Island and earn about $12 for a party booking. Recorders
-and lutes are their usual instruments, giving their music a quaint
-Elizabethan flavor.
-
-Ancestral graves are visited for the second time each year on the ninth
-day of the Ninth Moon; summer weeds and grass are cleared away and
-sacrifices of money and clothing are offered to keep the deceased wealthy
-and warm through the coming winter. The date coincides with that of the
-Cheung Yung Festival, when it is said to be lucky to climb to a high
-place. Burial urns rest fairly high on the hillsides, so it is easy to
-combine both celebrations and top them off with a picnic in the open.
-
-On Cheung Yung, thousands of Chinese ride up Victoria Peak on the tram,
-buying toys and other presents for the children at improvised stalls
-along the way. Picnickers cover the top of every hill in the colony.
-Kite-flyers observe the day by the curious sport of kite-fighting, which
-involves manipulating one kite so that it knocks another out of the sky
-or snaps its string. The hill-climbing custom supposedly began when a
-Chinese father of long ago saved his family from a plague by taking them
-into the mountains.
-
-A veritable regiment of gods, ghosts and spirits—some beneficent, some
-wicked—have their special observances during the year. Buddhist and
-Taoist deities have a tendency to overlap, just as followers of Taoism
-may be equally ardent Buddhists. Once the two religions battled and
-persecuted each other like the religions of the West, but they have long
-since settled down to peaceful coexistence. There is no reliable count
-of their membership in Hong Kong, though the Buddhists claim around
-500,000 adherents. An unspecified, but probably small number of Chinese
-are Buddhists, Taoists and Christians simultaneously, or at least they
-consider themselves so.
-
-Confucianism also has its following in the colony, but its places of
-worship are generally merged with Buddhist and Taoist temples.
-
-Roman Catholic and Protestant missionaries have been at work in Hong Kong
-from its beginning as a colony, founding schools and caring for the poor.
-Neither group made much headway in attracting converts until the late
-1940s, perhaps because of the ironbound Chinese resistance to every form
-of foreign influence. But the Communist regime on the mainland has proved
-a stimulant to Christianity in Hong Kong.
-
-The well-financed and highly effective work of Protestant churches,
-particularly among refugees from Red China, has won them many converts,
-and the number of Protestant parishes has greatly increased in the last
-few years. Anglicans, Methodists, Baptists, Presbyterians, Lutherans and
-other denominations have made substantial gains.
-
-The number of Roman Catholics, who are equally active in educational and
-welfare fields, has grown from 43,000 in 1951 to 180,000 in 1962. They
-are currently making about 15,000 converts a year, and 12,000 of these
-are adults. Some of their mission priests, who have found conversions
-much more difficult to achieve in Japan, believe that the terror and
-hopelessness of life under the Chinese Communists have turned many
-Chinese refugees to Christianity. Enrollment in Catholic schools of
-the colony is well over 100,000, and two-thirds of their enrollment
-is non-Catholic. Like every other Christian group in the colony, the
-Catholics have given help without drawing denominational lines.
-
-The Portuguese, of whom there are about 2,000 in Hong Kong, are the
-descendants of former Macao settlers who arrived with the first wave
-of British traders, acting as their interpreters. They were adaptable,
-quick with figures and gifted linguists, establishing themselves as
-clerk-interpreters in business and financial houses. A few invested
-wisely in land and became millionaires. In more recent years, they have
-turned to professional work, becoming lawyers, doctors and engineers.
-Starting with J. P. Braga in 1929, the Portuguese community has had
-several representatives on the Executive and Legislative Councils. Its
-present outstanding leaders, in addition to professional people, include
-exchange brokers, importers and exporters and manufacturers’ agents.
-
-A second wave of Portuguese came to the colony from Macao after World
-War II, hoping to discover the business opportunities denied by the
-sleepy, static little overseas province of Portugal. But they faced stiff
-competition from young Chinese women who had entered office work and had
-received superior English education in the colony schools. Few had been
-to college and they lacked the drive demanded by the rough-and-tumble
-economy of Hong Kong; before long, most of the new arrivals moved on to
-Canada, Brazil or the United States.
-
-Indians, including Parsees, Bhohras, Khwojas, Sindhis and Sikhs, came to
-Hong Kong in the early days as traders, soldiers and policemen. Today
-they are primarily merchants and traders, although there are still a
-few Indian and Pakistani residents who preserve their uniformed role as
-policemen, soldiers, or private guards for banks and financial houses.
-The Indian community is about the same size as the Portuguese—between
-2,000 and 3,000—and like it, has produced a few top-level government
-officials, doctors and lawyers, and millionaire merchants.
-
-Americans are still a very small minority, but they have money and a keen
-appetite to make more. If they also have ability, they fit smoothly into
-the competitive economy of the colony. The importance of American aid,
-both private and public, in caring for the colony’s refugees is deeply
-appreciated by both the government and the Chinese population, and the
-effect is only slightly marred when some Yankee tourist tries to give the
-impression that it all came out of his personal funds. Such tourists, it
-may be noted, are exceptional.
-
-Despite their historical background of anticolonial insurrection,
-Americans have been well received in Hong Kong during most of its
-existence. It was once said that a young Hong Kong Englishman could
-not marry outside the charmed circle of the British Isles, Canada or
-Australia unless he chose an American girl; otherwise, he would lose
-his social position and probably his job. This has not been true for
-some years now, but it leaves a lingering question in the minds of some
-Americans: Why did they include us rebels?
-
-Another question that occurs to almost every American who has seen the
-colony is: How do 15,000 British run this place? (Actually, there are
-about 33,000 people from all parts of the British Commonwealth living
-in Hong Kong, but the ruling group comes from the British Isles and
-barely exceeds 15,000.) It is evident from the most perfunctory glance
-around the streets that the British do run Hong Kong; autocratically,
-efficiently, firmly, sometimes unimaginatively, never with any pretense
-of popular rule, but almost always with strict justice. There is
-contained corruption, but less of it than anywhere else in the Far East.
-At times an unwonted conviction of Britannic righteousness roils the
-overseas visitor. This reaction is often encountered in one type of
-American who insists he does not want to run the world, and means he
-wants it run his way—by somebody else.
-
-Americans are quite surprised when they strike the unexpected vein of
-iron that lies under the polished surface of British manners. These
-British are tough people; disciplined, well-educated, capable of decision
-and resolute action. Because they possess these qualities to a degree
-unexcelled and perhaps unmatched by any other country in the world, the
-British in Hong Kong are a corporal’s guard commanding an army.
-
-But one might pause here to consider the young American woman who stood
-at the rail of an excursion boat in Hong Kong harbor, looking wistfully
-up at Government House, the seat of majesty.
-
-“If only they were a little more lovable!” she said.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER NINE
-
-Rambling around the Colony
-
- “The journey of a thousand miles commences with a single
- step.”—CHINESE PROVERB
-
-
-At the upper terminus of the Peak Tram, two-thirds of the way up Victoria
-Peak, a narrow promenade called Lugard Road winds around the mountain
-until its name changes to Harlech Road and then continues along the south
-face of the mountain to return to the Peak Tram terminus. By strolling
-along this route on a fine clear day, a visitor can see the whole of Hong
-Kong stretching out in all directions.
-
-Often the view is cut off by thick jungle growth, stretching over the
-road like the green arches of a natural cathedral. But there are narrow
-gaps and occasional wide, treeless spaces where the stroller can look up
-the rocky slopes to discover the mansions of the Taipans, jutting through
-the tangled trees. Rococo palaces of pink, yellow, and dazzling white
-stand isolated from one another and the life of the community by the
-intertwining trees that hide their approach roads. Their isolation is
-fortified by barbed-wire fences, warning signs and snarling watchdogs.
-The only uninvited guest that breaches these barriers is the heavy mist
-that envelops the Peak above the fog line for six months of the year,
-covering furniture and clothes with green mold unless drying closets and
-dehumidifiers are kept in full operation.
-
-Once the British held exclusive title to the foggy heights; in the days
-before auto roads were built to the top, they chartered the Peak Tram to
-carry their party guests to its upper end, where they were met by sedan
-chairs which took them the rest of the way. Now Chinese millionaires
-share the majesty and the mist of the Peak, and there are tall apartment
-buildings for more exalted government employees and prosperous civilians.
-
-To tourists and Taipans, the heights of Victoria Peak offer a matchless
-view of the harbor. The distant deep-blue water crinkles in the wind as
-the sun glints on its surface. Dozens of ferryboats point their arrowhead
-wakes at Hong Kong Island and Kowloon, or head outward for the coasts and
-islands of the New Territories. An American aircraft carrier rides at
-anchor off Wanchai with its escort vessels near at hand.
-
-West of Kowloon Peninsula, a triple line of cargo ships turn lazily
-around their anchor buoys; each one having enough room to make a full
-circle without touching another ship. Six rows of junks and sampans,
-each row lashed to the sides of a freighter while they transfer its
-cargo, move in unison with the freighter’s slow swing, looking like a
-gargantuan, improvised raft. Unattached junks duck in and out, anywhere
-and everywhere, clearly with the special blessings of T’ien Hou, for they
-rarely collide.
-
-North of the harbor, beyond the wedge-shaped outline of Kowloon, past the
-Kai Tak airstrip that cuts through Kowloon Bay like the white streak of
-a torpedo, is Hong Kong’s “Great Wall”—a line of hills that looms jagged
-and forbidding across the southern fringe of the New Territories. These
-are the “nine dragons” from which Kowloon got its name, but they are
-difficult to single out, except for unmistakable ones like Lion Rock and
-Kowloon Peak, because they are so tightly packed together.
-
-Even Ti Ping, the Sung Emperor who was prodded into naming them the Nine
-Dragons, complained that he could find only eight, until an obliging
-courtier reminded him that the dragon is the symbol of the Emperor, thus
-making him the ninth peak. Ti Ping, quite young at the time, was placated
-by this rationalization.
-
-Due west of Victoria Peak, small islands string out like steppingstones
-until the eye stops at the ridge-backed mass of Lantau, largest island
-in the colony and nearly twice the size of Hong Kong Island. Some of the
-defeated followers of Ti Ping are reported to have settled there after
-the death of their Emperor, but until a few years ago it was a barren and
-remote isle, inhabited only by a few thousand farmers and fishermen and a
-few monasteries.
-
-Halfway down the western slope of Victoria Peak, a small mound of
-earth thrusts itself against the mountainside. Dong Kingman, the
-Chinese-American watercolorist who grew up in the crowded tenements at
-the foot of the Peak, recalls that he and his young friends used to watch
-that mound with considerable apprehension. From where they stood, it
-looked exactly like a turtle climbing the mountain. The Chinese consider
-it to be a real turtle, and believe that when the turtle reaches the
-summit of the Peak, Hong Kong will sink into the sea. Dong and his
-fellow-watchers made regular checks to see that the turtle hadn’t stolen
-an overnight march on them.
-
-The most beautiful side of Hong Kong Island lies to the south and east
-of Victoria Peak, with forested hillsides and a green valley that
-slopes down to Pok Fu Lam, the colony’s first reservoir. Lamma Island,
-a favorite digging ground for colony archaeologists, looms large to the
-south.
-
-When visitors grow squint-eyed from the panoramic view, they often wind
-up their excursion by stopping at the little restaurant near the Peak
-Tram terminus to eat a sandwich or some Chinese small cakes. Spirits
-revived, they linger on the breezy terrace to watch the sun go down
-beyond Lantau.
-
-The Peak Tram is almost as famous as Victoria Peak, and needs no
-endorsement except to note that its fares are very low and that it hasn’t
-had an accident since 1888. In eight minutes, the tram carries its
-passengers down to the edge of the Central District, where they may catch
-a bus or a taxi.
-
-Government House and the Botanic Garden are just across Garden Road
-from the lower end of the Peak Tram. Looking like a Franciscan Mission
-of early California with its white walls and square tower, Government
-House is the private residence of the colony governor. The sightseer
-may look around the outside, and with luck, see all hands snap to when
-the governor’s black sedan enters or leaves the circular driveway,
-displaying red crowns at front and rear instead of license plates. The
-English manage their official exits and entrances with great style, and
-everything moves precisely on time.
-
-The Botanic Garden is a land of split-level Eden planted with thousands
-of subtropical plants and flowers. Its small zoo and aviary are popular
-with children, and the bird collection is a bright splash of brilliant
-colors. Small signs in English and Chinese identify the plants and
-animals. A good deal of family snapshot-taking goes on around the
-fountain at the lower end of the garden. It might be a scene in New
-York’s Central Park, except that Chinese children are better behaved.
-
-Albert Path, a serpentine walk shaded by tropical shrubbery, winds down
-from the Botanic Garden past Government House to Ice House Street and the
-rear of the First National City Bank. Ice House Street continues downward
-a couple of blocks to the West Wing of the Central Government offices at
-Queen’s Road Central.
-
-On Battery Path, directly in front of the West Wing, a lampshade stand
-operates on what is obviously government property. It’s all quite
-official; the owner has a permit from the Department of Public Works. Sin
-Hoi, late father of the present owner, Sin Hung, had sold lampshades on
-the site for thirteen years before the West Wing was built in 1954. Lady
-Maurine Grantham, wife of the former governor, was a frequent shopper
-at the stand, and when she saw it threatened with displacement by the
-government offices, she put in a word for Sin Hoi. His son now runs it
-under the grand name of The Magnific Company, selling lampshades and
-small china animals.
-
-One block north on Ice House Street and a block east on Des Voeux
-Road is Statue Square, where parked cars outnumber the statues 200
-to 1. This area is more than the center of the colony’s financial
-institutions; it is an ideal cross-section of colony architecture. The
-honeycomb-and-gingerbread design of the Hong Kong Club is typical of what
-most of the colony’s buildings looked like in 1890, as is the Prince’s
-Building on the opposite side of the square.
-
-Post-World War II buildings like Union House, two blocks west along the
-waterfront, represent a kind of “no nonsense modern”—big, plain and
-blocky. The tower of the Bank of China, just east of the Hongkong and
-Shanghai Bank, rises massively above its old established neighbor. The
-Red Chinese operate it now and many of its upper offices are vacant; the
-bank itself is a quiet institution with fewer guards than most local
-banks have. The Chartered Bank, on the other side of the Hongkong and
-Shanghai Bank, is the newest, tallest and most curious of the three
-moneyed giants, with a fortresslike tower and a green façade that
-resembles a vast electronic switchboard.
-
-The Hongkong and Shanghai building, older than either of the banks beside
-it, surpasses them in architectural distinction, with its bold vertical
-lines and its solid central tower surrounded by lower wrap-around
-structures and crowned by a ziggurat roof that tapers upward like a
-truncated pyramid. It looks like a building that nothing could push over,
-which seems the right emphasis for a bank.
-
-Directly south of the Hong Kong Club lie three and a half acres of the
-most valuable land in the colony, all of it laid out in cricket fields
-except for a small corner occupied by the building of the Hong Kong
-Cricket Club. If the land were for sale, bidding would start at about
-$175 a square foot; but the British would as soon sell the playing fields
-of Eton. Cricket is an integral part of life under the Union Jack. Most
-Americans find it too strenuous, even as a spectator sport; they often
-become exhausted by the effort of trying to figure it out.
-
-If a visitor drops by the Cricket Club on any Saturday morning between
-October and April, he can scarcely find the cricketers for the
-red-and-white-capped youngsters bounding about in various sectors of the
-field, playing a dozen different games without apparent confusion. All
-the players are from four to twelve years old; mostly boys, with a few
-girls here and there. It is the weekly workout of the Tingle Athletic
-Association, one of the colony’s honored institutions. Billy Tingle,
-an ex-boxer and lifetime physical culture instructor, has taught 50,000
-children to kick, throw, catch, swim and master the rudiments of cricket,
-soccer, rugby and basketball. Billy is a short, compactly built man about
-sixty, who speaks softly but accepts no back talk; discipline is as much
-a part of the job as athletic skill, he believes.
-
-Parents are permitted to look on from the grandstand while Billy and his
-nine assistants put 350 children through a three-hour workout. These are
-“upper-class” boys and girls, but Billy also conducts classes among the
-shack dwellers in Wanchai. The colony’s schools, with 700,000 pupils,
-often resort to three daily shifts to accommodate them. Very few schools
-can afford any physical training program.
-
-At the seaward end of Statue Square, the government has remedied a
-deficiency of many years by erecting a City Hall, a five-unit complex
-with a 12-story tower, concert hall, theater, banquet hall, library,
-museum, art gallery and municipal offices. Architecturally, it is modern,
-rectangular and unadorned, in sharp contrast to the curlicues of the
-Hong Kong Club next door. Part of the hall was opened in 1962, with the
-rest planned for completion in 1963. Sir Malcolm Sargent and the London
-Philharmonic Orchestra launched the concert hall with suitable fanfare,
-presumably ending the long, lean era in which visiting artists had to go
-from one private hall to another, hoping that music lovers would find
-them.
-
-The Star Ferry terminal, right beside City Hall at the waterfront, is the
-tie that binds Kowloon and Hong Kong Island together. Every day, 100,000
-commuters cross the harbor on these spotless new boats at a first-class
-fare of 3½ cents or second-class at less than 2 cents. The ferry stops
-running at 1:30 A.M. on most nights, and for the late prowler it’s a
-“walla-walla” and a 50-cent trip on this rolling, pitching, cross-harbor
-motor launch. Walla-walla is the Cantonese equivalent of “yak-yak,” and
-memorializes the endless bickering over fares that the launch owners
-indulged in before a flat rate was set by the government. Sir Lancelot,
-the Calypso King who plays many Hong Kong engagements, was trapped on one
-of these wallowing tubs and composed a “Walla Walla Calypso,” celebrating
-“the rockin’ and the rollin’ and the quakin’ and the shakin’” they
-inflict on night owls.
-
-Walla-wallas and sightseeing boats operate from the Queen’s Pier in Hong
-Kong and the Public Pier in Kowloon, both less than a block east of the
-Star Ferry terminals. There is more of the flavor of the old days at
-Blake Pier, a few hundred feet west of the Star Ferry terminal on the
-Hong Kong side. Private yachts and mailboats discharge there, and there’s
-always a bustle of arrivals and departures. But the colony’s reclamation
-scheme will before long swallow up Blake Pier and its works. The General
-Post Office, a moldering antique opposite Blake Pier, is also to be
-replaced soon; until it goes, it is a handy place to mail packages or to
-buy Hong Kong government publications.
-
-Wyndham Street, which runs south off Queen’s Road Central, is the last
-resting place of another antique, the sedan chair, which was the favored
-conveyance when roads were too steep or too rough for rickshaws. Of the
-four registered sedan chairs left in the colony, two are generally parked
-there, waiting patiently for a fare. A few of the older Chinese residents
-still use them, but Europeans have grown chair-shy, possibly worried
-about what kind of picture they present while riding between two poor
-fellows panting along in the traces. And well they might be.
-
-A line of rickshaws also parks along Wyndham Street, but their business
-is better than that of the sedan chairs. Tourists and many Chinese
-continue to hire them; tourists enjoy the picturesque novelty and the
-Chinese find them practical for funeral processions or for hauling
-packages too large to carry on a bus or tram without causing a riot.
-Police report 866 registered rickshaws, with the number declining each
-year. Many people shun them as degrading and inhumane; others are
-unwilling to risk their lives by weaving through motor traffic in such
-a flimsy craft. Rickshaw drivers, subjected to alternate sweating and
-cooling, are particularly vulnerable to tuberculosis.
-
-The alleys and side streets of the Central District are a source of
-wonder and surprise to tourists. Pedder Lane, branching off Pedder Street
-directly opposite the Gloucester Hotel, is lined with open-air cobblers.
-Hundreds of shoes, mended and unmended, are racked behind the repair
-stands, and the cobblers are as busy as Kris Kringle’s toy-builders on
-December 23d. Shoeshine Alley, a short section of Theater Lane which runs
-from the west end of Pedder Lane to Des Voeux Road Central, has ten to a
-dozen shoeshine boys stationed along the pavement. Customers stand in the
-alley with rickshaws and motorbikes brushing their coattails while they
-get shoeshines.
-
-Shoeshine Alley is no silent workshop; a steady stream of walla-walla
-flies back and forth among the boys, and if a passing pedestrian pauses
-or glances in their direction, several boys pounce on him, demanding his
-patronage. The moment he selects one lad for the job, the others shower
-the winner with Cantonese insults and heckle him while he works. The
-victim pays no attention; it’s an accepted professional hazard. Besides,
-the boy is too busy studying the customer, trying to decide whether he’s
-an American. Americans are easy marks; always willing to pay three times
-the going rate. With an American, the canny lad can simply say “thanks”
-and pocket twice as much change as he’s entitled to. Fifty cents Hong
-Kong or 8½ cents American is a generous rate, but few Yankee tourists
-seem conscious of the local scale.
-
-For the tourist whose curiosity extends beyond the Central District, one
-of the major departure points is the Hongkong and Yaumati Vehicular Ferry
-Pier, four blocks west of Pedder Street, at Connaught Road and in front
-of the Fire Brigade Building. Several different passengers ferry lines
-and the Kowloon truck-and-auto ferry use the pier. The paved area at the
-pier entrance is the main depot for bus routes to all parts of Hong Kong
-Island.
-
-Until the new Hang Seng Bank building was erected, the Li Po Chun
-Chambers was the tallest building on the western fringe of the Central
-District. The Foreign Correspondents’ Club of Hong Kong occupies the
-penthouse of the building, named for its owner, seventy-five-year-old Li
-Po Chun, eighth son of Li Sing, late multimillionaire merchant who was
-a founder of the Tung Wah Hospital. Li Sing, one of the most colorful
-of Hong Kong’s early Taipans, once donated $100,000 for a flood-control
-project at San Wui, his native village in Kwangtung Province. About
-a century ago, when a foreign ship carrying thousands of Chinese to
-California struck a rock near Hong Kong, he chartered a steamer, stocked
-it with food and sent it to the rescue, saving everyone aboard the
-stranded vessel.
-
-The Central Market, a bare concrete building located a block south of the
-Vehicular Ferry Pier, offers every kind of meat, vegetable, fish or fowl
-eaten by the people of Hong Kong. Everything is fresh, because Chinese
-customers reject any sort of tired produce. It exudes a wide range of
-smells, with fish out-smelling all the rest. An inexperienced shopper
-must move cautiously or he may be sideswiped by a hog carcass as it
-bounces along on a man’s shoulders en route from a delivery truck to one
-of the meat stands.
-
-Visitors who grow tired of walking may increase their range by riding the
-Hong Kong Tramway. Its green, double-decked streetcars cover the full
-length of the island waterfront. First-class passengers sit on the upper
-deck, where the fare is 3½ cents. Starting from the Central District, the
-car marked “Kennedy Town” goes the farthest west, and the Shau Kei Wan
-car runs to the eastern extremity of the line.
-
-The trolley tourist may hop off the car at any corner that interests
-him. In the evening, the street market beside the Macao Ferry Pier on
-the western waterfront presents a pavement-level carnival. Merchandise
-is spread out on the asphalt paving—combs, flashlights, toys, food and
-clothing—with gasoline lanterns lighting the scene. Several spaces are
-reserved for pitchmen who, though they speak in Cantonese, are obviously
-delivering a spiel about products guaranteed to double the customer’s
-life-span, make him an eternal delight to women and quadruple his earning
-power—all at prices so low it would be folly not to snap them up.
-
-The tram shuts down around midnight, but there is hardly an hour of day
-or night when street stands are not open. Families run most of them,
-with each member taking his turn at waiting on trade. Children are on
-the streets all night—sometimes because they have no place else to go.
-The 1961 census turned up thousands of families who rented a bedspace
-for eight hours a day, sharing it with two other families entitled to
-the same eight-hour shift. When one family is asleep in the cubicle, the
-other two are either working or wandering the streets. Visitors must walk
-carefully in the Western District at night, not for fear of attack, but
-to avoid sidewalk sleepers.
-
-During racing days of the October to May season at Happy Valley Jockey
-Club, every tram is packed. Not far from the jockey club on the tram line
-is Victoria Park, finest of the colony’s public recreation grounds. A
-statue of Queen Victoria overlooks the park, honoring the royal matron
-who treated the acquisition of Hong Kong as a family joke. The Causeway
-Bay Typhoon Shelter raises a forest of masts and spars at the seaward
-edge of the park.
-
-Happy Valley, studded with schools, sports arenas, cemeteries and
-hospitals, comes down to the waterfront at Wanchai. The tightly packed
-tenements of Wanchai have refugee shacks on their rooftops and rows
-of sailors’ bars and cabarets at street level. When night comes on,
-subsidized intimacy is available on every street corner, but the eleven
-movie theaters in the area are less expensive.
-
-North Point, the next waterfront community east of Wanchai, is the
-“Little Shanghai” that boomed after 1949, when refugee industrialists
-from Shanghai established factories there. It has a prospering night life
-zone along King’s Road, and introduced “key clubs” to the colony. These
-were semiprivate bar-and-girl flats to which the member gained admission
-by paying $50 to $100 for a key. The clubs spread to the Central District
-and Kowloon before police raids began to hit them. A number survive,
-drawing their clientele from open-handed tourists and tired but hopeful
-businessmen. In contrast to these nocturnal playpens, some of the best
-new housing projects line the North Point waterfront.
-
-To the east of North Point, the towering cranes of the Tai Koo Dockyards
-jut up along the shore. Shau Kei Wan, at the end of the tram line, is a
-fishing and junk-building center.
-
-Tram lines don’t serve the towns and resorts on the south side of the
-island; to reach these, the tourist must take buses, taxis or guided
-tours.
-
-The south shore town of Aberdeen is important to the colony as a fishing
-and marketing center, but visitors will remember it for its floating
-sampan population and its floating seafood restaurants, the Sea Palace
-and the Tai Pak Fong. The latter, decorated with unsparing flamboyance,
-are dazzlingly outlined in lights after dark. Fish dinners are netted
-from large tanks at the rear of the restaurants. The service is as much
-a part of show business as it is of the food trade. Both branches are
-represented on the dinner check.
-
-There are two ways for the visitor to reach the floating restaurants.
-The first is to take a taxi across the island to Aberdeen, then hail
-a girl-powered sampan for a short trip across the harbor. Another
-thoroughly luxurious way is to board the 110-foot luxury cruiser _Wan Fu_
-any evening at Queen’s Pier or the Kowloon Public Pier, making the entire
-trip by sea around the west end of the island. The _Wan Fu_, a modern,
-Diesel-powered ship, is a fully rigged brigantine built along the lines
-of the early opium-trade escort vessels, with 18 simulated gun-ports on
-its sides. It makes the evening cruise to Aberdeen, stops for dinner at
-the Sea Palace, and returns to town about midnight. Cost of the meal and
-trip totals $10. Its skipper, Mike Morris, is a former Marine Police
-Inspector.
-
-Aberdeen is on the regular itinerary of the daytime round-the-island
-automobile tours which take four hours. A car meets the traveler at the
-top of the Peak Tram, winds down the mountainsides to Happy Valley
-and includes a stop at Tiger Balm Gardens, the fantastic creation of
-Aw Boon Haw. The late Mr. Aw made his fortune by selling Tiger Balm—an
-“infallible” cure for every form of psychosomatic ill. He has furnished
-his gardens free-style, throwing in everything from folklore to scenes
-from the Buddhist Hell. There is even a 165-foot pagoda, which has repaid
-its cost a dozen times by its use on Hong Kong travel posters. The whole
-place is living proof of the swathe a Chinese millionaire can cut when he
-feels like splurging. Texans seem tame by comparison.
-
-Mr. Aw’s tastes were no more extravagant than those of Mr. Eu, who built
-two medieval castles on Hong Kong island—Eucliffe and Euston. Eucliffe
-is at Repulse Bay, a summer resort and the next stop on the island motor
-tour. The legend of Mr. Eu has several versions, but they generally
-agree that he was a Chinese who, several decades ago, settled in Malaya
-with his mother. When the two struck hard times, Mr. Eu felt that his
-fellow-Chinese were indifferent to the family’s difficulties, and he
-vowed never to help other Chinese or to return to China—an extraordinary
-act for any Chinese. He indentured himself as a miner, saved enough to
-buy his freedom, and married a woman who owned a small grocery store. The
-couple pooled their earnings to buy an abandoned tin mine where he had
-formerly worked. Either he knew something or played a hunch, because the
-mine yielded rich quantities of ore that made him a millionaire.
-
-But his mother never reconciled herself to his anti-Chinese vow and hired
-a fung shui expert who reported that the real trouble stemmed from the Eu
-family tomb, which faced south, away from China, influencing her son to
-turn his back on his homeland. The tomb was realigned to face north, and
-Mr. Eu relaxed his anti-Chinese prejudices sufficiently to return to Hong
-Kong—if not to China.
-
-He began erecting two enormous stone castles, acting on a Chinese belief
-that he would live as long as its building continued. Mr. Eu has passed
-on, but his castles survive. When completed, Eucliffe was crammed with
-European suits of armor and several upstairs rooms were hung with oil
-paintings of nudes. Euston, at 755 Bonham Road, on the northern slope
-of Victoria Peak, is a seven-storied anachronism. Its twin towers and
-mullioned windows give no evidence of Chinese design, but they may
-represent the Chinese reply to functional architecture.
-
-Repulse Bay, with a curving beach and the luxurious Repulse Bay Hotel,
-is the colony’s best-known summer resort. Like the upper Peak area, or
-Shek-O and Stanley in the southeast part of the island, it has many
-wealthy residents and large homes.
-
-The auto tour passes Deep Water Bay Golf Club—one of several golf
-courses in Hong Kong—and the Dairy Farm, a major source of the colony’s
-fresh milk. Queen Mary Hospital lies along the route near the west end
-of the island; an outstanding institution that emphasizes the scarcity
-of first-class hospitals in the colony. There are less than 10,000
-hospital beds for 3,300,000 people, and the majority of the hospitals
-are overcrowded, understaffed, antiquated and well below first-class
-standards of care. The colony government is in the midst of a campaign
-to raise the capacity and standards of its hospitals, however. More than
-1,000 beds are to be added by the end of 1963, but Hong Kong will remain
-well below English and American norms of hospital care.
-
-Nevertheless, Hong Kong has made substantial medical progress during the
-last decade. Tuberculosis causes about eight times more deaths than all
-other infectious diseases, but the T.B. death rate has been reduced from
-158.8 per 100,000 population in 1952 to 60.1 deaths per 100,000 in 1961.
-
-Hong Kong University and the Chinese business section of the Western
-District are the last sightseeing attractions of the motor tour before it
-returns to the center of town. A motor trip around the island costs $7,
-plus the price of meals for the tourist and his driver-guide.
-
-The Western District is seldom included on tourist maps of Hong Kong
-Island; the assumption seems to be that if a traveler ventures beyond the
-Central District, he will instantly be swallowed up by the earth. This
-assumption is twaddle. Jan Jan’s Map of Hong Kong, sold at bus and ferry
-terminals, gives an excellent layout of the Western District, but even
-without its help, a sightseer may visit a number of places in the Western
-District without getting lost.
-
-Pottinger Street, in the section running south off Queen’s Road Central,
-has a lively array of ribbon, button and zipper stands. Cochrane Street,
-parallel to Pottinger and one block west of it, has a few stores selling
-silk “dragons” (actually, lions’ heads). Such dragons, made to order, may
-cost as much as several hundred dollars each, and at least three weeks
-are required to fashion a large one.
-
-These dragons, priced according to their overall length and elaborateness
-of detail, weave through the streets on Chinese holidays operated by a
-line of men marching under the flexible silk-covered framework.
-
-Wing On Street, a dark narrow alley between Queen’s Road Central and Des
-Voeux Road, is hemmed in on both sides by dozens of stands selling cotton
-and wool yard-goods. Everything is open to the street, and there is no
-charge for inspecting the bewildering assortment of cloth and color.
-
-Goldsmiths’ shops are strung along Queen’s Road Central in the vicinity
-of the Kwong On Bank at Gilman’s Bazaar. They stock every kind of gold
-jewelry—a particular favorite of Chinese women. But what the women enjoy
-most is sitting at the counters and gossiping with the clerks and shop
-owners. Such conversations often go on for as much as an hour, yet the
-dealer does not fly into a rage if the prospect fails to buy; it is
-even possible that the talk hardly touches on buying. Most women buy
-eventually; meanwhile, a pleasant exchange of gossip is enjoyed by both
-parties.
-
-Wing Sing Street, running north off Queen’s Road, is a cavernous alley
-resembling a silent-movie setting for a dark tale of Oriental intrigue.
-Actually, its most frightening characteristic is its nickname: “Rotten
-Egg Street.” Piles of crates line its wholesale and retail egg stands,
-yet there is nothing to indicate that the eggs have lingered beyond their
-normal retirement age. The nickname is simply a local joke applied to all
-egg-selling streets.
-
-A dozen or so glass-enclosed shops, each no larger than a pair of
-telephone booths, are located on Man Wa Lane, between Des Voeux Road and
-Wing Lok Street. All are engaged in cutting dies for business cards,
-seals and stamps, and the passer-by is welcome to watch their craftsmen
-at work.
-
-Ladder Street, a flight of steps leading off Queen’s Road Central, takes
-the inquisitive shopper to Upper Lascar Row, popularly called Cat Street.
-Cat Street’s dingy shops sell everything from jade carvings to used
-bottles, from rare china to chipped and broken junk, valuable antiques
-to outright fakes. The customer has nothing but his own wits to protect
-him. Americans would be unduly optimistic to expect a Comprehensive
-Certificate of Origin from merchants who don’t know and seldom care
-whether their goods are “hot” or legitimate. But Europeans who know
-Chinese antiques thoroughly have come to Cat Street, bargained shrewdly,
-and resold their purchases at home with sufficient profit to pay for
-their Hong Kong vacations.
-
-Man Mo Temple, at 128-130 Hollywood Road, stands a short way back
-from the street. Buddha enjoys the most prominent altar in its gloomy
-interior, but the temple mixes Buddhist and Taoist elements, with
-Kwan Tai and Man Cheong as two of its honored deities. Legions of
-minor divinities line the walls, including several seated in tall,
-glass-enclosed boxes. In former days, such boxes were equipped with long
-handles so that the faithful could carry them through the streets in
-times of disaster to soothe the angry spirits.
-
-Visitors are free to enter the temple if they behave as they would in
-any other house of worship. Straight and spiral incense sticks burn
-before the numerous shrines, and the many statues looming in dark corners
-suggest a spiritual serenity.
-
-A more urgent reminder of other worlds may be had at the Tak Sau coffin
-shop, 252 Hollywood Road. Massive pine coffins, ordered in advance of the
-prospective occupant’s death and tailored to his physical dimensions,
-are stacked about in plain sight. An ordinary model, costing from $50
-to $150, can be turned out by a pair of carpenters in about 20 hours.
-The larger boxes once required 16 men to carry them, but modern trucks
-have now assumed the burden. A millionaire’s coffin, lined with silk
-and elaborately carved, may cost $3,000 or more. To demonstrate their
-continuing concern for the departed, surviving relatives visit a nearby
-shop which sells notes written on the “Bank of Hell.” No one likes to
-deliver these notes personally, and so they are burned to assure the
-deceased that his credit rating will be maintained in the spirit world.
-
-Most of the Western District may be covered on foot, but taxis are
-necessary for trips to more distant points, such as Stanley or Shek-O,
-particularly at night. Drivers often have only a sketchy knowledge of
-English, but the passenger can usually make his destination clear by
-pointing to it on a road map, or by printing the address on a sheet of
-notepaper; if the driver cannot read it, he will find a colleague to
-translate it for him. Taxis are about 25 cents for the first mile and
-18 cents for each succeeding mile on Hong Kong Island. Kowloon taxis
-are slightly lower. Holders of valid drivers’ licenses from their home
-country, or international drivers’ licenses, may hire cars for $11.50 a
-day or $70 a week, plus gasoline costs. In the English fashion, all cars
-have right-hand drive.
-
-Sightseers operating on a tight budget may cover almost every part of
-the island on its 18 bus routes. Most of these start from the Vehicular
-Ferry Pier and their routes are fully outlined on the reverse side of
-Jan Jan’s Map. Trams give smoother rides and more frequent service along
-the island’s densely populated waterfront, but the only low-cost means
-of visiting outlying places, such as Shek-O, Stanley and Sandy Bay—all
-worth seeing—is by bus. This transportation is not for the timorous or
-those with queasy stomachs; Hong Kong bus-jockeys are competent, but they
-slam and jolt their passengers about as they whirl through a never-ending
-succession of upgrades, downgrades and hairpin turns.
-
-Foreign passengers unfamiliar with Hong Kong public transportation
-may be startled at times to hear their fellow-riders yelling at one
-another. What sounds to a greenhorn like a violent exchange of insults
-is nothing more than cheerful gossip. The Cantonese are naturally gabby
-and exuberant, and only the Gwai-lo (foreign devil) seems subdued and
-inscrutable.
-
-Transportation to Kowloon, directly across the harbor from Hong Kong
-Island, is by Star Ferry for most tourists, although there are many other
-trans-harbor ferries. The Star Ferry terminal in Kowloon is the focal
-point of practically every kind of transportation on the peninsula. Most
-Kowloon bus lines turn around directly in front of the ferry terminal.
-The Kowloon-Canton Railway, which runs through Kowloon and the New
-Territories to the Red Chinese border, is situated next to the bus
-terminal. Taxis and rickshaws start from the same area—a big, multiple
-loop that keeps vehicles moving with a minimum of congestion or delay.
-The Kowloon side of the colony has no streetcars, but its double-deck
-buses are almost as bulky as trams.
-
-The greatest concentration of tourist shops and hotels is in the Tsim Sha
-Tsui section at the tip of the Kowloon Peninsula and within a five-minute
-walk of the Star Ferry terminal. Nine-tenths of the Kowloon hotels and
-luxury shops are strung along Nathan Road, the central thoroughfare, and
-its intersecting streets. At its best, Tsim Sha Tsui is a tourists’ Happy
-Hunting Ground; at its worst, it is an outrageously over-priced deadfall.
-
-The refugee resettlement estates spread across the upper end of the
-Kowloon Peninsula, several miles north of Tsim Sha Tsui. Visitors
-who want to see what has been done to help the colony’s refugees—and
-to appreciate how much must still be undertaken—should visit the
-resettlement estates and the remaining squatter shacks with either a
-guide or an experienced Hong Kong welfare worker. The terrain is too
-irregular and the estates too extensive to be covered on foot.
-
-Visitors with an archaeological turn of mind may want to have a look
-at the Li Cheng Uk tomb in Sham Shui Po, about a mile north of the
-Kowloon-New Territories boundary. Workmen excavating for the Li Cheng Uk
-Resettlement Estate discovered the tomb in August, 1955. Its T-shaped
-chambers and barrel-vault roof containing pottery and bronze objects from
-the Later Han Dynasty (A.D. 25-220) and Six Dynasties (A.D. 220-589)
-indicate that the Chinese may have settled in Hong Kong and neighboring
-Kwangtung Province many centuries earlier than had been supposed. The
-colony government preserved the tomb by encasing it in an outer shell of
-concrete, built a small garden and museum around it, and opened it to the
-public in 1957.
-
-A guided motor tour, probably the best way of seeing the New Territories,
-carries the visitor through the manufacturing center at Tsuen Wan, then
-west past the beaches and eroded hillsides to Castle Peak. The tour
-proceeds through some of the colony’s best farmland to the marketing and
-shopping center at Yuen Long.
-
-Brown cattle and water buffalo are the only aids to human labor on these
-farms, and every square foot of land is fertilized, weeded, irrigated and
-tilled with unsparing diligence. Walled cities, such as Kam Tin, appear
-along the way. Once they were fortresses to protect the farming families
-against marauding bands; today they are packed with poor people living in
-cubicles.
-
-If border conditions are stable, the driver may continue to Lak Ma Chau,
-a hillside overlooking Red China’s farming communes on the far side of
-the Sham Chun River. The return route is through the fishing settlement
-at Tai Po, with a view of Tolo Harbor, one of the finest in Hong Kong. In
-the Shatin Valley, with its intricate pattern of terraced rice fields,
-the sightseer may catch a glimpse of Amah Rock, a natural formation
-resembling a woman with an infant on her back.
-
-Chinese legend depicts the rock as the survival of a woman whose husband
-left to fight in China many centuries ago. For days and months she
-climbed the hill and looked out to sea, awaiting her husband’s return.
-Their child was born before she at last caught sight of her husband’s
-ship, and she was so overcome by excitement and joy that she died on the
-spot. After her death, her neighbors were astonished to see a heap of
-rocks take on the appearance of a woman carrying a child on her back.
-
-As the car passes through the reservoir area above Kowloon, a wild rhesus
-monkey of the surrounding forests may be seen begging for a roadside
-handout. Game of any kind is not abundant in the colony, but there are
-a few ferret-badgers, civet cats, otter, barking deer, rodents and an
-exceedingly rare leopard. There are 38 kinds of snakes, including the
-banded krait, king cobra and pit viper, although deaths from snake bites
-very seldom occur. Over 300 species of birds have been identified.
-Hundreds of kinds of tropical butterflies, including the Atlas Moth, with
-a maximum wing-spread of nine inches, present the brightest specks on
-the countryside, sometimes covering a forest grove like an extra set of
-leaves.
-
-Since Hong Kong embraces 237 islands besides the Kowloon Peninsula and
-the mainland portions of the New Territories, a tourist must take to the
-boats if he is to see more than a fraction of its varied topography. Boat
-service to the larger inhabited islands is frequent and cheap.
-
-Every Saturday afternoon at 3 o’clock an excursion boat leaves the
-Vehicular Ferry Pier for a three-hour circuit of Hong Kong Island.
-It cruises east along the waterfront, through Lei Yue Mun pass at the
-eastern harbor entrance, then turns south off the island’s east coast.
-The rugged coast and fine homes of Shek-O are at the right, with the
-outlying islands of Tung Lung and Waglan at the left. The course swings
-past the south shore resort coast, around the west end of the island
-and back to the starting point. This trip, at 50 cents for adults and a
-quarter for children, is the seagoing bargain of Hong Kong.
-
-A more leisurely round-island voyage, taking 4½ hours, leaves the Kowloon
-and Queens piers every morning, and includes a close-up of the Yau Ma Tei
-Typhoon Shelter on the west side of Kowloon Peninsula. Going west around
-the island, it sails as far as Repulse Bay, turns back toward Deep Water
-Bay and stops at Aberdeen for lunch before returning around the west end
-of the island to its starting point. A variation of the trip permits the
-excursionist to leave the boat at Aberdeen and complete the tour with
-a motor trip via Stanley, Tai Tam Reservoir, Shau Kei Wan, Tiger Balm
-Gardens, Wanchai, and Victoria Peak. Lunch and soft drinks are included,
-but this is not a low-price attraction.
-
-A two-hour afternoon water tour offers tourists a view of the harbor,
-including the island waterfront, Kai Tak airstrip and the harbor islands.
-If one prefers travel in a craft rather loosely resembling a junk, he may
-cover most of the same harbor points visited by the regular launch.
-
-The brigantine _Wan Fu_, in addition to its evening cruise to Aberdeen,
-puts on a plush inter-island tour lasting five hours, with cocktails,
-canapés and a catered buffet luncheon served aboard. The _Wan Fu_ sails
-through Yau Ma Tei Typhoon Shelter, westward past Stonecutters Island,
-Lantau, and the little island of Peng Chau before tying up at Cheung
-Chau for an informal walking tour around this fishermen’s settlement,
-scene of the annual Bun Festival.
-
-Cheung Chau is one of the pleasantest islands in the colony, with neat
-vegetable gardens planted in its interior hollows, a long stretch of
-sandy beach and a cluster of English summer homes on its low hills. The
-village shopping area is a busy place, with narrow, crowded streets, an
-old temple and a sidewalk shrine to a tree-god. Cost of the _Wan Fu_
-cruise is in line with its luxurious accommodations.
-
-Ferry services to Cheung Chau, Peng Chau, Tsing Yi Island and Lantau
-are operated by the Hongkong and Yaumati Ferry Co. Excursion boats may
-also be hired at fixed rates for reaching any of these islands. Once the
-visitor gets to the islands, he will have to depend mostly on his feet to
-get around. As a matter of course, he should determine in advance when
-the next boat is scheduled to return to Hong Kong Island; otherwise, he
-may spend the night in some rural retreat with no tourist hotels.
-
-Peng Chau, with a population of about 4,000 persons, has several small
-industries typical of an earlier day in Hong Kong, such as tanning and
-lime burning. It was an important match manufacturing center before Macao
-competition overshadowed it. It also harbors small farming and fishing
-settlements.
-
-Hei Ling Chau, a nearby island, houses the colony’s leprosarium, run
-by the local auxiliary of the Mission to Lepers. It has 540 patients,
-including refugees from Red China who were turned out of a leprosarium
-near Canton when the Communists closed it down. A visit to the island
-may be arranged through the Mission in Hong Kong and is worthwhile on
-two counts; it will clear up many common misconceptions about the
-disease and show the visitor how far medicine has progressed in treating
-a disease that was once considered fatal. When a Chinese became a known
-sufferer from the disease, he was, until a few years ago, driven from the
-community and his family were subjected to abuse by their former friends.
-
-Hei Ling Chau conveys no sense of hopelessness today. Its well-kept
-stone cottages, workshops, hospital and chapel are arranged around a
-thriving vegetable garden cultivated by the patients. The unsatisfactory
-chaulmoogra oil treatment has been replaced by streptomycin, sulfones
-and other new drugs. Surgery has helped to restore the function of hands
-crippled by the disease. It is not true that the fingers of lepers drop
-off; the bones shrink if the disease is not checked.
-
-Most cases on the island are infectious, but chances that a visitor
-will catch the disease are almost nil. Its chief victims are the
-undernourished poor. Although leprosy is not hereditary, children may
-contract it from parents. About 30 young victims of leprosy presently
-attend a primary school on Hei Ling Chau while being treated. Their
-chances of recovery are excellent. Early, mild infections can often be
-cleared up within a year; advanced cases may take many years to cure.
-
-Under staff instruction, many patients have become competent tailors,
-embroiderers, carpenters, cabinet makers or basket weavers. Very few are
-bedridden, unless they have an additional disease such as tuberculosis.
-About a third of the patients are women. Everything concerned with the
-operation of Hei Ling Chau reflects intelligence and devotion in helping
-lepers to find their way back to useful living.
-
-Tsing Yi Island, off Tsuen Wan, has a few minor industries such as lime
-burning and brick making, and its steep hillsides grow an especially
-sweet variety of pineapple. There is also a community of fishermen and a
-small village with stores where one may purchase food and soft drinks.
-Chickens and chow dogs, unmenaced by autos, roam its streets. When cold
-weather comes, some of the chows will vanish. Many Chinese regard chow
-meat as a delicacy that will keep the consumer warm in winter, increase
-his strength and fortify his virility. Killing chows for food is illegal,
-but every winter the police arrest dozens of dog killers, and the courts
-hand them high fines and jail sentences.
-
-Lantau Island has only one stretch of paved road in its 55-square-mile
-extent, but it is a favorite spot for hikers and religious pilgrims.
-There is a good bathing beach at Silvermine Bay, where the ferry stops,
-and the paved road, traveled by a new bus line, connects it with the
-dam-building site at Shek Pik.
-
-Some years ago the island was so isolated that its people built stone
-towers as redoubts against the forays of pirates. By government
-permission, residents were allowed to keep arms to defend themselves
-against raiders. Several of the old towers still stand.
-
-The Buddhist monastery of Po Lin Chi, on a mountain plateau two miles
-north of Shek Pik, is inhabited by a small community of monks and
-nuns living from the produce of its fruit trees and gardens and the
-contributions of pilgrims who struggle up a mountain path to visit
-the retreat. Visitors are welcome and may stay overnight at a guest
-house on the grounds. Meals are prepared on wood fires in an ancient,
-smoke-stained kitchen. Surrounded by its orchards and with two or three
-massive tombs on the surrounding hills, Po Lin Chi is a quiet echo of
-James Hilton’s _Shangri-La_.
-
-There are other monasteries on Lantau, with the Trappist Monastery at Tai
-Shui Hang, in the northeast part of the island, perhaps the best-known.
-In the last decade its community of 22 priests, lay brothers and novices
-has planted and redeveloped its large farm acreage.
-
-Tai O town, on the west coast of Lantau, is its largest settlement, with
-nearly 8,000 inhabitants. Tai O has a community of Tanka fishing people
-living in wooden huts raised on stakes over a muddy inlet. A regular
-ferry service brings hiking parties from Hong Kong Island to toil up
-the hillsides to Po Lin Chi. They stay overnight at its guest house and
-descend on the opposite side of the mountains to catch the ferry at
-Silver Mine Bay for the trip home.
-
-For a completely different kind of scenery, the inquisitive traveler may
-visit Tap Mun Chau, an island at the eastern edge of the New Territories.
-The Kowloon-Canton Railway takes him to Tai Po Station on Tolo Harbor,
-where he may catch the Tap Mun Chau ferry. The boat nudges up to the
-foot of Ma On Shan, a craggy, 2,300-foot peak, unloads a cargo of pigs
-and a few Hakka farmers, and pushes east through Tolo Channel, bordered
-by round hills. Three Fathoms Cove is the boat’s second stop. It is just
-south of Plover Cove, the deep inlet from Tolo Channel which colony
-engineers propose to seal off, pump out its salt-water contents, and
-replace with a fresh-water reservoir.
-
-Most of the stops along this six-hour run are made offshore, disembarking
-passengers reaching land in small sampans. The boat turns south at the
-seaward end of Tolo Channel and travels the length of Long Harbor between
-high, barren hills. Looking at these hills, the passenger may understand
-how easily Chinese pirates of the last century could slip out of this
-hidden harbor, pounce on passing ships and make their escape behind the
-sheltering mountains.
-
-Villages are strung along the water’s edge at intervals, but their
-shallow harbors and small docks cannot handle the ferry boat. The usual
-sampan, sometimes adroitly propelled by a pair of half-grown boys, rows
-out to meet the larger boat. There is a dock-side stop at Tap Mun town,
-where the harbor is crowded with fishing junks, but the layover is too
-short to permit a walk ashore.
-
-Darkness comes on slowly while the boat heads back, non-stop, to Tai Po,
-but there are bright patches of light along the water—fishermen using
-gasoline lanterns to lure their catch into a net spread between two
-boats. The stars look down from a cloudless sky, and through a gap in
-the bulky hills, the lights of Hong Kong Island glow in the distance. By
-early evening, the traveler has gotten his train and is back in Kowloon.
-
-There is so much to see in this colony that no one can compress it into
-a single visit. Many tourists have returned a dozen times, knowing that
-each trip would bring some new revelation of unsuspected beauty, some
-fresh insight into the character of Hong Kong’s people.
-
-No book, map nor brochure can tell a colony visitor exactly what to
-expect. He walks down a street and comes upon the unexpected every day.
-It may be a Chinese funeral procession with a marching band playing “Bye
-Bye Blackbird.” Or a professional letter-writer, taking dictation with a
-stylus at his sidewalk table. Or the clatter of Mah Jongg players as they
-slam the pieces on the table.
-
-It may be a visit to Temple Street in Kowloon, with its odd restaurants
-and all-night bustle of activity. Or the Kee Heung Tea House at 597
-Shanghai Street, Kowloon, where customers bring their caged birds and
-discuss them while they sip.
-
-Even the hardiest tourist will be exhausted long before he has exhausted
-the sights and sounds of Hong Kong.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER TEN
-
-Shopping before Dinner
-
- “The culinary art is certainly above all others in Hong
- Kong.”—HAROLD INGRAMS, _Hong Kong_, 1952
-
-
-Something happens to the spending habits of all tourists when they reach
-Hong Kong. Wallets fly open, purse-strings snap and money gushes forth in
-a golden shower.
-
-It is a matter of record that in Hong Kong more tourists spend more
-money in a shorter time than in any other port of the Far East or the
-Pacific west of the American mainland. They shell out $120 a day during
-an average visit of five days, and almost 70 percent of the $600 five-day
-total is spent on things the tourist intends to take home. (The figures
-come, not from Hong Kong, but from an exhaustive study of Pacific and Far
-Eastern tourism made for the United States Department of Commerce.)
-
-This $120-a-day spending average is applicable to all the colony’s
-civilian visitors except Overseas Chinese. In 1961, the total of such
-visitors was 210,000, and it was made up of 72,000 Americans, 67,000
-British and 71,000 visitors of other nationalities. The number of
-tourists has more than doubled in the last four years. The Department of
-Commerce study estimates that the total may climb to 490,000 in 1968,
-and that tourists could be expected to spend $270 million in the crown
-colony during the same year. If all this comes to pass, it will carry the
-merchants of Hong Kong into the full sunlight of a golden age.
-
-But how about the tourist? What does he get for his money that causes
-him to run hog-wild in Hong Kong shops? The answers are as varied as the
-shrewdness or the gullibility of the individual tourist.
-
-Let’s consider the gullible ones; they are so numerous and vulnerable.
-The plump lady stuffing herself into a form-fitting Cheongsam. The
-overnight Beau Brummel, swallowed alive by the 24-hour “custom-tailored”
-suit he bought without taking the time for proper fittings. The customer
-who accepts the first price quoted by a Chinese merchant. The photography
-bug who buys a standard West German camera at the most exclusive
-department store in the heart of the high-rent district, when he could
-get the same thing for 20 percent less at a number of small, reliable
-photo-supply shops. The optimist who thinks he can persuade a British
-clerk to knock down a fixed price. The lamb who lets a sidewalk “shopping
-guide” lead him to a fleecing. The poor soul who buys a Swiss watch, a
-Japanese camera, or any other name product without comparing prices of
-several Hong Kong shops or knowing the minimum sale price of the same
-article in his own country. The woman who buys a particular line of
-famous pearls from anyone except the authorized dealer.
-
-Above all, the American who buys a piece of rare jade without a
-Comprehensive Certificate of Origin, and consequently has it confiscated
-by Customs when he reenters the United States. For that matter, any
-American who buys a “presumptive item”—an article which the U.S.
-government suspects was made in Red China or North Korea—without a
-Comprehensive Certificate of Origin.
-
-This business of the Comprehensive Certificate of Origin is a recurrent
-pain in the neck to American shoppers and Hong Kong merchants alike.
-Nevertheless, as an item of United States foreign policy, it must be
-deferred to by American tourists in Hong Kong. Many reputable shop-owners
-will not apply to the colony’s Commerce and Industry Department for the
-right to issue Comprehensive Certificates of Origin, because it involves
-so much paperwork, red tape, and delay that the shops would just as soon
-skip the American market and concentrate on the British and others who
-can buy without these pesky certificates.
-
-The list of items considered to be presumptive is by no means clear-cut,
-and the items on it may change from time to time, further clouding the
-issue. Some of the articles considered presumptive are: brassware,
-brocade, ceramics, cotton goods, embroidery, figurines, wood furniture,
-greeting cards, handicrafts, ivory ware, jade, semiprecious jewelry,
-lacquerware, porcelain ware, woolen rugs, silks and wallpaper.
-
-The nonpresumptive articles, or those that can be freely imported into
-the U.S., include: binoculars, cameras, cashmere items, enamelware,
-furs (but not all furs), precious stones, leather goods, mosaics,
-mother-of-pearl, plastic articles, rattan ware, sporting goods,
-umbrellas, watches, wool clothing and yachts.
-
-These lists are merely indicative; up-to-date and official information
-can be obtained in Hong Kong by calling the Foreign Assets Control
-division of the U.S. Consulate General. If in any doubt about the
-status of a purchase, pay no attention to the merchant who declares that
-a Comprehensive Certificate of Origin is unnecessary; if his advice is
-erroneous, he will not post the buyer’s bail.
-
-A Comprehensive Certificate of Origin costs five Hong Kong dollars,
-or 87.5 cents, and will cover many articles bought at the same store,
-provided that their value does not exceed HK $1,500, or US $262. It is
-applied for when the purchase is made. The store sends it to the colony
-government for official clearance, and when this comes through, usually
-in about a week, the articles are shipped to the U.S. address designated.
-
-The amount of duty-free goods an American tourist could buy abroad was
-cut from $500 to $100 in 1961, but merchants of the crown colony say it
-has not seriously affected their business. At Hong Kong prices, Americans
-apparently feel they can pay duties and still have a bargain. They are
-still permitted to buy duty-free any number of items intended as gifts
-valued at less than $10 each, provided they do not mail more than one
-gift a day to the same person.
-
-Colony shops with the right to issue Comprehensive Certificates of Origin
-always post a sign in their windows to advertise the fact; it helps to
-attract American customers. But there are a few tricksters who will
-attempt to palm off a fraudulent or nonapplicable certificate. The only
-certificate of value to an American purchaser, it should be stressed, is
-the Comprehensive Certificate of Origin.
-
-There are two main shopping areas in the colony: the Central District of
-Hong Kong Island, and the Tsim Sha Tsui section at the tip of the Kowloon
-Peninsula. Both areas can easily be covered on foot, and the shopper’s
-budget is guaranteed to wear out much sooner than his shoe leather.
-King’s Road, the main avenue through North Point in the northeastern
-part of Hong Kong island, is also a good shopping area for tourists. The
-Chinese and knowledgeable Caucasian residents, however, shop over a much
-wider area on both sides of the harbor.
-
-Central District shopping for tourists runs west along Queen’s Road
-Central, Des Voeux Road Central, Chater Road and Connaught Road Central
-from Statue Square, opposite the Star Ferry terminal, to the Vehicular
-Ferry Pier at Jubilee Street. The best British department stores are
-toward the eastern end of this small zone, such as Whiteaway Laidlaw &
-Co. on Connaught Road near the General Post Office, and Lane, Crawford’s
-on Des Voeux Road. Both have Kowloon branches as well, and their prices
-range from fairly high to forbidding. They are comparable to top-quality
-department stores in New York or San Francisco, and their marked price is
-unalterable. No dickering. Even so, they undersell many stores overseas
-because Hong Kong is with very few exceptions a duty-free port.
-
-The American shopper will need to keep the Comprehensive Certificate of
-Origin problem in mind constantly as he branches out to other stores, but
-there’s no harm in looking. The larger Chinese stores in the area include
-Chinese Arts & Crafts and China Emporium, both on Queen’s Road, and the
-Shui Hing Co., The Sincere Co. and Wing On, Ltd., all on Des Voeux Road.
-The Man Yee Building on Des Voeux Road has two floors of shops with
-radios, typewriters, curios, watches and tape recorders, plus many other
-articles; they are well worth checking, either to buy or for comparing
-prices. The Japanese have opened a large department store, Daimaru, at
-Causeway Bay, just west of the North Point section.
-
-The Gloucester Building at Des Voeux Road and Pedder Street has an
-extensive shopping arcade with many quality shops. Alexandra House, just
-across Des Voeux, also has its quota of fine shops, and there are other
-first-rate stores throughout this area. The streets intersecting with
-Queen’s Road and Des Voeux Road should not be overlooked either. Only a
-dozen blocks or so are involved, but the shops are so numerous and their
-goods so varied that it will take even an industrious shopper a full day
-to see them and compare prices. Wise tourists looking for values usually
-spend a day surveying the shops and their merchandise before they are
-ready to spend a cent. It is a sound procedure, for hundreds of hasty
-shoppers have prematurely congratulated themselves on a wonderful buy,
-only to see the same article in another shop the next day for 15 to 25
-percent less than they have paid.
-
-What are the good buys in Hong Kong? They particularly include
-custom-made clothes for men and women, because the workmanship is cheap
-and the quality high—this applies to coats, suits, dresses and shoes.
-For women, silk and woolen garments are good buys, especially when they
-require extensive hand work on beading and embroidery. If planning to
-wash the garment, make sure that the outer material and the inner lining
-are pre-shrunk and color-fast.
-
-The Cheongsam, with its side-slit skirt and carefully fitted collar,
-is worth individual attention here. The Cheongsam is a closely fitted,
-shape-clinging dress that shows to best advantage on a slim, small-boned
-Chinese girl. Put the average Western woman in one and she looks
-beefy, which certainly isn’t the effect she is striving for. If she’s
-overweight, the sight of her in a Cheongsam is enough to make Chinese
-children hide behind their mother’s slit-skirt where their howls and
-giggles won’t be too evident.
-
-Men can get excellent bargains in custom-tailored suits of English
-woolens, Japanese woolens, Dacron, mixed silk and wool, or cashmere
-and wool. Pure cashmere looks and feels luxurious in the shop, but it
-is extremely expensive and doesn’t wear as well as a cashmere-and-wool
-combination. If the tailor puts in cheap lining, the collar and lapels
-will look like an elephant’s hide after a few cleanings. If he skimps
-on the thread, and some do, the suit may pull apart under strenuous
-circumstances. The worldwide story about the $20 Hong Kong suit that
-can be perfectly fitted in 24-hours may have been circulated by some
-show-business comedian trying to impress his friends; it is not, and
-never was, true.
-
-Assuming that a good Hong Kong tailor is located—and there are scores of
-them—a man will be able to get the finest kind of custom-made suit for a
-little less than he would pay for a ready-made suit of the same materials
-in the United States. That would be around $75 for a pure cashmere sport
-jacket, $40 for a cashmere-and-wool jacket, $70 for a tuxedo of English
-worsteds, and $40 to $60 for a suit, with the higher-priced one of
-English woolen and the cheaper of a lightweight wool. A custom-tailored
-shirt of Sea Island cotton will cost about $6—considerably less than an
-American ready-made shirt of the same material.
-
-The chances are that an established Hong Kong tailor will start by
-asking a higher price for all of these articles. By patient haggling and
-comparison-shopping, he may be wheedled down by 5 to 20 percent. And
-don’t be afraid that hard bargaining will drive him out of business; he
-always allows a comfortable profit margin for himself. Ignore his claims
-based on the famous people he has made suits for; they may have been
-given the ultimate in special care at a price far below the going rate
-for serving to advertise the shop.
-
-One thing a tailor cannot do is to turn out a well-fitted suit without
-three or four fittings. This will require no less than five days, and
-two weeks would yield even better results. In busy periods, before the
-Christmas and Chinese New Year holidays, a tailor might need three weeks.
-One can buy a better-looking ready-made suit in the United States than
-almost any Hong Kong tailor can turn out in 24 hours; he’s good, but he’s
-not a miracle worker.
-
-Women shopping for top-grade American and British ready-made clothing
-should have a look at Mackintosh’s in Alexandra House, Paquerette (in the
-Gloucester Arcade), Lane, Crawford’s, and Whiteaway Laidlaw & Co. A wide
-range of high-style tailored clothing for women is offered by Charlotte
-Horstmann of Duddell Street and Town and Country of Queen’s Road, both on
-the Hong Kong side, and at three Kowloon shops in the arcade of the Hotel
-Peninsula: Dynasty Salon, Betty Clemo, and Star of Siam.
-
-Men’s tailoring shops are most numerous on the Kowloon side, and many of
-them also make women’s clothing. A sample survey might include Y. William
-Yu and Frank L. Chan of Kimberley Road, Ying Tai & Co., and Harilela’s of
-Nathan Road, James S. Lee & Co. of Nathan Road (and Gloucester Road, Hong
-Kong), and Tailor Young & Co. of Humphreys Avenue. In the blocks from
-Mody Road to Kimberley Road, all branching east from Nathan Road, tailors
-seem to occupy about every third storefront. Take nothing for granted at
-any of them, and be watchful to see that the cloth ordered is supplied.
-
-Hong Kong has outstanding bargains in hand-made shoes, handbags, jewelry,
-watches, cameras, radios and furniture. It is desirable to know prices
-and to shop around extensively, comparing values. The Man Yee Building,
-previously mentioned, the Gloucester Arcade, and the arcades of the
-Ambassador and Miramar Hotels in Kowloon should give an idea of what’s
-available, though they may be undersold by some side-street shop.
-
-Kowloon has dozens of small shops, often combined with back-room
-“factories,” where one can buy Chinese handicrafts or watch them being
-turned out by superlative craftsmen. These products are duplicates
-of those that China has produced for centuries, and may require a
-Comprehensive Certificate of Origin to get them through U.S. Customs.
-
-Hankow Road, just west of the Hotel Peninsula, has the greatest number
-of wood-carving shops. They all stock sets of wooden horses in several
-sizes; also Buddhas, Gods and Goddesses in profusion, wild animals, fish
-and birds. The asking price is outrageous, but can be whittled down as
-much as 50 percent by patient haggling. A well-made carved horse about
-four inches high can be bought for 75 cents. It would cost six times as
-much in New York.
-
-No other article more convincingly demonstrates the skill of the Chinese
-craftsman than carved ivory. There are ivory factories along Nathan
-Road and its side streets that produce beautifully carved chess sets,
-intricately fashioned concentric balls of ivory, and miniature temples,
-flower boats and pagodas.
-
-Fine cabinetmakers turn out highly polished teak and rosewood chests
-trimmed with brass and lined with silk. Each one is a masterpiece of
-workmanship, but there’s one catch—if the wood has not been carefully
-kiln-dried, the chest may split when it is shipped home. This is a point
-on which a customer will want to quiz the dealer, then decide whether his
-answers are satisfactory. Carved and lacquered screens can be an artistic
-delight, but don’t forget to include the shipping costs when figuring
-their price. Carved and full-rigged Chinese junks are sold in a wide
-range of sizes.
-
-The shopper can forget about the give-no-quarter type of bargaining when
-he enters one of the stores operated by Hong Kong welfare organizations
-for the benefit of physically handicapped refugees. These are strictly
-nonprofit operations, with all but basic overhead costs being turned
-over to the needy people who make the handicrafts. The quality of their
-products is high and their prices are reasonable. Two of these shops are
-the Welfare Handicrafts on Salisbury Road, opposite the Kowloon Post
-Office, and The Rice Bowl, on Minden Row. To find The Rice Bowl, turn
-east off Nathan Road at Mody Road; Minden Row is the first street south
-off Mody. Both stores have Comprehensive Certificates of Origin.
-
-The Tsim Sha Shui section of Kowloon is developing so rapidly that it
-will probably have a dozen shopping arcades by the end of 1963. The
-Central District of Hong Kong Island is also planning new arcades.
-
-Tourists may wind up a day’s shopping by attending one of the 72 movie
-theaters in the colony. Of these, 16 show English-language films and
-13 are first-run houses. Foreign films reach Hong Kong as soon as they
-appear in the world market. In Kowloon, Nathan Road is the main movie
-avenue; in Hong Kong, they are spotted along the principal streets from
-Kennedy Town to Shau Kei Wan. All seats are reserved, and selected from
-a seating-chart at the box office; daily show-times are carried in the
-local press. Chinese films have a big following, but many colony Chinese
-prefer American movies with plenty of action and spectacle. English
-films strike them as stodgy and slow, European art films bore them, and
-sexy importations from Italy and France offend their sensibilities.
-English-language films usually carry Chinese subtitles which look like
-embroidery to Western viewers.
-
-If it’s night clubs the tourist is looking for, there’s nothing to
-get wildly excited about. Floor shows run to jugglers, acrobats and
-pony chorus lines, with an occasional comedian as a star attraction.
-Vaudeville isn’t dead; it simply shuffled off to Hong Kong. Prices are
-steeper than the entertainment warrants. Most of the musicians are
-Filipinos; individually able, but their band arrangements follow the
-blast-off traditions of American stage bands in the 1930s.
-
-For a predinner cocktail with a magnificent view, two of the best
-locations are the lounge on top of the Imperial Hotel, Nathan Road, and
-the 11th floor Marigold Lounge of the Park Hotel at Cameron and Chatham
-Roads, both in Kowloon. Just as the finest daytime view is from the
-upper slopes of Victoria Peak on Hong Kong Island, the most satisfying
-after-dark panorama is from Kowloon. From either of these lounges you can
-see the banks of lighted apartment houses along the Hong Kong hillside,
-tied together by festoons of streetlamps as the roads zig-zag up the
-slopes, shining blue at the lower levels, then turning to vapor-piercing
-amber as they climb above the fog line. The Imperial has the closest
-view of the multi-colored neon signs glowing along the Hong Kong side of
-the harbor in English and Chinese characters. The Park Hotel overlooks
-the whole sweep of Kowloon Bay and the wavy, mountainous horizon of
-the island, with the brilliantly lighted boats of a dozen ferry lines
-criss-crossing the harbor in every direction. A line of lights passes
-directly under the window—a Kowloon-Canton train returning from a trip to
-the Red China border. If one could compress all of his memories of Hong
-Kong into a single glance, this would be it.
-
-Kowloon holds two-thirds of the colony’s fifty hotels, and many of these
-are quite new. Hong Kong Island will add two major hotels in 1963, the
-1,000-room American and the 600-room Queen’s, but Kowloon will retain its
-leadership in room capacity for many years. Altogether, about a dozen
-hotels will be added by the end of 1964 if business holds up.
-
-The tremendous surge in hotel growth means that after years of lagging
-behind, Hong Kong has finally roused itself to meet the needs of
-tourists, in room capacity, at least. The expansion has been so frantic
-that a number of the newer hotels have shaved every possible corner in
-construction, skimping on the number of elevators and unduly shrinking
-the size of rooms to squeeze every cent out of their cubic-foot capacity.
-Hotel help is scarce, and as each new hotel opens, it raids the staffs
-of existing hotels; this raises wages slightly, but saves the raider the
-time and expense of training his own people. It also lowers the quality
-of service and leaves the older hotels to scramble for replacements.
-
-With these limitations in mind, it is remarkable that hotel service is
-as good as it is, and much of the credit must go to the staff people
-themselves. They are hard-working, cheerful and obliging to a degree
-seldom seen in large cities. Because of inadequate training and the
-inevitable language difficulties, they are sometimes caught off-base, but
-when they know what a guest wants, they will do everything possible to
-get it. Americans and British whose democratic principles do not always
-prevent them from getting pretty high-handed about the way they are
-served will just have to be a little less fussy.
-
-The Peninsula Hotel and its jointly managed addition, the Peninsula
-Court, occupy the same place in the colony that the Plaza does in New
-York—smart, eminently respectable and expensive. The Park, the Imperial
-and the Ambassador are among the best of the large, new hotels in
-Kowloon. The Gloucester has the greatest status of the Central District
-hotels, and the Repulse Bay, on the south shore of Hong Kong Island,
-rates as the island’s most luxurious resort hotel. There are about a
-dozen other first-rate hotels and approximately 30 additional ones that
-range from satisfactory to catch-as-catch-can. All those recommended
-by the Hong Kong Tourist Association are acceptable, but their quality
-varies with their rates, though not always in proportion.
-
-Two outlying hotels worth noting are the Carlton and the Shatin Heights,
-both in the New Territories but not far from Kowloon. The Luk Kwok in
-Wanchai, once the locale for Richard Mason’s _The World of Suzie Wong_,
-prospered so handsomely from the publicity that it is now a quiet,
-middle-class hotel.
-
-Confirmed hotel reservations, arranged well in advance of your arrival,
-are advisable for all tourists who are not thoroughly familiar with
-Hong Kong. Certainly it would be unwise to arrive without them and be
-forced to rely on sheer luck or the noisy touts who besiege incoming
-passengers at Kai Tak. The touts are kept behind a fence nowadays, but if
-the unsuspecting visitor lets them steer him to a hotel, their kick-back
-will be added to the bill. Experienced visitors sometimes check into a
-modestly priced hotel for the night and spend the next day bargaining
-for the lowest rates at one of the better places which, when business is
-slow, regularly knock 30 percent off the stated charges. For newcomers,
-this is seldom done.
-
-Some European and American visitors cannot be persuaded to try Chinese
-food. Either they think it will make them ill, which it certainly will
-not, or they believe they’ll look silly fumbling with chopsticks. It
-must be conceded that inexperienced users of chopsticks usually look
-rather foolish, but practically every Chinese restaurant will provide a
-knife and fork if asked for them.
-
-No difficulty should arise from a determination to stick to one’s usual
-diet. Every first-class hotel serves an international cuisine. Prices are
-tailored to the room rents; high at the Peninsula, cheap at the Y.M.C.A.
-next door to it. In general, the meals are as good as those at American
-hotels and they cost considerably less. Steaks are tougher than Choice U.
-S. beef, and occasionally one resembles a small portion of a welcome mat.
-Apart from the hotels, there are about a dozen good European restaurants.
-
-In Mandarin Chinese, there is a saying that “food is the heaven of the
-ordinary people,” and the Chinese in Hong Kong, like their countrymen
-all over the world, do their remarkable best to impart a foretaste of
-heaven to their cooking. Their food reaches the table in edible form,
-and does not have to be slashed and hacked before the guest is ready to
-eat it. Chopsticks are all that is needed to lift the food to the mouth.
-(Foreigners take weeks to get over the shock of seeing a three-year-old
-Chinese child manipulating chopsticks; it seems so infernally clever.)
-
-Chinese restaurants of the colony serve four different kinds of cuisine:
-Cantonese (from southern China); Shanghainese (from east-central China);
-Pekinese (from northern China) and Szechuan (central China).
-
-Cantonese is the type most familiar to Americans, since most of the
-Chinese restaurants in the U.S. are owned by Southern Chinese. Chop suey
-and chow mein are not Chinese at all, except that they were invented by
-Chinese cooks in the United States to please their American customers.
-None the less, Cantonese restaurants serve them in Hong Kong, as well
-as egg rolls, egg foo yung, and sweet-and-sour pork, if only to keep the
-visiting foreigners happy.
-
-Authentic Cantonese dishes are strong on seafoods. Steamed fish seasoned
-with ginger, mushrooms, spring onion, salted black soya beans, garlic,
-salad oil, sherry, soy sauce, and sugar is a particular favorite. Shark’s
-fin soup which includes not only the fins but crab meat, sliced chicken,
-chicken broth, cornstarch, and peanut oil is a floating potpourri.
-
-Other Cantonese delicacies are gut lee hai kim, shelled fat crabs dipped
-in butter, fried in deep oil and served with a tart wine-and-vinegar
-sauce; goo low yuk, the Cantonese name for sweet-and-sour pork; and ho
-yau ngau yuk, slices of beef tenderloin quick-fried with an oyster sauce
-and garnished with greens. Cantonese cooks are sparing in their use of
-salt and grease.
-
-A lunchtime specialty of Cantonese restaurants is dim sun (tiny bits of
-food), which includes twenty different kinds of sweet and salty dishes;
-among them, steamed biscuits with various meat fillings, rice cakes,
-sweet buns and chicken rolls.
-
-A few of the better Cantonese restaurants are: Tai Tung, 234 Des Voeux
-Road; Golden City, 122-126 Queen’s Road Central; Miramar and Ambassador
-(both in hotels), Nathan Road; and the Sky, 8 Queen’s Road Central.
-They’re accustomed to tourists, and will help with the ordering, if need
-be. Tai Tung is typical of the large Cantonese restaurants, catering to
-family parties and group dinners. Kam Ling, at 484 Queen’s Road West in
-the West Point section of the island, is another Cantonese giant.
-
-Dinner at one of the multi-story Chinese restaurants may cause a shock
-to the nerves from a series of violent and unexpected explosions. The
-blasts, which sound like closely bunched machine-gun fire, seem to be
-coming from right outside the window. No cause for alarm—it’s just a
-string of firecrackers celebrating a wedding or some other joyous family
-event. A solid string of firecrackers is suspended from a crane at the
-top of the building, then lighted at the bottom; as the bursting crackers
-eat their way up the string, a man with a guide rope slowly lowers the
-string to keep the explosions at street level, thus preventing the paper
-from blowing all over the surrounding streets. A portable, circular wire
-screen is also placed around the explosion zone to confine the mess,
-and a policeman stands by to see that the fireworks are being handled
-according to law. All large restaurants have a swing-out firecracker
-crane, and when they book a family party for a special celebration, a
-police permit is obtained for the noise-making. The rattle of explosions
-often lasts ten minutes or more, costing the host from $100 to $300,
-depending on the length and elaborateness of the string.
-
-Shanghainese cooking, which became more popular in Hong Kong after the
-arrival of Shanghai refugees in the late 1940s, is sweeter and more salty
-than Cantonese food, and uses a lot more oil. Its characteristic dishes
-include: la dze jee ding, fresh chicken diced and fried with peppers and
-flavored with soy sauce; chao ha yen, small shelled shrimp garnished with
-green herbs or bean sprouts; and sze tze tao, pork sautéed with Chinese
-white cabbage and often served in a casserole.
-
-Beggar’s chicken is highly regarded by colony residents, both Chinese and
-English, and can be ordered at Tien Hong Lau on Woosung Street, Kowloon;
-or other Shanghai places such as Winter Garden, Nathan Road; or Four Five
-Six, 340 King’s Road, North Point. Bamboo shoots, boiled crab and fried
-eel, in season, are also Shanghai treats.
-
-Szechuan food is hot and spicy, with such representative dishes as: suan
-la tang, sour peppery soup; dried beef with peppers; and Szechuan duck,
-deep-fried to cook both the skin and the flesh brown, spiced with pungent
-black pepper and served with the meat so tender that it may be picked
-off the bones with chopsticks. The Ivy, at 11 D’Aguilar Street, in the
-Central District, is a familiar Szechuan establishment. There are others
-in the Diamond Hill section of New Kowloon, north of Kai Tak Airport, but
-one would probably need the guidance of a long-time colony resident to
-find them.
-
-The Pekinese cuisine is best known for Peking duck, served as a suitable
-entrée for a meal that begins with assorted cold meats and proceeds
-through chicken and walnuts to the celebrated bird. The duck is basted
-with salad oil and roasted until brown, then the skin is dipped in soya
-paste with scallions and wrapped in thin pancakes to be eaten as a kind
-of sandwich; the meat is dipped and eaten in a similar manner and the
-bones of the duck are made into a soup with cabbage and mushrooms. Toffee
-apples and caramelized bananas (sugared and deep-fried, then immersed in
-cold water) top off the feast.
-
-Two of the popular Pekinese restaurants are the Peking, 1 Great George
-Street, Causeway Bay; and the Princess Garden, Kimberley Road, Kowloon.
-
-Hard to classify but too good to miss is the Mongolian steamboat, a
-cooking utensil used for Northern and Cantonese dishes. Hot coals are
-placed in the bottom of the vessel from which the heat rises through a
-chimney at the center. Water or soup stock boils in a little open-top
-tank that encircles the chimney. In the Cantonese style, tiny baskets
-of sea food, meat and vegetables are hung into the boiling water until
-they are done, then the contents are fished out with chopsticks. In the
-Northern Chinese variation, a soup stock is put in the reservoir with
-very thin slices of meat and sea food being dipped in until they are
-cooked, which takes only a few seconds. Both styles use various sauces
-and condiments to flavor the food after it is cooked and drawn out with
-chopsticks. The steamboat sits in the center of the table, puffing
-energetically, and every diner has a fine time dipping and fishing for
-his food.
-
-The Peking Restaurant at Causeway Bay and the Wong Heung Min, at
-191-193 Gloucester Road along the Wanchai waterfront, are two steamboat
-anchorages of note.
-
-The various styles of Chinese cooking do not differ so radically that the
-same restaurant cannot prepare food in two or more regional ways. Many
-restaurants do so and quite capably. Americans sometimes choke at the
-thought of bird’s nest soup, which is made from the saliva that swallows
-use to build their nests. The saliva is separated from the straw and
-feathers by boiling and evaporation, and the dried saliva extract is
-added to a stock of chicken broth, combined with sliced ham and minced
-chicken. The end-product, served in most Chinese restaurants, is a prince
-among fine soups.
-
-If one wants to prowl around a bit, he can locate a restaurant or two
-that serves snake meat or civet cat. The Chinese have a theory that
-they can make anything taste good with the right amount of cooking and
-a judicious use of sauces, spices and condiments. What is more, they
-usually prove to be correct. But a taste for snake meat is like the
-appreciation of Cantonese opera; it takes years of conditioning.
-
-For those who enjoy sukiyaki and other Japanese dishes, they are
-available at the Tokyo Restaurant, on the 17th floor of the Imperial
-Hotel, and in the dining room of the Daimaru department store at Causeway
-Bay. The Bombay Restaurant at 19 Prat Avenue, Kowloon, has a good
-selection of Indian dishes. For Russian specialties, especially fine
-cakes and pastries, Rikki’s restaurant at Cameron and Carnarvon Roads,
-Kowloon, is a plain but acceptable spot.
-
-Assuming that one has had at least a one-week stay in Hong Kong, and has
-applied himself to eating, shopping and sightseeing to the limit of his
-energies, there is every reason to believe that he will go home happy,
-stimulated, exhausted, and broke.
-
-It is the common lot of Hong Kong’s 210,000 annual visitors.
-
-
-
-
-Index
-
-
- Aberdeen, 58, 191, 195, 271, 281
-
- Aberdeen reservoirs, 165
-
- Acheson, Dean, 144
-
- Advisory Comm. on Corruption, 201, 222-5
-
- Afro-Asian Conference, 98
-
- Agriculture, 120, 177-8
-
- Agriculture, Fisheries & Forestry Dept., 181
-
- Agriculture & Forestry Dept., 182, 184, 187
-
- Air France, 159
-
- Air-India International, 98
-
- Albert Path, 263
-
- Amah Rock, 279-80
-
- Ambassador Hotel, 130, 301
-
- American Marine, Ltd., 138-40
-
- American military visitors, 132
-
- Americans, 256-7
-
- Animals, 177-8
-
- Anslinger, Harry J., 94, 209
-
- Anson’s Bay, 21
-
- Anti-Corruption Branch, 223-4
-
- Ap Chau, 71-2
-
- Applegate, Richard, 94
-
- Apprentice system, 135
-
- Armed forces, China and Hong Kong, 87
-
- Army in “Double-Ten” Riots, 104
-
- _Arrow_, The, 28
-
- Artificial insemination of pigs, 188-9
-
- Atomic water distillation, 173
-
- Attlee, Clement, 76
-
- Austin Road, Kowloon, 103
-
- Au Tak, 159
-
- Aw Boon Haw, 272
-
-
- Bank of China, 263-4
-
- Bank of Hell, 276-7
-
- Bargains, 294
-
- Barnett, K. M. A., 59, 60
-
- Barton, Hugh, 148-9, 150, 152
-
- Beriberi, 42
-
- Beverage industry, 119
-
- Bias Bay, 27
-
- Black, Gov. Robert Brown, 11, 221-2
-
- Blackie, W. J., 175
-
- Blake Pier, 266
-
- Blind musicians, 253
-
- Blown, Capt. Phillip, 95-8
-
- Boca Tigris, 17, 19
-
- Bonham, Gov. S. G., 228-9
-
- Border, length of, 81
-
- Borgeest, Gus, 58-9, 60-5, 211
-
- Borgeest, Mona, 58-9, 60-5
-
- Borgeest, Naomi, 60
-
- Borghese, Villa, 62
-
- Boss, Martha, 55
-
- Botanic Garden, 29, 34, 181, 262-3
-
- Bowring, Sir John, 28-30
-
- Boxer Rebellion, 40, 74
-
- Boys’ and Girls’ Clubs Assn., 67
-
- Boy Scouts, 63
-
- Brazil, 48
-
- Brinkley, David, 132
-
- British-Chinese intermarriage, 237-8
-
- British common law, 216
-
- British East India Co., 16, 18, 19
-
- British House of Lords, 227, 232-3
-
- British Overseas Airways, 133
-
- British rulers, their character, 257
-
- Buddhists, 254
-
- Building construction, 120, 130-1
-
- Bun Festival, 250-1, 282
-
- Byrnes, James F., 75
-
-
- Canada, 48
-
- Canned goods, 119
-
- Canton, China, 16-18, 27-9, 31, 37, 40, 241
-
- Cantonese, 176, 241-2
-
- Cantonese cuisine, 302-3
-
- Canton River, 17, 20, 22
-
- Cape Bastion, 95
-
- _Cape St. Mary_, 192
-
- CARE, 71-2, 191
-
- Carlton, Cedric, 95
-
- Carlton Hotel, 301
-
- Castle Peak, 79
-
- Castle Peak Exper. Station, 188-9
-
- Cater, Jack, 194
-
- Cathay, Ltd., 147
-
- Cathay Pacific Airways, 95-8, 133
-
- Catholic Relief Services, 61, 66-7
-
- Cattle raising, 118
-
- Causeway Bay, 37, 270
-
- _Celestial_, 116
-
- Celestial Empire, 18, 20, 41
-
- Central District, 49, 162, 262, 267, 269, 274, 293
-
- Central Market, 268
-
- Central Relief Records Office, 68
-
- Certificate of Origin, Comprehensive, 45, 123, 275, 291-3, 298
-
- Chadwick, Osbert, 36
-
- Chai Wan, 69
-
- Chan, S. Y., 188
-
- Chartered Bank, 264
-
- Chemicals industry, 124
-
- Cheng Chung Kay, 198
-
- Cheongsam, 294
-
- Cheung Chau, 195, 242, 250, 282
-
- _Cheung Hing_ incident, 91
-
- Cheung Sheung, 63
-
- Cheung Yung Festival, 253-4
-
- Chiang Kai-shek, 47, 52, 75
-
- China, Republic of, 41
-
- _China Mail_, the, 128, 225
-
- Chinese calendar, 244-5
-
- Chinese clannishness, 244
-
- Chinese dialects, 241-2
-
- Chinese, diversity of, 240-1
-
- Chinese food, 301-6
-
- Chinese New Year, 90, 245-7
-
- Chinese Temples Ordinance, 232
-
- Ching Ming Festival, 248-9
-
- Cholera, 25
-
- Chuenpee, 20
-
- Chunam, 169
-
- Church, Beatrice M., 146-7
-
- Church, Capt. Charles, 147
-
- Churchill, Winston S., 75
-
- Church World Service, 54, 67, 69, 70-1
-
- Chu Yuan, 252
-
- City Hall, 162, 265
-
- Clear Water Peninsula, 138
-
- Cochrane St., 274
-
- Collective bargaining, 135
-
- Colonial Office, 215, 217, 219, 225
-
- Colonial Secretary, 216
-
- Comm. on Chinese Law and Custom, 238
-
- Communist agitation, 92
-
- Communist “relief mission” riot, 92
-
- _Concord_ incident, 92
-
- Concubines, 236-40
-
- Confucianism, 254
-
- Connaught Road, 268
-
- Contract labor, 30-1
-
- Coop. Dvlpmt. and Fisheries Dept., 187
-
- Cosmetics industry, 119
-
- Cottage industries, 120
-
- Cotton spinning, 123
-
- Cotton weaving, 123
-
- “Covenanters,” Mission Church of Norway, 50
-
- Crime rates, U.S. and Hong Kong, 204-6
-
- Curfew in Double Ten riots, 106
-
-
- Dairy company, 119
-
- Dairy Farm, Ice & Cold Storage Co., 119, 73
-
- _Dampier_, H. M. S., 99
-
- Deep Bay, 81
-
- Deep Water Bay, 273, 281
-
- Department stores, 293
-
- Des Voeux Road, 263, 267
-
- Dixon, Donald, 94
-
- Dixon-Applegate incident, 93-5
-
- Donovan, Gen., 36
-
- Double Ten riots, 99-107
-
- Dragon Boat Festival, 251-2
-
- Drug addiction, 53, 63, 65, 212-3
-
- Drug addicts, treatment of, 211
-
- Dulles, John Foster, 98
-
- Dying-houses, 230
-
- Dynasty Salon, 141
-
-
- East Asian Film Festival, 145
-
- Electorate, 215
-
- Electrical apparatus industry, 124
-
- Electric batteries and flashlights, 119
-
- Electro-plating, 120
-
- Elliott, Capt. Charles, 20-2
-
- Employment, 120-1, 123-4, 133, 151, 152
-
- Enamelware, 120, 129
-
- Engineering construction, 120
-
- Epidemics, 23-4, 42
-
- Eu, Mr., 272-3
-
- Eucliffe and Euston castles, 272-3
-
- Executive Council, 148, 215-6
-
- Exports, 121
-
-
- Faith Hope Nursery, 70
-
- Fanling, 81
-
- Fan Pui, 167-8
-
- Far East Refugee Program, 73
-
- Farm acreage, 176-8
-
- Farm income, 178-9
-
- Federation of Veg. Marketing Coop. Societies, 180
-
- Feng, I., Enamelling Co., 128
-
- Films about Hong Kong, 132
-
- Filtration, 165
-
- Fire Brigade Building, 268
-
- Firecrackers, 304
-
- Fires, 23, 76-7, 92
-
- First Natl. City Bank of N.Y., 136
-
- Fish and Veg. Marketing Orgs., 58, 180, 191, 194
-
- Fishermen’s schools, 195, 199
-
- Fishing, Communist restrictions, 108
-
- Fishing industry, 120, 191, 198
-
- Floating restaurants, 271
-
- Florence Nightingale Award, 58
-
- Flour mills, 118
-
- Flower-growing, 188
-
- Fluoridation, 173
-
- Food manufacturing, 124
-
- Foreign Assets Control Division, U.S. Consulate General, 292
-
- Foreign Correspondents’ Club, 268
-
- Fou Wah Mills, 141
-
- Fowler’s Flying School, 159
-
- France, 38, 40
-
- Freezinhot Bottle Co., 128
-
- French, Graham, 71-2
-
- Frontier Division, Police, 81
-
- Fruit, 178
-
- Fukien, 27
-
- Fung Shui, 169, 244, 249, 272
-
- Furniture industry, 119
-
-
- Garment manufacturers, 123, 142
-
- Gates, Dr. Elbert E., Jr., 69, 70
-
- Gates, Mrs. June (Elbert E., Jr.), 69, 70
-
- General Post Office, 266
-
- Geneva Textile Agreement, 143
-
- Germany, 38, 40, 42
-
- Gifts, 292
-
- Ginger, preserved, 117-8
-
- Gloucester Hotel, 301
-
- Godfrey, Arthur, 132
-
- Gold rush, 30
-
- Goldsmiths’ shops, 275
-
- Government, character and efficiency, 216-7;
- Chinese view of, 217-8;
- weaknesses of, 217
-
- Government construction, 131, 159-60
-
- Government House, 33, 231, 257, 262-3
-
- Governor, powers of, 215-6, 225
-
- Graft and corruption, 201, 218-24
-
- Grandview Film Co., 145
-
- Grantham, Gov. Alexander, 93
-
- Grantham, Lady Maurine, 263
-
- “Great Leap Forward,” the, 86-7
-
- “Great Wall,” 261
-
- Green Island Cement Co., 118
-
- Grouting, 168, 170, 172
-
- Gunboats, Communist, 79, 80
-
-
- Hai Lee Chan, 196-7
-
- Hakka, 64, 176, 190-1, 242
-
- Handicrafts, 297
-
- Hang Hau, 140
-
- _Hangsang_ incident, 92
-
- Hang Seng Bank, 268
-
- Hankow Road, 297
-
- Happy Valley, 270
-
- Happy Valley Jockey Club, 270
-
- Harbor, 25, 156
-
- Harcourt, Rear Adm. C. H. J., 43
-
- Haven of Hope Sanatorium, 54, 57
-
- Heath, Police Commr. H. W. E., 209
-
- Hebe Haven, 171-2
-
- Hei Ling Chau, 64, 282
-
- Hennessy, Gov. John P., 34-6, 232
-
- Henningsen, Anker B., 136-8
-
- Henningsen, A. P., 136
-
- Henwood, Rosalind, 146
-
- Herklots, Dr. G. A. C., 179-80
-
- Heroin, 206-8, 210
-
- Hire cars, 277
-
- Hogan, Chief Justice Michael, 219-22, 225
-
- Hoklo, 176, 191, 242
-
- Holden, William, 132
-
- Hong Kong Annual Report (1956), 47
-
- Hongkong and Kowloon Wharf & Godown Co., 150
-
- Hongkong & Shanghai Banking Corp., 148, 151-2, 264
-
- Hong Kong & Whampoa Dock Co., 116-7
-
- Hongkong and Yaumati Ferry Co., 282
-
- Hong Kong Club, 263-5
-
- Hong Kong Commerce and Industry Dept., 122-3
-
- Hong Kong Council of Social Service, 68
-
- Hong Kong Cricket Club, 264
-
- Hong Kong Fed. of Trade Unions, 92
-
- “Hong Kong Fever,” 22
-
- Hong Kong Housing Authority, 77
-
- Hong Kong Housing Society, 78
-
- Hong Kong Island, 16, 19, 21-4, 59, 102, 111, 118, 130, 148, 158,
- 167-8, 173, 260-2
-
- Hong Kong Junior Chamber of Commerce, 63, 67
-
- Hong Kong Rope Mfg. Co., 118
-
- Hong Kong Royal Engineers, 72
-
- Hong Kong Technical College, 135
-
- Hong Kong _Tiger Standard_, 144
-
- Hong Kong Tourist Assn., 133
-
- Hong Kong Tramway, 269
-
- Hong Kong University, 135, 192, 274
-
- Hong Kong Welfare Society, 61
-
- Hospitals, 273
-
- Hotels, 300-1
-
- Howatson, Fr. P. J., 67
-
- Hung Siu Tsuen, 31
-
- _Hyacinth_, 20
-
-
- Immigration, 48, 78-81
-
- Imperial Airways, 132, 159
-
- Imperial Hotel, 130, 299, 301, 306
-
- Imperial Preference, 116, 152
-
- Imports, 121
-
- India, 143
-
- Indian cuisine, 306
-
- Indians, 256
-
- Industrial expansion, postwar, 123-4
-
- Industries, early, 114-16
-
- Industry, 45;
- liabilities of, 115;
- natural assets, 115-16
-
- Inflation, 134
-
- Ingrams, Harold, 289
-
- International cuisine, 302
-
- Interpol, 212
-
- Irish governors, 32
-
- Irrigation, 166
-
- Ivory carvings, 297
-
-
- Japan, 38, 40, 42, 75, 122
-
- Japan Air Lines, 133
-
- Japanese cuisine, 306
-
- Japanese industry, 122
-
- Japanese trade, 30
-
- Jardine, Matheson & Co., 148-50
-
- Jardine Dyeing & Finishing Co., 149
-
- Jatar, Capt. D. K., 99
-
- Johnson, Linden E., 140
-
- Joseph Fund, 183
-
- Joss House Bay, 250
-
- Jubilee Reservoir, 165
-
- Junk Bay, 52-3, 138
-
- Junk Bay Medical Council, 55
-
- Junks, 139-40, 192-8
-
-
- Kader Industrial Co., 124-5
-
- Kadoorie, Lawrence and Horace, 72, 181-7
-
- Kadoorie Agric. Aid Assn., 182-7
-
- Kadoorie Agric. Aid Loan Fund, 182-7
-
- Kaifongs, 73, 211
-
- Kai Ho Kai, Sir, 159
-
- Kai Tak Airport, 25, 132-3, 159-61
-
- Kam Tin, 279
-
- Kee Heung Tea House, 286-7
-
- Keeshen, Commr., 21-2
-
- Kelly, Elma, 146-7
-
- Kennedy, Gov. Arthur, 33-4, 231
-
- Kennedy, President John F., 143
-
- Kennedy Town, 118, 269
-
- _Kert_, the, 94
-
- Kingman, Dong, 261-2
-
- Korean war, 44, 113-14, 117
-
- Kowloon Bay, 39, 159, 160-2
-
- Kowloon-Canton Railway, 91, 278, 299
-
- Kowloon Peninsula, 29, 159, 165, 168, 173, 260
-
- Kowloon Tong, 73
-
- Kowloon Walled City, 39, 49
-
- Krasner, Capt. Benjamin, 94
-
- Kuan Yin, 247-8
-
- Kwan, Adm., 21
-
- Kwangtung Province, 16, 241-2
-
- Kwong Lee Cheung Shipyard, 197
-
- Kwong On Bank, 275
-
- Kwun Tong, 111, 156, 161-2
-
- Kwun Tong Road, 161
-
-
- Laans, 179-80, 191
-
- Labor unions, 134-5
-
- Ladder Street, 275
-
- Ladrone Islands, 92
-
- Lak Ma Chau, 279
-
- Lamma Island, 79, 262
-
- Lamont, Capt. John, 116
-
- Lancelot, Sir, 266
-
- Land, 155-6, 158, 163
-
- Land Border Police, 81-2
-
- Language barrier, 228-9
-
- Lantau Island, 79, 94, 167, 261, 284-5
-
- Lappa Island, 79
-
- Lap Sap Mei, 94
-
- Lapworth, William, 139
-
- Law enforcement, 202-4, 210
-
- Lease of New Territories, 39, 111-2
-
- Leather industry, 120
-
- Lee Loy Shing, 198
-
- Legislative Council, 148, 215-6
-
- Lei Yue Mun pass, 25, 43, 53, 160
-
- Lema Island, 92
-
- Li Cheng Uk, 101-3, 105, 279
-
- Li Chy, 117
-
- Lin Dai, 145
-
- Ling Ting Island, 92
-
- Lin Tse-Hsu, 19, 20-1
-
- Lion Rock Tunnel, 172
-
- Li Po Chun, 268
-
- Li Po Chun Chambers, 268
-
- Li Sing, 268
-
- London _Times_, 23, 30
-
- Long Harbor, 285
-
- Lower Shing Mun Dam, 172
-
- Lo Wu, 42
-
- Lugard-Harlech Road, 259
-
- Luk Kwok Hotel, 301
-
- Lu K’u, Gov. of Canton, 15
-
- Lu Pan, 195
-
- Lutheran World Federation, 61
-
- Lutheran World Service, 71
-
- Lu Wang-tse, 94
-
-
- Macao, 11, 16, 26, 119
-
- Macao Ferry incident, 93
-
- Macao Ferry Pier, 269
-
- Macdonnell, Sir Richard G., 32-3, 230
-
- McDouall, John C., 238-40
-
- Machinery industry, 120
-
- MacIntosh, Police Commr. Duncan, 93
-
- Mandarin Textiles, Ltd., 140-1
-
- Man Kam Lo, Sir, 238
-
- Man Mo Temple, 231, 276
-
- Manson, Sir Patrick, 118
-
- Man Wa Lane, 275
-
- Ma On Shan, 285
-
- Mao Tse-tung, 47, 51, 85
-
- Marden, John L., 148, 152-3
-
- Marine Police, 78-80
-
- Marriage Registry, 173
-
- Marriages, the six kinds, 235-7
-
- Maryknoll Fathers, 66-7
-
- Match-making industry, 119
-
- Mechanized fishing boats, 192-8
-
- Men’s tailoring, 295-6
-
- Metal products, 123-4
-
- Mid-Autumn Festival, 252-3
-
- Mines and quarries, 156-7
-
- Mirs Bay, 27, 39, 81
-
- Mission to Lepers, 64
-
- Mongkok, 103-5
-
- Mongolian steamboat, 305-6
-
- Morris, Capt. Mike, 271
-
- Motion picture industry, 120, 144-6
-
- Movie theaters, 298-9
-
- Mui Tsai, 35, 232-4
-
-
- Nail and screw industry, 119
-
- Nanking, Treaty of, 29
-
- Napier, Lord, 18
-
- Nathan Road, 130-1, 278
-
- National Cash Register Co., 136
-
- Nationalist China, 39, 44
-
- Nationalist Chinese, 86, 91, 99, 101, 105-7
-
- Natural resources, 23-4
-
- _Nemesis_, 21
-
- Net Domestic Product, 121
-
- Newcombe, Madge, 68
-
- New Territories, 156, 158, 165-6, 170-1, 175-6, 183, 191, 242, 260-1,
- 279
-
- Newton, John, 138
-
- Newton, Robert J., 138-40
-
- Newton, Whitney, 138-40
-
- Night clubs, 299
-
- Nim Shue Wan, 185
-
- Noodles, 66-7
-
- North Korea, 114
-
- North Point, “Little Shanghai,” 124, 270
-
-
- Oaths, swearing of, 229
-
- Opium, 17-8, 201-12, 228
-
- Ottawa Agreements of 1932, 116
-
-
- Paar, Jack, 132
-
- Pakistan, 143
-
- Pak Ngau Shek, 184-6
-
- Palmerston, Lord, 20-2
-
- Pan American World Airways, 132-3, 159
-
- Paquerette, Ltd., 136
-
- Park Hotel, 130, 299, 301
-
- Pa T’eng seiners, 198
-
- Peak Tram, 259-60, 262, 271
-
- Pedder Lane and Street, 267
-
- Pekinese cuisine, 305
-
- Peking, 29, 40
-
- Peking, Convention of, 29
-
- Peng Chau, 64, 119, 168, 242, 282, 283
-
- Peninsula Hotel, 130, 300-1
-
- Piracy, 16, 23, 27-8, 32-3, 42, 203
-
- Pirates, airborne, 27-8
-
- Plague, 25, 37-8, 40
-
- Plastic flowers, 124
-
- Plastic wares, 124
-
- _Pleasantville_ incident, 92
-
- Plover Cove, 171-2, 285
-
- Pneumonia, 41
-
- Pok Fu Lam, 164, 262
-
- Po Leung Kuk, 35, 233
-
- Police, nationality of, 213-4
-
- Po Lin Monastery, 170, 284-5
-
- Pond fish, 178, 189-90
-
- Population, 32, 38, 42, 76, 78, 150
-
- Population, density of, 24
-
- Portuguese, 16, 27, 229, 255-6
-
- Po Toi Island, 72, 108, 148
-
- Pottinger Street, 274
-
- President Hotel, 130
-
- Preventive Service, 208-10
-
- Prince’s Building, 263
-
- Princess Alexandra of Kent, 147
-
- Printing industry, 119, 124
-
- Prostitution, 205-6, 232-4
-
- Protestants, 254
-
- Public Enquiry Service, 221-2
-
- Public Pier, Kowloon, 266
-
- Public Works Dept., 170, 173, 263
-
- Purse-seining, 198
-
-
- Quarry Bay, 116
-
- Queen Mary Hospital, 273
-
- Queen’s Pier, 266
-
- Queen’s Road, 158, 266
-
-
- Radio and television shows about Hong Kong, 132-3
-
- Radio Hong Kong, 147
-
- Ramon Magsaysay Award, 64
-
- Rawling, S. B., 164
-
- Reclamation, 37, 156, 158-9, 162-3, 173
-
- Recorded workshops, 120
-
- Red China, 44-5
-
- Refugees, 24, 26, 31, 41-2, 48, 73-6, 78-83
-
- Registered factories, 120
-
- Relief expenditures, 73
-
- Rennie’s Mill Camp, 52-3, 55, 56, 138
-
- Repulse Bay, 272-3, 281
-
- Repulse Bay Hotel, 273, 301
-
- Reservations, hotel, 301
-
- Resettlement cottages, 77
-
- Resettlement estates, 77, 278
-
- Rice, 177
-
- Rice Bowl, the, 298
-
- Rickshaws, 266-7
-
- Ridehalgh, Arthur, 238-40
-
- Rio de Janeiro, 25
-
- Robinson, Gov. Hercules, 29-31, 164, 229
-
- Rodrigues, Dr. A. M., 211
-
- Roman Catholics, 254-5
-
- Romaniello, Msgr. John, 66-7
-
- Roosevelt, President F. D., 75
-
- Royal Naval Launch incident, 93
-
- Rubber products, 119, 124
-
- Ruling group, 214-5
-
- Russell & Co., 136
-
- Russia, 38, 40
-
- Russian pastries, 306-7
-
- Ryan, Fr. Thomas F., 179-81
-
-
- Sai Kung, 72
-
- _St. Bride’s Bay_ incident, 93
-
- Salt water use, 173
-
- Sanitary conditions, 36-7, 230-1
-
- Sargent, Sir Malcolm, 265
-
- Saunders, Doris, 141
-
- Schools, 32
-
- Seamen’s Strike of 1922, 26
-
- Seawall, 158
-
- Secretariat for Chinese Affairs, 209, 216, 221, 232
-
- Sedan chairs, 266
-
- Shakespeare, 113
-
- Sham Chun Reservoir, China, 110
-
- Sham Chun River, 38
-
- Sham Shui Po, 104, 213
-
- Shanghai, 115, 124, 149
-
- Shanghainese cuisine, 304
-
- Sha Tin, 172
-
- Shatin Heights Hotel, 301
-
- Shatin Valley, 279
-
- Shau Kei Wan, 191, 195-6, 269-71
-
- Shaw Brothers film studio, 145
-
- Shek Kip Mei, 61, 76-7, 101
-
- Shek Kwu Chau, 64, 211
-
- Shek Li Pui Reservoir, 165
-
- Shek-O, 273
-
- Shek Pik, 167-70
-
- Shell-button factories, 118
-
- Sheung Shui Exper. Sta., 188
-
- Shipbuilding, 30, 114, 116-17, 124
-
- Shipping, 30, 150
-
- Shoeshine Alley, 267
-
- Shopping arcades, 294
-
- Shopping areas, 292-3
-
- Sik-nin Chau, Sir, 211
-
- Silver Mine Bay, 168-9, 285
-
- Singer Sewing Machine Co., 136
-
- Sin Hoi, 263
-
- Sin Hung, 263
-
- Skau, Sister Annie M., 49-58
-
- Smale, Sir John, 35, 232
-
- Smallpox, 42
-
- Smith, Rev. George, 201-2, 204
-
- Smuggling immigrants, 79-81
-
- Social conditions, 24
-
- Society for Aid and Rehab, of Drug Addicts, 64
-
- _South China Morning Post_, 90
-
- South China Sea, 95
-
- South Sea Textile Mfg. Co., 126-7
-
- Sparkman & Stephens, Inc., 139
-
- Spies, Nationalist Chinese, 109
-
- Squatter shacks, population, 78
-
- Squeeze on parcels to China, 89-90
-
- Stalin, Josef, 75
-
- Standard of living, 134
-
- Stanley, 273
-
- Star Ferry terminals, 162, 265-6, 278
-
- Starling Inlet, 80
-
- Stather, Lt. Cmdr. K., 194
-
- Statue Square, 263, 265
-
- _Steel Rover_ incident, 91-2
-
- Stonecutters Island, 29, 111
-
- Suez Canal opening, 34
-
- Sullivan, Ed, 132
-
- Sung Wong T’oi, 74
-
- Sunshine Island, 60-5
-
- Sun Yat Sen, Dr., 41, 74
-
- Szechuan cuisine, 304-5
-
-
- Tai Hang Tung, 77, 103, 105
-
- Taikoo Dockyard & Engineering Co., 116-7, 270
-
- Taikoo Sugar Refinery Co., 118
-
- Tai Lam Chung Reservoir System, 165-7
-
- Tai Lung Forestry and Crop Experimental Station, 190
-
- Tai Mo Shan, 185
-
- Tai O, 285
-
- Tai Ping Rebellion, 31, 74
-
- Tai Po, 279, 285-6
-
- Tai Shui Hang Monastery, 285
-
- Tai Tam, 33, 72, 165
-
- Tai Tam Bay, 79
-
- Tai Tam Tuk, 165
-
- Taiwan, 48, 99
-
- Tak Sau coffin shop, 276
-
- Ta Kwu Ling Exper. Sta., 188
-
- Tang, P. Y., 124, 116-8
-
- Tanka, 176, 191, 202, 242-3
-
- Taoists, 254
-
- Tao-Kuang, Emperor, 21-2
-
- Tap Mun Chau, 285-6
-
- Tariffs, 24
-
- Taxis, 277
-
- Telegraph link to England, 34
-
- Temple Street, 286
-
- Textile exports, 128, 141-2, 149-50
-
- Three Fathoms Cove, 285
-
- T’ien Hou, 249-50, 260
-
- Tientsin, 29
-
- Tiger Balm Gardens, 272
-
- Ting, H. C., 124-6
-
- Ting, Prof., 61
-
- Tingle Athletic Assn., 265
-
- Tingle, Billy, 265
-
- Ti Ping, Emperor, 73-4, 261
-
- Tobacco industry, 120
-
- To Kwa Wan, 119
-
- Tolo Channel, 170-1, 285
-
- Tolo Harbor, 279
-
- Tong King, Gulf of, 192, 198
-
- Topography, 157
-
- Tourists, 243-4, 289-92
-
- Tourist trade, 131-33
-
- Trade, Hong Kong, 16-7, 88-9
-
- Transistor radios, 125
-
- Transportation industry, 120, 133
-
- Trawling, 198
-
- Trevelyan, Humphrey, 98
-
- Triads, 101-4, 106-7, 211, 213-4, 234
-
- Tsang, John Chao-ko, 109-10, 214
-
- Tsim Sha Tsui, 130, 278, 292, 298
-
- Tsing Yi, 72, 283-4
-
- Tsuen Wan, 69, 105-7, 126, 156, 162, 167-8
-
- Tsui, Paul K. C., 221-2
-
- Tuberculosis, 25, 273-4
-
- Tung, John, 124, 128-9
-
- Tung Lung Island, 250
-
- Tung Wah Hospital, 35, 38, 230-1
-
- Turner, Sir Michael, 148, 151-2
-
- Typhoons, 23, 34, 41, 60, 157-8
-
- Typhus, 25
-
-
- Union House, 263
-
- United Church of Canada, 61
-
- United Kingdom, 69
-
- United Nations, 44
-
- U.N. Econ. and Soc. Council, 212
-
- U.N. Embargo, 120
-
- United States, 39, 40, 48
-
- U.S. Navy, 87, 98
-
- U.S. Tariff Commission, 143-4
-
- Upper Kowloon, 100
-
- Upper Lascar Row, “Cat Street,” 275-6
-
- Urban Council, 148
-
- U Tat Chee, 117
-
-
- Vegetables, 177, 188
-
- Vehicular Ferry Pier, 268, 277, 281
-
- Victoria, Queen, 22, 117, 146, 270
-
- Victoria City, 164
-
- Victoria Park, 270
-
- Victoria Peak, 49, 158, 164, 230, 253, 259-62, 299
-
- Views of Hong Kong, 299
-
- _Volage_, 20
-
-
- Wages and working conditions, 133-5
-
- Wah Yan College, 180
-
- Walla-Walla, 265-6
-
- Wanchai, 49, 158, 260, 270
-
- _Wan Fu_, 271, 281-2
-
- Water supply, 23-4, 155-6, 163-73
-
- Weather, 157
-
- Welfare handicraft shops, 298
-
- Wells, water, 164, 166, 183
-
- Western District, 231, 269, 274, 277
-
- Wheelock, Marden & Co., 148, 152
-
- Wild animals, 280
-
- Wing-Hong Cheung, 194, 197
-
- Wing On Street, 274
-
- Wing Sing Street, 275
-
- Women, 33-5, 146-8;
- executives and professional, 147;
- in industry, 146-7;
- status and treatment, 234-5
-
- Women’s clothing, 296
-
- Wong, Steve, 97-8
-
- Wong Nai Chung, 165
-
- Wong Tai Sin, 68-9
-
- Wood-carving shops, 297
-
- Wooden chests, 297
-
- Woods, Aileen, M.B.E., 147-8
-
- Workmen, quality of, 135
-
- Workmen’s Compensation, 134
-
- World Health Organization, 212
-
- _World of Suzie Wong, The_, 301
-
- World Refugee Year, 69
-
- Wyndham Street, 266
-
-
- Yalta Conference, 75
-
- Yangtze River, 21
-
- Yau Ma Tei, 37, 213, 281
-
- Yee Hop Shipyard, 196
-
- Yuen Long, 119, 187, 189, 279
-
- Yu Yat-sum, 189-90
-
- YWCA, 70
-
-
-
-***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HONG KONG***
-
-
-******* This file should be named 62191-0.txt or 62191-0.zip *******
-
-
-This and all associated files of various formats will be found in:
-http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/6/2/1/9/62191
-
-
-Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will
-be renamed.
-
-Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright
-law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works,
-so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United
-States without permission and without paying copyright
-royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part
-of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project
-Gutenberg-tm electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm
-concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark,
-and may not be used if you charge for the eBooks, unless you receive
-specific permission. If you do not charge anything for copies of this
-eBook, complying with the rules is very easy. You may use this eBook
-for nearly any purpose such as creation of derivative works, reports,
-performances and research. They may be modified and printed and given
-away--you may do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks
-not protected by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the
-trademark license, especially commercial redistribution.
-
-START: FULL LICENSE
-
-THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE
-PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK
-
-To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free
-distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
-(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project
-Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full
-Project Gutenberg-tm License available with this file or online at
-www.gutenberg.org/license.
-
-Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project
-Gutenberg-tm electronic works
-
-1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm
-electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
-and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
-(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all
-the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or
-destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your
-possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a
-Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound
-by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the
-person or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph
-1.E.8.
-
-1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be
-used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
-agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few
-things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works
-even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See
-paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project
-Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this
-agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm
-electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below.
-
-1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the
-Foundation" or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection
-of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual
-works in the collection are in the public domain in the United
-States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the
-United States and you are located in the United States, we do not
-claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing,
-displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as
-all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope
-that you will support the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting
-free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm
-works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the
-Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with the work. You can easily
-comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the
-same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg-tm License when
-you share it without charge with others.
-
-1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
-what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are
-in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States,
-check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this
-agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing,
-distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any
-other Project Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no
-representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any
-country outside the United States.
-
-1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:
-
-1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other
-immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear
-prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work
-on which the phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the
-phrase "Project Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed,
-performed, viewed, copied or distributed:
-
- This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
- most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no
- restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it
- under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this
- eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the
- United States, you'll have to check the laws of the country where you
- are located before using this ebook.
-
-1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is
-derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not
-contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the
-copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in
-the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are
-redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase "Project
-Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply
-either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or
-obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg-tm
-trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
-
-1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted
-with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
-must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any
-additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms
-will be linked to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works
-posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the
-beginning of this work.
-
-1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm
-License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
-work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm.
-
-1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
-electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
-prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
-active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
-Gutenberg-tm License.
-
-1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
-compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including
-any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access
-to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format
-other than "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official
-version posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site
-(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense
-to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means
-of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original "Plain
-Vanilla ASCII" or other form. Any alternate format must include the
-full Project Gutenberg-tm License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.
-
-1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
-performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works
-unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
-
-1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
-access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works
-provided that
-
-* You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
- the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method
- you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed
- to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he has
- agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project
- Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid
- within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are
- legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty
- payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project
- Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in
- Section 4, "Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg
- Literary Archive Foundation."
-
-* You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
- you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
- does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm
- License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all
- copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue
- all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg-tm
- works.
-
-* You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of
- any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
- electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of
- receipt of the work.
-
-* You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
- distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works.
-
-1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project
-Gutenberg-tm electronic work or group of works on different terms than
-are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing
-from both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and The
-Project Gutenberg Trademark LLC, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm
-trademark. Contact the Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below.
-
-1.F.
-
-1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
-effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
-works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project
-Gutenberg-tm collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm
-electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may
-contain "Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate
-or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other
-intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or
-other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or
-cannot be read by your equipment.
-
-1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right
-of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
-Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
-Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
-Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
-liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
-fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
-LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
-PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
-TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
-LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
-INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
-DAMAGE.
-
-1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
-defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
-receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
-written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you
-received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium
-with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you
-with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in
-lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person
-or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second
-opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If
-the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing
-without further opportunities to fix the problem.
-
-1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
-in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS', WITH NO
-OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT
-LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.
-
-1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
-warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of
-damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement
-violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the
-agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or
-limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or
-unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the
-remaining provisions.
-
-1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
-trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
-providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in
-accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the
-production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm
-electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses,
-including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of
-the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this
-or any Project Gutenberg-tm work, (b) alteration, modification, or
-additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any
-Defect you cause.
-
-Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm
-
-Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of
-electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of
-computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It
-exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations
-from people in all walks of life.
-
-Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
-assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's
-goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will
-remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project
-Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
-and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future
-generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary
-Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see
-Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at
-www.gutenberg.org
-
-Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary
-Archive Foundation
-
-The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit
-501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
-state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
-Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification
-number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary
-Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by
-U.S. federal laws and your state's laws.
-
-The Foundation's principal office is in Fairbanks, Alaska, with the
-mailing address: PO Box 750175, Fairbanks, AK 99775, but its
-volunteers and employees are scattered throughout numerous
-locations. Its business office is located at 809 North 1500 West, Salt
-Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up to
-date contact information can be found at the Foundation's web site and
-official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact
-
-For additional contact information:
-
- Dr. Gregory B. Newby
- Chief Executive and Director
- gbnewby@pglaf.org
-
-Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
-Literary Archive Foundation
-
-Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide
-spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of
-increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
-freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest
-array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations
-($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
-status with the IRS.
-
-The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
-charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
-States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
-considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
-with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations
-where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND
-DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular
-state visit www.gutenberg.org/donate
-
-While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
-have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
-against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
-approach us with offers to donate.
-
-International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
-any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
-outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.
-
-Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation
-methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other
-ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To
-donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate
-
-Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works.
-
-Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project
-Gutenberg-tm concept of a library of electronic works that could be
-freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and
-distributed Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of
-volunteer support.
-
-Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed
-editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in
-the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not
-necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper
-edition.
-
-Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search
-facility: www.gutenberg.org
-
-This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm,
-including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
-Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
-subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.
-