diff options
Diffstat (limited to 'old/62164-0.txt')
| -rw-r--r-- | old/62164-0.txt | 4932 |
1 files changed, 0 insertions, 4932 deletions
diff --git a/old/62164-0.txt b/old/62164-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 042df17..0000000 --- a/old/62164-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,4932 +0,0 @@ -Project Gutenberg's The migrations of early culture, by Grafton Elliot Smith - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: The migrations of early culture - A study of the significance of the geographical distribution - of the practice of mummification as evidence of the - migrations of peoples and the spread of certain customs - and beliefs - -Author: Grafton Elliot Smith - -Release Date: May 17, 2020 [EBook #62164] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE MIGRATIONS OF EARLY CULTURE *** - - - - -Produced by Turgut Dincer and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - - - - - - - - - - -PUBLICATIONS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MANCHESTER. - -The Migrations of Early Culture. - - Published by the University of Manchester at - THE UNIVERSITY PRESS (H. M. MCKECHNIE, Secretary) - 12, LIME GROVE, OXFORD ROAD, MANCHESTER - - LONGMANS, GREEN & CO. - LONDON: 39, Paternoster Row - NEW YORK: 443-449, Fourth Avenue and Thirtieth Street - BOMBAY: 8, Hornby Road - CALCUTTA: 303, Bowbazar Street - MADRAS: 167, Mount Road - - - - - The - Migrations of Early Culture - - A study of the Significance of the Geographical - Distribution of the Practice of Mummification - as Evidence of the Migrations of Peoples and - the Spread of certain Customs and Beliefs - - BY - GRAFTON ELLIOT SMITH, M.A., M.D., F.R.S., - _Professor of Anatomy in the University_ - - MANCHESTER - AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS - 12, LIME GROVE, OXFORD ROAD - LONGMANS, GREEN & CO. - London, New York, Bombay, etc. - 1915 - - - - -UNIVERSITY OF MANCHESTER PUBLICATIONS - -No. CII. - - - - -PREFACE. - - -When these pages were crudely flung together no fate was contemplated for -them other than that of publication in the proceedings of a scientific -society, as an appeal to ethnologists to recognise the error of their -ways and repent. They were intended merely as a mass of evidence to force -scientific men to recognise and admit that in former ages knowledge and -culture spread in much the same way as they are known to be diffused -to-day. The only difference is that the pace of migration has become -accelerated. - -The re-publication in book form was suggested by the Secretary of the -Manchester University Press, who thought that the matters discussed in -these pages would appeal to a much wider circle of readers than those who -are given to reading scientific journals. - -The argument is compounded largely of extracts from the writings of -recognised authorities, and the author does not agree with all the -statements in the various extracts he has quoted: this mode of presenting -the case has been adopted deliberately, with the object of demonstrating -that the generally admitted facts are capable of a more natural and -convincing explanation than that put forth _ex cathedra_ by the majority -of modern anthropologists, one in fact more in accord with all that our -own experience and the facts of history teach us of the effects of the -contact of peoples and the spread of knowledge. - -Such a method of stating the argument necessarily involves a considerable -amount of repetition of statements and phrases, which is apt to irritate -the reader and offend his sense of literary style. In extenuation of this -admitted defect it must be remembered that the brochure was intended as -a protest against the accusation of artificiality and improbability so -often launched against the explanation suggested here: the cumulative -effect of corroboration was deliberately aimed at, by showing that many -investigators employing the most varied kinds of data had independently -arrived at identical conclusions and often expressed them in similar -phrases. - -Only a very small fraction of the evidence is set forth in the present -work. Much of the most illuminating information has only come to the -author’s knowledge since this memoir was in the press; and a vast amount -of the data, especially that relating to Europe, India and China, is too -intimately intertwined with the effects of other cultures to be discussed -and dissociated from them in so limited a space as this. - -Nor has any attempt been made to discuss the times of the journeys, -the duration of the intercourse, or the details of the goings and the -comings of the ancient mariners who distributed so curious an assortment -of varied cargoes to the coast-lines of the whole world—literally -“from China to Peru.” They exerted an influence upon the history of -civilization and achieved marvels of maritime daring that must be -reckoned of greater account, as they were so many ages earlier, than -those of the more notorious mediæval European adventurers and buccaneers -who, impelled by similar motives, raided the Spanish Main and the East -Indies. - -As the pages show, this book is reprinted from volume 59, part 2, of the -“Memoirs and Proceedings of the Manchester Literary and Philosophical -Society,” session 1914-15; and I am indebted to the Council of that body -for their kind permission to re-issue it in its present form. - - G. ELLIOT SMITH. - -THE UNIVERSITY, MANCHESTER, _July, 1915_. - - - - -_LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS._ - - -Map 1. A rough chart of the geographical distribution of certain customs, -practices and traditions - -Map 2. An attempt to represent roughly the areas more directly affected -by the “heliolithic” culture-complex, with arrows to indicate the -hypothetical routes taken in the migration of the culture-bearers who -were responsible for its diffusion - - - - -_Manchester Memoirs, Vol. lix. (1915), No. =10=._ - - - - -X. On the Significance of the Geographical Distribution of the Practice -of Mummification.—A Study of the Migrations of Peoples and the Spread of -certain Customs and Beliefs. - -By Professor G. ELLIOT SMITH, M.A., M.D., F.R.S. - -(_Read February 23rd, 1915. Received for publication April 6th, 1915._) - - -In entering upon the discussion of the geographical distribution -of the practice of mummification I am concerned not so much with -the origin and technical procedures of this remarkable custom. This -aspect of the problem I have already considered in a series of memoirs -(=75= to =89=[1]). I have chosen mummification rather as the most -peculiar, and therefore the most distinctive and obtrusive, element of -a very intimately interwoven series of strange customs, which became -fortuitously linked one with the other to form a definite culture-complex -nearly thirty centuries ago, and spread along the coast-lines of a -great part of the world, stirring into new and distinctive activity the -sluggish uncultured peoples which in turn were subjected to this exotic -leaven. - -If one looks into the journals of anthropology and ethnology, there will -be found amongst the vast collections of information relating to man’s -activities a most suggestive series of facts concerning the migrations of -past ages and the spread of peculiar customs and beliefs. - -[Illustration: _Map 1._—A rough chart of the geographical distribution -of certain customs, practices and traditions. [None of these areas of -distribution is complete. The map shows merely the data referred to in -this memoir or in the literature quoted in it.]] - -If a map of the world is taken and one plots out (_Map I._) the -geographical distribution of such remarkable customs as the building -of megalithic monuments (see for example Lane Fox’s [Pitt Rivers’] -map, =20=), the worship of the sun and the serpent (=51=; =103=), the -custom of piercing the ears (see Park Harrison, =29=), tattooing (see -Miss Buckland, =10=), the practice of circumcision, the curious custom -known as couvade, the practice of massage, the complex story of the -creation, the deluge, the petrifaction of human beings, the divine origin -of kings and a chosen people sprung from an incestuous union (W. J. -Perry), the use of the swastika-symbol (see Wilson’s map, =105=), the -practice of cranial deformation, to mention only a few of the many that -might be enumerated, it will be found that in most respects the areas -in which this extraordinary assortment of bizarre customs and beliefs -is found coincide one with the other. In some of the series gaps occur, -which probably are more often due to lack of information on our part -than to real absence of the practice; in other places one or other of -the elements of this complex culture-mixture has overflowed the common -channel and broken into new territory. But considered in conjunction -these data enable us definitely and precisely to map out the route taken -by this peculiarly distinctive group of eccentricities of the human -mind. If each of them is considered alone there are many breaks in the -chain and many uncertainties as to the precise course: but when taken -together all of these gaps are bridged. Moreover, in most areas there are -traditions of culture-heroes, who brought in some or all of these customs -at one and the same time and also introduced a knowledge of agriculture -and weaving. - -So far as I am aware no one hitherto has called attention to the fact -that the practice of mummification has a geographical distribution -exactly corresponding to the area occupied by the curious assortment of -other practices just enumerated. Not only so, but in addition it is -abundantly clear that the coincidence is not merely accidental. It is -due to the fact that in most regions the people who introduced the habit -of megalithic building and sun-worship (a combination for which it is -convenient to use Professor Brockwell’s distinctive term “heliolithic -culture”) also brought with them the practice of mummification at the -same time. - -The custom of embalming the dead is in fact an integral part of the -“heliolithic culture,” and perhaps, as I shall endeavour to demonstrate, -its most important component. For this practice and the beliefs which -grew up in association with it were responsible for the development of -some of the chief elements of this culture-complex, and incidentally of -the bond of union with other factors not so intimately connected, in the -genetic sense, with it. - -Before plunging into the discussion of the evidence provided by the -practice of mummification, it will be useful to consider for a moment the -geographical distribution of the other components of the “heliolithic -culture.” I need not say much about megalithic monuments, for I have -already considered their significance elsewhere (=90= to =96=); but I -should like once more specifically to call the attention of those who -are obsessed by theories of the independent evolution of such monuments, -and who scoff at Fergusson (=17=), to the memoirs of Lane Fox (=20=) and -Meadows Taylor (=100=). The latter emphasises in a striking manner the -remarkable identity of structure, not only as concerns the variety and -the general conception of such monuments, but also as regards trivial and -apparently unessential details. With reference to “the opinion of many,” -which has “been advanced as an hypothesis, that the common instincts of -humanity have suggested common methods of sepulture,” he justly remarks, -“I own this kind of vague generalisation does not satisfy me, in the face -of such exact points of similitude.... Such can hardly have been the -result of accident, or any common human instinct” (p. 173). - -But it is not merely the identity of structure and the geographical -distribution (in most cases along continuous coast-lines or related -islands) that proves the common origin of megalithic monuments. It -is further strongly corroborated by a remarkable series of beliefs, -traditions and practices, many of them quite meaningless and -unintelligible to us, which are associated with such structures wherever -they are found. Stories of dwarfs and giants (=13=), the belief in -the indwelling of gods or great men in the stones, the use of these -structures in a particular manner for certain special councils (=20=, pp. -64 and 65), and the curious, and, to us, meaningless, practice of hanging -rags on trees in association with such monuments (=20=, pp. 63 and 64). -In reference to the last of these associated practices, Lane Fox remarks, -“it is impossible to believe that so singular a custom as this could have -arisen independently in all these countries.” - -In an important article on “Facts suggestive of prehistoric intercourse -between East and West” (_Journ. Anthr. Inst._, Vol. 14, 1884, p. 227), -Miss Buckland calls attention to a remarkable series of identities of -customs and beliefs, and amongst them certain legends concerning the -petrification of _dance maidens_ associated with stone circles as far -apart as Cornwall and Peru. - -Taking all of these facts into consideration, it is to me altogether -inconceivable how any serious enquirer who familiarises himself with the -evidence can honestly refuse to admit that the case for the spread of -the inspiration to erect megalithic monuments from one centre has been -proved by an overwhelming mass of precise and irrefutable data. But this -evidence does not stand alone. It is linked with scores of other peculiar -customs and beliefs, the testimony of each of which, however imperfect -and unconvincing some scholars may consider it individually, strengthens -the whole case by cumulation; and when due consideration is given to -the enormous complexity and artificiality of the cultural structure -compounded of such fantastic elements, these are bound to compel assent -to their significance, as soon as the present generation of ethnologists -can learn to forget the meaningless fetish to which at present it bends -the knee. - -But suppose, for the sake of argument, we shut our ears to the voice of -common sense, and allow ourselves to be hypnotised into the belief that -some complex and highly specialised instinct (_i.e._ precisely the type -of instinct which real psychologists—not the ethnological variety—deny -to mankind) impelled groups of men scattered as far apart as Ireland, -India and Peru independently the one of the other to build mausolea of -the same type, to acquire similar beliefs regarding the petrifaction of -human beings, and many other extraordinary things connected with such -monuments, how is this “psychological explanation” going to help us to -explain why the wives of the builders of these monuments, whether in -Africa, Asia or America, should have their chins pricked and rubbed with -charcoal, or why they should circumcise their boys, or why they should -have a tradition of the deluge? Does any theory of evolution help in -explaining these associations? They are clearly fortuitous associations -of customs and beliefs, which have no inherent relationship one to the -other. They became connected purely by chance in one definite locality, -and the fact that such incongruous customs reappear in association in -distant parts of the globe is proof of the most positive kind that the -wanderings of peoples must have brought this peculiar combination of -freakish practices from the centre where chance linked them together. - -Because it was the fashion among a particular group of megalith-builders -to tattoo the chins of their womenkind, the wanderers who carried abroad -the one custom also took the other: but there is no genetic or inherent -connection between megalith-building and chin-tattooing. - -Such evidence is infinitely stronger and more convincing than that -afforded by one custom considered by itself, because in the former case -we are dealing with an association which is definitely and obviously -due to pure chance, such as the so-called psychological method, however -casuistical, is impotent to explain. - -But the study of such a custom as tattooing, even when considered alone, -affords evidence that ought to convince most reasonable people of the -impossibility of it having independently arisen in different, widely -scattered, localities. The data have been carefully collected and -discussed with clear insight and common sense by Miss Buckland (=10=) -in an admirable memoir, which I should like to commend to all who still -hold to the meaningless dogma “of the similarity of the working of the -human mind” as an explanation of the identity of customs. Tattooing -is practised throughout the great “heliolithic” track. [Striking as -Miss Buckland’s map of distribution is as a demonstration of this, if -completed in the light of our present information, it would be even more -convincing, for she has omitted Libya, which so far as we know at present -may possibly have been the centre of origin of the curious practice.] - -Tattooing of the chin in women is practised in localities as far apart as -Egypt, India, Japan, New Guinea, New Zealand, Easter Island and North -and South America. - -Miss Buckland rightly draws the conclusion that “the wide distribution of -this peculiar custom is of considerable significance, especially as it -follows so nearly in the line” which she had “indicated in two previous -papers (=8= and =9=) as suggestive of a prehistoric intercourse between -the two hemispheres.... When we find in India, Japan, Egypt, New Guinea, -New Zealand, Alaska, Greenland and America, the custom of tattooing -carried out in precisely the same manner and for the same ends, and when -in addition to this we find a similarity in other ornaments, in weapons, -in games, in modes of burial, and many other customs, we think it may -fairly be assumed that they all derived these customs from a common -source, or that at some unknown period, some intercourse existed” (p. -326). - -In the first of her memoirs (=8=) Miss Buckland calls attention to “the -curious connection between early worship of the serpent and a knowledge -of metals,” which is of peculiar interest in this discussion, because the -Proto-Egyptians, who were serpent-worshippers (_see_ Sethe, =74=), had -a knowledge of metals at a period when, so far as our present knowledge -goes, no other people had yet acquired it. Referring to the ancient -Indian Indra, the Chaldean Ea and the Mexican Quetzalcoatl, among other -gods, Miss Buckland remarks:—“The deities, kings and heroes who are -symbolised by the serpent are commonly described as the pioneers of -civilisation and the instructors of mankind in the arts of agriculture -and mining.” - -Further, in an interesting article on “Stimulants in Use among Savages -and among the Ancients” (=9=), she tells us that “among aboriginal races -in a line across the Pacific, from Formosa on the West to Peru and -Bolivia on the East, a peculiar, and what would appear to civilised -races a disgusting mode of preparing fermented drinks, prevails, -the women being in all cases the chief manufacturers; the material -employed varying according to the state of agriculture in the different -localities, but the mode of preparation remaining virtually the same” -(=9=, p. 213). - -If space permitted I should have liked to make extensive quotations from -Park Harrison’s most conclusive independent demonstration of the spread -of culture along the same great route, at which he arrived from the study -of the geographical distribution of the peculiar custom of artificially -distending the lobe of the ear (=29=). This practice was not infrequent -in Egypt (=79=) in the times of the new Empire, a fact which Harrison -seems to have overlooked: but he records it amongst the Greeks, Hebrews, -Etruscans, Persians, in Bœotia, Zanzibar, Natal, Southern India, Ceylon, -Assam, Aracan, Burma, Laos, Nicobar Islands, Nias, Borneo, China, Solomon -Islands, Admiralty Islands, New Hebrides, New Caledonia, Pelew Islands, -Navigators Island, Fiji, Friendly Islands, Penrhyn, Society Islands, -Easter Island, Peru, Palenque, Mexico, Brazil and Paraguay. This is an -excellent and remarkably complete [if he had used the data now available -it might have been made even more complete] mapping out of the great -“heliolithic” track. - -The identity of geographical distribution is no mere fortuitous -coincidence. - -It is of peculiar interest that Harrison is able to demonstrate a linked -association between this custom and sun-worship in most of the localities -enumerated. In the figures illustrating his memoir other obvious -associations can be detected intimately binding it by manifold threads -into the very texture of the “heliolithic culture.” If to this we add the -fact that in many localities the design tattooed on the skin was the -sun, we further strengthen the woof of the closely woven fabric that is -gradually taking shape. - -To these forty-year-old demonstrations let me add Wilson’s interesting -recent monograph on the swastika (=105=), which independently tells the -same story and blazens the same great track around the world (see his -map). He further calls attention to the close geographical association -between the distribution of the swastika and the spindle-whorl. By -attributing the introduction of weaving and the swastika into most -localities where they occur by the same culture-heroes he thereby adds -the swastika to the “heliolithic” outfit, for weaving already belongs to -it. - -To these practices one might add a large series of others of a character -no less remarkable, such, for example, as circumcision, the practice of -massage (=57=, =67= and =11=), the curious custom known as _couvade_, all -of which are distributed along the great “heliolithic” pathway and belong -to the great culture-complex which travelled by it. - -But there are several interesting bits of corroborative evidence that I -cannot refrain from mentioning. - -One of the most carefully-investigated bonds of cultural connection -between the Eastern Mediterranean in Phœnician times and pre-Columbian -America (Tehuantepec) has recently been put on record by Zelia Nuttall -in her memoir on “a curious survival in Mexico of the use of the Purpura -shell-fish for dyeing” (=50=). After a very thorough and critical -analysis of all the facts of this truly remarkable case of transmission -of an extraordinary custom, Mrs. Nuttall justly concludes that “it seems -almost easier to believe that certain elements of an ancient European -culture were at one time, and perhaps once only, actually transmitted -by the traditional small band of ... Mediterranean seafarers, than to -explain how, under totally different conditions of race and climate, the -identical ideas and customs should have arisen” (pp. 383 and 384). Nor -does she leave us in any doubt as to the route taken by the carriers of -this practice. Found in association with it, both in the Old and the New -World, was the use of conch-shell trumpets and pearls. The antiquity of -these usages is proved by their representation in pre-Columbian pictures -or, in the case of the pearls, the finding of actual specimens in graves. - -In Phœnician Greek, and later times these shell-trumpets were extensively -used in the Mediterranean: “European travellers have found them in actual -use in East India, Japan and, by the Alfurs, in Ceram, the Papuans of New -Guinea, as well as in the South Sea islands as far as New Zealand,” and -in many places in America (p. 378). “In the Old and the New World alike, -are found, in the same close association, (1) the purple industry and -skill in weaving; (2) the use of pearls and conch-shell trumpets; (3) -the mining, working and trafficking in copper, silver and gold; (4) the -tetrarchial form of government; (5) the conception of ‘Four Elements’; -(6) the cyclical form of calendar. Those scholars who assert that all -of the foregoing must have been developed independently will ever be -confronted by the persistent and unassailable fact that, throughout -America, the aborigines unanimously disclaim all share in their -production and assign their introduction to strangers of superior-culture -from distant and unknown parts” (p. 383). - -Many other equally definite proofs might be cited of the transmission of -customs from the Old to the New World, of which the instance reported by -Tylor (=102=) is the classical example[2]; but I know of no other which -has been so critically studied and so fully recorded as Mrs. Nuttall’s -case. - -But the difficulty may be raised—as in fact invariably happens when these -subjects come up for discussion—as to the means of transmission. Rivers -has explained what does actually happen in the contact of peoples (=68=) -and how a small group of wanderers bringing the elements of a higher -culture can exert a profound and far-reaching influence upon a large -uncultured population (=64= to =70=). - -Lane-Fox’s [Pitt Rivers’] memoir “on Early Modes of Navigation” (=21=) -not only affords in itself an admirable summary of the definite evidence -for the spread of culture; but is also doubly valuable to us, because -incidentally it illustrates also the actual means by which the migrations -of the culture-bearers took place. The survival into modern times, -upon the Hooghly and other Indian rivers, of boats provided with the -fantastic steering arrangement used by the Ancient Egyptians 2000 years -B.C., is in itself a proof of ancient Egyptian influence in India; and -the contemporary practice of representing eyes upon the bow of the ship -enables us to demonstrate a still wider extension of that influence, for -in modern times that custom has been recorded as far apart as Malta, -India, China, Oceania and the North-West American coast. - -But there is no difficulty about the question of the transmission of -such customs. Most scholars who have mastered the early history of some -particular area, in many cases those who most resolutely deny even the -possibility of the wider spread of culture, frankly admit—because it -would stultify their own localised researches to deny it—the intercourse -of the particular people in which they are interested and its neighbours. -Merely by using these links, forged by the reluctant hands of hostile -witnesses, it is possible to construct the whole chain needed for such -migrations as I postulate (see _Map II_.) - -No one who reads the evidence collected by such writers as Ellis (=15=), -de Quatrefages (=60=) and Percy Smith (=98=)[3] can doubt the fact of -the extensive prehistoric migrations throughout the Pacific Ocean along -definitely known routes. Even Joyce (whose otherwise excellent summaries -of the facts relating to American archæology have been emasculated by his -refusal to admit the influence of the Old World upon American culture) -states that migrations from India extended to Indonesia (and Madagascar) -and all the islands of the Pacific; and even that “it is likely that the -coast of America was reached” (=61=, p. 119).[4] - -There is no doubt as to the reality of the close maritime intercourse -between the Persian Gulf and India from the eighth century B.C. (=13=; -=14=; =51=; and =101=); and of course it is a historical fact that the -Mediterranean littoral and Egypt had been in intimate connexion with -Babylonia for some centuries before, and especially after, that time. - -[Illustration: _Map 2._—An attempt to represent roughly the areas more -directly affected by the “heliolithic” culture-complex, with arrows -to indicate the hypothetical routes taken in the migrations of the -culture-bearers who were responsible for its diffusion.] - -In the face of this overwhelming mass of definite evidence of the reality -not only of the spread of culture and its carriers, but also of the -ways and the means by which it travelled, it will naturally be asked -how it has come to pass that there is even the shadow of a doubt as to -the migrations which distributed this “heliolithic” culture-complex -so widely in the world. It cannot be explained by lack of knowledge, -for most of the facts that I have enumerated are taken bodily from the -anthropological journals of forty or more years ago. - -The explanation is to be found, I believe, in a curious psychological -process incidental to the intensive study of an intricate problem. -As knowledge increased and various scholars attempted to define the -means by (and the time at) which the contacts of various peoples took -place, difficulties were revealed which, though really trivial, were -magnified into insuperable obstacles. All of these real difficulties were -created by mistaken ideas of the relative chronology of the appearance -of civilisation in various centres, and especially by the failure to -realise that useful arts were often lost. For example, if on a certain -mainland _A_ two practices, _a_ and _b_—one of them, _a_, a useful -practice, say the making of pottery; the other, _b_, a useless custom, -say the preservation of the corpse—were developed, and _a_ was at least -as old, or preferably definitely older than _b_, it seemed altogether -inconceivable to the ethnologist if an island _B_ was influenced by the -culture of the mainland _A_, at some time after the practices _a_ and _b_ -were in vogue, that it might, under any conceivable circumstances, fail -to preserve the useful art _a_, even though it might allow the utterly -useless practice _b_ to lapse. Therefore it was argued that, if the later -inhabitants of _B_ mummified their dead, but did not make pottery, this -was clear evidence that they could not have come under the influence of -_A_. - -But the whole of the formidable series of obstacles raised by this -kind of argument has been entirely swept away by Dr. Rivers, who has -demonstrated how often it has happened that a population has completely -lost some useful art which it once had, and even more often clung to some -useless practice (=65=). - -The remarkable feature of the present state of the discussion is that, -in spite of Rivers’ complete demolition of these difficulties (=65=), -most ethnologists do not seem to realise that there is now a free scope -for taking a clear and common-sense view of the truth, unhindered by -any obstructions. It is characteristic of the history of scientific, -no less than of theological argument, that the immediate effect of the -destruction of the foundations of cherished beliefs is to make their -more fanatical votaries shout their creed all the louder and more -dogmatically, and hurl anathemas at those who dissent. - -This is the only explanation I can offer of the remarkable presidential -address delivered by Fewkes to the Anthropological Society of Washington -in 1912 (=18=), Keane’s incoherent recklessness[5] (=41=, pp. 140, 218, -219, and 367 to 370), and the amazing criticisms which during the last -four years I have had annually to meet. There is no attempt at argument, -but mere dogmatic and often irrelevant assertions. The constant appeal -to the meaningless phrase “the similarity of the working of the human -mind”[6] (=18=), as though it were a magical incantation against logical -induction, and harping on the so-called “psychological argument” (=41=), -which is directly opposed to the teaching of psychology, are the only -excuses one can obtain from the “orthodox” ethnologist for this obstinate -refusal to face the issue. Of course it is a historical fact that the -discussions of the theory of evolution inclined ethnologists during the -last century the more readily to accept the _laisser faire_ attitude, and -put an end to all their difficulties by the pretence that most cultures -developed independently _in situ_. It is all the more surprising that -Huxley took some small part in encouraging this lapse into superficiality -and abuse of the evolution conception, when it is recalled that, as Sir -Michael Foster tells us, the then President of the Ethnological Society -“made himself felt in many ways, not the least by the severity with which -he repressed the pretensions of shallow persons who, taking advantage of -the glamour of the Darwinian doctrine, talked nonsense in the name of -anthropological science” (“Life and Letters of Thomas Henry Huxley,” Vol. -I., p. 263). - -It is a singular commentary on the attitude of the “orthodox” school -of ethnologists that, when pressed to accept the obvious teaching of -ethnological evidence, they should desert the strong intrenchments -which the difficulties of full and adequate explanation have afforded -them in the past, and take refuge behind the straw barricades of -imaginary psychological and biological analogies, which they have hastily -constructed for their own purposes, and in flagrant defiance of all that -the psychologist understands by the phrase “working of the human mind,” -if perchance he is ever driven to employ this expression, or the meaning -attached by the biologist to “evolution.” - -It is not sufficient proof of my thesis, however, merely to expose the -hollowness of the pretensions of one’s opponents, nor even to show the -identity of geographical distribution and the linking up of customs to -form the “heliolithic” culture-complex. Many writers have dimly realised -that some such spread of culture took place, but by misunderstanding -the nature of the factors that came into play or the chronology of -the movements they were discussing (see especially Macmillan Brown’s -(=7=) and Enoch’s (=16=) books, to mention the latest, but by no means -the worst offenders), have brought discredit upon the thesis I am -endeavouring to demonstrate. - -Another danger has arisen out of the revulsion against Bastian’s old -idea of independent evolution by his fellow-countrymen Frobenius, -Graebner, Ankermann, Foy and others, with the co-operation of the -Austrian philologist, Schmidt, and the Swiss ethnologist, Montandon -(who has summarised the views of the new school in the first part of -the new journal, _Archives suisses d’Anthropologie générale_, May, -1914, p. 113); for they have rushed to the other extreme, and, relying -mainly upon objects of “material culture,” have put forward a method of -analysis and postulated a series of migrations for which the evidence -is very doubtful. Rivers (=64=) has pointed out the unreliability of -such inferences when unchecked by the consideration of elements of -culture which are not so easily bartered or borrowed as bows and spears. -He has insisted upon the fundamental importance of the study of social -organisation as supplying the most stable and trustworthy data for the -analysis of a culture-complex and an index of racial admixture. The -study of such a practice as mummification, the influence of which is -deep-rooted in the innermost beliefs of the people who resort to it, -affords data almost as reliable as Rivers’ method; for the subsequent -account will make it abundantly clear that the practice of embalming -leaves its impress upon the burial customs of a people long ages after -other methods of disposal of their dead have been adopted. - -I have been led into this digression by attempting to make it clear that -the mere demonstration of the identity of geographical distribution -and the linking together of a series of cultural elements by no means -represents the solution of the main problem. - -What has still to be elucidated is the manner and the place in which the -complex fabric of the “heliolithic” culture was woven, the precise epoch -in which it began to be spread abroad and the identity of its carriers, -the influences to which it was subjected on the way, and the additions, -subtractions and modifications which it underwent as the result. - -Although I have now collected many of the data for the elucidation of -these points, the limited space at my disposal compels me to defer for -the present the consideration of the most interesting aspect of the whole -problem, the identity of the early mariners who were the distributors -of so strange a cargo. It was this aspect of the question which first -led me into the controversy; but I shall be able to deal with it more -conveniently when the ethnological case has been stated. The enormous -bulk of the data that have accumulated compels me to omit a large mass of -corroborative evidence of an ethnological nature; but no doubt there will -be many opportunities in the near future for using up this reserve of -ammunition. - -Before setting out for the meeting of the British Association in -Australia last year I submitted the following abstract of a communication -(=96=) to be made to the Section of Anthropology:— - -“After dealing with the evidence from the resemblances in the physical -characteristics of widely separated populations—such, for instance, as -certain of the ancient inhabitants of Western Asia on the one hand, and -certain Polynesians on the other—suggesting far-reaching prehistoric -migrations, the distribution of certain peculiarly distinctive practices, -such as mummification and the building of megalithic monuments, is made -use of to confirm the reality of such wanderings of peoples. - -“I have already (at the Portsmouth, Dundee, and Birmingham meetings) -dealt with the problem as it affects the Mediterranean littoral and -Western Europe. On the present occasion I propose to direct attention -mainly to the question of the spread of culture from the centres of the -ancient civilisations along the Southern Asiatic coast and from there -out into the Pacific. From the examination of the evidence supplied by -megalithic monuments and distinctive burial customs, studied in the light -of the historical information relating to the influence exerted by Arabia -and India in the Far East, one can argue by analogy as to the nature of -migrations in the even more remote past to explain the distribution of -the earliest peoples dwelling on the shores of the Pacific. - -“Practices such as mummification and megalith-building present so many -peculiar and distinctive features that no hypothesis of independent -evolution can seriously be entertained in explanation of their -geographical distribution. They must be regarded as evidence of the -diffusion of information, and the migrations of bearers of it, from -somewhere in the neighbourhood of the Eastern Mediterranean, step by step -out into Polynesia, and even perhaps beyond the Pacific to the American -littoral.” - -At that time it was my intention further to develop the arguments from -megalithic monuments which I had laid before the Association at the three -preceding meetings and elsewhere (=90=; =91=; =92=; =93=; and especially -=94=); and endeavour to prove that the structure and the geographical -distribution of these curious memorials pointed to the spread of a -distinctive type of culture along the Southern Asiatic littoral, through -Indonesia and Oceania to the American Continent. The geographical -distribution of the practice of mummification was to have been used -merely as a means of corroboration of what I then imagined to be the more -complete megalithic record, and of emphasizing the fact that Egypt had -played some part at least in originating these curiously linked customs. - -But when I examined the mummy from Torres Straits in the Macleay Museum -(University of Sydney), and studied the literature relating to the -methods employed by the embalmers in that region (=1=; =19=; =25=; and -=27=), I was convinced, from my knowledge of the technical details -used in mummification in ancient Egypt (see especially =78=; =86= and -=87=), that these Papuan mummies supplied us with the most positive -demonstration of the Egyptian origin of the methods employed. Moreover, -as they revealed a series of very curious procedures, such as were not -invented in Egypt until the time of the New Empire, and some of them not -until the XXIst Dynasty, it was evident that the cultural wave which -carried the knowledge of these things to the Torres Straits could not -have started on its long course from Egypt before the ninth century B.C., -at the earliest. - -The incision for eviscerating the body was made in the flank, right or -left, or in the perineum (=19=; =25=)—the two sites selected for making -the embalming incision in Egypt (=78=); the flank incision was made in -the precise situation (between costal margin and iliac crest) which was -distinctive of XXIst and XXIInd Dynasty methods in Egypt (=86=); and the -wound was stitched up in accordance with the method employed in the case -of the cheaper kinds of embalming at that period (=78=). When the flank -incision was not employed an opening was made in the perineum, as was -done in Egypt—the second method mentioned by Herodotus—in the case of -less wealthy people (=56=, p. 46). - -The viscera, after removal, were thrown into the sea, as, according to -Porphyry and Plutarch, it was the practice in Egypt at one time (=56=, -pp. 57 and 58) to cast them into the Nile. - -The body was painted with a mixture containing red-ochre, the scalp was -painted black, and artificial eyes were inserted. These procedures were -first adopted (in their entirety) in Egypt during the XXIst Dynasty, -although the experiments leading up to the adoption of these methods -began in the XIXth. - -But most remarkable of all, the curiously inexplicable Egyptian procedure -for removing the brain, which in Egypt was not attempted until the -XVIIIth Dynasty—_i.e._, until its embalmers had had seventeen centuries -experience of their remarkable craft (=78=)—was also followed by the -savages of the Torres Straits (=25=; =27=)! - -Surely it is inconceivable that such people could have originated the -idea or devised the means for practising an operation so devoid of -meaning and so technically difficult as this! The interest of their -technique is that the Torres Straits operators followed the method -originally employed in Egypt (in the case of the mummy of the Pharaoh -Ahmes I. [=86=, p. 16]), which is one requiring considerable skill and -dexterity, and not the simpler operation through the nostrils which was -devised later (=78=). - -The Darnley Islanders also made a circular incision through the skin -of each finger and toe, and having scraped off the epidermis from the -rest of the body, they carefully peeled off these thimbles of skin, and -presented them to the deceased’s widow (=25=; =27=). - -This practice is peculiarly interesting as an illustration of the -adoption of an ancient Egyptian custom in complete ignorance of the -purpose it was intended to serve. The ancient Egyptian embalmers (and, -again, those of the XXIst Dynasty) made similar circular incisions around -fingers and toes, and also scraped off the rest of the epidermis: but the -aim of this strange procedure was to prevent the general epidermis, as -it was shed (which occurred when the body was steeped for weeks in the -preservative brine bath), from carrying the finger- and toe-nails with -it (=78=). A thimble of skin was left on each finger and toe to keep the -nail _in situ_; and to make it doubly secure, it was tied on with string -(=78=) or fixed with a ring of gold or a silver glove (=84=). - -In the Torres Straits method of embalming the brine bath was not -used; so the scraping off of the epidermis was wholly unnecessary. In -addition, after following precisely the preliminary steps of this aimless -proceeding, by deliberately and intentionally removing the skin-thimbles -and nails they defeated the very objects which the Egyptians had in view -when they invented this operation! - -An elaborate technical operation such as this which serves no useful -purpose and is wholly misunderstood by its practitioners cannot have been -invented by them. It is another certain proof of the Egyptian origin of -the practice. - -There is another feature of these Papuan mummies which may or may not be -explicable as the adoption of Egyptian practices put to a modified, if -not a wholly different, use. Among the new methods introduced in Egypt -in the XXIst Dynasty was a curious device for restoring to the mummy -something of the fulness of form and outline it had lost during the -process of preservation. Through various incisions (which incidentally -no doubt allowed the liquid products of decomposition to escape) foreign -materials were packed under the skin of the mummy (=78=; =87=). These -incisions were made between the toes, sometimes at the knees, in the -region of the shoulders, and sometimes in other situations (=78=). In -the Papuan method of mummification “cuts were made on the knee-caps and -between the fingers and toes; then holes were pierced in the cuts with an -arrow so as to allow the liquids to drip from them” (Hamlyn-Harris, =27=, -p. 3). In one of the mummies in the Brisbane museum there seem to be -incisions also in the shoulders. The situation of these openings suggests -the view that the idea of making them _may_ (and I do not wish to put it -any more definitely) have been suggested by the Egyptian XXIst Dynastic -practice. For, although the incisions were made, in the latter case, for -the purpose of packing the limbs, incidentally they served for drainage -purposes. - -But it was not only the mere method of embalming, convincing and definite -as it is, that establishes the derivation of the Papuan from the -Egyptian procedure; but also all the other funerary practices, and the -beliefs associated with them, that help to clinch the proof. The special -treatment of the head, the use of masks, the making of stone idols, these -and scores of other curious customs (which have been described in detail -in Haddon’s and Myers’ admirable account [=25=]) might be cited. - -When I called the attention of the Anthropological Section to these -facts and my interpretation of them at the meeting of the British -Association in Melbourne, Professor J. L. Myres opened the discussion -by adopting a line of argument which, even after four years’ experience -of controversies of the megalith-problem, utterly amazed me. “What -more natural than that people should want to preserve their dead? Or -that in doing so they should remove the more putrescible parts? Would -not the flank be the natural place to choose for the purpose? Is it -not a common practice for people to paint their dead with red-ochre?” -It is difficult to believe that such questions were meant to be taken -seriously. The claim that it is quite a natural thing on the death of -a near relative for the survivors instinctively to remove his viscera, -dry the corpse over a fire, scrape off his epidermis, remove his brain -through a hole in the back of his neck, and then paint the corpse red is -a sample of casuistry not unworthy of a mediæval theologian. Yet this is -the gratuitous claim made at a scientific meeting! If Professor Myres -had known anything of the history of Anatomy he would have realized -that the problem of preserving the body was one of extreme difficulty -which for long ages had exercised the most civilized peoples, not only -in antiquity, but also in modern times. In Egypt, where the natural -conditions favouring the successful issue of attempts to preserve the -body were largely responsible for the possibility of such embalming, -it took more than seventeen centuries of constant practice and -experimentation to reach the stage and to acquire the methods exemplified -in the Torres Straits mummies. In Egypt also a curious combination -of natural circumstances and racial customs was responsible for the -suggestion of the desirability and the possibility artificially to -preserve the corpse. How did the people of the Torres Straits acquire the -knowledge even of the possibility of such an attainment, not to mention -the absence of any inherent suggestion of its desirability? For in the -hot, damp atmosphere of such places as Darnley Island the corpse would -never have been preserved by natural means, so that the suggestion which -stimulated the Egyptians to embark upon their experimentation was lacking -in the case of the Papuans. But even if for some mysterious reasons these -people had been prompted to attempt to preserve their dead, during the -experimental stage they would have had to combat these same unfavourable -conditions. Is it at all probable or even possible to conceive that under -such exceptionally difficult, not to say discouraging, circumstances they -would have persisted for long periods in their gruesome experiments; or -have attained a more rapid success than the more cultured peoples of -Egypt and Europe, operating under more favourable climatic conditions, -and with the help of a knowledge of chemistry and physics, were able -to achieve? The suggestion is too preposterous to call for serious -consideration. - -But if for the moment we assume that the Darnley Islander instinctively -arrived at the conclusion that it was possible to preserve the dead, that -he would rather like to try it, and that by some mysterious inspiration -the technical means of attaining this object was vouchsafed him, why, -when the whole ventral surface of the body was temptingly inviting him -to operate by the simplest and most direct means, did he restrict his -choice to the two most difficult sites for his incision? We know why the -Egyptian made the opening in the left flank and in other cases in the -perineum; but is it likely the Papuan, once he had decided to cut the -body, would have had such a respect for the preservation of the integrity -of the front of the body as to impel him to choose a means of procedure -which added greatly to the technical difficulty of the operation? We have -the most positive evidence that the Papuan had no such design, for it was -his usual procedure to cut the head off the trunk and pay little further -attention to the latter. Myres’ contention will not stand a moment’s -examination. - -As to the use of red-ochre, which Myres rightly claimed to be so -widespread, no hint was given of the possibility that it might be so -extensively practised simply because the Egyptian custom had spread far -and wide. - -It is important to remember that the practice of painting stone statues -with red-ochre (obviously to make them more life-like) was in vogue in -Egypt before 3000 B.C.; and throughout the whole “heliolithic” area, -wherever the conception of human beings dwelling in stones, whether -carved or not, was adopted, the Egyptian practice of applying red paint -also came into vogue. But it was not until more than twenty centuries -later—_i.e._ when, for quite definite reasons in the XXIst Dynasty, -the Egyptians conceived the idea of converting the mummy itself into a -statue—that they introduced the procedure of painting the mummy (the -actual body), simply because it was regarded as the statue (=78=). - -After Professor Myres, Dr. Haddon offered two criticisms. Firstly, the -incisions in the feet and knees were not suggested by Egyptian practices, -but were made for the strictly utilitarian purpose of draining the -fluids from the body. I have dealt with this point already (_vide -supra_). His second objection was that there were no links between -Egypt and Papua to indicate that the custom had spread. The present -communication is intended to dispose of that objection by demonstrating -not only the route by which, but also how, the practice reached the -Torres Straits after the long journey from Egypt. - -It will be noticed that this criticism leaves my main arguments from the -mummies quite untouched. Moreover, the fact that originally I made use -of the testimony of the mummies merely in support of evidence of other -kinds (the physical characters of the peoples and the distribution of -megalithic monuments) was completely ignored by my critics. - -But, as I have already remarked, it is not merely the remarkable identity -of so many of the peculiar features of Papuan and Egyptian embalming that -affords definite evidence of the derivation of one from the other; but in -addition, many of the ceremonies and practices, as well as the traditions -relating to the people who introduced the custom of mummification, -corroborate the fact that immigrants from the west introduced these -elements of culture. In addition, they also suggest their affinities. - -“A hero-cult, with masked performers and elaborate dances, spread from -the mainland of New Guinea to the adjacent islands: part of this movement -seems to have been associated with a funeral ritual that emphasised a -life after death.... Most of the funeral ceremonies and many sacred songs -admittedly came from the west” (Haddon, =25=, p. 45). - -“Certain culture-heroes severally established themselves on certain -islands, and they or their followers introduced a new cult which -considerably modified the antecedent totemism,” and taught “improved -methods of cultivation and fishing” (p. 44). - -“An interesting parallel to these hero-cults of Torres Straits occurred -also in Fiji. The people of Viti-Levu trace their descent from -[culture-heroes] who drifted across the Big Ocean and taught to the -people the cult associated with the large stone enclosures” (p. 45). - -In these islands the people were expert at carving stone idols and they -had legends concerning certain “stones that once were men” (p. 11). It is -also significant that at the bier of a near relative, boys and girls, who -had arrived at the age of puberty, had their ears pierced and their skin -tattooed (p. 154). - -Thus Haddon himself supplies so many precise tokens of the “heliolithic” -nature of the culture of the Torres Straits. - -These hints of migrations and the coming of strangers bringing from the -west curious practices and beliefs may seem at first sight to add little -to the evidence afforded by the technique of the embalming process; -but the subsequent discussion will make it plain that the association -of these particular procedures with mummification serves to clinch the -demonstration of the source from which that practice was derived. - -It is doubly interesting to obtain all this corroborative evidence -from the writings of Dr. Haddon, in view of the fact, to which I have -already referred, that he vigorously protested against my contention -that the embalmers of the Torres Straits acquired their art, directly or -indirectly, from Egypt. For, in his graphic account of a burial ceremony -at Murray Islands, his confession that, as he watched the funerary boat -and the wailing women, his “mind wandered back thousands of years, and -called up ancient Egypt carrying its dead in boats across the sacred -Nile” has a much deeper and more real significance than he intended. -The analogy which at once sprang to his mind was not merely a chance -resemblance, but the expression of a definite survival amongst these -simple people in the Far East of customs their remote ancestors had -acquired, through many intermediaries no doubt, from the Egyptians of the -ninth century B.C. - -At the time when Dr. Haddon asked for the evidence for the connection -between Egypt and Papua, I was aware only of the Burmese practices (_vide -infra_) in the intervening area, and the problem of establishing the -means by which the Egyptian custom actually spread seemed to be a very -formidable task. - -But soon after my return from Australia all the links in the cultural -chain came to light. Mr. W. J. Perry, who had been engaged in analysing -the complex mixture of cultures in Indonesia, kindly permitted me to -read the manuscript of the book he had written upon the subject. With -remarkable perspicuity he had unravelled the apparently hopeless tangle -into which the social organisation of this ethnological cockpit has been -involved by the mixture of peoples and the conflict of diverse beliefs -and customs. His convincing demonstration of the fact that there had been -an immigration into Indonesia (from the West) of a people who introduced -megalithic ideas, sun-worship and phallism, and many other distinctive -practices and traditions, not only gave me precisely the information -I needed, but also directed my attention to the fact that the culture -(for which, so he informed me, Professor Brockwell, of Montreal, had -suggested the distinctive term “heliolithic”) included also the practice -of mummification. In the course of continuous discussions with him during -the last four months a clear view of the whole problem and the means of -solving most of its difficulties emerged. - -For Perry’s work in this field, no less than for my own, Rivers’ -illuminating and truly epoch-making researches (=64= to =70=) -have cleared the ground. Not only has he removed from the path of -investigators the apparently insuperable obstacles to the demonstration -of the spread of cultures by showing how useful arts can be lost (=65=); -but he has analysed the social organisation of Oceania in such a way -that the various waves of immigration into the Pacific can be identified -and with certainty be referred back to Indonesia (=69=). Many other -scholars in the past have produced evidence (for example =2=; =60=; -=61= and =98=) to demonstrate that the Polynesians came from Indonesia; -but Rivers analysed and defined the characteristic features of several -streams of culture which flowed from Indonesia into the Pacific. Perry -undertook the task of tracing these peoples through the Indonesian maze -and pushing back their origins to India. In the present communication -I shall attempt to sketch in broad outline the process of the gradual -accumulation in Egypt and the neighbourhood of the cultural outfit of -these great wanderers, and to follow them in their migrations west, south -and east from the place where their curious assortment of customs and -accomplishments became fortuitously associated one with the other (_Map -II._). - -I cannot claim that my colleagues in this campaign against what seems to -us to be the utterly mistaken precepts of modern ethnology see altogether -eye to eye with me. They have been dealing exclusively with more -primitive peoples amongst whom every new attainment, in arts and crafts, -in beliefs and social organisation, in everything in fact that we regard -as an element of civilization, has been introduced from without by more -cultured races, or fashioned in the conflict between races of different -traditions and ideals. - -My investigations, on the contrary, have been concerned mainly with the -actual invention of the elements of civilization and with the people who -created practically all of its ingredients—the ideas, the implements -and methods of the arts and crafts which give expression to it. Though -superficially my attitude may seem to clash with theirs, in that I am -attempting to explain the primary origin of some of the things, with -which they are dealing only as ready-made customs and beliefs that were -handed on from people to people, there is no real antagonism between us. - -It is obvious that there must be a limit to the application of the -borrowing-explanation; and when we are forced to consider the people who -really invented things, it is necessary to frame some working hypothesis -in explanation of such achievements, unless we feebly confess that it is -useless to attempt such enquiries. - -In previous works (=82= and =85=) I have explained why it must be -something more than a mere coincidence that in Egypt, where the operation -of natural forces leads to the preservation of the corpse when buried -in the hot dry sand, it should have become a cardinal tenet in the -beliefs of the people to strive after the preservation of the body as -the essential means of continuing an existence after death. When death -occurred the only difference that could be detected between the corpse -and the living body was the absence of the vital spirit from the former. -[For the interpretation of the Egyptians’ peculiar ideas concerning -death, see Alan Gardiner’s, important article (=23=).] It was in a -condition in some sense analogous to sleep; and the corpse, therefore, -was placed in its “dwelling” in the soil lying in the attitude naturally -assumed, by primitive people when sleeping. Its vital spirit or _ka_ was -liberated from the body, but hovered round the corpse so long as its -tissues were preserved. It needed food and all the other things that -ministered to the welfare and comfort of the living, not omitting the -luxuries and personal adornments which helped to make life pleasant. -Hence at all times graves became the objects of plunder on the part -of unscrupulous contemporaries; and so incidentally the knowledge was -forthcoming from time to time of the fate of the body in the grave. - -The burial customs of the Proto-Egyptians, starting from those common to -the whole group of the Brown Race in the Neolithic phase, first became -differentiated from the rest when special importance came to be attached -to the preservation of the actual tissues of the body. - -It was this development, no doubt, that prompted, their more careful -arrangements for the protection of the corpse, and gradually led to the -aggrandisement of the tomb, the more abundant provision of food offerings -and funerary equipment in general. - -Even in the earliest known Pre-dynastic period the Proto-Egyptians were -in the habit of loosely wrapping their dead in linen—for the art of the -weaver goes back to that remote time in Egypt—and then protecting the -wrapped corpse from contact with the soil by an additional wrapping of -goat-skin or matting. - -Then, as the tomb became larger, to accommodate the more abundant -offerings, almost every conceivable device was tried to protect the body -from such contact. Instead of the goat-skin or matting, in many cases the -same result was obtained by lining the grave with series of sticks, with -slabs of wood, with pieces of unhewn stone, or by lining the grave with -mud-bricks. In other cases, again, large pottery coffins, of an oblong, -elliptical, or circular form, were used. Later on, when metal implements -were invented (=90=), and the skill to use them created the crafts of -the carpenter and stonemason, coffins of wood or stone came into vogue. -It is quite certain that the coffin and sarcophagus were Egyptian -inventions. The mere fact of this extraordinary variety of means and -materials employed in Egypt, when in other countries one definite method -was adopted, is proof of the most positive kind that these measures -for lining the grave were actually invented in Egypt. For the inventor -tries experiments: the borrower imitates one definite thing. During this -process of gradual evolution, which occupied the whole of the Pre- and -Proto-dynastic periods, the practice of inhumation (in the strict sense -of the term) changed step by step into one of burial in a tomb. In other -words, instead of burial in the soil, the body came to be lodged in a -carefully constructed subterranean chamber, which no longer was filled -up with earth. The further stages in this process of evolution of tomb -construction, the way in which the rock-cut tomb came into existence, -and the gradual development of the stone superstructure and temple of -offerings—all of these matters have been summarised in some detail in my -article on the evolution of megalithic monuments (=94=). - -What especially I want to emphasize here is that in Egypt is preserved -every stage in the gradual transformation of the burial customs from -simple inhumation into that associated with the fully-developed rock-cut -tomb and the stone temple. There can be no question that the craft of the -stonemason and the practice of building megalithic monuments originated -in Egypt. In addition, I want to make it quite clear that there is the -most intimate genetic relationship between the development of these -megalithic practices and the origin of the art of mummification. - -For in course of time the early Egyptians came to learn, no doubt -again from the discoveries of their tomb-robbers, that the fate of the -corpse, after remaining for some time in a roomy rock-cut tomb or stone -coffin, was vastly different from that which befell the body when simply -buried in the hot, dry, desiccating sand. In respect of the former they -acquired the idea which the Greeks many centuries later embalmed in the -word “sarcophagus” under the simple belief that the disappearance of -the flesh was due to the stone in some mysterious way devouring it.[7] -[Certain modern archæologists within recent years have entertained an -equally child-like, though even less informed, view when they claimed -the absence of any trace of the flesh in certain stone sarcophagi as -evidence in favour of a fantastic belief that the Neolithic people of the -Mediterranean area were addicted to the supposed practice which Italian -archæologists call _scarnitura_.] - -But by the time the discovery was made that bodies placed in more -sumptuous tombs were no longer preserved as they were apt to be when -buried in the sand, the idea of the necessity for the preservation of the -body as the essential condition for the attainment of a future existence -had become fixed in the minds of the people and established by several -centuries of belief as _the_ cardinal tenet of their faith. Thus the very -measures they had taken the more surely to guard and preserve the sacred -remains of their dead had led to a result the reverse of what had been -intended. - -The elaborate ritual that had grown up and the imposing architectural -traditions were not abandoned when this discovery was made. Even in these -modern enlightened days human nature does not react in that way. The -cherished beliefs held by centuries of ancestors are not renounced for -any discovery of science. The ethnologist has not given up his objections -to the idea of the spread of culture, now that all the difficulties that -militated against the acceptance of the common-sense view have been -removed! Nor did the Egyptians of the Proto-dynastic period revert to -the practices of their early ancestors and take to sand-burial again. -They adopted the only other alternative open to a people who retained -implicitly the belief in the necessity of preserving the body, _i.e._, -they set about attempting to attain by art what nature unaided no longer -secured, so long as they clung to their custom of burying in large tombs. -They endeavoured artificially to preserve the bodies of their dead. - -This explains what I meant to imply when I said that the megalithic idea -and the incentive to mummify the dead are genetically related, the one -to the other. The stone-tomb came into existence as a direct result of -the importance attached to the corpse. This development defeated the very -object that inspired it. The invention of the art of embalming was the -logical outcome of the attempt to remedy this unexpected result. - -As in the history of every similar happening elsewhere, necessity, or -what these simple-minded people believed to be a necessity, was the -“mother of invention.” - -In the course of the following discussion it will be seen that the -practice of mummification became linked up in another way with what -may be called the megalithic traditions. The crudely-preserved body no -longer retained any likeness to the person as his friends knew him when -alive. A life-like stone statue was therefore made to represent him. -Magical means (p. 42) were adopted to give life to the statue. Thus -originated the belief that a stone might become the dwelling of a living -person; and that a person when dead may become converted into stone. So -insistent did this belief become that among more uncultured people, who -borrowed Egyptian practices but were unable to make portrait statues, a -rudely-shaped or even unhewn pillar of stone came to be regarded as the -dwelling of the deceased. - -Thus from being the mere device for the identification of the deceased -the stone statue degenerated among less cultured people into an object -even less like the dead man than his own crudely-made mummy. But the -fundamental idea remained and became the starting point for that rich -crop of petrifaction-myths and beliefs concerning men and animals living -in stones. - -Thus arose in Egypt, somewhere about 3000 B.C., the nucleus of the -“heliolithic” culture-complex—mummification, megalithic architecture, -and the making of idols, three practices most intimately and genetically -linked one with the other. But it was the merest accident that the people -amongst whom these customs developed, should also have been weavers -of linen, workers in copper, worshippers of the sun and serpent, and -practitioners of massage and circumcision. - -But it was not for another fifteen centuries that the characteristic -“heliolithic” culture-complex was completed by the addition of numerous -other trivial customs, like ear-piercing, tattooing and the use of the -swastika, none of which originated in Egypt, but happened to have become -“tacked on” to that distinctive culture before its great world tour began. - -The earliest unquestionable evidence (=89=) of an attempt artificially -to preserve the body was found in a rock-cut tomb of the Second Dynasty, -at Sakkara. It is important to note that the body was lying in a _flexed_ -position upon the left side, and was contained in a short wooden coffin, -modelled like a house. The limbs were wrapped separately and large -quantities of fine linen bandages had been applied around all parts of -the body, so as to mould the wrapped mummy to a life-like form. - -Thus in the earliest mummy—or, to be strictly accurate, in the remains -which exhibit the earliest evidence of the attempt at embalming—we find -exemplified the two objects that the Ancient Egyptian embalmer aimed at -throughout the whole history of his craft, viz., to preserve the actual -tissues of the body, as well as the form and likeness of the deceased as -he was when alive. - -From the first the embalmer realised the limitations of his -craftsmanship, _i.e._, that he was unable to make the body itself -life-like. Hence he strove to preserve its tissues and then to make use -of its wrappings for the purpose of fashioning a model or statue of -the dead man. At first this was done while the body was flexed in the -traditional manner. But soon the flexed position was gradually abandoned. -Perhaps this change was brought about because it was easier to model the -superficial form of a wrapped body when extended; and the greater success -of the results so obtained may have been sufficiently important to have -outweighed the restraining influence of tradition. The change may have -occurred all the more readily at this time as beds were coming into use, -and the idea of placing the “sleeping” body on a bed may have helped -towards the process of extension. - -But whatever view is taken of the explanation of the change of the -attitude of the body, it is certain that it began soon after the first -attempts at mummification were made. The evidence of extended burials, -referred to the First Dynasty, which were found by Flinders Petrie at -Tarkhan (=54=), may seem to contradict this: but there are reasons for -believing that attempts at embalming were being made even at that time -(=85=). It seems to be definitely proved that this change was not due -to any foreign influence (=45=). At the time that it occurred there was -a very considerable alien element in the population of Egypt; but the -admixture took place long before the change in the position of the body -was manifested. Perhaps the presence of a large foreign element may -have weakened the sway of Egyptian tradition; but the evidence seems -definitely opposed to the inference that it played any active part in the -change of custom. For the history of the gradual way in which the change -was slowly effected is certain proof of the causal factors at work. There -was no sudden adoption of the fully extended position, but a slow and -very gradual straightening of the limbs—a process which it took centuries -to complete. The analysis of the evidence by Mace is quite conclusive on -this point (=45=). - -I am strongly of the opinion that there is a causal relationship -between this gradual extension of the body and the measures for the -reconstruction of a life-like model of the deceased, with the help of the -mummy’s wrappings. In other words, the adoption of the extended position -was a direct result of the introduction of mummification. - -At an early stage in the history of these changes it seems to have been -realised that the likeness of the deceased which could be made of the -wrapped mummy lacked the exactness and precision demanded of a portrait -Perhaps also there may have been some doubt as to the durability of a -statue made of linen. - -A number of interesting developments occurred at about this time to -overcome these defects. In one case (=85=), found at Mêdum by Flinders -Petrie, the superficial bandages were saturated with a paste of resin and -soda, and the same material was applied to the surface of the wrappings, -which, while still in a plastic condition, was very skilfully moulded to -form a life-like statue. The resinous carapace thus built up set to form -a covering of stony hardness. Special care was devoted to the modelling -of the head (sometimes the face only) and the genitalia, no doubt to -serve as the means of identifying the individual and indicating the sex -respectively. - -The hair (or, perhaps, it would be more correct to say, the wig) and the -moustache were painted with a dark brown or black resinous mixture, and -the pupils, eyelids and eyebrows were represented by painting with a -mixture of malachite powder and resinous paste. In other cases, recently -described by Junker (=40=), plaster was used for the same purpose as the -resinous paste in Petrie’s mummy. In two of the four instances of this -practice found by Junker, only the head was modelled. - -The special importance assigned to the head is one of the outstanding -features of ancient Egyptian statuary. It was exemplified in another -way in the tombs of the early part of the Old Kingdom, as Junker has -recalled in his memoir, by the construction of stone portrait-statues of -the head only, which were made life-size and placed in the burial chamber -alongside the mummy. It seems to me that Junker overlooks an essential, -if not the, chief, reason for the special importance assigned to the head -when he attributes it to the fact that the head contained the organs of -sight, smell, hearing and taste. There can be no doubt that the head was -modelled because it affords the chief means of recognising an individual. -This portrayal of the features enabled any one, including the deceased’s -own _ka_, to identify the owner. Every circumstance of the making and -the use of these heads bears out this interpretation, and no one has -explained these facts more lucidly than Junker himself. - -[Since the foregoing paragraphs have been put into print a preliminary -report has come to hand from Professor Reisner, to whom I am indebted for -most of my information regarding these portrait heads—_Museum of Fine -Arts Bulletin_, Boston, April, 1915.] - -At a somewhat later period in the Old Kingdom the making of these -so-called “substitution-heads” was discontinued, and it became the -practice to make a statue of the whole man (of woman), which was placed -above-ground in the megalithic _serdab_ within the _mastaba_ (see -=94=). But even when the complete statue was made for the _serdab_ -the head alone was the part that was modelled with any approach to -realism. In other words, the importance of the head as the chief means -of identification was still recognised. Moreover, this idea manifested -itself throughout the whole history of Egyptian mummification, for as -late as the first century of the Christian era a portrait of the deceased -was placed in front of the face of the mummy. - -Thus in course of time the original idea of converting the wrapped -body itself into a portrait-statue of the deceased was temporarily[8] -abandoned and the mummy was stowed away in the burial chamber at the -bottom of a deep shaft, the better to protect it from desecration, -while the portrait-statue was placed above ground, in a strong chamber -(_serdab_), hidden in the _mastaba_ (=94=). - -A certain magical value soon came to be attached to the statue in -the _serdab_. It provided the body in which the _ka_ could become -reincarnated, and the deceased, thus reconstituted by magical means, -could pass through the small hole in the _serdab_ to enter the chapel of -offerings and enjoy the food and the society of his friends there. - -Dr. Alan Gardiner has kindly given me the following note in reference -to this matter: “That statues in Egypt were meant to be efficient -animate substitutes for the person or creature they portrayed has not -been sufficiently emphasised hitherto. Over every statue or image were -performed the rites of ‘opening the mouth’—magical passes made with a -kind of metal chisel in front of the mouth. Besides the _up-ro_ ‘mouth -opening,’ other words testify to the prevalence of the same idea; the -word for ‘to fashion’ a statue (_ms_) is to all appearances identical -with _ms_ ‘to give birth,’ and the term for the sculptor was _saʿnkh_, -‘he who causes to live.’” - -As Blackman (=5=) has pointed out, the Pyramid Texts make it clear that -libations were poured out and incense burnt before the statue or the -mummy with the specific object of restoring to it the moisture and the -odour respectively which the body had during life. - -I have already indicated how, out of the conception of the possibility of -bringing to life the stone portrait-statue, a series of curious customs -were developed. Among peoples on a lower cultural plane, who were less -skilled than the Egyptians in stone-carving, the making of a life-like -statue was beyond their powers. Sometimes they made the attempt to -represent the human form; in other cases crude representations of the -breasts or suggestions of the genitalia were the only signs on a stone -pillar to indicate that it was meant to represent a human statue: in many -cases a simple uncarved block of stone was set up. But the idea that -such a pillar, whether carved or not, was the dwelling of some deceased -person, seized the imagination and spread far and wide. It is seen in -the Pygmalion and Galatea story, and its converse in the tragic history -of Lot’s wife. It is found throughout the Mediterranean area, the whole -littoral of Southern Asia, Indonesia, the Pacific Islands and America, -and can be regarded as definite evidence of the influence of the cult -that developed in association with the practice of mummification. - -It is necessary to emphasise that the making of portrait-statues was an -outcome of the practice of mummification and an integral part of the -cult associated with that burial custom. Hartland falls into grave error -when he writes “where other peoples set up images of the deceased, those -who practised desiccation or embalmment were enabled to keep the bodies -themselves” (=32=, p. 418). It was precisely the people who embalmed or -preserved the bodies of their dead who also made statues of them. - -As these stones, according to such beliefs, could be made to hear and -speak (=23=), they naturally became oracles. People were able to commune -with and get advice and instruction from the kings and wise men who dwelt -within these stone pillars. Thus it became the custom in many lands for -meetings of special solemnity, such as those where important decisions -had to be made, to be held at stone circles, where the members of the -convention sat on the stones and communed with their ancestors, former -rulers or wise men, who dwelt in the stones (or the grave) in the centre -of the circle. - -“Chardin, in his account of the stone circles he saw in Persia, mentions -a tradition that they were used as places of assembly, each member of the -council being seated on a stone; Homer, in his description of the shield -of Achilles in the _Iliad_, speaks of the elders sitting in the place of -justice upon stones in a circle; Plot, in his account of the Rollrich -stones in Oxfordshire, says that Olaus Wormius, Saxo Grammaticus, -Meursius, and many other early historians, concur in stating that it was -the practice of the ancient Danes to elect their kings in stone circles, -each member of the council being seated upon a stone; the tradition -arising out of this custom, that these stones represent petrified -giants, is widely spread in all countries where they occur, and Col. -Forbes Leslie has shown that within the historic period, these circles -were used in Scotland as places of justice” (Lane Fox, (=20=), p. 64). -Is not our king crowned seated upon the Lia-fail, which is now in the -coronation chair at Westminster? Such customs and beliefs are widespread -also in India, Indonesia, and beyond, as W. J. Perry has pointed out. -The practices still observed in the Khasia Hills in modern times clearly -indicate the significance of this use of stone seats; and the custom can -be found from the Canary Islands in the West (=26=) to Costa Rica in the -East, encircling the whole globe (compare “_Man_,” May, 1915, p. 79). - -I shall enter more fully into the consideration of the origin of the -ideas associated with stone seats when Perry has published his important -analysis of the significance of so curious a practice. - -The converse of the belief in the bringing to life of stone statues—or -perhaps it would be more correct to say, the complementary view that, -if a stone can be converted into a living creature, the latter can also -be transformed into stone—is found also wherever the parent belief is -known to exist. As a rule it forms part of a complexly interwoven series -of traditions concerning the creation, the deluge, the destruction of -the “sons of men” by petrifaction, and the repeopling the earth by the -incestuous intercourse of the “children of the gods.” - -Perry, who has made a study of the geographical distribution and -associations of these curiously-linked traditions, has clearly -demonstrated that they form an integral part of the cultural equipment of -the sun-worshipping, stone-using peoples. - -In the foregoing statement I have endeavoured to indicate also their -genetic connection with the ideas that sprang from the early practice of -mummification in Egypt. - -There are many other curious features of the early Egyptian practices -which might have served as straws to indicate how the cultural current -had flowed, if much more substantial proofs had not been available of -the reality of the movement. The diffusion of such a distinctive object -as the Egyptian head-rest, which used to be buried with mummies of the -Pyramid Age, is an example. It occurs widely spread in Africa, Southern -Asia, Indonesia and the Pacific. - -But the use of beds as funerary biers is a much more distinctive custom. -The believers in theories of the independent evolution of customs may say -“is it not natural to expect that people who regarded death as a kind -of sleep should have placed head-rests and beds in the graves of their -dead?” But how would such ethnologists explain the use of a funerary -bier on the part of people (such as many of the less cultured people who -adopted this Egyptian custom) who do not themselves use beds? - -The evidence afforded by the use of biers is, in fact, a most definite -demonstration of the diffusion of customs. Although it is a familiar -scene in ancient Egyptian pictures to find the mummy borne upon a bed—a -custom which we know from Egyptian literature, no less than that of the -Jews, Phœnicians, Greeks and Romans to have been actually observed—only -one Egyptian cemetery, so far as I am aware—a proto-dynastic site, -excavated by Flinders Petrie (=54=) at Tarkhan—has revealed corpses lying -upon beds. But in a cemetery, some sixteen centuries later, excavated -by Reisner in the Soudan (=62=), a similar practice was demonstrated. -Garstang has recorded the observance of a similar custom further South -(Meroe) at a later date. - -These form useful connecting links with the region around the head-waters -of the Nile, where even in modern times this practice has survived, and -the mummified corpse of the king is placed upon a rough bier. I shall -have occasion to point out later on that this curious practice spread -from East Africa along the Asiatic littoral to Indonesia, Melanesia and -Polynesia, thence to the American continent; and in most places was -definitely associated with attempts at preservation of the corpse. - -In many places along the whole course of the same great track, instead -of a bed, a boat of some sort, usually a rough dug-out, was used. This -practice also was observed in Egypt, where its symbolic purpose is -clearly apparent. - -Another distinctive feature of the burial customs in the same area was -the idea that the grave represented the house in which the deceased -was sleeping. How definitely this view was held by the proto-Egyptians -is seen in their coffins, subterranean burial chambers, and the -superstructures of their tombs, all three of which were originally -represented as dwelling houses (see my memoir, =94=). - -The Pyramid texts clearly explain the precise significance and origin of -the hitherto mysterious and widespread custom of burning incense at the -statue. For, as Blackman (=5=) has pointed out, the aim was by burning -aromatic woods and resins thereby magically to restore to the “body” the -odours of the living person. - -It was therefore intimately related to the practice of mummification and -genetically connected with it. It was part of the magical procedure for -making the portrait-statue of the deceased (or later, in the time of the -New Empire, the mummy itself) “an efficient animate substitute for the -person” (Alan Gardiner). - -A careful investigation of the geographical distribution of the custom -of burning incense before the corpse and of the circumstances related to -such a practice has convinced me that wherever it is found, even where no -attempt is made to preserve the body, it can be regarded as an indication -of the influence of the Egyptian custom of mummification. For apart from -such an influence incense-burning is inexplicable. The attempt on the -part of certain writers to explain the use of incense merely as a means -of disguising the odours of putrefaction will not bear examination. It is -an example of that kind of so-called psychological explanation which is -opposed by all the ascertainable facts. - -Beyond the borders of Egypt peoples who for a time adopted the custom -of embalming and then for some reason, such as the failure to attain -successful results or the adoption of conflicting beliefs or customs, -allowed the practice to lapse, the simpler parts of the Egyptian funerary -ritual often continued to be observed. The body was anointed with oil, -perhaps packed in salt and aromatic plants, wrapped in linen or fine -clothes, had incense burned before it, and was laid on a bed or special -bier. All of these practices originated in Egypt and observance of any -or all of them is to be regarded as a sure sign of the influence of the -Egyptian custom of mummification. Among the more immediate neighbours -of the Egyptians, such as the Jews, Greeks and Romans, the evidence for -this is clear. Occasionally the full process of embalming was followed, -even if it were only a temporary procedure preliminary to the observance -of some other burial custom, such as cremation, perhaps inspired by -ideas wholly foreign to those which prompted mummification. I need -not enumerate instances of this curious syncretism of burial customs, -numerous examples of which will be found in Reutter (=63=, pp. 144-147) -and in Hastings’ Dictionary (=32=), as well as in the following pages. - -At the very earliest period in Egypt from which historical records have -come down to us (the time of the First Dynasty, 3200 B.C., or even -earlier) “the king’s favourite title was ‘Horus,’ by which he identified -himself as the successor of the great god [the hawk sun-god] who had once -ruled over the kingdom ... [other symbols often appeared] side by side -with Buto, the serpent-goddess of the northern capital. As [the king] -felt himself still as primarily king of Upper Egypt, it was not until -later that he wore the serpent of the North, the sacred uraeus, upon his -forehead.” (Breasted, =6=, p. 38). “The sun-disc, with the outspread -wings of the hawk, became the commonest symbol of their religion” (p. -54). But in the time of the Fourth Dynasty “the priests of Heliopolis now -demanded that [the king, who had always been represented as the successor -of the sun-god and had borne the title ‘Horus’] be the bodily son of Ré, -who henceforth would appear on earth to become the father of the Pharaoh” -(p. 122). - -Now, when the Pharaoh thus became identified with the great sun-god Ré, -his Pyramid-temple became the place of worship of the sun-god. Megalithic -architecture thus became indissolubly connected with sun-worship, -simply from the accident of the invention of the art of building in -stone—of erecting stone tombs, which were also temples of offerings—by a -people who happened to be sun-worshippers and whose ruler’s tomb became -the shrine of the sun-god. I have already explained the close genetic -connection between the practice of mummification and megalithic building. - -The fact that the dominance of the sun-god Ré was attained in the -northern capital, which was also the seat of serpent-worship, led to the -association of the sun and the serpent.[9] From this purely fortuitous -blending of the sun’s disc with the uraeus, often combined, especially -in later times, with the wings of the Horus-hawk, a symbolism came into -being which was destined to spread until it encircled the world, from -Ireland to America. For an excellent example of this composite symbolism -from America see Bancroft, (=3=), Vol. IV., p. 351. A more striking -illustration of the completeness of the transference of a complex and -wholly artificial design from Ancient Egypt to America could not be -imagined. [For the full discussion of the original association of the sun -and the serpent see Sethe’s important _Memoir_ (=74=).] - -The chance circumstances which led to the linking together of all these -incongruous elements—mummification, megalithic architecture, the idea -of the king as son of the sun, sun and serpent worship and its curious -symbolism—were created in Egypt, so that, wherever these peculiar customs -or traditions make their appearance elsewhere in association the one with -the other, it can confidently be regarded as a sure token of Egyptian -influence, exerted directly or indirectly. - -When certain modern ethnologists argue that it is the most natural thing -in the world for primitive peoples to worship the sun as the obvious -source of warmth and fertility, and therefore such worship can have no -value as an indication of the contact of peoples, on general principles -one might be prepared to admit the validity of the claim. But when it is -realised that sun-worship, wherever it is found, is invariably associated -with part (or the whole) of a large series of curiously incongruous -customs and beliefs, it is no longer possible to regard the worship of -the sun as having originated independently in several centres. Why should -the sun-worshipper also worship the serpent and use a winged symbol, -build megalithic monuments, mummify his dead, and practise a large series -of fantastic tricks to which other peoples are not addicted? There is no -inherent reason why a man who worships the sun should also tattoo his -face, perforate his ears, practise circumcision, and make use of massage. -In fact, until the time of the New Empire, the sun-worshipping Egyptian -did not practise ear-piercing and tattooing, thereby illustrating the -fact that originally these practices were not part of the cult, and that -their eventual association with it was purely accidental. This only -serves more definitely to confirm the view that it was the fortuitous -association of a curious series of customs in Egypt at the time of the -New Empire which supplied the cultural outfit of the “heliolithic” -wanderers for their great migration. - -In accordance with Egyptian beliefs “the sun was born every morning and -sailed across the sky in a celestial barque, to arrive in the west and -descend as an old man tottering into the grave” (Breasted, (=6=), p. 54). - -The deceased might reach the west by being borne across in the sun-god’s -barque: friendly spirits, the four sons of Horus, might bring him a craft -on which he might float over: but by far the majority depended upon the -services of a ferryman called “Turnface” (Breasted, p. 65). - -In later times (Middle Kingdom) a model boat, fully equipped, was usually -put in the tomb, “in order that the deceased might have no difficulty in -crossing the waters to the happy isles.” “By the pyramid of Sesostris -III., in the sands of the desert, there were even buried five large Nile -boats, intended to carry the king and his house across these waters” -(Breasted, p. 176). - -At a later period “the triumph of a Theban family brought with it the -supremacy of Amon.... His essential character and individuality had -already been obliterated by the solar theology of the Middle Kingdom, -when he had become Amon-Re, and with some attributes borrowed from -his ithyphallic neighbour, Min of Coptos, he now rose to a unique and -supreme position of unprecedented splendour” (=6=, p. 248). Thus there -was added to this “heliolithic” complex of ideas the definitely phallic -element: but one must confess that this aspect of the culture did not -become obtrusive until it was planted in alien lands, where among the -Phœnicians and the peoples of India the phallic aspect became more -strongly emphasised. From time to time various writers have striven to -demonstrate a phallic motive in almost every element of the culture now -under consideration. What I want to make clear is that it was a late -addition, which was relatively insignificant in the original home of the -culture. - -After this digression I must now return to the further consideration of -the mummies themselves. - -Direct examination of the mummified bodies does not, of course, afford -any certain evidence of the application of oil or fat to the surface of -the body. Large quantities of fatty material were often found in the -mouth and the body cavity (=78=; =81= and =86=); and the surface of the -body was often greasy; but, of course, the fatty materials in the skin -itself might have afforded a sufficient explanation of this. Dr. Alan -Gardiner, however, tells me that ancient Egyptian literature contains -repeated references to the process of anointing the body with “oil of -cedar,”[10] and great stress is laid upon this procedure as an essential -element of the technique of embalming.[11] - -Thus in the time of the decadence of the New Empire an Egyptian writer -laments the loosening of Egypt’s hold on the Lebanons, because if no “oil -of cedar” were obtainable it might become impossible any longer to embalm -the dead. - -Diodorus Siculus, writing many centuries later, says the body was -“anointed with oil of cedar and other things for thirty days, and -afterwards with myrrh, cinnamon, and other such like matters” (Pettigrew, -=56=, p. 62). Thus there can be little doubt that it was an essential -part of the Ancient Egyptian technique to anoint the body with oil. - -Pettigrew (=56=, p. 62, and also p. 242) adduces cogent reasons in proof -of the fact that the Egyptians (and in modern times the Capuchins, at -Palermo) made use of heat to desiccate the body, probably in a stove. - -It is quite clear, therefore, that the Ancient Egyptians realised the -importance of desiccation as an essential element in the preservation of -the body. Moreover, they were familiar with a number of different means -of ensuring this end:—(1) by burial in dry sand; (2) by exposure to the -sun’s rays; (3) by removing all the softer and more putrescible parts of -the body; (4) possibly by massaging and squeezing out the juices from the -body; (5) by the free use of alcohol (palm wine) and large quantities of -powdered wood; and (6) by the aid of fire. - -Dr. Alan Gardiner tells me that the most ancient Egyptian writings, -such, for example, as the Pyramid texts, afford positive evidence that -the Egyptians recognised the fact of the desiccation of the body in the -process of embalming, for their scribes tell us, in the most definite -manner, that the aim of the ceremony of offering libations was magically -to restore to the body (as represented by the statue above ground) the -fluids it had lost during embalming (Blackman, =5=). - -If then the Egyptians of the Pyramid Age recognised the importance of -restoring the fluids to reanimate the mummy or its statue, it is quite -clear they must have appreciated the physical fact that their process of -preservation was largely a matter of desiccation. - -It is a point of some interest and importance to note in this connection -that the essential processes of mummification—(1) salting, (2) -evisceration, (3) drying, and (4) smoking (or even cooking)—are identical -with those adopted for the preservation of meat, and (5) the use of honey -is analogous to the means taken to preserve fruit. In fact, the term used -by Herodotus for the first stage of the Egyptian process of mummification -is the term used for salting fish. It would be instructive to enquire -in what measure these two needs of primitive man in North-East Africa -mutually influenced one another, and led to an acquisition of knowledge -useful to them for the preservation both of their food and their dead -relatives! - -To the constituent elements of the “heliolithic” culture may now be added -the practices of anointing with oil or unguents, the burning of incense -and the offering of libations, all derived from the ritual of embalming. - -In considering the southern extension of Egyptian influence it must be -remembered that as early “as 2600 B.C. the Egyptian had already begun the -exploitation of the Upper Nile and had been led in military force as far -as the present Province of Dongola” (=62=, p. 23). For several centuries -Nubia and the Soudan were left very much to themselves. Then during the -time of the Middle Kingdom Egypt once more exerted a powerful influence -to the South. At the close of that period Egypt was overrun by the Hyksos. - -At Kerma, near the Third Cataract, Reisner has recently unearthed a -cemetery which he refers to the Hyksos Period (=62=, p. 23). “The burial -customs are revolting in their barbarity. On a carved bed in the middle -of a big circular pit the chief personage lies on his right side with his -head east. Under his head is a wooden pillow: between his legs a sword or -dagger. Around the bed lie a varying number of bodies, male and female, -all contracted on the right side, head east. Among them are the pots and -pans, the cosmetic jars, the stools, and other objects. Over the whole -burial is spread a great ox-hide. It is clear they were all buried at -once. The men and women round about must have been sacrificed so that -their spirits might accompany the chief to the other world.... I could -not escape the belief that they had been buried alive” (=62=). These -funerary practices supply a most important link in the chain which I am -endeavouring to forge. I would especially call attention (1) to the fact -of the sacrifice of the chief’s (? wives and) servants and (2) to the -burial of the chief himself on a bed. - -We know that the Egyptian practice of mummification spread south into -Nubia (=39=) and the Soudan. - -According to Herodotus the ancient Macrobioi preserved the bodies of -their dead by drying: then they covered them with plaster, painted them -to look like living men, and set them up in their houses for a year. For -a fuller account of this practice and much more instructive information -for comparison see Ridgeway’s “Early Age of Greece,” Vol. I., p. 483 _et -seq._ - -Numerous references in the classical writers lead us to believe that a -similar custom of keeping the mummy in the house of the relatives for -a longer or shorter period may have been in vogue in Egypt. Throughout -the widespread area in which mummification was practised—from Africa to -America—a precisely similar practice is found among many peoples. - -The custom of covering the mummies with plaster[12] is an interesting -survival of the practice described by Junker in Egypt (_vide supra_), -which seems to supply the explanation of the curious measures adopted for -modelling the face in Melanesia. - -Even at the present day, centuries after the art of the embalmer -disappeared from Egypt, mummification is being attempted by certain -people dwelling in the neighbourhood of the head-waters of the Nile. - -In his article in Hastings’ Dictionary (=32=, p. 418) Hartland states -that the practice of mummification is found “more or less throughout the -west of Africa: among the Niamniam of the Upper Nile basin the bodies of -chiefs, and among the Baganda the kings, are preserved, and the custom is -found also among the Warundi in German East Africa (Frobenius); and in -British Central Africa the corpse is rubbed with boiled maize (Werner).” - -Roscoe (=72=, p. 105), in his book on the Baganda, describes the process -of embalming the king’s body. As in Egypt, the body was disembowelled; -and the bowels were washed in beer, just as the Egyptians, according to -Herodotus and Diodorus, are said to have done with palm-wine. The viscera -were spread out in the sun to dry and were then returned to the body, as -was done in Egypt at the time of the XXIst Dynasty. The body was then -dried and washed with beer. - -So far as we are aware, the Egyptians never sacrificed any human beings -at their funerals, although they often placed in the _serdab_ of the -_mastaba_ statues of the deceased’s wife, family and servants, to -ensure him their presence and the comforts of a home in his new form of -existence. - -In the quotations from Reisner’s report, it has just been seen that he -found some burials made about 1800 B.C., in which servants appear to have -been sacrificed. - -In the case of the Baganda, Roscoe describes the killing of the king’s -wives and attendants at his funeral. - -Roscoe further describes (in his book) the body of the chief as being -laid on a bed or framework of plantain trees (p. 117). - -At the end of five months the head was removed from the mummy and the -jaw-bone was removed, cleaned, and then buried, and a large conical -thatched temple was built over the jaw. [In the islands of the Torres -Straits the same curious custom of rescuing the head after about six -months is also found; but it was the tongue and not the jaw which -received special attention (=25= and =27=)]. - -In Egypt, where the practice of mummification was most successful, -special treatment of the head was not necessary, except occasionally in -Ptolemaic times (=39=), when carelessness on the part of the embalmer -led to disastrous results and it became necessary to “fake” a body for -attachment to the separated head. But as the Baganda were unable to make -a mummy which would last, they adopted these special measures with regard -to the skull. Originally special importance was attached to the head, -primarily (_vide supra_) as a means of identifying the deceased. But when -the practice of preservation spread to uncultured people, whose efforts -at embalming were ineffectual, the idea was transferred to the skull, the -reason for the special treatment of the head probably being forgotten. -Why such peculiar honour should be devoted to the jaw can only be -surmised from our knowledge of the belief that the deceased was supposed -to be able to talk and communicate with the living (=21=). - -In his article in the _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_ (=72=, -p. 44) Roscoe give some further particulars. Four men and four women were -clubbed to death at the funeral ceremony of the king. - -The body was wrapped in strips of bark cloth and each finger and toe was -wrapped separately. - -In _L’Anthropologie_ (T. 21, 1910, p. 53) Poutrin says of the burial -customs of the M’Baka people of French Congo “le corps, préalablement -embaumé avec des herbes sécher et de la cendre est couché sur un lit.” - -Weeks (=104=, pp. 450 and 451) gives an account of the burial customs of -the Bangala of the Upper Congo. “They took out the entrails and buried -them, placed the corpse on a frame, lit a fire under it, and thoroughly -smoke-dried it.” “The dried body was tied in a mat, put in a roughly made -hut.” “Coffins were often made out of old canoes.” “Poorer folk were -rubbed with oil and red camwood powder, bound round with cloth and tied -up in a mat.” - -One of the most remarkable instances of the survival of burial practices -strangely reminiscent of those of ancient Egypt has been described by -Mr. Amaury Talbot (=99=). Among the Ibibio people living in the extreme -south-west corner of Nigeria, bordering on the Gulf of Guinea, he found -that both the Ibibios and a neighbouring tribe, the Ibos, had burial -rites which “recall those of ancient Egypt.” For instance, “among Ibos -embalming is still practised.” Two methods of mummification, in which the -evisceration of the corpse takes place, are practised. - -For the grave “a wide-mouthed pit” was dug and “from the bottom of this -an underground passage, sometimes thirty feet long, led into a square -chamber with no other outlet. In this the dead body was laid, and, after -the bearers had returned to the light of day, stones were set over -the pit mouth and earth strewn over all.” Further, in the case of the -Ibibios, “in some prominent spot near the town arbour-like erections are -raised as memorials, and furnished with the favourite property of the -dead man. At the back or side of these is placed what we always called -a little ‘Ka’ house, with window or door, into the central chamber, -provided, as in ancient Egypt, for the abode of the dead man’s Ka or -double. Figures of the Chief, with favourite wives and slaves, may also -be seen—counterparts of the Ushabtiu.” - -From the photographs illustrating Mr. Talbot’s article many other -remarkable points of resemblance to ancient Egyptian practices are to be -noted. - -The snake and the sun constitute the obtrusive features of the crude -design painted in the funeral shrine. The fact that so many features -of the Egyptian burial practices should have been retained (and in -association with many other elements of the “heliolithic” culture) -in this distant spot, on the other side of the continent, raises the -question whether or not its proximity to the Atlantic littoral may not -be a contributory factor in the survival. They may have been spared by -the remoteness of the retreat and the relative freedom from disturbance, -to which nearer localities in the heart of the continent may have been -subjected. But, on the other hand, there is the possibility that the -spread of culture around the coast may have brought these Egyptian -practices to Old Calabar. In the next few pages it will be seen that such -a possibility is not so unlikely as it may appear at first sight. - -But the fact that it was the custom among the Ibibio to bury the wives of -the king with his mummy suggests a truly African, as distinct from purely -Egyptian, influence, and makes it probable that the custom spread across -the continent. This view is further supported by the traditions of the -people themselves, no less than by the physical features of their crania -(see _Report British Association_, 1912, p. 613). - -As the people of the Ivory Coast (_vide infra_) practice a method of -embalming which is clearly Egyptian and untainted by these African -influences, it is clear that the two streams of Nilotic culture, one -across the continent _viâ_ Kordofan and Lake Chad and the other around -the coasts of the Mediterranean and Atlantic, after reaching the West -Coast must have met somewhere between the mouth of the Niger and the -Ivory Coast. - -[Since writing the above paragraphs, in which inferences as to racial -movements across Africa were based solely upon the distribution and -methods of mummification, I have become acquainted with remarkable -confirmation of these views from two different sources. Frobenius, in -his book “The Voice of Africa,” 1913 (see especially the map on p. -449, Vol. II.), makes an identical delimitation of the two spheres of -influence from the east, trans- and circum-African (_i.e._, _viâ_ the -Mediterranean) respectively. - -Sir Harry Johnston (“A Survey of the Ethnography of Africa,” _Journ. Roy. -Anthr. Inst._, 1913, p. 384) supplies even more precise and definite -confirmation of the route taken by the Egyptian culture-migration across -Kordofan to Lake Chad, thence to the Niger basin and “all parts of West -Africa.” - -He adds further (pp. 412 and 413):—“Stone worship and the use of stone -in building and sepulture extend from North Africa southwards across -the desert region to Senegambia (sporadically) and the northern parts -of the Sudan, and to Somaliland. The superstitious use of stone in -connection with religion, burial and after-death memorial, reappears -again in Yoruba, in the North-West Cameroons and adjoining Calabar region -(Ekir-land).”] - -For the purpose of embalming the bodies of their dead “the Baoule of the -Ivory Coast remove the intestines, wash them with palm wine or European -alcohol, introduce alcohol and salt into the body cavity, afterwards -replacing the intestines and stitching up the opening.” (Clozel and -Villamur, quoted by Hartland, (=32=), p. 418.) - -Scattered around the western shores of the African continent there are -numerous ethnological features to suggest that it has been subjected to -the influence of the megalithic culture spreading from the Mediterranean. -But there is no spot in which this influence and its Egyptian derivation -is more definitely and surely demonstrated than in the Canary Islands. - -For the art of embalming was practised there in the truly Egyptian -fashion; and it became a matter of some interest to discover whether -or not the Nigerian customs were influenced in any way by the Guanche -practices. - -There can be little doubt that the practices on the Ivory Coast, to which -reference has just been made, were either inspired by the Guanches or by -the same influence which started embalming in the Canary Islands. - -The information we possess in reference to the Canary Islands was -collected by Bory de Saint Vincent (“Les Îles Fortunées,” 1811, p. 54) -and has been summarized by many writers, especially Pettigrew, Haigh and -Reutter. - -From Miss Haigh’s account (=26=, p. 112) I make the following extracts:— - -“When any person died they preserved the body in this manner; first, they -carried it to a cave and stretched it on a flat stone, opened it and took -out the bowels; then twice a day they washed the porous parts of the body -with salt and water; afterwards they anointed it with a composition of -sheep’s butter mixed with a powder made from the dust of decayed pine -trees, and a sort of brushwood called “Bressos,” together with powdered -pumice stone, and then dried it in the sun for fifteen days.... - -“When the body was thoroughly dried, and had become very light, it was -wrapped in sheep skins or goat skins, girded tight with long leather -thongs, and carried to one of the sepulchral grottoes, usually situated -in the most inaccessible parts of the island. - -“The bodies were either upright against the sides of the cavern, or side -by side upon a kind of scaffolding made of branches of juniper, mocan, -or other incorruptible wood. - -“The knives for opening the body were made of sharp pieces of obsidian. - -“In the grotto of Tacoronté was the mummy of an old woman dried in the -sitting posture like that of the Peruvian corpses.” - -The mummies were wrapped in reddish goat skin, just as the shroud of -Egyptian mummies was often of red linen. - -From the same article, in which, as the above quotation states, the body -was placed upon a stone for the purpose of the embalmer’s operations, I -should like to call attention to the following statement of a curious -custom which is found in the most diverse parts of the world, in most -cases in association with the practice of mummification. - -Tradition says that at his installation the new Mencey (or chief of -a principality) is required to seat himself on a stone, cut in the -form of a chair and covered with skins: one of his nearest relatives -presents him with a sacred relic—the bone of the right arm of the chief -of the reigning family (p. 107). I have already (_supra_) indicated the -significance of this characteristic feature of the “heliolithic” culture. - -Reutter (=63=) gives some additional information in reference to Guanche -embalming. The incision was made in the lower part of the abdomen (in the -flank). After the body had been treated with a saturated salt solution, -the viscera were returned to the body. The orifices of the nose, mouth -and eyes were “stopped with bitumen as was the Egyptian practice.” After -packing the cavities of the body with aromatic plants the body was -exposed either to the sun, or in a stove, to desiccate it. - -During this operation, other embalmers repeatedly smeared the body with -a kind of ointment, prepared by mixing certain fats, with powdered -odoriferous plants, resin, pumice stone and absorbent substances (p. 139). - -As in Egypt, according to Herodotus and Diodorus,—and my own observations -have verified their account, at any rate so far as its chief feature is -concerned—there was another method of embalming in which no abdominal -incision was made, unless it was per rectum. - -When this cheaper method was employed the corpse was dried in the sun -and some corrosive liquid, called “cedria” in the case of the Egyptians, -but in that of the Guanches supposed by Dr. Parcelly to be Euphorbia -juice, was injected for the purpose of dissolving the intestines and thus -facilitating the process of preservation by removing the chief seat of -decomposition. - -[It is important to recall the fact, to which I have already referred in -this account, that in the islands of the Torres Straits also the same two -alternative methods of evisceration, either through a flank incision or -per rectum were in use.] - -Most mummies, wrapped in goat skins, were buried in caves. But those of -kings and princes were placed in coffins cut out of a solid log, and -buried (head north) in the open, a monument of pyramidal form being -erected above them. - -It is important to bear in mind that both in East and West Africa and -in the Canary Islands the technical procedures in the practice of -mummification are those which were not adopted in Egypt until the time -of the XXIst Dynasty. I have already called attention to this fact in -my references to the Torres Straits mummies (_vide supra_), and to the -inference that these extensive migrations of Egyptian influence could not -have begun before the ninth century B.C. - -(For more complete bibliographical references, see Pettigrew, (=56=), p. -233.) - -The large series of identical procedures makes it absolutely certain that -the method of embalming practised in the Canary Islands was derived from -Egypt, and not earlier than 900 B.C. - -Reutter states (=63=, p. 137) that “the Carthaginians, as the result -of long-continued commercial intercourse with Egypt, assimilated its -civilization even to the extent of worshipping certain of the Egyptian -gods and of accepting many of her ideas and beliefs as to a future life.” - -“These reasons impelled them to practise the art of embalming and to -represent the features of the dead upon their sarcophagi to enable the -soul to refind its double.” - -“Their burial chambers, for the most part not built up, but carved out of -the rock, communicated with the exterior by a staircase. Above them were -built mastabas or monuments to be utilised, as amongst the Egyptians, as -offering-places” (p. 138). - -“Even the inscriptions in the mortuary chambers were written in -hieroglyphics, and their sarcophagi contained scarabs inscribed with -invocations to the Egyptian gods, Ptah, Bes and Ra, &c.” - -This reference is sufficient to indicate how the later (certainly not -earlier than 900 B.C. and probably some centuries later) Egyptian -practices spread around the Mediterranean. - -I do not propose (in the present communication) to discuss the influence -and the manner of spread of the practice of mummification in Europe. -Reutter gives certain information in reference to this subject. It will -suffice to say that there is no evidence to show that mummification was -widely adopted until comparatively late times (New Empire and later) -in the Mediterranean area, although certain effects of the Egyptian -practice, such for example as “extended burial,” spread abroad many -centuries earlier, appearing in most regions during the Eneolithic phase. - -The procedures revealed in the Canary Islands bear no trace of the -influence of Negro Africa to which I have called attention (_supra_) in -the Soudan, Uganda, the Congo and the Niger. The details of the technique -suggests the method employed in the XXIst Dynasty; and other features -seem to point to the conclusion that the practice must have reached the -Canary Islands from the Western Mediterranean through the Straits of -Gibraltar, not improbably through Phœnician channels. - -[For a full critical discussion of all the literature relating to -Egyptian influence in West Africa see Dahse, “Ein zweites Goldland -Salomos,” _Zeitsch. f. Ethn._, 1911, p. 1. The mass of evidence collected -in this memoir is entirely corroborative of the conclusions at which I -have arrived from the study of mummification.] - -With reference to Babylonia Langdon (=32=) states:—“Traces of embalming -have not been found, but Herodotus says that the Babylonians preserved in -honey. But a text has been discovered which mentions embalming with cedar -oil (cited by Meissner, _Wiener Zeitsch. f. Kunde des Morgenlandes_, xii, -1898, p. 61). At any rate embalming is not characteristic of Babylonian -burials and the custom may be due to Egyptian influence.” - -There can, I think, be no doubt whatever as to the Egyptian origin of -these instances of embalming in Babylonia. The mere fact of its sporadic -occurrence in a country of which it is not characteristic clearly points -to this conclusion, which is confirmed by the emphasis laid upon the -use of oil of cedar—a definite indication of the Egyptian practice. -The reference of Herodotus to the use of honey in Babylonia is also of -peculiar interest, for it provides us with a connecting link between the -Mediterranean area and India and Burma. - -The extensive use of honey for the preservation of the body among the -Greeks, Romans, Jews, and possibly also the Egyptians, is indicated by -the frequent references to the practice in the classics, which have been -summarised, with numerous quotations, by Pettigrew (=56=, pp. 85-87). - -The employment of honey suggests the spread of Egyptian influence to -Babylonia _viâ_ the Mediterranean and Syria, seeing that, so far as is -known, such a method was used only on the Mediterranean littoral of -Egypt, in Phœnicia and the Ægean. - -Concerning the use of wax in the process of embalming, of which ancient -Egyptian mummies, especially of the new Empire (=86=), afford numerous -instances, Pettigrew (p. 87) remarks:—“The body of King Agesilaus was -enveloped in wax and thus conveyed to Lacedæmon. This is confirmed by -Cornelius Nepos, and also by Plutarch, who ascribe the adoption of wax to -the want of honey for this purpose. Cicero reports the use of it by the -Persians.” - -In his account of the methods employed by the Scythians (living north -of Thrace) for mummifying their kings, Herodotus tells us that the body -was coated with wax, the abdomen opened, cleaned out and then filled -with pounded stems, with perfumes, aniseed and wild celery seed and then -stitched up. The important bearing of the practices described in the -Black Sea littoral upon Indian and Burmese customs (_vide infra_) I must -reserve for discussion at some later time. - -It will be seen in the subsequent account that honey was in use for -embalming in modern times in Burma. - -In an article on Persian burial customs (=32=, p. 505) Dr. Louis H. -Gray says: “Unfortunately our sole information on this subject [Ancient -Persian rites] must thus far be gleaned from the meagre statements of -the classics. If we may judge from the tombs of the Achæmenians, their -bodies were not exposed as Zoroastrianism dictated; but it is by no means -impossible that they were coated with wax, or even, as Jackson[13] also -suggests (“Persia, Past and Present,” p. 235), ‘perhaps embalmed after -the manner of the Egyptians.’” - -In later times the Persians seem to have been influenced by the practices -in vogue in Early Christian times in Egypt, before the coming of Islâm. -Thus in Moll’s History (=46=, p. 545), the statement is made in reference -to the Moslem burial customs in Persia; “if it [the corpse] is to be -buried a great way off, it is put into a wooden coffin filled up with -salt, lime and perfumes to preserve it; for they embalm their dead bodies -no otherwise in Persia, nor do they ever embowel them, as with us.” -That this is merely a degraded form of the Egyptian embalmer’s practice -is shown by the fact that it is identical with the method used by the -Copts in Egypt until the seventh, or perhaps even as late as the ninth -century A.D., and in their case we know that it is a development from, or -degradation of, the ancient practice. - -This method seems also to have spread to India: for Mr. Crooke tells me -that even at the present day several of the ascetic orders bury their -dead in salt. - -In Moll’s book the following curious statement also occurs, p. -474:—“_Mummy_, which is human flesh embalm’d that has lain in dry -earth several ages, and become hard as horn, is frequently found in -the sands of Chorassan, or the ancient Bactria, and some of the bodies -are so little alter’d, ’tis said, that the features may be plainly -distinguish’d.” - -In studying the easterly migration of the custom of mummification it -is quite certain that the main stream of the wanderers who carried the -knowledge to the east must have set out from the East African coast, -because a whole series of modifications of the Egyptian method which were -introduced in the Soudan and further south are also found in Indonesia, -Polynesia and America. A curious feature of Egyptian embalming in the -XIXth and especially the XXIst Dynasties (=78= and =86=) was the use of -butter for packing the mummy. Among the Baganda, according to Roscoe, -special importance came to be attached to this practice. Mr. Crooke has -given me references from Indian literature (see especially _Journ. Anthr. -Soc. Bombay_, Vol. I., 1886, p. 39) to bodies being “skilfully embalmed -with heavenly drugs and _ghee_” [clarified butter]. - -The ancient Aryans used to disembowel the corpse and fill the cavity with -_ghee_ (Mitra, “Indo-Aryans,” London, 1881, Vol. I., p. 135), as was done -in the case of the mummy of the famous Pharaoh Meneptah (=86=). - -The peculiarly Mediterranean modifications also spread east and it seems -most likely that in this case the route from Syria down the Euphrates to -the Persian Gulf was taken. - -[Since this has been in print further investigation has elucidated with -remarkable precision the ways and means of, as well as the impelling -motives for, the great migration to the East. This calls for some -modification of the foregoing (as well as many of the subsequent) -paragraphs. It has been seen that the great wave of culture carried -east and west from Egypt the distinctive method of embalming that came -into full use somewhere about 900 B.C.; hence it is probable the eighth -century B.C. witnessed the commencement of the series of expeditions, -which probably extended over many centuries. It can be no mere chance -that the period indicated coincides with the time when the Phœnicians -were embarking upon maritime enterprises on a much greater and more -daring scale than the world had known until then, in the Mediterranean -and Atlantic, in the Red Sea and beyond. In the course of their trading -expeditions to the Bab-el-Mandeb these Levantine mariners brought to that -region a fuller knowledge of the customs and practices of Egypt and of -the whole Phœnician world in the Mediterranean. It was probably in this -way and not by the Euphrates route that the culture of the Levant reached -the Persian Gulf and India. - -The easterly migration of culture which set out from the region of the -Bab-el-Mandeb conveyed not only the Ethiopian modifications of Egyptian -practices, but also the Egyptian and Mediterranean contributions which -the Phœnicians had brought to Ethiopia. On some future occasion I shall -discuss the important part played by the Phœnicians in these expeditions -to the Far East.] - -It is unfortunate that practically nothing is known of the practice -of mummification on the Southern coast of Arabia. Bent tells us that -the Southern Arabians preserved their dead. Moreover, as the Egyptians -obtained from Sabæa much of the materials used for embalming, it is -not unlikely that the Arabs may also have learned the use of these -preservatives. - -In support of this suggestion I might refer to the evidence from -Madagascar. It is well known that this island was colonised in ancient -times by people from the neighbourhood of the Bab-el-Mandeb, probably -Galla-people from the Somali coast as well as Sabæans from the Arabian -coast, possibly ferried along the African shore by expert mariners from -Oman and the Persian Gulf, either the Phœnicians themselves or their -kinsmen. A more numerous element came from the distant Malay Archipelago. -Either or both of these racial elements may have introduced the practice -of mummification into Madagascar. - -In his “History on Madagascar” (1838, Vol. I, p, 243) Ellis says there -“was no regular embalming,” but the “body was preserved for a time by the -use of large quantities of gum benzoin, or other powdered aromatic gums.” -This method is strongly suggestive of South Arabian influence. - -Hartland says “the Betsileo [and other Madagascar tribes] dry the corpse -in the air, the fluids being assisted to escape” (=32=, p. 418). - -Grandidier, however, gives us more precise information on this subject -(“La Mort et les Funerailles à Madagascar,” _L’Anthropologie_, T. 23, -1912, p. 329). According to him the Betsileo open the body of the dead -and remove all the viscera, which they throw into a lake: among the -Merina the entrails are removed only in the cases of their sovereigns or -members of the royal family. - -The practice of mummification amongst the Betsileo is of peculiar -interest because the embalmed bodies are buried in stone tombs obviously -inspired by Egyptian models. The subterranean megalithic burial chamber -in association with an oblong _mastaba_-like superstructure at once -recalls the distinctive features of the Egyptian tomb. But there is a -curious feature suggestive of Babylonian influence, namely, the situation -of the temple of offerings on the top of the _mastaba_. In some respects -this type of grave recalls those found in the Bahrein Islands by Bent -(=4=), which he compares with the Early Phœnician tombs at Arvad (=55=). -There can be no question that the latter were copied from Theban tombs of -the New Empire (_vide supra_). - -This seems to point quite clearly to the fact that the Betsileo burial -practices were inspired by Egyptian models, possibly modified by Southern -Arabian influences. - -In Hall’s “Great Zimbabwe” (1905, pp. 94 and 95), it is stated that “the -Baduma, who live in Gutu’s country, and also the Barotse, still embalm, -or, rather, dry the bodies of their chiefs, and also the dead of certain -families, though generally the bodies are buried lengthways on their -right side, facing the sun. The body is placed in the hut on a bier made -of poles near a large fire, and continually turned until the body is dry. -Then it is wrapped up in a blanket and hung from the roof” [as is done in -the Doré Bay region in New Guinea]. - -There has been considerable controversy as to the origin of the vast -stone monuments in this region. The writer from whom I have just quoted, -with many others, believed the Zimbabwe ruins to be the work of Early -Sabæan or Phœnician immigrants, who were attracted by the Rhodesian -gold-fields. Randall-MacIver believed that he found Chinese and Persian -relics (no earlier than the 14th or at earliest 13th century) under the -foundations; and recklessly jumped to the conclusion that the local -Negroes had conceived and built these vast monuments! The idea of any -savage people, and especially Negroes, planning such structures and -undertaking the enormous labour of their construction is surely too -ludicrous to be considered seriously. Even if these monuments were built -no earlier than five or six centuries ago, that does not invalidate -the hypothesis that they were inspired by the models of some old -civilization. Is it necessary to expound the whole theory of survivals -to make this point clear? The whole of this memoir is concerned with the -persistence in outlying corners of the world of strange practices whose -inventors passed away twenty-eight centuries and more ago, and whose -country has forgotten them and their works for more than a thousand -years. [My friend, W. J. Perry, is collecting other evidence which proves -quite definitely that the Zimbabwe culture was “heliolithic.”] - -In Moll’s History (=46=) the following passage occurs in an account of -the customs of Ceylon, p. 430, “when a person of condition dies his -corps is laid out and wash’d, and being cover’d with a linnen-cloath, is -carried out upon a bier to some high place and burnt: but if he was an -officer who belong’d to the court, the corps is not burnt till the king -gives orders for it, which is sometimes a great while after. In this case -his friends hollow the body of a tree, and having bowell’d and embalm’d -the corps, they put it in, filling the hollow up with pepper, and having -made it as close as possible, they bury the corpse in some room of the -house till the king orders it to be burnt.” - -“As for the poorer people, they usually wrap them up in mats and bury -them.” - -This traveller’s tale would not call for serious attention if it were not -confirmed by modern accounts of an analogous practice in Burma and the -neighbourhood. - -In his “Himalayan Journal” Sir Joseph Hooker described how the Khasias -temporarily embalm their dead in honey before cremating them. - -Pettigrew (=56=, p. 245) quotes Captain Coke’s account of the embalming -of a Burman priest. The body, as witnessed by him, was lying exposed to -public view upon a stage constructed of bamboos. This is the bier which -is so invariably associated with mummification. - -“The entrails of the deceased (who had been dead upwards of a month) had -been taken out a few hours after death by means of an incision in the -stomach, and the vacuum being filled with honey and spices the opening -was sewed up. The whole body was then covered over with a slight coating -of resinous substance called _dhamma_, and wax, to preserve it from the -air, after which it was richly overlaid with gold leaf, thus giving the -body the appearance of one of the finely moulded images so common in the -temples of the worshippers of BOODH.” - -Then it was cremated. - -This is a curious instance of the blending of the custom of mummification -with the later practice of cremation, which was inspired by entirely -different ideals. Throughout the whole area in which Egyptian methods -of embalming were adopted there are found numerous instances of such -syncretism with a variety of burial customs. - -“Another method which I have known to be practised, but not as common as -the one above detailed, of embalming bodies in the Burman country, is by -forcing two hollow bamboos through the soles of the feet, up the legs and -into the body of the deceased; then by dint of pressing and squeezing the -fluid is carried off through the bamboos into the ground.” - -This practice is an important link between the Egyptian and the -Indonesian methods. - -In his article on Thibetan burial customs (=32=, p. 511), Waddell -informs us that preservation of the entire body by embalming seems to -be restricted to the sovereign Grand Lamas of Lhāsa and Tāshilhumpo. -“The body is embalmed by salting, and, clad in the robes of the deceased -and surrounded by his personal implements of worship, is placed, in the -attitude of a seated Buddha, within a gilded copper sarcophagus in one of -the rooms of the palace: it is then worshipped as a divinity.” - -There are many points of interest in this practice, which, considered in -conjunction with the methods practised in Burma, Ceylon and Persia just -mentioned, clearly indicate not only the sources and the routes taken by -this knowledge of embalming in its spread from Egypt, but also how the -burial rites of a variety of peoples can become intimately blended and -intermingled one with another. - -In Captain T. H. Lewins’ book on “The Wild Tribes of South-Eastern India” -(London, 1870, p. 274) I find the following statement:—“Among the Dhun -and Khorn clans the body is placed in a coffin made of a hollow tree -trunk, with holes in the bottom. This is placed on a lofty platform and -left to dry in the sun. The dried body is afterwards rammed into an -earthern vase and buried; the head is cut off and preserved. Another clan -sheathe their dead in pith; the corpse is then placed on a platform, -under which a slow fire is kept up until the body is dried. The corpse -is then kept for six months ... it is then buried. The Howlong clan hang -the body up to the house-beams for seven days, during which time the dead -man’s wife has to sit underneath spinning.” - -These interesting records are of considerable value in establishing -connexions between East Africa and regions further east, which will be -discussed in the following pages. - -[In my search for information concerning the practice of embalming in -India, where by inference I was convinced it must have had some vogue -in ancient times, I completely overlooked the important memoir by Mr. -W. Crooke on “Primitive Rites of Disposal of the Dead, with Special -Reference to India” (_Journ. Anthrop. Inst._, Vol. XXIX, 1899, p. 272). -Since the rest of this article has been in print Mr. Crooke has kindly -called my attention to his memoir and given me a lot of other valuable -information. Fortunately all this evidence supports and substantiates -the opinions I had previously arrived at inductively. For it provides -a complete series of connecting links between the western and eastern -portions of the chain I am reconstructing. It is too bulky to insert here -and too important merely to summarise, so that I must postpone fuller -discussion of this Indian evidence until some future time.] - -If it is admitted that the custom of mummification as it is practised, -for example, in the islands of the Torres Straits was derived from Egypt, -however remotely and indirectly, it is clear that, as the technique -includes a number of curious features which were not introduced in Egypt -before the XVIIIth, XXth and XXIst Dynasties (respectively in the case -of different procedures), the migration of people carrying the methods -east could not have left Egypt before the time of the XXIst Dynasty, -say 900 B.C. as the earliest possible date. At this time Egypt was in -very close relationship with the Soudan and Western Asia; and it is -obvious that the Egyptian practices may have reached the Persian Gulf -by three routes:—(1) _viâ_ the Soudan, the head-waters of the Nile and -the Somali Coast, (2) by the Red Sea route, and (3) from the Phœnician -Coast down the Euphrates. No doubt all three routes served as avenues for -communication and for the transmission of cultural influences; and it is -not essential for our immediate purposes to enquire which channel served -to transmit each element of Egyptian culture that made its influence -felt in the neighbourhood of the Persian Gulf at this period. For it was -a period of active maritime enterprise, especially on the part of the -Phœnicians, both in the Mediterranean and the Southern Seas, and a time -when the fluctuating political fortunes of Egypt, Western Asia and the -Soudan produced a more intimate intermingling of the peoples, so that -they mutually influenced one another most profoundly. - -It is important to remember that many of the features of the embalmer’s -art as it is practiced in the far East are modifications of the Egyptian -method which were first introduced in the region of the Upper Nile, -so that the East African Coast must have been the point of departure -for such methods. Other features, not only of the method of embalming, -but also of the associated megalithic architecture, were equally -distinctive of the Phœnician region and may have been transmitted by the -Euphrates.[14] Other features again were distinctively Babylonian. Of the -former, the African influence, I might refer to the use of the frame-like -support for the mummy, the custom of removing the head some months after -burial, and the sacrifice of wives and servants. As to the Phœnician -and Babylonian influences, the use of honey might be cited, and the -emphasis laid upon “cedar” wood and “cedar” oil in mummification; and the -Phœnician adaptation of the New Empire type of Theban tomb seen at Arvad -and the analogous sepulchres found in the Bahrein Islands (=4=) The -Betsileo tombs in Madagascar probably represent the same type transferred -_viâ_ Sabæa down the East African coast. - -As to the means by which the customs of the dwellers around the Persian -Gulf were communicated to the peoples of India and Ceylon there is a -considerable mass of evidence. The fact that mummification, the building -of megalithic monuments of the recognised Mediterranean types, sun- -and serpent-worship and all the other impedimenta of the “heliolithic” -culture made their appearance in India in pre-Aryan times affords -positive evidence of the reality of the intercourse. I have already -referred to the adoption in India of the curiously eccentric method -of steering river-boats found in Middle Kingdom Egyptian tombs; and -the custom of representing eyes on the prow of the boat are further -illustrations of the spread of distinctive practices. According to Rhys -Davids (=14=, p. 116) “it may now be accepted as a working hypothesis -that sea-going merchants [mostly Dravidians, not Aryans], availing -themselves of the monsoons, were in the habit, at the beginning of -the seventh (and perhaps at the end of the eighth) century B.C., of -trading from ports on the South-West of India to Babylon, then a great -mercantile emporium.” He adduces evidence which clearly demonstrates -that the written scripts of India, Ceylon and Burma were in this way -derived from “the pre-Semitic race now called Akkadians.” “It seems -almost impossible to avoid the conclusion that [the] curious buildings -[at Anurādhapura in Ceylon] were not entirely without connection with -the seven-storied Ziggarats which were so striking a feature among -the buildings of Chaldæa.... it would seem that in this case also the -Indians were borrowers of an idea” (p. 70). The more precise and definite -influence of Babylonian models further east removes any doubt as to the -part it played. Crooke speaks of the Southern Dravidians as a maritime -people, who placed in their burial mounds “bronze articles which were -probably imported in the course of trade with Babylonia” (=12=, p. 29). -“They were probably the builders of the remarkable series of rude stone -monuments which crown the hills in the Nilgiri range and the plateau of -the Deccan” (p. 28). The most ancient stone monuments in Southern India -contain objects which go to prove that they were built at the earliest -just before the introduction of iron-working. Thus, if the knowledge of -iron-working came from Europe, these monuments could not have been built -much before 800 B.C. As a matter of fact it is known that many of them -cannot be older than 600 B.C. (Crooke, =13=, p. 129). All of these facts -agree in supporting the view that the influence of Egypt, which, so far -as the matters under consideration are concerned, came into operation -not earlier than the eighth century B.C., spread to India partly _viâ_ -Babylonia and partly by way of East Africa, somewhere between the close -of the eighth and the commencement of the sixth century B.C. - -The monuments to which I have just been referring were not, in my -opinion, directly inspired by Egypt, but indirectly. The North Syrian -and the adjoining territories adopted the Egyptian burial customs at -an earlier period and the finished type of holed dolmen was probably -developed and survived in that region long after its Egyptian prototype -had become a thing of the past. The real types that have come down to our -times are found in the Caucasus, between the Black Sea and the Caspian. -The Indian dolmens were certainly imitations of these models. But in -respect of other buildings the Indians directly adopted Babylonian and -Egyptian types. I have already referred to the former. Many of the -Dravidian temples are so precisely modelled on the plan of the Theban -temples of the New Empire that to question the source of the inspiration -of the former is impossible. - -“Fergusson first called attention to the striking similarity in general -arrangement and conception between the great South Indian temples and -those of ancient Egypt.... The gopurams or gate-towers, which in the -later more ornate examples are decorated from the base to the summit with -sculptures of the Hindu Pantheon, increase in size with the size of the -walled quadrangles, the outer ones becoming imposing landmarks, which -are visible for miles around, and are strikingly similar to the pylons -of Egyptian temples” (Thurston, =101=, pp. 158 and 161). Thus in the -matter of its early buildings India has clearly been influenced by Egypt, -Phœnicia and Chaldea; and this great cultural wave impinged upon the -Indian peninsula not before the close of the eighth century B.C. - -It is important also to remember that it reached India just (perhaps not -more than a century) before another wave of a very different culture -poured down from the north, and introduced, among other things, the -practice of cremation. - -For our immediate purpose this is unfortunate, because that practice -is inspired by ideas utterly opposed to those underlying the custom of -embalming, and naturally destroyed most, though by no means all, traces -of the latter. That the practice of embalming did actually reach India -from the west is known not merely because evidence of unmistakably -Egyptian technique is found further east, but also because in India and -Ceylon there are definite traces of the custom, to which reference has -already been made in the foregoing pages. Cases from Persia, Ceylon, -India, Burma and Thibet were cited in proof of the survival of elements -of the embalming process or ritual, even when the Brahmanical and -Buddhist burial practices had been adopted. - -From the foregoing account there can be no doubt that the people of -India did at one time practice mummification, at any rate in the case of -their chiefs. They also acquired a knowledge of the arts and crafts, as -the result of the influence exerted by the rich stream of culture which -brought the attainments of the great western civilizations to India -before the Ayran immigration. The bringers of this new culture mingled -their blood with the aboriginal pre-Dravidian population and the result -was the Dravidians. It is not at all improbable that the resultant -Dravidian civilization had reached a higher plane than that of the Aryas, -who entered the country after them. - -In Oldham’s interesting and suggestive brochure (=51=, pp. 53-55), which, -in spite of Crooke’s drastic criticism, seems to me to be a valuable -contribution to a knowledge of the questions under discussion, the -following passages occur:— - -“The Asuras, Dasyus, or Nagas, with whom the Aryas came into contact, on -approaching the borders of India, were no savage aboriginal tribes, but -a civilized people who had cities and castles. Some of these are said in -the Veda to have been built of stone. - -“It would seem, indeed, as if the Asuras had reached a higher degree of -civilization than their Aryan rivals. Some of their cities were places of -considerable importance. And, in addition to this, wealth and luxury, the -use of magic, superior architectural skill, and ability to restore the -dead to life, were ascribed to the Asuras by Brahmanical writers.” - -The “ability to restore the dead to life” is probably a reference to the -Egyptian ritual of “the opening of the mouth,” which of course is an -integral part of the funerary procedure incidental to the practice of -mummification. - -“The Nagas occupy a very prominent position in connection with Indian -astronomy, and this is not likely to have been assigned to them, by their -Brahmanical rivals, without good reason. Probably this and other branches -of science were brought, by the Asuras, from their ancient home in the -countries between the Kaspian and the Persian Gulf. - -“The close relationship between the Indian and the Chaldean astronomical -systems has been frequently noticed. - -“The sun-worship of the Asuras; their holding sacred the Naga or hooded -serpent, sometimes represented with many heads; their deification of -kings and ancestors; their veneration of the cedar; their religious -dances; their sacrificial rights; their communication with the deities -through the medium of inspired prophets; their occasional tendency -towards democratic institutions; their use of tribal emblems or -totems—and many of their social customs; seem to connect them with that -very early civilization—Turanian or otherwise—which we find amongst so -many of the peoples of extreme antiquity. They had, in fact, much in -common with the early inhabitants of Babylonia; and, perhaps, even more -with those of Elam and the neighbouring countries. - -“We shall see later that the Asuras and the Dravidians were, apparently, -the same people.” - -“Not only were the Asuras or Nagas a civilized people, but they were a -maritime power. Holding both banks of the great river Indus, they must -have had access to the sea from a very early period. Their kinship, -too, with the serpent-worshipping people of ancient Media, and the -neighbouring countries, which has already been referred to, must have led -to a very early development of trade with the Persian Gulf. - -“The Asuras were actively engaged in ‘The Churning of the Ocean’ -(_Mahabharata_, _Adi_, _Astika_, p. xviii.), which is but an allegorical -description of sea-borne commerce in its early days” (_op. cit._, p. 58). - -“In the _Mahabharata_, the ocean is described as the habitation of the -Nagas and the residence of the Asuras; it is also said to be the refuge -of the defeated Asuras (_Mahabharata_, _Adi_, _Astika_, p. xxii.). -This was no doubt because marauding bands of this people retreated to -their ships after an unsuccessful raid. Thus we find that on the death -of Vrita, his followers took refuge in the sea (_Mahabharata_, _Vana_, -_Tirthayatra_, p. ciii.). So also did the Asura Panchajana, who lived in -Patala, when he was pursued by Krishna (_Vishnu Parana_, v., xxi., 526). -And so did the Danavas when defeated by the Devas at the churning of the -ocean (_Mahabharata_, _Adi_, _Astika_, p. xix.).” - -“An ancient legend, given in the _Mahabharata_, relates how Kadru, mother -of the serpents, compelled Garuda to convey her sons across the sea into -a beautiful country in a distant region, which was inhabited by Nagas. -After encountering a violent storm and great heat, the sons of Karur were -landed in the country of Ramaniaka, on the Malabar coast.” - -“This territory had been occupied previously by a fierce Asura named -Lavana (_Mahabharata_, _Adi_, _Astika_, p. xxvii.). So there had been a -still earlier colonization by the same race.” - -“Naga chiefs are frequently mentioned as ruling countries in or under the -sea” (p. 61). - -“The civilization of Burmah, and other Indo-Chinese countries, is -ascribed by legend and by the native historians to invaders from India. -And these are connected with the Naga People of Magadha, and of the -north and west of India. The ancient navigators, too, who carried the -Brahmanical and Buddhist religions, the worship of the Naga, and the -Sanscrit or Pali language to Java, Sumatra, and even to distant Celebes, -were Indian people. And they were, doubtless, descendants of those Asura -dwellers in the ocean, which are mentioned in the _Mahabharata_, and have -already been referred to” (p. 166). - -“Another proof of the ancient connection of these islands with India -is that the Javan era is the Saka-kala, which is so well known, and is -still in use in parts of Western India and in the Himalaya. According -to a Javan tradition an expedition from India, led by a son of the king -of Kujrat (Gujrat), arrived on the west coast of the island about A.D. -603. A settlement was founded, and the town of Mendan Kamalan was built. -Other Hindus followed, and a great trade was established with the ports -of India and other countries (Raffles, Hist. Java, ii., 83). There is -however no reason to suppose that this was the first arrival of Indian -voyagers in the Archipelago. - -“Traditions still remain in Western India of expeditions to Java. A -Guzerati proverb runs thus: ‘He who goes to Java never comes back; but -if he does return, his descendants, for seven generations, live at ease’ -(_Bombay Gazetter_, i., 402). The bards in Marwar have a legend that -Bhoj raja, the great puar chief of Ujaini, in anger drove away his son -Chandrabhan, who sailed to Java (_Ib._, i., 448). - -“Evidence brought forward by Mr. Kennedy (_J. R. A. S._, April, 1898) -shows that a great sea-borne trade was carried on from Indian ports by -Dravidian merchants as early as the seventh century B.C. The beginnings -of Dravidian navigation, however, were probably much earlier than this. - -“We have seen that the sea-borne commerce of the Solar or Naga tribes -of Western India had become important at a very early period. Of this -the legend of ‘the churning of the ocean’ already referred to is an -allegorical description, but we have no detailed account of ocean voyages -until a much later period. Sakya Buddha himself, however, refers to such -voyages. He says: ‘Long ago ocean going merchants were wont to plunge -forth upon the sea, taking with them a shore-sighting bird. When the ship -was out of sight of land they would set the shore-sighting bird free. -And it would go to the east and to the south and to the west and to the -north and to the intermediate points and rise aloft. If on the horizon it -caught sight of land, thither it would go. But if not then it would come -back to the ship again’ (Rhys Davids, _J. R. A. S._, April, 1899, 432). - -“It will be observed that this mode of finding the position of the ship -at sea, which recalls the sending out of the birds from the Ark, is said -to have been the custom ‘long ago.’ It would seem therefore, that in the -fifth century B.C. other and probably more scientific methods were in -use. It would also appear that the navigation of the ocean was even then -an ancient institution. - -“In the time of the Chinese Buddhist pilgrim Fah Hian (about 406 A.D.) -there was a regular and evidently old-established trade between India and -China and with the islands of the Archipelago. - -“Fah Hian sailed from Tamalitti, or Tamralipti, at the mouth of the -Ganges, in a great merchant ship, and in fourteen days reached Ceylon -(Fo-Kwo-ki, Beal., I, lxxi, lxxii.). From thence he sailed in a great -ship which carried about two hundred men, and which was navigated by -observing the sun, moon and stars. In this ship Fah Hian reached Ye-po-ti -(probably Java) in which country heretics and Brahmans flourished, but -the law of Buddha was not much known (_Ib._, I, lxxx.). Here the pilgrim -embarked for China on board another ship carrying two hundred men, -amongst whom were Brahmans. These proposed to treat the sramana as Jonah -was treated, and for the same reason, but some of those on board took his -part. At length when their provisions were nearly exhausted, they reached -China (_Ib._, I, lxxxi., lxxxii.). All these ships appear to have been -Indian and not Chinese. - -“Fah Hian mentions that pirates were numerous in those seas (_Ib._, I, -lxxx.), which shows that the commerce must have been considerable” (p. -171). - -“It seems in the highest degree improbable that this close connection -between the Sun and the serpent could have originated, independently, -in countries so far apart as China and the West of Africa, or India -and Peru. And it seems scarcely possible that, in addition to this, -the same forms of worship of these deities, and the same ritual, could -have arisen, spontaneously, amongst each of these far distant peoples. -The alternative appears to be that the combined worship of the Sun and -serpent-gods must have spread from a common centre, by the migration of, -or communication with, the people who claimed Solar descent. - -“So universally was the Naga held sacred, that it would seem to have been -the earliest totem of the people who claimed descent from the Sun-god” -(p. 183). - -I have quoted so extensively from Oldham’s fascinating work because the -conclusions at which he arrived from a study of the ancient literature of -India is confirmed by evidence derived from utterly different sources, -not only from India itself but also from other countries. For, scattered -throughout the length and breadth of India, are to be found thousands of -indications (in traditions, beliefs, customs, social organisation and -material relics) that the complete “heliolithic” culture had reached -India not later than the beginning of the seventh century B.C. - -Moreover the evidence which I have culled from Oldham bears out -the conclusions my own investigations lead up to, namely, that the -“heliolithic” culture spread from India to Malaysia soon after it reached -India itself. It is surely something more than a mere coincidence that -the period of the greatest maritime exploits of the Phœnicians, in the -course of which, according to many authorities, they reached India or -even further east, should coincide with that of the great pre-Aryan -maritime race of India, whose great expeditions, as the above quotations -indicate, were primarily for purposes of commerce between the Persian -Gulf and the West Coast of India. There is gradually accumulating a -considerable mass of evidence to suggest that, if the Asuras were not -themselves Phœnicians, they acquired their maritime skill from these -famous sailors and traders. The same hardy mariners who brought the new -knowledge and practices from the Persian Gulf to India and Ceylon also -carried it further, to Burma and Indonesia. - -That this is so is clearly shown by the fact that these customs spread to -Indonesia and the Pacific _before_ cremation was introduced; and it has -been indicated above that the introduction of the practice of cremation -into India may have taken place within a century of the arrival of the -“heliolithic” civilization there. Hence it is obvious that the latter -must have spread to the far east soon after it reached India; and the -completeness of the transmission of the distinctive culture-complex can -be explained only by supposing that the same people who brought it to -India also carried it further east. - -All the other evidence at our disposal is in full harmony with this view. -The advancing wave of western culture swept past India into Indonesia, -carrying into the isles of the Pacific and on to the American littoral -the products of the older civilizations at first almost, but not -altogether, untainted by Indian influence; but for centuries afterwards, -as this same ferment gradually leavened the vast bulk of India, the -stream of western culture continued to percolate eastwards and carried -with it in succession the influence of the Brahmanical, Buddhist and, -within in a more restricted area, Mahometan cults. - -It is an interesting confirmation of the general accuracy of the scheme -that has now been sketched out that the dates at which the influence -of Egypt began to be exerted in the east, that to which Rhys Davids -assigns the definite influencing of India by Babylonia, that at which -India influenced Malaysia, and finally that assigned by students of -the Polynesian problem to the inauguration of the great Indonesian -migration into the Pacific (=60= and =98=), all fit into one consecutive -series, though each was determined from different kinds of evidence and -independently of the rest. - -It is not my intention to discuss the evidence for the coming of the -“heliolithic” culture to Indonesia, for the complex problems of this -region have been analysed and interpreted in a masterly fashion by W. -J. Perry in a book which is shortly to be published. The form which my -present communication has assumed is largely the outcome of the reading -of Perry’s manuscript and of discussions with him of the new lines of -investigation which it suggested; and I am satisfied to leave this -region for him to elucidate in detail. It will suffice to say here that -the traditions of the inhabitants of the various islands of Malaysia, -no less than their heterogeneous customs and beliefs, provided him with -very precise evidence in demonstration of the complex constitution of the -“heliolithic” culture, and of the fact that it was brought to the islands -by an immigration from the west. - -There is less need for me to analyse the vast literature relating to -the burial practices in the islands of the Malay Archipelago since this -useful service has already been accomplished by Hertz (=33=). Although I -dissent from the main contention in his interpretation of the facts, his -accurate record is none the less valuable on that account—perhaps indeed -it is more useful, as it certainly cannot be accused of bias in favour of -the views I am expounding. - -A great variety of burial customs, in most respects closely -analogous to the practices of the Naga tribes of India, is found in -Indonesia;—exposing the dead on trees or platforms, burial in hollow -trees, smoking and other methods of preservation, temporary burial, and -cremation. - -Apart from the definite evidence of preservation of the dead found in -scattered islands from one end of the Archipelago to the other, there are -much more generally diffused practices which are unquestionably derived -from the former custom of mummification. - -In the account of mummification as practised in the more savage African -tribes, it was seen that the practice was restricted in most cases to -the bodies of kings; and even then the failure to preserve the body in a -permanent manner compelled these peoples to modify the Egyptian methods. -Realising that the corpse, even when preserved as efficiently as they -were able to perform the work of embalming, would undergo a process of -disintegration within a few months, it became the practice to rescue the -skull, to which special importance was attached (for the definite reasons -explained by the early Egyptian evidence). - -In his survey Hertz (=33=, p. 66) calls attention to the widespread -custom of temporary burial throughout Indonesia, but, instead of -recognising that such procedures have come into vogue as a degradation -of the full rites incidental to mummification, he regards it as part of -a widespread “notion que les derniers rites funéraires ne peuvent pas -être célébrés de suite après la mort, mais seulement à l’expiration d’une -période plus on moins longue” (p. 66); and regards mummification simply -as a specialised form of this rite which is almost universal (p. 67):—“il -paraît légitime de considérer la momification comme un cas particulier -et dérivé de la sépulture provisoire.” (p. 69). This is a remarkable -inversion of the true explanation. For the enormous mass of evidence -which is now available makes it quite certain that the practice of -temporary burial was adopted only when failure (or the risk of failure) -to preserve the body compelled less cultured people to desist from the -complete process. - -I am in full agreement with Hertz when he says:—“L’homologie entre la -préservation artificielle du cadavre et la simple exposition temporaire -paraîtra moins difficile à admettre si l’on tient compte du fait qui sera -mis en lumière plus bas: les ossements secs, résidu de la décomposition, -constituent pour le mort un corps incorruptible, absolument comme la -momie.” (p. 69). But does not this entirely bear out my contention? It is -quite inconceivable that the practice of mummification could have been -derived from the custom of preparing the skeleton; but the reverse is -quite a natural transition, for even in the hands of skilled embalmers -(see especially =39=), not to mention untutored savage peoples, the -measures taken for preserving the body may fail and the skeleton alone -may be spared. If this contention be conceded, the demonstration given by -Hertz of the remarkable geographical distribution of customs of temporary -burial affords a most valuable confirmation of the general scheme of -the present communication. “Au point de vue où, nous sommes placés, il -y a homologie rigoureuse entre l’exposition du cadavre sur les branches -d’un arbre, telle que la pratiquent les tribus du centre de l’Australie, -ou à l’intèrieur de la maison des vivants, comme cela se rencontre chez -certains Papous et chez quelques peuples Bantous, ou sur une plateforme -élevée à dessein, ainsi que le font en général les Polynésiens et de -nombreuses tribus indiennes de l’Amérique du Nord, ou enfin l’enterrement -provisoire, observé en particulier par la plupart des Indiens de -l’Amérique du Sud” (p. 67). There can be no doubt whatever of the justice -of this “homology,” for in every one of the areas mentioned these -customs exist side by side with the practice of mummification; and in -many cases there is definite evidence to show that the other methods of -treatment have been derived from it by a process of degradation. In his -excellent bibliography, and especially the illuminating footnotes, Hertz -gives a number of references to the practice of desiccation by smoking -or simple forms of embalming, which had escaped me in my search for -information on these matters. He refers especially to further instances -of such practices in Australia, New Guinea, various parts of West Africa, -Madagascar and America (p. 68). - -An interesting reference in the same note (p. 68, footnote 5) is to -the practice of simple embalming among the Ainos of Sakhalin (Preuss, -_Begräbnisarten der Amerikaner_, p. 190). This seems to supply an -important link between the Eastern Asiatic littoral and the Aleutian -Islands, where mummification is practised. In Saghalien, according to St. -John (“The Ainos,” _Journ. Anthropol. Inst._, Vol. II., 1873, p. 253), -“when the chief of a tribe or village died, his body was laid out on a -table close to the door of his hut; his entrails were then removed, and -daily for twelve months his wife and daughters wash him thoroughly. He is -allowed ... to dry in the sun.” - -In a recent article on the customs of the people of Laos (G. Maupetit, -“Moeurs laotiennes,” _Bull. et Mem. de la Soc. d’ Anthropol. de Paris_, -1913), an account is given of the practice of mummification in this far -south-eastern corner of the Asiatic mainland. Cremation is the regular -means adopted for disposal of the dead: but it is also “the Laotian’s -ideal to be able to preserve the corpse in his house, for as long a -time as possible, before incinerating it: in the same way the Siamese -and Chinese keep their dead in the house for several months, often for -several years” (p. 549). - -According to Maupetit the method of preservation is a most remarkable -one. They pour from 75 to 300 grammes of mercury into the mouth! “It -passes along the alimentary canal and suffices to produce mummification, -the rapid desiccation of the organic tissues.” Then the body was -stretched upon a thick bed of melted wax, wood ashes, cloth and cushions. - -The great stream of “heliolithic” culture exerted a profound influence -upon and played a large part in shaping the peculiar civilizations of -China, Corea, and Japan. As the practice of embalming does not play an -obtrusive part[15] in this influence, I do not propose (in the present -communication) to enter upon the discussion of these matters, except to -note in passing that the influence exerted by the “heliolithic” culture -upon the Pacific coast of America may have been exerted partly by the -East Asiatic-Aleutian route (see _Map II._). - -The disgusting practice of collecting the fluids which drip from the -putrefying corpse and mixing them with the food for the living occurs -in Indonesia, in New Guinea and the neighbouring islands, in Melanesia, -Polynesia and in Madagascar (for the bibliographical references see -Hertz, p. 83, footnote 3). - -The Indonesian methods of preserving the dead are found in Seram (W. J. -Perry), and the report recently published by Lorenz[16] (=43=, p. 22) -records a similar practice in the neighbourhood of Doré Bay in North-West -New Guinea. The corpse was tied to the rafter of the dwelling-house; and -the practice of mixing the juices of decomposition with the food is in -vogue also. The accounts given by D’Albertis (=1=) and other travellers -show that analogous customs are found at other places in New Guinea. -There can be no doubt that the practice spread along the north coast of -the island and then around its eastern extremity to reach the islands of -the Torres Straits, where the practice is seen in its fully developed -form, as Flower (=19=), Haddon and Myers (=25=), and Hamlyn-Harris (=27=) -have described. - -As I have already referred to Papuan mummies earlier in this -communication and at some future time intend to devote a special memoir -to the full discussion of the methods of the Torres Straits embalmers, I -shall not go into the matter in detail here. I should like, however, to -call special attention to the admirable account given by Haddon and Myers -(=25=) of the associated funeral rites. - -In his memoir Flower described two interesting mummies, then in the -Museum of the Royal College of Surgeons in London, one “brought in 1872 -from Darnley Island in Torres Strait by Mr. Charles Lemaistre, Captain -of the French barque ‘Victorine,’ and the other, an Australian mummy, -obtained in 1845 near Adelaide, by Sir George Grey.” By a curious and -utterly incomprehensible act of vandalism these extremely rare and -priceless ethnological specimens were deliberately destroyed by Sir -William Flower, who naively explains his extraordinary action by the -statement “as the skeleton will form a more instructive specimen when the -dried and decaying integuments are removed I have had it cleaned” (p. -393)! He treated in the same manner the second mummy, the only example -of its kind, so far as I am aware, in this country! His photographs -show that these two specimens, so far from being “decaying,” were in -a remarkably good state of preservation at the time he doomed them to -destruction. - -Captain Lemaistre found the Torres Strait mummy “in its grave, which -consisted of a high straw and bamboo hut of round form: it was not lying -down, but standing up on the stretcher” (=19=, p. 389). This is a close -parallel to the African customs—mummification, burial in a house of round -form, and fixing the corpse to a rough form of funeral bier, which is -stood up in the house. - -The skin was painted red, the scalp black. “The sockets of the eyes were -filled with a dark brown substance, apparently a vegetable gum.... In -this was imbedded a narrow oval piece of mother of pearl, pointed at each -end, in the centre of the anterior surface of which is fixed a round mass -of the same resinous substance, representing the pupil of the eye” (p. -301). - -“Both nostrils had been distended.” - -“In the right flank was a longitudinal incision, 3½ inches in length, -extending between the last rib and the crest of the ilium. This had -been very neatly closed by what is called in surgery the interrupted -suture.... The whole of the pelvic, abdominal and thoracic viscera had -been removed, and their place was occupied by four pieces of very soft -wood.... Except the wound in the flank, there was no other opening or -injury to the skin” (p. 391). - -“Heads and bodies prepared in a similar way” are found in many museums, -and afford an interesting illustration of the old Egyptian practice of -paying special attention to the head. This is all the more instructive -in view of the fact that it was common in certain regions, especially -Mallicolo in the New Hebrides, to restore the features by means of clay -and resinous paste, usually making use of the skull as a basis, but -occasionally modelling the whole body,[17] the model including parts -of the deceased’s skeleton (see Henry Balfour’s article, “Memorial -Heads in the Pitt Rivers Museum,” _Man_, Vol. I., 1901, p. 65). These -modelling-practices and especially the fact that they usually deal with -the head (or even face) only afford an interesting confirmation of the -Egyptian origin of these customs (_vide supra_, etc., =40=). - -In the 6th volume of the reports of the Cambridge Anthropological -Expedition to Torres Straits, C. S. Myers and Haddon (=25=, pp. 129 and -135) give a detailed account of the funeral ceremonies from which I quote -certain points. “As soon as death had occurred the women of the village -started wailing. The corpse was placed on the ground on a mat in front of -the house; the arms were placed close to the side; the great toes were -tied together by a string; the hair of the head and face was cut off -and thrown away; the length of the nose was then measured with a piece -of wax, which was preserved by a female relative for subsequent use in -making a wax mask for the prepared skull. The dead man’s bow and arrow -and his stone-headed club were laid beside him” (p. 129). The Egyptian -analogies in all of these procedures is quite obvious. - -“Five men wearing masks performed a series of manœuvres ending up with -flexion of the arms and a bending of the head. This movement was said to -indicate the rising and setting of the sun and to be symbolic of the life -and death of man. - -“Mourners then took the body and placed it upon a wooden framework, which -stood upon four wooden supports at a little distance from the house of -the deceased. The relatives then took large yams and placed them beside -the body on the framework; they also hung large bunches of bananas upon -the bamboos around. This was regarded as nourishment for the ghost, which -was supposed to eat it at night-time (p. 135). - -“In two or three days when the skin of the body had become loose the -framework was taken up to the reef in a small canoe; the epidermis was -then rubbed off and by means of a sharp shell a small incision was made -in the side of the abdomen (in the right side, at least, in the case of -women), whence the viscera were extracted. - -“The perineum was incised in the males.” - -From a study of all the literature regarding this custom, as well as -the actual specimens now in Sydney and Brisbane, it is clear that -the incision may be made either in the left or right flank or in the -perineum, and that sex does not determine the site. - -“The abdominal cavity was then filled up with pieces of Nipa palm; the -viscera were thrown into the sea and the incision closed by means of fine -fish line. An arrow was used to remove the brain, partly by way of the -foramen magnum and partly through a small slit which was made in the back -of the neck. The ‘strong skin’ of the brain (the dura mater) was first -cut and then the ‘soft skin’ was pulled out. - -“The body was then brought back to the island and was placed in a sitting -position upon a stone; the entire body was then painted with a mixture -of red earth and sea water. The head, body and limbs were then lashed to -the framework with string and a small stick was affixed to the lower jaw -to keep it from drooping. The framework, with its burden, was fastened -vertically to two posts set up in the rear of the house, and it was -protected from public view by a screen of coconut leaves. The body was -then gently rubbed down and holes were made with the point of an arrow so -that the juices might escape. A fire was always kept alight beneath the -body, ‘by-n-by meat swell up’ (p. 136). - -“D’Albertis (=1=) saw in Darnley Island the mummy of a man, who had been -dead over a year, standing in the middle of the widow’s house attached to -a kind of upright ladder of poles. They tint him from time to time with -red chalk (ochre) and keep his skin soft by anointing it with coconut -oil” (p. 137). - -In the Berlin Museum für Volkerkunde there are mummies of two children, -photographs of which, obtained from Professor von Luschan, are reproduced -by Dr. Haddon. They were given to Dr. Bastian by the Rev. James Chamlers -in 1880, having been obtained at Stephen’s Island. One of them is a small -girl a few days old. The body is painted red all over, except the scalp -and eyebrows, which are blackened. The other one was a small girl two or -three years of age treated in a similar way; the incision for embalming -is on the _left_ side and has been sewn up. - -“In 1845 Jukes saw on the lap of a woman of Darnley Island the body of -a child a few months old which seemed to have been dead for some time. -It was stretched on a framework of sticks and smeared over with a thick -red pigment, which dressing she was engaged in renewing. (“Voyage of the -‘Fly,’” Vol. I., 1847, p. 246)” (p. 138). - -“Macgillivray (“Voyage of the ‘Rattlesnake,’” Vol. II., 1852, p. 48) -also refers to a mummy of a child in Darnley Island. Sketches of the two -Miriam mummies in the Brisbane Museum will be found on Plate 94 of Edge -Partington and Heape’s Ethnographical Album of the Pacific Islands, third -series. [Compare also Plate 2, Figure 4, in Brockett’s “Voyage to Torres -Straits,” Sydney, 1836]” (p. 137). - -“On about the tenth day after death, when the hands and feet have become -partially dried, the relatives, using a bamboo knife, remove the skin -of the palms and soles, together with the nails, and then cut out the -tongue, which is put into a bamboo clamp so that it may be kept straight -while drying. These were presented to the widow, who henceforth wore -them” (p. 138). - -A great deal of further information in regard to this practice is given -by Haddon and Myers in their important monograph. Among other things -they call attention once more to the custom of preserving the skull in -the Torres Straits Islands where mummification is practised. The use -of masks and ceremonial dances to assist the performers so as the more -realistically to play the part of the deceased is welcome confirmation of -the conclusion drawn from geographical distribution that such practices -were intimately related to mummification and form part of the ritual -genetically linked to it. - -Dr. Hamlyn-Harris, the Director of the Queensland Museum, gives an -account (=27=) of the two mummies from the Torres Straits, which are -now in Brisbane; and he adds further interesting information which -he obtained from Mr. J. S. Bruce, of Murray Island, who was also one -of Dr. Haddon’s informants. During my recent visit to Australia Dr. -Hamlyn-Harris very kindly gave me every facility for examining these two -mummies (as well as the Australian mummies in the Queensland Museum); and -I also examined another specimen in the Macleay Museum of the University -of Sydney. I am preparing a full report on all of these interesting -specimens. - -From the Torres Straits the practice of mummification spread to -Australia, as Flower (=19=), Frazer (=22=), Howitt (see Hertz, =33=), -Roth (=71=) and Hamlyn-Harris (=28=), among others, have described. Roth -says “Desiccation is a form of disposal of the dead practised only in the -case of very distinguished men. After being disembowelled and dried by -fire the corpse is tied up and carried about for months.” (=71=, p. 393). -The mummy was painted with red ochre (Fraser, =22=). - -In Roth’s photographs, as well as in the mummies which I have had -the opportunity of examining, the embalming-incision was made in the -characteristically Egyptian situation in the left flank. In one of the -mummies in the Brisbane Museum (see =28=, plate 6) the head is severely -damaged. Examination of the specimen indicates that incisions had been -deliberately made. Perhaps it was an attempt to remove the brain, which -ended in destruction of the cranium. - -A curious feature of Australian embalming is that the body was always -flexed, and not extended as in the Torres Straits. At first I was -inclined to believe that this may be due to the influence of the Early -Egyptian (Second Dynasty) procedure (=89=), but a fuller consideration of -the evidence leads me to the conclusion that the adoption of the flexed -position is due to syncretism with local burial customs, which were -being observed when the bringers of the “heliolithic” culture reached -Australia. It is probable that the boomerang came from Egypt, _viâ_ East -Africa, India (=12=) and Indonesia at the same time. - -Several curious burial customs which may be regarded as degradations of -the practice of mummification occur in Australia, but the consideration -of these I must defer for the present. - -In the discussion on Flower’s memoir (=19=), Hyde Clarke justly -emphasized “the importance of the demonstrations in reference to their -bearings on the connection of the Australian populations with those of -the main continents, and in the influence exerted in Australasia at a -former time by a more highly cultivated race. This, to his mind, was the -explanation of the relations of the higher culture, whether with regard -to language, marriage and kindred, weapon names, or modes of culture, -such as the mummies now described, the modes of incision, and form of -burial. He did not consider these institutions, as some great authorities -did, indigenous in Australia” (=19=, p. 394). - -Corroborative evidence is now accumulating (=70=), which will definitely -establish the reality of the influence thus adumbrated by Clarke 37 years -ago. - -Frazer (=22=, p. 80) says the burial (in Australia) on a raised stage -reminds him of the “towers of silence,” and adds:—“This novelty of a -raised stage can scarcely be a thing which our blacks have invented for -themselves since they came to Australia; and if it is a custom which -some portion of their ancestors brought with them into this country, -I would argue from it that these ancestors were once in contact with, -or rather formed part of, a race which had beliefs similar to those of -the Persians; such beliefs are not readily adopted by strangers; they -belong to a race.” Frazer proceeds to contrast this practice with the -other Australian custom of desiccation, which, he says, “corresponds to -the Egyptian practice of mummification” (p. 81): but, as Hertz (=33= _et -supra_) has pointed out, they were inspired by the same fundamental idea, -however much the present practitioners of the two methods may fail to -realize this in their beliefs and traditions. The interesting suggestion -emerges from these considerations that the peculiar Persian burial -customs may be essentially a degraded and profoundly modified form of the -ancient Egyptian funerary rites. - -In his “Polynesian Researches” William Ellis (=15=) gives an interesting, -though unfortunately too brief, account of the Tahitian practice of -embalming. Among the poor and middle classes “methods of preservation -were too expensive” to be used, but the body was “placed upon a sort of -bier covered with the best native cloth” while awaiting burial (p. 399). - -“The bodies of the dead, among the chiefs, were, however, in general -preserved above ground: a temporary house or shed was erected for them, -and they were placed on a kind of bier ... sometimes the moisture of the -body was removed by pressing the different parts, drying it in the sun, -and anointing it with fragrant oils. At other times, the intestines, -brains, etcetera were removed: all moisture was extracted from the body, -which was fixed in a sitting position during the day, and exposed to the -sun, and, when placed horizontally at night was frequently turned over, -that it might not remain long on the same side. The inside was then -filled with cloth saturated with perfumed oils, which were also injected -into other parts of the body, and carefully rubbed over the outside every -day” (pp. 400 and 401). - -“It was then clothed, and fixed in a sitting posture; a small altar was -erected before it, and offerings of fruit, food and flowers, were daily -presented by the relatives, or the priests appointed to attend the body. -In this state it was preserved several months, and when it decayed, the -skull was carefully kept by the family, while the other bones etc. were -buried within the precincts of the family temple” (p. 401). - -Ellis makes the significant comment:—“It is singular that the practice of -preserving the bodies of their dead by the process of embalming, which -has been thought to indicate a high degree of civilization, and which -was carried to such perfection by one of the most celebrated nations of -antiquity, some thousand years ago, should be found to prevail among -this people.” The whole of the circumstances attending the practice of -this custom, and the curious ritual and the behaviour of the mourners, -as described by Ellis, no less than the details of the process, in fact -afford the most positive evidence of its derivation from Egypt. - -Ellis says “it is also practiced by other distant nations of the Pacific, -and on some of the coasts washed by its waters.” “In some of the islands -they dried the bodies, and, wrapping them in numerous folds of cloth, -suspended them from the roofs of their dwelling-houses” (p. 406). - -Ellis notes the remarkable points of identity between the Tahitian -account of the deluge and not only the Hebrew but also those of the -Mexicans and Peruvians and many other peoples (p. 394). - -In Glaumont’s summary (=24=, p. 517) five modes of burial are described -as being practised in New Caledonia. The first is burial in the flexed -position; 2nd, extended burial in caves; 3rd, exposure of the body in -trees or on the mountains; 4th, mummification; 5th, the body erect or -reposing in a dug-out canoe. With regard to the method of embalming, -this is practised only in the case of a chief. The body of a chief soon -after death was covered with pricks into which were introduced the juices -of certain plants with the object of preventing decomposition of the -tissues. Afterwards the body was suitably dried or smoked, then it was -dressed in its best clothes, its face painted red and black, and then -the body was preserved indefinitely. A hole was made at the top of the -hut, and by means of this they haul up the mummy. After it has been -exposed in this way for a certain time, the body was withdrawn from the -hole into the house, which was then carefully shut up and became taboo -with all that it contained. Analogous customs are found in New Zealand -and elsewhere in Oceania. A singularly strange custom is now in use in -the New Hebrides and in the Solomon Islands. The father and son, for -example, or the husband and wife, having just died, they smoke the head -alone as in New Zealand, but they make (with bamboo covered with cloth) -a mannikin, having roughly the human form; then they tattoo the whole of -the surface; fastened upon each shoulder—and this is the strange part -of it—is a piece of bamboo, to one of which they attach the father’s -head and the other that of his son. [The account is not altogether -intelligible here.] The heads are painted white and black. With reference -to the placing of the body in a canoe, this is reserved for chiefs only. -When a chief dies, messengers go in all directions, repeating “The sun is -set.” This expression springs from the idea that the chief is a god, the -supreme Sun-god. - -These procedures afford a remarkably complete series of links with the -“heliolithic” cult as practised elsewhere in the west and east. The -account of the curious attachment of the heads to the shoulders of the -dummy figure throw some light upon the custom (to which I have referred -elsewhere in this communication) in Mallicolo (=61=, p. 138) and in -America of representing human faces on the shoulders of such models. It -is a remarkable fact that in certain of the Mallicolo figures the phallus -is fixed to the girdle in a very curious manner, exactly analogous to -that recently described and figured by Blackman from an Egyptian tomb of -the Middle Kingdom at Meir. - -Embalming was a method rarely employed in New Zealand. - -“After the extraction of the softer parts, oil or salt was rubbed into -the flesh, and the body was dried in the sun or over a fire; then the -mummy was wrapped in cloth and hidden away.” - -“In some parts of New Zealand the skeletons of mummified bodies are found -in the crouching or sitting posture” (Macmillan Brown, =7=, p. 70). - -In Schmidt’s _Jahrbücher der gesammten Medicin_, 1890, Bd. 226, p. 175, -there is an abstract of an article on Samoa by P. Burzen in which, among -other things, the three Egyptian operations of circumcision, massage and -mummification are described as being practiced. - -The embalming is done by women. After removing the viscera, which are -buried or burnt, the eviscerated corpse is then soaked for two months in -coconut oil, mixed with vegetable juices. When the body is fully treated -and no more fluid escapes from it, the hair which had previously been cut -off, is stuck on again with a resinous paste. The body cavity is packed -with cloth soaked in vegetable oil and resinous materials: then the -mummy is wrapped up with bandages, the head and hands being left exposed. - -The body so prepared is put in a special place where it is preserved -indefinitely. - -“In Pitcairn Island 1,400 miles due west of Easter Island carved stone -pillars or images of a somewhat similar character to those of Easter -Island” are found (Enoch, =16=, p. 274). - -“Another 1,400 miles to the north-west takes us to Tahiti. The natives -of Tahiti buried their chiefs in temples; their embalmed bodies, after -being exposed, were interred in a couching position. Mention is made of a -pyramidal stone structure, on which were the actual altars, which stood -at the farther end of one of the squares.” - -“There are many close analogies between the sacrificial practices and -those of Mexico” (p. 275). - -In their extensive migrations the carriers of the “heliolithic” culture -took with them the custom of circumcision, and introduced it into most of -the regions where their influence spread. In some of the areas affected -by the “heliolithic” leaven the more primitive operation of “incision” -is found. This consists not of removing the prepuce, but merely slitting -up its dorsal aspect (=69=, p. 432). It was the method employed in Egypt -in pre-dynastic times, when it was the custom to hide the phallus in a -leather sheath suspended from a rope tied round the body. The practice of -“incision” and the use of the pudendal sheath persists in some parts of -Africa until the present day (see _Journ. Roy. Anthropol. Instit._ 1913, -p. 120). - -Rivers claims that “the practice of incision arose in Oceania as a -modification of circumcision” (=69=, p. 436): but I think the possibility -of it having been introduced from the west along with or before the -practice of circumcision needs to be considered. - -Another remarkable practice which probably formed part of the -equipment of the heliolithic wanderers was massage. It was employed -by the Egyptians as early as the Sixth Dynasty, as we know from the -representations of the operations in a Sakkara _mastaba_ (Capart, =11=). -Piorry (=57=) has given an account of the wide range of the practice -of massage, from Egypt to India, China and Tahiti, and the high state -of efficiency attained in its use in ancient times in India and China. -The Chinese manuscript _Kong-Fau_ contained detailed accounts of the -operation. Piorry remarks, “it is clear that for us its development did -not originate from the practices described in the books of Cong-tzée or -the compilation of Susrata.” - -From Rivers’ interesting account of massage in Melanesia (=67=) it is -evident that the method must have an origin common to it and the modern -European practice, and that it could not have arisen amongst a barbarous -people like the Melanesians, who have the most extraordinary conceptions -as to why and how it serves a therapeutic purpose. Although we have no -evidence to prove that massage spread along with the heliolithic culture, -the fact that it has a similar geographical distribution, and certainly -was extensively practised in Egypt long before the great migration -began, suggests that it may represent another Egyptian element of that -remarkable culture-complex. - -In his masterly analysis of the cultures of Oceania (=69=) Rivers has -given a useful summary of the evidence relating to the practice of -preserving the body, and has drawn certain inferences from these and -other burial practices, which I propose to examine. “In some cases, -as in Tikopia, interment takes place either in the house or within a -structure representing a house, while in Tonga and Samoa the bodies of -chiefs are interred in vaults built of stone. Often the body is buried in -a canoe or in a hollowed log of wood, which represents a canoe” (=69=, p. -269). From the evidence to which reference has been made in the course -of the present memoir it is unnecessary to insist at any length on the -importance and obvious significance of these facts. But I question the -inference Rivers draws (p. 270) from the burial in boats. He says “the -practice can be regarded as a result of the fact of migration, and does -not show that the use of a canoe was the practice of the immigrants -in their original home.” The practice is so widespread, however, and -in Egypt and elsewhere had such a deep-rooted significance that it is -difficult to believe this custom was not brought by the immigrants with -them. I am willing to admit that the special circumstances of the people -of Oceania naturally emphasized what may be called the “boat-element” -in the funerary ritual; but the association of the use of boats with -burial is so curious and constant a feature of the “heliolithic” culture -where-ever it manifests itself (_vide supra_) as hardly to have arisen -independently in different parts of the area of distribution. - -“A second mode of treatment is preservation of the body, either in the -house or on a stage often covered with a roof. Some kind of mummification -is usually practised in these cases, by continual rubbing with oil, -drying by means of a fire, and puncture of the body to hasten the -disappearance of the products of decomposition.” - -“In some parts of Samoa there is a definite process of embalming in -which the viscera are removed and buried. A body thus treated lies on a -platform resting upon a double canoe, and in many other places a canoe -is used as a receptacle for the body while it is undergoing the process -of mummification” (p. 269). This association of the use of a canoe with -a method of preservation obviously Egyptian in origin naturally provokes -comparison with the use of boats in the Egyptian funeral ceremonies. -An instance is the boat found in the tomb of Amenophis II. (=81=). The -platform is probably a type of bed found elsewhere in the region under -consideration (see, for instance, Roth’s account of the Queensland -sleeping-platform) and represents the bier found so often elsewhere -(_vide supra_). This is in no way inconsistent with Rivers’ view that -“exposure of the dead on platforms is only a survival of preservation in -a house” (p. 273). - -Earlier in this memoir I have explained why the Egyptians came to attach -special importance to the head, and how the less cultured people of -Africa, when faced with the difficulties of preserving the body, saved -the skull (or in some cases the jaw). When it is recalled how widespread -this custom is in other parts of the “heliolithic area,” and how -deep-rooted were the ideas which prompted so curious a procedure, Rivers’ -independent inference in regard to this matter is fully confirmed. “Many -practices become intelligible as elements of a single culture if we -suppose that a people imbued with the necessity for the preservation -of the body after death acquired ... the further idea that the skull -is the representative of the body as a whole; if they came to believe -that the purpose for which they had hitherto preserved the body could -be fulfilled as well if the head only were kept” (p. 273). This is -unquestionably true: but I dissent from Rivers’ qualification that this -modification happened “perhaps in the course of their wanderings towards -Oceania,” because it has already been seen that it had occurred before -the wanderers set out from the East African coast. There is, of course, -the possibility that Africa may have been influenced by a cultural reflux -from Indonesia, such as has been demonstrated in the case of Madagascar; -but there are reasons for believing that the facts under consideration -cannot be explained in this way. - -In thus venturing upon criticisms of Rivers’ great monograph I should -like especially to emphasize the fact that these comments do not refer -in any way to his attack on the “orthodox” ethnological position. On -the contrary, the views that I am setting forth in this communication -represent a further extension of Rivers’ own attitude that the Oceanic -cultures have been derived mainly from contacts with other peoples. A -series of practices which he has hesitated to recognise as having been -introduced, but inclined to regard as local developments, I hold to be -part of the immigrant culture. The use of boats for burial, the custom -of regarding the head as an efficient representative of the whole body -and the practice of “incision” as well as circumcision (=69=, p. 432) -are examples of customs, which he regards as local developments in the -Pacific: but all three are equally distinctive of Ancient Egypt and occur -at widely separated localities along the great “heliolithic” track. The -linking-up of sun-worship with all the other elements of the “heliolithic -cult” also compels me to question his limitation of such worship to -certain regions only in Oceania (=69=, p. 549); even though I fully admit -that the data used by Rivers are not sufficient to justify any further -inference than he has drawn from them. - -My aim is then, not an attempt to weaken Rivers’ general attitude, but -enormously to strengthen it, by demonstrating that each culture-complex -was brought into the Pacific in an even more complete form than he had -postulated. Nor does my criticism affect his hypothesis of a series of -cultural waves into Oceania. Here, again, I am prepared to go not only -the whole way with him, but even further, and to seek for additional -cultural influences which he has not yet defined. - -Most modern writers who refer in any way to the preserved bodies which -have been found in vast numbers in Peru and in other parts of America -assume that these bodies have been preserved not by embalming or any -other artificial method or mode of treatment, but simply as the result -of desiccation by the unaided forces of nature. Although in the great -majority of cases there are no obvious signs of any artificial means -having been employed to preserve the bodies, yet a not inconsiderable -number of examples have come to light to demonstrate the reality of the -practice of mummification in America (=3=; =37=; =58=; =63=; and =106=). -Yarrow’s classical monograph (=106=) established the reality of the -practice of embalming in America quite conclusively. Moreover the fact -that practically every item of the multitude of curiously distinctive -practices found widespread in other parts of the world, in the most -intimate association with methods of embalming certainly inspired by -Egypt, puts it beyond all reasonable doubt that the variety of American -practices for preserving the body is also to be attributed to the same -source. - -In his book on the “History of the Conquest of Peru,” Prescott makes the -following statement:—“When an Inca died (or, to use his own language, was -called home to the mansion of his father, the Sun) his obsequies were -celebrated with great pomp and solemnity. The bowels were taken from the -body and deposited in the Temple of Tampu, about five leagues from the -capital. A quantity of his plate and jewels was buried with him, and a -number of his attendants and favourite concubines, amounting sometimes, -it is said, to a thousand, were immolated on his tomb.... - -“The body of the deceased Inca was skilfully embalmed and removed to -the great Temple of the Sun at Cuzco. There the Peruvian sovereign on -entering the awful sanctuary might behold the effigies of his royal -ancestors, ranged in opposite files—the men on the right and their queens -on the left of the great luminary which blazed in refulgent gold on the -walls of the temple. The bodies, clothed in princely attire which they -had been accustomed to wear, were placed on chairs of gold, and sat -with their heads inclined downwards, their hands placidly crossed over -their bosoms, their countenances exhibiting their natural dusky hue—less -liable to change than the fresher colouring of a European complexion—and -their hair of raven black, or silvered over with age, according to the -period at which they died. It seemed like a company of solemn worshippers -fixed in devotion, so true were the forms and lineaments to life. The -Peruvians were as successful as the Egyptians in the miserable attempt -to perpetuate the existence of the body beyond the limits assigned to -it by nature. [Note—Ondegardo, Rel. Prim., M.S.—Garcilasso, Com. Real., -parte i., lib. v., cap. xxix. The Peruvians secreted their mummies of -their sovereigns after the Conquest, that they might not be profaned -by the insults of the Spaniards. Ondegardo, when corregidor of Cuzco, -discovered five of them, three males and two females. The former were the -bodies of Viracocha, of the great Tupac, Inca Yupanqui, and of his son, -Huayna Cupac. Garcilasso saw them in 1650. They were dressed in their -regal robes, with no insignia but the llautu on their heads. They were -in a sitting position, and, to use his own expression, ‘perfect as life, -without so much as a hair of an eyebrow wanting.’ As they were carried -through the streets, decently shrouded with a mantle, the Indians threw -themselves on their knees, in sign of reverence, with many tears and -groans, and were still more touched as they beheld some of the Spaniards -themselves doffing their caps in token of respect to departed royalty. -(_Ibid._ _ubi supra._) The bodies were subsequently removed to Lima; and -Father Acosta, who saw them there some twenty years later, speaks of them -as still in perfect preservation]” (=58=, pp. 19 and 20). - -Later on in the same work Prescott, relying again on the somewhat, -questionable authority of Garcilasso’s works, makes a statement which in -some respects may seem to be at variance with what I have just quoted:— - -“It was this belief in the resurrection of the body which led them to -preserve the body with so much solicitude—by a simple process, however, -that unlike the elaborate embalming of the Egyptians, consisted in -exposing it to the action of the cold, exceedingly dry and highly -rarified atmosphere of the mountains. [Note.—Such indeed seems to be the -opinion of Garcilasso, though some writers speak of resinous and other -applications for embalming the body. The appearance of the royal mummies -found at Cuzco, as reported both by Ondegardo and Garcilasso, makes it -probable that no foreign substance was employed for their preservation.] -As they believed that the occupations in the future world would have -great resemblance to those of the present, they buried with the deceased -noble some of his apparel, his utensils, and frequently his treasures; -and completed the gloomy ceremony by sacrificing his wives and favourite -domestics to bear him company and do him service in the happy regions -beyond the clouds. Vast mounds of an irregular or more frequently oblong -shape, penetrated by galleries running at right angles to each other -were raised over the dead, whose dried bodies or mummies have been found -in considerable numbers, sometimes erect, but more often in the sitting -posture common to the Indian tribes of both continents” (p. 54). - -In the light of the information concerning the practices in other parts -of the world, which I have collected in the present memoir, there can -be no doubt of the substantial accuracy of these reports, and that they -refer to real embalming and not to mere natural desiccation. - -Hrdlička has adduced positive evidence of the adoption of embalming -procedures (=37=). - -In his report, “Culture of the Ancient Pueblos of the Upper Gila River -Region, New Mexico and Arizona,” Walter Hough (=36=) publishes excellent -photographs of two mummies of babies, but he gives no information as to -the method of preservation. - -There are four Peruvian mummies in the Anatomical Museum in the -University of Manchester, three of which are adults, and one of them a -baby. In only one of them is there any positive evidence of artificial -measures having been adopted for the preservation of the body, and in -this case the condition of the mummy was a most amazing one. The body -was clad in woollen garments in the usual way, and was wearing a woollen -peaked cap, the apex of which was furnished with a bunch of feathers. The -body was placed in a sitting position, and a large wound extending across -the trunk had been covered with cloth strongly impregnated with resinous -material. The legs were sharply flexed upon the body and the arms were -bound up in front. But to my intense amazement I found the shoulder -blades on the front of the chest, and on examination found that the -thorax was turned back to front. As the head was already separate there -was nothing to show what position it originally occupied; and it seemed -impossible to explain how it had been possible to twist the vertebral -column in the lumbar region as to bring the thorax back to front. In -order to solve this mystery I removed the resin-impregnated cloth, which -was firmly fixed to the abdominal wound, and found that the body had -been cut right across the abdomen and packed with wool after the viscera -had been removed. Then the abdomen and thorax had been stuck together by -means of the broad strip of cloth with resinous paste as an adhesive. -But for some reason which is not very apparent, or probably through mere -carelessness, the thorax had been placed the wrong way round, and it -had become necessary, in order to restore some semblance of life-like -appearance to the monstrosity, forcibly to twist the arms at the shoulder -joints in order to get them into the position above described. [Since -this was written I have learned that in certain American tribes it is -the custom to dress the corpse with a coat turned back to front. This -seems to suggest that the curious procedure just described may have been -dictated by the same underlying idea, whatever it may be.] In the cranium -of this case the remains of the desiccated brain were still present, -and although there was a quantity of brownish powder along with it, the -evidence was not sufficiently definite to say whether or not any foreign -material had been introduced into the cranial cavity. In the case of the -other three bodies, as I have already mentioned, there was no evidence, -apart from the excellent state of preservation, to suggest what measures -had been taken to hinder the process of decomposition. - -In his account of the obsequies of the Aztec kings, Bancroft (=3=, -Vol. II., p. 603) tells us that “the body was washed with aromatic -water, extracted chiefly from trefoil, and occasionally a process of -embalming was resorted to. The bowels were taken out and replaced by -aromatic substances.” “The art was an ancient one, however, dating from -the Toltecs as usual, yet generally known and practised throughout the -whole country” (p. 604). He then proceeds to describe “a curious mode -of preserving bodies used by the lord of Chalco,” which consisted of -desiccation; and adds a singularly interesting reference to libations, -not only curiously reminiscent of the ancient Egyptian practice, but also -described in language which might be regarded as a paraphrase of the -Pyramid text expounded by Blackman (=5=). “Water was then poured upon its -[the mummy’s] head with these words: ‘this is the water which thou usedst -in this world’—Brasseur de Bourbourg uses the expression ‘C’est cette eau -que tu as reçue en venant au monde’” (Bancroft, =3=, Vol. II., p. 604). - -It is altogether inconceivable that such a curious practice, embodying so -remarkable an idea, could by chance have been invented independently in -Egypt and in America. This can be no mere coincidence, but proof of the -most definite kind of the derivation of these Toltec and Aztec ideas from -Egypt. - -Bancroft further describes (=3=, p. 604 _et seq._) a whole series of -other ritual observances, many of which find close parallels in the -scenes depicted in the royal Egyptian tombs of the New Empire. - -I have already referred to Tylor’s case (=102=) of the adoption _in toto_ -by the Aztecs of the Japanese Buddhist’s story of the soul’s wanderings -in the spirit-land. In the case recorded by Bancroft almost the same -story is reproduced, but with the characteristic Egyptian additions -relating to parts of the way guarded by a gigantic snake and an alligator -respectively [in the Egyptian ritual it is of course the Crocodile; see -Budge, “The Egyptian Heaven and Hell,” Vol. 1, p. 159]. This is a most -remarkable example of syncretism between the Egyptian ritual of the New -Empire with Buddhist practices on the distant shores of America. - -As the connecting link between the Old and New World, it may be noted -that in Oceania “everywhere is the belief that the soul after death must -undertake a journey, beset with various perils, to the abode of departed -spirits, which is usually represented as lying towards the west” (=61=, -p. 138). - -Reutter (=63=) gives a summary of information relating to the practice of -embalming in the New World and particularly amongst the Incas. The custom -of preserving the body was not general in every case, for amongst certain -peoples only the bodies of kings and chiefs were embalmed. The Indian -tribes of Virginia, of North Carolina, the Congarees of South Carolina, -the Indians of the North-West Coast, of Central America and those of -Florida practised this custom as well as the Incas. In Florida the body -was dried before a big fire, then it was clothed in rich materials and -afterwards it was placed in a special niche in a cave where the relatives -and friends used to come on special days and converse with the deceased. -According to Beverley (1722) the tribes of Virginia practised embalming -in the following way:—The skin was incised from the head to the feet -and the viscera as well as the soft parts of the body were removed. -To prevent the skin from drying up and becoming brittle oil and other -fatty materials were applied to it. In Kentucky when the body had been -dried and filled with fine sand it was wrapped in skins or in matting -and buried either in a cave or in a hut. In Colombia the inhabitants of -Darien used to remove the viscera and fill the body cavity with resin, -afterwards they smoked the body and preserved it in their houses reposing -either in a hammock or in a wooden coffin. The Muiscas, the Aleutians, -the inhabitants of Yucatan and Chiapa also embalmed the bodies of their -kings, of their chiefs, and of their priests by methods similar to those -just described, with modifications varying from tribe to tribe. Reutter -acknowledges as the source of most of his information the memoirs of -Bauwenns, entitled “Inhumation et Cremation,” and Parcelly, “Étude -Historique et Critique des Embaumements”; but most of it has clearly -been obtained from Yarrow’s great monograph (=106=). Alone amongst the -people of the New World who practised embalming the Incas employed it not -only for their kings, chiefs and priests, but also for the population -in general. These people were not confined to Peru, but dwelt also in -Bolivia, in Equador, as well as in a part of Chili and of the Argentine. -Mummified bodies were placed in monuments called Chullpas. According -to De Morcoy these Chullpas were constructed of unbaked brick and were -sometimes built in the form of a truncated pyramid, twenty to thirty feet -high, in other cases simple mausolea of a simple monolith. The burial -chamber inside them was square and as many as a dozen mummies might be -buried in a single one. The bodies were sharply flexed and were placed in -a sitting position. An interesting and curious fact about these mummies, -or at any rate those from Upper Peru, was that all of them presented on -the forehead or on the occiput a circle composed of small holes through -the wall of the cranium, which had probably been used for evacuating the -brain and for the introduction of preservative substances. - -Yarrow (=106=) refers to the fact that the Indians of the North-West -coast and the Aleutian Islands also embalm their dead. This, like the -practice of tattooing (Buckland, =10=), serves to map out the possible -alternative northern route taken by the spread of culture from Asia to -America (_vide supra_ the account of Aino embalming; also _Map II._). - -In his account of the Araucanos of Southern Chile (_Journ. Roy. Anthr. -Inst._, Vol. 39, 1909, p. 364) Latcham describes how, when a person of -importance dies of disease, these people believe that some one must -have poisoned him. They “open the side of the deceased” and extract the -gall-bladder, so as to obtain from the bile contained in it some clue -as to the guilty person. “The corpse is then hung in a wicker frame and -under it a fire is kept smouldering till such time as the perpetrator be -found and punished.” - -This confused jumble of practices suggestive of a blending of the -influences of Egyptian embalming and Babylonian hepatoscopy is also -obviously linked to the customs of Oceania and Indonesia. - -Scattered in certain protected localities along the whole extent of the -great “heliolithic” track the ancient Egyptian [also Chaldean and Indian] -practice of burial in large urns or jars occurs. In America also it is -found; but, according to Yarrow, it is restricted to certain people of -New Mexico and California, although similar urns have been found in -Nicaragua. - -After the coming of the first great “heliolithic” wave, Asiatic -civilization did not cease to influence America. - -There are innumerable signs of the later effects of both Western and -Eastern Asiatic developments. For instance, there is the coming of the -practice of cremation. The fact that such burial customs are spread -sporadically in the islands of the Pacific suggests that the custom may -have been carried to America by the same route as the main stream of the -“heliolithic” cult; but against this is the evidence that cremation was -practised especially on the Pacific slope of the Rocky Mountains, and in -Mexico rather than in Peru. It seems more probable that the main stream -of the later wave of culture, of which cremation is the most distinctive -practice, took the northern route skirting the eastern Asiatic littoral -and then following the line of the Aleutian Islands. - -In the account of the method of mummification adopted by the Virginian -Indians (_supra_) it was seen that the whole skin was removed and -afterwards fitted on to the skeleton again. Great care and skill had -to be used to prevent the skin shrinking. Apparently the difficulties -of this procedure led certain Indian tribes to give up the attempt to -prevent the skin shrinking. Thus the Jivaro Indians of Ecuador, as -well as certain tribes in the western Amazon area, make a practice of -preserving the head only, and, after removing the skull, allowing the -softer tissues to shrink to a size not much bigger than a cricket ball -(=44=; =52=, p. 252, and =61=, p. 288). - -According to Page (=52=), who has described one of the two Jivaro -specimens now in the Manchester Museum, desiccation by heat was the -method of preservation. He adds, “‘Momea’ and ‘Chancha’ are the names -commonly given to such specimens by the natives.” Surely the former must -be a Spanish importation! - -A comparison of this variety in the methods of preserving the body -in America with the series of similar practices which I have been -following from the African shore, makes it abundantly plain that there -can be no doubt as to the source of the American inspiration to do such -extraordinary things. The remarkable burial ritual and all the associated -procedures afford strong corroborative evidence. - -But the proof of the influence of the civilizations of the Old World on -pre-Columbian America does not depend upon the evidence of one set of -practices, however complex, bizarre and distinctive they may be. - -The positive demonstration that I have endeavoured to build up in this -communication depends upon the fact that the whole of the complex -structure of the “heliolithic” culture, which was slowly built up in -Egypt during the course of the thirty centuries before 900 B.C., spread -to the east, acquiring on its way accretions from the civilizations of -the Mediterranean, Western Asia, Eastern Africa, India, Eastern Asia and -Indonesia and Oceania, until it reached America. Like a potent ferment it -gradually began to leaven the vast and widespread aboriginal culture of -the Americas. - -The rude megalithic architecture of America bears obvious evidences of -the same inspiration which prompted that of the Old World; and so far -as the more sumptuous edifices are concerned the primary stimulus of -Egyptian ideas, profoundly modified by Babylonian, and to a less extent -Indian and Eastern Asiatic, influences is indubitable. Comparison of the -truncated pyramids of America, of the Pacific, Eastern Asia and Indonesia -with those of ancient Chaldea, affords quite definite corroboration of -these views. It would be idle to pretend that so complex a design and so -strange a symbolism as the combination of the sun’s disc with the serpent -and the greatly expanded wings of a hawk, carved upon the lintel of the -door of a temple of the sun, could possibly have developed independently -in Ancient Egypt and in Mexico (see especially Bancroft, =3=, Vol. IV., -p. 351). - -But it is not merely the designs of the buildings and their association -with the practice of mummification (and later, in Mexico, with -cremation), but the nature of the cult of the temples and all the -traditions associated with them that add further corroboration. Thus, for -example, Wake (=103=, p. 383), describing the geographical distribution -of serpent-worship (the intimate bond of which with sun-worship and in -fact the whole “heliolithic” cult was forged in Egypt, as I have already -explained), writes:—“Quetzalcoatl, the divine benefactor of the Mexicans, -was an incarnation of the serpent-sun Tonacatlcoatl, who thus became the -great father, as the female serpent Cihuacoatl was the great mother, of -the human race.” “The solar character of the serpent-god appears to be -placed beyond all doubt.... The kings and priests of ancient peoples -claimed this divine origin, and ‘children of the sun’ was the title of -the members of the sacred caste. When the actual ancestral character -of the deity is hidden he is regarded as ‘the father of his people’ -and their divine benefactor. He is the introducer of agriculture, the -inventor of arts and sciences, and the civilizer of mankind.” - -Writing of the Maya empire, Bancroft (=3=, Vol. V., p. 233) says:—“The -Plumed Serpent, known in different tongues as Quetzalcoatl, Gucumatz, -and Cukulcan, was the being who traditionally founded the new order of -things.” - -Even the most trivial features of the “heliolithic” culture-complex make -their appearance in America. Thus, for example, Harrison tells us that:— - -“The artificial enlargement of the lobe [of the ear] appears originally -to have been adopted in India for the purpose of receiving a solar disc” -(=29=, p. 193). - -“The early Spanish historian mentioned that an elaborate religious -ceremony took place in the temple of the Sun at Cuzco, on the occasion of -boring the ears of the young Peruvian nobles” (p. 196). - -“The practice of enlarging the ear lobes was connected with Sun-worship” -(p. 198). - -So also in the case of circumcision, tattooing, and almost every one of -the curious customs I have enumerated in the foregoing account. Then, -again, all the characteristic stories of the creation, the deluge, the -petrifaction of human beings and of spirits dwelling in rocks, and of -the origin of the chosen people from an incestuous union make their -appearance in Mexico, Peru and elsewhere. - -The peculiar Swastika symbol, associated with the “heliolithic” cult by -pure chance in the place of its origin, which the people of Timor, in -Indonesia, regard as the ancient emblem of fire, the Son of the Sun, also -appears in America. - -Even so bizarre a practice as the artificial deformation of the head -(=48=, pp. 515 to 519), which seems to have originated in Armenia, -became added to the repertoire of the fantastic collection of tricks of -the “heliolithic” wanderers, and was adopted sporadically by numerous -isolated groups of people along the great migration route. For some -reason this strange idea “caught on” in America to a greater extent than -elsewhere and spread far and wide throughout the greater part of the -continent. - -Many other curious customs might be cited as straws that indicate clearly -which way the stream of culture has flowed. For instance Keane (=42=, p. -264) states that “like the Burmese the Nicobarese place a piece of money -in the mouth of a corpse before burial to help it in the other world”; -and Hutchinson (=38=, p. 448) supplies the link across the Pacific:—“Men, -women and children [in ancient Peru] had frequently a bit of copper -between the teeth, like the obolus which the pagan Romans used to place -in the mouth to pay ferry to the boatman Charon for passage across the -Styx.” - -This reference to Charon reminds us also of the widespread custom, -apparently originating in Egypt and spread far and wide, right out into -the Pacific and America, of the association of a boat with the funerary -ritual, to ferry the mummy to the west. - -Certain distinctive aspects of phallism in America might also be -mentioned as evidence of the influence of Old World practices. - -In the appendix (part 1) to his “Conquest of Mexico,” Prescott (=59=) -summarises fully and fairly the large and highly suggestive mass of -evidence available at the time when he wrote in favour of the view that -the pre-Columbian civilization of Mexico and Peru had been inspired from -Asia. In view of the apparent conclusiveness of his statement of the -evidence it becomes a matter of some interest and importance to enquire -into the reasons which, in the face of the apparently overwhelming -testimony of the facts he has summarised, restrained him from adopting -the obvious conclusion to which his whole argument points. - -Referring to the numerous islands of the Pacific as one means of access -of population to America, Prescott quotes Cook’s voyages to illustrate -how easily the Polynesians travelled from island to island hundreds of -miles apart, and adds, “it would be strange if these wandering barks -should not sometimes have been intercepted by the great continent, which -stretches across the globe, in unbroken continuity, almost from pole to -pole. - -“Whence did the refinement of these more polished races [of America] -come? Was it only a higher development of the same Indian character, -which we see, in the more northern latitudes, defying every attempt at -permanent civilization? Was it engrafted on a race of higher order in -the scale originally, but self-instructed, working its way upward by -its own powers? Was it, in short, an indigenous civilization? or was -it borrowed, in some degree, from the nations of the Eastern world? If -indigenous, how are we to explain the singular coincidence with the East -in institutions and opinions? If Oriental, how shall we account for the -great dissimilarity in language, and for the ignorance of some of the -most simple and useful arts, which, once known, it would seem scarcely -possible should have been forgotten? This is the riddle of the Sphinx, -which no Œdipus has yet had the ingenuity to solve.” - -In the light of the facts brought together in the present memoir, it -requires no Œdipus to answer the riddle. For the only two objections -which Prescott raises in opposition to the great mass of evidence he -cites in favour of the derivation of American civilization from the -Old World can easily be disposed of. Rivers has completely disposed of -one by his demonstration of the fact that people—moreover those on the -direct route across the Pacific to America—do actually “forget simple -and useful arts” (=65=). The other objection is equally easily disposed -of, when it is remembered that it requires only a few people of higher -culture to leaven a large mass of lower culture with the elements of a -higher civilization (see also on this point, Rivers, =68=). Moreover, if -language is made a test, the affinities of the various American tribes -one with the other would have to be denied. Thus, the language difficulty -cuts both ways. But when we have disposed of his objections, the whole of -his admirable summary then becomes valid as an argument in favour of the -derivation of American culture from Asia across the Pacific. - -Since then it has become the fashion on the part of most ethnologists -either contemptuously to put aside the probability or even the -possibility of the derivation of American civilization from the Old -World (characteristic examples of this attitude will be found in Fewkes’ -address, =18=, and Keane’s text-book, =41=). On the other side the -discussion has been seriously compromised from time to time by a wholly -uncritical and often recklessly inexact use of the evidence in support -of the reality of the contact, which has to some extent prejudiced the -serious discussion of the problem. Perhaps the least objectionable of -such unfortunate attempts are Macmillan Brown’s (=7=) and Enoch’s books -(=16=). The former has been led astray by grotesque errors in chronology -and the failure to realize that useful arts can be lost. Enoch, on the -other hand, has collected a large series of interesting but incompatible -statements, and has made no serious attempt to sift or assimilate them. - -But from time to time serious students, proceeding with the caution -befitting the discussion of so difficult a problem, have definitely -expressed their adherence to the view that elements of culture did spread -across, or around, the Pacific from Asia to America (=8=; =9=; =10=; -=15=; =20=; =21=; =29=; =30=; =38=; =48=; =49=; =50=; =51=; =60=; =73=; -=102=; =103= and =105=). Among modern demonstrations I would especially -call attention to the evidence collected by Dall (=73=, p. 395), Cyrus -Thomas (=73=, p. 396), Tylor (=102=) and Zelia Nuttall (=49= and =50=), -and of the older literature the remarkable statement of Ellis (=15=, -p. 117). [In Mrs. Nuttall’s monograph (=49=) there is a great deal, -especially in the introductory part, to which serious objection must -be taken: but in spite of the strong bias in favour of “psychological -explanation” with which she started, eventually she was compelled to -admit the force of the evidence for the spread of culture.] - -For detailed statements concerning the discussions of this problem in -the past the reader is referred to Bancroft’s excellent summary (=3=), -which also supplies a wonderfully rich storehouse of facts and traditions -wholly corroborative of the conclusions at which I have arrived in the -present memoir. - -I find it difficult to conceive how there could ever have been any doubt -about the matter on the part of anyone who knows his “Bancroft.” - -It will naturally be asked, if the case in proof of the actual diffusion -of culture from Asia to America is so overwhelmingly convincing, on what -grounds is assent refused? One school (of which the most characteristic -utterance that I know of is Fewkes’ presidential address, =18=) refuses -to discuss the evidence: with pontifical solemnity it lays down the dogma -of independent evolution as an infallible principle which it is almost -sacrilege to question. I can best illustrate the methods of the other -school of reactionaries by a sample of its dialectic. - -No single incident in the discussion of the origin of American -civilization has given rise to greater consternation in the ranks of the -“orthodox” ethnologists than Tylor’s statement (=102=):— - -“The conception of weighing in a spiritual balance in the judgment of -the dead, which makes its earliest appearance in the Egyptian religion, -was traced thence into a series of variants, serving to draw lines of -intercourse through the Vedic and Zoroastrian religions, extending from -Eastern Buddhism to Western Christendom. The associated doctrine of -the Bridge of the Dead, which separates the good, who pass over, from -the wicked, who fall into the abyss, appears first in ancient Persian -religion, reaching in like manner to the extremities of Asia and Europe. -By these mythical beliefs historical ties are practically constituted, -connecting the great religions of the world, and serving as lines along -which their interdependence is to be followed out. Evidence of the same -kind was brought forward in support of the theory, not sufficiently -recognised by writers on culture history, of the Asiatic influences under -which the pre-Columbian culture of America took shape. In the religion -of old Mexico four great scenes in the journey of the soul in the land -of the dead are mentioned by early Spanish writers after the conquest, -and are depicted in a group in the Aztec picture-writing known as the -Vatican Codex. The four scenes are, first, the crossing of the river; -second, the fearful passage of the soul between the two mountains which -clash together; third, the soul’s climbing up the mountain set with sharp -obsidian knives; fourth, the dangers of the wind carrying such knives on -its blast. The Mexican pictures of these four scenes were compared with -more or less closely corresponding pictures representing scenes from the -Buddhist hells or purgatories as depicted on Japanese temple scrolls. -Here, first, the river of death is shown, where the souls wade across; -second, the souls have to pass between two huge iron mountains, which are -pushed together by two demons; third, the guilty souls climb the mountain -of knives, whose blades cut their hands and feet; fourth, fierce blasts -of wind drive against their lacerated forms, the blades of knives flying -through the air. It was argued that the appearance of analogues so close -and complex of Buddhist ideas in Mexico constituted a correspondence -of so high an order as to preclude any explanation except direct -transmission from one religion to another. The writer, referring also to -Humboldt’s argument from the calendars and mythic catastrophes in Mexico -and Asia, and to the correspondence in Bronze Age work and in games in -both regions, expressed the opinion that on these cumulative proofs -anthropologists might well feel justified in treating the nations of -America as having reached their level of culture under Asiatic influence.” - -One might have imagined that such an instance, especially when backed -with the authority[18] of our greatest anthropologist, who certainly has -no bias in favour of the views I am promulgating, would have carried -conviction to the mind of anyone willing to be convinced by precise -evidence. But not to Mr. Keane! In endeavouring to whittle down the -significance of this crucial case, he incidentally illustrates the -lengths of unreason to which this school of ethnologists will push their -argument, when driven to formulate a _reductio ad absurdum_ without -realizing the magnitude of the absurdity their blind devotion to a -catch-word impels them to perpetrate. - -In Keane’s “Ethnology” (=41=, pp. 217-219) the following passages are -found:— - -“It is further to be noticed that religious ideas, like social usages, -are easily transmitted from tribe to tribe, from race to race. [Most of -my critics base their opposition on a denial of these very assumptions!] -Hence resemblances in this order, where they arise, must rank very low as -ethnical tests. If not the product of a common cerebral structure, they -can prove little beyond social contact in remote or later times. A case -in point is [Tylor’s statement, which I have just quoted]. - -“The parallelism is complete; but the range of thought is extremely -limited—nothing but mountains and knives, beside the river of death -common to Egyptians, Greeks, and all peoples endowed with a little -imagination.” “Hence Prof. E. B. Tylor, who calls attention to the -points of resemblance, builds far too much on them when he adduces -them as convincing evidence of pre-Columbian culture in America taking -shape under Asiatic influences. In the same place he refers to -Humboldt’s argument based on the similarity of calendars and of mythical -catastrophes. But the ‘mythical catastrophes,’ floods and the like, have -long been discounted, while the Mexican calendar, despite the authority -of Humboldt’s name, presents no resemblance whatsoever to those of the -‘Tibetan and Tartar tribes,’ or to any other of the Asiatic calendars -with which it has been compared. ‘There is absolutely no similarity -between the Tibetan calendar and the primitive form of the American,’ -which, ‘was not intended as a year-count, but as a ritual and formulary,’ -and whose signs ‘had nothing to do with the signs of the zodiac, as -had all those of the Tibetan and Tartar calendars’ (D. G. Brinton, ‘On -various supposed Relations between the American and Asian races,’ from -_Memoirs of the International Congress of Anthropology_, Chicago, p. -148). Regarding all such analogies as may exist ‘between the culture -and customs of Mexico and those of China, Cambodia, Assyria, Chaldæa, -and Asia Minor,’ Dr. Brinton asks pertinently, ‘Are we, therefore, to -transport all these ancient peoples, or representatives of them, into -Mexico?’ (_ib._ p, 147). So Lefevre, who regards as ‘quite chimerical’ -the attempts made to trace such resemblances to the Old World. ‘If there -are coincidences, they are fortuitous, or they result from evolution, -which leads all the human group through the same stages and by the same -steps’ (‘Race and Language,’ p. 185). - -“Many far more inexplicable coincidencies than any of those here referred -to occur in different regions, where not even contact can be suspected. -Such is the strange custom of _Couvade_, which is found to prevail among -peoples so widely separated as the Basques and Guiana Indians, who could -never have either directly or indirectly in any way influenced each -other” (=34=). - -It is surely unnecessary to comment at length upon this quibbling, which -is a fair sample of the kind of self-destructive criticism one meets -in ethnological discussions nowadays. Talking of the “limitation of -the range of thought” when out of the unlimited possibilities for its -unhampered activities the human mind hit upon four episodes of such a -fantastic nature, Keane taxes the credulity of his readers altogether too -much when he solemnly tries to persuade them that such ideas are the most -natural things in the world for mankind to imagine! - -Surely it would have been better tactics frankly to admit the identity -of origin, and then, following the example of Hough (=35=), minimize its -importance by indicating the variety of possible ways by which Asiatic -influence may have influenced America sporadically in comparatively -recent times. - -But instead of this, Keane insisted upon pushing his refusal to admit the -most obvious inferences to the extreme limit and invoked the practice -of _Couvade_ as the _coup de grâce_ to the views he was criticizing. -But it was singularly unfortunate for his argument that he selected -_Couvade_. His dogmatic assertion that the two peoples he selected are -“so widely separated” that they could “never have either directly or -indirectly in any way influenced one another” is entirely controverted -by the fact that, although _Couvade_ is, or was, a widespread custom, -all the places where it occurred are either within the main route of -the great “heliolithic culture-wave” or so near as easily to be within -its sphere of influence. Thus it is recorded among the Basques,[19] in -Africa, India, the Nicobar Islands, Borneo, China, Peru, Mexico, Central -California, Brazil and Guiana. Instead of being a “knockout blow” to the -view I am maintaining, the geographical distribution of this singularly -ludicrous practice is a very welcome addition to the list of peculiar -baggage which the “heliolithic” traveller carried with him in his -wanderings, and a striking confirmation of the fact that in the spread -from its centre of origin this custom must have travelled along the same -route as the other practices we are examining. - -After the artificialities of Keane and Fewkes, it is a satisfaction to -turn back to the writings of the old ethnologists who lived in the days -before the so-called “psychological” and “evolutionary explanations” were -invented, and were content to accept the obvious interpretation of the -known facts. - -More than eighty years ago, Ellis (=15=, p. 117) with remarkable insight -explained the relationships of the Polynesians and their wanderings, from -Western Asia to America, with a lucidity and definiteness which must -excite the enthusiastic admiration of those familiar with the fuller -information now available. On p. 119 he cites an interesting series of -racial factors, usages and beliefs in substantiation of the cultural link -between the Pacific Islands and America. - -Quite apart from the mere evidence provided by the arts, customs and -beliefs in favour of the transmission of certain of the essential -elements of American civilization from the Old World, there is a -considerable amount of evidence of another kind, consisting no doubt -to a large extent of mere scraps. For instance, there are not only the -stories of Chinese and Japanese junks arriving on the American shore -and of American traditions of the coming of pale-faced bearded men from -the east,[20] but there is also a certain amount of evidence from the -physical characters of the population themselves. It has been raised -as an objection by many people that if there had been any considerable -emigration of Polynesians into America they would have left a much -more definite trace of their coming in the physical characters of the -people of America than is supposed the case. But this argument does not -necessarily carry very much weight, for the number of such Polynesians -who reached America would have been a mere drop in the ocean of the vast -aboriginal population of the Americas. Moreover, there is a certain -amount of evidence of the presence of people with Polynesian traits in -certain parts of the Pacific littoral. Von Humboldt stated the people -of Mexico and Peru had much larger beards and moustaches than the rest -of the Indians. But there is a more striking instance in substantiation -of the reality of this mixture of Pacific people in America which -raises the possibility that a certain number of Melanesians, whose -physical characters, being more obtrusive by contrast than those of the -Polynesians, were more easily detected. In Allen’s memoir (=2=, p. 47) -the following statements are found:— - -“Sir Arthur Helps tells us in his ‘History of Spanish Conquest in -America’ that the Spaniards, when they first visited Darien under Vasco -Nunez, found there a race of black men, whom they (gratuitously as -it seems to me) supposed to be descended from a cargo of shipwrecked -negroes; this race was living distinct from the other races and at enmity -with them,” - -and on page 48, - -“Perhaps other black tribes may be discovered upon a more careful -enquiry, and if the theory of Crawford be accepted, which represents -the inhabitants of Polynesia in Ante-historic times as being a great -semi-civilized nation who had made some progress in agriculture and -understood the use of gold and iron, were clothed ‘with a fabric made of -the fibrous bark of plants which they wove in the loom,’ and had several -domesticated animals, a new and unexpected light may possibly be thrown -upon the origin of primitive American culture. It is certain that massive -ruins and remains of pyramidal structures and terraced buildings closely -analogous to those of India, Java and Cambodia, as well as to those of -Central America, Mexico and Peru, exist in many islands of Polynesia, -such as the Ladrone Islands, Tahiti, Fiji, Easter Island and the Sandwich -Islands, and the customs of the Polynesians are almost all of them found -to exist also amongst the American races.” - -“Perhaps here, then, we have the ‘missing link’ between the Old World -civilizations and the mysterious civilizations of America.” - - -SUMMARY. - -Between 4000 B.C. and 900 B.C. a highly complex culture compounded of a -remarkable series of peculiar elements, which were associated the one -with the other in Egypt largely by chance, became intimately interwoven -to form the curious texture of a cult which Brockwell has labelled -“heliolithic,” in reference to the fact that it includes sun-worship, -the custom of building megalithic monuments, and certain extraordinary -beliefs concerning stones. An even more peculiar and distinctive feature, -genetically related to the development of megalithic practices and -the belief that human beings could dwell in stones, is the custom of -mummification. - -The earliest known Egyptians (before 4000 B.C.) practised weaving and -agriculture, performed the operation of “incision” (the prototype of -complete circumcision), and probably were sun-worshippers. Long before -3400 B.C. they began to work copper and gold. By 3000 B.C. they had begun -the practice of embalming, making rock-cut tombs, stone superstructures -and temples. By the mere chance that the capital of the united Kingdom -of Egypt happened to be in the centre of serpent-worship (and the -curious symbolism associated with it—Sethe, =74=), the sun, serpent and -Horus-hawk (the older symbol of royalty) became blended in the symbol of -sun-worship and as the emblem of the king, who was regarded as the son of -the sun-god. - -The peculiar beliefs regarding the possibility of animate beings dwelling -in stone statues (and later even in uncarved columns), and of human -beings becoming petrified, developed out of the Egyptian practices of the -Pyramid Age (circa 2800 B.C.). - -By 900 B.C. practically the whole of the complex structure of the -“heliolithic” culture had become built up and definitely conventionalized -in Egypt, with numerous purely accidental additions from neighbouring -countries. - -The great migration of the “heliolithic” culture-complex probably began -shortly before 800 B.C. [Its influence in the Mediterranean and in -Europe, as also in China and Japan, is merely mentioned incidentally in -this communication.] - -Passing to the east the culture-complex reached the Persian Gulf strongly -tainted with the influence of North Syria and Asia Minor, and when it -reached the west coast of India and Ceylon, possibly as early as the end -of the eighth century B.C., it had been profoundly influenced not only by -these Mediterranean, Anatolian and especially Babylonian accretions, but -even more profoundly with Eastern African modifications. These Ethiopian -influences become more pronounced in Indonesia (no doubt because in -India and the west the disturbances created by other cults have destroyed -most of the evidence). - -From Indonesia the “heliolithic” culture-complex was carried far out -into the Pacific and eventually reached the American coast, where it -bore fruit in the development of the great civilizations on the Pacific -littoral and isthmus, whence it gradually leavened the bulk of the vast -aboriginal population of the Americas. - -[When this communication was made to the Society my sole object was -to put together the scattered evidence supplied by the practice of -mummification, and other customs associated with it, in substantiation -of the fact that the influence of ancient Egyptian civilization, or a -particular phase of it, had spread to the Far East and America. Since -then so much new information has come to light, not only in confirmation -of the main thesis, but also defining the dates of a series of cultural -waves, that it will soon be possible, not only to sketch out in some -detail the routes taken by the series of ancient mariners who spread -abroad this peculiarly distinctive civilization, but also to identify the -adventurers and determine the dates of their greatest exploits and the -motives for most of their enterprises. In collaboration with Mr. J. W. -Perry I hope soon to be ready to attempt that task. - -I have deliberately refrained from referring to the vexed question of -totemism in this communication, although it is obvious that it is closely -connected with the “heliolithic” culture. I have used the expression -“serpent worship” in several places where perhaps it would have been -more correct to refer to the serpent-totem; but so far from weakening, -the consideration of totemism will add to the strength and cogency of my -argument. - -When I assigned (p. 65) a comparatively late date for the extension -of the “heliolithic” culture to the western Mediterranean and beyond I -was not aware that Siret (_L’Anthropologie_, T. 20 and 21, 1909-10) had -arrived at the same conclusion.] - - - - -FOOTNOTES - - -[1] These figures refer to the bibliography at the end. - -[2] Tylor (“On the Game of Patolli,” _Journ. Anthrop. Inst._, Vol. VIII., -1879, p. 128) cites another certain case of borrowing on the part of -pre-Columbian America from Asia. “Lot-backgammon as represented by tab, -_pachisi_, etc., ranges in the Old World from Egypt across Southern Asia -to Birma. As the _patolli_ of the Mexicans is a variety of lot-backgammon -most nearly approaching the Hindu _pachisi_, and perhaps like it passing -into the stage of dice-backgammon, its presence seems to prove that it -had made its way across from Asia. At any rate, it may be reckoned among -elements of Asiatic culture traceable in the old Mexican civilization, -the high development of which ... seems to be in large measure due to -Asiatic influence.” - -[3] See also =2=; =3=; =7=; =8=; =9=; =10=; =16=; =20=; =21=; =24=; =29=; -=30=; =38=; =48=; =49=; =50=; =51=; =61=; =73=; =103=; and =105=. - -[4] For proof that it was reached see =3=; =8=; =9=; =10=; =20=; =21=; -=38=; =49=; =50=; =51=; =73=; =102=; =103=; and =105=. - -[5] Dr. Fewkes’ discourse is essentially a farrago of meaningless -verbiage. Later on in this communication I shall give a characteristic -sample of the late Professor Keane’s dialectic; but the whole of the -passages referred to should be read by anyone who is inclined to cavil at -my strictures upon such expositions of modern ethnological doctrine. The -obvious course for any serious investigator to pursue is to ignore such -superficial and illogical pretensions: but the ethnological literature of -this country and America is so permeated with ideas such as Fewkes and -Keane express, that it has become necessary bluntly to expose the utter -hollowness of their case. - -[6] For if any sense whatever is to be attached to this phrase it implies -that man is endowed with instincts of a much more complex and highly -specialised kind than any insect or bird—instincts moreover which impel -a group of men to perform at the same epoch a very large series of -peculiarly complex, meaningless and fantastic acts that have no possible -relationship to the “struggle for existence,” which is supposed to be -responsible for the fashioning of instincts. - -But William McDougall tells us that the distinctive feature of human -instincts is that they are of “the most highly general type.” “They -merely provide a basis for vaguely directed activities in response -to vaguely discriminated impressions from large classes of objects.” -(“Psychology, the Study of Behaviour,” p. 171.) There is nothing vague -about the extraordinary repertoire of the “heliolithic” cult! - -[7] It is a curious reflection that the idea of stone living which made -such a fantastic belief possible may itself have arisen from the Egyptian -practices about to be described. - -[8] How insistent the desire was to make a statue of the mummy itself is -shown by the repeated attempts made in later times; see the account of -the mummies of Amenophis III. (=86=) and of the rulers and priests of the -XXIst and XXIInd Dynasties (=78= and =87=). - -[9] For an account of the geographical distribution of serpent-worship -and a remarkable demonstration of the intimacy of its association with -distinctive “heliolithic” ideas, see Wake (=103=). - -[10] Sir William Thiselton Dyer informs me that in all probability it was -not _cedar_ but _juniper_ that was obtained by the Ancient Egyptians from -Syria [and used for embalming]. The material to which reference is made -here would probably be identical with the modern ‘huile de cade,’ and be -obtained from _juniperus excelsa_. - -I retain the term “oil of cedar” to facilitate the bibliographical -references, as all the archæologists and historians invariably use this -expression. - -[11] Since this memoir has been printed Dr. Alan Gardiner has published -a most luminous and important account of “The Tomb of Amenemhēt” (N. de -Garis Davies and Alan Gardiner, 1915), which throws a flood of light upon -Egyptian ideas concerning the matters discussed in this communication. - -[12] Mr. Crooke has called my attention to a similar practice in India. -Leith (Journ. Anthr. Soc. of Bombay, Vol. I., 1886, pp. 39 and 40) stated -that the _Káší Khanda_ contained an account of a Bráhman who preserved -his mother’s corpse. After having it preserved and wrapped he “coated the -whole with pure clay and finally deposited the corpse in a copper coffin.” - -[13] Jackson refers the suggestion to Curzon’s “Persia and the Persian -Question,” 1892, where I find (Vol. II., pp. 74, 79, 80, 146, 178 and -192) most conclusive evidence in proof of the fact that the body of Cyrus -was mummified and all the Egyptian rites were observed (see especially -Mr. Cecil Smith’s note on p. 80). In Persia, under Darius (p. 182), the -Egyptian methods of tomb-construction were closely copied, not only in -their general plan, but in minute details of their decoration (see p. -178)—also the bas-relief of Cyrus wearing the Egyptian crown (p. 74). -Cambyses even introduced Egyptian workmen to carry out such work (p. 192). - -There are reasons for believing that India also was in turn influenced -by this direct transmission of Egyptian practices to Persia, but only -after (perhaps more than a century after) the Ethiopian modification of -Egyptian embalming had been adopted there. - -[14] See, however, p. 69. At some future time I shall explain what an -important link is provided by the ancient culture of the Black Sea -littoral between Egypt and the civilizations of the Western Mediterranean -on the one hand and India on the other. - -[15] Reutter (=63=) quotes the statement from Tschirch that Neuhof has -described the embalming of bodies in Asia. In Borneo camphor, areca -nut and the wood of aloes and musk are used; and in China camphor and -sandalwood. - -[16] For this and certain other references I have to thank my colleague -Professor S. J. Hickson, F.R.S. So far I have been unable to consult the -full reports of Lorenz’s expedition. - -[17] A curious feature of these models is the representation of faces on -the shoulders. Similar practices have been recorded in America (Bancroft, -=3=). - -[18] For the whole driving force of the so-called “psychological” -ethnologists is really a reverence for authority and a meaningless creed. - -[19] Recent literature has thrown some doubt upon its occurrence in -Western Europe. - -[20] It is quite possible this may refer to the relatively modern -incursion of Norsemen and other Europeans into America by the North -Atlantic. - - - - -BIBLIOGRAPHY. - -Many other bibliographical references have been added in the text while -this memoir was in course of printing. - - -=1.= D’ALBERTIS, L. M. “New Guinea.” London, 1880, Vol. I. - -=2.= ALLEN, F. A. “The Original Range of the Papuan and Negritto Races.” -_Journ. Anthropol. Inst._, Vol. 8, 1878-9, p. 38. - -=3.= BANCROFT, H. H. “The Native Races of the Pacific States of North -America.” London, 1875. - -=4.= BENT, T. “The Bahrein Islands in the Persian Gulf.” _Proc. R. -Geograph. Soc._, 1870, p. 13. - -=5.= BLACKMAN, A. M. “The Significance of Incense and Libations in -Funerary and Temple Ritual.” _Zeitsch. f. Ægypt. Sprache_, Bd. 50. - -=6.= BREASTED, J. H. “A History of Egypt.” London, 1906. - -=7.= BROWN, J. MACMILLAN. “Maori and Polynesian.” London, 1907. - -=8.= BUCKLAND, A. W. “The Serpent in Connection with Primitive -Metallurgy.” _Journ. Anthropol. Inst._, Vol. 4, 1874-5, p. 60. - -=9.= _Ibid._ “Ethnological Hints afforded by the Stimulants in use among -Savages and among the Ancients.” _Journ. Anthropol. Inst._, Vol. 8, -1878-9, p. 239. - -=10.= _Ibid._ “On Tattooing.” _Journ. Anthropol. Inst._, Vol. 17, 1887-8, -p. 318. - -=11.= CAPART, J. “Une Rue de Tombeaux.” _Brussels_, 1907. - -=12.= CROOKE, W. “Northern India.” 1907. - -=13.= _Ibid._ “The Rude Stone Monuments of India,” _Proc. Cotteswold -Naturalists’ Field Club_, Vol. XV., May, 1905, p. 117. - -=14.= DAVIDS, T. W. RHYS. “Buddhist India.” London, 1911. - -=15.= ELLIS, W. “Polynesian Researches.” Vol. I., London, 1832. - -=16.= ENOCH, C. R. “The Secret of the Pacific.” London, 1912. - -=17.= FERGUSSON, J. “Rude Stone Monuments in all Countries.” London, 1872. - -=18.= FEWKES, J. WALTER. “Great Stone Monuments in History and -Geography.” Presidential Address delivered before the Anthropological -Society of Washington, February 20th, 1912. - -=19.= FLOWER, W. H. “Illustrations of the Mode of preserving the Dead in -Darnley Island and in South Australia.” _Journ. Anthropol. Inst._, Vol. -8, 1878-9, p. 389. - -=20.= FOX, A. LANE. “Remarks on Mr. Hodder Westropp’s Paper on Cromlechs, -with a Map of the World, shewing the Distribution of Megalithic -Monuments.” _Journ. Ethnol. Soc._, Vol. 1, 1869, p. 59. - -=21.= _Ibid._ “On Early Modes of Navigation.” _Journ. Anthropol. Inst._, -Vol. 4, 1874-5, p. 389. - -=22.= FRAZER, JOHN. “The Aborigines of New South Wales.” Sydney, 1892. - -=23.= GARDINER, ALAN H. Article, “Life and Death.” _Hastings’ Dictionary -of Religion and Ethics_, 1915. - -=24.= GLAUMONT, M. “Usages, Moeurs, et Coutumes des Néo-Calédoniens.” -_Revue d’ethnologie_, 1888, p. 73—Summary in Cartailhac’s “Materiaux pour -l’histoire de l’homme,” Vol. 22, 1888, p. 507. - -=25.= HADDON, A. C., and MYERS, C. S. “Reports of the Cambridge -Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits.” _Funeral Ceremonies_, Vol. -VI., Cambridge, 1908, p. 126. - -=26.= HAIGH (MISS). “Some Account of the Island of Teneriffe.” _Trans. -Ethnol Soc._, New Series, Vol. 7. 1869, p. 112. - -=27.= HAMLYN-HARRIS, R. “Papuan Mummification.” _Memoirs of the -Queensland Museum_, Vol. I., 27th Nov., 1912. - -=28.= _Ibid._ “Mummification,” _loc. cit. supra_. - -=29.= HARRISON, J. PARK. “On the Artificial Enlargement of the Earlobe.” -_Journ. Anthropol. Inst._, Vol. 2, 1872-3, p. 190. - -=30.= _Ibid._ “Note on Phœnician Characters from Sumatra.” _Journ. -Anthropol. Inst._, Vol. 4, 1874, p. 387. - -=31.= HARTMAN, C. V. “Archæological Researches in Costa Rica.” Stockholm, -1901—a Review in _Nature_, March 16th, 1905, p. 462. - -=32.= HASTINGS’ _Dictionary of Religion and Ethics_. - -=33.= HERTZ, R. “Contribution à une Étude sur la Représentation -Collective de la Mort.” _L’Année Sociologique_, 1905-6, p. 48. - -=34.= HODSON, T. C. “Funerary Rites and Eschatological Beliefs of the -Assam Hill Tribes.” _Third Internat. Congress Hist. Religions_, Oxford, -1908, Vol. 1, p. 58. - -=35.= HOUGH, W. “Oriental Influences in Mexico.” _American -Anthropologist_, Vol. 2, 1900, p. 66. - -=36.= _Ibid._ “Culture of the Ancient Pueblos of the Upper Gila River -Region, New Mexico and Arizona.” _Bulletin 87, Smithsonian Institution_, -1914, p. 132. - -=37.= HRDLIČKA, A. “Some Results of Recent Anthropological Exploration in -Peru.” _Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections_, Vol. 56, No. 16, 1911. - -=38.= HUTCHINSON, T. J. “Anthropology of Prehistoric Peru.” _Journ. -Anthropol. Inst._, Vol. 4, 1874-5, p. 438. - -=39.= JONES, F. WOOD. _In Report on the Archæological Survey of Nubia_ -for 1907-8, Vol. II., p. 194. - -=40.= JUNKER, H. “Excavations of the Vienna Imperial Academy of Sciences -at the Pyramids of Gizah, 1914.” _Journ. Egyptian Archæol._, Vol. I., -Oct., 1914, p. 250. - -=41.= KEANE, A. H. “Ethnology.” Cambridge, 1896. - -=42.= _Ibid._ “Man, Past and Present.” Cambridge, 1900. - -=43.= LORENZ, H. A. “Eenige Maanden onder de Papoea’s.” 1905, p. 224. - -=44.= LUBBOCK, J. “Notes on the Macas Indians.” _Journ. Anthropol. -Inst._, Vol. 3, 1873-4, p. 29. - -=45.= MACE, A. C. “The Early Dynastic Cemeteries of Naga-ed-Dêr, Part -II.” 1909. - -=46.= MOLL, HERMANN. “Modern History.” Vol. I., Dublin, 1739. - -=47.= MYERS, C. S. “Contributions to Egyptian Anthropology: Tatuing.” -_Journ. Anthropol. Inst._, Vol. XXXIII., 1903, p. 82. - -=48.= NADAILLAC DE. “L’Amérique Préhistorique.” Paris, 1883. - -=49.= NUTTALL, ZELIA. “The Fundamental Principles of Old and New World -Civilizations,” Archæological and Ethnological Papers of the Peabody -Museum, Cambridge, Mass., 1901, p. 602. - -=50.= _Ibid._ “A curious Survival in Mexico of the Purpura Shell-Fish for -Dyeing.” Putnam Anniversary Volume, 1909. - -=51.= OLDHAM, C. F. “The Sun and the Serpent.” London, 1905. - -=52.= PAGE, H. “Post-mortem artificially-contracted Indian Heads.” -_Journ. Anat. and Phys._, Vol. 31, 1897, p. 252. - -=53.= PARTINGTON, EDGE. “Ethnographical Album of the Pacific Islands.” -3rd series, August, 1898, p. 94. - -=54.= PETRIE, W. M. FLINDERS. “Tarkhan.” 1913 and 1914. - -=55.= PERROT and CHIPIEZ. “History of Art in Phœnicia.” London, 1885. - -=56.= PETTIGREW, T. J. “A History of Egyptian Mummies.” London, 1834. - -=57.= PIORRY. Article “Massage,” in _Dictionnaire des Sciences -Médicales_. 1819. - -=58.= PRESCOTT, W. H. “Conquest of Peru.” - -=59.= _Ibid._ “Conquest of Mexico.” - -=60.= QUATREFAGES, A. DE. “Hommes Fossiles et Hommes Sauvages.” Paris, -1884. - -=61.= READ, C. H., JOYCE, T. A., and EDGE-PARTINGTON, J. “Handbook of the -Ethnological Collections” (British Museum), 1910. - -=62.= REISNER, GEORGE A. _Bulletin of the Boston Museum of Fine Arts._ -Vol. XII., No. 69, April, 1914, p. 23. - -=63.= REUTTER, L. “De l’embaumement avant et après Jésus-Christ.” Paris, -1912. - -=64.= RIVERS, W. H. R. Presidential Address to Section H. _Report Brit. -Assoc._, Portsmouth, 1911, p. 490, or _Nature_, 1911, Vol. LXXXVII., p. -356. - -=65.= _Ibid._ “The Disappearance of Useful Arts.” _Report Brit. Assoc._, -1912, p. 598 [Abstract of a memoir published in _Festsscrift Tillägnad -Edvard Westermarck_, Helsingfors, 1912, p. 109]. - -=66.= _Ibid._ “Survival in Sociology.” _The Sociological Review_, -October, 1913, p. 292. - -=67.= _Ibid._ “Massage in Melanesia.” _Report of the 17th International -Congress of Medicine_, London, August, 1913, Section XXIII., History of -Medicine. - -=68.= _Ibid._ “The Contact of Peoples.” Essays and Studies presented to -William Ridgeway. Cambridge, p. 474. - -=69.= _Ibid._ “The History of Melanesian Society.” Cambridge, 1914, Vol. -II. - -=70.= _Ibid._ “Is Australian Culture Simple or Complex?” _Report Brit. -Assoc._, 1914; also _Man_, 1914, p. 172. - -=71.= ROTH, W. E. “North Queensland Ethnography, Bulletin No. 9, Burial -Ceremonies and Disposal of the Dead.” _Records of the Australian Museum_, -Sydney, Vol. VI., No. 5, 1907, p. 365. - -=72.= ROSCOE, J. “Further Notes on the Manners and Customs of the -Baganda.” _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, Vol. XXXII., 1902, -p. 44. [Also his book entitled “The Baganda.”] - -=73.= SEMPLE, ELLEN C. “Influences of Geographic Environment on the basis -of Ratzel’s System of Anthropo-Geography.” London, 1911. - -=74.= SETHE, KURT. “Zur altaegyptischen Sage vom Sonnenauge das in der -Fremde war.” _Untersuchungen zur Gesch. u. Altertumskunde Aeg._, Bd. V., -Heft 3, 1912, p. 10. - -=75.= SMITH, G. ELLIOT. “On the Natural Preservation of the Brain in the -Ancient Egyptians.” _Journal of Anatomy and Physiology_, Vol. XXXVI., pp. -375-380. Two text figures. 1902. - -=76.= _Ibid._ “The physical characters of the mummy of the Pharaoh -Thothmosis IV.” _Annales du Service des Antiquités de l’Égypte_, 1904, -[and in Carter and Newberry’s “Tomb of Thothmosis IV.” London, 1908]. - -=77.= _Ibid._ “Report on four mummies of the XXI. dynasty.” Ibid., 1904. - -=78.= _Ibid._ “A Contribution to the Study of Mummification in Egypt.” -_Mémoires presentés à l’Institut Égyptien_, Tome V., Fascicule I., 1906, -pp. 1-54, 19 plates. - -=79.= _Ibid._ “An Account of the Mummy of a Priestess of Amen.” _Annales -du Service des Antiquités de l’Égypte_, 1906, pp. 1-28, 9 plates. - -=80.= _Ibid._ “Report on the Unrolling of the Mummies of the Kings -Siptah, Seti II., Ramses IV., Ramses V., and Ramses VI., in the Cairo -Museum.” _Bulletin de l’Institut Égyptien_, 5ᵉ Série, T.I. pp. 45 à 67. - -=81.= _Ibid._ “Report on the Unwrapping of the Mummy of Menephtah.” -_Annales du Service des Antiquités_, 1907. - -=82.= _Ibid._ “Notes on Mummies.” _The Cairo Scientific Journal_, -February, 1908. - -=83.= _Ibid._ “On the Mummies in the Tomb of Amenhotep II.” _Bulletin de -l’Institut Égyptien_, 5ᵉ Série, Tome I., 1908. - -=84.= _Ibid._ Account of the Mummies of Yuaa and Thuiu, in Quibell’s -“Tomb of Yuaa and Thuiu.” Catalogue Général du Musée du Caïre, 1908. - -=85.= _Ibid._ “The History of Mummification in Egypt.” _Proc. Royal -Philosophical Society of Glasgow_, 1910. - -=86.= _Ibid._ “The Royal Mummies.” Catalogue Général des Antiquités -Égyptiennes du Musée du Caïre, 1912. - -=87.= _Ibid._ “Egyptian Mummies.” _Journal of Egyptian Archæology_, Vol. -I., Part III., July, 1914, p. 189. - -=88.= _Ibid._ “Heart and Reins.” _Journal of the Manchester Oriental -Society_, Vol. I., 1911, p. 41. - -=89.= _Ibid._ “The Earliest Evidence of Attempts at Mummification in -Egypt.” _Report Brit. Assoc._, 1912, p. 612. - -=90.= _Ibid._ “The Ancient Egyptians.” London and New York, 1911. - -=91.= _Ibid._ “The Influence of Egypt under the Ancient Empire.” _Report -Brit. Assoc._, 1911; also Man, 1911, p. 176. - -=92.= _Ibid._ “Megalithic Monuments and their Builders.” _Report Brit. -Assoc._, 1912, p. 607; also _Man_, 1912, p. 173. - -=93.= _Ibid._ “The Origin of the Dolmen.” _Report Brit. Assoc._, 1913; -also _Man_, 1913, p. 193. - -=94.= _Ibid._ “The Evolution of the Rock-cut Tomb and the Dolmen.” Essays -and Studies presented to William Ridgeway. Cambridge, 1913, p. 493. - -=95.= _Ibid._ “Report on the Physical Characters of the Ancient -Egyptians.” _Report Brit. Assoc._, 1914; also _Man_, 1914, p. 172. - -=96.= _Ibid._ “Early Racial Migrations and the Spread of Certain -Customs.” _Report Brit. Assoc._, 1914; also _Man_, 1914, p. 173. - -=97.= _Ibid._ “The Rite of Circumcision.” _Journ. Manchester Egy. and -Oriental Soc._, 1913, p. 75. - -=98.= SMITH, PERCY. “Hawaiki.” London, 3rd Edn., 1910. - -=99.= TALBOT, P. AMAURY. “Some Ibibio Customs and Beliefs.” _Journ. -African Soc._, 1914, p. 241. - -=100.= TAYLOR, MEADOWS. “On Prehistoric Archæology of India.” _Journ. -Ethnol. Soc._, New Series, Vol. I., 1868-9, p. 157. - -=101.= THURSTON, E. “The Madras Presidency,” 1913. - -=102.= TYLOR, E. B. “On the Diffusion of Mythical Beliefs as Evidence in -the History of Culture.” _Report Brit. Assoc._, 1894, p. 774. - -=103.= WAKE, C. S. “Origin of Serpent Worship.” _Journ. Anthropol. -Inst._, Vol. 2, 1872-3. - -=104.= WEEKS, J. H. “Anthropological Notes on the Bangala of the Upper -Congo River.” _Journ. Roy. Anthropol. Inst._, Vol. XXXIX., 1909, pp. 450 -and 451. - -=105.= WILSON, THOMAS. “The Swastika.” _Report of Smithsonian -Institution_, 1896. - -=106.= YARROW, H. C. “A further Contribution to the Study of the North -American Indians.” _1st Report, Bureau Amer. Ethnol._, Washington, 1881. - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The migrations of early culture, by -Grafton Elliot Smith - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE MIGRATIONS OF EARLY CULTURE *** - -***** This file should be named 62164-0.txt or 62164-0.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/6/2/1/6/62164/ - -Produced by Turgut Dincer and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part -of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm -concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark, -and may not be used if you charge for the eBooks, unless you receive -specific permission. If you do not charge anything for copies of this -eBook, complying with the rules is very easy. You may use this eBook -for nearly any purpose such as creation of derivative works, reports, -performances and research. They may be modified and printed and given -away--you may do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks -not protected by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the -trademark license, especially commercial redistribution. - -START: FULL LICENSE - -THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE -PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK - -To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free -distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work -(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project -Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full -Project Gutenberg-tm License available with this file or online at -www.gutenberg.org/license. - -Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works - -1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to -and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property -(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all -the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or -destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your -possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a -Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound -by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the -person or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph -1.E.8. - -1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be -used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who -agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few -things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works -even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See -paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this -agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below. - -1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the -Foundation" or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection -of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual -works in the collection are in the public domain in the United -States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the -United States and you are located in the United States, we do not -claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing, -displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as -all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope -that you will support the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting -free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm -works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the -Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with the work. You can easily -comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the -same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg-tm License when -you share it without charge with others. - -1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern -what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are -in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, -check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this -agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, -distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any -other Project Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no -representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any -country outside the United States. - -1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: - -1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other -immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear -prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work -on which the phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the -phrase "Project Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, -performed, viewed, copied or distributed: - - This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and - most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no - restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it - under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this - eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the - United States, you'll have to check the laws of the country where you - are located before using this ebook. - -1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is -derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not -contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the -copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in -the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are -redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase "Project -Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply -either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or -obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg-tm -trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. - -1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted -with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution -must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any -additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms -will be linked to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works -posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the -beginning of this work. - -1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm -License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this -work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm. - -1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this -electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without -prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with -active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project -Gutenberg-tm License. - -1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, -compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including -any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access -to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format -other than "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official -version posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site -(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense -to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means -of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original "Plain -Vanilla ASCII" or other form. Any alternate format must include the -full Project Gutenberg-tm License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. - -1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, -performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works -unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. - -1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing -access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works -provided that - -* You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from - the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method - you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed - to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he has - agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid - within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are - legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty - payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in - Section 4, "Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg - Literary Archive Foundation." - -* You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies - you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he - does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm - License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all - copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue - all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg-tm - works. - -* You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of - any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the - electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of - receipt of the work. - -* You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free - distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works. - -1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work or group of works on different terms than -are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing -from both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and The -Project Gutenberg Trademark LLC, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm -trademark. Contact the Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below. - -1.F. - -1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable -effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread -works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project -Gutenberg-tm collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may -contain "Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate -or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other -intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or -other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or -cannot be read by your equipment. - -1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right -of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project -Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all -liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal -fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT -LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE -PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE -TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE -LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR -INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH -DAMAGE. - -1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a -defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can -receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a -written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you -received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium -with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you -with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in -lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person -or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second -opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If -the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing -without further opportunities to fix the problem. - -1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth -in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS', WITH NO -OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT -LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. - -1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied -warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of -damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement -violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the -agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or -limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or -unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the -remaining provisions. - -1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the -trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone -providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in -accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the -production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, -including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of -the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this -or any Project Gutenberg-tm work, (b) alteration, modification, or -additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any -Defect you cause. - -Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm - -Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of -electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of -computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It -exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations -from people in all walks of life. - -Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the -assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's -goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will -remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure -and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future -generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see -Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at -www.gutenberg.org - - - -Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation - -The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit -501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the -state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal -Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification -number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by -U.S. federal laws and your state's laws. - -The Foundation's principal office is in Fairbanks, Alaska, with the -mailing address: PO Box 750175, Fairbanks, AK 99775, but its -volunteers and employees are scattered throughout numerous -locations. Its business office is located at 809 North 1500 West, Salt -Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up to -date contact information can be found at the Foundation's web site and -official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact - -For additional contact information: - - Dr. Gregory B. Newby - Chief Executive and Director - gbnewby@pglaf.org - -Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg -Literary Archive Foundation - -Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide -spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of -increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be -freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest -array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations -($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt -status with the IRS. - -The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating -charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United -States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a -considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up -with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations -where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND -DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular -state visit www.gutenberg.org/donate - -While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we -have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition -against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who -approach us with offers to donate. - -International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make -any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from -outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. - -Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation -methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other -ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To -donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate - -Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works. - -Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project -Gutenberg-tm concept of a library of electronic works that could be -freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and -distributed Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of -volunteer support. - -Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed -editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in -the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not -necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper -edition. - -Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search -facility: www.gutenberg.org - -This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, -including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to -subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. - |