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+Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for
+eBook #62164 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/62164)
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-Project Gutenberg's The migrations of early culture, by Grafton Elliot Smith
-
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most
-other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
-whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of
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-to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook.
-
-Title: The migrations of early culture
-       A study of the significance of the geographical distribution
-       of the practice of mummification as evidence of the
-       migrations of peoples and the spread of certain customs
-       and beliefs
-
-Author: Grafton Elliot Smith
-
-Release Date: May 17, 2020 [EBook #62164]
-
-Language: English
-
-Character set encoding: UTF-8
-
-*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE MIGRATIONS OF EARLY CULTURE ***
-
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-Produced by Turgut Dincer and the Online Distributed
-Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was
-produced from images generously made available by The
-Internet Archive)
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-
-PUBLICATIONS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MANCHESTER.
-
-The Migrations of Early Culture.
-
-              Published by the University of Manchester at
-            THE UNIVERSITY PRESS (H. M. MCKECHNIE, Secretary)
-                 12, LIME GROVE, OXFORD ROAD, MANCHESTER
-
-                          LONGMANS, GREEN & CO.
-                       LONDON: 39, Paternoster Row
-          NEW YORK: 443-449, Fourth Avenue and Thirtieth Street
-                       BOMBAY: 8, Hornby Road
-                       CALCUTTA: 303, Bowbazar Street
-                       MADRAS: 167, Mount Road
-
-
-
-
-                                   The
-                       Migrations of Early Culture
-
-             A study of the Significance of the Geographical
-              Distribution of the Practice of Mummification
-              as Evidence of the Migrations of Peoples and
-                the Spread of certain Customs and Beliefs
-
-                                   BY
-                GRAFTON ELLIOT SMITH, M.A., M.D., F.R.S.,
-                _Professor of Anatomy in the University_
-
-                               MANCHESTER
-                         AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS
-                       12, LIME GROVE, OXFORD ROAD
-                          LONGMANS, GREEN & CO.
-                     London, New York, Bombay, etc.
-                                  1915
-
-
-
-
-UNIVERSITY OF MANCHESTER PUBLICATIONS
-
-No. CII.
-
-
-
-
-PREFACE.
-
-
-When these pages were crudely flung together no fate was contemplated for
-them other than that of publication in the proceedings of a scientific
-society, as an appeal to ethnologists to recognise the error of their
-ways and repent. They were intended merely as a mass of evidence to force
-scientific men to recognise and admit that in former ages knowledge and
-culture spread in much the same way as they are known to be diffused
-to-day. The only difference is that the pace of migration has become
-accelerated.
-
-The re-publication in book form was suggested by the Secretary of the
-Manchester University Press, who thought that the matters discussed in
-these pages would appeal to a much wider circle of readers than those who
-are given to reading scientific journals.
-
-The argument is compounded largely of extracts from the writings of
-recognised authorities, and the author does not agree with all the
-statements in the various extracts he has quoted: this mode of presenting
-the case has been adopted deliberately, with the object of demonstrating
-that the generally admitted facts are capable of a more natural and
-convincing explanation than that put forth _ex cathedra_ by the majority
-of modern anthropologists, one in fact more in accord with all that our
-own experience and the facts of history teach us of the effects of the
-contact of peoples and the spread of knowledge.
-
-Such a method of stating the argument necessarily involves a considerable
-amount of repetition of statements and phrases, which is apt to irritate
-the reader and offend his sense of literary style. In extenuation of this
-admitted defect it must be remembered that the brochure was intended as
-a protest against the accusation of artificiality and improbability so
-often launched against the explanation suggested here: the cumulative
-effect of corroboration was deliberately aimed at, by showing that many
-investigators employing the most varied kinds of data had independently
-arrived at identical conclusions and often expressed them in similar
-phrases.
-
-Only a very small fraction of the evidence is set forth in the present
-work. Much of the most illuminating information has only come to the
-author’s knowledge since this memoir was in the press; and a vast amount
-of the data, especially that relating to Europe, India and China, is too
-intimately intertwined with the effects of other cultures to be discussed
-and dissociated from them in so limited a space as this.
-
-Nor has any attempt been made to discuss the times of the journeys,
-the duration of the intercourse, or the details of the goings and the
-comings of the ancient mariners who distributed so curious an assortment
-of varied cargoes to the coast-lines of the whole world—literally
-“from China to Peru.” They exerted an influence upon the history of
-civilization and achieved marvels of maritime daring that must be
-reckoned of greater account, as they were so many ages earlier, than
-those of the more notorious mediæval European adventurers and buccaneers
-who, impelled by similar motives, raided the Spanish Main and the East
-Indies.
-
-As the pages show, this book is reprinted from volume 59, part 2, of the
-“Memoirs and Proceedings of the Manchester Literary and Philosophical
-Society,” session 1914-15; and I am indebted to the Council of that body
-for their kind permission to re-issue it in its present form.
-
-                                                         G. ELLIOT SMITH.
-
-THE UNIVERSITY, MANCHESTER, _July, 1915_.
-
-
-
-
-_LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS._
-
-
-Map 1. A rough chart of the geographical distribution of certain customs,
-practices and traditions
-
-Map 2. An attempt to represent roughly the areas more directly affected
-by the “heliolithic” culture-complex, with arrows to indicate the
-hypothetical routes taken in the migration of the culture-bearers who
-were responsible for its diffusion
-
-
-
-
-_Manchester Memoirs, Vol. lix. (1915), No. =10=._
-
-
-
-
-X. On the Significance of the Geographical Distribution of the Practice
-of Mummification.—A Study of the Migrations of Peoples and the Spread of
-certain Customs and Beliefs.
-
-By Professor G. ELLIOT SMITH, M.A., M.D., F.R.S.
-
-(_Read February 23rd, 1915. Received for publication April 6th, 1915._)
-
-
-In entering upon the discussion of the geographical distribution
-of the practice of mummification I am concerned not so much with
-the origin and technical procedures of this remarkable custom. This
-aspect of the problem I have already considered in a series of memoirs
-(=75= to =89=[1]). I have chosen mummification rather as the most
-peculiar, and therefore the most distinctive and obtrusive, element of
-a very intimately interwoven series of strange customs, which became
-fortuitously linked one with the other to form a definite culture-complex
-nearly thirty centuries ago, and spread along the coast-lines of a
-great part of the world, stirring into new and distinctive activity the
-sluggish uncultured peoples which in turn were subjected to this exotic
-leaven.
-
-If one looks into the journals of anthropology and ethnology, there will
-be found amongst the vast collections of information relating to man’s
-activities a most suggestive series of facts concerning the migrations of
-past ages and the spread of peculiar customs and beliefs.
-
-[Illustration: _Map 1._—A rough chart of the geographical distribution
-of certain customs, practices and traditions. [None of these areas of
-distribution is complete. The map shows merely the data referred to in
-this memoir or in the literature quoted in it.]]
-
-If a map of the world is taken and one plots out (_Map I._) the
-geographical distribution of such remarkable customs as the building
-of megalithic monuments (see for example Lane Fox’s [Pitt Rivers’]
-map, =20=), the worship of the sun and the serpent (=51=; =103=), the
-custom of piercing the ears (see Park Harrison, =29=), tattooing (see
-Miss Buckland, =10=), the practice of circumcision, the curious custom
-known as couvade, the practice of massage, the complex story of the
-creation, the deluge, the petrifaction of human beings, the divine origin
-of kings and a chosen people sprung from an incestuous union (W. J.
-Perry), the use of the swastika-symbol (see Wilson’s map, =105=), the
-practice of cranial deformation, to mention only a few of the many that
-might be enumerated, it will be found that in most respects the areas
-in which this extraordinary assortment of bizarre customs and beliefs
-is found coincide one with the other. In some of the series gaps occur,
-which probably are more often due to lack of information on our part
-than to real absence of the practice; in other places one or other of
-the elements of this complex culture-mixture has overflowed the common
-channel and broken into new territory. But considered in conjunction
-these data enable us definitely and precisely to map out the route taken
-by this peculiarly distinctive group of eccentricities of the human
-mind. If each of them is considered alone there are many breaks in the
-chain and many uncertainties as to the precise course: but when taken
-together all of these gaps are bridged. Moreover, in most areas there are
-traditions of culture-heroes, who brought in some or all of these customs
-at one and the same time and also introduced a knowledge of agriculture
-and weaving.
-
-So far as I am aware no one hitherto has called attention to the fact
-that the practice of mummification has a geographical distribution
-exactly corresponding to the area occupied by the curious assortment of
-other practices just enumerated. Not only so, but in addition it is
-abundantly clear that the coincidence is not merely accidental. It is
-due to the fact that in most regions the people who introduced the habit
-of megalithic building and sun-worship (a combination for which it is
-convenient to use Professor Brockwell’s distinctive term “heliolithic
-culture”) also brought with them the practice of mummification at the
-same time.
-
-The custom of embalming the dead is in fact an integral part of the
-“heliolithic culture,” and perhaps, as I shall endeavour to demonstrate,
-its most important component. For this practice and the beliefs which
-grew up in association with it were responsible for the development of
-some of the chief elements of this culture-complex, and incidentally of
-the bond of union with other factors not so intimately connected, in the
-genetic sense, with it.
-
-Before plunging into the discussion of the evidence provided by the
-practice of mummification, it will be useful to consider for a moment the
-geographical distribution of the other components of the “heliolithic
-culture.” I need not say much about megalithic monuments, for I have
-already considered their significance elsewhere (=90= to =96=); but I
-should like once more specifically to call the attention of those who
-are obsessed by theories of the independent evolution of such monuments,
-and who scoff at Fergusson (=17=), to the memoirs of Lane Fox (=20=) and
-Meadows Taylor (=100=). The latter emphasises in a striking manner the
-remarkable identity of structure, not only as concerns the variety and
-the general conception of such monuments, but also as regards trivial and
-apparently unessential details. With reference to “the opinion of many,”
-which has “been advanced as an hypothesis, that the common instincts of
-humanity have suggested common methods of sepulture,” he justly remarks,
-“I own this kind of vague generalisation does not satisfy me, in the face
-of such exact points of similitude.... Such can hardly have been the
-result of accident, or any common human instinct” (p. 173).
-
-But it is not merely the identity of structure and the geographical
-distribution (in most cases along continuous coast-lines or related
-islands) that proves the common origin of megalithic monuments. It
-is further strongly corroborated by a remarkable series of beliefs,
-traditions and practices, many of them quite meaningless and
-unintelligible to us, which are associated with such structures wherever
-they are found. Stories of dwarfs and giants (=13=), the belief in
-the indwelling of gods or great men in the stones, the use of these
-structures in a particular manner for certain special councils (=20=, pp.
-64 and 65), and the curious, and, to us, meaningless, practice of hanging
-rags on trees in association with such monuments (=20=, pp. 63 and 64).
-In reference to the last of these associated practices, Lane Fox remarks,
-“it is impossible to believe that so singular a custom as this could have
-arisen independently in all these countries.”
-
-In an important article on “Facts suggestive of prehistoric intercourse
-between East and West” (_Journ. Anthr. Inst._, Vol. 14, 1884, p. 227),
-Miss Buckland calls attention to a remarkable series of identities of
-customs and beliefs, and amongst them certain legends concerning the
-petrification of _dance maidens_ associated with stone circles as far
-apart as Cornwall and Peru.
-
-Taking all of these facts into consideration, it is to me altogether
-inconceivable how any serious enquirer who familiarises himself with the
-evidence can honestly refuse to admit that the case for the spread of
-the inspiration to erect megalithic monuments from one centre has been
-proved by an overwhelming mass of precise and irrefutable data. But this
-evidence does not stand alone. It is linked with scores of other peculiar
-customs and beliefs, the testimony of each of which, however imperfect
-and unconvincing some scholars may consider it individually, strengthens
-the whole case by cumulation; and when due consideration is given to
-the enormous complexity and artificiality of the cultural structure
-compounded of such fantastic elements, these are bound to compel assent
-to their significance, as soon as the present generation of ethnologists
-can learn to forget the meaningless fetish to which at present it bends
-the knee.
-
-But suppose, for the sake of argument, we shut our ears to the voice of
-common sense, and allow ourselves to be hypnotised into the belief that
-some complex and highly specialised instinct (_i.e._ precisely the type
-of instinct which real psychologists—not the ethnological variety—deny
-to mankind) impelled groups of men scattered as far apart as Ireland,
-India and Peru independently the one of the other to build mausolea of
-the same type, to acquire similar beliefs regarding the petrifaction of
-human beings, and many other extraordinary things connected with such
-monuments, how is this “psychological explanation” going to help us to
-explain why the wives of the builders of these monuments, whether in
-Africa, Asia or America, should have their chins pricked and rubbed with
-charcoal, or why they should circumcise their boys, or why they should
-have a tradition of the deluge? Does any theory of evolution help in
-explaining these associations? They are clearly fortuitous associations
-of customs and beliefs, which have no inherent relationship one to the
-other. They became connected purely by chance in one definite locality,
-and the fact that such incongruous customs reappear in association in
-distant parts of the globe is proof of the most positive kind that the
-wanderings of peoples must have brought this peculiar combination of
-freakish practices from the centre where chance linked them together.
-
-Because it was the fashion among a particular group of megalith-builders
-to tattoo the chins of their womenkind, the wanderers who carried abroad
-the one custom also took the other: but there is no genetic or inherent
-connection between megalith-building and chin-tattooing.
-
-Such evidence is infinitely stronger and more convincing than that
-afforded by one custom considered by itself, because in the former case
-we are dealing with an association which is definitely and obviously
-due to pure chance, such as the so-called psychological method, however
-casuistical, is impotent to explain.
-
-But the study of such a custom as tattooing, even when considered alone,
-affords evidence that ought to convince most reasonable people of the
-impossibility of it having independently arisen in different, widely
-scattered, localities. The data have been carefully collected and
-discussed with clear insight and common sense by Miss Buckland (=10=)
-in an admirable memoir, which I should like to commend to all who still
-hold to the meaningless dogma “of the similarity of the working of the
-human mind” as an explanation of the identity of customs. Tattooing
-is practised throughout the great “heliolithic” track. [Striking as
-Miss Buckland’s map of distribution is as a demonstration of this, if
-completed in the light of our present information, it would be even more
-convincing, for she has omitted Libya, which so far as we know at present
-may possibly have been the centre of origin of the curious practice.]
-
-Tattooing of the chin in women is practised in localities as far apart as
-Egypt, India, Japan, New Guinea, New Zealand, Easter Island and North
-and South America.
-
-Miss Buckland rightly draws the conclusion that “the wide distribution of
-this peculiar custom is of considerable significance, especially as it
-follows so nearly in the line” which she had “indicated in two previous
-papers (=8= and =9=) as suggestive of a prehistoric intercourse between
-the two hemispheres.... When we find in India, Japan, Egypt, New Guinea,
-New Zealand, Alaska, Greenland and America, the custom of tattooing
-carried out in precisely the same manner and for the same ends, and when
-in addition to this we find a similarity in other ornaments, in weapons,
-in games, in modes of burial, and many other customs, we think it may
-fairly be assumed that they all derived these customs from a common
-source, or that at some unknown period, some intercourse existed” (p.
-326).
-
-In the first of her memoirs (=8=) Miss Buckland calls attention to “the
-curious connection between early worship of the serpent and a knowledge
-of metals,” which is of peculiar interest in this discussion, because the
-Proto-Egyptians, who were serpent-worshippers (_see_ Sethe, =74=), had
-a knowledge of metals at a period when, so far as our present knowledge
-goes, no other people had yet acquired it. Referring to the ancient
-Indian Indra, the Chaldean Ea and the Mexican Quetzalcoatl, among other
-gods, Miss Buckland remarks:—“The deities, kings and heroes who are
-symbolised by the serpent are commonly described as the pioneers of
-civilisation and the instructors of mankind in the arts of agriculture
-and mining.”
-
-Further, in an interesting article on “Stimulants in Use among Savages
-and among the Ancients” (=9=), she tells us that “among aboriginal races
-in a line across the Pacific, from Formosa on the West to Peru and
-Bolivia on the East, a peculiar, and what would appear to civilised
-races a disgusting mode of preparing fermented drinks, prevails,
-the women being in all cases the chief manufacturers; the material
-employed varying according to the state of agriculture in the different
-localities, but the mode of preparation remaining virtually the same”
-(=9=, p. 213).
-
-If space permitted I should have liked to make extensive quotations from
-Park Harrison’s most conclusive independent demonstration of the spread
-of culture along the same great route, at which he arrived from the study
-of the geographical distribution of the peculiar custom of artificially
-distending the lobe of the ear (=29=). This practice was not infrequent
-in Egypt (=79=) in the times of the new Empire, a fact which Harrison
-seems to have overlooked: but he records it amongst the Greeks, Hebrews,
-Etruscans, Persians, in Bœotia, Zanzibar, Natal, Southern India, Ceylon,
-Assam, Aracan, Burma, Laos, Nicobar Islands, Nias, Borneo, China, Solomon
-Islands, Admiralty Islands, New Hebrides, New Caledonia, Pelew Islands,
-Navigators Island, Fiji, Friendly Islands, Penrhyn, Society Islands,
-Easter Island, Peru, Palenque, Mexico, Brazil and Paraguay. This is an
-excellent and remarkably complete [if he had used the data now available
-it might have been made even more complete] mapping out of the great
-“heliolithic” track.
-
-The identity of geographical distribution is no mere fortuitous
-coincidence.
-
-It is of peculiar interest that Harrison is able to demonstrate a linked
-association between this custom and sun-worship in most of the localities
-enumerated. In the figures illustrating his memoir other obvious
-associations can be detected intimately binding it by manifold threads
-into the very texture of the “heliolithic culture.” If to this we add the
-fact that in many localities the design tattooed on the skin was the
-sun, we further strengthen the woof of the closely woven fabric that is
-gradually taking shape.
-
-To these forty-year-old demonstrations let me add Wilson’s interesting
-recent monograph on the swastika (=105=), which independently tells the
-same story and blazens the same great track around the world (see his
-map). He further calls attention to the close geographical association
-between the distribution of the swastika and the spindle-whorl. By
-attributing the introduction of weaving and the swastika into most
-localities where they occur by the same culture-heroes he thereby adds
-the swastika to the “heliolithic” outfit, for weaving already belongs to
-it.
-
-To these practices one might add a large series of others of a character
-no less remarkable, such, for example, as circumcision, the practice of
-massage (=57=, =67= and =11=), the curious custom known as _couvade_, all
-of which are distributed along the great “heliolithic” pathway and belong
-to the great culture-complex which travelled by it.
-
-But there are several interesting bits of corroborative evidence that I
-cannot refrain from mentioning.
-
-One of the most carefully-investigated bonds of cultural connection
-between the Eastern Mediterranean in Phœnician times and pre-Columbian
-America (Tehuantepec) has recently been put on record by Zelia Nuttall
-in her memoir on “a curious survival in Mexico of the use of the Purpura
-shell-fish for dyeing” (=50=). After a very thorough and critical
-analysis of all the facts of this truly remarkable case of transmission
-of an extraordinary custom, Mrs. Nuttall justly concludes that “it seems
-almost easier to believe that certain elements of an ancient European
-culture were at one time, and perhaps once only, actually transmitted
-by the traditional small band of ... Mediterranean seafarers, than to
-explain how, under totally different conditions of race and climate, the
-identical ideas and customs should have arisen” (pp. 383 and 384). Nor
-does she leave us in any doubt as to the route taken by the carriers of
-this practice. Found in association with it, both in the Old and the New
-World, was the use of conch-shell trumpets and pearls. The antiquity of
-these usages is proved by their representation in pre-Columbian pictures
-or, in the case of the pearls, the finding of actual specimens in graves.
-
-In Phœnician Greek, and later times these shell-trumpets were extensively
-used in the Mediterranean: “European travellers have found them in actual
-use in East India, Japan and, by the Alfurs, in Ceram, the Papuans of New
-Guinea, as well as in the South Sea islands as far as New Zealand,” and
-in many places in America (p. 378). “In the Old and the New World alike,
-are found, in the same close association, (1) the purple industry and
-skill in weaving; (2) the use of pearls and conch-shell trumpets; (3)
-the mining, working and trafficking in copper, silver and gold; (4) the
-tetrarchial form of government; (5) the conception of ‘Four Elements’;
-(6) the cyclical form of calendar. Those scholars who assert that all
-of the foregoing must have been developed independently will ever be
-confronted by the persistent and unassailable fact that, throughout
-America, the aborigines unanimously disclaim all share in their
-production and assign their introduction to strangers of superior-culture
-from distant and unknown parts” (p. 383).
-
-Many other equally definite proofs might be cited of the transmission of
-customs from the Old to the New World, of which the instance reported by
-Tylor (=102=) is the classical example[2]; but I know of no other which
-has been so critically studied and so fully recorded as Mrs. Nuttall’s
-case.
-
-But the difficulty may be raised—as in fact invariably happens when these
-subjects come up for discussion—as to the means of transmission. Rivers
-has explained what does actually happen in the contact of peoples (=68=)
-and how a small group of wanderers bringing the elements of a higher
-culture can exert a profound and far-reaching influence upon a large
-uncultured population (=64= to =70=).
-
-Lane-Fox’s [Pitt Rivers’] memoir “on Early Modes of Navigation” (=21=)
-not only affords in itself an admirable summary of the definite evidence
-for the spread of culture; but is also doubly valuable to us, because
-incidentally it illustrates also the actual means by which the migrations
-of the culture-bearers took place. The survival into modern times,
-upon the Hooghly and other Indian rivers, of boats provided with the
-fantastic steering arrangement used by the Ancient Egyptians 2000 years
-B.C., is in itself a proof of ancient Egyptian influence in India; and
-the contemporary practice of representing eyes upon the bow of the ship
-enables us to demonstrate a still wider extension of that influence, for
-in modern times that custom has been recorded as far apart as Malta,
-India, China, Oceania and the North-West American coast.
-
-But there is no difficulty about the question of the transmission of
-such customs. Most scholars who have mastered the early history of some
-particular area, in many cases those who most resolutely deny even the
-possibility of the wider spread of culture, frankly admit—because it
-would stultify their own localised researches to deny it—the intercourse
-of the particular people in which they are interested and its neighbours.
-Merely by using these links, forged by the reluctant hands of hostile
-witnesses, it is possible to construct the whole chain needed for such
-migrations as I postulate (see _Map II_.)
-
-No one who reads the evidence collected by such writers as Ellis (=15=),
-de Quatrefages (=60=) and Percy Smith (=98=)[3] can doubt the fact of
-the extensive prehistoric migrations throughout the Pacific Ocean along
-definitely known routes. Even Joyce (whose otherwise excellent summaries
-of the facts relating to American archæology have been emasculated by his
-refusal to admit the influence of the Old World upon American culture)
-states that migrations from India extended to Indonesia (and Madagascar)
-and all the islands of the Pacific; and even that “it is likely that the
-coast of America was reached” (=61=, p. 119).[4]
-
-There is no doubt as to the reality of the close maritime intercourse
-between the Persian Gulf and India from the eighth century B.C. (=13=;
-=14=; =51=; and =101=); and of course it is a historical fact that the
-Mediterranean littoral and Egypt had been in intimate connexion with
-Babylonia for some centuries before, and especially after, that time.
-
-[Illustration: _Map 2._—An attempt to represent roughly the areas more
-directly affected by the “heliolithic” culture-complex, with arrows
-to indicate the hypothetical routes taken in the migrations of the
-culture-bearers who were responsible for its diffusion.]
-
-In the face of this overwhelming mass of definite evidence of the reality
-not only of the spread of culture and its carriers, but also of the
-ways and the means by which it travelled, it will naturally be asked
-how it has come to pass that there is even the shadow of a doubt as to
-the migrations which distributed this “heliolithic” culture-complex
-so widely in the world. It cannot be explained by lack of knowledge,
-for most of the facts that I have enumerated are taken bodily from the
-anthropological journals of forty or more years ago.
-
-The explanation is to be found, I believe, in a curious psychological
-process incidental to the intensive study of an intricate problem.
-As knowledge increased and various scholars attempted to define the
-means by (and the time at) which the contacts of various peoples took
-place, difficulties were revealed which, though really trivial, were
-magnified into insuperable obstacles. All of these real difficulties were
-created by mistaken ideas of the relative chronology of the appearance
-of civilisation in various centres, and especially by the failure to
-realise that useful arts were often lost. For example, if on a certain
-mainland _A_ two practices, _a_ and _b_—one of them, _a_, a useful
-practice, say the making of pottery; the other, _b_, a useless custom,
-say the preservation of the corpse—were developed, and _a_ was at least
-as old, or preferably definitely older than _b_, it seemed altogether
-inconceivable to the ethnologist if an island _B_ was influenced by the
-culture of the mainland _A_, at some time after the practices _a_ and _b_
-were in vogue, that it might, under any conceivable circumstances, fail
-to preserve the useful art _a_, even though it might allow the utterly
-useless practice _b_ to lapse. Therefore it was argued that, if the later
-inhabitants of _B_ mummified their dead, but did not make pottery, this
-was clear evidence that they could not have come under the influence of
-_A_.
-
-But the whole of the formidable series of obstacles raised by this
-kind of argument has been entirely swept away by Dr. Rivers, who has
-demonstrated how often it has happened that a population has completely
-lost some useful art which it once had, and even more often clung to some
-useless practice (=65=).
-
-The remarkable feature of the present state of the discussion is that,
-in spite of Rivers’ complete demolition of these difficulties (=65=),
-most ethnologists do not seem to realise that there is now a free scope
-for taking a clear and common-sense view of the truth, unhindered by
-any obstructions. It is characteristic of the history of scientific,
-no less than of theological argument, that the immediate effect of the
-destruction of the foundations of cherished beliefs is to make their
-more fanatical votaries shout their creed all the louder and more
-dogmatically, and hurl anathemas at those who dissent.
-
-This is the only explanation I can offer of the remarkable presidential
-address delivered by Fewkes to the Anthropological Society of Washington
-in 1912 (=18=), Keane’s incoherent recklessness[5] (=41=, pp. 140, 218,
-219, and 367 to 370), and the amazing criticisms which during the last
-four years I have had annually to meet. There is no attempt at argument,
-but mere dogmatic and often irrelevant assertions. The constant appeal
-to the meaningless phrase “the similarity of the working of the human
-mind”[6] (=18=), as though it were a magical incantation against logical
-induction, and harping on the so-called “psychological argument” (=41=),
-which is directly opposed to the teaching of psychology, are the only
-excuses one can obtain from the “orthodox” ethnologist for this obstinate
-refusal to face the issue. Of course it is a historical fact that the
-discussions of the theory of evolution inclined ethnologists during the
-last century the more readily to accept the _laisser faire_ attitude, and
-put an end to all their difficulties by the pretence that most cultures
-developed independently _in situ_. It is all the more surprising that
-Huxley took some small part in encouraging this lapse into superficiality
-and abuse of the evolution conception, when it is recalled that, as Sir
-Michael Foster tells us, the then President of the Ethnological Society
-“made himself felt in many ways, not the least by the severity with which
-he repressed the pretensions of shallow persons who, taking advantage of
-the glamour of the Darwinian doctrine, talked nonsense in the name of
-anthropological science” (“Life and Letters of Thomas Henry Huxley,” Vol.
-I., p. 263).
-
-It is a singular commentary on the attitude of the “orthodox” school
-of ethnologists that, when pressed to accept the obvious teaching of
-ethnological evidence, they should desert the strong intrenchments
-which the difficulties of full and adequate explanation have afforded
-them in the past, and take refuge behind the straw barricades of
-imaginary psychological and biological analogies, which they have hastily
-constructed for their own purposes, and in flagrant defiance of all that
-the psychologist understands by the phrase “working of the human mind,”
-if perchance he is ever driven to employ this expression, or the meaning
-attached by the biologist to “evolution.”
-
-It is not sufficient proof of my thesis, however, merely to expose the
-hollowness of the pretensions of one’s opponents, nor even to show the
-identity of geographical distribution and the linking up of customs to
-form the “heliolithic” culture-complex. Many writers have dimly realised
-that some such spread of culture took place, but by misunderstanding
-the nature of the factors that came into play or the chronology of
-the movements they were discussing (see especially Macmillan Brown’s
-(=7=) and Enoch’s (=16=) books, to mention the latest, but by no means
-the worst offenders), have brought discredit upon the thesis I am
-endeavouring to demonstrate.
-
-Another danger has arisen out of the revulsion against Bastian’s old
-idea of independent evolution by his fellow-countrymen Frobenius,
-Graebner, Ankermann, Foy and others, with the co-operation of the
-Austrian philologist, Schmidt, and the Swiss ethnologist, Montandon
-(who has summarised the views of the new school in the first part of
-the new journal, _Archives suisses d’Anthropologie générale_, May,
-1914, p. 113); for they have rushed to the other extreme, and, relying
-mainly upon objects of “material culture,” have put forward a method of
-analysis and postulated a series of migrations for which the evidence
-is very doubtful. Rivers (=64=) has pointed out the unreliability of
-such inferences when unchecked by the consideration of elements of
-culture which are not so easily bartered or borrowed as bows and spears.
-He has insisted upon the fundamental importance of the study of social
-organisation as supplying the most stable and trustworthy data for the
-analysis of a culture-complex and an index of racial admixture. The
-study of such a practice as mummification, the influence of which is
-deep-rooted in the innermost beliefs of the people who resort to it,
-affords data almost as reliable as Rivers’ method; for the subsequent
-account will make it abundantly clear that the practice of embalming
-leaves its impress upon the burial customs of a people long ages after
-other methods of disposal of their dead have been adopted.
-
-I have been led into this digression by attempting to make it clear that
-the mere demonstration of the identity of geographical distribution
-and the linking together of a series of cultural elements by no means
-represents the solution of the main problem.
-
-What has still to be elucidated is the manner and the place in which the
-complex fabric of the “heliolithic” culture was woven, the precise epoch
-in which it began to be spread abroad and the identity of its carriers,
-the influences to which it was subjected on the way, and the additions,
-subtractions and modifications which it underwent as the result.
-
-Although I have now collected many of the data for the elucidation of
-these points, the limited space at my disposal compels me to defer for
-the present the consideration of the most interesting aspect of the whole
-problem, the identity of the early mariners who were the distributors
-of so strange a cargo. It was this aspect of the question which first
-led me into the controversy; but I shall be able to deal with it more
-conveniently when the ethnological case has been stated. The enormous
-bulk of the data that have accumulated compels me to omit a large mass of
-corroborative evidence of an ethnological nature; but no doubt there will
-be many opportunities in the near future for using up this reserve of
-ammunition.
-
-Before setting out for the meeting of the British Association in
-Australia last year I submitted the following abstract of a communication
-(=96=) to be made to the Section of Anthropology:—
-
-“After dealing with the evidence from the resemblances in the physical
-characteristics of widely separated populations—such, for instance, as
-certain of the ancient inhabitants of Western Asia on the one hand, and
-certain Polynesians on the other—suggesting far-reaching prehistoric
-migrations, the distribution of certain peculiarly distinctive practices,
-such as mummification and the building of megalithic monuments, is made
-use of to confirm the reality of such wanderings of peoples.
-
-“I have already (at the Portsmouth, Dundee, and Birmingham meetings)
-dealt with the problem as it affects the Mediterranean littoral and
-Western Europe. On the present occasion I propose to direct attention
-mainly to the question of the spread of culture from the centres of the
-ancient civilisations along the Southern Asiatic coast and from there
-out into the Pacific. From the examination of the evidence supplied by
-megalithic monuments and distinctive burial customs, studied in the light
-of the historical information relating to the influence exerted by Arabia
-and India in the Far East, one can argue by analogy as to the nature of
-migrations in the even more remote past to explain the distribution of
-the earliest peoples dwelling on the shores of the Pacific.
-
-“Practices such as mummification and megalith-building present so many
-peculiar and distinctive features that no hypothesis of independent
-evolution can seriously be entertained in explanation of their
-geographical distribution. They must be regarded as evidence of the
-diffusion of information, and the migrations of bearers of it, from
-somewhere in the neighbourhood of the Eastern Mediterranean, step by step
-out into Polynesia, and even perhaps beyond the Pacific to the American
-littoral.”
-
-At that time it was my intention further to develop the arguments from
-megalithic monuments which I had laid before the Association at the three
-preceding meetings and elsewhere (=90=; =91=; =92=; =93=; and especially
-=94=); and endeavour to prove that the structure and the geographical
-distribution of these curious memorials pointed to the spread of a
-distinctive type of culture along the Southern Asiatic littoral, through
-Indonesia and Oceania to the American Continent. The geographical
-distribution of the practice of mummification was to have been used
-merely as a means of corroboration of what I then imagined to be the more
-complete megalithic record, and of emphasizing the fact that Egypt had
-played some part at least in originating these curiously linked customs.
-
-But when I examined the mummy from Torres Straits in the Macleay Museum
-(University of Sydney), and studied the literature relating to the
-methods employed by the embalmers in that region (=1=; =19=; =25=; and
-=27=), I was convinced, from my knowledge of the technical details
-used in mummification in ancient Egypt (see especially =78=; =86= and
-=87=), that these Papuan mummies supplied us with the most positive
-demonstration of the Egyptian origin of the methods employed. Moreover,
-as they revealed a series of very curious procedures, such as were not
-invented in Egypt until the time of the New Empire, and some of them not
-until the XXIst Dynasty, it was evident that the cultural wave which
-carried the knowledge of these things to the Torres Straits could not
-have started on its long course from Egypt before the ninth century B.C.,
-at the earliest.
-
-The incision for eviscerating the body was made in the flank, right or
-left, or in the perineum (=19=; =25=)—the two sites selected for making
-the embalming incision in Egypt (=78=); the flank incision was made in
-the precise situation (between costal margin and iliac crest) which was
-distinctive of XXIst and XXIInd Dynasty methods in Egypt (=86=); and the
-wound was stitched up in accordance with the method employed in the case
-of the cheaper kinds of embalming at that period (=78=). When the flank
-incision was not employed an opening was made in the perineum, as was
-done in Egypt—the second method mentioned by Herodotus—in the case of
-less wealthy people (=56=, p. 46).
-
-The viscera, after removal, were thrown into the sea, as, according to
-Porphyry and Plutarch, it was the practice in Egypt at one time (=56=,
-pp. 57 and 58) to cast them into the Nile.
-
-The body was painted with a mixture containing red-ochre, the scalp was
-painted black, and artificial eyes were inserted. These procedures were
-first adopted (in their entirety) in Egypt during the XXIst Dynasty,
-although the experiments leading up to the adoption of these methods
-began in the XIXth.
-
-But most remarkable of all, the curiously inexplicable Egyptian procedure
-for removing the brain, which in Egypt was not attempted until the
-XVIIIth Dynasty—_i.e._, until its embalmers had had seventeen centuries
-experience of their remarkable craft (=78=)—was also followed by the
-savages of the Torres Straits (=25=; =27=)!
-
-Surely it is inconceivable that such people could have originated the
-idea or devised the means for practising an operation so devoid of
-meaning and so technically difficult as this! The interest of their
-technique is that the Torres Straits operators followed the method
-originally employed in Egypt (in the case of the mummy of the Pharaoh
-Ahmes I. [=86=, p. 16]), which is one requiring considerable skill and
-dexterity, and not the simpler operation through the nostrils which was
-devised later (=78=).
-
-The Darnley Islanders also made a circular incision through the skin
-of each finger and toe, and having scraped off the epidermis from the
-rest of the body, they carefully peeled off these thimbles of skin, and
-presented them to the deceased’s widow (=25=; =27=).
-
-This practice is peculiarly interesting as an illustration of the
-adoption of an ancient Egyptian custom in complete ignorance of the
-purpose it was intended to serve. The ancient Egyptian embalmers (and,
-again, those of the XXIst Dynasty) made similar circular incisions around
-fingers and toes, and also scraped off the rest of the epidermis: but the
-aim of this strange procedure was to prevent the general epidermis, as
-it was shed (which occurred when the body was steeped for weeks in the
-preservative brine bath), from carrying the finger- and toe-nails with
-it (=78=). A thimble of skin was left on each finger and toe to keep the
-nail _in situ_; and to make it doubly secure, it was tied on with string
-(=78=) or fixed with a ring of gold or a silver glove (=84=).
-
-In the Torres Straits method of embalming the brine bath was not
-used; so the scraping off of the epidermis was wholly unnecessary. In
-addition, after following precisely the preliminary steps of this aimless
-proceeding, by deliberately and intentionally removing the skin-thimbles
-and nails they defeated the very objects which the Egyptians had in view
-when they invented this operation!
-
-An elaborate technical operation such as this which serves no useful
-purpose and is wholly misunderstood by its practitioners cannot have been
-invented by them. It is another certain proof of the Egyptian origin of
-the practice.
-
-There is another feature of these Papuan mummies which may or may not be
-explicable as the adoption of Egyptian practices put to a modified, if
-not a wholly different, use. Among the new methods introduced in Egypt
-in the XXIst Dynasty was a curious device for restoring to the mummy
-something of the fulness of form and outline it had lost during the
-process of preservation. Through various incisions (which incidentally
-no doubt allowed the liquid products of decomposition to escape) foreign
-materials were packed under the skin of the mummy (=78=; =87=). These
-incisions were made between the toes, sometimes at the knees, in the
-region of the shoulders, and sometimes in other situations (=78=). In
-the Papuan method of mummification “cuts were made on the knee-caps and
-between the fingers and toes; then holes were pierced in the cuts with an
-arrow so as to allow the liquids to drip from them” (Hamlyn-Harris, =27=,
-p. 3). In one of the mummies in the Brisbane museum there seem to be
-incisions also in the shoulders. The situation of these openings suggests
-the view that the idea of making them _may_ (and I do not wish to put it
-any more definitely) have been suggested by the Egyptian XXIst Dynastic
-practice. For, although the incisions were made, in the latter case, for
-the purpose of packing the limbs, incidentally they served for drainage
-purposes.
-
-But it was not only the mere method of embalming, convincing and definite
-as it is, that establishes the derivation of the Papuan from the
-Egyptian procedure; but also all the other funerary practices, and the
-beliefs associated with them, that help to clinch the proof. The special
-treatment of the head, the use of masks, the making of stone idols, these
-and scores of other curious customs (which have been described in detail
-in Haddon’s and Myers’ admirable account [=25=]) might be cited.
-
-When I called the attention of the Anthropological Section to these
-facts and my interpretation of them at the meeting of the British
-Association in Melbourne, Professor J. L. Myres opened the discussion
-by adopting a line of argument which, even after four years’ experience
-of controversies of the megalith-problem, utterly amazed me. “What
-more natural than that people should want to preserve their dead? Or
-that in doing so they should remove the more putrescible parts? Would
-not the flank be the natural place to choose for the purpose? Is it
-not a common practice for people to paint their dead with red-ochre?”
-It is difficult to believe that such questions were meant to be taken
-seriously. The claim that it is quite a natural thing on the death of
-a near relative for the survivors instinctively to remove his viscera,
-dry the corpse over a fire, scrape off his epidermis, remove his brain
-through a hole in the back of his neck, and then paint the corpse red is
-a sample of casuistry not unworthy of a mediæval theologian. Yet this is
-the gratuitous claim made at a scientific meeting! If Professor Myres
-had known anything of the history of Anatomy he would have realized
-that the problem of preserving the body was one of extreme difficulty
-which for long ages had exercised the most civilized peoples, not only
-in antiquity, but also in modern times. In Egypt, where the natural
-conditions favouring the successful issue of attempts to preserve the
-body were largely responsible for the possibility of such embalming,
-it took more than seventeen centuries of constant practice and
-experimentation to reach the stage and to acquire the methods exemplified
-in the Torres Straits mummies. In Egypt also a curious combination
-of natural circumstances and racial customs was responsible for the
-suggestion of the desirability and the possibility artificially to
-preserve the corpse. How did the people of the Torres Straits acquire the
-knowledge even of the possibility of such an attainment, not to mention
-the absence of any inherent suggestion of its desirability? For in the
-hot, damp atmosphere of such places as Darnley Island the corpse would
-never have been preserved by natural means, so that the suggestion which
-stimulated the Egyptians to embark upon their experimentation was lacking
-in the case of the Papuans. But even if for some mysterious reasons these
-people had been prompted to attempt to preserve their dead, during the
-experimental stage they would have had to combat these same unfavourable
-conditions. Is it at all probable or even possible to conceive that under
-such exceptionally difficult, not to say discouraging, circumstances they
-would have persisted for long periods in their gruesome experiments; or
-have attained a more rapid success than the more cultured peoples of
-Egypt and Europe, operating under more favourable climatic conditions,
-and with the help of a knowledge of chemistry and physics, were able
-to achieve? The suggestion is too preposterous to call for serious
-consideration.
-
-But if for the moment we assume that the Darnley Islander instinctively
-arrived at the conclusion that it was possible to preserve the dead, that
-he would rather like to try it, and that by some mysterious inspiration
-the technical means of attaining this object was vouchsafed him, why,
-when the whole ventral surface of the body was temptingly inviting him
-to operate by the simplest and most direct means, did he restrict his
-choice to the two most difficult sites for his incision? We know why the
-Egyptian made the opening in the left flank and in other cases in the
-perineum; but is it likely the Papuan, once he had decided to cut the
-body, would have had such a respect for the preservation of the integrity
-of the front of the body as to impel him to choose a means of procedure
-which added greatly to the technical difficulty of the operation? We have
-the most positive evidence that the Papuan had no such design, for it was
-his usual procedure to cut the head off the trunk and pay little further
-attention to the latter. Myres’ contention will not stand a moment’s
-examination.
-
-As to the use of red-ochre, which Myres rightly claimed to be so
-widespread, no hint was given of the possibility that it might be so
-extensively practised simply because the Egyptian custom had spread far
-and wide.
-
-It is important to remember that the practice of painting stone statues
-with red-ochre (obviously to make them more life-like) was in vogue in
-Egypt before 3000 B.C.; and throughout the whole “heliolithic” area,
-wherever the conception of human beings dwelling in stones, whether
-carved or not, was adopted, the Egyptian practice of applying red paint
-also came into vogue. But it was not until more than twenty centuries
-later—_i.e._ when, for quite definite reasons in the XXIst Dynasty,
-the Egyptians conceived the idea of converting the mummy itself into a
-statue—that they introduced the procedure of painting the mummy (the
-actual body), simply because it was regarded as the statue (=78=).
-
-After Professor Myres, Dr. Haddon offered two criticisms. Firstly, the
-incisions in the feet and knees were not suggested by Egyptian practices,
-but were made for the strictly utilitarian purpose of draining the
-fluids from the body. I have dealt with this point already (_vide
-supra_). His second objection was that there were no links between
-Egypt and Papua to indicate that the custom had spread. The present
-communication is intended to dispose of that objection by demonstrating
-not only the route by which, but also how, the practice reached the
-Torres Straits after the long journey from Egypt.
-
-It will be noticed that this criticism leaves my main arguments from the
-mummies quite untouched. Moreover, the fact that originally I made use
-of the testimony of the mummies merely in support of evidence of other
-kinds (the physical characters of the peoples and the distribution of
-megalithic monuments) was completely ignored by my critics.
-
-But, as I have already remarked, it is not merely the remarkable identity
-of so many of the peculiar features of Papuan and Egyptian embalming that
-affords definite evidence of the derivation of one from the other; but in
-addition, many of the ceremonies and practices, as well as the traditions
-relating to the people who introduced the custom of mummification,
-corroborate the fact that immigrants from the west introduced these
-elements of culture. In addition, they also suggest their affinities.
-
-“A hero-cult, with masked performers and elaborate dances, spread from
-the mainland of New Guinea to the adjacent islands: part of this movement
-seems to have been associated with a funeral ritual that emphasised a
-life after death.... Most of the funeral ceremonies and many sacred songs
-admittedly came from the west” (Haddon, =25=, p. 45).
-
-“Certain culture-heroes severally established themselves on certain
-islands, and they or their followers introduced a new cult which
-considerably modified the antecedent totemism,” and taught “improved
-methods of cultivation and fishing” (p. 44).
-
-“An interesting parallel to these hero-cults of Torres Straits occurred
-also in Fiji. The people of Viti-Levu trace their descent from
-[culture-heroes] who drifted across the Big Ocean and taught to the
-people the cult associated with the large stone enclosures” (p. 45).
-
-In these islands the people were expert at carving stone idols and they
-had legends concerning certain “stones that once were men” (p. 11). It is
-also significant that at the bier of a near relative, boys and girls, who
-had arrived at the age of puberty, had their ears pierced and their skin
-tattooed (p. 154).
-
-Thus Haddon himself supplies so many precise tokens of the “heliolithic”
-nature of the culture of the Torres Straits.
-
-These hints of migrations and the coming of strangers bringing from the
-west curious practices and beliefs may seem at first sight to add little
-to the evidence afforded by the technique of the embalming process;
-but the subsequent discussion will make it plain that the association
-of these particular procedures with mummification serves to clinch the
-demonstration of the source from which that practice was derived.
-
-It is doubly interesting to obtain all this corroborative evidence
-from the writings of Dr. Haddon, in view of the fact, to which I have
-already referred, that he vigorously protested against my contention
-that the embalmers of the Torres Straits acquired their art, directly or
-indirectly, from Egypt. For, in his graphic account of a burial ceremony
-at Murray Islands, his confession that, as he watched the funerary boat
-and the wailing women, his “mind wandered back thousands of years, and
-called up ancient Egypt carrying its dead in boats across the sacred
-Nile” has a much deeper and more real significance than he intended.
-The analogy which at once sprang to his mind was not merely a chance
-resemblance, but the expression of a definite survival amongst these
-simple people in the Far East of customs their remote ancestors had
-acquired, through many intermediaries no doubt, from the Egyptians of the
-ninth century B.C.
-
-At the time when Dr. Haddon asked for the evidence for the connection
-between Egypt and Papua, I was aware only of the Burmese practices (_vide
-infra_) in the intervening area, and the problem of establishing the
-means by which the Egyptian custom actually spread seemed to be a very
-formidable task.
-
-But soon after my return from Australia all the links in the cultural
-chain came to light. Mr. W. J. Perry, who had been engaged in analysing
-the complex mixture of cultures in Indonesia, kindly permitted me to
-read the manuscript of the book he had written upon the subject. With
-remarkable perspicuity he had unravelled the apparently hopeless tangle
-into which the social organisation of this ethnological cockpit has been
-involved by the mixture of peoples and the conflict of diverse beliefs
-and customs. His convincing demonstration of the fact that there had been
-an immigration into Indonesia (from the West) of a people who introduced
-megalithic ideas, sun-worship and phallism, and many other distinctive
-practices and traditions, not only gave me precisely the information
-I needed, but also directed my attention to the fact that the culture
-(for which, so he informed me, Professor Brockwell, of Montreal, had
-suggested the distinctive term “heliolithic”) included also the practice
-of mummification. In the course of continuous discussions with him during
-the last four months a clear view of the whole problem and the means of
-solving most of its difficulties emerged.
-
-For Perry’s work in this field, no less than for my own, Rivers’
-illuminating and truly epoch-making researches (=64= to =70=)
-have cleared the ground. Not only has he removed from the path of
-investigators the apparently insuperable obstacles to the demonstration
-of the spread of cultures by showing how useful arts can be lost (=65=);
-but he has analysed the social organisation of Oceania in such a way
-that the various waves of immigration into the Pacific can be identified
-and with certainty be referred back to Indonesia (=69=). Many other
-scholars in the past have produced evidence (for example =2=; =60=;
-=61= and =98=) to demonstrate that the Polynesians came from Indonesia;
-but Rivers analysed and defined the characteristic features of several
-streams of culture which flowed from Indonesia into the Pacific. Perry
-undertook the task of tracing these peoples through the Indonesian maze
-and pushing back their origins to India. In the present communication
-I shall attempt to sketch in broad outline the process of the gradual
-accumulation in Egypt and the neighbourhood of the cultural outfit of
-these great wanderers, and to follow them in their migrations west, south
-and east from the place where their curious assortment of customs and
-accomplishments became fortuitously associated one with the other (_Map
-II._).
-
-I cannot claim that my colleagues in this campaign against what seems to
-us to be the utterly mistaken precepts of modern ethnology see altogether
-eye to eye with me. They have been dealing exclusively with more
-primitive peoples amongst whom every new attainment, in arts and crafts,
-in beliefs and social organisation, in everything in fact that we regard
-as an element of civilization, has been introduced from without by more
-cultured races, or fashioned in the conflict between races of different
-traditions and ideals.
-
-My investigations, on the contrary, have been concerned mainly with the
-actual invention of the elements of civilization and with the people who
-created practically all of its ingredients—the ideas, the implements
-and methods of the arts and crafts which give expression to it. Though
-superficially my attitude may seem to clash with theirs, in that I am
-attempting to explain the primary origin of some of the things, with
-which they are dealing only as ready-made customs and beliefs that were
-handed on from people to people, there is no real antagonism between us.
-
-It is obvious that there must be a limit to the application of the
-borrowing-explanation; and when we are forced to consider the people who
-really invented things, it is necessary to frame some working hypothesis
-in explanation of such achievements, unless we feebly confess that it is
-useless to attempt such enquiries.
-
-In previous works (=82= and =85=) I have explained why it must be
-something more than a mere coincidence that in Egypt, where the operation
-of natural forces leads to the preservation of the corpse when buried
-in the hot dry sand, it should have become a cardinal tenet in the
-beliefs of the people to strive after the preservation of the body as
-the essential means of continuing an existence after death. When death
-occurred the only difference that could be detected between the corpse
-and the living body was the absence of the vital spirit from the former.
-[For the interpretation of the Egyptians’ peculiar ideas concerning
-death, see Alan Gardiner’s, important article (=23=).] It was in a
-condition in some sense analogous to sleep; and the corpse, therefore,
-was placed in its “dwelling” in the soil lying in the attitude naturally
-assumed, by primitive people when sleeping. Its vital spirit or _ka_ was
-liberated from the body, but hovered round the corpse so long as its
-tissues were preserved. It needed food and all the other things that
-ministered to the welfare and comfort of the living, not omitting the
-luxuries and personal adornments which helped to make life pleasant.
-Hence at all times graves became the objects of plunder on the part
-of unscrupulous contemporaries; and so incidentally the knowledge was
-forthcoming from time to time of the fate of the body in the grave.
-
-The burial customs of the Proto-Egyptians, starting from those common to
-the whole group of the Brown Race in the Neolithic phase, first became
-differentiated from the rest when special importance came to be attached
-to the preservation of the actual tissues of the body.
-
-It was this development, no doubt, that prompted, their more careful
-arrangements for the protection of the corpse, and gradually led to the
-aggrandisement of the tomb, the more abundant provision of food offerings
-and funerary equipment in general.
-
-Even in the earliest known Pre-dynastic period the Proto-Egyptians were
-in the habit of loosely wrapping their dead in linen—for the art of the
-weaver goes back to that remote time in Egypt—and then protecting the
-wrapped corpse from contact with the soil by an additional wrapping of
-goat-skin or matting.
-
-Then, as the tomb became larger, to accommodate the more abundant
-offerings, almost every conceivable device was tried to protect the body
-from such contact. Instead of the goat-skin or matting, in many cases the
-same result was obtained by lining the grave with series of sticks, with
-slabs of wood, with pieces of unhewn stone, or by lining the grave with
-mud-bricks. In other cases, again, large pottery coffins, of an oblong,
-elliptical, or circular form, were used. Later on, when metal implements
-were invented (=90=), and the skill to use them created the crafts of
-the carpenter and stonemason, coffins of wood or stone came into vogue.
-It is quite certain that the coffin and sarcophagus were Egyptian
-inventions. The mere fact of this extraordinary variety of means and
-materials employed in Egypt, when in other countries one definite method
-was adopted, is proof of the most positive kind that these measures
-for lining the grave were actually invented in Egypt. For the inventor
-tries experiments: the borrower imitates one definite thing. During this
-process of gradual evolution, which occupied the whole of the Pre- and
-Proto-dynastic periods, the practice of inhumation (in the strict sense
-of the term) changed step by step into one of burial in a tomb. In other
-words, instead of burial in the soil, the body came to be lodged in a
-carefully constructed subterranean chamber, which no longer was filled
-up with earth. The further stages in this process of evolution of tomb
-construction, the way in which the rock-cut tomb came into existence,
-and the gradual development of the stone superstructure and temple of
-offerings—all of these matters have been summarised in some detail in my
-article on the evolution of megalithic monuments (=94=).
-
-What especially I want to emphasize here is that in Egypt is preserved
-every stage in the gradual transformation of the burial customs from
-simple inhumation into that associated with the fully-developed rock-cut
-tomb and the stone temple. There can be no question that the craft of the
-stonemason and the practice of building megalithic monuments originated
-in Egypt. In addition, I want to make it quite clear that there is the
-most intimate genetic relationship between the development of these
-megalithic practices and the origin of the art of mummification.
-
-For in course of time the early Egyptians came to learn, no doubt
-again from the discoveries of their tomb-robbers, that the fate of the
-corpse, after remaining for some time in a roomy rock-cut tomb or stone
-coffin, was vastly different from that which befell the body when simply
-buried in the hot, dry, desiccating sand. In respect of the former they
-acquired the idea which the Greeks many centuries later embalmed in the
-word “sarcophagus” under the simple belief that the disappearance of
-the flesh was due to the stone in some mysterious way devouring it.[7]
-[Certain modern archæologists within recent years have entertained an
-equally child-like, though even less informed, view when they claimed
-the absence of any trace of the flesh in certain stone sarcophagi as
-evidence in favour of a fantastic belief that the Neolithic people of the
-Mediterranean area were addicted to the supposed practice which Italian
-archæologists call _scarnitura_.]
-
-But by the time the discovery was made that bodies placed in more
-sumptuous tombs were no longer preserved as they were apt to be when
-buried in the sand, the idea of the necessity for the preservation of the
-body as the essential condition for the attainment of a future existence
-had become fixed in the minds of the people and established by several
-centuries of belief as _the_ cardinal tenet of their faith. Thus the very
-measures they had taken the more surely to guard and preserve the sacred
-remains of their dead had led to a result the reverse of what had been
-intended.
-
-The elaborate ritual that had grown up and the imposing architectural
-traditions were not abandoned when this discovery was made. Even in these
-modern enlightened days human nature does not react in that way. The
-cherished beliefs held by centuries of ancestors are not renounced for
-any discovery of science. The ethnologist has not given up his objections
-to the idea of the spread of culture, now that all the difficulties that
-militated against the acceptance of the common-sense view have been
-removed! Nor did the Egyptians of the Proto-dynastic period revert to
-the practices of their early ancestors and take to sand-burial again.
-They adopted the only other alternative open to a people who retained
-implicitly the belief in the necessity of preserving the body, _i.e._,
-they set about attempting to attain by art what nature unaided no longer
-secured, so long as they clung to their custom of burying in large tombs.
-They endeavoured artificially to preserve the bodies of their dead.
-
-This explains what I meant to imply when I said that the megalithic idea
-and the incentive to mummify the dead are genetically related, the one
-to the other. The stone-tomb came into existence as a direct result of
-the importance attached to the corpse. This development defeated the very
-object that inspired it. The invention of the art of embalming was the
-logical outcome of the attempt to remedy this unexpected result.
-
-As in the history of every similar happening elsewhere, necessity, or
-what these simple-minded people believed to be a necessity, was the
-“mother of invention.”
-
-In the course of the following discussion it will be seen that the
-practice of mummification became linked up in another way with what
-may be called the megalithic traditions. The crudely-preserved body no
-longer retained any likeness to the person as his friends knew him when
-alive. A life-like stone statue was therefore made to represent him.
-Magical means (p. 42) were adopted to give life to the statue. Thus
-originated the belief that a stone might become the dwelling of a living
-person; and that a person when dead may become converted into stone. So
-insistent did this belief become that among more uncultured people, who
-borrowed Egyptian practices but were unable to make portrait statues, a
-rudely-shaped or even unhewn pillar of stone came to be regarded as the
-dwelling of the deceased.
-
-Thus from being the mere device for the identification of the deceased
-the stone statue degenerated among less cultured people into an object
-even less like the dead man than his own crudely-made mummy. But the
-fundamental idea remained and became the starting point for that rich
-crop of petrifaction-myths and beliefs concerning men and animals living
-in stones.
-
-Thus arose in Egypt, somewhere about 3000 B.C., the nucleus of the
-“heliolithic” culture-complex—mummification, megalithic architecture,
-and the making of idols, three practices most intimately and genetically
-linked one with the other. But it was the merest accident that the people
-amongst whom these customs developed, should also have been weavers
-of linen, workers in copper, worshippers of the sun and serpent, and
-practitioners of massage and circumcision.
-
-But it was not for another fifteen centuries that the characteristic
-“heliolithic” culture-complex was completed by the addition of numerous
-other trivial customs, like ear-piercing, tattooing and the use of the
-swastika, none of which originated in Egypt, but happened to have become
-“tacked on” to that distinctive culture before its great world tour began.
-
-The earliest unquestionable evidence (=89=) of an attempt artificially
-to preserve the body was found in a rock-cut tomb of the Second Dynasty,
-at Sakkara. It is important to note that the body was lying in a _flexed_
-position upon the left side, and was contained in a short wooden coffin,
-modelled like a house. The limbs were wrapped separately and large
-quantities of fine linen bandages had been applied around all parts of
-the body, so as to mould the wrapped mummy to a life-like form.
-
-Thus in the earliest mummy—or, to be strictly accurate, in the remains
-which exhibit the earliest evidence of the attempt at embalming—we find
-exemplified the two objects that the Ancient Egyptian embalmer aimed at
-throughout the whole history of his craft, viz., to preserve the actual
-tissues of the body, as well as the form and likeness of the deceased as
-he was when alive.
-
-From the first the embalmer realised the limitations of his
-craftsmanship, _i.e._, that he was unable to make the body itself
-life-like. Hence he strove to preserve its tissues and then to make use
-of its wrappings for the purpose of fashioning a model or statue of
-the dead man. At first this was done while the body was flexed in the
-traditional manner. But soon the flexed position was gradually abandoned.
-Perhaps this change was brought about because it was easier to model the
-superficial form of a wrapped body when extended; and the greater success
-of the results so obtained may have been sufficiently important to have
-outweighed the restraining influence of tradition. The change may have
-occurred all the more readily at this time as beds were coming into use,
-and the idea of placing the “sleeping” body on a bed may have helped
-towards the process of extension.
-
-But whatever view is taken of the explanation of the change of the
-attitude of the body, it is certain that it began soon after the first
-attempts at mummification were made. The evidence of extended burials,
-referred to the First Dynasty, which were found by Flinders Petrie at
-Tarkhan (=54=), may seem to contradict this: but there are reasons for
-believing that attempts at embalming were being made even at that time
-(=85=). It seems to be definitely proved that this change was not due
-to any foreign influence (=45=). At the time that it occurred there was
-a very considerable alien element in the population of Egypt; but the
-admixture took place long before the change in the position of the body
-was manifested. Perhaps the presence of a large foreign element may
-have weakened the sway of Egyptian tradition; but the evidence seems
-definitely opposed to the inference that it played any active part in the
-change of custom. For the history of the gradual way in which the change
-was slowly effected is certain proof of the causal factors at work. There
-was no sudden adoption of the fully extended position, but a slow and
-very gradual straightening of the limbs—a process which it took centuries
-to complete. The analysis of the evidence by Mace is quite conclusive on
-this point (=45=).
-
-I am strongly of the opinion that there is a causal relationship
-between this gradual extension of the body and the measures for the
-reconstruction of a life-like model of the deceased, with the help of the
-mummy’s wrappings. In other words, the adoption of the extended position
-was a direct result of the introduction of mummification.
-
-At an early stage in the history of these changes it seems to have been
-realised that the likeness of the deceased which could be made of the
-wrapped mummy lacked the exactness and precision demanded of a portrait
-Perhaps also there may have been some doubt as to the durability of a
-statue made of linen.
-
-A number of interesting developments occurred at about this time to
-overcome these defects. In one case (=85=), found at Mêdum by Flinders
-Petrie, the superficial bandages were saturated with a paste of resin and
-soda, and the same material was applied to the surface of the wrappings,
-which, while still in a plastic condition, was very skilfully moulded to
-form a life-like statue. The resinous carapace thus built up set to form
-a covering of stony hardness. Special care was devoted to the modelling
-of the head (sometimes the face only) and the genitalia, no doubt to
-serve as the means of identifying the individual and indicating the sex
-respectively.
-
-The hair (or, perhaps, it would be more correct to say, the wig) and the
-moustache were painted with a dark brown or black resinous mixture, and
-the pupils, eyelids and eyebrows were represented by painting with a
-mixture of malachite powder and resinous paste. In other cases, recently
-described by Junker (=40=), plaster was used for the same purpose as the
-resinous paste in Petrie’s mummy. In two of the four instances of this
-practice found by Junker, only the head was modelled.
-
-The special importance assigned to the head is one of the outstanding
-features of ancient Egyptian statuary. It was exemplified in another
-way in the tombs of the early part of the Old Kingdom, as Junker has
-recalled in his memoir, by the construction of stone portrait-statues of
-the head only, which were made life-size and placed in the burial chamber
-alongside the mummy. It seems to me that Junker overlooks an essential,
-if not the, chief, reason for the special importance assigned to the head
-when he attributes it to the fact that the head contained the organs of
-sight, smell, hearing and taste. There can be no doubt that the head was
-modelled because it affords the chief means of recognising an individual.
-This portrayal of the features enabled any one, including the deceased’s
-own _ka_, to identify the owner. Every circumstance of the making and
-the use of these heads bears out this interpretation, and no one has
-explained these facts more lucidly than Junker himself.
-
-[Since the foregoing paragraphs have been put into print a preliminary
-report has come to hand from Professor Reisner, to whom I am indebted for
-most of my information regarding these portrait heads—_Museum of Fine
-Arts Bulletin_, Boston, April, 1915.]
-
-At a somewhat later period in the Old Kingdom the making of these
-so-called “substitution-heads” was discontinued, and it became the
-practice to make a statue of the whole man (of woman), which was placed
-above-ground in the megalithic _serdab_ within the _mastaba_ (see
-=94=). But even when the complete statue was made for the _serdab_
-the head alone was the part that was modelled with any approach to
-realism. In other words, the importance of the head as the chief means
-of identification was still recognised. Moreover, this idea manifested
-itself throughout the whole history of Egyptian mummification, for as
-late as the first century of the Christian era a portrait of the deceased
-was placed in front of the face of the mummy.
-
-Thus in course of time the original idea of converting the wrapped
-body itself into a portrait-statue of the deceased was temporarily[8]
-abandoned and the mummy was stowed away in the burial chamber at the
-bottom of a deep shaft, the better to protect it from desecration,
-while the portrait-statue was placed above ground, in a strong chamber
-(_serdab_), hidden in the _mastaba_ (=94=).
-
-A certain magical value soon came to be attached to the statue in
-the _serdab_. It provided the body in which the _ka_ could become
-reincarnated, and the deceased, thus reconstituted by magical means,
-could pass through the small hole in the _serdab_ to enter the chapel of
-offerings and enjoy the food and the society of his friends there.
-
-Dr. Alan Gardiner has kindly given me the following note in reference
-to this matter: “That statues in Egypt were meant to be efficient
-animate substitutes for the person or creature they portrayed has not
-been sufficiently emphasised hitherto. Over every statue or image were
-performed the rites of ‘opening the mouth’—magical passes made with a
-kind of metal chisel in front of the mouth. Besides the _up-ro_ ‘mouth
-opening,’ other words testify to the prevalence of the same idea; the
-word for ‘to fashion’ a statue (_ms_) is to all appearances identical
-with _ms_ ‘to give birth,’ and the term for the sculptor was _saʿnkh_,
-‘he who causes to live.’”
-
-As Blackman (=5=) has pointed out, the Pyramid Texts make it clear that
-libations were poured out and incense burnt before the statue or the
-mummy with the specific object of restoring to it the moisture and the
-odour respectively which the body had during life.
-
-I have already indicated how, out of the conception of the possibility of
-bringing to life the stone portrait-statue, a series of curious customs
-were developed. Among peoples on a lower cultural plane, who were less
-skilled than the Egyptians in stone-carving, the making of a life-like
-statue was beyond their powers. Sometimes they made the attempt to
-represent the human form; in other cases crude representations of the
-breasts or suggestions of the genitalia were the only signs on a stone
-pillar to indicate that it was meant to represent a human statue: in many
-cases a simple uncarved block of stone was set up. But the idea that
-such a pillar, whether carved or not, was the dwelling of some deceased
-person, seized the imagination and spread far and wide. It is seen in
-the Pygmalion and Galatea story, and its converse in the tragic history
-of Lot’s wife. It is found throughout the Mediterranean area, the whole
-littoral of Southern Asia, Indonesia, the Pacific Islands and America,
-and can be regarded as definite evidence of the influence of the cult
-that developed in association with the practice of mummification.
-
-It is necessary to emphasise that the making of portrait-statues was an
-outcome of the practice of mummification and an integral part of the
-cult associated with that burial custom. Hartland falls into grave error
-when he writes “where other peoples set up images of the deceased, those
-who practised desiccation or embalmment were enabled to keep the bodies
-themselves” (=32=, p. 418). It was precisely the people who embalmed or
-preserved the bodies of their dead who also made statues of them.
-
-As these stones, according to such beliefs, could be made to hear and
-speak (=23=), they naturally became oracles. People were able to commune
-with and get advice and instruction from the kings and wise men who dwelt
-within these stone pillars. Thus it became the custom in many lands for
-meetings of special solemnity, such as those where important decisions
-had to be made, to be held at stone circles, where the members of the
-convention sat on the stones and communed with their ancestors, former
-rulers or wise men, who dwelt in the stones (or the grave) in the centre
-of the circle.
-
-“Chardin, in his account of the stone circles he saw in Persia, mentions
-a tradition that they were used as places of assembly, each member of the
-council being seated on a stone; Homer, in his description of the shield
-of Achilles in the _Iliad_, speaks of the elders sitting in the place of
-justice upon stones in a circle; Plot, in his account of the Rollrich
-stones in Oxfordshire, says that Olaus Wormius, Saxo Grammaticus,
-Meursius, and many other early historians, concur in stating that it was
-the practice of the ancient Danes to elect their kings in stone circles,
-each member of the council being seated upon a stone; the tradition
-arising out of this custom, that these stones represent petrified
-giants, is widely spread in all countries where they occur, and Col.
-Forbes Leslie has shown that within the historic period, these circles
-were used in Scotland as places of justice” (Lane Fox, (=20=), p. 64).
-Is not our king crowned seated upon the Lia-fail, which is now in the
-coronation chair at Westminster? Such customs and beliefs are widespread
-also in India, Indonesia, and beyond, as W. J. Perry has pointed out.
-The practices still observed in the Khasia Hills in modern times clearly
-indicate the significance of this use of stone seats; and the custom can
-be found from the Canary Islands in the West (=26=) to Costa Rica in the
-East, encircling the whole globe (compare “_Man_,” May, 1915, p. 79).
-
-I shall enter more fully into the consideration of the origin of the
-ideas associated with stone seats when Perry has published his important
-analysis of the significance of so curious a practice.
-
-The converse of the belief in the bringing to life of stone statues—or
-perhaps it would be more correct to say, the complementary view that,
-if a stone can be converted into a living creature, the latter can also
-be transformed into stone—is found also wherever the parent belief is
-known to exist. As a rule it forms part of a complexly interwoven series
-of traditions concerning the creation, the deluge, the destruction of
-the “sons of men” by petrifaction, and the repeopling the earth by the
-incestuous intercourse of the “children of the gods.”
-
-Perry, who has made a study of the geographical distribution and
-associations of these curiously-linked traditions, has clearly
-demonstrated that they form an integral part of the cultural equipment of
-the sun-worshipping, stone-using peoples.
-
-In the foregoing statement I have endeavoured to indicate also their
-genetic connection with the ideas that sprang from the early practice of
-mummification in Egypt.
-
-There are many other curious features of the early Egyptian practices
-which might have served as straws to indicate how the cultural current
-had flowed, if much more substantial proofs had not been available of
-the reality of the movement. The diffusion of such a distinctive object
-as the Egyptian head-rest, which used to be buried with mummies of the
-Pyramid Age, is an example. It occurs widely spread in Africa, Southern
-Asia, Indonesia and the Pacific.
-
-But the use of beds as funerary biers is a much more distinctive custom.
-The believers in theories of the independent evolution of customs may say
-“is it not natural to expect that people who regarded death as a kind
-of sleep should have placed head-rests and beds in the graves of their
-dead?” But how would such ethnologists explain the use of a funerary
-bier on the part of people (such as many of the less cultured people who
-adopted this Egyptian custom) who do not themselves use beds?
-
-The evidence afforded by the use of biers is, in fact, a most definite
-demonstration of the diffusion of customs. Although it is a familiar
-scene in ancient Egyptian pictures to find the mummy borne upon a bed—a
-custom which we know from Egyptian literature, no less than that of the
-Jews, Phœnicians, Greeks and Romans to have been actually observed—only
-one Egyptian cemetery, so far as I am aware—a proto-dynastic site,
-excavated by Flinders Petrie (=54=) at Tarkhan—has revealed corpses lying
-upon beds. But in a cemetery, some sixteen centuries later, excavated
-by Reisner in the Soudan (=62=), a similar practice was demonstrated.
-Garstang has recorded the observance of a similar custom further South
-(Meroe) at a later date.
-
-These form useful connecting links with the region around the head-waters
-of the Nile, where even in modern times this practice has survived, and
-the mummified corpse of the king is placed upon a rough bier. I shall
-have occasion to point out later on that this curious practice spread
-from East Africa along the Asiatic littoral to Indonesia, Melanesia and
-Polynesia, thence to the American continent; and in most places was
-definitely associated with attempts at preservation of the corpse.
-
-In many places along the whole course of the same great track, instead
-of a bed, a boat of some sort, usually a rough dug-out, was used. This
-practice also was observed in Egypt, where its symbolic purpose is
-clearly apparent.
-
-Another distinctive feature of the burial customs in the same area was
-the idea that the grave represented the house in which the deceased
-was sleeping. How definitely this view was held by the proto-Egyptians
-is seen in their coffins, subterranean burial chambers, and the
-superstructures of their tombs, all three of which were originally
-represented as dwelling houses (see my memoir, =94=).
-
-The Pyramid texts clearly explain the precise significance and origin of
-the hitherto mysterious and widespread custom of burning incense at the
-statue. For, as Blackman (=5=) has pointed out, the aim was by burning
-aromatic woods and resins thereby magically to restore to the “body” the
-odours of the living person.
-
-It was therefore intimately related to the practice of mummification and
-genetically connected with it. It was part of the magical procedure for
-making the portrait-statue of the deceased (or later, in the time of the
-New Empire, the mummy itself) “an efficient animate substitute for the
-person” (Alan Gardiner).
-
-A careful investigation of the geographical distribution of the custom
-of burning incense before the corpse and of the circumstances related to
-such a practice has convinced me that wherever it is found, even where no
-attempt is made to preserve the body, it can be regarded as an indication
-of the influence of the Egyptian custom of mummification. For apart from
-such an influence incense-burning is inexplicable. The attempt on the
-part of certain writers to explain the use of incense merely as a means
-of disguising the odours of putrefaction will not bear examination. It is
-an example of that kind of so-called psychological explanation which is
-opposed by all the ascertainable facts.
-
-Beyond the borders of Egypt peoples who for a time adopted the custom
-of embalming and then for some reason, such as the failure to attain
-successful results or the adoption of conflicting beliefs or customs,
-allowed the practice to lapse, the simpler parts of the Egyptian funerary
-ritual often continued to be observed. The body was anointed with oil,
-perhaps packed in salt and aromatic plants, wrapped in linen or fine
-clothes, had incense burned before it, and was laid on a bed or special
-bier. All of these practices originated in Egypt and observance of any
-or all of them is to be regarded as a sure sign of the influence of the
-Egyptian custom of mummification. Among the more immediate neighbours
-of the Egyptians, such as the Jews, Greeks and Romans, the evidence for
-this is clear. Occasionally the full process of embalming was followed,
-even if it were only a temporary procedure preliminary to the observance
-of some other burial custom, such as cremation, perhaps inspired by
-ideas wholly foreign to those which prompted mummification. I need
-not enumerate instances of this curious syncretism of burial customs,
-numerous examples of which will be found in Reutter (=63=, pp. 144-147)
-and in Hastings’ Dictionary (=32=), as well as in the following pages.
-
-At the very earliest period in Egypt from which historical records have
-come down to us (the time of the First Dynasty, 3200 B.C., or even
-earlier) “the king’s favourite title was ‘Horus,’ by which he identified
-himself as the successor of the great god [the hawk sun-god] who had once
-ruled over the kingdom ... [other symbols often appeared] side by side
-with Buto, the serpent-goddess of the northern capital. As [the king]
-felt himself still as primarily king of Upper Egypt, it was not until
-later that he wore the serpent of the North, the sacred uraeus, upon his
-forehead.” (Breasted, =6=, p. 38). “The sun-disc, with the outspread
-wings of the hawk, became the commonest symbol of their religion” (p.
-54). But in the time of the Fourth Dynasty “the priests of Heliopolis now
-demanded that [the king, who had always been represented as the successor
-of the sun-god and had borne the title ‘Horus’] be the bodily son of Ré,
-who henceforth would appear on earth to become the father of the Pharaoh”
-(p. 122).
-
-Now, when the Pharaoh thus became identified with the great sun-god Ré,
-his Pyramid-temple became the place of worship of the sun-god. Megalithic
-architecture thus became indissolubly connected with sun-worship,
-simply from the accident of the invention of the art of building in
-stone—of erecting stone tombs, which were also temples of offerings—by a
-people who happened to be sun-worshippers and whose ruler’s tomb became
-the shrine of the sun-god. I have already explained the close genetic
-connection between the practice of mummification and megalithic building.
-
-The fact that the dominance of the sun-god Ré was attained in the
-northern capital, which was also the seat of serpent-worship, led to the
-association of the sun and the serpent.[9] From this purely fortuitous
-blending of the sun’s disc with the uraeus, often combined, especially
-in later times, with the wings of the Horus-hawk, a symbolism came into
-being which was destined to spread until it encircled the world, from
-Ireland to America. For an excellent example of this composite symbolism
-from America see Bancroft, (=3=), Vol. IV., p. 351. A more striking
-illustration of the completeness of the transference of a complex and
-wholly artificial design from Ancient Egypt to America could not be
-imagined. [For the full discussion of the original association of the sun
-and the serpent see Sethe’s important _Memoir_ (=74=).]
-
-The chance circumstances which led to the linking together of all these
-incongruous elements—mummification, megalithic architecture, the idea
-of the king as son of the sun, sun and serpent worship and its curious
-symbolism—were created in Egypt, so that, wherever these peculiar customs
-or traditions make their appearance elsewhere in association the one with
-the other, it can confidently be regarded as a sure token of Egyptian
-influence, exerted directly or indirectly.
-
-When certain modern ethnologists argue that it is the most natural thing
-in the world for primitive peoples to worship the sun as the obvious
-source of warmth and fertility, and therefore such worship can have no
-value as an indication of the contact of peoples, on general principles
-one might be prepared to admit the validity of the claim. But when it is
-realised that sun-worship, wherever it is found, is invariably associated
-with part (or the whole) of a large series of curiously incongruous
-customs and beliefs, it is no longer possible to regard the worship of
-the sun as having originated independently in several centres. Why should
-the sun-worshipper also worship the serpent and use a winged symbol,
-build megalithic monuments, mummify his dead, and practise a large series
-of fantastic tricks to which other peoples are not addicted? There is no
-inherent reason why a man who worships the sun should also tattoo his
-face, perforate his ears, practise circumcision, and make use of massage.
-In fact, until the time of the New Empire, the sun-worshipping Egyptian
-did not practise ear-piercing and tattooing, thereby illustrating the
-fact that originally these practices were not part of the cult, and that
-their eventual association with it was purely accidental. This only
-serves more definitely to confirm the view that it was the fortuitous
-association of a curious series of customs in Egypt at the time of the
-New Empire which supplied the cultural outfit of the “heliolithic”
-wanderers for their great migration.
-
-In accordance with Egyptian beliefs “the sun was born every morning and
-sailed across the sky in a celestial barque, to arrive in the west and
-descend as an old man tottering into the grave” (Breasted, (=6=), p. 54).
-
-The deceased might reach the west by being borne across in the sun-god’s
-barque: friendly spirits, the four sons of Horus, might bring him a craft
-on which he might float over: but by far the majority depended upon the
-services of a ferryman called “Turnface” (Breasted, p. 65).
-
-In later times (Middle Kingdom) a model boat, fully equipped, was usually
-put in the tomb, “in order that the deceased might have no difficulty in
-crossing the waters to the happy isles.” “By the pyramid of Sesostris
-III., in the sands of the desert, there were even buried five large Nile
-boats, intended to carry the king and his house across these waters”
-(Breasted, p. 176).
-
-At a later period “the triumph of a Theban family brought with it the
-supremacy of Amon.... His essential character and individuality had
-already been obliterated by the solar theology of the Middle Kingdom,
-when he had become Amon-Re, and with some attributes borrowed from
-his ithyphallic neighbour, Min of Coptos, he now rose to a unique and
-supreme position of unprecedented splendour” (=6=, p. 248). Thus there
-was added to this “heliolithic” complex of ideas the definitely phallic
-element: but one must confess that this aspect of the culture did not
-become obtrusive until it was planted in alien lands, where among the
-Phœnicians and the peoples of India the phallic aspect became more
-strongly emphasised. From time to time various writers have striven to
-demonstrate a phallic motive in almost every element of the culture now
-under consideration. What I want to make clear is that it was a late
-addition, which was relatively insignificant in the original home of the
-culture.
-
-After this digression I must now return to the further consideration of
-the mummies themselves.
-
-Direct examination of the mummified bodies does not, of course, afford
-any certain evidence of the application of oil or fat to the surface of
-the body. Large quantities of fatty material were often found in the
-mouth and the body cavity (=78=; =81= and =86=); and the surface of the
-body was often greasy; but, of course, the fatty materials in the skin
-itself might have afforded a sufficient explanation of this. Dr. Alan
-Gardiner, however, tells me that ancient Egyptian literature contains
-repeated references to the process of anointing the body with “oil of
-cedar,”[10] and great stress is laid upon this procedure as an essential
-element of the technique of embalming.[11]
-
-Thus in the time of the decadence of the New Empire an Egyptian writer
-laments the loosening of Egypt’s hold on the Lebanons, because if no “oil
-of cedar” were obtainable it might become impossible any longer to embalm
-the dead.
-
-Diodorus Siculus, writing many centuries later, says the body was
-“anointed with oil of cedar and other things for thirty days, and
-afterwards with myrrh, cinnamon, and other such like matters” (Pettigrew,
-=56=, p. 62). Thus there can be little doubt that it was an essential
-part of the Ancient Egyptian technique to anoint the body with oil.
-
-Pettigrew (=56=, p. 62, and also p. 242) adduces cogent reasons in proof
-of the fact that the Egyptians (and in modern times the Capuchins, at
-Palermo) made use of heat to desiccate the body, probably in a stove.
-
-It is quite clear, therefore, that the Ancient Egyptians realised the
-importance of desiccation as an essential element in the preservation of
-the body. Moreover, they were familiar with a number of different means
-of ensuring this end:—(1) by burial in dry sand; (2) by exposure to the
-sun’s rays; (3) by removing all the softer and more putrescible parts of
-the body; (4) possibly by massaging and squeezing out the juices from the
-body; (5) by the free use of alcohol (palm wine) and large quantities of
-powdered wood; and (6) by the aid of fire.
-
-Dr. Alan Gardiner tells me that the most ancient Egyptian writings,
-such, for example, as the Pyramid texts, afford positive evidence that
-the Egyptians recognised the fact of the desiccation of the body in the
-process of embalming, for their scribes tell us, in the most definite
-manner, that the aim of the ceremony of offering libations was magically
-to restore to the body (as represented by the statue above ground) the
-fluids it had lost during embalming (Blackman, =5=).
-
-If then the Egyptians of the Pyramid Age recognised the importance of
-restoring the fluids to reanimate the mummy or its statue, it is quite
-clear they must have appreciated the physical fact that their process of
-preservation was largely a matter of desiccation.
-
-It is a point of some interest and importance to note in this connection
-that the essential processes of mummification—(1) salting, (2)
-evisceration, (3) drying, and (4) smoking (or even cooking)—are identical
-with those adopted for the preservation of meat, and (5) the use of honey
-is analogous to the means taken to preserve fruit. In fact, the term used
-by Herodotus for the first stage of the Egyptian process of mummification
-is the term used for salting fish. It would be instructive to enquire
-in what measure these two needs of primitive man in North-East Africa
-mutually influenced one another, and led to an acquisition of knowledge
-useful to them for the preservation both of their food and their dead
-relatives!
-
-To the constituent elements of the “heliolithic” culture may now be added
-the practices of anointing with oil or unguents, the burning of incense
-and the offering of libations, all derived from the ritual of embalming.
-
-In considering the southern extension of Egyptian influence it must be
-remembered that as early “as 2600 B.C. the Egyptian had already begun the
-exploitation of the Upper Nile and had been led in military force as far
-as the present Province of Dongola” (=62=, p. 23). For several centuries
-Nubia and the Soudan were left very much to themselves. Then during the
-time of the Middle Kingdom Egypt once more exerted a powerful influence
-to the South. At the close of that period Egypt was overrun by the Hyksos.
-
-At Kerma, near the Third Cataract, Reisner has recently unearthed a
-cemetery which he refers to the Hyksos Period (=62=, p. 23). “The burial
-customs are revolting in their barbarity. On a carved bed in the middle
-of a big circular pit the chief personage lies on his right side with his
-head east. Under his head is a wooden pillow: between his legs a sword or
-dagger. Around the bed lie a varying number of bodies, male and female,
-all contracted on the right side, head east. Among them are the pots and
-pans, the cosmetic jars, the stools, and other objects. Over the whole
-burial is spread a great ox-hide. It is clear they were all buried at
-once. The men and women round about must have been sacrificed so that
-their spirits might accompany the chief to the other world.... I could
-not escape the belief that they had been buried alive” (=62=). These
-funerary practices supply a most important link in the chain which I am
-endeavouring to forge. I would especially call attention (1) to the fact
-of the sacrifice of the chief’s (? wives and) servants and (2) to the
-burial of the chief himself on a bed.
-
-We know that the Egyptian practice of mummification spread south into
-Nubia (=39=) and the Soudan.
-
-According to Herodotus the ancient Macrobioi preserved the bodies of
-their dead by drying: then they covered them with plaster, painted them
-to look like living men, and set them up in their houses for a year. For
-a fuller account of this practice and much more instructive information
-for comparison see Ridgeway’s “Early Age of Greece,” Vol. I., p. 483 _et
-seq._
-
-Numerous references in the classical writers lead us to believe that a
-similar custom of keeping the mummy in the house of the relatives for
-a longer or shorter period may have been in vogue in Egypt. Throughout
-the widespread area in which mummification was practised—from Africa to
-America—a precisely similar practice is found among many peoples.
-
-The custom of covering the mummies with plaster[12] is an interesting
-survival of the practice described by Junker in Egypt (_vide supra_),
-which seems to supply the explanation of the curious measures adopted for
-modelling the face in Melanesia.
-
-Even at the present day, centuries after the art of the embalmer
-disappeared from Egypt, mummification is being attempted by certain
-people dwelling in the neighbourhood of the head-waters of the Nile.
-
-In his article in Hastings’ Dictionary (=32=, p. 418) Hartland states
-that the practice of mummification is found “more or less throughout the
-west of Africa: among the Niamniam of the Upper Nile basin the bodies of
-chiefs, and among the Baganda the kings, are preserved, and the custom is
-found also among the Warundi in German East Africa (Frobenius); and in
-British Central Africa the corpse is rubbed with boiled maize (Werner).”
-
-Roscoe (=72=, p. 105), in his book on the Baganda, describes the process
-of embalming the king’s body. As in Egypt, the body was disembowelled;
-and the bowels were washed in beer, just as the Egyptians, according to
-Herodotus and Diodorus, are said to have done with palm-wine. The viscera
-were spread out in the sun to dry and were then returned to the body, as
-was done in Egypt at the time of the XXIst Dynasty. The body was then
-dried and washed with beer.
-
-So far as we are aware, the Egyptians never sacrificed any human beings
-at their funerals, although they often placed in the _serdab_ of the
-_mastaba_ statues of the deceased’s wife, family and servants, to
-ensure him their presence and the comforts of a home in his new form of
-existence.
-
-In the quotations from Reisner’s report, it has just been seen that he
-found some burials made about 1800 B.C., in which servants appear to have
-been sacrificed.
-
-In the case of the Baganda, Roscoe describes the killing of the king’s
-wives and attendants at his funeral.
-
-Roscoe further describes (in his book) the body of the chief as being
-laid on a bed or framework of plantain trees (p. 117).
-
-At the end of five months the head was removed from the mummy and the
-jaw-bone was removed, cleaned, and then buried, and a large conical
-thatched temple was built over the jaw. [In the islands of the Torres
-Straits the same curious custom of rescuing the head after about six
-months is also found; but it was the tongue and not the jaw which
-received special attention (=25= and =27=)].
-
-In Egypt, where the practice of mummification was most successful,
-special treatment of the head was not necessary, except occasionally in
-Ptolemaic times (=39=), when carelessness on the part of the embalmer
-led to disastrous results and it became necessary to “fake” a body for
-attachment to the separated head. But as the Baganda were unable to make
-a mummy which would last, they adopted these special measures with regard
-to the skull. Originally special importance was attached to the head,
-primarily (_vide supra_) as a means of identifying the deceased. But when
-the practice of preservation spread to uncultured people, whose efforts
-at embalming were ineffectual, the idea was transferred to the skull, the
-reason for the special treatment of the head probably being forgotten.
-Why such peculiar honour should be devoted to the jaw can only be
-surmised from our knowledge of the belief that the deceased was supposed
-to be able to talk and communicate with the living (=21=).
-
-In his article in the _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_ (=72=,
-p. 44) Roscoe give some further particulars. Four men and four women were
-clubbed to death at the funeral ceremony of the king.
-
-The body was wrapped in strips of bark cloth and each finger and toe was
-wrapped separately.
-
-In _L’Anthropologie_ (T. 21, 1910, p. 53) Poutrin says of the burial
-customs of the M’Baka people of French Congo “le corps, préalablement
-embaumé avec des herbes sécher et de la cendre est couché sur un lit.”
-
-Weeks (=104=, pp. 450 and 451) gives an account of the burial customs of
-the Bangala of the Upper Congo. “They took out the entrails and buried
-them, placed the corpse on a frame, lit a fire under it, and thoroughly
-smoke-dried it.” “The dried body was tied in a mat, put in a roughly made
-hut.” “Coffins were often made out of old canoes.” “Poorer folk were
-rubbed with oil and red camwood powder, bound round with cloth and tied
-up in a mat.”
-
-One of the most remarkable instances of the survival of burial practices
-strangely reminiscent of those of ancient Egypt has been described by
-Mr. Amaury Talbot (=99=). Among the Ibibio people living in the extreme
-south-west corner of Nigeria, bordering on the Gulf of Guinea, he found
-that both the Ibibios and a neighbouring tribe, the Ibos, had burial
-rites which “recall those of ancient Egypt.” For instance, “among Ibos
-embalming is still practised.” Two methods of mummification, in which the
-evisceration of the corpse takes place, are practised.
-
-For the grave “a wide-mouthed pit” was dug and “from the bottom of this
-an underground passage, sometimes thirty feet long, led into a square
-chamber with no other outlet. In this the dead body was laid, and, after
-the bearers had returned to the light of day, stones were set over
-the pit mouth and earth strewn over all.” Further, in the case of the
-Ibibios, “in some prominent spot near the town arbour-like erections are
-raised as memorials, and furnished with the favourite property of the
-dead man. At the back or side of these is placed what we always called
-a little ‘Ka’ house, with window or door, into the central chamber,
-provided, as in ancient Egypt, for the abode of the dead man’s Ka or
-double. Figures of the Chief, with favourite wives and slaves, may also
-be seen—counterparts of the Ushabtiu.”
-
-From the photographs illustrating Mr. Talbot’s article many other
-remarkable points of resemblance to ancient Egyptian practices are to be
-noted.
-
-The snake and the sun constitute the obtrusive features of the crude
-design painted in the funeral shrine. The fact that so many features
-of the Egyptian burial practices should have been retained (and in
-association with many other elements of the “heliolithic” culture)
-in this distant spot, on the other side of the continent, raises the
-question whether or not its proximity to the Atlantic littoral may not
-be a contributory factor in the survival. They may have been spared by
-the remoteness of the retreat and the relative freedom from disturbance,
-to which nearer localities in the heart of the continent may have been
-subjected. But, on the other hand, there is the possibility that the
-spread of culture around the coast may have brought these Egyptian
-practices to Old Calabar. In the next few pages it will be seen that such
-a possibility is not so unlikely as it may appear at first sight.
-
-But the fact that it was the custom among the Ibibio to bury the wives of
-the king with his mummy suggests a truly African, as distinct from purely
-Egyptian, influence, and makes it probable that the custom spread across
-the continent. This view is further supported by the traditions of the
-people themselves, no less than by the physical features of their crania
-(see _Report British Association_, 1912, p. 613).
-
-As the people of the Ivory Coast (_vide infra_) practice a method of
-embalming which is clearly Egyptian and untainted by these African
-influences, it is clear that the two streams of Nilotic culture, one
-across the continent _viâ_ Kordofan and Lake Chad and the other around
-the coasts of the Mediterranean and Atlantic, after reaching the West
-Coast must have met somewhere between the mouth of the Niger and the
-Ivory Coast.
-
-[Since writing the above paragraphs, in which inferences as to racial
-movements across Africa were based solely upon the distribution and
-methods of mummification, I have become acquainted with remarkable
-confirmation of these views from two different sources. Frobenius, in
-his book “The Voice of Africa,” 1913 (see especially the map on p.
-449, Vol. II.), makes an identical delimitation of the two spheres of
-influence from the east, trans- and circum-African (_i.e._, _viâ_ the
-Mediterranean) respectively.
-
-Sir Harry Johnston (“A Survey of the Ethnography of Africa,” _Journ. Roy.
-Anthr. Inst._, 1913, p. 384) supplies even more precise and definite
-confirmation of the route taken by the Egyptian culture-migration across
-Kordofan to Lake Chad, thence to the Niger basin and “all parts of West
-Africa.”
-
-He adds further (pp. 412 and 413):—“Stone worship and the use of stone
-in building and sepulture extend from North Africa southwards across
-the desert region to Senegambia (sporadically) and the northern parts
-of the Sudan, and to Somaliland. The superstitious use of stone in
-connection with religion, burial and after-death memorial, reappears
-again in Yoruba, in the North-West Cameroons and adjoining Calabar region
-(Ekir-land).”]
-
-For the purpose of embalming the bodies of their dead “the Baoule of the
-Ivory Coast remove the intestines, wash them with palm wine or European
-alcohol, introduce alcohol and salt into the body cavity, afterwards
-replacing the intestines and stitching up the opening.” (Clozel and
-Villamur, quoted by Hartland, (=32=), p. 418.)
-
-Scattered around the western shores of the African continent there are
-numerous ethnological features to suggest that it has been subjected to
-the influence of the megalithic culture spreading from the Mediterranean.
-But there is no spot in which this influence and its Egyptian derivation
-is more definitely and surely demonstrated than in the Canary Islands.
-
-For the art of embalming was practised there in the truly Egyptian
-fashion; and it became a matter of some interest to discover whether
-or not the Nigerian customs were influenced in any way by the Guanche
-practices.
-
-There can be little doubt that the practices on the Ivory Coast, to which
-reference has just been made, were either inspired by the Guanches or by
-the same influence which started embalming in the Canary Islands.
-
-The information we possess in reference to the Canary Islands was
-collected by Bory de Saint Vincent (“Les Îles Fortunées,” 1811, p. 54)
-and has been summarized by many writers, especially Pettigrew, Haigh and
-Reutter.
-
-From Miss Haigh’s account (=26=, p. 112) I make the following extracts:—
-
-“When any person died they preserved the body in this manner; first, they
-carried it to a cave and stretched it on a flat stone, opened it and took
-out the bowels; then twice a day they washed the porous parts of the body
-with salt and water; afterwards they anointed it with a composition of
-sheep’s butter mixed with a powder made from the dust of decayed pine
-trees, and a sort of brushwood called “Bressos,” together with powdered
-pumice stone, and then dried it in the sun for fifteen days....
-
-“When the body was thoroughly dried, and had become very light, it was
-wrapped in sheep skins or goat skins, girded tight with long leather
-thongs, and carried to one of the sepulchral grottoes, usually situated
-in the most inaccessible parts of the island.
-
-“The bodies were either upright against the sides of the cavern, or side
-by side upon a kind of scaffolding made of branches of juniper, mocan,
-or other incorruptible wood.
-
-“The knives for opening the body were made of sharp pieces of obsidian.
-
-“In the grotto of Tacoronté was the mummy of an old woman dried in the
-sitting posture like that of the Peruvian corpses.”
-
-The mummies were wrapped in reddish goat skin, just as the shroud of
-Egyptian mummies was often of red linen.
-
-From the same article, in which, as the above quotation states, the body
-was placed upon a stone for the purpose of the embalmer’s operations, I
-should like to call attention to the following statement of a curious
-custom which is found in the most diverse parts of the world, in most
-cases in association with the practice of mummification.
-
-Tradition says that at his installation the new Mencey (or chief of
-a principality) is required to seat himself on a stone, cut in the
-form of a chair and covered with skins: one of his nearest relatives
-presents him with a sacred relic—the bone of the right arm of the chief
-of the reigning family (p. 107). I have already (_supra_) indicated the
-significance of this characteristic feature of the “heliolithic” culture.
-
-Reutter (=63=) gives some additional information in reference to Guanche
-embalming. The incision was made in the lower part of the abdomen (in the
-flank). After the body had been treated with a saturated salt solution,
-the viscera were returned to the body. The orifices of the nose, mouth
-and eyes were “stopped with bitumen as was the Egyptian practice.” After
-packing the cavities of the body with aromatic plants the body was
-exposed either to the sun, or in a stove, to desiccate it.
-
-During this operation, other embalmers repeatedly smeared the body with
-a kind of ointment, prepared by mixing certain fats, with powdered
-odoriferous plants, resin, pumice stone and absorbent substances (p. 139).
-
-As in Egypt, according to Herodotus and Diodorus,—and my own observations
-have verified their account, at any rate so far as its chief feature is
-concerned—there was another method of embalming in which no abdominal
-incision was made, unless it was per rectum.
-
-When this cheaper method was employed the corpse was dried in the sun
-and some corrosive liquid, called “cedria” in the case of the Egyptians,
-but in that of the Guanches supposed by Dr. Parcelly to be Euphorbia
-juice, was injected for the purpose of dissolving the intestines and thus
-facilitating the process of preservation by removing the chief seat of
-decomposition.
-
-[It is important to recall the fact, to which I have already referred in
-this account, that in the islands of the Torres Straits also the same two
-alternative methods of evisceration, either through a flank incision or
-per rectum were in use.]
-
-Most mummies, wrapped in goat skins, were buried in caves. But those of
-kings and princes were placed in coffins cut out of a solid log, and
-buried (head north) in the open, a monument of pyramidal form being
-erected above them.
-
-It is important to bear in mind that both in East and West Africa and
-in the Canary Islands the technical procedures in the practice of
-mummification are those which were not adopted in Egypt until the time
-of the XXIst Dynasty. I have already called attention to this fact in
-my references to the Torres Straits mummies (_vide supra_), and to the
-inference that these extensive migrations of Egyptian influence could not
-have begun before the ninth century B.C.
-
-(For more complete bibliographical references, see Pettigrew, (=56=), p.
-233.)
-
-The large series of identical procedures makes it absolutely certain that
-the method of embalming practised in the Canary Islands was derived from
-Egypt, and not earlier than 900 B.C.
-
-Reutter states (=63=, p. 137) that “the Carthaginians, as the result
-of long-continued commercial intercourse with Egypt, assimilated its
-civilization even to the extent of worshipping certain of the Egyptian
-gods and of accepting many of her ideas and beliefs as to a future life.”
-
-“These reasons impelled them to practise the art of embalming and to
-represent the features of the dead upon their sarcophagi to enable the
-soul to refind its double.”
-
-“Their burial chambers, for the most part not built up, but carved out of
-the rock, communicated with the exterior by a staircase. Above them were
-built mastabas or monuments to be utilised, as amongst the Egyptians, as
-offering-places” (p. 138).
-
-“Even the inscriptions in the mortuary chambers were written in
-hieroglyphics, and their sarcophagi contained scarabs inscribed with
-invocations to the Egyptian gods, Ptah, Bes and Ra, &c.”
-
-This reference is sufficient to indicate how the later (certainly not
-earlier than 900 B.C. and probably some centuries later) Egyptian
-practices spread around the Mediterranean.
-
-I do not propose (in the present communication) to discuss the influence
-and the manner of spread of the practice of mummification in Europe.
-Reutter gives certain information in reference to this subject. It will
-suffice to say that there is no evidence to show that mummification was
-widely adopted until comparatively late times (New Empire and later)
-in the Mediterranean area, although certain effects of the Egyptian
-practice, such for example as “extended burial,” spread abroad many
-centuries earlier, appearing in most regions during the Eneolithic phase.
-
-The procedures revealed in the Canary Islands bear no trace of the
-influence of Negro Africa to which I have called attention (_supra_) in
-the Soudan, Uganda, the Congo and the Niger. The details of the technique
-suggests the method employed in the XXIst Dynasty; and other features
-seem to point to the conclusion that the practice must have reached the
-Canary Islands from the Western Mediterranean through the Straits of
-Gibraltar, not improbably through Phœnician channels.
-
-[For a full critical discussion of all the literature relating to
-Egyptian influence in West Africa see Dahse, “Ein zweites Goldland
-Salomos,” _Zeitsch. f. Ethn._, 1911, p. 1. The mass of evidence collected
-in this memoir is entirely corroborative of the conclusions at which I
-have arrived from the study of mummification.]
-
-With reference to Babylonia Langdon (=32=) states:—“Traces of embalming
-have not been found, but Herodotus says that the Babylonians preserved in
-honey. But a text has been discovered which mentions embalming with cedar
-oil (cited by Meissner, _Wiener Zeitsch. f. Kunde des Morgenlandes_, xii,
-1898, p. 61). At any rate embalming is not characteristic of Babylonian
-burials and the custom may be due to Egyptian influence.”
-
-There can, I think, be no doubt whatever as to the Egyptian origin of
-these instances of embalming in Babylonia. The mere fact of its sporadic
-occurrence in a country of which it is not characteristic clearly points
-to this conclusion, which is confirmed by the emphasis laid upon the
-use of oil of cedar—a definite indication of the Egyptian practice.
-The reference of Herodotus to the use of honey in Babylonia is also of
-peculiar interest, for it provides us with a connecting link between the
-Mediterranean area and India and Burma.
-
-The extensive use of honey for the preservation of the body among the
-Greeks, Romans, Jews, and possibly also the Egyptians, is indicated by
-the frequent references to the practice in the classics, which have been
-summarised, with numerous quotations, by Pettigrew (=56=, pp. 85-87).
-
-The employment of honey suggests the spread of Egyptian influence to
-Babylonia _viâ_ the Mediterranean and Syria, seeing that, so far as is
-known, such a method was used only on the Mediterranean littoral of
-Egypt, in Phœnicia and the Ægean.
-
-Concerning the use of wax in the process of embalming, of which ancient
-Egyptian mummies, especially of the new Empire (=86=), afford numerous
-instances, Pettigrew (p. 87) remarks:—“The body of King Agesilaus was
-enveloped in wax and thus conveyed to Lacedæmon. This is confirmed by
-Cornelius Nepos, and also by Plutarch, who ascribe the adoption of wax to
-the want of honey for this purpose. Cicero reports the use of it by the
-Persians.”
-
-In his account of the methods employed by the Scythians (living north
-of Thrace) for mummifying their kings, Herodotus tells us that the body
-was coated with wax, the abdomen opened, cleaned out and then filled
-with pounded stems, with perfumes, aniseed and wild celery seed and then
-stitched up. The important bearing of the practices described in the
-Black Sea littoral upon Indian and Burmese customs (_vide infra_) I must
-reserve for discussion at some later time.
-
-It will be seen in the subsequent account that honey was in use for
-embalming in modern times in Burma.
-
-In an article on Persian burial customs (=32=, p. 505) Dr. Louis H.
-Gray says: “Unfortunately our sole information on this subject [Ancient
-Persian rites] must thus far be gleaned from the meagre statements of
-the classics. If we may judge from the tombs of the Achæmenians, their
-bodies were not exposed as Zoroastrianism dictated; but it is by no means
-impossible that they were coated with wax, or even, as Jackson[13] also
-suggests (“Persia, Past and Present,” p. 235), ‘perhaps embalmed after
-the manner of the Egyptians.’”
-
-In later times the Persians seem to have been influenced by the practices
-in vogue in Early Christian times in Egypt, before the coming of Islâm.
-Thus in Moll’s History (=46=, p. 545), the statement is made in reference
-to the Moslem burial customs in Persia; “if it [the corpse] is to be
-buried a great way off, it is put into a wooden coffin filled up with
-salt, lime and perfumes to preserve it; for they embalm their dead bodies
-no otherwise in Persia, nor do they ever embowel them, as with us.”
-That this is merely a degraded form of the Egyptian embalmer’s practice
-is shown by the fact that it is identical with the method used by the
-Copts in Egypt until the seventh, or perhaps even as late as the ninth
-century A.D., and in their case we know that it is a development from, or
-degradation of, the ancient practice.
-
-This method seems also to have spread to India: for Mr. Crooke tells me
-that even at the present day several of the ascetic orders bury their
-dead in salt.
-
-In Moll’s book the following curious statement also occurs, p.
-474:—“_Mummy_, which is human flesh embalm’d that has lain in dry
-earth several ages, and become hard as horn, is frequently found in
-the sands of Chorassan, or the ancient Bactria, and some of the bodies
-are so little alter’d, ’tis said, that the features may be plainly
-distinguish’d.”
-
-In studying the easterly migration of the custom of mummification it
-is quite certain that the main stream of the wanderers who carried the
-knowledge to the east must have set out from the East African coast,
-because a whole series of modifications of the Egyptian method which were
-introduced in the Soudan and further south are also found in Indonesia,
-Polynesia and America. A curious feature of Egyptian embalming in the
-XIXth and especially the XXIst Dynasties (=78= and =86=) was the use of
-butter for packing the mummy. Among the Baganda, according to Roscoe,
-special importance came to be attached to this practice. Mr. Crooke has
-given me references from Indian literature (see especially _Journ. Anthr.
-Soc. Bombay_, Vol. I., 1886, p. 39) to bodies being “skilfully embalmed
-with heavenly drugs and _ghee_” [clarified butter].
-
-The ancient Aryans used to disembowel the corpse and fill the cavity with
-_ghee_ (Mitra, “Indo-Aryans,” London, 1881, Vol. I., p. 135), as was done
-in the case of the mummy of the famous Pharaoh Meneptah (=86=).
-
-The peculiarly Mediterranean modifications also spread east and it seems
-most likely that in this case the route from Syria down the Euphrates to
-the Persian Gulf was taken.
-
-[Since this has been in print further investigation has elucidated with
-remarkable precision the ways and means of, as well as the impelling
-motives for, the great migration to the East. This calls for some
-modification of the foregoing (as well as many of the subsequent)
-paragraphs. It has been seen that the great wave of culture carried
-east and west from Egypt the distinctive method of embalming that came
-into full use somewhere about 900 B.C.; hence it is probable the eighth
-century B.C. witnessed the commencement of the series of expeditions,
-which probably extended over many centuries. It can be no mere chance
-that the period indicated coincides with the time when the Phœnicians
-were embarking upon maritime enterprises on a much greater and more
-daring scale than the world had known until then, in the Mediterranean
-and Atlantic, in the Red Sea and beyond. In the course of their trading
-expeditions to the Bab-el-Mandeb these Levantine mariners brought to that
-region a fuller knowledge of the customs and practices of Egypt and of
-the whole Phœnician world in the Mediterranean. It was probably in this
-way and not by the Euphrates route that the culture of the Levant reached
-the Persian Gulf and India.
-
-The easterly migration of culture which set out from the region of the
-Bab-el-Mandeb conveyed not only the Ethiopian modifications of Egyptian
-practices, but also the Egyptian and Mediterranean contributions which
-the Phœnicians had brought to Ethiopia. On some future occasion I shall
-discuss the important part played by the Phœnicians in these expeditions
-to the Far East.]
-
-It is unfortunate that practically nothing is known of the practice
-of mummification on the Southern coast of Arabia. Bent tells us that
-the Southern Arabians preserved their dead. Moreover, as the Egyptians
-obtained from Sabæa much of the materials used for embalming, it is
-not unlikely that the Arabs may also have learned the use of these
-preservatives.
-
-In support of this suggestion I might refer to the evidence from
-Madagascar. It is well known that this island was colonised in ancient
-times by people from the neighbourhood of the Bab-el-Mandeb, probably
-Galla-people from the Somali coast as well as Sabæans from the Arabian
-coast, possibly ferried along the African shore by expert mariners from
-Oman and the Persian Gulf, either the Phœnicians themselves or their
-kinsmen. A more numerous element came from the distant Malay Archipelago.
-Either or both of these racial elements may have introduced the practice
-of mummification into Madagascar.
-
-In his “History on Madagascar” (1838, Vol. I, p, 243) Ellis says there
-“was no regular embalming,” but the “body was preserved for a time by the
-use of large quantities of gum benzoin, or other powdered aromatic gums.”
-This method is strongly suggestive of South Arabian influence.
-
-Hartland says “the Betsileo [and other Madagascar tribes] dry the corpse
-in the air, the fluids being assisted to escape” (=32=, p. 418).
-
-Grandidier, however, gives us more precise information on this subject
-(“La Mort et les Funerailles à Madagascar,” _L’Anthropologie_, T. 23,
-1912, p. 329). According to him the Betsileo open the body of the dead
-and remove all the viscera, which they throw into a lake: among the
-Merina the entrails are removed only in the cases of their sovereigns or
-members of the royal family.
-
-The practice of mummification amongst the Betsileo is of peculiar
-interest because the embalmed bodies are buried in stone tombs obviously
-inspired by Egyptian models. The subterranean megalithic burial chamber
-in association with an oblong _mastaba_-like superstructure at once
-recalls the distinctive features of the Egyptian tomb. But there is a
-curious feature suggestive of Babylonian influence, namely, the situation
-of the temple of offerings on the top of the _mastaba_. In some respects
-this type of grave recalls those found in the Bahrein Islands by Bent
-(=4=), which he compares with the Early Phœnician tombs at Arvad (=55=).
-There can be no question that the latter were copied from Theban tombs of
-the New Empire (_vide supra_).
-
-This seems to point quite clearly to the fact that the Betsileo burial
-practices were inspired by Egyptian models, possibly modified by Southern
-Arabian influences.
-
-In Hall’s “Great Zimbabwe” (1905, pp. 94 and 95), it is stated that “the
-Baduma, who live in Gutu’s country, and also the Barotse, still embalm,
-or, rather, dry the bodies of their chiefs, and also the dead of certain
-families, though generally the bodies are buried lengthways on their
-right side, facing the sun. The body is placed in the hut on a bier made
-of poles near a large fire, and continually turned until the body is dry.
-Then it is wrapped up in a blanket and hung from the roof” [as is done in
-the Doré Bay region in New Guinea].
-
-There has been considerable controversy as to the origin of the vast
-stone monuments in this region. The writer from whom I have just quoted,
-with many others, believed the Zimbabwe ruins to be the work of Early
-Sabæan or Phœnician immigrants, who were attracted by the Rhodesian
-gold-fields. Randall-MacIver believed that he found Chinese and Persian
-relics (no earlier than the 14th or at earliest 13th century) under the
-foundations; and recklessly jumped to the conclusion that the local
-Negroes had conceived and built these vast monuments! The idea of any
-savage people, and especially Negroes, planning such structures and
-undertaking the enormous labour of their construction is surely too
-ludicrous to be considered seriously. Even if these monuments were built
-no earlier than five or six centuries ago, that does not invalidate
-the hypothesis that they were inspired by the models of some old
-civilization. Is it necessary to expound the whole theory of survivals
-to make this point clear? The whole of this memoir is concerned with the
-persistence in outlying corners of the world of strange practices whose
-inventors passed away twenty-eight centuries and more ago, and whose
-country has forgotten them and their works for more than a thousand
-years. [My friend, W. J. Perry, is collecting other evidence which proves
-quite definitely that the Zimbabwe culture was “heliolithic.”]
-
-In Moll’s History (=46=) the following passage occurs in an account of
-the customs of Ceylon, p. 430, “when a person of condition dies his
-corps is laid out and wash’d, and being cover’d with a linnen-cloath, is
-carried out upon a bier to some high place and burnt: but if he was an
-officer who belong’d to the court, the corps is not burnt till the king
-gives orders for it, which is sometimes a great while after. In this case
-his friends hollow the body of a tree, and having bowell’d and embalm’d
-the corps, they put it in, filling the hollow up with pepper, and having
-made it as close as possible, they bury the corpse in some room of the
-house till the king orders it to be burnt.”
-
-“As for the poorer people, they usually wrap them up in mats and bury
-them.”
-
-This traveller’s tale would not call for serious attention if it were not
-confirmed by modern accounts of an analogous practice in Burma and the
-neighbourhood.
-
-In his “Himalayan Journal” Sir Joseph Hooker described how the Khasias
-temporarily embalm their dead in honey before cremating them.
-
-Pettigrew (=56=, p. 245) quotes Captain Coke’s account of the embalming
-of a Burman priest. The body, as witnessed by him, was lying exposed to
-public view upon a stage constructed of bamboos. This is the bier which
-is so invariably associated with mummification.
-
-“The entrails of the deceased (who had been dead upwards of a month) had
-been taken out a few hours after death by means of an incision in the
-stomach, and the vacuum being filled with honey and spices the opening
-was sewed up. The whole body was then covered over with a slight coating
-of resinous substance called _dhamma_, and wax, to preserve it from the
-air, after which it was richly overlaid with gold leaf, thus giving the
-body the appearance of one of the finely moulded images so common in the
-temples of the worshippers of BOODH.”
-
-Then it was cremated.
-
-This is a curious instance of the blending of the custom of mummification
-with the later practice of cremation, which was inspired by entirely
-different ideals. Throughout the whole area in which Egyptian methods
-of embalming were adopted there are found numerous instances of such
-syncretism with a variety of burial customs.
-
-“Another method which I have known to be practised, but not as common as
-the one above detailed, of embalming bodies in the Burman country, is by
-forcing two hollow bamboos through the soles of the feet, up the legs and
-into the body of the deceased; then by dint of pressing and squeezing the
-fluid is carried off through the bamboos into the ground.”
-
-This practice is an important link between the Egyptian and the
-Indonesian methods.
-
-In his article on Thibetan burial customs (=32=, p. 511), Waddell
-informs us that preservation of the entire body by embalming seems to
-be restricted to the sovereign Grand Lamas of Lhāsa and Tāshilhumpo.
-“The body is embalmed by salting, and, clad in the robes of the deceased
-and surrounded by his personal implements of worship, is placed, in the
-attitude of a seated Buddha, within a gilded copper sarcophagus in one of
-the rooms of the palace: it is then worshipped as a divinity.”
-
-There are many points of interest in this practice, which, considered in
-conjunction with the methods practised in Burma, Ceylon and Persia just
-mentioned, clearly indicate not only the sources and the routes taken by
-this knowledge of embalming in its spread from Egypt, but also how the
-burial rites of a variety of peoples can become intimately blended and
-intermingled one with another.
-
-In Captain T. H. Lewins’ book on “The Wild Tribes of South-Eastern India”
-(London, 1870, p. 274) I find the following statement:—“Among the Dhun
-and Khorn clans the body is placed in a coffin made of a hollow tree
-trunk, with holes in the bottom. This is placed on a lofty platform and
-left to dry in the sun. The dried body is afterwards rammed into an
-earthern vase and buried; the head is cut off and preserved. Another clan
-sheathe their dead in pith; the corpse is then placed on a platform,
-under which a slow fire is kept up until the body is dried. The corpse
-is then kept for six months ... it is then buried. The Howlong clan hang
-the body up to the house-beams for seven days, during which time the dead
-man’s wife has to sit underneath spinning.”
-
-These interesting records are of considerable value in establishing
-connexions between East Africa and regions further east, which will be
-discussed in the following pages.
-
-[In my search for information concerning the practice of embalming in
-India, where by inference I was convinced it must have had some vogue
-in ancient times, I completely overlooked the important memoir by Mr.
-W. Crooke on “Primitive Rites of Disposal of the Dead, with Special
-Reference to India” (_Journ. Anthrop. Inst._, Vol. XXIX, 1899, p. 272).
-Since the rest of this article has been in print Mr. Crooke has kindly
-called my attention to his memoir and given me a lot of other valuable
-information. Fortunately all this evidence supports and substantiates
-the opinions I had previously arrived at inductively. For it provides
-a complete series of connecting links between the western and eastern
-portions of the chain I am reconstructing. It is too bulky to insert here
-and too important merely to summarise, so that I must postpone fuller
-discussion of this Indian evidence until some future time.]
-
-If it is admitted that the custom of mummification as it is practised,
-for example, in the islands of the Torres Straits was derived from Egypt,
-however remotely and indirectly, it is clear that, as the technique
-includes a number of curious features which were not introduced in Egypt
-before the XVIIIth, XXth and XXIst Dynasties (respectively in the case
-of different procedures), the migration of people carrying the methods
-east could not have left Egypt before the time of the XXIst Dynasty,
-say 900 B.C. as the earliest possible date. At this time Egypt was in
-very close relationship with the Soudan and Western Asia; and it is
-obvious that the Egyptian practices may have reached the Persian Gulf
-by three routes:—(1) _viâ_ the Soudan, the head-waters of the Nile and
-the Somali Coast, (2) by the Red Sea route, and (3) from the Phœnician
-Coast down the Euphrates. No doubt all three routes served as avenues for
-communication and for the transmission of cultural influences; and it is
-not essential for our immediate purposes to enquire which channel served
-to transmit each element of Egyptian culture that made its influence
-felt in the neighbourhood of the Persian Gulf at this period. For it was
-a period of active maritime enterprise, especially on the part of the
-Phœnicians, both in the Mediterranean and the Southern Seas, and a time
-when the fluctuating political fortunes of Egypt, Western Asia and the
-Soudan produced a more intimate intermingling of the peoples, so that
-they mutually influenced one another most profoundly.
-
-It is important to remember that many of the features of the embalmer’s
-art as it is practiced in the far East are modifications of the Egyptian
-method which were first introduced in the region of the Upper Nile,
-so that the East African Coast must have been the point of departure
-for such methods. Other features, not only of the method of embalming,
-but also of the associated megalithic architecture, were equally
-distinctive of the Phœnician region and may have been transmitted by the
-Euphrates.[14] Other features again were distinctively Babylonian. Of the
-former, the African influence, I might refer to the use of the frame-like
-support for the mummy, the custom of removing the head some months after
-burial, and the sacrifice of wives and servants. As to the Phœnician
-and Babylonian influences, the use of honey might be cited, and the
-emphasis laid upon “cedar” wood and “cedar” oil in mummification; and the
-Phœnician adaptation of the New Empire type of Theban tomb seen at Arvad
-and the analogous sepulchres found in the Bahrein Islands (=4=) The
-Betsileo tombs in Madagascar probably represent the same type transferred
-_viâ_ Sabæa down the East African coast.
-
-As to the means by which the customs of the dwellers around the Persian
-Gulf were communicated to the peoples of India and Ceylon there is a
-considerable mass of evidence. The fact that mummification, the building
-of megalithic monuments of the recognised Mediterranean types, sun-
-and serpent-worship and all the other impedimenta of the “heliolithic”
-culture made their appearance in India in pre-Aryan times affords
-positive evidence of the reality of the intercourse. I have already
-referred to the adoption in India of the curiously eccentric method
-of steering river-boats found in Middle Kingdom Egyptian tombs; and
-the custom of representing eyes on the prow of the boat are further
-illustrations of the spread of distinctive practices. According to Rhys
-Davids (=14=, p. 116) “it may now be accepted as a working hypothesis
-that sea-going merchants [mostly Dravidians, not Aryans], availing
-themselves of the monsoons, were in the habit, at the beginning of
-the seventh (and perhaps at the end of the eighth) century B.C., of
-trading from ports on the South-West of India to Babylon, then a great
-mercantile emporium.” He adduces evidence which clearly demonstrates
-that the written scripts of India, Ceylon and Burma were in this way
-derived from “the pre-Semitic race now called Akkadians.” “It seems
-almost impossible to avoid the conclusion that [the] curious buildings
-[at Anurādhapura in Ceylon] were not entirely without connection with
-the seven-storied Ziggarats which were so striking a feature among
-the buildings of Chaldæa.... it would seem that in this case also the
-Indians were borrowers of an idea” (p. 70). The more precise and definite
-influence of Babylonian models further east removes any doubt as to the
-part it played. Crooke speaks of the Southern Dravidians as a maritime
-people, who placed in their burial mounds “bronze articles which were
-probably imported in the course of trade with Babylonia” (=12=, p. 29).
-“They were probably the builders of the remarkable series of rude stone
-monuments which crown the hills in the Nilgiri range and the plateau of
-the Deccan” (p. 28). The most ancient stone monuments in Southern India
-contain objects which go to prove that they were built at the earliest
-just before the introduction of iron-working. Thus, if the knowledge of
-iron-working came from Europe, these monuments could not have been built
-much before 800 B.C. As a matter of fact it is known that many of them
-cannot be older than 600 B.C. (Crooke, =13=, p. 129). All of these facts
-agree in supporting the view that the influence of Egypt, which, so far
-as the matters under consideration are concerned, came into operation
-not earlier than the eighth century B.C., spread to India partly _viâ_
-Babylonia and partly by way of East Africa, somewhere between the close
-of the eighth and the commencement of the sixth century B.C.
-
-The monuments to which I have just been referring were not, in my
-opinion, directly inspired by Egypt, but indirectly. The North Syrian
-and the adjoining territories adopted the Egyptian burial customs at
-an earlier period and the finished type of holed dolmen was probably
-developed and survived in that region long after its Egyptian prototype
-had become a thing of the past. The real types that have come down to our
-times are found in the Caucasus, between the Black Sea and the Caspian.
-The Indian dolmens were certainly imitations of these models. But in
-respect of other buildings the Indians directly adopted Babylonian and
-Egyptian types. I have already referred to the former. Many of the
-Dravidian temples are so precisely modelled on the plan of the Theban
-temples of the New Empire that to question the source of the inspiration
-of the former is impossible.
-
-“Fergusson first called attention to the striking similarity in general
-arrangement and conception between the great South Indian temples and
-those of ancient Egypt.... The gopurams or gate-towers, which in the
-later more ornate examples are decorated from the base to the summit with
-sculptures of the Hindu Pantheon, increase in size with the size of the
-walled quadrangles, the outer ones becoming imposing landmarks, which
-are visible for miles around, and are strikingly similar to the pylons
-of Egyptian temples” (Thurston, =101=, pp. 158 and 161). Thus in the
-matter of its early buildings India has clearly been influenced by Egypt,
-Phœnicia and Chaldea; and this great cultural wave impinged upon the
-Indian peninsula not before the close of the eighth century B.C.
-
-It is important also to remember that it reached India just (perhaps not
-more than a century) before another wave of a very different culture
-poured down from the north, and introduced, among other things, the
-practice of cremation.
-
-For our immediate purpose this is unfortunate, because that practice
-is inspired by ideas utterly opposed to those underlying the custom of
-embalming, and naturally destroyed most, though by no means all, traces
-of the latter. That the practice of embalming did actually reach India
-from the west is known not merely because evidence of unmistakably
-Egyptian technique is found further east, but also because in India and
-Ceylon there are definite traces of the custom, to which reference has
-already been made in the foregoing pages. Cases from Persia, Ceylon,
-India, Burma and Thibet were cited in proof of the survival of elements
-of the embalming process or ritual, even when the Brahmanical and
-Buddhist burial practices had been adopted.
-
-From the foregoing account there can be no doubt that the people of
-India did at one time practice mummification, at any rate in the case of
-their chiefs. They also acquired a knowledge of the arts and crafts, as
-the result of the influence exerted by the rich stream of culture which
-brought the attainments of the great western civilizations to India
-before the Ayran immigration. The bringers of this new culture mingled
-their blood with the aboriginal pre-Dravidian population and the result
-was the Dravidians. It is not at all improbable that the resultant
-Dravidian civilization had reached a higher plane than that of the Aryas,
-who entered the country after them.
-
-In Oldham’s interesting and suggestive brochure (=51=, pp. 53-55), which,
-in spite of Crooke’s drastic criticism, seems to me to be a valuable
-contribution to a knowledge of the questions under discussion, the
-following passages occur:—
-
-“The Asuras, Dasyus, or Nagas, with whom the Aryas came into contact, on
-approaching the borders of India, were no savage aboriginal tribes, but
-a civilized people who had cities and castles. Some of these are said in
-the Veda to have been built of stone.
-
-“It would seem, indeed, as if the Asuras had reached a higher degree of
-civilization than their Aryan rivals. Some of their cities were places of
-considerable importance. And, in addition to this, wealth and luxury, the
-use of magic, superior architectural skill, and ability to restore the
-dead to life, were ascribed to the Asuras by Brahmanical writers.”
-
-The “ability to restore the dead to life” is probably a reference to the
-Egyptian ritual of “the opening of the mouth,” which of course is an
-integral part of the funerary procedure incidental to the practice of
-mummification.
-
-“The Nagas occupy a very prominent position in connection with Indian
-astronomy, and this is not likely to have been assigned to them, by their
-Brahmanical rivals, without good reason. Probably this and other branches
-of science were brought, by the Asuras, from their ancient home in the
-countries between the Kaspian and the Persian Gulf.
-
-“The close relationship between the Indian and the Chaldean astronomical
-systems has been frequently noticed.
-
-“The sun-worship of the Asuras; their holding sacred the Naga or hooded
-serpent, sometimes represented with many heads; their deification of
-kings and ancestors; their veneration of the cedar; their religious
-dances; their sacrificial rights; their communication with the deities
-through the medium of inspired prophets; their occasional tendency
-towards democratic institutions; their use of tribal emblems or
-totems—and many of their social customs; seem to connect them with that
-very early civilization—Turanian or otherwise—which we find amongst so
-many of the peoples of extreme antiquity. They had, in fact, much in
-common with the early inhabitants of Babylonia; and, perhaps, even more
-with those of Elam and the neighbouring countries.
-
-“We shall see later that the Asuras and the Dravidians were, apparently,
-the same people.”
-
-“Not only were the Asuras or Nagas a civilized people, but they were a
-maritime power. Holding both banks of the great river Indus, they must
-have had access to the sea from a very early period. Their kinship,
-too, with the serpent-worshipping people of ancient Media, and the
-neighbouring countries, which has already been referred to, must have led
-to a very early development of trade with the Persian Gulf.
-
-“The Asuras were actively engaged in ‘The Churning of the Ocean’
-(_Mahabharata_, _Adi_, _Astika_, p. xviii.), which is but an allegorical
-description of sea-borne commerce in its early days” (_op. cit._, p. 58).
-
-“In the _Mahabharata_, the ocean is described as the habitation of the
-Nagas and the residence of the Asuras; it is also said to be the refuge
-of the defeated Asuras (_Mahabharata_, _Adi_, _Astika_, p. xxii.).
-This was no doubt because marauding bands of this people retreated to
-their ships after an unsuccessful raid. Thus we find that on the death
-of Vrita, his followers took refuge in the sea (_Mahabharata_, _Vana_,
-_Tirthayatra_, p. ciii.). So also did the Asura Panchajana, who lived in
-Patala, when he was pursued by Krishna (_Vishnu Parana_, v., xxi., 526).
-And so did the Danavas when defeated by the Devas at the churning of the
-ocean (_Mahabharata_, _Adi_, _Astika_, p. xix.).”
-
-“An ancient legend, given in the _Mahabharata_, relates how Kadru, mother
-of the serpents, compelled Garuda to convey her sons across the sea into
-a beautiful country in a distant region, which was inhabited by Nagas.
-After encountering a violent storm and great heat, the sons of Karur were
-landed in the country of Ramaniaka, on the Malabar coast.”
-
-“This territory had been occupied previously by a fierce Asura named
-Lavana (_Mahabharata_, _Adi_, _Astika_, p. xxvii.). So there had been a
-still earlier colonization by the same race.”
-
-“Naga chiefs are frequently mentioned as ruling countries in or under the
-sea” (p. 61).
-
-“The civilization of Burmah, and other Indo-Chinese countries, is
-ascribed by legend and by the native historians to invaders from India.
-And these are connected with the Naga People of Magadha, and of the
-north and west of India. The ancient navigators, too, who carried the
-Brahmanical and Buddhist religions, the worship of the Naga, and the
-Sanscrit or Pali language to Java, Sumatra, and even to distant Celebes,
-were Indian people. And they were, doubtless, descendants of those Asura
-dwellers in the ocean, which are mentioned in the _Mahabharata_, and have
-already been referred to” (p. 166).
-
-“Another proof of the ancient connection of these islands with India
-is that the Javan era is the Saka-kala, which is so well known, and is
-still in use in parts of Western India and in the Himalaya. According
-to a Javan tradition an expedition from India, led by a son of the king
-of Kujrat (Gujrat), arrived on the west coast of the island about A.D.
-603. A settlement was founded, and the town of Mendan Kamalan was built.
-Other Hindus followed, and a great trade was established with the ports
-of India and other countries (Raffles, Hist. Java, ii., 83). There is
-however no reason to suppose that this was the first arrival of Indian
-voyagers in the Archipelago.
-
-“Traditions still remain in Western India of expeditions to Java. A
-Guzerati proverb runs thus: ‘He who goes to Java never comes back; but
-if he does return, his descendants, for seven generations, live at ease’
-(_Bombay Gazetter_, i., 402). The bards in Marwar have a legend that
-Bhoj raja, the great puar chief of Ujaini, in anger drove away his son
-Chandrabhan, who sailed to Java (_Ib._, i., 448).
-
-“Evidence brought forward by Mr. Kennedy (_J. R. A. S._, April, 1898)
-shows that a great sea-borne trade was carried on from Indian ports by
-Dravidian merchants as early as the seventh century B.C. The beginnings
-of Dravidian navigation, however, were probably much earlier than this.
-
-“We have seen that the sea-borne commerce of the Solar or Naga tribes
-of Western India had become important at a very early period. Of this
-the legend of ‘the churning of the ocean’ already referred to is an
-allegorical description, but we have no detailed account of ocean voyages
-until a much later period. Sakya Buddha himself, however, refers to such
-voyages. He says: ‘Long ago ocean going merchants were wont to plunge
-forth upon the sea, taking with them a shore-sighting bird. When the ship
-was out of sight of land they would set the shore-sighting bird free.
-And it would go to the east and to the south and to the west and to the
-north and to the intermediate points and rise aloft. If on the horizon it
-caught sight of land, thither it would go. But if not then it would come
-back to the ship again’ (Rhys Davids, _J. R. A. S._, April, 1899, 432).
-
-“It will be observed that this mode of finding the position of the ship
-at sea, which recalls the sending out of the birds from the Ark, is said
-to have been the custom ‘long ago.’ It would seem therefore, that in the
-fifth century B.C. other and probably more scientific methods were in
-use. It would also appear that the navigation of the ocean was even then
-an ancient institution.
-
-“In the time of the Chinese Buddhist pilgrim Fah Hian (about 406 A.D.)
-there was a regular and evidently old-established trade between India and
-China and with the islands of the Archipelago.
-
-“Fah Hian sailed from Tamalitti, or Tamralipti, at the mouth of the
-Ganges, in a great merchant ship, and in fourteen days reached Ceylon
-(Fo-Kwo-ki, Beal., I, lxxi, lxxii.). From thence he sailed in a great
-ship which carried about two hundred men, and which was navigated by
-observing the sun, moon and stars. In this ship Fah Hian reached Ye-po-ti
-(probably Java) in which country heretics and Brahmans flourished, but
-the law of Buddha was not much known (_Ib._, I, lxxx.). Here the pilgrim
-embarked for China on board another ship carrying two hundred men,
-amongst whom were Brahmans. These proposed to treat the sramana as Jonah
-was treated, and for the same reason, but some of those on board took his
-part. At length when their provisions were nearly exhausted, they reached
-China (_Ib._, I, lxxxi., lxxxii.). All these ships appear to have been
-Indian and not Chinese.
-
-“Fah Hian mentions that pirates were numerous in those seas (_Ib._, I,
-lxxx.), which shows that the commerce must have been considerable” (p.
-171).
-
-“It seems in the highest degree improbable that this close connection
-between the Sun and the serpent could have originated, independently,
-in countries so far apart as China and the West of Africa, or India
-and Peru. And it seems scarcely possible that, in addition to this,
-the same forms of worship of these deities, and the same ritual, could
-have arisen, spontaneously, amongst each of these far distant peoples.
-The alternative appears to be that the combined worship of the Sun and
-serpent-gods must have spread from a common centre, by the migration of,
-or communication with, the people who claimed Solar descent.
-
-“So universally was the Naga held sacred, that it would seem to have been
-the earliest totem of the people who claimed descent from the Sun-god”
-(p. 183).
-
-I have quoted so extensively from Oldham’s fascinating work because the
-conclusions at which he arrived from a study of the ancient literature of
-India is confirmed by evidence derived from utterly different sources,
-not only from India itself but also from other countries. For, scattered
-throughout the length and breadth of India, are to be found thousands of
-indications (in traditions, beliefs, customs, social organisation and
-material relics) that the complete “heliolithic” culture had reached
-India not later than the beginning of the seventh century B.C.
-
-Moreover the evidence which I have culled from Oldham bears out
-the conclusions my own investigations lead up to, namely, that the
-“heliolithic” culture spread from India to Malaysia soon after it reached
-India itself. It is surely something more than a mere coincidence that
-the period of the greatest maritime exploits of the Phœnicians, in the
-course of which, according to many authorities, they reached India or
-even further east, should coincide with that of the great pre-Aryan
-maritime race of India, whose great expeditions, as the above quotations
-indicate, were primarily for purposes of commerce between the Persian
-Gulf and the West Coast of India. There is gradually accumulating a
-considerable mass of evidence to suggest that, if the Asuras were not
-themselves Phœnicians, they acquired their maritime skill from these
-famous sailors and traders. The same hardy mariners who brought the new
-knowledge and practices from the Persian Gulf to India and Ceylon also
-carried it further, to Burma and Indonesia.
-
-That this is so is clearly shown by the fact that these customs spread to
-Indonesia and the Pacific _before_ cremation was introduced; and it has
-been indicated above that the introduction of the practice of cremation
-into India may have taken place within a century of the arrival of the
-“heliolithic” civilization there. Hence it is obvious that the latter
-must have spread to the far east soon after it reached India; and the
-completeness of the transmission of the distinctive culture-complex can
-be explained only by supposing that the same people who brought it to
-India also carried it further east.
-
-All the other evidence at our disposal is in full harmony with this view.
-The advancing wave of western culture swept past India into Indonesia,
-carrying into the isles of the Pacific and on to the American littoral
-the products of the older civilizations at first almost, but not
-altogether, untainted by Indian influence; but for centuries afterwards,
-as this same ferment gradually leavened the vast bulk of India, the
-stream of western culture continued to percolate eastwards and carried
-with it in succession the influence of the Brahmanical, Buddhist and,
-within in a more restricted area, Mahometan cults.
-
-It is an interesting confirmation of the general accuracy of the scheme
-that has now been sketched out that the dates at which the influence
-of Egypt began to be exerted in the east, that to which Rhys Davids
-assigns the definite influencing of India by Babylonia, that at which
-India influenced Malaysia, and finally that assigned by students of
-the Polynesian problem to the inauguration of the great Indonesian
-migration into the Pacific (=60= and =98=), all fit into one consecutive
-series, though each was determined from different kinds of evidence and
-independently of the rest.
-
-It is not my intention to discuss the evidence for the coming of the
-“heliolithic” culture to Indonesia, for the complex problems of this
-region have been analysed and interpreted in a masterly fashion by W.
-J. Perry in a book which is shortly to be published. The form which my
-present communication has assumed is largely the outcome of the reading
-of Perry’s manuscript and of discussions with him of the new lines of
-investigation which it suggested; and I am satisfied to leave this
-region for him to elucidate in detail. It will suffice to say here that
-the traditions of the inhabitants of the various islands of Malaysia,
-no less than their heterogeneous customs and beliefs, provided him with
-very precise evidence in demonstration of the complex constitution of the
-“heliolithic” culture, and of the fact that it was brought to the islands
-by an immigration from the west.
-
-There is less need for me to analyse the vast literature relating to
-the burial practices in the islands of the Malay Archipelago since this
-useful service has already been accomplished by Hertz (=33=). Although I
-dissent from the main contention in his interpretation of the facts, his
-accurate record is none the less valuable on that account—perhaps indeed
-it is more useful, as it certainly cannot be accused of bias in favour of
-the views I am expounding.
-
-A great variety of burial customs, in most respects closely
-analogous to the practices of the Naga tribes of India, is found in
-Indonesia;—exposing the dead on trees or platforms, burial in hollow
-trees, smoking and other methods of preservation, temporary burial, and
-cremation.
-
-Apart from the definite evidence of preservation of the dead found in
-scattered islands from one end of the Archipelago to the other, there are
-much more generally diffused practices which are unquestionably derived
-from the former custom of mummification.
-
-In the account of mummification as practised in the more savage African
-tribes, it was seen that the practice was restricted in most cases to
-the bodies of kings; and even then the failure to preserve the body in a
-permanent manner compelled these peoples to modify the Egyptian methods.
-Realising that the corpse, even when preserved as efficiently as they
-were able to perform the work of embalming, would undergo a process of
-disintegration within a few months, it became the practice to rescue the
-skull, to which special importance was attached (for the definite reasons
-explained by the early Egyptian evidence).
-
-In his survey Hertz (=33=, p. 66) calls attention to the widespread
-custom of temporary burial throughout Indonesia, but, instead of
-recognising that such procedures have come into vogue as a degradation
-of the full rites incidental to mummification, he regards it as part of
-a widespread “notion que les derniers rites funéraires ne peuvent pas
-être célébrés de suite après la mort, mais seulement à l’expiration d’une
-période plus on moins longue” (p. 66); and regards mummification simply
-as a specialised form of this rite which is almost universal (p. 67):—“il
-paraît légitime de considérer la momification comme un cas particulier
-et dérivé de la sépulture provisoire.” (p. 69). This is a remarkable
-inversion of the true explanation. For the enormous mass of evidence
-which is now available makes it quite certain that the practice of
-temporary burial was adopted only when failure (or the risk of failure)
-to preserve the body compelled less cultured people to desist from the
-complete process.
-
-I am in full agreement with Hertz when he says:—“L’homologie entre la
-préservation artificielle du cadavre et la simple exposition temporaire
-paraîtra moins difficile à admettre si l’on tient compte du fait qui sera
-mis en lumière plus bas: les ossements secs, résidu de la décomposition,
-constituent pour le mort un corps incorruptible, absolument comme la
-momie.” (p. 69). But does not this entirely bear out my contention? It is
-quite inconceivable that the practice of mummification could have been
-derived from the custom of preparing the skeleton; but the reverse is
-quite a natural transition, for even in the hands of skilled embalmers
-(see especially =39=), not to mention untutored savage peoples, the
-measures taken for preserving the body may fail and the skeleton alone
-may be spared. If this contention be conceded, the demonstration given by
-Hertz of the remarkable geographical distribution of customs of temporary
-burial affords a most valuable confirmation of the general scheme of
-the present communication. “Au point de vue où, nous sommes placés, il
-y a homologie rigoureuse entre l’exposition du cadavre sur les branches
-d’un arbre, telle que la pratiquent les tribus du centre de l’Australie,
-ou à l’intèrieur de la maison des vivants, comme cela se rencontre chez
-certains Papous et chez quelques peuples Bantous, ou sur une plateforme
-élevée à dessein, ainsi que le font en général les Polynésiens et de
-nombreuses tribus indiennes de l’Amérique du Nord, ou enfin l’enterrement
-provisoire, observé en particulier par la plupart des Indiens de
-l’Amérique du Sud” (p. 67). There can be no doubt whatever of the justice
-of this “homology,” for in every one of the areas mentioned these
-customs exist side by side with the practice of mummification; and in
-many cases there is definite evidence to show that the other methods of
-treatment have been derived from it by a process of degradation. In his
-excellent bibliography, and especially the illuminating footnotes, Hertz
-gives a number of references to the practice of desiccation by smoking
-or simple forms of embalming, which had escaped me in my search for
-information on these matters. He refers especially to further instances
-of such practices in Australia, New Guinea, various parts of West Africa,
-Madagascar and America (p. 68).
-
-An interesting reference in the same note (p. 68, footnote 5) is to
-the practice of simple embalming among the Ainos of Sakhalin (Preuss,
-_Begräbnisarten der Amerikaner_, p. 190). This seems to supply an
-important link between the Eastern Asiatic littoral and the Aleutian
-Islands, where mummification is practised. In Saghalien, according to St.
-John (“The Ainos,” _Journ. Anthropol. Inst._, Vol. II., 1873, p. 253),
-“when the chief of a tribe or village died, his body was laid out on a
-table close to the door of his hut; his entrails were then removed, and
-daily for twelve months his wife and daughters wash him thoroughly. He is
-allowed ... to dry in the sun.”
-
-In a recent article on the customs of the people of Laos (G. Maupetit,
-“Moeurs laotiennes,” _Bull. et Mem. de la Soc. d’ Anthropol. de Paris_,
-1913), an account is given of the practice of mummification in this far
-south-eastern corner of the Asiatic mainland. Cremation is the regular
-means adopted for disposal of the dead: but it is also “the Laotian’s
-ideal to be able to preserve the corpse in his house, for as long a
-time as possible, before incinerating it: in the same way the Siamese
-and Chinese keep their dead in the house for several months, often for
-several years” (p. 549).
-
-According to Maupetit the method of preservation is a most remarkable
-one. They pour from 75 to 300 grammes of mercury into the mouth! “It
-passes along the alimentary canal and suffices to produce mummification,
-the rapid desiccation of the organic tissues.” Then the body was
-stretched upon a thick bed of melted wax, wood ashes, cloth and cushions.
-
-The great stream of “heliolithic” culture exerted a profound influence
-upon and played a large part in shaping the peculiar civilizations of
-China, Corea, and Japan. As the practice of embalming does not play an
-obtrusive part[15] in this influence, I do not propose (in the present
-communication) to enter upon the discussion of these matters, except to
-note in passing that the influence exerted by the “heliolithic” culture
-upon the Pacific coast of America may have been exerted partly by the
-East Asiatic-Aleutian route (see _Map II._).
-
-The disgusting practice of collecting the fluids which drip from the
-putrefying corpse and mixing them with the food for the living occurs
-in Indonesia, in New Guinea and the neighbouring islands, in Melanesia,
-Polynesia and in Madagascar (for the bibliographical references see
-Hertz, p. 83, footnote 3).
-
-The Indonesian methods of preserving the dead are found in Seram (W. J.
-Perry), and the report recently published by Lorenz[16] (=43=, p. 22)
-records a similar practice in the neighbourhood of Doré Bay in North-West
-New Guinea. The corpse was tied to the rafter of the dwelling-house; and
-the practice of mixing the juices of decomposition with the food is in
-vogue also. The accounts given by D’Albertis (=1=) and other travellers
-show that analogous customs are found at other places in New Guinea.
-There can be no doubt that the practice spread along the north coast of
-the island and then around its eastern extremity to reach the islands of
-the Torres Straits, where the practice is seen in its fully developed
-form, as Flower (=19=), Haddon and Myers (=25=), and Hamlyn-Harris (=27=)
-have described.
-
-As I have already referred to Papuan mummies earlier in this
-communication and at some future time intend to devote a special memoir
-to the full discussion of the methods of the Torres Straits embalmers, I
-shall not go into the matter in detail here. I should like, however, to
-call special attention to the admirable account given by Haddon and Myers
-(=25=) of the associated funeral rites.
-
-In his memoir Flower described two interesting mummies, then in the
-Museum of the Royal College of Surgeons in London, one “brought in 1872
-from Darnley Island in Torres Strait by Mr. Charles Lemaistre, Captain
-of the French barque ‘Victorine,’ and the other, an Australian mummy,
-obtained in 1845 near Adelaide, by Sir George Grey.” By a curious and
-utterly incomprehensible act of vandalism these extremely rare and
-priceless ethnological specimens were deliberately destroyed by Sir
-William Flower, who naively explains his extraordinary action by the
-statement “as the skeleton will form a more instructive specimen when the
-dried and decaying integuments are removed I have had it cleaned” (p.
-393)! He treated in the same manner the second mummy, the only example
-of its kind, so far as I am aware, in this country! His photographs
-show that these two specimens, so far from being “decaying,” were in
-a remarkably good state of preservation at the time he doomed them to
-destruction.
-
-Captain Lemaistre found the Torres Strait mummy “in its grave, which
-consisted of a high straw and bamboo hut of round form: it was not lying
-down, but standing up on the stretcher” (=19=, p. 389). This is a close
-parallel to the African customs—mummification, burial in a house of round
-form, and fixing the corpse to a rough form of funeral bier, which is
-stood up in the house.
-
-The skin was painted red, the scalp black. “The sockets of the eyes were
-filled with a dark brown substance, apparently a vegetable gum.... In
-this was imbedded a narrow oval piece of mother of pearl, pointed at each
-end, in the centre of the anterior surface of which is fixed a round mass
-of the same resinous substance, representing the pupil of the eye” (p.
-301).
-
-“Both nostrils had been distended.”
-
-“In the right flank was a longitudinal incision, 3½ inches in length,
-extending between the last rib and the crest of the ilium. This had
-been very neatly closed by what is called in surgery the interrupted
-suture.... The whole of the pelvic, abdominal and thoracic viscera had
-been removed, and their place was occupied by four pieces of very soft
-wood.... Except the wound in the flank, there was no other opening or
-injury to the skin” (p. 391).
-
-“Heads and bodies prepared in a similar way” are found in many museums,
-and afford an interesting illustration of the old Egyptian practice of
-paying special attention to the head. This is all the more instructive
-in view of the fact that it was common in certain regions, especially
-Mallicolo in the New Hebrides, to restore the features by means of clay
-and resinous paste, usually making use of the skull as a basis, but
-occasionally modelling the whole body,[17] the model including parts
-of the deceased’s skeleton (see Henry Balfour’s article, “Memorial
-Heads in the Pitt Rivers Museum,” _Man_, Vol. I., 1901, p. 65). These
-modelling-practices and especially the fact that they usually deal with
-the head (or even face) only afford an interesting confirmation of the
-Egyptian origin of these customs (_vide supra_, etc., =40=).
-
-In the 6th volume of the reports of the Cambridge Anthropological
-Expedition to Torres Straits, C. S. Myers and Haddon (=25=, pp. 129 and
-135) give a detailed account of the funeral ceremonies from which I quote
-certain points. “As soon as death had occurred the women of the village
-started wailing. The corpse was placed on the ground on a mat in front of
-the house; the arms were placed close to the side; the great toes were
-tied together by a string; the hair of the head and face was cut off
-and thrown away; the length of the nose was then measured with a piece
-of wax, which was preserved by a female relative for subsequent use in
-making a wax mask for the prepared skull. The dead man’s bow and arrow
-and his stone-headed club were laid beside him” (p. 129). The Egyptian
-analogies in all of these procedures is quite obvious.
-
-“Five men wearing masks performed a series of manœuvres ending up with
-flexion of the arms and a bending of the head. This movement was said to
-indicate the rising and setting of the sun and to be symbolic of the life
-and death of man.
-
-“Mourners then took the body and placed it upon a wooden framework, which
-stood upon four wooden supports at a little distance from the house of
-the deceased. The relatives then took large yams and placed them beside
-the body on the framework; they also hung large bunches of bananas upon
-the bamboos around. This was regarded as nourishment for the ghost, which
-was supposed to eat it at night-time (p. 135).
-
-“In two or three days when the skin of the body had become loose the
-framework was taken up to the reef in a small canoe; the epidermis was
-then rubbed off and by means of a sharp shell a small incision was made
-in the side of the abdomen (in the right side, at least, in the case of
-women), whence the viscera were extracted.
-
-“The perineum was incised in the males.”
-
-From a study of all the literature regarding this custom, as well as
-the actual specimens now in Sydney and Brisbane, it is clear that
-the incision may be made either in the left or right flank or in the
-perineum, and that sex does not determine the site.
-
-“The abdominal cavity was then filled up with pieces of Nipa palm; the
-viscera were thrown into the sea and the incision closed by means of fine
-fish line. An arrow was used to remove the brain, partly by way of the
-foramen magnum and partly through a small slit which was made in the back
-of the neck. The ‘strong skin’ of the brain (the dura mater) was first
-cut and then the ‘soft skin’ was pulled out.
-
-“The body was then brought back to the island and was placed in a sitting
-position upon a stone; the entire body was then painted with a mixture
-of red earth and sea water. The head, body and limbs were then lashed to
-the framework with string and a small stick was affixed to the lower jaw
-to keep it from drooping. The framework, with its burden, was fastened
-vertically to two posts set up in the rear of the house, and it was
-protected from public view by a screen of coconut leaves. The body was
-then gently rubbed down and holes were made with the point of an arrow so
-that the juices might escape. A fire was always kept alight beneath the
-body, ‘by-n-by meat swell up’ (p. 136).
-
-“D’Albertis (=1=) saw in Darnley Island the mummy of a man, who had been
-dead over a year, standing in the middle of the widow’s house attached to
-a kind of upright ladder of poles. They tint him from time to time with
-red chalk (ochre) and keep his skin soft by anointing it with coconut
-oil” (p. 137).
-
-In the Berlin Museum für Volkerkunde there are mummies of two children,
-photographs of which, obtained from Professor von Luschan, are reproduced
-by Dr. Haddon. They were given to Dr. Bastian by the Rev. James Chamlers
-in 1880, having been obtained at Stephen’s Island. One of them is a small
-girl a few days old. The body is painted red all over, except the scalp
-and eyebrows, which are blackened. The other one was a small girl two or
-three years of age treated in a similar way; the incision for embalming
-is on the _left_ side and has been sewn up.
-
-“In 1845 Jukes saw on the lap of a woman of Darnley Island the body of
-a child a few months old which seemed to have been dead for some time.
-It was stretched on a framework of sticks and smeared over with a thick
-red pigment, which dressing she was engaged in renewing. (“Voyage of the
-‘Fly,’” Vol. I., 1847, p. 246)” (p. 138).
-
-“Macgillivray (“Voyage of the ‘Rattlesnake,’” Vol. II., 1852, p. 48)
-also refers to a mummy of a child in Darnley Island. Sketches of the two
-Miriam mummies in the Brisbane Museum will be found on Plate 94 of Edge
-Partington and Heape’s Ethnographical Album of the Pacific Islands, third
-series. [Compare also Plate 2, Figure 4, in Brockett’s “Voyage to Torres
-Straits,” Sydney, 1836]” (p. 137).
-
-“On about the tenth day after death, when the hands and feet have become
-partially dried, the relatives, using a bamboo knife, remove the skin
-of the palms and soles, together with the nails, and then cut out the
-tongue, which is put into a bamboo clamp so that it may be kept straight
-while drying. These were presented to the widow, who henceforth wore
-them” (p. 138).
-
-A great deal of further information in regard to this practice is given
-by Haddon and Myers in their important monograph. Among other things
-they call attention once more to the custom of preserving the skull in
-the Torres Straits Islands where mummification is practised. The use
-of masks and ceremonial dances to assist the performers so as the more
-realistically to play the part of the deceased is welcome confirmation of
-the conclusion drawn from geographical distribution that such practices
-were intimately related to mummification and form part of the ritual
-genetically linked to it.
-
-Dr. Hamlyn-Harris, the Director of the Queensland Museum, gives an
-account (=27=) of the two mummies from the Torres Straits, which are
-now in Brisbane; and he adds further interesting information which
-he obtained from Mr. J. S. Bruce, of Murray Island, who was also one
-of Dr. Haddon’s informants. During my recent visit to Australia Dr.
-Hamlyn-Harris very kindly gave me every facility for examining these two
-mummies (as well as the Australian mummies in the Queensland Museum); and
-I also examined another specimen in the Macleay Museum of the University
-of Sydney. I am preparing a full report on all of these interesting
-specimens.
-
-From the Torres Straits the practice of mummification spread to
-Australia, as Flower (=19=), Frazer (=22=), Howitt (see Hertz, =33=),
-Roth (=71=) and Hamlyn-Harris (=28=), among others, have described. Roth
-says “Desiccation is a form of disposal of the dead practised only in the
-case of very distinguished men. After being disembowelled and dried by
-fire the corpse is tied up and carried about for months.” (=71=, p. 393).
-The mummy was painted with red ochre (Fraser, =22=).
-
-In Roth’s photographs, as well as in the mummies which I have had
-the opportunity of examining, the embalming-incision was made in the
-characteristically Egyptian situation in the left flank. In one of the
-mummies in the Brisbane Museum (see =28=, plate 6) the head is severely
-damaged. Examination of the specimen indicates that incisions had been
-deliberately made. Perhaps it was an attempt to remove the brain, which
-ended in destruction of the cranium.
-
-A curious feature of Australian embalming is that the body was always
-flexed, and not extended as in the Torres Straits. At first I was
-inclined to believe that this may be due to the influence of the Early
-Egyptian (Second Dynasty) procedure (=89=), but a fuller consideration of
-the evidence leads me to the conclusion that the adoption of the flexed
-position is due to syncretism with local burial customs, which were
-being observed when the bringers of the “heliolithic” culture reached
-Australia. It is probable that the boomerang came from Egypt, _viâ_ East
-Africa, India (=12=) and Indonesia at the same time.
-
-Several curious burial customs which may be regarded as degradations of
-the practice of mummification occur in Australia, but the consideration
-of these I must defer for the present.
-
-In the discussion on Flower’s memoir (=19=), Hyde Clarke justly
-emphasized “the importance of the demonstrations in reference to their
-bearings on the connection of the Australian populations with those of
-the main continents, and in the influence exerted in Australasia at a
-former time by a more highly cultivated race. This, to his mind, was the
-explanation of the relations of the higher culture, whether with regard
-to language, marriage and kindred, weapon names, or modes of culture,
-such as the mummies now described, the modes of incision, and form of
-burial. He did not consider these institutions, as some great authorities
-did, indigenous in Australia” (=19=, p. 394).
-
-Corroborative evidence is now accumulating (=70=), which will definitely
-establish the reality of the influence thus adumbrated by Clarke 37 years
-ago.
-
-Frazer (=22=, p. 80) says the burial (in Australia) on a raised stage
-reminds him of the “towers of silence,” and adds:—“This novelty of a
-raised stage can scarcely be a thing which our blacks have invented for
-themselves since they came to Australia; and if it is a custom which
-some portion of their ancestors brought with them into this country,
-I would argue from it that these ancestors were once in contact with,
-or rather formed part of, a race which had beliefs similar to those of
-the Persians; such beliefs are not readily adopted by strangers; they
-belong to a race.” Frazer proceeds to contrast this practice with the
-other Australian custom of desiccation, which, he says, “corresponds to
-the Egyptian practice of mummification” (p. 81): but, as Hertz (=33= _et
-supra_) has pointed out, they were inspired by the same fundamental idea,
-however much the present practitioners of the two methods may fail to
-realize this in their beliefs and traditions. The interesting suggestion
-emerges from these considerations that the peculiar Persian burial
-customs may be essentially a degraded and profoundly modified form of the
-ancient Egyptian funerary rites.
-
-In his “Polynesian Researches” William Ellis (=15=) gives an interesting,
-though unfortunately too brief, account of the Tahitian practice of
-embalming. Among the poor and middle classes “methods of preservation
-were too expensive” to be used, but the body was “placed upon a sort of
-bier covered with the best native cloth” while awaiting burial (p. 399).
-
-“The bodies of the dead, among the chiefs, were, however, in general
-preserved above ground: a temporary house or shed was erected for them,
-and they were placed on a kind of bier ... sometimes the moisture of the
-body was removed by pressing the different parts, drying it in the sun,
-and anointing it with fragrant oils. At other times, the intestines,
-brains, etcetera were removed: all moisture was extracted from the body,
-which was fixed in a sitting position during the day, and exposed to the
-sun, and, when placed horizontally at night was frequently turned over,
-that it might not remain long on the same side. The inside was then
-filled with cloth saturated with perfumed oils, which were also injected
-into other parts of the body, and carefully rubbed over the outside every
-day” (pp. 400 and 401).
-
-“It was then clothed, and fixed in a sitting posture; a small altar was
-erected before it, and offerings of fruit, food and flowers, were daily
-presented by the relatives, or the priests appointed to attend the body.
-In this state it was preserved several months, and when it decayed, the
-skull was carefully kept by the family, while the other bones etc. were
-buried within the precincts of the family temple” (p. 401).
-
-Ellis makes the significant comment:—“It is singular that the practice of
-preserving the bodies of their dead by the process of embalming, which
-has been thought to indicate a high degree of civilization, and which
-was carried to such perfection by one of the most celebrated nations of
-antiquity, some thousand years ago, should be found to prevail among
-this people.” The whole of the circumstances attending the practice of
-this custom, and the curious ritual and the behaviour of the mourners,
-as described by Ellis, no less than the details of the process, in fact
-afford the most positive evidence of its derivation from Egypt.
-
-Ellis says “it is also practiced by other distant nations of the Pacific,
-and on some of the coasts washed by its waters.” “In some of the islands
-they dried the bodies, and, wrapping them in numerous folds of cloth,
-suspended them from the roofs of their dwelling-houses” (p. 406).
-
-Ellis notes the remarkable points of identity between the Tahitian
-account of the deluge and not only the Hebrew but also those of the
-Mexicans and Peruvians and many other peoples (p. 394).
-
-In Glaumont’s summary (=24=, p. 517) five modes of burial are described
-as being practised in New Caledonia. The first is burial in the flexed
-position; 2nd, extended burial in caves; 3rd, exposure of the body in
-trees or on the mountains; 4th, mummification; 5th, the body erect or
-reposing in a dug-out canoe. With regard to the method of embalming,
-this is practised only in the case of a chief. The body of a chief soon
-after death was covered with pricks into which were introduced the juices
-of certain plants with the object of preventing decomposition of the
-tissues. Afterwards the body was suitably dried or smoked, then it was
-dressed in its best clothes, its face painted red and black, and then
-the body was preserved indefinitely. A hole was made at the top of the
-hut, and by means of this they haul up the mummy. After it has been
-exposed in this way for a certain time, the body was withdrawn from the
-hole into the house, which was then carefully shut up and became taboo
-with all that it contained. Analogous customs are found in New Zealand
-and elsewhere in Oceania. A singularly strange custom is now in use in
-the New Hebrides and in the Solomon Islands. The father and son, for
-example, or the husband and wife, having just died, they smoke the head
-alone as in New Zealand, but they make (with bamboo covered with cloth)
-a mannikin, having roughly the human form; then they tattoo the whole of
-the surface; fastened upon each shoulder—and this is the strange part
-of it—is a piece of bamboo, to one of which they attach the father’s
-head and the other that of his son. [The account is not altogether
-intelligible here.] The heads are painted white and black. With reference
-to the placing of the body in a canoe, this is reserved for chiefs only.
-When a chief dies, messengers go in all directions, repeating “The sun is
-set.” This expression springs from the idea that the chief is a god, the
-supreme Sun-god.
-
-These procedures afford a remarkably complete series of links with the
-“heliolithic” cult as practised elsewhere in the west and east. The
-account of the curious attachment of the heads to the shoulders of the
-dummy figure throw some light upon the custom (to which I have referred
-elsewhere in this communication) in Mallicolo (=61=, p. 138) and in
-America of representing human faces on the shoulders of such models. It
-is a remarkable fact that in certain of the Mallicolo figures the phallus
-is fixed to the girdle in a very curious manner, exactly analogous to
-that recently described and figured by Blackman from an Egyptian tomb of
-the Middle Kingdom at Meir.
-
-Embalming was a method rarely employed in New Zealand.
-
-“After the extraction of the softer parts, oil or salt was rubbed into
-the flesh, and the body was dried in the sun or over a fire; then the
-mummy was wrapped in cloth and hidden away.”
-
-“In some parts of New Zealand the skeletons of mummified bodies are found
-in the crouching or sitting posture” (Macmillan Brown, =7=, p. 70).
-
-In Schmidt’s _Jahrbücher der gesammten Medicin_, 1890, Bd. 226, p. 175,
-there is an abstract of an article on Samoa by P. Burzen in which, among
-other things, the three Egyptian operations of circumcision, massage and
-mummification are described as being practiced.
-
-The embalming is done by women. After removing the viscera, which are
-buried or burnt, the eviscerated corpse is then soaked for two months in
-coconut oil, mixed with vegetable juices. When the body is fully treated
-and no more fluid escapes from it, the hair which had previously been cut
-off, is stuck on again with a resinous paste. The body cavity is packed
-with cloth soaked in vegetable oil and resinous materials: then the
-mummy is wrapped up with bandages, the head and hands being left exposed.
-
-The body so prepared is put in a special place where it is preserved
-indefinitely.
-
-“In Pitcairn Island 1,400 miles due west of Easter Island carved stone
-pillars or images of a somewhat similar character to those of Easter
-Island” are found (Enoch, =16=, p. 274).
-
-“Another 1,400 miles to the north-west takes us to Tahiti. The natives
-of Tahiti buried their chiefs in temples; their embalmed bodies, after
-being exposed, were interred in a couching position. Mention is made of a
-pyramidal stone structure, on which were the actual altars, which stood
-at the farther end of one of the squares.”
-
-“There are many close analogies between the sacrificial practices and
-those of Mexico” (p. 275).
-
-In their extensive migrations the carriers of the “heliolithic” culture
-took with them the custom of circumcision, and introduced it into most of
-the regions where their influence spread. In some of the areas affected
-by the “heliolithic” leaven the more primitive operation of “incision”
-is found. This consists not of removing the prepuce, but merely slitting
-up its dorsal aspect (=69=, p. 432). It was the method employed in Egypt
-in pre-dynastic times, when it was the custom to hide the phallus in a
-leather sheath suspended from a rope tied round the body. The practice of
-“incision” and the use of the pudendal sheath persists in some parts of
-Africa until the present day (see _Journ. Roy. Anthropol. Instit._ 1913,
-p. 120).
-
-Rivers claims that “the practice of incision arose in Oceania as a
-modification of circumcision” (=69=, p. 436): but I think the possibility
-of it having been introduced from the west along with or before the
-practice of circumcision needs to be considered.
-
-Another remarkable practice which probably formed part of the
-equipment of the heliolithic wanderers was massage. It was employed
-by the Egyptians as early as the Sixth Dynasty, as we know from the
-representations of the operations in a Sakkara _mastaba_ (Capart, =11=).
-Piorry (=57=) has given an account of the wide range of the practice
-of massage, from Egypt to India, China and Tahiti, and the high state
-of efficiency attained in its use in ancient times in India and China.
-The Chinese manuscript _Kong-Fau_ contained detailed accounts of the
-operation. Piorry remarks, “it is clear that for us its development did
-not originate from the practices described in the books of Cong-tzée or
-the compilation of Susrata.”
-
-From Rivers’ interesting account of massage in Melanesia (=67=) it is
-evident that the method must have an origin common to it and the modern
-European practice, and that it could not have arisen amongst a barbarous
-people like the Melanesians, who have the most extraordinary conceptions
-as to why and how it serves a therapeutic purpose. Although we have no
-evidence to prove that massage spread along with the heliolithic culture,
-the fact that it has a similar geographical distribution, and certainly
-was extensively practised in Egypt long before the great migration
-began, suggests that it may represent another Egyptian element of that
-remarkable culture-complex.
-
-In his masterly analysis of the cultures of Oceania (=69=) Rivers has
-given a useful summary of the evidence relating to the practice of
-preserving the body, and has drawn certain inferences from these and
-other burial practices, which I propose to examine. “In some cases,
-as in Tikopia, interment takes place either in the house or within a
-structure representing a house, while in Tonga and Samoa the bodies of
-chiefs are interred in vaults built of stone. Often the body is buried in
-a canoe or in a hollowed log of wood, which represents a canoe” (=69=, p.
-269). From the evidence to which reference has been made in the course
-of the present memoir it is unnecessary to insist at any length on the
-importance and obvious significance of these facts. But I question the
-inference Rivers draws (p. 270) from the burial in boats. He says “the
-practice can be regarded as a result of the fact of migration, and does
-not show that the use of a canoe was the practice of the immigrants
-in their original home.” The practice is so widespread, however, and
-in Egypt and elsewhere had such a deep-rooted significance that it is
-difficult to believe this custom was not brought by the immigrants with
-them. I am willing to admit that the special circumstances of the people
-of Oceania naturally emphasized what may be called the “boat-element”
-in the funerary ritual; but the association of the use of boats with
-burial is so curious and constant a feature of the “heliolithic” culture
-where-ever it manifests itself (_vide supra_) as hardly to have arisen
-independently in different parts of the area of distribution.
-
-“A second mode of treatment is preservation of the body, either in the
-house or on a stage often covered with a roof. Some kind of mummification
-is usually practised in these cases, by continual rubbing with oil,
-drying by means of a fire, and puncture of the body to hasten the
-disappearance of the products of decomposition.”
-
-“In some parts of Samoa there is a definite process of embalming in
-which the viscera are removed and buried. A body thus treated lies on a
-platform resting upon a double canoe, and in many other places a canoe
-is used as a receptacle for the body while it is undergoing the process
-of mummification” (p. 269). This association of the use of a canoe with
-a method of preservation obviously Egyptian in origin naturally provokes
-comparison with the use of boats in the Egyptian funeral ceremonies.
-An instance is the boat found in the tomb of Amenophis II. (=81=). The
-platform is probably a type of bed found elsewhere in the region under
-consideration (see, for instance, Roth’s account of the Queensland
-sleeping-platform) and represents the bier found so often elsewhere
-(_vide supra_). This is in no way inconsistent with Rivers’ view that
-“exposure of the dead on platforms is only a survival of preservation in
-a house” (p. 273).
-
-Earlier in this memoir I have explained why the Egyptians came to attach
-special importance to the head, and how the less cultured people of
-Africa, when faced with the difficulties of preserving the body, saved
-the skull (or in some cases the jaw). When it is recalled how widespread
-this custom is in other parts of the “heliolithic area,” and how
-deep-rooted were the ideas which prompted so curious a procedure, Rivers’
-independent inference in regard to this matter is fully confirmed. “Many
-practices become intelligible as elements of a single culture if we
-suppose that a people imbued with the necessity for the preservation
-of the body after death acquired ... the further idea that the skull
-is the representative of the body as a whole; if they came to believe
-that the purpose for which they had hitherto preserved the body could
-be fulfilled as well if the head only were kept” (p. 273). This is
-unquestionably true: but I dissent from Rivers’ qualification that this
-modification happened “perhaps in the course of their wanderings towards
-Oceania,” because it has already been seen that it had occurred before
-the wanderers set out from the East African coast. There is, of course,
-the possibility that Africa may have been influenced by a cultural reflux
-from Indonesia, such as has been demonstrated in the case of Madagascar;
-but there are reasons for believing that the facts under consideration
-cannot be explained in this way.
-
-In thus venturing upon criticisms of Rivers’ great monograph I should
-like especially to emphasize the fact that these comments do not refer
-in any way to his attack on the “orthodox” ethnological position. On
-the contrary, the views that I am setting forth in this communication
-represent a further extension of Rivers’ own attitude that the Oceanic
-cultures have been derived mainly from contacts with other peoples. A
-series of practices which he has hesitated to recognise as having been
-introduced, but inclined to regard as local developments, I hold to be
-part of the immigrant culture. The use of boats for burial, the custom
-of regarding the head as an efficient representative of the whole body
-and the practice of “incision” as well as circumcision (=69=, p. 432)
-are examples of customs, which he regards as local developments in the
-Pacific: but all three are equally distinctive of Ancient Egypt and occur
-at widely separated localities along the great “heliolithic” track. The
-linking-up of sun-worship with all the other elements of the “heliolithic
-cult” also compels me to question his limitation of such worship to
-certain regions only in Oceania (=69=, p. 549); even though I fully admit
-that the data used by Rivers are not sufficient to justify any further
-inference than he has drawn from them.
-
-My aim is then, not an attempt to weaken Rivers’ general attitude, but
-enormously to strengthen it, by demonstrating that each culture-complex
-was brought into the Pacific in an even more complete form than he had
-postulated. Nor does my criticism affect his hypothesis of a series of
-cultural waves into Oceania. Here, again, I am prepared to go not only
-the whole way with him, but even further, and to seek for additional
-cultural influences which he has not yet defined.
-
-Most modern writers who refer in any way to the preserved bodies which
-have been found in vast numbers in Peru and in other parts of America
-assume that these bodies have been preserved not by embalming or any
-other artificial method or mode of treatment, but simply as the result
-of desiccation by the unaided forces of nature. Although in the great
-majority of cases there are no obvious signs of any artificial means
-having been employed to preserve the bodies, yet a not inconsiderable
-number of examples have come to light to demonstrate the reality of the
-practice of mummification in America (=3=; =37=; =58=; =63=; and =106=).
-Yarrow’s classical monograph (=106=) established the reality of the
-practice of embalming in America quite conclusively. Moreover the fact
-that practically every item of the multitude of curiously distinctive
-practices found widespread in other parts of the world, in the most
-intimate association with methods of embalming certainly inspired by
-Egypt, puts it beyond all reasonable doubt that the variety of American
-practices for preserving the body is also to be attributed to the same
-source.
-
-In his book on the “History of the Conquest of Peru,” Prescott makes the
-following statement:—“When an Inca died (or, to use his own language, was
-called home to the mansion of his father, the Sun) his obsequies were
-celebrated with great pomp and solemnity. The bowels were taken from the
-body and deposited in the Temple of Tampu, about five leagues from the
-capital. A quantity of his plate and jewels was buried with him, and a
-number of his attendants and favourite concubines, amounting sometimes,
-it is said, to a thousand, were immolated on his tomb....
-
-“The body of the deceased Inca was skilfully embalmed and removed to
-the great Temple of the Sun at Cuzco. There the Peruvian sovereign on
-entering the awful sanctuary might behold the effigies of his royal
-ancestors, ranged in opposite files—the men on the right and their queens
-on the left of the great luminary which blazed in refulgent gold on the
-walls of the temple. The bodies, clothed in princely attire which they
-had been accustomed to wear, were placed on chairs of gold, and sat
-with their heads inclined downwards, their hands placidly crossed over
-their bosoms, their countenances exhibiting their natural dusky hue—less
-liable to change than the fresher colouring of a European complexion—and
-their hair of raven black, or silvered over with age, according to the
-period at which they died. It seemed like a company of solemn worshippers
-fixed in devotion, so true were the forms and lineaments to life. The
-Peruvians were as successful as the Egyptians in the miserable attempt
-to perpetuate the existence of the body beyond the limits assigned to
-it by nature. [Note—Ondegardo, Rel. Prim., M.S.—Garcilasso, Com. Real.,
-parte i., lib. v., cap. xxix. The Peruvians secreted their mummies of
-their sovereigns after the Conquest, that they might not be profaned
-by the insults of the Spaniards. Ondegardo, when corregidor of Cuzco,
-discovered five of them, three males and two females. The former were the
-bodies of Viracocha, of the great Tupac, Inca Yupanqui, and of his son,
-Huayna Cupac. Garcilasso saw them in 1650. They were dressed in their
-regal robes, with no insignia but the llautu on their heads. They were
-in a sitting position, and, to use his own expression, ‘perfect as life,
-without so much as a hair of an eyebrow wanting.’ As they were carried
-through the streets, decently shrouded with a mantle, the Indians threw
-themselves on their knees, in sign of reverence, with many tears and
-groans, and were still more touched as they beheld some of the Spaniards
-themselves doffing their caps in token of respect to departed royalty.
-(_Ibid._ _ubi supra._) The bodies were subsequently removed to Lima; and
-Father Acosta, who saw them there some twenty years later, speaks of them
-as still in perfect preservation]” (=58=, pp. 19 and 20).
-
-Later on in the same work Prescott, relying again on the somewhat,
-questionable authority of Garcilasso’s works, makes a statement which in
-some respects may seem to be at variance with what I have just quoted:—
-
-“It was this belief in the resurrection of the body which led them to
-preserve the body with so much solicitude—by a simple process, however,
-that unlike the elaborate embalming of the Egyptians, consisted in
-exposing it to the action of the cold, exceedingly dry and highly
-rarified atmosphere of the mountains. [Note.—Such indeed seems to be the
-opinion of Garcilasso, though some writers speak of resinous and other
-applications for embalming the body. The appearance of the royal mummies
-found at Cuzco, as reported both by Ondegardo and Garcilasso, makes it
-probable that no foreign substance was employed for their preservation.]
-As they believed that the occupations in the future world would have
-great resemblance to those of the present, they buried with the deceased
-noble some of his apparel, his utensils, and frequently his treasures;
-and completed the gloomy ceremony by sacrificing his wives and favourite
-domestics to bear him company and do him service in the happy regions
-beyond the clouds. Vast mounds of an irregular or more frequently oblong
-shape, penetrated by galleries running at right angles to each other
-were raised over the dead, whose dried bodies or mummies have been found
-in considerable numbers, sometimes erect, but more often in the sitting
-posture common to the Indian tribes of both continents” (p. 54).
-
-In the light of the information concerning the practices in other parts
-of the world, which I have collected in the present memoir, there can
-be no doubt of the substantial accuracy of these reports, and that they
-refer to real embalming and not to mere natural desiccation.
-
-Hrdlička has adduced positive evidence of the adoption of embalming
-procedures (=37=).
-
-In his report, “Culture of the Ancient Pueblos of the Upper Gila River
-Region, New Mexico and Arizona,” Walter Hough (=36=) publishes excellent
-photographs of two mummies of babies, but he gives no information as to
-the method of preservation.
-
-There are four Peruvian mummies in the Anatomical Museum in the
-University of Manchester, three of which are adults, and one of them a
-baby. In only one of them is there any positive evidence of artificial
-measures having been adopted for the preservation of the body, and in
-this case the condition of the mummy was a most amazing one. The body
-was clad in woollen garments in the usual way, and was wearing a woollen
-peaked cap, the apex of which was furnished with a bunch of feathers. The
-body was placed in a sitting position, and a large wound extending across
-the trunk had been covered with cloth strongly impregnated with resinous
-material. The legs were sharply flexed upon the body and the arms were
-bound up in front. But to my intense amazement I found the shoulder
-blades on the front of the chest, and on examination found that the
-thorax was turned back to front. As the head was already separate there
-was nothing to show what position it originally occupied; and it seemed
-impossible to explain how it had been possible to twist the vertebral
-column in the lumbar region as to bring the thorax back to front. In
-order to solve this mystery I removed the resin-impregnated cloth, which
-was firmly fixed to the abdominal wound, and found that the body had
-been cut right across the abdomen and packed with wool after the viscera
-had been removed. Then the abdomen and thorax had been stuck together by
-means of the broad strip of cloth with resinous paste as an adhesive.
-But for some reason which is not very apparent, or probably through mere
-carelessness, the thorax had been placed the wrong way round, and it
-had become necessary, in order to restore some semblance of life-like
-appearance to the monstrosity, forcibly to twist the arms at the shoulder
-joints in order to get them into the position above described. [Since
-this was written I have learned that in certain American tribes it is
-the custom to dress the corpse with a coat turned back to front. This
-seems to suggest that the curious procedure just described may have been
-dictated by the same underlying idea, whatever it may be.] In the cranium
-of this case the remains of the desiccated brain were still present,
-and although there was a quantity of brownish powder along with it, the
-evidence was not sufficiently definite to say whether or not any foreign
-material had been introduced into the cranial cavity. In the case of the
-other three bodies, as I have already mentioned, there was no evidence,
-apart from the excellent state of preservation, to suggest what measures
-had been taken to hinder the process of decomposition.
-
-In his account of the obsequies of the Aztec kings, Bancroft (=3=,
-Vol. II., p. 603) tells us that “the body was washed with aromatic
-water, extracted chiefly from trefoil, and occasionally a process of
-embalming was resorted to. The bowels were taken out and replaced by
-aromatic substances.” “The art was an ancient one, however, dating from
-the Toltecs as usual, yet generally known and practised throughout the
-whole country” (p. 604). He then proceeds to describe “a curious mode
-of preserving bodies used by the lord of Chalco,” which consisted of
-desiccation; and adds a singularly interesting reference to libations,
-not only curiously reminiscent of the ancient Egyptian practice, but also
-described in language which might be regarded as a paraphrase of the
-Pyramid text expounded by Blackman (=5=). “Water was then poured upon its
-[the mummy’s] head with these words: ‘this is the water which thou usedst
-in this world’—Brasseur de Bourbourg uses the expression ‘C’est cette eau
-que tu as reçue en venant au monde’” (Bancroft, =3=, Vol. II., p. 604).
-
-It is altogether inconceivable that such a curious practice, embodying so
-remarkable an idea, could by chance have been invented independently in
-Egypt and in America. This can be no mere coincidence, but proof of the
-most definite kind of the derivation of these Toltec and Aztec ideas from
-Egypt.
-
-Bancroft further describes (=3=, p. 604 _et seq._) a whole series of
-other ritual observances, many of which find close parallels in the
-scenes depicted in the royal Egyptian tombs of the New Empire.
-
-I have already referred to Tylor’s case (=102=) of the adoption _in toto_
-by the Aztecs of the Japanese Buddhist’s story of the soul’s wanderings
-in the spirit-land. In the case recorded by Bancroft almost the same
-story is reproduced, but with the characteristic Egyptian additions
-relating to parts of the way guarded by a gigantic snake and an alligator
-respectively [in the Egyptian ritual it is of course the Crocodile; see
-Budge, “The Egyptian Heaven and Hell,” Vol. 1, p. 159]. This is a most
-remarkable example of syncretism between the Egyptian ritual of the New
-Empire with Buddhist practices on the distant shores of America.
-
-As the connecting link between the Old and New World, it may be noted
-that in Oceania “everywhere is the belief that the soul after death must
-undertake a journey, beset with various perils, to the abode of departed
-spirits, which is usually represented as lying towards the west” (=61=,
-p. 138).
-
-Reutter (=63=) gives a summary of information relating to the practice of
-embalming in the New World and particularly amongst the Incas. The custom
-of preserving the body was not general in every case, for amongst certain
-peoples only the bodies of kings and chiefs were embalmed. The Indian
-tribes of Virginia, of North Carolina, the Congarees of South Carolina,
-the Indians of the North-West Coast, of Central America and those of
-Florida practised this custom as well as the Incas. In Florida the body
-was dried before a big fire, then it was clothed in rich materials and
-afterwards it was placed in a special niche in a cave where the relatives
-and friends used to come on special days and converse with the deceased.
-According to Beverley (1722) the tribes of Virginia practised embalming
-in the following way:—The skin was incised from the head to the feet
-and the viscera as well as the soft parts of the body were removed.
-To prevent the skin from drying up and becoming brittle oil and other
-fatty materials were applied to it. In Kentucky when the body had been
-dried and filled with fine sand it was wrapped in skins or in matting
-and buried either in a cave or in a hut. In Colombia the inhabitants of
-Darien used to remove the viscera and fill the body cavity with resin,
-afterwards they smoked the body and preserved it in their houses reposing
-either in a hammock or in a wooden coffin. The Muiscas, the Aleutians,
-the inhabitants of Yucatan and Chiapa also embalmed the bodies of their
-kings, of their chiefs, and of their priests by methods similar to those
-just described, with modifications varying from tribe to tribe. Reutter
-acknowledges as the source of most of his information the memoirs of
-Bauwenns, entitled “Inhumation et Cremation,” and Parcelly, “Étude
-Historique et Critique des Embaumements”; but most of it has clearly
-been obtained from Yarrow’s great monograph (=106=). Alone amongst the
-people of the New World who practised embalming the Incas employed it not
-only for their kings, chiefs and priests, but also for the population
-in general. These people were not confined to Peru, but dwelt also in
-Bolivia, in Equador, as well as in a part of Chili and of the Argentine.
-Mummified bodies were placed in monuments called Chullpas. According
-to De Morcoy these Chullpas were constructed of unbaked brick and were
-sometimes built in the form of a truncated pyramid, twenty to thirty feet
-high, in other cases simple mausolea of a simple monolith. The burial
-chamber inside them was square and as many as a dozen mummies might be
-buried in a single one. The bodies were sharply flexed and were placed in
-a sitting position. An interesting and curious fact about these mummies,
-or at any rate those from Upper Peru, was that all of them presented on
-the forehead or on the occiput a circle composed of small holes through
-the wall of the cranium, which had probably been used for evacuating the
-brain and for the introduction of preservative substances.
-
-Yarrow (=106=) refers to the fact that the Indians of the North-West
-coast and the Aleutian Islands also embalm their dead. This, like the
-practice of tattooing (Buckland, =10=), serves to map out the possible
-alternative northern route taken by the spread of culture from Asia to
-America (_vide supra_ the account of Aino embalming; also _Map II._).
-
-In his account of the Araucanos of Southern Chile (_Journ. Roy. Anthr.
-Inst._, Vol. 39, 1909, p. 364) Latcham describes how, when a person of
-importance dies of disease, these people believe that some one must
-have poisoned him. They “open the side of the deceased” and extract the
-gall-bladder, so as to obtain from the bile contained in it some clue
-as to the guilty person. “The corpse is then hung in a wicker frame and
-under it a fire is kept smouldering till such time as the perpetrator be
-found and punished.”
-
-This confused jumble of practices suggestive of a blending of the
-influences of Egyptian embalming and Babylonian hepatoscopy is also
-obviously linked to the customs of Oceania and Indonesia.
-
-Scattered in certain protected localities along the whole extent of the
-great “heliolithic” track the ancient Egyptian [also Chaldean and Indian]
-practice of burial in large urns or jars occurs. In America also it is
-found; but, according to Yarrow, it is restricted to certain people of
-New Mexico and California, although similar urns have been found in
-Nicaragua.
-
-After the coming of the first great “heliolithic” wave, Asiatic
-civilization did not cease to influence America.
-
-There are innumerable signs of the later effects of both Western and
-Eastern Asiatic developments. For instance, there is the coming of the
-practice of cremation. The fact that such burial customs are spread
-sporadically in the islands of the Pacific suggests that the custom may
-have been carried to America by the same route as the main stream of the
-“heliolithic” cult; but against this is the evidence that cremation was
-practised especially on the Pacific slope of the Rocky Mountains, and in
-Mexico rather than in Peru. It seems more probable that the main stream
-of the later wave of culture, of which cremation is the most distinctive
-practice, took the northern route skirting the eastern Asiatic littoral
-and then following the line of the Aleutian Islands.
-
-In the account of the method of mummification adopted by the Virginian
-Indians (_supra_) it was seen that the whole skin was removed and
-afterwards fitted on to the skeleton again. Great care and skill had
-to be used to prevent the skin shrinking. Apparently the difficulties
-of this procedure led certain Indian tribes to give up the attempt to
-prevent the skin shrinking. Thus the Jivaro Indians of Ecuador, as
-well as certain tribes in the western Amazon area, make a practice of
-preserving the head only, and, after removing the skull, allowing the
-softer tissues to shrink to a size not much bigger than a cricket ball
-(=44=; =52=, p. 252, and =61=, p. 288).
-
-According to Page (=52=), who has described one of the two Jivaro
-specimens now in the Manchester Museum, desiccation by heat was the
-method of preservation. He adds, “‘Momea’ and ‘Chancha’ are the names
-commonly given to such specimens by the natives.” Surely the former must
-be a Spanish importation!
-
-A comparison of this variety in the methods of preserving the body
-in America with the series of similar practices which I have been
-following from the African shore, makes it abundantly plain that there
-can be no doubt as to the source of the American inspiration to do such
-extraordinary things. The remarkable burial ritual and all the associated
-procedures afford strong corroborative evidence.
-
-But the proof of the influence of the civilizations of the Old World on
-pre-Columbian America does not depend upon the evidence of one set of
-practices, however complex, bizarre and distinctive they may be.
-
-The positive demonstration that I have endeavoured to build up in this
-communication depends upon the fact that the whole of the complex
-structure of the “heliolithic” culture, which was slowly built up in
-Egypt during the course of the thirty centuries before 900 B.C., spread
-to the east, acquiring on its way accretions from the civilizations of
-the Mediterranean, Western Asia, Eastern Africa, India, Eastern Asia and
-Indonesia and Oceania, until it reached America. Like a potent ferment it
-gradually began to leaven the vast and widespread aboriginal culture of
-the Americas.
-
-The rude megalithic architecture of America bears obvious evidences of
-the same inspiration which prompted that of the Old World; and so far
-as the more sumptuous edifices are concerned the primary stimulus of
-Egyptian ideas, profoundly modified by Babylonian, and to a less extent
-Indian and Eastern Asiatic, influences is indubitable. Comparison of the
-truncated pyramids of America, of the Pacific, Eastern Asia and Indonesia
-with those of ancient Chaldea, affords quite definite corroboration of
-these views. It would be idle to pretend that so complex a design and so
-strange a symbolism as the combination of the sun’s disc with the serpent
-and the greatly expanded wings of a hawk, carved upon the lintel of the
-door of a temple of the sun, could possibly have developed independently
-in Ancient Egypt and in Mexico (see especially Bancroft, =3=, Vol. IV.,
-p. 351).
-
-But it is not merely the designs of the buildings and their association
-with the practice of mummification (and later, in Mexico, with
-cremation), but the nature of the cult of the temples and all the
-traditions associated with them that add further corroboration. Thus, for
-example, Wake (=103=, p. 383), describing the geographical distribution
-of serpent-worship (the intimate bond of which with sun-worship and in
-fact the whole “heliolithic” cult was forged in Egypt, as I have already
-explained), writes:—“Quetzalcoatl, the divine benefactor of the Mexicans,
-was an incarnation of the serpent-sun Tonacatlcoatl, who thus became the
-great father, as the female serpent Cihuacoatl was the great mother, of
-the human race.” “The solar character of the serpent-god appears to be
-placed beyond all doubt.... The kings and priests of ancient peoples
-claimed this divine origin, and ‘children of the sun’ was the title of
-the members of the sacred caste. When the actual ancestral character
-of the deity is hidden he is regarded as ‘the father of his people’
-and their divine benefactor. He is the introducer of agriculture, the
-inventor of arts and sciences, and the civilizer of mankind.”
-
-Writing of the Maya empire, Bancroft (=3=, Vol. V., p. 233) says:—“The
-Plumed Serpent, known in different tongues as Quetzalcoatl, Gucumatz,
-and Cukulcan, was the being who traditionally founded the new order of
-things.”
-
-Even the most trivial features of the “heliolithic” culture-complex make
-their appearance in America. Thus, for example, Harrison tells us that:—
-
-“The artificial enlargement of the lobe [of the ear] appears originally
-to have been adopted in India for the purpose of receiving a solar disc”
-(=29=, p. 193).
-
-“The early Spanish historian mentioned that an elaborate religious
-ceremony took place in the temple of the Sun at Cuzco, on the occasion of
-boring the ears of the young Peruvian nobles” (p. 196).
-
-“The practice of enlarging the ear lobes was connected with Sun-worship”
-(p. 198).
-
-So also in the case of circumcision, tattooing, and almost every one of
-the curious customs I have enumerated in the foregoing account. Then,
-again, all the characteristic stories of the creation, the deluge, the
-petrifaction of human beings and of spirits dwelling in rocks, and of
-the origin of the chosen people from an incestuous union make their
-appearance in Mexico, Peru and elsewhere.
-
-The peculiar Swastika symbol, associated with the “heliolithic” cult by
-pure chance in the place of its origin, which the people of Timor, in
-Indonesia, regard as the ancient emblem of fire, the Son of the Sun, also
-appears in America.
-
-Even so bizarre a practice as the artificial deformation of the head
-(=48=, pp. 515 to 519), which seems to have originated in Armenia,
-became added to the repertoire of the fantastic collection of tricks of
-the “heliolithic” wanderers, and was adopted sporadically by numerous
-isolated groups of people along the great migration route. For some
-reason this strange idea “caught on” in America to a greater extent than
-elsewhere and spread far and wide throughout the greater part of the
-continent.
-
-Many other curious customs might be cited as straws that indicate clearly
-which way the stream of culture has flowed. For instance Keane (=42=, p.
-264) states that “like the Burmese the Nicobarese place a piece of money
-in the mouth of a corpse before burial to help it in the other world”;
-and Hutchinson (=38=, p. 448) supplies the link across the Pacific:—“Men,
-women and children [in ancient Peru] had frequently a bit of copper
-between the teeth, like the obolus which the pagan Romans used to place
-in the mouth to pay ferry to the boatman Charon for passage across the
-Styx.”
-
-This reference to Charon reminds us also of the widespread custom,
-apparently originating in Egypt and spread far and wide, right out into
-the Pacific and America, of the association of a boat with the funerary
-ritual, to ferry the mummy to the west.
-
-Certain distinctive aspects of phallism in America might also be
-mentioned as evidence of the influence of Old World practices.
-
-In the appendix (part 1) to his “Conquest of Mexico,” Prescott (=59=)
-summarises fully and fairly the large and highly suggestive mass of
-evidence available at the time when he wrote in favour of the view that
-the pre-Columbian civilization of Mexico and Peru had been inspired from
-Asia. In view of the apparent conclusiveness of his statement of the
-evidence it becomes a matter of some interest and importance to enquire
-into the reasons which, in the face of the apparently overwhelming
-testimony of the facts he has summarised, restrained him from adopting
-the obvious conclusion to which his whole argument points.
-
-Referring to the numerous islands of the Pacific as one means of access
-of population to America, Prescott quotes Cook’s voyages to illustrate
-how easily the Polynesians travelled from island to island hundreds of
-miles apart, and adds, “it would be strange if these wandering barks
-should not sometimes have been intercepted by the great continent, which
-stretches across the globe, in unbroken continuity, almost from pole to
-pole.
-
-“Whence did the refinement of these more polished races [of America]
-come? Was it only a higher development of the same Indian character,
-which we see, in the more northern latitudes, defying every attempt at
-permanent civilization? Was it engrafted on a race of higher order in
-the scale originally, but self-instructed, working its way upward by
-its own powers? Was it, in short, an indigenous civilization? or was
-it borrowed, in some degree, from the nations of the Eastern world? If
-indigenous, how are we to explain the singular coincidence with the East
-in institutions and opinions? If Oriental, how shall we account for the
-great dissimilarity in language, and for the ignorance of some of the
-most simple and useful arts, which, once known, it would seem scarcely
-possible should have been forgotten? This is the riddle of the Sphinx,
-which no Œdipus has yet had the ingenuity to solve.”
-
-In the light of the facts brought together in the present memoir, it
-requires no Œdipus to answer the riddle. For the only two objections
-which Prescott raises in opposition to the great mass of evidence he
-cites in favour of the derivation of American civilization from the
-Old World can easily be disposed of. Rivers has completely disposed of
-one by his demonstration of the fact that people—moreover those on the
-direct route across the Pacific to America—do actually “forget simple
-and useful arts” (=65=). The other objection is equally easily disposed
-of, when it is remembered that it requires only a few people of higher
-culture to leaven a large mass of lower culture with the elements of a
-higher civilization (see also on this point, Rivers, =68=). Moreover, if
-language is made a test, the affinities of the various American tribes
-one with the other would have to be denied. Thus, the language difficulty
-cuts both ways. But when we have disposed of his objections, the whole of
-his admirable summary then becomes valid as an argument in favour of the
-derivation of American culture from Asia across the Pacific.
-
-Since then it has become the fashion on the part of most ethnologists
-either contemptuously to put aside the probability or even the
-possibility of the derivation of American civilization from the Old
-World (characteristic examples of this attitude will be found in Fewkes’
-address, =18=, and Keane’s text-book, =41=). On the other side the
-discussion has been seriously compromised from time to time by a wholly
-uncritical and often recklessly inexact use of the evidence in support
-of the reality of the contact, which has to some extent prejudiced the
-serious discussion of the problem. Perhaps the least objectionable of
-such unfortunate attempts are Macmillan Brown’s (=7=) and Enoch’s books
-(=16=). The former has been led astray by grotesque errors in chronology
-and the failure to realize that useful arts can be lost. Enoch, on the
-other hand, has collected a large series of interesting but incompatible
-statements, and has made no serious attempt to sift or assimilate them.
-
-But from time to time serious students, proceeding with the caution
-befitting the discussion of so difficult a problem, have definitely
-expressed their adherence to the view that elements of culture did spread
-across, or around, the Pacific from Asia to America (=8=; =9=; =10=;
-=15=; =20=; =21=; =29=; =30=; =38=; =48=; =49=; =50=; =51=; =60=; =73=;
-=102=; =103= and =105=). Among modern demonstrations I would especially
-call attention to the evidence collected by Dall (=73=, p. 395), Cyrus
-Thomas (=73=, p. 396), Tylor (=102=) and Zelia Nuttall (=49= and =50=),
-and of the older literature the remarkable statement of Ellis (=15=,
-p. 117). [In Mrs. Nuttall’s monograph (=49=) there is a great deal,
-especially in the introductory part, to which serious objection must
-be taken: but in spite of the strong bias in favour of “psychological
-explanation” with which she started, eventually she was compelled to
-admit the force of the evidence for the spread of culture.]
-
-For detailed statements concerning the discussions of this problem in
-the past the reader is referred to Bancroft’s excellent summary (=3=),
-which also supplies a wonderfully rich storehouse of facts and traditions
-wholly corroborative of the conclusions at which I have arrived in the
-present memoir.
-
-I find it difficult to conceive how there could ever have been any doubt
-about the matter on the part of anyone who knows his “Bancroft.”
-
-It will naturally be asked, if the case in proof of the actual diffusion
-of culture from Asia to America is so overwhelmingly convincing, on what
-grounds is assent refused? One school (of which the most characteristic
-utterance that I know of is Fewkes’ presidential address, =18=) refuses
-to discuss the evidence: with pontifical solemnity it lays down the dogma
-of independent evolution as an infallible principle which it is almost
-sacrilege to question. I can best illustrate the methods of the other
-school of reactionaries by a sample of its dialectic.
-
-No single incident in the discussion of the origin of American
-civilization has given rise to greater consternation in the ranks of the
-“orthodox” ethnologists than Tylor’s statement (=102=):—
-
-“The conception of weighing in a spiritual balance in the judgment of
-the dead, which makes its earliest appearance in the Egyptian religion,
-was traced thence into a series of variants, serving to draw lines of
-intercourse through the Vedic and Zoroastrian religions, extending from
-Eastern Buddhism to Western Christendom. The associated doctrine of
-the Bridge of the Dead, which separates the good, who pass over, from
-the wicked, who fall into the abyss, appears first in ancient Persian
-religion, reaching in like manner to the extremities of Asia and Europe.
-By these mythical beliefs historical ties are practically constituted,
-connecting the great religions of the world, and serving as lines along
-which their interdependence is to be followed out. Evidence of the same
-kind was brought forward in support of the theory, not sufficiently
-recognised by writers on culture history, of the Asiatic influences under
-which the pre-Columbian culture of America took shape. In the religion
-of old Mexico four great scenes in the journey of the soul in the land
-of the dead are mentioned by early Spanish writers after the conquest,
-and are depicted in a group in the Aztec picture-writing known as the
-Vatican Codex. The four scenes are, first, the crossing of the river;
-second, the fearful passage of the soul between the two mountains which
-clash together; third, the soul’s climbing up the mountain set with sharp
-obsidian knives; fourth, the dangers of the wind carrying such knives on
-its blast. The Mexican pictures of these four scenes were compared with
-more or less closely corresponding pictures representing scenes from the
-Buddhist hells or purgatories as depicted on Japanese temple scrolls.
-Here, first, the river of death is shown, where the souls wade across;
-second, the souls have to pass between two huge iron mountains, which are
-pushed together by two demons; third, the guilty souls climb the mountain
-of knives, whose blades cut their hands and feet; fourth, fierce blasts
-of wind drive against their lacerated forms, the blades of knives flying
-through the air. It was argued that the appearance of analogues so close
-and complex of Buddhist ideas in Mexico constituted a correspondence
-of so high an order as to preclude any explanation except direct
-transmission from one religion to another. The writer, referring also to
-Humboldt’s argument from the calendars and mythic catastrophes in Mexico
-and Asia, and to the correspondence in Bronze Age work and in games in
-both regions, expressed the opinion that on these cumulative proofs
-anthropologists might well feel justified in treating the nations of
-America as having reached their level of culture under Asiatic influence.”
-
-One might have imagined that such an instance, especially when backed
-with the authority[18] of our greatest anthropologist, who certainly has
-no bias in favour of the views I am promulgating, would have carried
-conviction to the mind of anyone willing to be convinced by precise
-evidence. But not to Mr. Keane! In endeavouring to whittle down the
-significance of this crucial case, he incidentally illustrates the
-lengths of unreason to which this school of ethnologists will push their
-argument, when driven to formulate a _reductio ad absurdum_ without
-realizing the magnitude of the absurdity their blind devotion to a
-catch-word impels them to perpetrate.
-
-In Keane’s “Ethnology” (=41=, pp. 217-219) the following passages are
-found:—
-
-“It is further to be noticed that religious ideas, like social usages,
-are easily transmitted from tribe to tribe, from race to race. [Most of
-my critics base their opposition on a denial of these very assumptions!]
-Hence resemblances in this order, where they arise, must rank very low as
-ethnical tests. If not the product of a common cerebral structure, they
-can prove little beyond social contact in remote or later times. A case
-in point is [Tylor’s statement, which I have just quoted].
-
-“The parallelism is complete; but the range of thought is extremely
-limited—nothing but mountains and knives, beside the river of death
-common to Egyptians, Greeks, and all peoples endowed with a little
-imagination.” “Hence Prof. E. B. Tylor, who calls attention to the
-points of resemblance, builds far too much on them when he adduces
-them as convincing evidence of pre-Columbian culture in America taking
-shape under Asiatic influences. In the same place he refers to
-Humboldt’s argument based on the similarity of calendars and of mythical
-catastrophes. But the ‘mythical catastrophes,’ floods and the like, have
-long been discounted, while the Mexican calendar, despite the authority
-of Humboldt’s name, presents no resemblance whatsoever to those of the
-‘Tibetan and Tartar tribes,’ or to any other of the Asiatic calendars
-with which it has been compared. ‘There is absolutely no similarity
-between the Tibetan calendar and the primitive form of the American,’
-which, ‘was not intended as a year-count, but as a ritual and formulary,’
-and whose signs ‘had nothing to do with the signs of the zodiac, as
-had all those of the Tibetan and Tartar calendars’ (D. G. Brinton, ‘On
-various supposed Relations between the American and Asian races,’ from
-_Memoirs of the International Congress of Anthropology_, Chicago, p.
-148). Regarding all such analogies as may exist ‘between the culture
-and customs of Mexico and those of China, Cambodia, Assyria, Chaldæa,
-and Asia Minor,’ Dr. Brinton asks pertinently, ‘Are we, therefore, to
-transport all these ancient peoples, or representatives of them, into
-Mexico?’ (_ib._ p, 147). So Lefevre, who regards as ‘quite chimerical’
-the attempts made to trace such resemblances to the Old World. ‘If there
-are coincidences, they are fortuitous, or they result from evolution,
-which leads all the human group through the same stages and by the same
-steps’ (‘Race and Language,’ p. 185).
-
-“Many far more inexplicable coincidencies than any of those here referred
-to occur in different regions, where not even contact can be suspected.
-Such is the strange custom of _Couvade_, which is found to prevail among
-peoples so widely separated as the Basques and Guiana Indians, who could
-never have either directly or indirectly in any way influenced each
-other” (=34=).
-
-It is surely unnecessary to comment at length upon this quibbling, which
-is a fair sample of the kind of self-destructive criticism one meets
-in ethnological discussions nowadays. Talking of the “limitation of
-the range of thought” when out of the unlimited possibilities for its
-unhampered activities the human mind hit upon four episodes of such a
-fantastic nature, Keane taxes the credulity of his readers altogether too
-much when he solemnly tries to persuade them that such ideas are the most
-natural things in the world for mankind to imagine!
-
-Surely it would have been better tactics frankly to admit the identity
-of origin, and then, following the example of Hough (=35=), minimize its
-importance by indicating the variety of possible ways by which Asiatic
-influence may have influenced America sporadically in comparatively
-recent times.
-
-But instead of this, Keane insisted upon pushing his refusal to admit the
-most obvious inferences to the extreme limit and invoked the practice
-of _Couvade_ as the _coup de grâce_ to the views he was criticizing.
-But it was singularly unfortunate for his argument that he selected
-_Couvade_. His dogmatic assertion that the two peoples he selected are
-“so widely separated” that they could “never have either directly or
-indirectly in any way influenced one another” is entirely controverted
-by the fact that, although _Couvade_ is, or was, a widespread custom,
-all the places where it occurred are either within the main route of
-the great “heliolithic culture-wave” or so near as easily to be within
-its sphere of influence. Thus it is recorded among the Basques,[19] in
-Africa, India, the Nicobar Islands, Borneo, China, Peru, Mexico, Central
-California, Brazil and Guiana. Instead of being a “knockout blow” to the
-view I am maintaining, the geographical distribution of this singularly
-ludicrous practice is a very welcome addition to the list of peculiar
-baggage which the “heliolithic” traveller carried with him in his
-wanderings, and a striking confirmation of the fact that in the spread
-from its centre of origin this custom must have travelled along the same
-route as the other practices we are examining.
-
-After the artificialities of Keane and Fewkes, it is a satisfaction to
-turn back to the writings of the old ethnologists who lived in the days
-before the so-called “psychological” and “evolutionary explanations” were
-invented, and were content to accept the obvious interpretation of the
-known facts.
-
-More than eighty years ago, Ellis (=15=, p. 117) with remarkable insight
-explained the relationships of the Polynesians and their wanderings, from
-Western Asia to America, with a lucidity and definiteness which must
-excite the enthusiastic admiration of those familiar with the fuller
-information now available. On p. 119 he cites an interesting series of
-racial factors, usages and beliefs in substantiation of the cultural link
-between the Pacific Islands and America.
-
-Quite apart from the mere evidence provided by the arts, customs and
-beliefs in favour of the transmission of certain of the essential
-elements of American civilization from the Old World, there is a
-considerable amount of evidence of another kind, consisting no doubt
-to a large extent of mere scraps. For instance, there are not only the
-stories of Chinese and Japanese junks arriving on the American shore
-and of American traditions of the coming of pale-faced bearded men from
-the east,[20] but there is also a certain amount of evidence from the
-physical characters of the population themselves. It has been raised
-as an objection by many people that if there had been any considerable
-emigration of Polynesians into America they would have left a much
-more definite trace of their coming in the physical characters of the
-people of America than is supposed the case. But this argument does not
-necessarily carry very much weight, for the number of such Polynesians
-who reached America would have been a mere drop in the ocean of the vast
-aboriginal population of the Americas. Moreover, there is a certain
-amount of evidence of the presence of people with Polynesian traits in
-certain parts of the Pacific littoral. Von Humboldt stated the people
-of Mexico and Peru had much larger beards and moustaches than the rest
-of the Indians. But there is a more striking instance in substantiation
-of the reality of this mixture of Pacific people in America which
-raises the possibility that a certain number of Melanesians, whose
-physical characters, being more obtrusive by contrast than those of the
-Polynesians, were more easily detected. In Allen’s memoir (=2=, p. 47)
-the following statements are found:—
-
-“Sir Arthur Helps tells us in his ‘History of Spanish Conquest in
-America’ that the Spaniards, when they first visited Darien under Vasco
-Nunez, found there a race of black men, whom they (gratuitously as
-it seems to me) supposed to be descended from a cargo of shipwrecked
-negroes; this race was living distinct from the other races and at enmity
-with them,”
-
-and on page 48,
-
-“Perhaps other black tribes may be discovered upon a more careful
-enquiry, and if the theory of Crawford be accepted, which represents
-the inhabitants of Polynesia in Ante-historic times as being a great
-semi-civilized nation who had made some progress in agriculture and
-understood the use of gold and iron, were clothed ‘with a fabric made of
-the fibrous bark of plants which they wove in the loom,’ and had several
-domesticated animals, a new and unexpected light may possibly be thrown
-upon the origin of primitive American culture. It is certain that massive
-ruins and remains of pyramidal structures and terraced buildings closely
-analogous to those of India, Java and Cambodia, as well as to those of
-Central America, Mexico and Peru, exist in many islands of Polynesia,
-such as the Ladrone Islands, Tahiti, Fiji, Easter Island and the Sandwich
-Islands, and the customs of the Polynesians are almost all of them found
-to exist also amongst the American races.”
-
-“Perhaps here, then, we have the ‘missing link’ between the Old World
-civilizations and the mysterious civilizations of America.”
-
-
-SUMMARY.
-
-Between 4000 B.C. and 900 B.C. a highly complex culture compounded of a
-remarkable series of peculiar elements, which were associated the one
-with the other in Egypt largely by chance, became intimately interwoven
-to form the curious texture of a cult which Brockwell has labelled
-“heliolithic,” in reference to the fact that it includes sun-worship,
-the custom of building megalithic monuments, and certain extraordinary
-beliefs concerning stones. An even more peculiar and distinctive feature,
-genetically related to the development of megalithic practices and
-the belief that human beings could dwell in stones, is the custom of
-mummification.
-
-The earliest known Egyptians (before 4000 B.C.) practised weaving and
-agriculture, performed the operation of “incision” (the prototype of
-complete circumcision), and probably were sun-worshippers. Long before
-3400 B.C. they began to work copper and gold. By 3000 B.C. they had begun
-the practice of embalming, making rock-cut tombs, stone superstructures
-and temples. By the mere chance that the capital of the united Kingdom
-of Egypt happened to be in the centre of serpent-worship (and the
-curious symbolism associated with it—Sethe, =74=), the sun, serpent and
-Horus-hawk (the older symbol of royalty) became blended in the symbol of
-sun-worship and as the emblem of the king, who was regarded as the son of
-the sun-god.
-
-The peculiar beliefs regarding the possibility of animate beings dwelling
-in stone statues (and later even in uncarved columns), and of human
-beings becoming petrified, developed out of the Egyptian practices of the
-Pyramid Age (circa 2800 B.C.).
-
-By 900 B.C. practically the whole of the complex structure of the
-“heliolithic” culture had become built up and definitely conventionalized
-in Egypt, with numerous purely accidental additions from neighbouring
-countries.
-
-The great migration of the “heliolithic” culture-complex probably began
-shortly before 800 B.C. [Its influence in the Mediterranean and in
-Europe, as also in China and Japan, is merely mentioned incidentally in
-this communication.]
-
-Passing to the east the culture-complex reached the Persian Gulf strongly
-tainted with the influence of North Syria and Asia Minor, and when it
-reached the west coast of India and Ceylon, possibly as early as the end
-of the eighth century B.C., it had been profoundly influenced not only by
-these Mediterranean, Anatolian and especially Babylonian accretions, but
-even more profoundly with Eastern African modifications. These Ethiopian
-influences become more pronounced in Indonesia (no doubt because in
-India and the west the disturbances created by other cults have destroyed
-most of the evidence).
-
-From Indonesia the “heliolithic” culture-complex was carried far out
-into the Pacific and eventually reached the American coast, where it
-bore fruit in the development of the great civilizations on the Pacific
-littoral and isthmus, whence it gradually leavened the bulk of the vast
-aboriginal population of the Americas.
-
-[When this communication was made to the Society my sole object was
-to put together the scattered evidence supplied by the practice of
-mummification, and other customs associated with it, in substantiation
-of the fact that the influence of ancient Egyptian civilization, or a
-particular phase of it, had spread to the Far East and America. Since
-then so much new information has come to light, not only in confirmation
-of the main thesis, but also defining the dates of a series of cultural
-waves, that it will soon be possible, not only to sketch out in some
-detail the routes taken by the series of ancient mariners who spread
-abroad this peculiarly distinctive civilization, but also to identify the
-adventurers and determine the dates of their greatest exploits and the
-motives for most of their enterprises. In collaboration with Mr. J. W.
-Perry I hope soon to be ready to attempt that task.
-
-I have deliberately refrained from referring to the vexed question of
-totemism in this communication, although it is obvious that it is closely
-connected with the “heliolithic” culture. I have used the expression
-“serpent worship” in several places where perhaps it would have been
-more correct to refer to the serpent-totem; but so far from weakening,
-the consideration of totemism will add to the strength and cogency of my
-argument.
-
-When I assigned (p. 65) a comparatively late date for the extension
-of the “heliolithic” culture to the western Mediterranean and beyond I
-was not aware that Siret (_L’Anthropologie_, T. 20 and 21, 1909-10) had
-arrived at the same conclusion.]
-
-
-
-
-FOOTNOTES
-
-
-[1] These figures refer to the bibliography at the end.
-
-[2] Tylor (“On the Game of Patolli,” _Journ. Anthrop. Inst._, Vol. VIII.,
-1879, p. 128) cites another certain case of borrowing on the part of
-pre-Columbian America from Asia. “Lot-backgammon as represented by tab,
-_pachisi_, etc., ranges in the Old World from Egypt across Southern Asia
-to Birma. As the _patolli_ of the Mexicans is a variety of lot-backgammon
-most nearly approaching the Hindu _pachisi_, and perhaps like it passing
-into the stage of dice-backgammon, its presence seems to prove that it
-had made its way across from Asia. At any rate, it may be reckoned among
-elements of Asiatic culture traceable in the old Mexican civilization,
-the high development of which ... seems to be in large measure due to
-Asiatic influence.”
-
-[3] See also =2=; =3=; =7=; =8=; =9=; =10=; =16=; =20=; =21=; =24=; =29=;
-=30=; =38=; =48=; =49=; =50=; =51=; =61=; =73=; =103=; and =105=.
-
-[4] For proof that it was reached see =3=; =8=; =9=; =10=; =20=; =21=;
-=38=; =49=; =50=; =51=; =73=; =102=; =103=; and =105=.
-
-[5] Dr. Fewkes’ discourse is essentially a farrago of meaningless
-verbiage. Later on in this communication I shall give a characteristic
-sample of the late Professor Keane’s dialectic; but the whole of the
-passages referred to should be read by anyone who is inclined to cavil at
-my strictures upon such expositions of modern ethnological doctrine. The
-obvious course for any serious investigator to pursue is to ignore such
-superficial and illogical pretensions: but the ethnological literature of
-this country and America is so permeated with ideas such as Fewkes and
-Keane express, that it has become necessary bluntly to expose the utter
-hollowness of their case.
-
-[6] For if any sense whatever is to be attached to this phrase it implies
-that man is endowed with instincts of a much more complex and highly
-specialised kind than any insect or bird—instincts moreover which impel
-a group of men to perform at the same epoch a very large series of
-peculiarly complex, meaningless and fantastic acts that have no possible
-relationship to the “struggle for existence,” which is supposed to be
-responsible for the fashioning of instincts.
-
-But William McDougall tells us that the distinctive feature of human
-instincts is that they are of “the most highly general type.” “They
-merely provide a basis for vaguely directed activities in response
-to vaguely discriminated impressions from large classes of objects.”
-(“Psychology, the Study of Behaviour,” p. 171.) There is nothing vague
-about the extraordinary repertoire of the “heliolithic” cult!
-
-[7] It is a curious reflection that the idea of stone living which made
-such a fantastic belief possible may itself have arisen from the Egyptian
-practices about to be described.
-
-[8] How insistent the desire was to make a statue of the mummy itself is
-shown by the repeated attempts made in later times; see the account of
-the mummies of Amenophis III. (=86=) and of the rulers and priests of the
-XXIst and XXIInd Dynasties (=78= and =87=).
-
-[9] For an account of the geographical distribution of serpent-worship
-and a remarkable demonstration of the intimacy of its association with
-distinctive “heliolithic” ideas, see Wake (=103=).
-
-[10] Sir William Thiselton Dyer informs me that in all probability it was
-not _cedar_ but _juniper_ that was obtained by the Ancient Egyptians from
-Syria [and used for embalming]. The material to which reference is made
-here would probably be identical with the modern ‘huile de cade,’ and be
-obtained from _juniperus excelsa_.
-
-I retain the term “oil of cedar” to facilitate the bibliographical
-references, as all the archæologists and historians invariably use this
-expression.
-
-[11] Since this memoir has been printed Dr. Alan Gardiner has published
-a most luminous and important account of “The Tomb of Amenemhēt” (N. de
-Garis Davies and Alan Gardiner, 1915), which throws a flood of light upon
-Egyptian ideas concerning the matters discussed in this communication.
-
-[12] Mr. Crooke has called my attention to a similar practice in India.
-Leith (Journ. Anthr. Soc. of Bombay, Vol. I., 1886, pp. 39 and 40) stated
-that the _Káší Khanda_ contained an account of a Bráhman who preserved
-his mother’s corpse. After having it preserved and wrapped he “coated the
-whole with pure clay and finally deposited the corpse in a copper coffin.”
-
-[13] Jackson refers the suggestion to Curzon’s “Persia and the Persian
-Question,” 1892, where I find (Vol. II., pp. 74, 79, 80, 146, 178 and
-192) most conclusive evidence in proof of the fact that the body of Cyrus
-was mummified and all the Egyptian rites were observed (see especially
-Mr. Cecil Smith’s note on p. 80). In Persia, under Darius (p. 182), the
-Egyptian methods of tomb-construction were closely copied, not only in
-their general plan, but in minute details of their decoration (see p.
-178)—also the bas-relief of Cyrus wearing the Egyptian crown (p. 74).
-Cambyses even introduced Egyptian workmen to carry out such work (p. 192).
-
-There are reasons for believing that India also was in turn influenced
-by this direct transmission of Egyptian practices to Persia, but only
-after (perhaps more than a century after) the Ethiopian modification of
-Egyptian embalming had been adopted there.
-
-[14] See, however, p. 69. At some future time I shall explain what an
-important link is provided by the ancient culture of the Black Sea
-littoral between Egypt and the civilizations of the Western Mediterranean
-on the one hand and India on the other.
-
-[15] Reutter (=63=) quotes the statement from Tschirch that Neuhof has
-described the embalming of bodies in Asia. In Borneo camphor, areca
-nut and the wood of aloes and musk are used; and in China camphor and
-sandalwood.
-
-[16] For this and certain other references I have to thank my colleague
-Professor S. J. Hickson, F.R.S. So far I have been unable to consult the
-full reports of Lorenz’s expedition.
-
-[17] A curious feature of these models is the representation of faces on
-the shoulders. Similar practices have been recorded in America (Bancroft,
-=3=).
-
-[18] For the whole driving force of the so-called “psychological”
-ethnologists is really a reverence for authority and a meaningless creed.
-
-[19] Recent literature has thrown some doubt upon its occurrence in
-Western Europe.
-
-[20] It is quite possible this may refer to the relatively modern
-incursion of Norsemen and other Europeans into America by the North
-Atlantic.
-
-
-
-
-BIBLIOGRAPHY.
-
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-
-=65.= _Ibid._ “The Disappearance of Useful Arts.” _Report Brit. Assoc._,
-1912, p. 598 [Abstract of a memoir published in _Festsscrift Tillägnad
-Edvard Westermarck_, Helsingfors, 1912, p. 109].
-
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-
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-Congress of Medicine_, London, August, 1913, Section XXIII., History of
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-
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-William Ridgeway. Cambridge, p. 474.
-
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-II.
-
-=70.= _Ibid._ “Is Australian Culture Simple or Complex?” _Report Brit.
-Assoc._, 1914; also _Man_, 1914, p. 172.
-
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-Ceremonies and Disposal of the Dead.” _Records of the Australian Museum_,
-Sydney, Vol. VI., No. 5, 1907, p. 365.
-
-=72.= ROSCOE, J. “Further Notes on the Manners and Customs of the
-Baganda.” _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, Vol. XXXII., 1902,
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-
-=73.= SEMPLE, ELLEN C. “Influences of Geographic Environment on the basis
-of Ratzel’s System of Anthropo-Geography.” London, 1911.
-
-=74.= SETHE, KURT. “Zur altaegyptischen Sage vom Sonnenauge das in der
-Fremde war.” _Untersuchungen zur Gesch. u. Altertumskunde Aeg._, Bd. V.,
-Heft 3, 1912, p. 10.
-
-=75.= SMITH, G. ELLIOT. “On the Natural Preservation of the Brain in the
-Ancient Egyptians.” _Journal of Anatomy and Physiology_, Vol. XXXVI., pp.
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-
-=76.= _Ibid._ “The physical characters of the mummy of the Pharaoh
-Thothmosis IV.” _Annales du Service des Antiquités de l’Égypte_, 1904,
-[and in Carter and Newberry’s “Tomb of Thothmosis IV.” London, 1908].
-
-=77.= _Ibid._ “Report on four mummies of the XXI. dynasty.” Ibid., 1904.
-
-=78.= _Ibid._ “A Contribution to the Study of Mummification in Egypt.”
-_Mémoires presentés à l’Institut Égyptien_, Tome V., Fascicule I., 1906,
-pp. 1-54, 19 plates.
-
-=79.= _Ibid._ “An Account of the Mummy of a Priestess of Amen.” _Annales
-du Service des Antiquités de l’Égypte_, 1906, pp. 1-28, 9 plates.
-
-=80.= _Ibid._ “Report on the Unrolling of the Mummies of the Kings
-Siptah, Seti II., Ramses IV., Ramses V., and Ramses VI., in the Cairo
-Museum.” _Bulletin de l’Institut Égyptien_, 5ᵉ Série, T.I. pp. 45 à 67.
-
-=81.= _Ibid._ “Report on the Unwrapping of the Mummy of Menephtah.”
-_Annales du Service des Antiquités_, 1907.
-
-=82.= _Ibid._ “Notes on Mummies.” _The Cairo Scientific Journal_,
-February, 1908.
-
-=83.= _Ibid._ “On the Mummies in the Tomb of Amenhotep II.” _Bulletin de
-l’Institut Égyptien_, 5ᵉ Série, Tome I., 1908.
-
-=84.= _Ibid._ Account of the Mummies of Yuaa and Thuiu, in Quibell’s
-“Tomb of Yuaa and Thuiu.” Catalogue Général du Musée du Caïre, 1908.
-
-=85.= _Ibid._ “The History of Mummification in Egypt.” _Proc. Royal
-Philosophical Society of Glasgow_, 1910.
-
-=86.= _Ibid._ “The Royal Mummies.” Catalogue Général des Antiquités
-Égyptiennes du Musée du Caïre, 1912.
-
-=87.= _Ibid._ “Egyptian Mummies.” _Journal of Egyptian Archæology_, Vol.
-I., Part III., July, 1914, p. 189.
-
-=88.= _Ibid._ “Heart and Reins.” _Journal of the Manchester Oriental
-Society_, Vol. I., 1911, p. 41.
-
-=89.= _Ibid._ “The Earliest Evidence of Attempts at Mummification in
-Egypt.” _Report Brit. Assoc._, 1912, p. 612.
-
-=90.= _Ibid._ “The Ancient Egyptians.” London and New York, 1911.
-
-=91.= _Ibid._ “The Influence of Egypt under the Ancient Empire.” _Report
-Brit. Assoc._, 1911; also Man, 1911, p. 176.
-
-=92.= _Ibid._ “Megalithic Monuments and their Builders.” _Report Brit.
-Assoc._, 1912, p. 607; also _Man_, 1912, p. 173.
-
-=93.= _Ibid._ “The Origin of the Dolmen.” _Report Brit. Assoc._, 1913;
-also _Man_, 1913, p. 193.
-
-=94.= _Ibid._ “The Evolution of the Rock-cut Tomb and the Dolmen.” Essays
-and Studies presented to William Ridgeway. Cambridge, 1913, p. 493.
-
-=95.= _Ibid._ “Report on the Physical Characters of the Ancient
-Egyptians.” _Report Brit. Assoc._, 1914; also _Man_, 1914, p. 172.
-
-=96.= _Ibid._ “Early Racial Migrations and the Spread of Certain
-Customs.” _Report Brit. Assoc._, 1914; also _Man_, 1914, p. 173.
-
-=97.= _Ibid._ “The Rite of Circumcision.” _Journ. Manchester Egy. and
-Oriental Soc._, 1913, p. 75.
-
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-African Soc._, 1914, p. 241.
-
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-Ethnol. Soc._, New Series, Vol. I., 1868-9, p. 157.
-
-=101.= THURSTON, E. “The Madras Presidency,” 1913.
-
-=102.= TYLOR, E. B. “On the Diffusion of Mythical Beliefs as Evidence in
-the History of Culture.” _Report Brit. Assoc._, 1894, p. 774.
-
-=103.= WAKE, C. S. “Origin of Serpent Worship.” _Journ. Anthropol.
-Inst._, Vol. 2, 1872-3.
-
-=104.= WEEKS, J. H. “Anthropological Notes on the Bangala of the Upper
-Congo River.” _Journ. Roy. Anthropol. Inst._, Vol. XXXIX., 1909, pp. 450
-and 451.
-
-=105.= WILSON, THOMAS. “The Swastika.” _Report of Smithsonian
-Institution_, 1896.
-
-=106.= YARROW, H. C. “A further Contribution to the Study of the North
-American Indians.” _1st Report, Bureau Amer. Ethnol._, Washington, 1881.
-
-
-
-
-
-End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The migrations of early culture, by 
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-
-Project Gutenberg's The migrations of early culture, by Grafton Elliot Smith
-
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most
-other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
-whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of
-the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
-www.gutenberg.org.  If you are not located in the United States, you'll have
-to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook.
-
-Title: The migrations of early culture
-       A study of the significance of the geographical distribution
-              of the practice of mummification as evidence of the
-              migrations of peoples and the spread of certain customs
-              and beliefs
-
-Author: Grafton Elliot Smith
-
-Release Date: May 17, 2020 [EBook #62164]
-
-Language: English
-
-Character set encoding: UTF-8
-
-*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE MIGRATIONS OF EARLY CULTURE ***
-
-
-
-
-Produced by Turgut Dincer and the Online Distributed
-Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was
-produced from images generously made available by The
-Internet Archive)
-
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-</pre>
-
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_i" id="Page_i">[i]</a></span></p>
-
-<p class="titlepage">PUBLICATIONS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MANCHESTER.</p>
-
-<h1>The Migrations of Early Culture.</h1>
-
-<hr />
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_ii" id="Page_ii">[ii]</a></span></p>
-
-<p class="titlepage">Published by the University of Manchester at<br />
-THE UNIVERSITY PRESS (<span class="smcap">H. M. McKechnie</span>, Secretary)<br />
-<span class="smcap">12, Lime Grove, Oxford Road, MANCHESTER</span></p>
-
-<p class="center">LONGMANS, GREEN &amp; CO.<br />
-<span class="smcap">London</span>: 39, Paternoster Row<br />
-<span class="smcap">New York</span>: 443-449, Fourth Avenue and Thirtieth Street<br />
-<span class="smcap">Bombay</span>: 8, Hornby Road<br />
-<span class="smcap">Calcutta</span>: 303, Bowbazar Street<br />
-<span class="smcap">Madras</span>: 167, Mount Road</p>
-
-<hr />
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_iii" id="Page_iii">[iii]</a></span></p>
-
-<p class="titlepage larger"><span class="smaller">The</span><br />
-Migrations of Early Culture</p>
-
-<p class="titlepage">A study of the Significance of the Geographical<br />
-Distribution of the Practice of Mummification<br />
-as Evidence of the Migrations of Peoples and<br />
-the Spread of certain Customs and Beliefs</p>
-
-<p class="titlepage"><span class="smaller">BY</span><br />
-GRAFTON ELLIOT SMITH, M.A., M.D., F.R.S.,<br />
-<span class="smaller"><i>Professor of Anatomy in the University</i></span></p>
-
-<p class="titlepage">MANCHESTER<br />
-AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS<br />
-<span class="smaller">12, LIME GROVE, OXFORD ROAD</span></p>
-
-<p class="center">LONGMANS, GREEN &amp; CO.<br />
-<span class="smaller">London, New York, Bombay, etc.</span></p>
-
-<p class="center">1915</p>
-
-<hr />
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_iv" id="Page_iv">[iv]</a></span></p>
-
-<p class="titlepage">UNIVERSITY OF MANCHESTER PUBLICATIONS<br />
-No. CII.</p>
-
-<hr />
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_v" id="Page_v">[v]</a></span></p>
-
-<h2>PREFACE.</h2>
-
-<p>When these pages were crudely flung together no
-fate was contemplated for them other than that of publication
-in the proceedings of a scientific society, as an
-appeal to ethnologists to recognise the error of their ways
-and repent. They were intended merely as a mass of
-evidence to force scientific men to recognise and admit
-that in former ages knowledge and culture spread in
-much the same way as they are known to be diffused
-to-day. The only difference is that the pace of migration
-has become accelerated.</p>
-
-<p>The re-publication in book form was suggested by the
-Secretary of the Manchester University Press, who thought
-that the matters discussed in these pages would appeal
-to a much wider circle of readers than those who are
-given to reading scientific journals.</p>
-
-<p>The argument is compounded largely of extracts from
-the writings of recognised authorities, and the author
-does not agree with all the statements in the various
-extracts he has quoted: this mode of presenting the case
-has been adopted deliberately, with the object of demonstrating
-that the generally admitted facts are capable of
-a more natural and convincing explanation than that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_vi" id="Page_vi">[vi]</a></span>
-put forth <i>ex cathedra</i> by the majority of modern anthropologists,
-one in fact more in accord with all that our
-own experience and the facts of history teach us of
-the effects of the contact of peoples and the spread of
-knowledge.</p>
-
-<p>Such a method of stating the argument necessarily
-involves a considerable amount of repetition of statements
-and phrases, which is apt to irritate the reader and offend
-his sense of literary style. In extenuation of this admitted
-defect it must be remembered that the brochure
-was intended as a protest against the accusation of
-artificiality and improbability so often launched against
-the explanation suggested here: the cumulative effect of
-corroboration was deliberately aimed at, by showing that
-many investigators employing the most varied kinds of
-data had independently arrived at identical conclusions
-and often expressed them in similar phrases.</p>
-
-<p>Only a very small fraction of the evidence is set forth
-in the present work. Much of the most illuminating
-information has only come to the author’s knowledge
-since this memoir was in the press; and a vast amount of
-the data, especially that relating to Europe, India and
-China, is too intimately intertwined with the effects of
-other cultures to be discussed and dissociated from them
-in so limited a space as this.</p>
-
-<p>Nor has any attempt been made to discuss the times
-of the journeys, the duration of the intercourse, or the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_vii" id="Page_vii">[vii]</a></span>
-details of the goings and the comings of the ancient
-mariners who distributed so curious an assortment of
-varied cargoes to the coast-lines of the whole world—literally
-“from China to Peru.” They exerted an influence
-upon the history of civilization and achieved marvels of
-maritime daring that must be reckoned of greater account,
-as they were so many ages earlier, than those of the more
-notorious mediæval European adventurers and buccaneers
-who, impelled by similar motives, raided the Spanish
-Main and the East Indies.</p>
-
-<p>As the pages show, this book is reprinted from volume
-59, part 2, of the “Memoirs and Proceedings of the
-Manchester Literary and Philosophical Society,” session
-1914-15; and I am indebted to the Council of that body
-for their kind permission to re-issue it in its present form.</p>
-
-<p class="right"><span class="smcap">G. Elliot Smith.</span></p>
-
-<p><span class="smcap">The University, Manchester</span>, <i>July, 1915</i>.</p>
-
-<hr />
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_viii" id="Page_viii">[viii]</a></span></p>
-
-<h2><i>LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.</i></h2>
-
-<div class="hanging">
-
-<p><a href="#map1">Map 1.</a> A rough chart of the geographical distribution
-of certain customs, practices and traditions</p>
-
-<p><a href="#map2">Map 2.</a> An attempt to represent roughly the areas
-more directly affected by the “heliolithic”
-culture-complex, with arrows to indicate
-the hypothetical routes taken in the migration
-of the culture-bearers who were
-responsible for its diffusion</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<hr />
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">[1]</a></span></p>
-
-<p class="center"><i>Manchester Memoirs, Vol. lix. (1915), No. <b>10</b>.</i></p>
-
-<h2>X. On the Significance of the Geographical Distribution
-of the Practice of Mummification.—A
-Study of the Migrations of Peoples and the
-Spread of certain Customs and Beliefs.</h2>
-
-<p class="center">By Professor <span class="smcap">G. Elliot Smith</span>, M.A., M.D., F.R.S.</p>
-
-<p class="center smaller">(<i>Read February 23rd, 1915. Received for publication April 6th, 1915.</i>)</p>
-
-<p>In entering upon the discussion of the geographical
-distribution of the practice of mummification I am concerned
-not so much with the origin and technical procedures
-of this remarkable custom. This aspect of the
-problem I have already considered in a series of memoirs
-(<a href="#ref75"><b>75</b></a> to <a href="#ref89"><b>89</b></a><a name="FNanchor_1" id="FNanchor_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a>). I have chosen mummification rather as the
-most peculiar, and therefore the most distinctive and
-obtrusive, element of a very intimately interwoven series
-of strange customs, which became fortuitously linked one
-with the other to form a definite culture-complex nearly
-thirty centuries ago, and spread along the coast-lines of a
-great part of the world, stirring into new and distinctive
-activity the sluggish uncultured peoples which in turn
-were subjected to this exotic leaven.</p>
-
-<p>If one looks into the journals of anthropology and
-ethnology, there will be found amongst the vast collections
-of information relating to man’s activities a most suggestive
-series of facts concerning the migrations of past ages
-and the spread of peculiar customs and beliefs.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">[2]</a></span></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" style="width: 400px;" id="map1">
-
-<a href="images/map1.jpg"><img src="images/map1-small.jpg" width="400" height="250" alt="" /></a>
-
-<p class="caption"><i>Map 1.</i>—A rough chart of the geographical distribution
-of certain customs, practices and traditions. [None of these areas of
-distribution is complete. The map shows merely the data referred to in
-this memoir or in the literature quoted in it.]</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[3]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>If a map of the world is taken and one plots out
-(<a href="#map1"><i>Map I.</i></a>) the geographical distribution of such remarkable
-customs as the building of megalithic monuments (see
-for example Lane Fox’s [Pitt Rivers’] map, <a href="#ref20"><b>20</b></a>), the
-worship of the sun and the serpent (<a href="#ref51"><b>51</b></a>; <a href="#ref103"><b>103</b></a>), the custom
-of piercing the ears (see Park Harrison, <a href="#ref29"><b>29</b></a>), tattooing (see
-Miss Buckland, <a href="#ref10"><b>10</b></a>), the practice of circumcision, the
-curious custom known as couvade, the practice of massage,
-the complex story of the creation, the deluge, the
-petrifaction of human beings, the divine origin of kings
-and a chosen people sprung from an incestuous union
-(W. J. Perry), the use of the swastika-symbol (see Wilson’s
-map, <a href="#ref105"><b>105</b></a>), the practice of cranial deformation, to mention
-only a few of the many that might be enumerated, it will
-be found that in most respects the areas in which this
-extraordinary assortment of bizarre customs and beliefs
-is found coincide one with the other. In some of the
-series gaps occur, which probably are more often due to
-lack of information on our part than to real absence of
-the practice; in other places one or other of the elements
-of this complex culture-mixture has overflowed the common
-channel and broken into new territory. But considered
-in conjunction these data enable us definitely and
-precisely to map out the route taken by this peculiarly
-distinctive group of eccentricities of the human mind. If
-each of them is considered alone there are many breaks
-in the chain and many uncertainties as to the precise
-course: but when taken together all of these gaps are
-bridged. Moreover, in most areas there are traditions
-of culture-heroes, who brought in some or all of these
-customs at one and the same time and also introduced a
-knowledge of agriculture and weaving.</p>
-
-<p>So far as I am aware no one hitherto has called attention
-to the fact that the practice of mummification has
-a geographical distribution exactly corresponding to the
-area occupied by the curious assortment of other practices<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[4]</a></span>
-just enumerated. Not only so, but in addition it is abundantly
-clear that the coincidence is not merely accidental.
-It is due to the fact that in most regions the people who
-introduced the habit of megalithic building and sun-worship
-(a combination for which it is convenient to use
-Professor Brockwell’s distinctive term “heliolithic culture”)
-also brought with them the practice of mummification
-at the same time.</p>
-
-<p>The custom of embalming the dead is in fact an
-integral part of the “heliolithic culture,” and perhaps, as
-I shall endeavour to demonstrate, its most important
-component. For this practice and the beliefs which
-grew up in association with it were responsible for the
-development of some of the chief elements of this culture-complex,
-and incidentally of the bond of union with
-other factors not so intimately connected, in the genetic
-sense, with it.</p>
-
-<p>Before plunging into the discussion of the evidence
-provided by the practice of mummification, it will be
-useful to consider for a moment the geographical distribution
-of the other components of the “heliolithic culture.”
-I need not say much about megalithic monuments, for I
-have already considered their significance elsewhere (<a href="#ref90"><b>90</b></a>
-to <a href="#ref96"><b>96</b></a>); but I should like once more specifically to call
-the attention of those who are obsessed by theories of
-the independent evolution of such monuments, and who
-scoff at Fergusson (<a href="#ref17"><b>17</b></a>), to the memoirs of Lane Fox (<a href="#ref20"><b>20</b></a>)
-and Meadows Taylor (<a href="#ref100"><b>100</b></a>). The latter emphasises in a
-striking manner the remarkable identity of structure, not
-only as concerns the variety and the general conception
-of such monuments, but also as regards trivial and apparently
-unessential details. With reference to “the opinion
-of many,” which has “been advanced as an hypothesis,
-that the common instincts of humanity have suggested<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[5]</a></span>
-common methods of sepulture,” he justly remarks, “I own
-this kind of vague generalisation does not satisfy me, in
-the face of such exact points of similitude.... Such
-can hardly have been the result of accident, or any
-common human instinct” (p. 173).</p>
-
-<p>But it is not merely the identity of structure and the
-geographical distribution (in most cases along continuous
-coast-lines or related islands) that proves the common
-origin of megalithic monuments. It is further strongly
-corroborated by a remarkable series of beliefs, traditions
-and practices, many of them quite meaningless and unintelligible
-to us, which are associated with such structures
-wherever they are found. Stories of dwarfs and giants
-(<a href="#ref13"><b>13</b></a>), the belief in the indwelling of gods or great men in
-the stones, the use of these structures in a particular
-manner for certain special councils (<a href="#ref20"><b>20</b></a>, pp. 64 and 65),
-and the curious, and, to us, meaningless, practice of hanging
-rags on trees in association with such monuments
-(<a href="#ref20"><b>20</b></a>, pp. 63 and 64). In reference to the last of these
-associated practices, Lane Fox remarks, “it is impossible
-to believe that so singular a custom as this could have
-arisen independently in all these countries.”</p>
-
-<p>In an important article on “Facts suggestive of prehistoric
-intercourse between East and West” (<i>Journ.
-Anthr. Inst.</i>, Vol. 14, 1884, p. 227), Miss Buckland calls
-attention to a remarkable series of identities of customs
-and beliefs, and amongst them certain legends concerning
-the petrification of <i>dance maidens</i> associated with stone
-circles as far apart as Cornwall and Peru.</p>
-
-<p>Taking all of these facts into consideration, it is to
-me altogether inconceivable how any serious enquirer
-who familiarises himself with the evidence can honestly
-refuse to admit that the case for the spread of the inspiration
-to erect megalithic monuments from one centre has<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[6]</a></span>
-been proved by an overwhelming mass of precise and
-irrefutable data. But this evidence does not stand alone.
-It is linked with scores of other peculiar customs and
-beliefs, the testimony of each of which, however imperfect
-and unconvincing some scholars may consider it individually,
-strengthens the whole case by cumulation; and
-when due consideration is given to the enormous complexity
-and artificiality of the cultural structure compounded
-of such fantastic elements, these are bound to
-compel assent to their significance, as soon as the present
-generation of ethnologists can learn to forget the meaningless
-fetish to which at present it bends the knee.</p>
-
-<p>But suppose, for the sake of argument, we shut our
-ears to the voice of common sense, and allow ourselves to
-be hypnotised into the belief that some complex and
-highly specialised instinct (<i>i.e.</i> precisely the type of instinct
-which real psychologists—not the ethnological
-variety—deny to mankind) impelled groups of men
-scattered as far apart as Ireland, India and Peru independently
-the one of the other to build mausolea of the
-same type, to acquire similar beliefs regarding the petrifaction
-of human beings, and many other extraordinary
-things connected with such monuments, how is this
-“psychological explanation” going to help us to explain
-why the wives of the builders of these monuments,
-whether in Africa, Asia or America, should have their
-chins pricked and rubbed with charcoal, or why they
-should circumcise their boys, or why they should have a
-tradition of the deluge? Does any theory of evolution
-help in explaining these associations? They are clearly
-fortuitous associations of customs and beliefs, which have
-no inherent relationship one to the other. They became
-connected purely by chance in one definite locality, and
-the fact that such incongruous customs reappear in association<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[7]</a></span>
-in distant parts of the globe is proof of the most
-positive kind that the wanderings of peoples must have
-brought this peculiar combination of freakish practices
-from the centre where chance linked them together.</p>
-
-<p>Because it was the fashion among a particular group
-of megalith-builders to tattoo the chins of their womenkind,
-the wanderers who carried abroad the one custom
-also took the other: but there is no genetic or inherent
-connection between megalith-building and chin-tattooing.</p>
-
-<p>Such evidence is infinitely stronger and more convincing
-than that afforded by one custom considered by
-itself, because in the former case we are dealing with an
-association which is definitely and obviously due to pure
-chance, such as the so-called psychological method, however
-casuistical, is impotent to explain.</p>
-
-<p>But the study of such a custom as tattooing, even
-when considered alone, affords evidence that ought to
-convince most reasonable people of the impossibility of it
-having independently arisen in different, widely scattered,
-localities. The data have been carefully collected and
-discussed with clear insight and common sense by Miss
-Buckland (<a href="#ref10"><b>10</b></a>) in an admirable memoir, which I should
-like to commend to all who still hold to the meaningless
-dogma “of the similarity of the working of the human
-mind” as an explanation of the identity of customs.
-Tattooing is practised throughout the great “heliolithic”
-track. [Striking as Miss Buckland’s map of distribution
-is as a demonstration of this, if completed in the light of
-our present information, it would be even more convincing,
-for she has omitted Libya, which so far as we know at
-present may possibly have been the centre of origin of
-the curious practice.]</p>
-
-<p>Tattooing of the chin in women is practised in
-localities as far apart as Egypt, India, Japan, New<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[8]</a></span>
-Guinea, New Zealand, Easter Island and North and
-South America.</p>
-
-<p>Miss Buckland rightly draws the conclusion that “the
-wide distribution of this peculiar custom is of considerable
-significance, especially as it follows so nearly in the line”
-which she had “indicated in two previous papers (<a href="#ref8"><b>8</b></a> and
-<a href="#ref9"><b>9</b></a>) as suggestive of a prehistoric intercourse between the
-two hemispheres.... When we find in India, Japan,
-Egypt, New Guinea, New Zealand, Alaska, Greenland
-and America, the custom of tattooing carried out in precisely
-the same manner and for the same ends, and when
-in addition to this we find a similarity in other ornaments,
-in weapons, in games, in modes of burial, and many other
-customs, we think it may fairly be assumed that they all
-derived these customs from a common source, or that at
-some unknown period, some intercourse existed” (p. 326).</p>
-
-<p>In the first of her memoirs (<a href="#ref8"><b>8</b></a>) Miss Buckland calls
-attention to “the curious connection between early worship
-of the serpent and a knowledge of metals,” which is
-of peculiar interest in this discussion, because the Proto-Egyptians,
-who were serpent-worshippers (<i>see</i> Sethe, <a href="#ref74"><b>74</b></a>),
-had a knowledge of metals at a period when, so far as our
-present knowledge goes, no other people had yet acquired
-it. Referring to the ancient Indian Indra, the Chaldean
-Ea and the Mexican Quetzalcoatl, among other gods, Miss
-Buckland remarks:—“The deities, kings and heroes who
-are symbolised by the serpent are commonly described as
-the pioneers of civilisation and the instructors of mankind
-in the arts of agriculture and mining.”</p>
-
-<p>Further, in an interesting article on “Stimulants in
-Use among Savages and among the Ancients” (<a href="#ref9"><b>9</b></a>), she
-tells us that “among aboriginal races in a line across the
-Pacific, from Formosa on the West to Peru and Bolivia on
-the East, a peculiar, and what would appear to civilised<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[9]</a></span>
-races a disgusting mode of preparing fermented drinks,
-prevails, the women being in all cases the chief manufacturers;
-the material employed varying according to
-the state of agriculture in the different localities, but the
-mode of preparation remaining virtually the same” (<a href="#ref9"><b>9</b></a>,
-p. 213).</p>
-
-<p>If space permitted I should have liked to make
-extensive quotations from Park Harrison’s most conclusive
-independent demonstration of the spread of culture along
-the same great route, at which he arrived from the study
-of the geographical distribution of the peculiar custom of
-artificially distending the lobe of the ear (<a href="#ref29"><b>29</b></a>). This
-practice was not infrequent in Egypt (<a href="#ref79"><b>79</b></a>) in the times of
-the new Empire, a fact which Harrison seems to have overlooked:
-but he records it amongst the Greeks, Hebrews,
-Etruscans, Persians, in Bœotia, Zanzibar, Natal, Southern
-India, Ceylon, Assam, Aracan, Burma, Laos, Nicobar
-Islands, Nias, Borneo, China, Solomon Islands, Admiralty
-Islands, New Hebrides, New Caledonia, Pelew Islands,
-Navigators Island, Fiji, Friendly Islands, Penrhyn, Society
-Islands, Easter Island, Peru, Palenque, Mexico, Brazil
-and Paraguay. This is an excellent and remarkably
-complete [if he had used the data now available it might
-have been made even more complete] mapping out of the
-great “heliolithic” track.</p>
-
-<p>The identity of geographical distribution is no mere
-fortuitous coincidence.</p>
-
-<p>It is of peculiar interest that Harrison is able to
-demonstrate a linked association between this custom and
-sun-worship in most of the localities enumerated. In the
-figures illustrating his memoir other obvious associations
-can be detected intimately binding it by manifold threads
-into the very texture of the “heliolithic culture.” If to
-this we add the fact that in many localities the design<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[10]</a></span>
-tattooed on the skin was the sun, we further strengthen
-the woof of the closely woven fabric that is gradually
-taking shape.</p>
-
-<p>To these forty-year-old demonstrations let me add
-Wilson’s interesting recent monograph on the swastika
-(<a href="#ref105"><b>105</b></a>), which independently tells the same story and
-blazens the same great track around the world (see his
-map). He further calls attention to the close geographical
-association between the distribution of the swastika and
-the spindle-whorl. By attributing the introduction of
-weaving and the swastika into most localities where they
-occur by the same culture-heroes he thereby adds the
-swastika to the “heliolithic” outfit, for weaving already
-belongs to it.</p>
-
-<p>To these practices one might add a large series of
-others of a character no less remarkable, such, for example,
-as circumcision, the practice of massage (<a href="#ref57"><b>57</b></a>, <a href="#ref67"><b>67</b></a> and <a href="#ref11"><b>11</b></a>),
-the curious custom known as <i>couvade</i>, all of which are
-distributed along the great “heliolithic” pathway and
-belong to the great culture-complex which travelled
-by it.</p>
-
-<p>But there are several interesting bits of corroborative
-evidence that I cannot refrain from mentioning.</p>
-
-<p>One of the most carefully-investigated bonds of
-cultural connection between the Eastern Mediterranean
-in Phœnician times and pre-Columbian America (Tehuantepec)
-has recently been put on record by Zelia Nuttall in
-her memoir on “a curious survival in Mexico of the use
-of the Purpura shell-fish for dyeing” (<a href="#ref50"><b>50</b></a>). After a very
-thorough and critical analysis of all the facts of this truly
-remarkable case of transmission of an extraordinary custom,
-Mrs. Nuttall justly concludes that “it seems almost
-easier to believe that certain elements of an ancient
-European culture were at one time, and perhaps once only,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[11]</a></span>
-actually transmitted by the traditional small band of ...
-Mediterranean seafarers, than to explain how, under totally
-different conditions of race and climate, the identical
-ideas and customs should have arisen” (pp. 383 and 384).
-Nor does she leave us in any doubt as to the route taken
-by the carriers of this practice. Found in association
-with it, both in the Old and the New World, was the use
-of conch-shell trumpets and pearls. The antiquity of
-these usages is proved by their representation in pre-Columbian
-pictures or, in the case of the pearls, the
-finding of actual specimens in graves.</p>
-
-<p>In Phœnician Greek, and later times these shell-trumpets
-were extensively used in the Mediterranean:
-“European travellers have found them in actual use in
-East India, Japan and, by the Alfurs, in Ceram, the
-Papuans of New Guinea, as well as in the South Sea
-islands as far as New Zealand,” and in many places in
-America (p. 378). “In the Old and the New World alike,
-are found, in the same close association, (1) the purple
-industry and skill in weaving; (2) the use of pearls and
-conch-shell trumpets; (3) the mining, working and trafficking
-in copper, silver and gold; (4) the tetrarchial
-form of government; (5) the conception of ‘Four
-Elements’; (6) the cyclical form of calendar. Those
-scholars who assert that all of the foregoing must have
-been developed independently will ever be confronted by
-the persistent and unassailable fact that, throughout
-America, the aborigines unanimously disclaim all share
-in their production and assign their introduction to
-strangers of superior-culture from distant and unknown
-parts” (p. 383).</p>
-
-<p>Many other equally definite proofs might be cited of
-the transmission of customs from the Old to the New
-World, of which the instance reported by Tylor (<a href="#ref102"><b>102</b></a>) is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[12]</a></span>
-the classical example<a name="FNanchor_2" id="FNanchor_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a>; but I know of no other which has
-been so critically studied and so fully recorded as Mrs.
-Nuttall’s case.</p>
-
-<p>But the difficulty may be raised—as in fact invariably
-happens when these subjects come up for discussion—as
-to the means of transmission. Rivers has explained what
-does actually happen in the contact of peoples (<a href="#ref68"><b>68</b></a>) and
-how a small group of wanderers bringing the elements of
-a higher culture can exert a profound and far-reaching
-influence upon a large uncultured population (<a href="#ref64"><b>64</b></a> to <a href="#ref70"><b>70</b></a>).</p>
-
-<p>Lane-Fox’s [Pitt Rivers’] memoir “on Early Modes
-of Navigation” (<a href="#ref21"><b>21</b></a>) not only affords in itself an admirable
-summary of the definite evidence for the spread of culture;
-but is also doubly valuable to us, because incidentally it
-illustrates also the actual means by which the migrations
-of the culture-bearers took place. The survival into modern
-times, upon the Hooghly and other Indian rivers, of boats
-provided with the fantastic steering arrangement used
-by the Ancient Egyptians 2000 years <span class="smcapuc">B.C.</span>, is in itself a
-proof of ancient Egyptian influence in India; and the
-contemporary practice of representing eyes upon the bow
-of the ship enables us to demonstrate a still wider extension
-of that influence, for in modern times that custom
-has been recorded as far apart as Malta, India, China,
-Oceania and the North-West American coast.</p>
-
-<p>But there is no difficulty about the question of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[13]</a></span>
-transmission of such customs. Most scholars who have
-mastered the early history of some particular area, in
-many cases those who most resolutely deny even the
-possibility of the wider spread of culture, frankly admit—because
-it would stultify their own localised researches to
-deny it—the intercourse of the particular people in which
-they are interested and its neighbours. Merely by using
-these links, forged by the reluctant hands of hostile witnesses,
-it is possible to construct the whole chain needed
-for such migrations as I postulate (see <a href="#map2"><i>Map II</i></a>.)</p>
-
-<p>No one who reads the evidence collected by such
-writers as Ellis (<a href="#ref15"><b>15</b></a>), de Quatrefages (<a href="#ref60"><b>60</b></a>) and Percy Smith
-(<a href="#ref98"><b>98</b></a>)<a name="FNanchor_3" id="FNanchor_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> can doubt the fact of the extensive prehistoric migrations
-throughout the Pacific Ocean along definitely
-known routes. Even Joyce (whose otherwise excellent
-summaries of the facts relating to American archæology
-have been emasculated by his refusal to admit the influence
-of the Old World upon American culture) states that
-migrations from India extended to Indonesia (and Madagascar)
-and all the islands of the Pacific; and even that
-“it is likely that the coast of America was reached” (<a href="#ref61"><b>61</b></a>,
-p. 119).<a name="FNanchor_4" id="FNanchor_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a></p>
-
-<p>There is no doubt as to the reality of the close
-maritime intercourse between the Persian Gulf and India
-from the eighth century <span class="smcapuc">B.C.</span> (<a href="#ref13"><b>13</b></a>; <a href="#ref14"><b>14</b></a>; <a href="#ref51"><b>51</b></a>; and <a href="#ref101"><b>101</b></a>); and of
-course it is a historical fact that the Mediterranean littoral
-and Egypt had been in intimate connexion with Babylonia
-for some centuries before, and especially after, that
-time.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[14]</a></span></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" style="width: 400px;" id="map2">
-
-<a href="images/map2.jpg"><img src="images/map2-small.jpg" width="400" height="200" alt="" /></a>
-
-<p class="caption"><i>Map 2.</i>—An attempt to represent roughly the areas
-more directly affected by the “heliolithic” culture-complex, with arrows
-to indicate the hypothetical routes taken in the migrations of the
-culture-bearers who were responsible for its diffusion.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[15]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>In the face of this overwhelming mass of definite
-evidence of the reality not only of the spread of culture
-and its carriers, but also of the ways and the means by
-which it travelled, it will naturally be asked how it has
-come to pass that there is even the shadow of a doubt as
-to the migrations which distributed this “heliolithic” culture-complex
-so widely in the world. It cannot be explained
-by lack of knowledge, for most of the facts that I
-have enumerated are taken bodily from the anthropological
-journals of forty or more years ago.</p>
-
-<p>The explanation is to be found, I believe, in a curious
-psychological process incidental to the intensive study of
-an intricate problem. As knowledge increased and various
-scholars attempted to define the means by (and the time
-at) which the contacts of various peoples took place, difficulties
-were revealed which, though really trivial, were
-magnified into insuperable obstacles. All of these real
-difficulties were created by mistaken ideas of the relative
-chronology of the appearance of civilisation in various
-centres, and especially by the failure to realise that
-useful arts were often lost. For example, if on a certain
-mainland <i>A</i> two practices, <i>a</i> and <i>b</i>—one of them, <i>a</i>, a
-useful practice, say the making of pottery; the other, <i>b</i>,
-a useless custom, say the preservation of the corpse—were
-developed, and <i>a</i> was at least as old, or preferably
-definitely older than <i>b</i>, it seemed altogether inconceivable
-to the ethnologist if an island <i>B</i> was influenced by the
-culture of the mainland <i>A</i>, at some time after the practices
-<i>a</i> and <i>b</i> were in vogue, that it might, under any conceivable
-circumstances, fail to preserve the useful art <i>a</i>, even
-though it might allow the utterly useless practice <i>b</i> to
-lapse. Therefore it was argued that, if the later inhabitants
-of <i>B</i> mummified their dead, but did not make pottery,
-this was clear evidence that they could not have come
-under the influence of <i>A</i>.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[16]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>But the whole of the formidable series of obstacles
-raised by this kind of argument has been entirely swept
-away by Dr. Rivers, who has demonstrated how often
-it has happened that a population has completely lost
-some useful art which it once had, and even more often
-clung to some useless practice (<a href="#ref65"><b>65</b></a>).</p>
-
-<p>The remarkable feature of the present state of the
-discussion is that, in spite of Rivers’ complete demolition
-of these difficulties (<a href="#ref65"><b>65</b></a>), most ethnologists do not seem to
-realise that there is now a free scope for taking a clear
-and common-sense view of the truth, unhindered by any
-obstructions. It is characteristic of the history of scientific,
-no less than of theological argument, that the immediate
-effect of the destruction of the foundations of cherished
-beliefs is to make their more fanatical votaries shout
-their creed all the louder and more dogmatically, and
-hurl anathemas at those who dissent.</p>
-
-<p>This is the only explanation I can offer of the
-remarkable presidential address delivered by Fewkes to
-the Anthropological Society of Washington in 1912 (<a href="#ref18"><b>18</b></a>),
-Keane’s incoherent recklessness<a name="FNanchor_5" id="FNanchor_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> (<a href="#ref41"><b>41</b></a>, pp. 140, 218, 219,
-and 367 to 370), and the amazing criticisms which during
-the last four years I have had annually to meet. There
-is no attempt at argument, but mere dogmatic and often
-irrelevant assertions. The constant appeal to the meaningless
-phrase “the similarity of the working of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[17]</a></span>
-human mind”<a name="FNanchor_6" id="FNanchor_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> (<a href="#ref18"><b>18</b></a>), as though it were a magical incantation
-against logical induction, and harping on the so-called
-“psychological argument” (<a href="#ref41"><b>41</b></a>), which is directly
-opposed to the teaching of psychology, are the only
-excuses one can obtain from the “orthodox” ethnologist
-for this obstinate refusal to face the issue. Of course it is
-a historical fact that the discussions of the theory of
-evolution inclined ethnologists during the last century
-the more readily to accept the <i>laisser faire</i> attitude, and
-put an end to all their difficulties by the pretence that
-most cultures developed independently <i>in situ</i>. It is all
-the more surprising that Huxley took some small part in
-encouraging this lapse into superficiality and abuse of
-the evolution conception, when it is recalled that, as Sir
-Michael Foster tells us, the then President of the Ethnological
-Society “made himself felt in many ways, not the
-least by the severity with which he repressed the pretensions
-of shallow persons who, taking advantage of the
-glamour of the Darwinian doctrine, talked nonsense in
-the name of anthropological science” (“Life and Letters
-of Thomas Henry Huxley,” Vol. I., p. 263).</p>
-
-<p>It is a singular commentary on the attitude of the
-“orthodox” school of ethnologists that, when pressed to
-accept the obvious teaching of ethnological evidence, they<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[18]</a></span>
-should desert the strong intrenchments which the difficulties
-of full and adequate explanation have afforded
-them in the past, and take refuge behind the straw barricades
-of imaginary psychological and biological analogies,
-which they have hastily constructed for their own purposes,
-and in flagrant defiance of all that the psychologist understands
-by the phrase “working of the human mind,” if
-perchance he is ever driven to employ this expression, or
-the meaning attached by the biologist to “evolution.”</p>
-
-<p>It is not sufficient proof of my thesis, however, merely
-to expose the hollowness of the pretensions of one’s
-opponents, nor even to show the identity of geographical
-distribution and the linking up of customs to form the
-“heliolithic” culture-complex. Many writers have dimly
-realised that some such spread of culture took place, but
-by misunderstanding the nature of the factors that came
-into play or the chronology of the movements they were
-discussing (see especially Macmillan Brown’s (<a href="#ref7"><b>7</b></a>) and
-Enoch’s (<a href="#ref16"><b>16</b></a>) books, to mention the latest, but by no means
-the worst offenders), have brought discredit upon the
-thesis I am endeavouring to demonstrate.</p>
-
-<p>Another danger has arisen out of the revulsion against
-Bastian’s old idea of independent evolution by his fellow-countrymen
-Frobenius, Graebner, Ankermann, Foy and
-others, with the co-operation of the Austrian philologist,
-Schmidt, and the Swiss ethnologist, Montandon (who has
-summarised the views of the new school in the first part of
-the new journal, <i>Archives suisses d’Anthropologie générale</i>,
-May, 1914, p. 113); for they have rushed to the other
-extreme, and, relying mainly upon objects of “material
-culture,” have put forward a method of analysis and
-postulated a series of migrations for which the evidence
-is very doubtful. Rivers (<a href="#ref64"><b>64</b></a>) has pointed out the unreliability
-of such inferences when unchecked by the consideration<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[19]</a></span>
-of elements of culture which are not so easily
-bartered or borrowed as bows and spears. He has insisted
-upon the fundamental importance of the study of
-social organisation as supplying the most stable and trustworthy
-data for the analysis of a culture-complex and an
-index of racial admixture. The study of such a practice
-as mummification, the influence of which is deep-rooted in
-the innermost beliefs of the people who resort to it, affords
-data almost as reliable as Rivers’ method; for the subsequent
-account will make it abundantly clear that the
-practice of embalming leaves its impress upon the burial
-customs of a people long ages after other methods of
-disposal of their dead have been adopted.</p>
-
-<p>I have been led into this digression by attempting to
-make it clear that the mere demonstration of the identity
-of geographical distribution and the linking together of a
-series of cultural elements by no means represents the
-solution of the main problem.</p>
-
-<p>What has still to be elucidated is the manner and the
-place in which the complex fabric of the “heliolithic”
-culture was woven, the precise epoch in which it began to
-be spread abroad and the identity of its carriers, the influences
-to which it was subjected on the way, and the
-additions, subtractions and modifications which it underwent
-as the result.</p>
-
-<p>Although I have now collected many of the data for
-the elucidation of these points, the limited space at my
-disposal compels me to defer for the present the consideration
-of the most interesting aspect of the whole
-problem, the identity of the early mariners who were the
-distributors of so strange a cargo. It was this aspect of
-the question which first led me into the controversy; but
-I shall be able to deal with it more conveniently when
-the ethnological case has been stated. The enormous<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[20]</a></span>
-bulk of the data that have accumulated compels me to
-omit a large mass of corroborative evidence of an ethnological
-nature; but no doubt there will be many opportunities
-in the near future for using up this reserve of
-ammunition.</p>
-
-<p>Before setting out for the meeting of the British
-Association in Australia last year I submitted the following
-abstract of a communication (<a href="#ref96"><b>96</b></a>) to be made to the
-Section of Anthropology:—</p>
-
-<p>“After dealing with the evidence from the resemblances
-in the physical characteristics of widely separated
-populations—such, for instance, as certain of the ancient
-inhabitants of Western Asia on the one hand, and certain
-Polynesians on the other—suggesting far-reaching prehistoric
-migrations, the distribution of certain peculiarly
-distinctive practices, such as mummification and the
-building of megalithic monuments, is made use of to confirm
-the reality of such wanderings of peoples.</p>
-
-<p>“I have already (at the Portsmouth, Dundee, and
-Birmingham meetings) dealt with the problem as it
-affects the Mediterranean littoral and Western Europe.
-On the present occasion I propose to direct attention
-mainly to the question of the spread of culture from the
-centres of the ancient civilisations along the Southern
-Asiatic coast and from there out into the Pacific. From
-the examination of the evidence supplied by megalithic
-monuments and distinctive burial customs, studied in the
-light of the historical information relating to the influence
-exerted by Arabia and India in the Far East, one can
-argue by analogy as to the nature of migrations in the
-even more remote past to explain the distribution of the
-earliest peoples dwelling on the shores of the Pacific.</p>
-
-<p>“Practices such as mummification and megalith-building
-present so many peculiar and distinctive features<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[21]</a></span>
-that no hypothesis of independent evolution can seriously
-be entertained in explanation of their geographical distribution.
-They must be regarded as evidence of the
-diffusion of information, and the migrations of bearers of
-it, from somewhere in the neighbourhood of the Eastern
-Mediterranean, step by step out into Polynesia, and even
-perhaps beyond the Pacific to the American littoral.”</p>
-
-<p>At that time it was my intention further to develop
-the arguments from megalithic monuments which I had
-laid before the Association at the three preceding meetings
-and elsewhere (<a href="#ref90"><b>90</b></a>; <a href="#ref91"><b>91</b></a>; <a href="#ref92"><b>92</b></a>; <a href="#ref93"><b>93</b></a>; and especially <a href="#ref94"><b>94</b></a>);
-and endeavour to prove that the structure and the geographical
-distribution of these curious memorials pointed
-to the spread of a distinctive type of culture along the
-Southern Asiatic littoral, through Indonesia and Oceania
-to the American Continent. The geographical distribution
-of the practice of mummification was to have been
-used merely as a means of corroboration of what I then
-imagined to be the more complete megalithic record, and
-of emphasizing the fact that Egypt had played some part
-at least in originating these curiously linked customs.</p>
-
-<p>But when I examined the mummy from Torres
-Straits in the Macleay Museum (University of Sydney),
-and studied the literature relating to the methods employed
-by the embalmers in that region (<a href="#ref1"><b>1</b></a>; <a href="#ref19"><b>19</b></a>; <a href="#ref25"><b>25</b></a>; and
-<a href="#ref27"><b>27</b></a>), I was convinced, from my knowledge of the technical
-details used in mummification in ancient Egypt (see
-especially <a href="#ref78"><b>78</b></a>; <a href="#ref86"><b>86</b></a> and <a href="#ref87"><b>87</b></a>), that these Papuan mummies
-supplied us with the most positive demonstration of the
-Egyptian origin of the methods employed. Moreover,
-as they revealed a series of very curious procedures, such
-as were not invented in Egypt until the time of the New
-Empire, and some of them not until the XXIst Dynasty,
-it was evident that the cultural wave which carried the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[22]</a></span>
-knowledge of these things to the Torres Straits could not
-have started on its long course from Egypt before the
-ninth century <span class="smcapuc">B.C.</span>, at the earliest.</p>
-
-<p>The incision for eviscerating the body was made in
-the flank, right or left, or in the perineum (<a href="#ref19"><b>19</b></a>; <a href="#ref25"><b>25</b></a>)—the
-two sites selected for making the embalming incision
-in Egypt (<a href="#ref78"><b>78</b></a>); the flank incision was made in the
-precise situation (between costal margin and iliac crest)
-which was distinctive of XXIst and XXIInd Dynasty
-methods in Egypt (<a href="#ref86"><b>86</b></a>); and the wound was stitched up
-in accordance with the method employed in the case of
-the cheaper kinds of embalming at that period (<a href="#ref78"><b>78</b></a>).
-When the flank incision was not employed an opening
-was made in the perineum, as was done in Egypt—the
-second method mentioned by Herodotus—in the case of
-less wealthy people (<a href="#ref56"><b>56</b></a>, p. 46).</p>
-
-<p>The viscera, after removal, were thrown into the sea,
-as, according to Porphyry and Plutarch, it was the practice
-in Egypt at one time (<a href="#ref56"><b>56</b></a>, pp. 57 and 58) to cast them into
-the Nile.</p>
-
-<p>The body was painted with a mixture containing red-ochre,
-the scalp was painted black, and artificial eyes were
-inserted. These procedures were first adopted (in their
-entirety) in Egypt during the XXIst Dynasty, although
-the experiments leading up to the adoption of these
-methods began in the XIXth.</p>
-
-<p>But most remarkable of all, the curiously inexplicable
-Egyptian procedure for removing the brain, which in
-Egypt was not attempted until the XVIIIth Dynasty—<i>i.e.</i>,
-until its embalmers had had seventeen centuries
-experience of their remarkable craft (<a href="#ref78"><b>78</b></a>)—was also
-followed by the savages of the Torres Straits (<a href="#ref25"><b>25</b></a>; <a href="#ref27"><b>27</b></a>)!</p>
-
-<p>Surely it is inconceivable that such people could have
-originated the idea or devised the means for practising an<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[23]</a></span>
-operation so devoid of meaning and so technically difficult
-as this! The interest of their technique is that the
-Torres Straits operators followed the method originally
-employed in Egypt (in the case of the mummy of the
-Pharaoh Ahmes I. [<a href="#ref86"><b>86</b></a>, p. 16]), which is one requiring
-considerable skill and dexterity, and not the simpler
-operation through the nostrils which was devised later (<a href="#ref78"><b>78</b></a>).</p>
-
-<p>The Darnley Islanders also made a circular incision
-through the skin of each finger and toe, and having
-scraped off the epidermis from the rest of the body, they
-carefully peeled off these thimbles of skin, and presented
-them to the deceased’s widow (<a href="#ref25"><b>25</b></a>; <a href="#ref27"><b>27</b></a>).</p>
-
-<p>This practice is peculiarly interesting as an illustration
-of the adoption of an ancient Egyptian custom in complete
-ignorance of the purpose it was intended to serve. The
-ancient Egyptian embalmers (and, again, those of the
-XXIst Dynasty) made similar circular incisions around
-fingers and toes, and also scraped off the rest of the
-epidermis: but the aim of this strange procedure was to
-prevent the general epidermis, as it was shed (which
-occurred when the body was steeped for weeks in the
-preservative brine bath), from carrying the finger- and
-toe-nails with it (<a href="#ref78"><b>78</b></a>). A thimble of skin was left on each
-finger and toe to keep the nail <i>in situ</i>; and to make it
-doubly secure, it was tied on with string (<a href="#ref78"><b>78</b></a>) or fixed
-with a ring of gold or a silver glove (<a href="#ref84"><b>84</b></a>).</p>
-
-<p>In the Torres Straits method of embalming the brine
-bath was not used; so the scraping off of the epidermis
-was wholly unnecessary. In addition, after following
-precisely the preliminary steps of this aimless proceeding,
-by deliberately and intentionally removing the skin-thimbles
-and nails they defeated the very objects which
-the Egyptians had in view when they invented this
-operation!</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[24]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>An elaborate technical operation such as this which
-serves no useful purpose and is wholly misunderstood by
-its practitioners cannot have been invented by them. It
-is another certain proof of the Egyptian origin of the
-practice.</p>
-
-<p>There is another feature of these Papuan mummies
-which may or may not be explicable as the adoption of
-Egyptian practices put to a modified, if not a wholly
-different, use. Among the new methods introduced in
-Egypt in the XXIst Dynasty was a curious device for
-restoring to the mummy something of the fulness of form
-and outline it had lost during the process of preservation.
-Through various incisions (which incidentally no doubt
-allowed the liquid products of decomposition to escape)
-foreign materials were packed under the skin of the
-mummy (<a href="#ref78"><b>78</b></a>; <a href="#ref87"><b>87</b></a>). These incisions were made between
-the toes, sometimes at the knees, in the region of the
-shoulders, and sometimes in other situations (<a href="#ref78"><b>78</b></a>). In
-the Papuan method of mummification “cuts were made
-on the knee-caps and between the fingers and toes; then
-holes were pierced in the cuts with an arrow so as to
-allow the liquids to drip from them” (Hamlyn-Harris,
-<a href="#ref27"><b>27</b></a>, p. 3). In one of the mummies in the Brisbane museum
-there seem to be incisions also in the shoulders. The
-situation of these openings suggests the view that the
-idea of making them <i>may</i> (and I do not wish to put it
-any more definitely) have been suggested by the
-Egyptian XXIst Dynastic practice. For, although the
-incisions were made, in the latter case, for the purpose of
-packing the limbs, incidentally they served for drainage
-purposes.</p>
-
-<p>But it was not only the mere method of embalming,
-convincing and definite as it is, that establishes the derivation
-of the Papuan from the Egyptian procedure; but<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[25]</a></span>
-also all the other funerary practices, and the beliefs
-associated with them, that help to clinch the proof. The
-special treatment of the head, the use of masks, the
-making of stone idols, these and scores of other curious
-customs (which have been described in detail in Haddon’s
-and Myers’ admirable account [<a href="#ref25"><b>25</b></a>]) might be cited.</p>
-
-<p>When I called the attention of the Anthropological
-Section to these facts and my interpretation of them at
-the meeting of the British Association in Melbourne,
-Professor J. L. Myres opened the discussion by adopting
-a line of argument which, even after four years’ experience
-of controversies of the megalith-problem, utterly amazed
-me. “What more natural than that people should want
-to preserve their dead? Or that in doing so they should
-remove the more putrescible parts? Would not the flank
-be the natural place to choose for the purpose? Is it not
-a common practice for people to paint their dead with
-red-ochre?” It is difficult to believe that such questions
-were meant to be taken seriously. The claim that it is
-quite a natural thing on the death of a near relative for
-the survivors instinctively to remove his viscera, dry the
-corpse over a fire, scrape off his epidermis, remove his
-brain through a hole in the back of his neck, and then
-paint the corpse red is a sample of casuistry not unworthy
-of a mediæval theologian. Yet this is the gratuitous
-claim made at a scientific meeting! If Professor Myres
-had known anything of the history of Anatomy he would
-have realized that the problem of preserving the body
-was one of extreme difficulty which for long ages had
-exercised the most civilized peoples, not only in antiquity,
-but also in modern times. In Egypt, where the natural
-conditions favouring the successful issue of attempts to
-preserve the body were largely responsible for the possibility
-of such embalming, it took more than seventeen<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[26]</a></span>
-centuries of constant practice and experimentation to
-reach the stage and to acquire the methods exemplified
-in the Torres Straits mummies. In Egypt also a curious
-combination of natural circumstances and racial customs
-was responsible for the suggestion of the desirability and
-the possibility artificially to preserve the corpse. How did
-the people of the Torres Straits acquire the knowledge
-even of the possibility of such an attainment, not to
-mention the absence of any inherent suggestion of its
-desirability? For in the hot, damp atmosphere of such
-places as Darnley Island the corpse would never have
-been preserved by natural means, so that the suggestion
-which stimulated the Egyptians to embark upon their
-experimentation was lacking in the case of the Papuans.
-But even if for some mysterious reasons these people had
-been prompted to attempt to preserve their dead, during
-the experimental stage they would have had to combat
-these same unfavourable conditions. Is it at all probable
-or even possible to conceive that under such exceptionally
-difficult, not to say discouraging, circumstances they
-would have persisted for long periods in their gruesome
-experiments; or have attained a more rapid success than
-the more cultured peoples of Egypt and Europe, operating
-under more favourable climatic conditions, and with the
-help of a knowledge of chemistry and physics, were able
-to achieve? The suggestion is too preposterous to call
-for serious consideration.</p>
-
-<p>But if for the moment we assume that the Darnley
-Islander instinctively arrived at the conclusion that it was
-possible to preserve the dead, that he would rather like
-to try it, and that by some mysterious inspiration the
-technical means of attaining this object was vouchsafed
-him, why, when the whole ventral surface of the body
-was temptingly inviting him to operate by the simplest<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[27]</a></span>
-and most direct means, did he restrict his choice to the
-two most difficult sites for his incision? We know why
-the Egyptian made the opening in the left flank and in
-other cases in the perineum; but is it likely the Papuan,
-once he had decided to cut the body, would have had
-such a respect for the preservation of the integrity of the
-front of the body as to impel him to choose a means of
-procedure which added greatly to the technical difficulty
-of the operation? We have the most positive evidence
-that the Papuan had no such design, for it was his usual
-procedure to cut the head off the trunk and pay little
-further attention to the latter. Myres’ contention will not
-stand a moment’s examination.</p>
-
-<p>As to the use of red-ochre, which Myres rightly
-claimed to be so widespread, no hint was given of the
-possibility that it might be so extensively practised
-simply because the Egyptian custom had spread far and
-wide.</p>
-
-<p>It is important to remember that the practice of
-painting stone statues with red-ochre (obviously to make
-them more life-like) was in vogue in Egypt before 3000
-<span class="smcapuc">B.C.</span>; and throughout the whole “heliolithic” area, wherever
-the conception of human beings dwelling in stones, whether
-carved or not, was adopted, the Egyptian practice of
-applying red paint also came into vogue. But it was not
-until more than twenty centuries later—<i>i.e.</i> when, for quite
-definite reasons in the XXIst Dynasty, the Egyptians
-conceived the idea of converting the mummy itself into a
-statue—that they introduced the procedure of painting
-the mummy (the actual body), simply because it was
-regarded as the statue (<a href="#ref78"><b>78</b></a>).</p>
-
-<p>After Professor Myres, Dr. Haddon offered two
-criticisms. Firstly, the incisions in the feet and knees
-were not suggested by Egyptian practices, but were<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[28]</a></span>
-made for the strictly utilitarian purpose of draining the
-fluids from the body. I have dealt with this point
-already (<i>vide supra</i>). His second objection was that
-there were no links between Egypt and Papua to indicate
-that the custom had spread. The present communication
-is intended to dispose of that objection by demonstrating
-not only the route by which, but also how, the practice
-reached the Torres Straits after the long journey from
-Egypt.</p>
-
-<p>It will be noticed that this criticism leaves my main
-arguments from the mummies quite untouched. Moreover,
-the fact that originally I made use of the testimony
-of the mummies merely in support of evidence of other
-kinds (the physical characters of the peoples and the
-distribution of megalithic monuments) was completely
-ignored by my critics.</p>
-
-<p>But, as I have already remarked, it is not merely the
-remarkable identity of so many of the peculiar features of
-Papuan and Egyptian embalming that affords definite
-evidence of the derivation of one from the other; but in
-addition, many of the ceremonies and practices, as well
-as the traditions relating to the people who introduced
-the custom of mummification, corroborate the fact that
-immigrants from the west introduced these elements of
-culture. In addition, they also suggest their affinities.</p>
-
-<p>“A hero-cult, with masked performers and elaborate
-dances, spread from the mainland of New Guinea to the
-adjacent islands: part of this movement seems to have
-been associated with a funeral ritual that emphasised a
-life after death.... Most of the funeral ceremonies and
-many sacred songs admittedly came from the west”
-(Haddon, <a href="#ref25"><b>25</b></a>, p. 45).</p>
-
-<p>“Certain culture-heroes severally established themselves
-on certain islands, and they or their followers<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[29]</a></span>
-introduced a new cult which considerably modified the
-antecedent totemism,” and taught “improved methods of
-cultivation and fishing” (p. 44).</p>
-
-<p>“An interesting parallel to these hero-cults of Torres
-Straits occurred also in Fiji. The people of Viti-Levu
-trace their descent from [culture-heroes] who drifted across
-the Big Ocean and taught to the people the cult associated
-with the large stone enclosures” (p. 45).</p>
-
-<p>In these islands the people were expert at carving
-stone idols and they had legends concerning certain
-“stones that once were men” (p. 11). It is also significant
-that at the bier of a near relative, boys and girls, who
-had arrived at the age of puberty, had their ears pierced
-and their skin tattooed (p. 154).</p>
-
-<p>Thus Haddon himself supplies so many precise tokens
-of the “heliolithic” nature of the culture of the Torres
-Straits.</p>
-
-<p>These hints of migrations and the coming of strangers
-bringing from the west curious practices and beliefs may
-seem at first sight to add little to the evidence afforded
-by the technique of the embalming process; but the subsequent
-discussion will make it plain that the association
-of these particular procedures with mummification serves
-to clinch the demonstration of the source from which
-that practice was derived.</p>
-
-<p>It is doubly interesting to obtain all this corroborative
-evidence from the writings of Dr. Haddon, in view of the
-fact, to which I have already referred, that he vigorously
-protested against my contention that the embalmers of
-the Torres Straits acquired their art, directly or indirectly,
-from Egypt. For, in his graphic account of a burial
-ceremony at Murray Islands, his confession that, as he
-watched the funerary boat and the wailing women, his
-“mind wandered back thousands of years, and called up<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[30]</a></span>
-ancient Egypt carrying its dead in boats across the sacred
-Nile” has a much deeper and more real significance than
-he intended. The analogy which at once sprang to his
-mind was not merely a chance resemblance, but the expression
-of a definite survival amongst these simple people
-in the Far East of customs their remote ancestors had
-acquired, through many intermediaries no doubt, from
-the Egyptians of the ninth century <span class="smcapuc">B.C.</span></p>
-
-<p>At the time when Dr. Haddon asked for the evidence
-for the connection between Egypt and Papua, I was aware
-only of the Burmese practices (<i>vide infra</i>) in the intervening
-area, and the problem of establishing the means
-by which the Egyptian custom actually spread seemed to
-be a very formidable task.</p>
-
-<p>But soon after my return from Australia all the links
-in the cultural chain came to light. Mr. W. J. Perry, who
-had been engaged in analysing the complex mixture of
-cultures in Indonesia, kindly permitted me to read the
-manuscript of the book he had written upon the subject.
-With remarkable perspicuity he had unravelled the apparently
-hopeless tangle into which the social organisation
-of this ethnological cockpit has been involved by the
-mixture of peoples and the conflict of diverse beliefs and
-customs. His convincing demonstration of the fact that
-there had been an immigration into Indonesia (from the
-West) of a people who introduced megalithic ideas, sun-worship
-and phallism, and many other distinctive practices
-and traditions, not only gave me precisely the information
-I needed, but also directed my attention to the fact
-that the culture (for which, so he informed me, Professor
-Brockwell, of Montreal, had suggested the distinctive
-term “heliolithic”) included also the practice of mummification.
-In the course of continuous discussions with
-him during the last four months a clear view of the whole<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[31]</a></span>
-problem and the means of solving most of its difficulties
-emerged.</p>
-
-<p>For Perry’s work in this field, no less than for my
-own, Rivers’ illuminating and truly epoch-making researches
-(<a href="#ref64"><b>64</b></a> to <a href="#ref70"><b>70</b></a>) have cleared the ground. Not only
-has he removed from the path of investigators the
-apparently insuperable obstacles to the demonstration of
-the spread of cultures by showing how useful arts can be
-lost (<a href="#ref65"><b>65</b></a>); but he has analysed the social organisation of
-Oceania in such a way that the various waves of immigration
-into the Pacific can be identified and with certainty
-be referred back to Indonesia (<a href="#ref69"><b>69</b></a>). Many other
-scholars in the past have produced evidence (for example
-<a href="#ref2"><b>2</b></a>; <a href="#ref60"><b>60</b></a>; <a href="#ref61"><b>61</b></a> and <a href="#ref98"><b>98</b></a>) to demonstrate that the Polynesians
-came from Indonesia; but Rivers analysed and defined
-the characteristic features of several streams of culture
-which flowed from Indonesia into the Pacific. Perry
-undertook the task of tracing these peoples through the
-Indonesian maze and pushing back their origins to India.
-In the present communication I shall attempt to sketch
-in broad outline the process of the gradual accumulation
-in Egypt and the neighbourhood of the cultural outfit of
-these great wanderers, and to follow them in their migrations
-west, south and east from the place where their
-curious assortment of customs and accomplishments
-became fortuitously associated one with the other (<a href="#map2"><i>Map
-II.</i></a>).</p>
-
-<p>I cannot claim that my colleagues in this campaign
-against what seems to us to be the utterly mistaken precepts
-of modern ethnology see altogether eye to eye with
-me. They have been dealing exclusively with more
-primitive peoples amongst whom every new attainment,
-in arts and crafts, in beliefs and social organisation, in
-everything in fact that we regard as an element of civilization,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[32]</a></span>
-has been introduced from without by more cultured
-races, or fashioned in the conflict between races of
-different traditions and ideals.</p>
-
-<p>My investigations, on the contrary, have been concerned
-mainly with the actual invention of the elements
-of civilization and with the people who created practically
-all of its ingredients—the ideas, the implements and
-methods of the arts and crafts which give expression to it.
-Though superficially my attitude may seem to clash with
-theirs, in that I am attempting to explain the primary
-origin of some of the things, with which they are dealing
-only as ready-made customs and beliefs that were handed
-on from people to people, there is no real antagonism
-between us.</p>
-
-<p>It is obvious that there must be a limit to the application
-of the borrowing-explanation; and when we are
-forced to consider the people who really invented things,
-it is necessary to frame some working hypothesis in explanation
-of such achievements, unless we feebly confess
-that it is useless to attempt such enquiries.</p>
-
-<p>In previous works (<a href="#ref82"><b>82</b></a> and <a href="#ref85"><b>85</b></a>) I have explained why
-it must be something more than a mere coincidence that
-in Egypt, where the operation of natural forces leads to
-the preservation of the corpse when buried in the hot dry
-sand, it should have become a cardinal tenet in the beliefs
-of the people to strive after the preservation of the body
-as the essential means of continuing an existence after
-death. When death occurred the only difference that
-could be detected between the corpse and the living
-body was the absence of the vital spirit from the former.
-[For the interpretation of the Egyptians’ peculiar ideas
-concerning death, see Alan Gardiner’s, important article
-(<a href="#ref23"><b>23</b></a>).] It was in a condition in some sense analogous to
-sleep; and the corpse, therefore, was placed in its “dwelling”<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[33]</a></span>
-in the soil lying in the attitude naturally assumed,
-by primitive people when sleeping. Its vital spirit or <i>ka</i>
-was liberated from the body, but hovered round the
-corpse so long as its tissues were preserved. It needed
-food and all the other things that ministered to the welfare
-and comfort of the living, not omitting the luxuries
-and personal adornments which helped to make life
-pleasant. Hence at all times graves became the objects
-of plunder on the part of unscrupulous contemporaries;
-and so incidentally the knowledge was forthcoming from
-time to time of the fate of the body in the grave.</p>
-
-<p>The burial customs of the Proto-Egyptians, starting
-from those common to the whole group of the Brown
-Race in the Neolithic phase, first became differentiated
-from the rest when special importance came to be attached
-to the preservation of the actual tissues of the body.</p>
-
-<p>It was this development, no doubt, that prompted,
-their more careful arrangements for the protection of the
-corpse, and gradually led to the aggrandisement of the
-tomb, the more abundant provision of food offerings and
-funerary equipment in general.</p>
-
-<p>Even in the earliest known Pre-dynastic period the
-Proto-Egyptians were in the habit of loosely wrapping
-their dead in linen—for the art of the weaver goes back
-to that remote time in Egypt—and then protecting the
-wrapped corpse from contact with the soil by an additional
-wrapping of goat-skin or matting.</p>
-
-<p>Then, as the tomb became larger, to accommodate
-the more abundant offerings, almost every conceivable
-device was tried to protect the body from such contact.
-Instead of the goat-skin or matting, in many cases the
-same result was obtained by lining the grave with series
-of sticks, with slabs of wood, with pieces of unhewn stone,
-or by lining the grave with mud-bricks. In other cases,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[34]</a></span>
-again, large pottery coffins, of an oblong, elliptical, or
-circular form, were used. Later on, when metal implements
-were invented (<a href="#ref90"><b>90</b></a>), and the skill to use them created
-the crafts of the carpenter and stonemason, coffins of
-wood or stone came into vogue. It is quite certain
-that the coffin and sarcophagus were Egyptian inventions.
-The mere fact of this extraordinary variety of means
-and materials employed in Egypt, when in other countries
-one definite method was adopted, is proof of the most
-positive kind that these measures for lining the grave
-were actually invented in Egypt. For the inventor tries
-experiments: the borrower imitates one definite thing.
-During this process of gradual evolution, which occupied
-the whole of the Pre- and Proto-dynastic periods, the
-practice of inhumation (in the strict sense of the term)
-changed step by step into one of burial in a tomb. In
-other words, instead of burial in the soil, the body came
-to be lodged in a carefully constructed subterranean
-chamber, which no longer was filled up with earth. The
-further stages in this process of evolution of tomb construction,
-the way in which the rock-cut tomb came into
-existence, and the gradual development of the stone
-superstructure and temple of offerings—all of these
-matters have been summarised in some detail in my
-article on the evolution of megalithic monuments (<a href="#ref94"><b>94</b></a>).</p>
-
-<p>What especially I want to emphasize here is that in
-Egypt is preserved every stage in the gradual transformation
-of the burial customs from simple inhumation
-into that associated with the fully-developed rock-cut
-tomb and the stone temple. There can be no question
-that the craft of the stonemason and the practice of
-building megalithic monuments originated in Egypt. In
-addition, I want to make it quite clear that there is the
-most intimate genetic relationship between the development<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[35]</a></span>
-of these megalithic practices and the origin of the
-art of mummification.</p>
-
-<p>For in course of time the early Egyptians came to
-learn, no doubt again from the discoveries of their tomb-robbers,
-that the fate of the corpse, after remaining for some
-time in a roomy rock-cut tomb or stone coffin, was vastly
-different from that which befell the body when simply
-buried in the hot, dry, desiccating sand. In respect of
-the former they acquired the idea which the Greeks many
-centuries later embalmed in the word “sarcophagus”
-under the simple belief that the disappearance of the
-flesh was due to the stone in some mysterious way
-devouring it.<a name="FNanchor_7" id="FNanchor_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> [Certain modern archæologists within recent
-years have entertained an equally child-like, though
-even less informed, view when they claimed the absence
-of any trace of the flesh in certain stone sarcophagi as
-evidence in favour of a fantastic belief that the Neolithic
-people of the Mediterranean area were addicted to the
-supposed practice which Italian archæologists call <i>scarnitura</i>.]</p>
-
-<p>But by the time the discovery was made that bodies
-placed in more sumptuous tombs were no longer preserved
-as they were apt to be when buried in the sand,
-the idea of the necessity for the preservation of the body
-as the essential condition for the attainment of a future
-existence had become fixed in the minds of the people
-and established by several centuries of belief as <i>the</i>
-cardinal tenet of their faith. Thus the very measures
-they had taken the more surely to guard and preserve
-the sacred remains of their dead had led to a result the
-reverse of what had been intended.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[36]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>The elaborate ritual that had grown up and the imposing
-architectural traditions were not abandoned when
-this discovery was made. Even in these modern enlightened
-days human nature does not react in that way.
-The cherished beliefs held by centuries of ancestors are
-not renounced for any discovery of science. The ethnologist
-has not given up his objections to the idea of the
-spread of culture, now that all the difficulties that militated
-against the acceptance of the common-sense view
-have been removed! Nor did the Egyptians of the Proto-dynastic
-period revert to the practices of their early
-ancestors and take to sand-burial again. They adopted
-the only other alternative open to a people who retained
-implicitly the belief in the necessity of preserving the
-body, <i>i.e.</i>, they set about attempting to attain by art what
-nature unaided no longer secured, so long as they clung
-to their custom of burying in large tombs. They endeavoured
-artificially to preserve the bodies of their dead.</p>
-
-<p>This explains what I meant to imply when I said
-that the megalithic idea and the incentive to mummify
-the dead are genetically related, the one to the other.
-The stone-tomb came into existence as a direct result of
-the importance attached to the corpse. This development
-defeated the very object that inspired it. The
-invention of the art of embalming was the logical outcome
-of the attempt to remedy this unexpected result.</p>
-
-<p>As in the history of every similar happening elsewhere,
-necessity, or what these simple-minded people
-believed to be a necessity, was the “mother of invention.”</p>
-
-<p>In the course of the following discussion it will be
-seen that the practice of mummification became linked up
-in another way with what may be called the megalithic
-traditions. The crudely-preserved body no longer retained
-any likeness to the person as his friends knew him<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[37]</a></span>
-when alive. A life-like stone statue was therefore made
-to represent him. Magical means (p. 42) were adopted to
-give life to the statue. Thus originated the belief that a
-stone might become the dwelling of a living person; and
-that a person when dead may become converted into
-stone. So insistent did this belief become that among
-more uncultured people, who borrowed Egyptian practices
-but were unable to make portrait statues, a rudely-shaped
-or even unhewn pillar of stone came to be
-regarded as the dwelling of the deceased.</p>
-
-<p>Thus from being the mere device for the identification
-of the deceased the stone statue degenerated among
-less cultured people into an object even less like the dead
-man than his own crudely-made mummy. But the fundamental
-idea remained and became the starting point for
-that rich crop of petrifaction-myths and beliefs concerning
-men and animals living in stones.</p>
-
-<p>Thus arose in Egypt, somewhere about 3000 <span class="smcapuc">B.C.</span>, the
-nucleus of the “heliolithic” culture-complex—mummification,
-megalithic architecture, and the making of idols,
-three practices most intimately and genetically linked one
-with the other. But it was the merest accident that the
-people amongst whom these customs developed, should
-also have been weavers of linen, workers in copper, worshippers
-of the sun and serpent, and practitioners of
-massage and circumcision.</p>
-
-<p>But it was not for another fifteen centuries that the
-characteristic “heliolithic” culture-complex was completed
-by the addition of numerous other trivial customs,
-like ear-piercing, tattooing and the use of the swastika,
-none of which originated in Egypt, but happened to have
-become “tacked on” to that distinctive culture before its
-great world tour began.</p>
-
-<p>The earliest unquestionable evidence (<a href="#ref89"><b>89</b></a>) of an attempt<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[38]</a></span>
-artificially to preserve the body was found in a rock-cut
-tomb of the Second Dynasty, at Sakkara. It is important
-to note that the body was lying in a <i>flexed</i> position upon
-the left side, and was contained in a short wooden coffin,
-modelled like a house. The limbs were wrapped separately
-and large quantities of fine linen bandages had been
-applied around all parts of the body, so as to mould the
-wrapped mummy to a life-like form.</p>
-
-<p>Thus in the earliest mummy—or, to be strictly
-accurate, in the remains which exhibit the earliest
-evidence of the attempt at embalming—we find exemplified
-the two objects that the Ancient Egyptian embalmer
-aimed at throughout the whole history of his craft,
-viz., to preserve the actual tissues of the body, as well as
-the form and likeness of the deceased as he was when alive.</p>
-
-<p>From the first the embalmer realised the limitations
-of his craftsmanship, <i>i.e.</i>, that he was unable to make the
-body itself life-like. Hence he strove to preserve its tissues
-and then to make use of its wrappings for the purpose of
-fashioning a model or statue of the dead man. At first
-this was done while the body was flexed in the traditional
-manner. But soon the flexed position was gradually
-abandoned. Perhaps this change was brought about
-because it was easier to model the superficial form of a
-wrapped body when extended; and the greater success
-of the results so obtained may have been sufficiently
-important to have outweighed the restraining influence of
-tradition. The change may have occurred all the more
-readily at this time as beds were coming into use, and the
-idea of placing the “sleeping” body on a bed may have
-helped towards the process of extension.</p>
-
-<p>But whatever view is taken of the explanation of the
-change of the attitude of the body, it is certain that it
-began soon after the first attempts at mummification<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[39]</a></span>
-were made. The evidence of extended burials, referred
-to the First Dynasty, which were found by Flinders
-Petrie at Tarkhan (<a href="#ref54"><b>54</b></a>), may seem to contradict this: but
-there are reasons for believing that attempts at embalming
-were being made even at that time (<a href="#ref85"><b>85</b></a>). It seems to be
-definitely proved that this change was not due to any
-foreign influence (<a href="#ref45"><b>45</b></a>). At the time that it occurred
-there was a very considerable alien element in the population
-of Egypt; but the admixture took place long
-before the change in the position of the body was manifested.
-Perhaps the presence of a large foreign element
-may have weakened the sway of Egyptian tradition; but
-the evidence seems definitely opposed to the inference
-that it played any active part in the change of custom.
-For the history of the gradual way in which the change
-was slowly effected is certain proof of the causal factors
-at work. There was no sudden adoption of the fully
-extended position, but a slow and very gradual straightening
-of the limbs—a process which it took centuries to
-complete. The analysis of the evidence by Mace is quite
-conclusive on this point (<a href="#ref45"><b>45</b></a>).</p>
-
-<p>I am strongly of the opinion that there is a causal
-relationship between this gradual extension of the body
-and the measures for the reconstruction of a life-like
-model of the deceased, with the help of the mummy’s
-wrappings. In other words, the adoption of the extended
-position was a direct result of the introduction of mummification.</p>
-
-<p>At an early stage in the history of these changes it
-seems to have been realised that the likeness of the
-deceased which could be made of the wrapped mummy
-lacked the exactness and precision demanded of a portrait
-Perhaps also there may have been some doubt as to the
-durability of a statue made of linen.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[40]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>A number of interesting developments occurred at
-about this time to overcome these defects. In one case
-(<a href="#ref85"><b>85</b></a>), found at Mêdum by Flinders Petrie, the superficial
-bandages were saturated with a paste of resin and soda,
-and the same material was applied to the surface of the
-wrappings, which, while still in a plastic condition, was
-very skilfully moulded to form a life-like statue. The
-resinous carapace thus built up set to form a covering of
-stony hardness. Special care was devoted to the modelling
-of the head (sometimes the face only) and the
-genitalia, no doubt to serve as the means of identifying
-the individual and indicating the sex respectively.</p>
-
-<p>The hair (or, perhaps, it would be more correct to say,
-the wig) and the moustache were painted with a dark
-brown or black resinous mixture, and the pupils, eyelids
-and eyebrows were represented by painting with a mixture
-of malachite powder and resinous paste. In other
-cases, recently described by Junker (<a href="#ref40"><b>40</b></a>), plaster was used
-for the same purpose as the resinous paste in Petrie’s
-mummy. In two of the four instances of this practice
-found by Junker, only the head was modelled.</p>
-
-<p>The special importance assigned to the head is one
-of the outstanding features of ancient Egyptian statuary.
-It was exemplified in another way in the tombs of the
-early part of the Old Kingdom, as Junker has recalled in
-his memoir, by the construction of stone portrait-statues
-of the head only, which were made life-size and placed in
-the burial chamber alongside the mummy. It seems to
-me that Junker overlooks an essential, if not the, chief,
-reason for the special importance assigned to the head
-when he attributes it to the fact that the head contained
-the organs of sight, smell, hearing and taste. There can
-be no doubt that the head was modelled because it affords
-the chief means of recognising an individual. This portrayal<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[41]</a></span>
-of the features enabled any one, including the
-deceased’s own <i>ka</i>, to identify the owner. Every circumstance
-of the making and the use of these heads bears
-out this interpretation, and no one has explained these
-facts more lucidly than Junker himself.</p>
-
-<p>[Since the foregoing paragraphs have been put into
-print a preliminary report has come to hand from Professor
-Reisner, to whom I am indebted for most of my information
-regarding these portrait heads—<i>Museum of Fine Arts
-Bulletin</i>, Boston, April, 1915.]</p>
-
-<p>At a somewhat later period in the Old Kingdom the
-making of these so-called “substitution-heads” was discontinued,
-and it became the practice to make a statue of
-the whole man (of woman), which was placed above-ground
-in the megalithic <i>serdab</i> within the <i>mastaba</i> (see
-<a href="#ref94"><b>94</b></a>). But even when the complete statue was made for
-the <i>serdab</i> the head alone was the part that was modelled
-with any approach to realism. In other words, the
-importance of the head as the chief means of identification
-was still recognised. Moreover, this idea manifested itself
-throughout the whole history of Egyptian mummification,
-for as late as the first century of the Christian era a portrait
-of the deceased was placed in front of the face of
-the mummy.</p>
-
-<p>Thus in course of time the original idea of converting
-the wrapped body itself into a portrait-statue of the
-deceased was temporarily<a name="FNanchor_8" id="FNanchor_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> abandoned and the mummy
-was stowed away in the burial chamber at the bottom of
-a deep shaft, the better to protect it from desecration,
-while the portrait-statue was placed above ground, in a
-strong chamber (<i>serdab</i>), hidden in the <i>mastaba</i> (<a href="#ref94"><b>94</b></a>).</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[42]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>A certain magical value soon came to be attached to
-the statue in the <i>serdab</i>. It provided the body in which
-the <i>ka</i> could become reincarnated, and the deceased, thus
-reconstituted by magical means, could pass through the
-small hole in the <i>serdab</i> to enter the chapel of offerings
-and enjoy the food and the society of his friends there.</p>
-
-<p>Dr. Alan Gardiner has kindly given me the following
-note in reference to this matter: “That statues in Egypt
-were meant to be efficient animate substitutes for the
-person or creature they portrayed has not been sufficiently
-emphasised hitherto. Over every statue or image were
-performed the rites of ‘opening the mouth’—magical
-passes made with a kind of metal chisel in front of the
-mouth. Besides the <i>up-ro</i> ‘mouth opening,’ other words
-testify to the prevalence of the same idea; the word for
-‘to fashion’ a statue (<i>ms</i>) is to all appearances identical
-with <i>ms</i> ‘to give birth,’ and the term for the sculptor was
-<i>saʿnkh</i>, ‘he who causes to live.’”</p>
-
-<p>As Blackman (<a href="#ref5"><b>5</b></a>) has pointed out, the Pyramid Texts
-make it clear that libations were poured out and incense
-burnt before the statue or the mummy with the specific
-object of restoring to it the moisture and the odour
-respectively which the body had during life.</p>
-
-<p>I have already indicated how, out of the conception
-of the possibility of bringing to life the stone portrait-statue,
-a series of curious customs were developed. Among
-peoples on a lower cultural plane, who were less skilled
-than the Egyptians in stone-carving, the making of a life-like
-statue was beyond their powers. Sometimes they
-made the attempt to represent the human form; in other
-cases crude representations of the breasts or suggestions
-of the genitalia were the only signs on a stone pillar to
-indicate that it was meant to represent a human statue:
-in many cases a simple uncarved block of stone was set<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[43]</a></span>
-up. But the idea that such a pillar, whether carved or
-not, was the dwelling of some deceased person, seized
-the imagination and spread far and wide. It is seen in
-the Pygmalion and Galatea story, and its converse in the
-tragic history of Lot’s wife. It is found throughout the
-Mediterranean area, the whole littoral of Southern Asia,
-Indonesia, the Pacific Islands and America, and can be
-regarded as definite evidence of the influence of the cult
-that developed in association with the practice of mummification.</p>
-
-<p>It is necessary to emphasise that the making of
-portrait-statues was an outcome of the practice of mummification
-and an integral part of the cult associated with
-that burial custom. Hartland falls into grave error
-when he writes “where other peoples set up images of
-the deceased, those who practised desiccation or embalmment
-were enabled to keep the bodies themselves” (<a href="#ref32"><b>32</b></a>,
-p. 418). It was precisely the people who embalmed or
-preserved the bodies of their dead who also made statues
-of them.</p>
-
-<p>As these stones, according to such beliefs, could be
-made to hear and speak (<a href="#ref23"><b>23</b></a>), they naturally became
-oracles. People were able to commune with and get
-advice and instruction from the kings and wise men who
-dwelt within these stone pillars. Thus it became the
-custom in many lands for meetings of special solemnity,
-such as those where important decisions had to be made,
-to be held at stone circles, where the members of the
-convention sat on the stones and communed with their
-ancestors, former rulers or wise men, who dwelt in the
-stones (or the grave) in the centre of the circle.</p>
-
-<p>“Chardin, in his account of the stone circles he saw
-in Persia, mentions a tradition that they were used as
-places of assembly, each member of the council being<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[44]</a></span>
-seated on a stone; Homer, in his description of the shield
-of Achilles in the <i>Iliad</i>, speaks of the elders sitting in
-the place of justice upon stones in a circle; Plot, in his
-account of the Rollrich stones in Oxfordshire, says that
-Olaus Wormius, Saxo Grammaticus, Meursius, and many
-other early historians, concur in stating that it was the
-practice of the ancient Danes to elect their kings in stone
-circles, each member of the council being seated upon a
-stone; the tradition arising out of this custom, that these
-stones represent petrified giants, is widely spread in all
-countries where they occur, and Col. Forbes Leslie has
-shown that within the historic period, these circles were
-used in Scotland as places of justice” (Lane Fox, (<a href="#ref20"><b>20</b></a>),
-p. 64). Is not our king crowned seated upon the Lia-fail,
-which is now in the coronation chair at Westminster?
-Such customs and beliefs are widespread also in India,
-Indonesia, and beyond, as W. J. Perry has pointed out.
-The practices still observed in the Khasia Hills in modern
-times clearly indicate the significance of this use of stone
-seats; and the custom can be found from the Canary
-Islands in the West (<a href="#ref26"><b>26</b></a>) to Costa Rica in the East,
-encircling the whole globe (compare “<i>Man</i>,” May, 1915,
-p. 79).</p>
-
-<p>I shall enter more fully into the consideration of the
-origin of the ideas associated with stone seats when Perry
-has published his important analysis of the significance of
-so curious a practice.</p>
-
-<p>The converse of the belief in the bringing to life of
-stone statues—or perhaps it would be more correct to say,
-the complementary view that, if a stone can be converted
-into a living creature, the latter can also be transformed
-into stone—is found also wherever the parent belief is
-known to exist. As a rule it forms part of a complexly
-interwoven series of traditions concerning the creation,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[45]</a></span>
-the deluge, the destruction of the “sons of men” by
-petrifaction, and the repeopling the earth by the incestuous
-intercourse of the “children of the gods.”</p>
-
-<p>Perry, who has made a study of the geographical
-distribution and associations of these curiously-linked
-traditions, has clearly demonstrated that they form an
-integral part of the cultural equipment of the sun-worshipping,
-stone-using peoples.</p>
-
-<p>In the foregoing statement I have endeavoured to
-indicate also their genetic connection with the ideas that
-sprang from the early practice of mummification in Egypt.</p>
-
-<p>There are many other curious features of the early
-Egyptian practices which might have served as straws to
-indicate how the cultural current had flowed, if much
-more substantial proofs had not been available of the
-reality of the movement. The diffusion of such a distinctive
-object as the Egyptian head-rest, which used to
-be buried with mummies of the Pyramid Age, is an
-example. It occurs widely spread in Africa, Southern
-Asia, Indonesia and the Pacific.</p>
-
-<p>But the use of beds as funerary biers is a much more
-distinctive custom. The believers in theories of the
-independent evolution of customs may say “is it not
-natural to expect that people who regarded death as a
-kind of sleep should have placed head-rests and beds in
-the graves of their dead?” But how would such ethnologists
-explain the use of a funerary bier on the part of
-people (such as many of the less cultured people who
-adopted this Egyptian custom) who do not themselves
-use beds?</p>
-
-<p>The evidence afforded by the use of biers is, in fact, a
-most definite demonstration of the diffusion of customs.
-Although it is a familiar scene in ancient Egyptian
-pictures to find the mummy borne upon a bed—a custom<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[46]</a></span>
-which we know from Egyptian literature, no less than
-that of the Jews, Phœnicians, Greeks and Romans to have
-been actually observed—only one Egyptian cemetery, so
-far as I am aware—a proto-dynastic site, excavated by
-Flinders Petrie (<a href="#ref54"><b>54</b></a>) at Tarkhan—has revealed corpses
-lying upon beds. But in a cemetery, some sixteen centuries
-later, excavated by Reisner in the Soudan (<a href="#ref62"><b>62</b></a>), a
-similar practice was demonstrated. Garstang has recorded
-the observance of a similar custom further South (Meroe)
-at a later date.</p>
-
-<p>These form useful connecting links with the region
-around the head-waters of the Nile, where even in modern
-times this practice has survived, and the mummified
-corpse of the king is placed upon a rough bier. I shall
-have occasion to point out later on that this curious
-practice spread from East Africa along the Asiatic littoral
-to Indonesia, Melanesia and Polynesia, thence to the
-American continent; and in most places was definitely
-associated with attempts at preservation of the corpse.</p>
-
-<p>In many places along the whole course of the same
-great track, instead of a bed, a boat of some sort, usually
-a rough dug-out, was used. This practice also was
-observed in Egypt, where its symbolic purpose is clearly
-apparent.</p>
-
-<p>Another distinctive feature of the burial customs in
-the same area was the idea that the grave represented the
-house in which the deceased was sleeping. How definitely
-this view was held by the proto-Egyptians is seen
-in their coffins, subterranean burial chambers, and the
-superstructures of their tombs, all three of which were
-originally represented as dwelling houses (see my memoir,
-<a href="#ref94"><b>94</b></a>).</p>
-
-<p>The Pyramid texts clearly explain the precise significance
-and origin of the hitherto mysterious and widespread<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[47]</a></span>
-custom of burning incense at the statue. For, as
-Blackman (<a href="#ref5"><b>5</b></a>) has pointed out, the aim was by burning
-aromatic woods and resins thereby magically to restore
-to the “body” the odours of the living person.</p>
-
-<p>It was therefore intimately related to the practice of
-mummification and genetically connected with it. It was
-part of the magical procedure for making the portrait-statue
-of the deceased (or later, in the time of the New
-Empire, the mummy itself) “an efficient animate substitute
-for the person” (Alan Gardiner).</p>
-
-<p>A careful investigation of the geographical distribution
-of the custom of burning incense before the corpse and of
-the circumstances related to such a practice has convinced
-me that wherever it is found, even where no attempt is
-made to preserve the body, it can be regarded as an
-indication of the influence of the Egyptian custom of
-mummification. For apart from such an influence incense-burning
-is inexplicable. The attempt on the part of
-certain writers to explain the use of incense merely as a
-means of disguising the odours of putrefaction will not
-bear examination. It is an example of that kind of
-so-called psychological explanation which is opposed by
-all the ascertainable facts.</p>
-
-<p>Beyond the borders of Egypt peoples who for a time
-adopted the custom of embalming and then for some
-reason, such as the failure to attain successful results or
-the adoption of conflicting beliefs or customs, allowed
-the practice to lapse, the simpler parts of the Egyptian
-funerary ritual often continued to be observed. The body
-was anointed with oil, perhaps packed in salt and aromatic
-plants, wrapped in linen or fine clothes, had incense
-burned before it, and was laid on a bed or special bier.
-All of these practices originated in Egypt and observance
-of any or all of them is to be regarded as a sure sign of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[48]</a></span>
-the influence of the Egyptian custom of mummification.
-Among the more immediate neighbours of the Egyptians,
-such as the Jews, Greeks and Romans, the evidence for
-this is clear. Occasionally the full process of embalming
-was followed, even if it were only a temporary procedure
-preliminary to the observance of some other burial custom,
-such as cremation, perhaps inspired by ideas wholly
-foreign to those which prompted mummification. I need
-not enumerate instances of this curious syncretism of
-burial customs, numerous examples of which will be found
-in Reutter (<a href="#ref63"><b>63</b></a>, pp. 144-147) and in Hastings’ Dictionary
-(<a href="#ref32"><b>32</b></a>), as well as in the following pages.</p>
-
-<p>At the very earliest period in Egypt from which
-historical records have come down to us (the time of the
-First Dynasty, 3200 <span class="smcapuc">B.C.</span>, or even earlier) “the king’s
-favourite title was ‘Horus,’ by which he identified himself
-as the successor of the great god [the hawk sun-god] who
-had once ruled over the kingdom ... [other symbols
-often appeared] side by side with Buto, the serpent-goddess
-of the northern capital. As [the king] felt himself still as
-primarily king of Upper Egypt, it was not until later
-that he wore the serpent of the North, the sacred uraeus,
-upon his forehead.” (Breasted, <a href="#ref6"><b>6</b></a>, p. 38). “The sun-disc,
-with the outspread wings of the hawk, became the commonest
-symbol of their religion” (p. 54). But in the time
-of the Fourth Dynasty “the priests of Heliopolis now
-demanded that [the king, who had always been represented
-as the successor of the sun-god and had borne the title
-‘Horus’] be the bodily son of Ré, who henceforth would
-appear on earth to become the father of the Pharaoh”
-(p. 122).</p>
-
-<p>Now, when the Pharaoh thus became identified with
-the great sun-god Ré, his Pyramid-temple became the
-place of worship of the sun-god. Megalithic architecture<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[49]</a></span>
-thus became indissolubly connected with sun-worship,
-simply from the accident of the invention of the art of
-building in stone—of erecting stone tombs, which were
-also temples of offerings—by a people who happened to
-be sun-worshippers and whose ruler’s tomb became the
-shrine of the sun-god. I have already explained the close
-genetic connection between the practice of mummification
-and megalithic building.</p>
-
-<p>The fact that the dominance of the sun-god Ré was
-attained in the northern capital, which was also the seat
-of serpent-worship, led to the association of the sun and
-the serpent.<a name="FNanchor_9" id="FNanchor_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> From this purely fortuitous blending of the
-sun’s disc with the uraeus, often combined, especially in
-later times, with the wings of the Horus-hawk, a symbolism
-came into being which was destined to spread until it
-encircled the world, from Ireland to America. For an
-excellent example of this composite symbolism from
-America see Bancroft, (<a href="#ref3"><b>3</b></a>), Vol. IV., p. 351. A more striking
-illustration of the completeness of the transference of a
-complex and wholly artificial design from Ancient Egypt
-to America could not be imagined. [For the full discussion
-of the original association of the sun and the serpent
-see Sethe’s important <i>Memoir</i> (<a href="#ref74"><b>74</b></a>).]</p>
-
-<p>The chance circumstances which led to the linking
-together of all these incongruous elements—mummification,
-megalithic architecture, the idea of the king as son
-of the sun, sun and serpent worship and its curious
-symbolism—were created in Egypt, so that, wherever
-these peculiar customs or traditions make their appearance
-elsewhere in association the one with the other, it
-can confidently be regarded as a sure token of Egyptian
-influence, exerted directly or indirectly.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[50]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>When certain modern ethnologists argue that it is the
-most natural thing in the world for primitive peoples to
-worship the sun as the obvious source of warmth and
-fertility, and therefore such worship can have no value as
-an indication of the contact of peoples, on general principles
-one might be prepared to admit the validity of the
-claim. But when it is realised that sun-worship, wherever
-it is found, is invariably associated with part (or the whole)
-of a large series of curiously incongruous customs and
-beliefs, it is no longer possible to regard the worship of
-the sun as having originated independently in several
-centres. Why should the sun-worshipper also worship
-the serpent and use a winged symbol, build megalithic
-monuments, mummify his dead, and practise a large series
-of fantastic tricks to which other peoples are not addicted?
-There is no inherent reason why a man who worships the
-sun should also tattoo his face, perforate his ears, practise
-circumcision, and make use of massage. In fact, until the
-time of the New Empire, the sun-worshipping Egyptian
-did not practise ear-piercing and tattooing, thereby illustrating
-the fact that originally these practices were not
-part of the cult, and that their eventual association with it
-was purely accidental. This only serves more definitely to
-confirm the view that it was the fortuitous association of
-a curious series of customs in Egypt at the time of the
-New Empire which supplied the cultural outfit of the
-“heliolithic” wanderers for their great migration.</p>
-
-<p>In accordance with Egyptian beliefs “the sun was
-born every morning and sailed across the sky in a celestial
-barque, to arrive in the west and descend as an old man
-tottering into the grave” (Breasted, (<a href="#ref6"><b>6</b></a>), p. 54).</p>
-
-<p>The deceased might reach the west by being borne
-across in the sun-god’s barque: friendly spirits, the four
-sons of Horus, might bring him a craft on which he might<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[51]</a></span>
-float over: but by far the majority depended upon the
-services of a ferryman called “Turnface” (Breasted, p.
-65).</p>
-
-<p>In later times (Middle Kingdom) a model boat, fully
-equipped, was usually put in the tomb, “in order that the
-deceased might have no difficulty in crossing the waters
-to the happy isles.” “By the pyramid of Sesostris III., in
-the sands of the desert, there were even buried five large
-Nile boats, intended to carry the king and his house
-across these waters” (Breasted, p. 176).</p>
-
-<p>At a later period “the triumph of a Theban family
-brought with it the supremacy of Amon.... His essential
-character and individuality had already been obliterated
-by the solar theology of the Middle Kingdom, when he
-had become Amon-Re, and with some attributes borrowed
-from his ithyphallic neighbour, Min of Coptos, he now
-rose to a unique and supreme position of unprecedented
-splendour” (<a href="#ref6"><b>6</b></a>, p. 248). Thus there was added to this
-“heliolithic” complex of ideas the definitely phallic
-element: but one must confess that this aspect of the
-culture did not become obtrusive until it was planted in
-alien lands, where among the Phœnicians and the peoples
-of India the phallic aspect became more strongly emphasised.
-From time to time various writers have striven to
-demonstrate a phallic motive in almost every element of
-the culture now under consideration. What I want to
-make clear is that it was a late addition, which was relatively
-insignificant in the original home of the culture.</p>
-
-<p>After this digression I must now return to the further
-consideration of the mummies themselves.</p>
-
-<p>Direct examination of the mummified bodies does not,
-of course, afford any certain evidence of the application
-of oil or fat to the surface of the body. Large quantities
-of fatty material were often found in the mouth and the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[52]</a></span>
-body cavity (<a href="#ref78"><b>78</b></a>; <a href="#ref81"><b>81</b></a> and <a href="#ref86"><b>86</b></a>); and the surface of the body
-was often greasy; but, of course, the fatty materials in
-the skin itself might have afforded a sufficient explanation
-of this. Dr. Alan Gardiner, however, tells me that ancient
-Egyptian literature contains repeated references to the
-process of anointing the body with “oil of cedar,”<a name="FNanchor_10" id="FNanchor_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> and
-great stress is laid upon this procedure as an essential
-element of the technique of embalming.<a name="FNanchor_11" id="FNanchor_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a></p>
-
-<p>Thus in the time of the decadence of the New Empire
-an Egyptian writer laments the loosening of Egypt’s hold
-on the Lebanons, because if no “oil of cedar” were obtainable
-it might become impossible any longer to embalm
-the dead.</p>
-
-<p>Diodorus Siculus, writing many centuries later, says
-the body was “anointed with oil of cedar and other
-things for thirty days, and afterwards with myrrh, cinnamon,
-and other such like matters” (Pettigrew, <a href="#ref56"><b>56</b></a>, p. 62).
-Thus there can be little doubt that it was an essential
-part of the Ancient Egyptian technique to anoint the
-body with oil.</p>
-
-<p>Pettigrew (<a href="#ref56"><b>56</b></a>, p. 62, and also p. 242) adduces cogent
-reasons in proof of the fact that the Egyptians (and in
-modern times the Capuchins, at Palermo) made use of
-heat to desiccate the body, probably in a stove.</p>
-
-<p>It is quite clear, therefore, that the Ancient Egyptians<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[53]</a></span>
-realised the importance of desiccation as an essential
-element in the preservation of the body. Moreover, they
-were familiar with a number of different means of ensuring
-this end:—(1) by burial in dry sand; (2) by exposure
-to the sun’s rays; (3) by removing all the softer and more
-putrescible parts of the body; (4) possibly by massaging
-and squeezing out the juices from the body; (5) by the
-free use of alcohol (palm wine) and large quantities of
-powdered wood; and (6) by the aid of fire.</p>
-
-<p>Dr. Alan Gardiner tells me that the most ancient
-Egyptian writings, such, for example, as the Pyramid
-texts, afford positive evidence that the Egyptians recognised
-the fact of the desiccation of the body in the process
-of embalming, for their scribes tell us, in the most definite
-manner, that the aim of the ceremony of offering libations
-was magically to restore to the body (as represented by
-the statue above ground) the fluids it had lost during
-embalming (Blackman, <a href="#ref5"><b>5</b></a>).</p>
-
-<p>If then the Egyptians of the Pyramid Age recognised
-the importance of restoring the fluids to reanimate the
-mummy or its statue, it is quite clear they must have
-appreciated the physical fact that their process of preservation
-was largely a matter of desiccation.</p>
-
-<p>It is a point of some interest and importance to note
-in this connection that the essential processes of mummification—(1)
-salting, (2) evisceration, (3) drying, and (4)
-smoking (or even cooking)—are identical with those
-adopted for the preservation of meat, and (5) the use of
-honey is analogous to the means taken to preserve fruit.
-In fact, the term used by Herodotus for the first stage of
-the Egyptian process of mummification is the term used
-for salting fish. It would be instructive to enquire in what
-measure these two needs of primitive man in North-East
-Africa mutually influenced one another, and led to an<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[54]</a></span>
-acquisition of knowledge useful to them for the preservation
-both of their food and their dead relatives!</p>
-
-<p>To the constituent elements of the “heliolithic” culture
-may now be added the practices of anointing with
-oil or unguents, the burning of incense and the offering of
-libations, all derived from the ritual of embalming.</p>
-
-<p>In considering the southern extension of Egyptian
-influence it must be remembered that as early “as 2600
-<span class="smcapuc">B.C.</span> the Egyptian had already begun the exploitation of
-the Upper Nile and had been led in military force as far
-as the present Province of Dongola” (<a href="#ref62"><b>62</b></a>, p. 23). For
-several centuries Nubia and the Soudan were left very
-much to themselves. Then during the time of the Middle
-Kingdom Egypt once more exerted a powerful influence
-to the South. At the close of that period Egypt was
-overrun by the Hyksos.</p>
-
-<p>At Kerma, near the Third Cataract, Reisner has
-recently unearthed a cemetery which he refers to the
-Hyksos Period (<a href="#ref62"><b>62</b></a>, p. 23). “The burial customs are
-revolting in their barbarity. On a carved bed in the
-middle of a big circular pit the chief personage lies on
-his right side with his head east. Under his head is a
-wooden pillow: between his legs a sword or dagger.
-Around the bed lie a varying number of bodies, male and
-female, all contracted on the right side, head east. Among
-them are the pots and pans, the cosmetic jars, the stools,
-and other objects. Over the whole burial is spread a
-great ox-hide. It is clear they were all buried at once.
-The men and women round about must have been
-sacrificed so that their spirits might accompany the chief
-to the other world.... I could not escape the belief
-that they had been buried alive” (<a href="#ref62"><b>62</b></a>). These funerary
-practices supply a most important link in the chain which
-I am endeavouring to forge. I would especially call<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[55]</a></span>
-attention (1) to the fact of the sacrifice of the chief’s
-(? wives and) servants and (2) to the burial of the chief
-himself on a bed.</p>
-
-<p>We know that the Egyptian practice of mummification
-spread south into Nubia (<a href="#ref39"><b>39</b></a>) and the Soudan.</p>
-
-<p>According to Herodotus the ancient Macrobioi preserved
-the bodies of their dead by drying: then they
-covered them with plaster, painted them to look like
-living men, and set them up in their houses for a year.
-For a fuller account of this practice and much more
-instructive information for comparison see Ridgeway’s
-“Early Age of Greece,” Vol. I., p. 483 <i>et seq.</i></p>
-
-<p>Numerous references in the classical writers lead us
-to believe that a similar custom of keeping the mummy
-in the house of the relatives for a longer or shorter period
-may have been in vogue in Egypt. Throughout the
-widespread area in which mummification was practised—from
-Africa to America—a precisely similar practice is
-found among many peoples.</p>
-
-<p>The custom of covering the mummies with plaster<a name="FNanchor_12" id="FNanchor_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> is
-an interesting survival of the practice described by Junker
-in Egypt (<i>vide supra</i>), which seems to supply the explanation
-of the curious measures adopted for modelling the
-face in Melanesia.</p>
-
-<p>Even at the present day, centuries after the art of the
-embalmer disappeared from Egypt, mummification is being
-attempted by certain people dwelling in the neighbourhood
-of the head-waters of the Nile.</p>
-
-<p>In his article in Hastings’ Dictionary (<a href="#ref32"><b>32</b></a>, p. 418)
-Hartland states that the practice of mummification is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[56]</a></span>
-found “more or less throughout the west of Africa: among
-the Niamniam of the Upper Nile basin the bodies of
-chiefs, and among the Baganda the kings, are preserved,
-and the custom is found also among the Warundi in
-German East Africa (Frobenius); and in British Central
-Africa the corpse is rubbed with boiled maize (Werner).”</p>
-
-<p>Roscoe (<a href="#ref72"><b>72</b></a>, p. 105), in his book on the Baganda,
-describes the process of embalming the king’s body. As
-in Egypt, the body was disembowelled; and the bowels
-were washed in beer, just as the Egyptians, according to
-Herodotus and Diodorus, are said to have done with
-palm-wine. The viscera were spread out in the sun to
-dry and were then returned to the body, as was done in
-Egypt at the time of the XXIst Dynasty. The body
-was then dried and washed with beer.</p>
-
-<p>So far as we are aware, the Egyptians never sacrificed
-any human beings at their funerals, although they often
-placed in the <i>serdab</i> of the <i>mastaba</i> statues of the
-deceased’s wife, family and servants, to ensure him their
-presence and the comforts of a home in his new form of
-existence.</p>
-
-<p>In the quotations from Reisner’s report, it has just
-been seen that he found some burials made about 1800
-<span class="smcapuc">B.C.</span>, in which servants appear to have been sacrificed.</p>
-
-<p>In the case of the Baganda, Roscoe describes the
-killing of the king’s wives and attendants at his funeral.</p>
-
-<p>Roscoe further describes (in his book) the body of the
-chief as being laid on a bed or framework of plantain
-trees (p. 117).</p>
-
-<p>At the end of five months the head was removed
-from the mummy and the jaw-bone was removed, cleaned,
-and then buried, and a large conical thatched temple was
-built over the jaw. [In the islands of the Torres Straits
-the same curious custom of rescuing the head after about<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[57]</a></span>
-six months is also found; but it was the tongue and not
-the jaw which received special attention (<a href="#ref25"><b>25</b></a> and <a href="#ref27"><b>27</b></a>)].</p>
-
-<p>In Egypt, where the practice of mummification was
-most successful, special treatment of the head was not
-necessary, except occasionally in Ptolemaic times (<a href="#ref39"><b>39</b></a>),
-when carelessness on the part of the embalmer led to
-disastrous results and it became necessary to “fake” a
-body for attachment to the separated head. But as the
-Baganda were unable to make a mummy which would
-last, they adopted these special measures with regard to
-the skull. Originally special importance was attached to
-the head, primarily (<i>vide supra</i>) as a means of identifying
-the deceased. But when the practice of preservation
-spread to uncultured people, whose efforts at embalming
-were ineffectual, the idea was transferred to the skull, the
-reason for the special treatment of the head probably
-being forgotten. Why such peculiar honour should be
-devoted to the jaw can only be surmised from our knowledge
-of the belief that the deceased was supposed to be
-able to talk and communicate with the living (<a href="#ref21"><b>21</b></a>).</p>
-
-<p>In his article in the <i>Journal of the Anthropological
-Institute</i> (<a href="#ref72"><b>72</b></a>, p. 44) Roscoe give some further particulars.
-Four men and four women were clubbed to death at the
-funeral ceremony of the king.</p>
-
-<p>The body was wrapped in strips of bark cloth and
-each finger and toe was wrapped separately.</p>
-
-<p>In <i>L’Anthropologie</i> (T. 21, 1910, p. 53) Poutrin says of
-the burial customs of the M’Baka people of French Congo
-“le corps, préalablement embaumé avec des herbes sécher
-et de la cendre est couché sur un lit.”</p>
-
-<p>Weeks (<a href="#ref104"><b>104</b></a>, pp. 450 and 451) gives an account of the
-burial customs of the Bangala of the Upper Congo.
-“They took out the entrails and buried them, placed the
-corpse on a frame, lit a fire under it, and thoroughly<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[58]</a></span>
-smoke-dried it.” “The dried body was tied in a mat, put
-in a roughly made hut.” “Coffins were often made out
-of old canoes.” “Poorer folk were rubbed with oil and
-red camwood powder, bound round with cloth and tied
-up in a mat.”</p>
-
-<p>One of the most remarkable instances of the survival
-of burial practices strangely reminiscent of those of
-ancient Egypt has been described by Mr. Amaury Talbot
-(<a href="#ref99"><b>99</b></a>). Among the Ibibio people living in the extreme
-south-west corner of Nigeria, bordering on the Gulf of
-Guinea, he found that both the Ibibios and a neighbouring
-tribe, the Ibos, had burial rites which “recall
-those of ancient Egypt.” For instance, “among Ibos
-embalming is still practised.” Two methods of mummification,
-in which the evisceration of the corpse takes
-place, are practised.</p>
-
-<p>For the grave “a wide-mouthed pit” was dug and
-“from the bottom of this an underground passage, sometimes
-thirty feet long, led into a square chamber with no
-other outlet. In this the dead body was laid, and, after
-the bearers had returned to the light of day, stones were
-set over the pit mouth and earth strewn over all.” Further,
-in the case of the Ibibios, “in some prominent spot near
-the town arbour-like erections are raised as memorials,
-and furnished with the favourite property of the dead
-man. At the back or side of these is placed what we
-always called a little ‘Ka’ house, with window or door,
-into the central chamber, provided, as in ancient Egypt,
-for the abode of the dead man’s Ka or double. Figures
-of the Chief, with favourite wives and slaves, may also be
-seen—counterparts of the Ushabtiu.”</p>
-
-<p>From the photographs illustrating Mr. Talbot’s article
-many other remarkable points of resemblance to ancient
-Egyptian practices are to be noted.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[59]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>The snake and the sun constitute the obtrusive
-features of the crude design painted in the funeral shrine.
-The fact that so many features of the Egyptian burial
-practices should have been retained (and in association
-with many other elements of the “heliolithic” culture) in
-this distant spot, on the other side of the continent,
-raises the question whether or not its proximity to the
-Atlantic littoral may not be a contributory factor in the
-survival. They may have been spared by the remoteness
-of the retreat and the relative freedom from disturbance,
-to which nearer localities in the heart of the continent
-may have been subjected. But, on the other hand, there
-is the possibility that the spread of culture around the
-coast may have brought these Egyptian practices to Old
-Calabar. In the next few pages it will be seen that such
-a possibility is not so unlikely as it may appear at first
-sight.</p>
-
-<p>But the fact that it was the custom among the Ibibio
-to bury the wives of the king with his mummy suggests a
-truly African, as distinct from purely Egyptian, influence,
-and makes it probable that the custom spread across the
-continent. This view is further supported by the traditions
-of the people themselves, no less than by the physical
-features of their crania (see <i>Report British Association</i>,
-1912, p. 613).</p>
-
-<p>As the people of the Ivory Coast (<i>vide infra</i>) practice
-a method of embalming which is clearly Egyptian and
-untainted by these African influences, it is clear that the
-two streams of Nilotic culture, one across the continent
-<i>viâ</i> Kordofan and Lake Chad and the other around the
-coasts of the Mediterranean and Atlantic, after reaching
-the West Coast must have met somewhere between the
-mouth of the Niger and the Ivory Coast.</p>
-
-<p>[Since writing the above paragraphs, in which inferences<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[60]</a></span>
-as to racial movements across Africa were based
-solely upon the distribution and methods of mummification,
-I have become acquainted with remarkable confirmation
-of these views from two different sources. Frobenius,
-in his book “The Voice of Africa,” 1913 (see especially
-the map on p. 449, Vol. II.), makes an identical delimitation
-of the two spheres of influence from the east,
-trans- and circum-African (<i>i.e.</i>, <i>viâ</i> the Mediterranean)
-respectively.</p>
-
-<p>Sir Harry Johnston (“A Survey of the Ethnography
-of Africa,” <i>Journ. Roy. Anthr. Inst.</i>, 1913, p. 384) supplies
-even more precise and definite confirmation of the route
-taken by the Egyptian culture-migration across Kordofan
-to Lake Chad, thence to the Niger basin and “all parts of
-West Africa.”</p>
-
-<p>He adds further (pp. 412 and 413):—“Stone worship
-and the use of stone in building and sepulture extend
-from North Africa southwards across the desert region to
-Senegambia (sporadically) and the northern parts of the
-Sudan, and to Somaliland. The superstitious use of stone
-in connection with religion, burial and after-death memorial,
-reappears again in Yoruba, in the North-West
-Cameroons and adjoining Calabar region (Ekir-land).”]</p>
-
-<p>For the purpose of embalming the bodies of their dead
-“the Baoule of the Ivory Coast remove the intestines,
-wash them with palm wine or European alcohol, introduce
-alcohol and salt into the body cavity, afterwards
-replacing the intestines and stitching up the opening.”
-(Clozel and Villamur, quoted by Hartland, (<a href="#ref32"><b>32</b></a>), p. 418.)</p>
-
-<p>Scattered around the western shores of the African
-continent there are numerous ethnological features to
-suggest that it has been subjected to the influence of the
-megalithic culture spreading from the Mediterranean.
-But there is no spot in which this influence and its<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[61]</a></span>
-Egyptian derivation is more definitely and surely demonstrated
-than in the Canary Islands.</p>
-
-<p>For the art of embalming was practised there in the
-truly Egyptian fashion; and it became a matter of some
-interest to discover whether or not the Nigerian customs
-were influenced in any way by the Guanche practices.</p>
-
-<p>There can be little doubt that the practices on the
-Ivory Coast, to which reference has just been made, were
-either inspired by the Guanches or by the same influence
-which started embalming in the Canary Islands.</p>
-
-<p>The information we possess in reference to the Canary
-Islands was collected by Bory de Saint Vincent (“Les
-Îles Fortunées,” 1811, p. 54) and has been summarized
-by many writers, especially Pettigrew, Haigh and Reutter.</p>
-
-<p>From Miss Haigh’s account (<a href="#ref26"><b>26</b></a>, p. 112) I make the
-following extracts:—</p>
-
-<p>“When any person died they preserved the body in
-this manner; first, they carried it to a cave and stretched
-it on a flat stone, opened it and took out the bowels;
-then twice a day they washed the porous parts of the
-body with salt and water; afterwards they anointed it
-with a composition of sheep’s butter mixed with a powder
-made from the dust of decayed pine trees, and a sort of
-brushwood called “Bressos,” together with powdered
-pumice stone, and then dried it in the sun for fifteen
-days....</p>
-
-<p>“When the body was thoroughly dried, and had
-become very light, it was wrapped in sheep skins or goat
-skins, girded tight with long leather thongs, and carried
-to one of the sepulchral grottoes, usually situated in the
-most inaccessible parts of the island.</p>
-
-<p>“The bodies were either upright against the sides of
-the cavern, or side by side upon a kind of scaffolding<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">[62]</a></span>
-made of branches of juniper, mocan, or other incorruptible
-wood.</p>
-
-<p>“The knives for opening the body were made of
-sharp pieces of obsidian.</p>
-
-<p>“In the grotto of Tacoronté was the mummy of an
-old woman dried in the sitting posture like that of the
-Peruvian corpses.”</p>
-
-<p>The mummies were wrapped in reddish goat skin,
-just as the shroud of Egyptian mummies was often of
-red linen.</p>
-
-<p>From the same article, in which, as the above quotation
-states, the body was placed upon a stone for the
-purpose of the embalmer’s operations, I should like to
-call attention to the following statement of a curious
-custom which is found in the most diverse parts of the
-world, in most cases in association with the practice of
-mummification.</p>
-
-<p>Tradition says that at his installation the new Mencey
-(or chief of a principality) is required to seat himself on a
-stone, cut in the form of a chair and covered with skins:
-one of his nearest relatives presents him with a sacred
-relic—the bone of the right arm of the chief of the
-reigning family (p. 107). I have already (<i>supra</i>) indicated
-the significance of this characteristic feature of the
-“heliolithic” culture.</p>
-
-<p>Reutter (<a href="#ref63"><b>63</b></a>) gives some additional information in
-reference to Guanche embalming. The incision was made
-in the lower part of the abdomen (in the flank). After
-the body had been treated with a saturated salt solution,
-the viscera were returned to the body. The orifices of
-the nose, mouth and eyes were “stopped with bitumen as
-was the Egyptian practice.” After packing the cavities
-of the body with aromatic plants the body was exposed
-either to the sun, or in a stove, to desiccate it.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[63]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>During this operation, other embalmers repeatedly
-smeared the body with a kind of ointment, prepared by
-mixing certain fats, with powdered odoriferous plants,
-resin, pumice stone and absorbent substances (p. 139).</p>
-
-<p>As in Egypt, according to Herodotus and Diodorus,—and
-my own observations have verified their account, at
-any rate so far as its chief feature is concerned—there
-was another method of embalming in which no abdominal
-incision was made, unless it was per rectum.</p>
-
-<p>When this cheaper method was employed the corpse
-was dried in the sun and some corrosive liquid, called
-“cedria” in the case of the Egyptians, but in that of the
-Guanches supposed by Dr. Parcelly to be Euphorbia
-juice, was injected for the purpose of dissolving the
-intestines and thus facilitating the process of preservation
-by removing the chief seat of decomposition.</p>
-
-<p>[It is important to recall the fact, to which I have
-already referred in this account, that in the islands of the
-Torres Straits also the same two alternative methods of
-evisceration, either through a flank incision or per rectum
-were in use.]</p>
-
-<p>Most mummies, wrapped in goat skins, were buried
-in caves. But those of kings and princes were placed in
-coffins cut out of a solid log, and buried (head north) in
-the open, a monument of pyramidal form being erected
-above them.</p>
-
-<p>It is important to bear in mind that both in East and
-West Africa and in the Canary Islands the technical procedures
-in the practice of mummification are those which
-were not adopted in Egypt until the time of the XXIst
-Dynasty. I have already called attention to this fact in
-my references to the Torres Straits mummies (<i>vide supra</i>),
-and to the inference that these extensive migrations of
-Egyptian influence could not have begun before the ninth
-century <span class="smcapuc">B.C.</span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[64]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>(For more complete bibliographical references, see
-Pettigrew, (<a href="#ref56"><b>56</b></a>), p. 233.)</p>
-
-<p>The large series of identical procedures makes it
-absolutely certain that the method of embalming practised
-in the Canary Islands was derived from Egypt, and not
-earlier than 900 <span class="smcapuc">B.C.</span></p>
-
-<p>Reutter states (<a href="#ref63"><b>63</b></a>, p. 137) that “the Carthaginians, as
-the result of long-continued commercial intercourse with
-Egypt, assimilated its civilization even to the extent of
-worshipping certain of the Egyptian gods and of accepting
-many of her ideas and beliefs as to a future life.”</p>
-
-<p>“These reasons impelled them to practise the art of
-embalming and to represent the features of the dead
-upon their sarcophagi to enable the soul to refind its
-double.”</p>
-
-<p>“Their burial chambers, for the most part not built
-up, but carved out of the rock, communicated with the
-exterior by a staircase. Above them were built mastabas
-or monuments to be utilised, as amongst the Egyptians,
-as offering-places” (p. 138).</p>
-
-<p>“Even the inscriptions in the mortuary chambers
-were written in hieroglyphics, and their sarcophagi contained
-scarabs inscribed with invocations to the Egyptian
-gods, Ptah, Bes and Ra, &amp;c.”</p>
-
-<p>This reference is sufficient to indicate how the later
-(certainly not earlier than 900 <span class="smcapuc">B.C.</span> and probably some
-centuries later) Egyptian practices spread around the
-Mediterranean.</p>
-
-<p>I do not propose (in the present communication) to
-discuss the influence and the manner of spread of the
-practice of mummification in Europe. Reutter gives certain
-information in reference to this subject. It will
-suffice to say that there is no evidence to show that
-mummification was widely adopted until comparatively<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">[65]</a></span>
-late times (New Empire and later) in the Mediterranean
-area, although certain effects of the Egyptian practice,
-such for example as “extended burial,” spread abroad
-many centuries earlier, appearing in most regions during
-the Eneolithic phase.</p>
-
-<p>The procedures revealed in the Canary Islands bear
-no trace of the influence of Negro Africa to which I have
-called attention (<i>supra</i>) in the Soudan, Uganda, the
-Congo and the Niger. The details of the technique
-suggests the method employed in the XXIst Dynasty;
-and other features seem to point to the conclusion that
-the practice must have reached the Canary Islands from
-the Western Mediterranean through the Straits of Gibraltar,
-not improbably through Phœnician channels.</p>
-
-<p>[For a full critical discussion of all the literature
-relating to Egyptian influence in West Africa see Dahse,
-“Ein zweites Goldland Salomos,” <i>Zeitsch. f. Ethn.</i>, 1911,
-p. 1. The mass of evidence collected in this memoir is
-entirely corroborative of the conclusions at which I have
-arrived from the study of mummification.]</p>
-
-<p>With reference to Babylonia Langdon (<a href="#ref32"><b>32</b></a>) states:—“Traces
-of embalming have not been found, but Herodotus
-says that the Babylonians preserved in honey. But a
-text has been discovered which mentions embalming with
-cedar oil (cited by Meissner, <i>Wiener Zeitsch. f. Kunde
-des Morgenlandes</i>, xii, 1898, p. 61). At any rate embalming
-is not characteristic of Babylonian burials and
-the custom may be due to Egyptian influence.”</p>
-
-<p>There can, I think, be no doubt whatever as to the
-Egyptian origin of these instances of embalming in
-Babylonia. The mere fact of its sporadic occurrence in
-a country of which it is not characteristic clearly points
-to this conclusion, which is confirmed by the emphasis
-laid upon the use of oil of cedar—a definite indication of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">[66]</a></span>
-the Egyptian practice. The reference of Herodotus to
-the use of honey in Babylonia is also of peculiar interest,
-for it provides us with a connecting link between the
-Mediterranean area and India and Burma.</p>
-
-<p>The extensive use of honey for the preservation of
-the body among the Greeks, Romans, Jews, and possibly
-also the Egyptians, is indicated by the frequent references
-to the practice in the classics, which have been summarised,
-with numerous quotations, by Pettigrew (<a href="#ref56"><b>56</b></a>, pp. 85-87).</p>
-
-<p>The employment of honey suggests the spread of
-Egyptian influence to Babylonia <i>viâ</i> the Mediterranean
-and Syria, seeing that, so far as is known, such a method
-was used only on the Mediterranean littoral of Egypt, in
-Phœnicia and the Ægean.</p>
-
-<p>Concerning the use of wax in the process of embalming,
-of which ancient Egyptian mummies, especially of
-the new Empire (<a href="#ref86"><b>86</b></a>), afford numerous instances, Pettigrew
-(p. 87) remarks:—“The body of King Agesilaus
-was enveloped in wax and thus conveyed to Lacedæmon.
-This is confirmed by Cornelius Nepos, and also by
-Plutarch, who ascribe the adoption of wax to the want of
-honey for this purpose. Cicero reports the use of it by
-the Persians.”</p>
-
-<p>In his account of the methods employed by the
-Scythians (living north of Thrace) for mummifying their
-kings, Herodotus tells us that the body was coated with
-wax, the abdomen opened, cleaned out and then filled
-with pounded stems, with perfumes, aniseed and wild
-celery seed and then stitched up. The important bearing
-of the practices described in the Black Sea littoral upon
-Indian and Burmese customs (<i>vide infra</i>) I must reserve
-for discussion at some later time.</p>
-
-<p>It will be seen in the subsequent account that honey
-was in use for embalming in modern times in Burma.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">[67]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>In an article on Persian burial customs (<a href="#ref32"><b>32</b></a>, p. 505)
-Dr. Louis H. Gray says: “Unfortunately our sole information
-on this subject [Ancient Persian rites] must thus
-far be gleaned from the meagre statements of the classics.
-If we may judge from the tombs of the Achæmenians,
-their bodies were not exposed as Zoroastrianism dictated;
-but it is by no means impossible that they were coated
-with wax, or even, as Jackson<a name="FNanchor_13" id="FNanchor_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> also suggests (“Persia,
-Past and Present,” p. 235), ‘perhaps embalmed after the
-manner of the Egyptians.’”</p>
-
-<p>In later times the Persians seem to have been influenced
-by the practices in vogue in Early Christian times
-in Egypt, before the coming of Islâm. Thus in Moll’s
-History (<a href="#ref46"><b>46</b></a>, p. 545), the statement is made in reference to
-the Moslem burial customs in Persia; “if it [the corpse]
-is to be buried a great way off, it is put into a wooden
-coffin filled up with salt, lime and perfumes to preserve
-it; for they embalm their dead bodies no otherwise in
-Persia, nor do they ever embowel them, as with us.”
-That this is merely a degraded form of the Egyptian
-embalmer’s practice is shown by the fact that it is
-identical with the method used by the Copts in Egypt
-until the seventh, or perhaps even as late as the ninth
-century <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span>, and in their case we know that it is a
-development from, or degradation of, the ancient practice.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">[68]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>This method seems also to have spread to India: for
-Mr. Crooke tells me that even at the present day several
-of the ascetic orders bury their dead in salt.</p>
-
-<p>In Moll’s book the following curious statement also
-occurs, p. 474:—“<i>Mummy</i>, which is human flesh embalm’d
-that has lain in dry earth several ages, and become hard
-as horn, is frequently found in the sands of Chorassan, or
-the ancient Bactria, and some of the bodies are so little
-alter’d, ’tis said, that the features may be plainly
-distinguish’d.”</p>
-
-<p>In studying the easterly migration of the custom of
-mummification it is quite certain that the main stream of
-the wanderers who carried the knowledge to the east
-must have set out from the East African coast, because
-a whole series of modifications of the Egyptian method
-which were introduced in the Soudan and further south
-are also found in Indonesia, Polynesia and America. A
-curious feature of Egyptian embalming in the XIXth and
-especially the XXIst Dynasties (<a href="#ref78"><b>78</b></a> and <a href="#ref86"><b>86</b></a>) was the use
-of butter for packing the mummy. Among the Baganda,
-according to Roscoe, special importance came to be
-attached to this practice. Mr. Crooke has given me references
-from Indian literature (see especially <i>Journ. Anthr.
-Soc. Bombay</i>, Vol. I., 1886, p. 39) to bodies being “skilfully
-embalmed with heavenly drugs and <i>ghee</i>” [clarified butter].</p>
-
-<p>The ancient Aryans used to disembowel the corpse
-and fill the cavity with <i>ghee</i> (Mitra, “Indo-Aryans,”
-London, 1881, Vol. I., p. 135), as was done in the case of
-the mummy of the famous Pharaoh Meneptah (<a href="#ref86"><b>86</b></a>).</p>
-
-<p>The peculiarly Mediterranean modifications also spread
-east and it seems most likely that in this case the route
-from Syria down the Euphrates to the Persian Gulf was
-taken.</p>
-
-<p>[Since this has been in print further investigation has<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">[69]</a></span>
-elucidated with remarkable precision the ways and means
-of, as well as the impelling motives for, the great migration
-to the East. This calls for some modification of the
-foregoing (as well as many of the subsequent) paragraphs.
-It has been seen that the great wave of culture carried
-east and west from Egypt the distinctive method of
-embalming that came into full use somewhere about 900
-<span class="smcapuc">B.C.</span>; hence it is probable the eighth century <span class="smcapuc">B.C.</span> witnessed
-the commencement of the series of expeditions, which
-probably extended over many centuries. It can be no
-mere chance that the period indicated coincides with the
-time when the Phœnicians were embarking upon maritime
-enterprises on a much greater and more daring scale
-than the world had known until then, in the Mediterranean
-and Atlantic, in the Red Sea and beyond. In the course
-of their trading expeditions to the Bab-el-Mandeb these
-Levantine mariners brought to that region a fuller knowledge
-of the customs and practices of Egypt and of the
-whole Phœnician world in the Mediterranean. It was
-probably in this way and not by the Euphrates route that
-the culture of the Levant reached the Persian Gulf and
-India.</p>
-
-<p>The easterly migration of culture which set out from
-the region of the Bab-el-Mandeb conveyed not only the
-Ethiopian modifications of Egyptian practices, but also
-the Egyptian and Mediterranean contributions which the
-Phœnicians had brought to Ethiopia. On some future
-occasion I shall discuss the important part played by the
-Phœnicians in these expeditions to the Far East.]</p>
-
-<p>It is unfortunate that practically nothing is known of
-the practice of mummification on the Southern coast of
-Arabia. Bent tells us that the Southern Arabians
-preserved their dead. Moreover, as the Egyptians
-obtained from Sabæa much of the materials used for<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">[70]</a></span>
-embalming, it is not unlikely that the Arabs may also
-have learned the use of these preservatives.</p>
-
-<p>In support of this suggestion I might refer to the
-evidence from Madagascar. It is well known that this
-island was colonised in ancient times by people from the
-neighbourhood of the Bab-el-Mandeb, probably Galla-people
-from the Somali coast as well as Sabæans from
-the Arabian coast, possibly ferried along the African
-shore by expert mariners from Oman and the Persian
-Gulf, either the Phœnicians themselves or their kinsmen.
-A more numerous element came from the distant Malay
-Archipelago. Either or both of these racial elements
-may have introduced the practice of mummification into
-Madagascar.</p>
-
-<p>In his “History on Madagascar” (1838, Vol. I, p, 243)
-Ellis says there “was no regular embalming,” but the
-“body was preserved for a time by the use of large
-quantities of gum benzoin, or other powdered aromatic
-gums.” This method is strongly suggestive of South
-Arabian influence.</p>
-
-<p>Hartland says “the Betsileo [and other Madagascar
-tribes] dry the corpse in the air, the fluids being assisted
-to escape” (<a href="#ref32"><b>32</b></a>, p. 418).</p>
-
-<p>Grandidier, however, gives us more precise information
-on this subject (“La Mort et les Funerailles à
-Madagascar,” <i>L’Anthropologie</i>, T. 23, 1912, p. 329).
-According to him the Betsileo open the body of the
-dead and remove all the viscera, which they throw into a
-lake: among the Merina the entrails are removed only
-in the cases of their sovereigns or members of the royal
-family.</p>
-
-<p>The practice of mummification amongst the Betsileo
-is of peculiar interest because the embalmed bodies are
-buried in stone tombs obviously inspired by Egyptian<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">[71]</a></span>
-models. The subterranean megalithic burial chamber in
-association with an oblong <i>mastaba</i>-like superstructure
-at once recalls the distinctive features of the Egyptian
-tomb. But there is a curious feature suggestive of
-Babylonian influence, namely, the situation of the temple
-of offerings on the top of the <i>mastaba</i>. In some respects
-this type of grave recalls those found in the Bahrein
-Islands by Bent (<a href="#ref4"><b>4</b></a>), which he compares with the Early
-Phœnician tombs at Arvad (<a href="#ref55"><b>55</b></a>). There can be no
-question that the latter were copied from Theban tombs
-of the New Empire (<i>vide supra</i>).</p>
-
-<p>This seems to point quite clearly to the fact that the
-Betsileo burial practices were inspired by Egyptian
-models, possibly modified by Southern Arabian influences.</p>
-
-<p>In Hall’s “Great Zimbabwe” (1905, pp. 94 and 95),
-it is stated that “the Baduma, who live in Gutu’s country,
-and also the Barotse, still embalm, or, rather, dry the
-bodies of their chiefs, and also the dead of certain
-families, though generally the bodies are buried lengthways
-on their right side, facing the sun. The body is
-placed in the hut on a bier made of poles near a large
-fire, and continually turned until the body is dry. Then
-it is wrapped up in a blanket and hung from the roof”
-[as is done in the Doré Bay region in New Guinea].</p>
-
-<p>There has been considerable controversy as to the
-origin of the vast stone monuments in this region. The
-writer from whom I have just quoted, with many others,
-believed the Zimbabwe ruins to be the work of Early
-Sabæan or Phœnician immigrants, who were attracted
-by the Rhodesian gold-fields. Randall-MacIver believed
-that he found Chinese and Persian relics (no earlier than
-the 14th or at earliest 13th century) under the foundations;
-and recklessly jumped to the conclusion that the
-local Negroes had conceived and built these vast monuments!<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[72]</a></span>
-The idea of any savage people, and especially
-Negroes, planning such structures and undertaking the
-enormous labour of their construction is surely too
-ludicrous to be considered seriously. Even if these monuments
-were built no earlier than five or six centuries ago,
-that does not invalidate the hypothesis that they were
-inspired by the models of some old civilization. Is it
-necessary to expound the whole theory of survivals to
-make this point clear? The whole of this memoir is
-concerned with the persistence in outlying corners of the
-world of strange practices whose inventors passed away
-twenty-eight centuries and more ago, and whose country
-has forgotten them and their works for more than a
-thousand years. [My friend, W. J. Perry, is collecting
-other evidence which proves quite definitely that the
-Zimbabwe culture was “heliolithic.”]</p>
-
-<p>In Moll’s History (<a href="#ref46"><b>46</b></a>) the following passage occurs
-in an account of the customs of Ceylon, p. 430, “when a
-person of condition dies his corps is laid out and wash’d,
-and being cover’d with a linnen-cloath, is carried out
-upon a bier to some high place and burnt: but if he was
-an officer who belong’d to the court, the corps is not
-burnt till the king gives orders for it, which is sometimes
-a great while after. In this case his friends hollow the
-body of a tree, and having bowell’d and embalm’d the
-corps, they put it in, filling the hollow up with pepper,
-and having made it as close as possible, they bury the
-corpse in some room of the house till the king orders it
-to be burnt.”</p>
-
-<p>“As for the poorer people, they usually wrap them
-up in mats and bury them.”</p>
-
-<p>This traveller’s tale would not call for serious attention
-if it were not confirmed by modern accounts of an
-analogous practice in Burma and the neighbourhood.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">[73]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>In his “Himalayan Journal” Sir Joseph Hooker
-described how the Khasias temporarily embalm their
-dead in honey before cremating them.</p>
-
-<p>Pettigrew (<a href="#ref56"><b>56</b></a>, p. 245) quotes Captain Coke’s account
-of the embalming of a Burman priest. The body, as
-witnessed by him, was lying exposed to public view upon
-a stage constructed of bamboos. This is the bier which
-is so invariably associated with mummification.</p>
-
-<p>“The entrails of the deceased (who had been dead
-upwards of a month) had been taken out a few hours
-after death by means of an incision in the stomach, and
-the vacuum being filled with honey and spices the opening
-was sewed up. The whole body was then covered over
-with a slight coating of resinous substance called <i>dhamma</i>,
-and wax, to preserve it from the air, after which it was
-richly overlaid with gold leaf, thus giving the body the
-appearance of one of the finely moulded images so
-common in the temples of the worshippers of <span class="smcap">Boodh</span>.”</p>
-
-<p>Then it was cremated.</p>
-
-<p>This is a curious instance of the blending of the
-custom of mummification with the later practice of cremation,
-which was inspired by entirely different ideals.
-Throughout the whole area in which Egyptian methods
-of embalming were adopted there are found numerous
-instances of such syncretism with a variety of burial customs.</p>
-
-<p>“Another method which I have known to be practised,
-but not as common as the one above detailed, of embalming
-bodies in the Burman country, is by forcing two
-hollow bamboos through the soles of the feet, up the legs
-and into the body of the deceased; then by dint of
-pressing and squeezing the fluid is carried off through the
-bamboos into the ground.”</p>
-
-<p>This practice is an important link between the
-Egyptian and the Indonesian methods.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">[74]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>In his article on Thibetan burial customs (<a href="#ref32"><b>32</b></a>, p. 511),
-Waddell informs us that preservation of the entire body
-by embalming seems to be restricted to the sovereign
-Grand Lamas of Lhāsa and Tāshilhumpo. “The body is
-embalmed by salting, and, clad in the robes of the
-deceased and surrounded by his personal implements of
-worship, is placed, in the attitude of a seated Buddha,
-within a gilded copper sarcophagus in one of the rooms
-of the palace: it is then worshipped as a divinity.”</p>
-
-<p>There are many points of interest in this practice,
-which, considered in conjunction with the methods
-practised in Burma, Ceylon and Persia just mentioned,
-clearly indicate not only the sources and the routes taken
-by this knowledge of embalming in its spread from
-Egypt, but also how the burial rites of a variety of
-peoples can become intimately blended and intermingled
-one with another.</p>
-
-<p>In Captain T. H. Lewins’ book on “The Wild Tribes
-of South-Eastern India” (London, 1870, p. 274) I find the
-following statement:—“Among the Dhun and Khorn
-clans the body is placed in a coffin made of a hollow tree
-trunk, with holes in the bottom. This is placed on a lofty
-platform and left to dry in the sun. The dried body is
-afterwards rammed into an earthern vase and buried;
-the head is cut off and preserved. Another clan sheathe
-their dead in pith; the corpse is then placed on a platform,
-under which a slow fire is kept up until the body is
-dried. The corpse is then kept for six months ... it is
-then buried. The Howlong clan hang the body up to the
-house-beams for seven days, during which time the dead
-man’s wife has to sit underneath spinning.”</p>
-
-<p>These interesting records are of considerable value in
-establishing connexions between East Africa and regions
-further east, which will be discussed in the following pages.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">[75]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>[In my search for information concerning the practice
-of embalming in India, where by inference I was convinced
-it must have had some vogue in ancient times, I completely
-overlooked the important memoir by Mr. W.
-Crooke on “Primitive Rites of Disposal of the Dead, with
-Special Reference to India” (<i>Journ. Anthrop. Inst.</i>, Vol.
-XXIX, 1899, p. 272). Since the rest of this article has
-been in print Mr. Crooke has kindly called my attention
-to his memoir and given me a lot of other valuable information.
-Fortunately all this evidence supports and
-substantiates the opinions I had previously arrived at
-inductively. For it provides a complete series of connecting
-links between the western and eastern portions
-of the chain I am reconstructing. It is too bulky to insert
-here and too important merely to summarise, so that I
-must postpone fuller discussion of this Indian evidence
-until some future time.]</p>
-
-<p>If it is admitted that the custom of mummification as
-it is practised, for example, in the islands of the Torres
-Straits was derived from Egypt, however remotely and
-indirectly, it is clear that, as the technique includes a
-number of curious features which were not introduced in
-Egypt before the XVIIIth, XXth and XXIst Dynasties
-(respectively in the case of different procedures), the migration
-of people carrying the methods east could not
-have left Egypt before the time of the XXIst Dynasty,
-say 900 <span class="smcapuc">B.C.</span> as the earliest possible date. At this time
-Egypt was in very close relationship with the Soudan
-and Western Asia; and it is obvious that the Egyptian
-practices may have reached the Persian Gulf by three
-routes:—(1) <i>viâ</i> the Soudan, the head-waters of the Nile
-and the Somali Coast, (2) by the Red Sea route, and (3)
-from the Phœnician Coast down the Euphrates. No
-doubt all three routes served as avenues for communication<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">[76]</a></span>
-and for the transmission of cultural influences;
-and it is not essential for our immediate purposes to
-enquire which channel served to transmit each element
-of Egyptian culture that made its influence felt in the
-neighbourhood of the Persian Gulf at this period. For it
-was a period of active maritime enterprise, especially on
-the part of the Phœnicians, both in the Mediterranean
-and the Southern Seas, and a time when the fluctuating
-political fortunes of Egypt, Western Asia and the Soudan
-produced a more intimate intermingling of the peoples,
-so that they mutually influenced one another most profoundly.</p>
-
-<p>It is important to remember that many of the features
-of the embalmer’s art as it is practiced in the far East
-are modifications of the Egyptian method which were
-first introduced in the region of the Upper Nile, so that
-the East African Coast must have been the point of
-departure for such methods. Other features, not only of
-the method of embalming, but also of the associated
-megalithic architecture, were equally distinctive of the
-Phœnician region and may have been transmitted by
-the Euphrates.<a name="FNanchor_14" id="FNanchor_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> Other features again were distinctively
-Babylonian. Of the former, the African influence, I
-might refer to the use of the frame-like support for the
-mummy, the custom of removing the head some
-months after burial, and the sacrifice of wives and
-servants. As to the Phœnician and Babylonian influences,
-the use of honey might be cited, and the emphasis laid
-upon “cedar” wood and “cedar” oil in mummification;
-and the Phœnician adaptation of the New Empire type
-of Theban tomb seen at Arvad and the analogous<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">[77]</a></span>
-sepulchres found in the Bahrein Islands (<a href="#ref4"><b>4</b></a>) The Betsileo
-tombs in Madagascar probably represent the same type
-transferred <i>viâ</i> Sabæa down the East African coast.</p>
-
-<p>As to the means by which the customs of the dwellers
-around the Persian Gulf were communicated to the
-peoples of India and Ceylon there is a considerable mass
-of evidence. The fact that mummification, the building
-of megalithic monuments of the recognised Mediterranean
-types, sun- and serpent-worship and all the other impedimenta
-of the “heliolithic” culture made their
-appearance in India in pre-Aryan times affords positive
-evidence of the reality of the intercourse. I have already
-referred to the adoption in India of the curiously eccentric
-method of steering river-boats found in Middle Kingdom
-Egyptian tombs; and the custom of representing eyes on
-the prow of the boat are further illustrations of the spread
-of distinctive practices. According to Rhys Davids
-(<a href="#ref14"><b>14</b></a>, p. 116) “it may now be accepted as a working
-hypothesis that sea-going merchants [mostly Dravidians,
-not Aryans], availing themselves of the monsoons, were in
-the habit, at the beginning of the seventh (and perhaps at
-the end of the eighth) century <span class="smcapuc">B.C.</span>, of trading from ports
-on the South-West of India to Babylon, then a great
-mercantile emporium.” He adduces evidence which
-clearly demonstrates that the written scripts of India,
-Ceylon and Burma were in this way derived from “the
-pre-Semitic race now called Akkadians.” “It seems
-almost impossible to avoid the conclusion that [the]
-curious buildings [at Anurādhapura in Ceylon] were not
-entirely without connection with the seven-storied
-Ziggarats which were so striking a feature among the
-buildings of Chaldæa.... it would seem that in
-this case also the Indians were borrowers of an idea”
-(p. 70). The more precise and definite influence of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">[78]</a></span>
-Babylonian models further east removes any doubt as to
-the part it played. Crooke speaks of the Southern
-Dravidians as a maritime people, who placed in their
-burial mounds “bronze articles which were probably imported
-in the course of trade with Babylonia” (<a href="#ref12"><b>12</b></a>, p. 29).
-“They were probably the builders of the remarkable
-series of rude stone monuments which crown the hills in
-the Nilgiri range and the plateau of the Deccan” (p. 28).
-The most ancient stone monuments in Southern India
-contain objects which go to prove that they were built at
-the earliest just before the introduction of iron-working.
-Thus, if the knowledge of iron-working came from
-Europe, these monuments could not have been built
-much before 800 <span class="smcapuc">B.C.</span> As a matter of fact it is known
-that many of them cannot be older than 600 <span class="smcapuc">B.C.</span>
-(Crooke, <a href="#ref13"><b>13</b></a>, p. 129). All of these facts agree in
-supporting the view that the influence of Egypt, which,
-so far as the matters under consideration are concerned,
-came into operation not earlier than the eighth century
-<span class="smcapuc">B.C.</span>, spread to India partly <i>viâ</i> Babylonia and partly by
-way of East Africa, somewhere between the close of the
-eighth and the commencement of the sixth century <span class="smcapuc">B.C.</span></p>
-
-<p>The monuments to which I have just been referring
-were not, in my opinion, directly inspired by Egypt, but
-indirectly. The North Syrian and the adjoining territories
-adopted the Egyptian burial customs at an earlier period
-and the finished type of holed dolmen was probably
-developed and survived in that region long after its
-Egyptian prototype had become a thing of the past.
-The real types that have come down to our times are
-found in the Caucasus, between the Black Sea and the
-Caspian. The Indian dolmens were certainly imitations
-of these models. But in respect of other buildings the
-Indians directly adopted Babylonian and Egyptian types.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">[79]</a></span>
-I have already referred to the former. Many of the
-Dravidian temples are so precisely modelled on the plan
-of the Theban temples of the New Empire that to question
-the source of the inspiration of the former is impossible.</p>
-
-<p>“Fergusson first called attention to the striking
-similarity in general arrangement and conception between
-the great South Indian temples and those of ancient
-Egypt.... The gopurams or gate-towers, which in
-the later more ornate examples are decorated from the
-base to the summit with sculptures of the Hindu
-Pantheon, increase in size with the size of the walled
-quadrangles, the outer ones becoming imposing landmarks,
-which are visible for miles around, and are
-strikingly similar to the pylons of Egyptian temples”
-(Thurston, <a href="#ref101"><b>101</b></a>, pp. 158 and 161). Thus in the matter of
-its early buildings India has clearly been influenced by
-Egypt, Phœnicia and Chaldea; and this great cultural
-wave impinged upon the Indian peninsula not before
-the close of the eighth century <span class="smcapuc">B.C.</span></p>
-
-<p>It is important also to remember that it reached
-India just (perhaps not more than a century) before
-another wave of a very different culture poured down
-from the north, and introduced, among other things, the
-practice of cremation.</p>
-
-<p>For our immediate purpose this is unfortunate, because
-that practice is inspired by ideas utterly opposed to those
-underlying the custom of embalming, and naturally
-destroyed most, though by no means all, traces of the
-latter. That the practice of embalming did actually
-reach India from the west is known not merely because
-evidence of unmistakably Egyptian technique is found
-further east, but also because in India and Ceylon there
-are definite traces of the custom, to which reference
-has already been made in the foregoing pages. Cases<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">[80]</a></span>
-from Persia, Ceylon, India, Burma and Thibet were cited
-in proof of the survival of elements of the embalming
-process or ritual, even when the Brahmanical and Buddhist
-burial practices had been adopted.</p>
-
-<p>From the foregoing account there can be no doubt
-that the people of India did at one time practice mummification,
-at any rate in the case of their chiefs. They
-also acquired a knowledge of the arts and crafts, as the
-result of the influence exerted by the rich stream of
-culture which brought the attainments of the great
-western civilizations to India before the Ayran immigration.
-The bringers of this new culture mingled their
-blood with the aboriginal pre-Dravidian population and
-the result was the Dravidians. It is not at all improbable
-that the resultant Dravidian civilization had
-reached a higher plane than that of the Aryas, who
-entered the country after them.</p>
-
-<p>In Oldham’s interesting and suggestive brochure
-(<a href="#ref51"><b>51</b></a>, pp. 53-55), which, in spite of Crooke’s drastic
-criticism, seems to me to be a valuable contribution to a
-knowledge of the questions under discussion, the following
-passages occur:—</p>
-
-<p>“The Asuras, Dasyus, or Nagas, with whom the
-Aryas came into contact, on approaching the borders of
-India, were no savage aboriginal tribes, but a civilized
-people who had cities and castles. Some of these are
-said in the Veda to have been built of stone.</p>
-
-<p>“It would seem, indeed, as if the Asuras had reached
-a higher degree of civilization than their Aryan rivals.
-Some of their cities were places of considerable importance.
-And, in addition to this, wealth and luxury,
-the use of magic, superior architectural skill, and ability
-to restore the dead to life, were ascribed to the Asuras by
-Brahmanical writers.”</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">[81]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>The “ability to restore the dead to life” is probably
-a reference to the Egyptian ritual of “the opening of the
-mouth,” which of course is an integral part of the funerary
-procedure incidental to the practice of mummification.</p>
-
-<p>“The Nagas occupy a very prominent position in
-connection with Indian astronomy, and this is not likely
-to have been assigned to them, by their Brahmanical
-rivals, without good reason. Probably this and other
-branches of science were brought, by the Asuras, from
-their ancient home in the countries between the Kaspian
-and the Persian Gulf.</p>
-
-<p>“The close relationship between the Indian and the
-Chaldean astronomical systems has been frequently
-noticed.</p>
-
-<p>“The sun-worship of the Asuras; their holding sacred
-the Naga or hooded serpent, sometimes represented with
-many heads; their deification of kings and ancestors;
-their veneration of the cedar; their religious dances;
-their sacrificial rights; their communication with the
-deities through the medium of inspired prophets; their
-occasional tendency towards democratic institutions;
-their use of tribal emblems or totems—and many of their
-social customs; seem to connect them with that very
-early civilization—Turanian or otherwise—which we find
-amongst so many of the peoples of extreme antiquity.
-They had, in fact, much in common with the early inhabitants
-of Babylonia; and, perhaps, even more with those
-of Elam and the neighbouring countries.</p>
-
-<p>“We shall see later that the Asuras and the Dravidians
-were, apparently, the same people.”</p>
-
-<p>“Not only were the Asuras or Nagas a civilized
-people, but they were a maritime power. Holding both
-banks of the great river Indus, they must have had access
-to the sea from a very early period. Their kinship, too,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">[82]</a></span>
-with the serpent-worshipping people of ancient Media,
-and the neighbouring countries, which has already been
-referred to, must have led to a very early development of
-trade with the Persian Gulf.</p>
-
-<p>“The Asuras were actively engaged in ‘The Churning
-of the Ocean’ (<i>Mahabharata</i>, <i>Adi</i>, <i>Astika</i>, p. xviii.),
-which is but an allegorical description of sea-borne commerce
-in its early days” (<i>op. cit.</i>, p. 58).</p>
-
-<p>“In the <i>Mahabharata</i>, the ocean is described as the
-habitation of the Nagas and the residence of the Asuras;
-it is also said to be the refuge of the defeated Asuras
-(<i>Mahabharata</i>, <i>Adi</i>, <i>Astika</i>, p. xxii.). This was no doubt
-because marauding bands of this people retreated to their
-ships after an unsuccessful raid. Thus we find that on
-the death of Vrita, his followers took refuge in the sea
-(<i>Mahabharata</i>, <i>Vana</i>, <i>Tirthayatra</i>, p. ciii.). So also did
-the Asura Panchajana, who lived in Patala, when he was
-pursued by Krishna (<i>Vishnu Parana</i>, v., xxi., 526). And
-so did the Danavas when defeated by the Devas at
-the churning of the ocean (<i>Mahabharata</i>, <i>Adi</i>, <i>Astika</i>,
-p. xix.).”</p>
-
-<p>“An ancient legend, given in the <i>Mahabharata</i>, relates
-how Kadru, mother of the serpents, compelled Garuda to
-convey her sons across the sea into a beautiful country in
-a distant region, which was inhabited by Nagas. After
-encountering a violent storm and great heat, the sons of
-Karur were landed in the country of Ramaniaka, on the
-Malabar coast.”</p>
-
-<p>“This territory had been occupied previously by a
-fierce Asura named Lavana (<i>Mahabharata</i>, <i>Adi</i>, <i>Astika</i>,
-p. xxvii.). So there had been a still earlier colonization
-by the same race.”</p>
-
-<p>“Naga chiefs are frequently mentioned as ruling
-countries in or under the sea” (p. 61).</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">[83]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>“The civilization of Burmah, and other Indo-Chinese
-countries, is ascribed by legend and by the native historians
-to invaders from India. And these are connected
-with the Naga People of Magadha, and of the north and
-west of India. The ancient navigators, too, who carried
-the Brahmanical and Buddhist religions, the worship of
-the Naga, and the Sanscrit or Pali language to Java,
-Sumatra, and even to distant Celebes, were Indian people.
-And they were, doubtless, descendants of those Asura
-dwellers in the ocean, which are mentioned in the
-<i>Mahabharata</i>, and have already been referred to” (p. 166).</p>
-
-<p>“Another proof of the ancient connection of these
-islands with India is that the Javan era is the Saka-kala,
-which is so well known, and is still in use in parts of
-Western India and in the Himalaya. According to a
-Javan tradition an expedition from India, led by a son
-of the king of Kujrat (Gujrat), arrived on the west coast
-of the island about <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span> 603. A settlement was founded,
-and the town of Mendan Kamalan was built. Other
-Hindus followed, and a great trade was established with
-the ports of India and other countries (Raffles, Hist.
-Java, ii., 83). There is however no reason to suppose
-that this was the first arrival of Indian voyagers in the
-Archipelago.</p>
-
-<p>“Traditions still remain in Western India of expeditions
-to Java. A Guzerati proverb runs thus: ‘He who
-goes to Java never comes back; but if he does return,
-his descendants, for seven generations, live at ease’
-(<i>Bombay Gazetter</i>, i., 402). The bards in Marwar have a
-legend that Bhoj raja, the great puar chief of Ujaini, in
-anger drove away his son Chandrabhan, who sailed to
-Java (<i>Ib.</i>, i., 448).</p>
-
-<p>“Evidence brought forward by Mr. Kennedy
-(<i>J. R. A. S.</i>, April, 1898) shows that a great sea-borne<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">[84]</a></span>
-trade was carried on from Indian ports by Dravidian
-merchants as early as the seventh century <span class="smcapuc">B.C.</span> The
-beginnings of Dravidian navigation, however, were
-probably much earlier than this.</p>
-
-<p>“We have seen that the sea-borne commerce of the
-Solar or Naga tribes of Western India had become
-important at a very early period. Of this the legend of
-‘the churning of the ocean’ already referred to is an
-allegorical description, but we have no detailed account
-of ocean voyages until a much later period. Sakya
-Buddha himself, however, refers to such voyages. He
-says: ‘Long ago ocean going merchants were wont to
-plunge forth upon the sea, taking with them a shore-sighting
-bird. When the ship was out of sight of land
-they would set the shore-sighting bird free. And it would
-go to the east and to the south and to the west and to
-the north and to the intermediate points and rise aloft.
-If on the horizon it caught sight of land, thither it would
-go. But if not then it would come back to the ship
-again’ (Rhys Davids, <i>J. R. A. S.</i>, April, 1899, 432).</p>
-
-<p>“It will be observed that this mode of finding the
-position of the ship at sea, which recalls the sending out
-of the birds from the Ark, is said to have been the custom
-‘long ago.’ It would seem therefore, that in the fifth
-century <span class="smcapuc">B.C.</span> other and probably more scientific methods
-were in use. It would also appear that the navigation of
-the ocean was even then an ancient institution.</p>
-
-<p>“In the time of the Chinese Buddhist pilgrim Fah
-Hian (about 406 <span class="smcapuc">A.D.</span>) there was a regular and evidently
-old-established trade between India and China and with
-the islands of the Archipelago.</p>
-
-<p>“Fah Hian sailed from Tamalitti, or Tamralipti, at
-the mouth of the Ganges, in a great merchant ship, and
-in fourteen days reached Ceylon (Fo-Kwo-ki, Beal., <span class="smcapuc">I</span>, lxxi,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">[85]</a></span>
-lxxii.). From thence he sailed in a great ship which
-carried about two hundred men, and which was navigated
-by observing the sun, moon and stars. In this ship Fah
-Hian reached Ye-po-ti (probably Java) in which country
-heretics and Brahmans flourished, but the law of Buddha
-was not much known (<i>Ib.</i>, <span class="smcapuc">I</span>, lxxx.). Here the pilgrim
-embarked for China on board another ship carrying two
-hundred men, amongst whom were Brahmans. These
-proposed to treat the sramana as Jonah was treated, and
-for the same reason, but some of those on board took his
-part. At length when their provisions were nearly
-exhausted, they reached China (<i>Ib.</i>, <span class="smcapuc">I</span>, lxxxi., lxxxii.). All
-these ships appear to have been Indian and not Chinese.</p>
-
-<p>“Fah Hian mentions that pirates were numerous in
-those seas (<i>Ib.</i>, <span class="smcapuc">I</span>, lxxx.), which shows that the commerce
-must have been considerable” (p. 171).</p>
-
-<p>“It seems in the highest degree improbable that this
-close connection between the Sun and the serpent could
-have originated, independently, in countries so far apart
-as China and the West of Africa, or India and Peru.
-And it seems scarcely possible that, in addition to this,
-the same forms of worship of these deities, and the same
-ritual, could have arisen, spontaneously, amongst each of
-these far distant peoples. The alternative appears to be
-that the combined worship of the Sun and serpent-gods
-must have spread from a common centre, by the migration
-of, or communication with, the people who claimed
-Solar descent.</p>
-
-<p>“So universally was the Naga held sacred, that it
-would seem to have been the earliest totem of the people
-who claimed descent from the Sun-god” (p. 183).</p>
-
-<p>I have quoted so extensively from Oldham’s fascinating
-work because the conclusions at which he arrived
-from a study of the ancient literature of India is confirmed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">[86]</a></span>
-by evidence derived from utterly different sources, not
-only from India itself but also from other countries. For,
-scattered throughout the length and breadth of India, are
-to be found thousands of indications (in traditions, beliefs,
-customs, social organisation and material relics) that the
-complete “heliolithic” culture had reached India not later
-than the beginning of the seventh century <span class="smcapuc">B.C.</span></p>
-
-<p>Moreover the evidence which I have culled from
-Oldham bears out the conclusions my own investigations
-lead up to, namely, that the “heliolithic” culture
-spread from India to Malaysia soon after it reached India
-itself. It is surely something more than a mere coincidence
-that the period of the greatest maritime exploits of
-the Phœnicians, in the course of which, according to many
-authorities, they reached India or even further east, should
-coincide with that of the great pre-Aryan maritime race
-of India, whose great expeditions, as the above quotations
-indicate, were primarily for purposes of commerce between
-the Persian Gulf and the West Coast of India. There is
-gradually accumulating a considerable mass of evidence
-to suggest that, if the Asuras were not themselves Phœnicians,
-they acquired their maritime skill from these
-famous sailors and traders. The same hardy mariners
-who brought the new knowledge and practices from the
-Persian Gulf to India and Ceylon also carried it further,
-to Burma and Indonesia.</p>
-
-<p>That this is so is clearly shown by the fact that these
-customs spread to Indonesia and the Pacific <i>before</i>
-cremation was introduced; and it has been indicated
-above that the introduction of the practice of cremation
-into India may have taken place within a century of the
-arrival of the “heliolithic” civilization there. Hence it
-is obvious that the latter must have spread to the far east
-soon after it reached India; and the completeness of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">[87]</a></span>
-transmission of the distinctive culture-complex can be
-explained only by supposing that the same people who
-brought it to India also carried it further east.</p>
-
-<p>All the other evidence at our disposal is in full
-harmony with this view. The advancing wave of western
-culture swept past India into Indonesia, carrying into
-the isles of the Pacific and on to the American littoral
-the products of the older civilizations at first almost,
-but not altogether, untainted by Indian influence; but
-for centuries afterwards, as this same ferment gradually
-leavened the vast bulk of India, the stream of western
-culture continued to percolate eastwards and carried with
-it in succession the influence of the Brahmanical, Buddhist
-and, within in a more restricted area, Mahometan cults.</p>
-
-<p>It is an interesting confirmation of the general
-accuracy of the scheme that has now been sketched out
-that the dates at which the influence of Egypt began to be
-exerted in the east, that to which Rhys Davids assigns the
-definite influencing of India by Babylonia, that at which
-India influenced Malaysia, and finally that assigned by
-students of the Polynesian problem to the inauguration of
-the great Indonesian migration into the Pacific (<a href="#ref60"><b>60</b></a> and <a href="#ref98"><b>98</b></a>),
-all fit into one consecutive series, though each was
-determined from different kinds of evidence and independently
-of the rest.</p>
-
-<p>It is not my intention to discuss the evidence for the
-coming of the “heliolithic” culture to Indonesia, for the
-complex problems of this region have been analysed and
-interpreted in a masterly fashion by W. J. Perry in a
-book which is shortly to be published. The form which
-my present communication has assumed is largely the
-outcome of the reading of Perry’s manuscript and of
-discussions with him of the new lines of investigation
-which it suggested; and I am satisfied to leave this region<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">[88]</a></span>
-for him to elucidate in detail. It will suffice to say here
-that the traditions of the inhabitants of the various islands
-of Malaysia, no less than their heterogeneous customs
-and beliefs, provided him with very precise evidence in
-demonstration of the complex constitution of the “heliolithic”
-culture, and of the fact that it was brought to the
-islands by an immigration from the west.</p>
-
-<p>There is less need for me to analyse the vast literature
-relating to the burial practices in the islands of the Malay
-Archipelago since this useful service has already been
-accomplished by Hertz (<a href="#ref33"><b>33</b></a>). Although I dissent from
-the main contention in his interpretation of the facts, his
-accurate record is none the less valuable on that account—perhaps
-indeed it is more useful, as it certainly cannot be
-accused of bias in favour of the views I am expounding.</p>
-
-<p>A great variety of burial customs, in most respects
-closely analogous to the practices of the Naga tribes of
-India, is found in Indonesia;—exposing the dead on trees
-or platforms, burial in hollow trees, smoking and other
-methods of preservation, temporary burial, and cremation.</p>
-
-<p>Apart from the definite evidence of preservation of
-the dead found in scattered islands from one end of the
-Archipelago to the other, there are much more generally
-diffused practices which are unquestionably derived from
-the former custom of mummification.</p>
-
-<p>In the account of mummification as practised in the
-more savage African tribes, it was seen that the practice
-was restricted in most cases to the bodies of kings; and
-even then the failure to preserve the body in a permanent
-manner compelled these peoples to modify the Egyptian
-methods. Realising that the corpse, even when preserved
-as efficiently as they were able to perform the work of
-embalming, would undergo a process of disintegration
-within a few months, it became the practice to rescue the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">[89]</a></span>
-skull, to which special importance was attached (for the
-definite reasons explained by the early Egyptian evidence).</p>
-
-<p>In his survey Hertz (<a href="#ref33"><b>33</b></a>, p. 66) calls attention to the
-widespread custom of temporary burial throughout
-Indonesia, but, instead of recognising that such procedures
-have come into vogue as a degradation of the full rites
-incidental to mummification, he regards it as part of a
-widespread “notion que les derniers rites funéraires ne
-peuvent pas être célébrés de suite après la mort, mais
-seulement à l’expiration d’une période plus on moins
-longue” (p. 66); and regards mummification simply as a
-specialised form of this rite which is almost universal
-(p. 67):—“il paraît légitime de considérer la momification
-comme un cas particulier et dérivé de la sépulture
-provisoire.” (p. 69). This is a remarkable inversion of the
-true explanation. For the enormous mass of evidence
-which is now available makes it quite certain that the
-practice of temporary burial was adopted only when
-failure (or the risk of failure) to preserve the body compelled
-less cultured people to desist from the complete
-process.</p>
-
-<p>I am in full agreement with Hertz when he says:—“L’homologie
-entre la préservation artificielle du cadavre
-et la simple exposition temporaire paraîtra moins difficile
-à admettre si l’on tient compte du fait qui sera mis en
-lumière plus bas: les ossements secs, résidu de la décomposition,
-constituent pour le mort un corps incorruptible,
-absolument comme la momie.” (p. 69). But does not this
-entirely bear out my contention? It is quite inconceivable
-that the practice of mummification could have been
-derived from the custom of preparing the skeleton; but
-the reverse is quite a natural transition, for even in the
-hands of skilled embalmers (see especially <a href="#ref39"><b>39</b></a>), not to
-mention untutored savage peoples, the measures taken for<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">[90]</a></span>
-preserving the body may fail and the skeleton alone may
-be spared. If this contention be conceded, the demonstration
-given by Hertz of the remarkable geographical
-distribution of customs of temporary burial affords a most
-valuable confirmation of the general scheme of the present
-communication. “Au point de vue où, nous sommes
-placés, il y a homologie rigoureuse entre l’exposition du
-cadavre sur les branches d’un arbre, telle que la pratiquent
-les tribus du centre de l’Australie, ou à l’intèrieur de la
-maison des vivants, comme cela se rencontre chez certains
-Papous et chez quelques peuples Bantous, ou sur une
-plateforme élevée à dessein, ainsi que le font en général
-les Polynésiens et de nombreuses tribus indiennes de
-l’Amérique du Nord, ou enfin l’enterrement provisoire,
-observé en particulier par la plupart des Indiens de
-l’Amérique du Sud” (p. 67). There can be no doubt
-whatever of the justice of this “homology,” for in every
-one of the areas mentioned these customs exist side by
-side with the practice of mummification; and in many
-cases there is definite evidence to show that the other
-methods of treatment have been derived from it by a process
-of degradation. In his excellent bibliography, and
-especially the illuminating footnotes, Hertz gives a number
-of references to the practice of desiccation by smoking
-or simple forms of embalming, which had escaped me in
-my search for information on these matters. He refers
-especially to further instances of such practices in Australia,
-New Guinea, various parts of West Africa, Madagascar
-and America (p. 68).</p>
-
-<p>An interesting reference in the same note (p. 68,
-footnote 5) is to the practice of simple embalming among
-the Ainos of Sakhalin (Preuss, <i>Begräbnisarten der Amerikaner</i>,
-p. 190). This seems to supply an important link
-between the Eastern Asiatic littoral and the Aleutian<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">[91]</a></span>
-Islands, where mummification is practised. In Saghalien,
-according to St. John (“The Ainos,” <i>Journ. Anthropol.
-Inst.</i>, Vol. II., 1873, p. 253), “when the chief of a tribe or
-village died, his body was laid out on a table close to the
-door of his hut; his entrails were then removed, and
-daily for twelve months his wife and daughters wash him
-thoroughly. He is allowed ... to dry in the sun.”</p>
-
-<p>In a recent article on the customs of the people of
-Laos (G. Maupetit, “Moeurs laotiennes,” <i>Bull. et Mem. de
-la Soc. d’ Anthropol. de Paris</i>, 1913), an account is given
-of the practice of mummification in this far south-eastern
-corner of the Asiatic mainland. Cremation is the regular
-means adopted for disposal of the dead: but it is also
-“the Laotian’s ideal to be able to preserve the corpse in
-his house, for as long a time as possible, before incinerating
-it: in the same way the Siamese and Chinese keep their
-dead in the house for several months, often for several
-years” (p. 549).</p>
-
-<p>According to Maupetit the method of preservation
-is a most remarkable one. They pour from 75 to 300
-grammes of mercury into the mouth! “It passes along
-the alimentary canal and suffices to produce mummification,
-the rapid desiccation of the organic tissues.” Then
-the body was stretched upon a thick bed of melted wax,
-wood ashes, cloth and cushions.</p>
-
-<p>The great stream of “heliolithic” culture exerted a
-profound influence upon and played a large part in
-shaping the peculiar civilizations of China, Corea, and
-Japan. As the practice of embalming does not play an
-obtrusive part<a name="FNanchor_15" id="FNanchor_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> in this influence, I do not propose (in
-the present communication) to enter upon the discussion<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">[92]</a></span>
-of these matters, except to note in passing that the influence
-exerted by the “heliolithic” culture upon the
-Pacific coast of America may have been exerted partly
-by the East Asiatic-Aleutian route (see <a href="#map2"><i>Map II.</i></a>).</p>
-
-<p>The disgusting practice of collecting the fluids which
-drip from the putrefying corpse and mixing them with
-the food for the living occurs in Indonesia, in New
-Guinea and the neighbouring islands, in Melanesia,
-Polynesia and in Madagascar (for the bibliographical
-references see Hertz, p. 83, footnote 3).</p>
-
-<p>The Indonesian methods of preserving the dead are
-found in Seram (W. J. Perry), and the report recently
-published by Lorenz<a name="FNanchor_16" id="FNanchor_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> (<a href="#ref43"><b>43</b></a>, p. 22) records a similar practice
-in the neighbourhood of Doré Bay in North-West New
-Guinea. The corpse was tied to the rafter of the
-dwelling-house; and the practice of mixing the juices of
-decomposition with the food is in vogue also. The
-accounts given by D’Albertis (<a href="#ref1"><b>1</b></a>) and other travellers
-show that analogous customs are found at other places in
-New Guinea. There can be no doubt that the practice
-spread along the north coast of the island and then
-around its eastern extremity to reach the islands of the
-Torres Straits, where the practice is seen in its fully
-developed form, as Flower (<a href="#ref19"><b>19</b></a>), Haddon and Myers (<a href="#ref25"><b>25</b></a>),
-and Hamlyn-Harris (<a href="#ref27"><b>27</b></a>) have described.</p>
-
-<p>As I have already referred to Papuan mummies earlier
-in this communication and at some future time intend to
-devote a special memoir to the full discussion of the
-methods of the Torres Straits embalmers, I shall not go
-into the matter in detail here. I should like, however,
-to call special attention to the admirable account given
-by Haddon and Myers (<a href="#ref25"><b>25</b></a>) of the associated funeral rites.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">[93]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>In his memoir Flower described two interesting mummies,
-then in the Museum of the Royal College of Surgeons
-in London, one “brought in 1872 from Darnley Island in
-Torres Strait by Mr. Charles Lemaistre, Captain of the
-French barque ‘Victorine,’ and the other, an Australian
-mummy, obtained in 1845 near Adelaide, by Sir George
-Grey.” By a curious and utterly incomprehensible act
-of vandalism these extremely rare and priceless ethnological
-specimens were deliberately destroyed by Sir
-William Flower, who naively explains his extraordinary
-action by the statement “as the skeleton will form a
-more instructive specimen when the dried and decaying
-integuments are removed I have had it cleaned” (p. 393)!
-He treated in the same manner the second mummy, the
-only example of its kind, so far as I am aware, in this
-country! His photographs show that these two specimens,
-so far from being “decaying,” were in a remarkably
-good state of preservation at the time he doomed them
-to destruction.</p>
-
-<p>Captain Lemaistre found the Torres Strait mummy
-“in its grave, which consisted of a high straw and bamboo
-hut of round form: it was not lying down, but standing
-up on the stretcher” (<a href="#ref19"><b>19</b></a>, p. 389). This is a close parallel
-to the African customs—mummification, burial in a house
-of round form, and fixing the corpse to a rough form of
-funeral bier, which is stood up in the house.</p>
-
-<p>The skin was painted red, the scalp black. “The
-sockets of the eyes were filled with a dark brown substance,
-apparently a vegetable gum.... In this was
-imbedded a narrow oval piece of mother of pearl, pointed
-at each end, in the centre of the anterior surface of which
-is fixed a round mass of the same resinous substance,
-representing the pupil of the eye” (p. 301).</p>
-
-<p>“Both nostrils had been distended.”</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">[94]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>“In the right flank was a longitudinal incision, 3½
-inches in length, extending between the last rib and the
-crest of the ilium. This had been very neatly closed by
-what is called in surgery the interrupted suture.... The
-whole of the pelvic, abdominal and thoracic viscera had
-been removed, and their place was occupied by four
-pieces of very soft wood.... Except the wound in the
-flank, there was no other opening or injury to the skin”
-(p. 391).</p>
-
-<p>“Heads and bodies prepared in a similar way” are
-found in many museums, and afford an interesting illustration
-of the old Egyptian practice of paying special
-attention to the head. This is all the more instructive in
-view of the fact that it was common in certain regions,
-especially Mallicolo in the New Hebrides, to restore the
-features by means of clay and resinous paste, usually
-making use of the skull as a basis, but occasionally
-modelling the whole body,<a name="FNanchor_17" id="FNanchor_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> the model including parts of
-the deceased’s skeleton (see Henry Balfour’s article,
-“Memorial Heads in the Pitt Rivers Museum,” <i>Man</i>,
-Vol. I., 1901, p. 65). These modelling-practices and
-especially the fact that they usually deal with the head
-(or even face) only afford an interesting confirmation of
-the Egyptian origin of these customs (<i>vide supra</i>, etc., <a href="#ref40"><b>40</b></a>).</p>
-
-<p>In the 6th volume of the reports of the Cambridge
-Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits, C. S. Myers
-and Haddon (<a href="#ref25"><b>25</b></a>, pp. 129 and 135) give a detailed account
-of the funeral ceremonies from which I quote certain
-points. “As soon as death had occurred the women of
-the village started wailing. The corpse was placed on
-the ground on a mat in front of the house; the arms were
-placed close to the side; the great toes were tied together<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">[95]</a></span>
-by a string; the hair of the head and face was cut off
-and thrown away; the length of the nose was then
-measured with a piece of wax, which was preserved by a
-female relative for subsequent use in making a wax mask
-for the prepared skull. The dead man’s bow and arrow
-and his stone-headed club were laid beside him” (p. 129).
-The Egyptian analogies in all of these procedures is quite
-obvious.</p>
-
-<p>“Five men wearing masks performed a series of
-manœuvres ending up with flexion of the arms and a
-bending of the head. This movement was said to indicate
-the rising and setting of the sun and to be symbolic of
-the life and death of man.</p>
-
-<p>“Mourners then took the body and placed it upon a
-wooden framework, which stood upon four wooden supports
-at a little distance from the house of the deceased.
-The relatives then took large yams and placed them
-beside the body on the framework; they also hung large
-bunches of bananas upon the bamboos around. This
-was regarded as nourishment for the ghost, which was
-supposed to eat it at night-time (p. 135).</p>
-
-<p>“In two or three days when the skin of the body had
-become loose the framework was taken up to the reef in
-a small canoe; the epidermis was then rubbed off and by
-means of a sharp shell a small incision was made in the
-side of the abdomen (in the right side, at least, in the
-case of women), whence the viscera were extracted.</p>
-
-<p>“The perineum was incised in the males.”</p>
-
-<p>From a study of all the literature regarding this
-custom, as well as the actual specimens now in Sydney
-and Brisbane, it is clear that the incision may be made
-either in the left or right flank or in the perineum, and
-that sex does not determine the site.</p>
-
-<p>“The abdominal cavity was then filled up with pieces<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">[96]</a></span>
-of Nipa palm; the viscera were thrown into the sea and
-the incision closed by means of fine fish line. An arrow
-was used to remove the brain, partly by way of the
-foramen magnum and partly through a small slit which
-was made in the back of the neck. The ‘strong skin’ of
-the brain (the dura mater) was first cut and then the
-‘soft skin’ was pulled out.</p>
-
-<p>“The body was then brought back to the island and
-was placed in a sitting position upon a stone; the entire
-body was then painted with a mixture of red earth and
-sea water. The head, body and limbs were then lashed
-to the framework with string and a small stick was
-affixed to the lower jaw to keep it from drooping. The
-framework, with its burden, was fastened vertically to two
-posts set up in the rear of the house, and it was protected
-from public view by a screen of coconut leaves. The
-body was then gently rubbed down and holes were made
-with the point of an arrow so that the juices might
-escape. A fire was always kept alight beneath the body,
-‘by-n-by meat swell up’ (p. 136).</p>
-
-<p>“D’Albertis (<a href="#ref1"><b>1</b></a>) saw in Darnley Island the mummy
-of a man, who had been dead over a year, standing in the
-middle of the widow’s house attached to a kind of upright
-ladder of poles. They tint him from time to time with
-red chalk (ochre) and keep his skin soft by anointing it
-with coconut oil” (p. 137).</p>
-
-<p>In the Berlin Museum für Volkerkunde there are
-mummies of two children, photographs of which, obtained
-from Professor von Luschan, are reproduced by Dr.
-Haddon. They were given to Dr. Bastian by the Rev.
-James Chamlers in 1880, having been obtained at
-Stephen’s Island. One of them is a small girl a few days
-old. The body is painted red all over, except the scalp
-and eyebrows, which are blackened. The other one was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">[97]</a></span>
-a small girl two or three years of age treated in a similar
-way; the incision for embalming is on the <i>left</i> side and
-has been sewn up.</p>
-
-<p>“In 1845 Jukes saw on the lap of a woman of Darnley
-Island the body of a child a few months old which seemed
-to have been dead for some time. It was stretched on a
-framework of sticks and smeared over with a thick red
-pigment, which dressing she was engaged in renewing.
-(“Voyage of the ‘Fly,’” Vol. I., 1847, p. 246)” (p.
-138).</p>
-
-<p>“Macgillivray (“Voyage of the ‘Rattlesnake,’” Vol.
-II., 1852, p. 48) also refers to a mummy of a child in
-Darnley Island. Sketches of the two Miriam mummies
-in the Brisbane Museum will be found on Plate 94 of
-Edge Partington and Heape’s Ethnographical Album of
-the Pacific Islands, third series. [Compare also Plate 2,
-Figure 4, in Brockett’s “Voyage to Torres Straits,”
-Sydney, 1836]” (p. 137).</p>
-
-<p>“On about the tenth day after death, when the hands
-and feet have become partially dried, the relatives, using
-a bamboo knife, remove the skin of the palms and soles,
-together with the nails, and then cut out the tongue,
-which is put into a bamboo clamp so that it may be kept
-straight while drying. These were presented to the
-widow, who henceforth wore them” (p. 138).</p>
-
-<p>A great deal of further information in regard to this
-practice is given by Haddon and Myers in their important
-monograph. Among other things they call attention
-once more to the custom of preserving the skull in the
-Torres Straits Islands where mummification is practised.
-The use of masks and ceremonial dances to assist the
-performers so as the more realistically to play the part
-of the deceased is welcome confirmation of the conclusion
-drawn from geographical distribution that such practices<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">[98]</a></span>
-were intimately related to mummification and form part
-of the ritual genetically linked to it.</p>
-
-<p>Dr. Hamlyn-Harris, the Director of the Queensland
-Museum, gives an account (<a href="#ref27"><b>27</b></a>) of the two mummies from
-the Torres Straits, which are now in Brisbane; and he
-adds further interesting information which he obtained
-from Mr. J. S. Bruce, of Murray Island, who was also one
-of Dr. Haddon’s informants. During my recent visit to
-Australia Dr. Hamlyn-Harris very kindly gave me every
-facility for examining these two mummies (as well as the
-Australian mummies in the Queensland Museum); and I
-also examined another specimen in the Macleay Museum
-of the University of Sydney. I am preparing a full report
-on all of these interesting specimens.</p>
-
-<p>From the Torres Straits the practice of mummification
-spread to Australia, as Flower (<a href="#ref19"><b>19</b></a>), Frazer (<a href="#ref22"><b>22</b></a>), Howitt
-(see Hertz, <a href="#ref33"><b>33</b></a>), Roth (<a href="#ref71"><b>71</b></a>) and Hamlyn-Harris (<a href="#ref28"><b>28</b></a>), among
-others, have described. Roth says “Desiccation is a form
-of disposal of the dead practised only in the case of very
-distinguished men. After being disembowelled and dried
-by fire the corpse is tied up and carried about for months.”
-(<a href="#ref71"><b>71</b></a>, p. 393). The mummy was painted with red ochre
-(Fraser, <a href="#ref22"><b>22</b></a>).</p>
-
-<p>In Roth’s photographs, as well as in the mummies
-which I have had the opportunity of examining, the
-embalming-incision was made in the characteristically
-Egyptian situation in the left flank. In one of the
-mummies in the Brisbane Museum (see <a href="#ref28"><b>28</b></a>, plate 6) the
-head is severely damaged. Examination of the specimen
-indicates that incisions had been deliberately made.
-Perhaps it was an attempt to remove the brain, which
-ended in destruction of the cranium.</p>
-
-<p>A curious feature of Australian embalming is that the
-body was always flexed, and not extended as in the Torres<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">[99]</a></span>
-Straits. At first I was inclined to believe that this may
-be due to the influence of the Early Egyptian (Second
-Dynasty) procedure (<a href="#ref89"><b>89</b></a>), but a fuller consideration of the
-evidence leads me to the conclusion that the adoption
-of the flexed position is due to syncretism with local
-burial customs, which were being observed when the
-bringers of the “heliolithic” culture reached Australia.
-It is probable that the boomerang came from Egypt, <i>viâ</i>
-East Africa, India (<a href="#ref12"><b>12</b></a>) and Indonesia at the same time.</p>
-
-<p>Several curious burial customs which may be regarded
-as degradations of the practice of mummification occur in
-Australia, but the consideration of these I must defer for
-the present.</p>
-
-<p>In the discussion on Flower’s memoir (<a href="#ref19"><b>19</b></a>), Hyde
-Clarke justly emphasized “the importance of the demonstrations
-in reference to their bearings on the connection
-of the Australian populations with those of the main continents,
-and in the influence exerted in Australasia at a
-former time by a more highly cultivated race. This, to
-his mind, was the explanation of the relations of the
-higher culture, whether with regard to language, marriage
-and kindred, weapon names, or modes of culture, such as
-the mummies now described, the modes of incision, and
-form of burial. He did not consider these institutions,
-as some great authorities did, indigenous in Australia”
-(<a href="#ref19"><b>19</b></a>, p. 394).</p>
-
-<p>Corroborative evidence is now accumulating (<a href="#ref70"><b>70</b></a>),
-which will definitely establish the reality of the influence
-thus adumbrated by Clarke 37 years ago.</p>
-
-<p>Frazer (<a href="#ref22"><b>22</b></a>, p. 80) says the burial (in Australia) on a
-raised stage reminds him of the “towers of silence,” and
-adds:—“This novelty of a raised stage can scarcely be a
-thing which our blacks have invented for themselves
-since they came to Australia; and if it is a custom which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">[100]</a></span>
-some portion of their ancestors brought with them into
-this country, I would argue from it that these ancestors
-were once in contact with, or rather formed part of, a
-race which had beliefs similar to those of the Persians;
-such beliefs are not readily adopted by strangers; they
-belong to a race.” Frazer proceeds to contrast this
-practice with the other Australian custom of desiccation,
-which, he says, “corresponds to the Egyptian practice of
-mummification” (p. 81): but, as Hertz (<a href="#ref33"><b>33</b></a> <i>et supra</i>) has
-pointed out, they were inspired by the same fundamental
-idea, however much the present practitioners of the two
-methods may fail to realize this in their beliefs and
-traditions. The interesting suggestion emerges from
-these considerations that the peculiar Persian burial customs
-may be essentially a degraded and profoundly
-modified form of the ancient Egyptian funerary rites.</p>
-
-<p>In his “Polynesian Researches” William Ellis (<a href="#ref15"><b>15</b></a>)
-gives an interesting, though unfortunately too brief,
-account of the Tahitian practice of embalming. Among
-the poor and middle classes “methods of preservation
-were too expensive” to be used, but the body was “placed
-upon a sort of bier covered with the best native cloth”
-while awaiting burial (p. 399).</p>
-
-<p>“The bodies of the dead, among the chiefs, were,
-however, in general preserved above ground: a temporary
-house or shed was erected for them, and they were placed
-on a kind of bier ... sometimes the moisture of the body
-was removed by pressing the different parts, drying it in
-the sun, and anointing it with fragrant oils. At other
-times, the intestines, brains, etcetera were removed: all
-moisture was extracted from the body, which was fixed in
-a sitting position during the day, and exposed to the sun,
-and, when placed horizontally at night was frequently
-turned over, that it might not remain long on the same<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">[101]</a></span>
-side. The inside was then filled with cloth saturated with
-perfumed oils, which were also injected into other parts of
-the body, and carefully rubbed over the outside every
-day” (pp. 400 and 401).</p>
-
-<p>“It was then clothed, and fixed in a sitting posture;
-a small altar was erected before it, and offerings of fruit,
-food and flowers, were daily presented by the relatives, or
-the priests appointed to attend the body. In this state it
-was preserved several months, and when it decayed, the
-skull was carefully kept by the family, while the other
-bones etc. were buried within the precincts of the family
-temple” (p. 401).</p>
-
-<p>Ellis makes the significant comment:—“It is singular
-that the practice of preserving the bodies of their dead by
-the process of embalming, which has been thought to
-indicate a high degree of civilization, and which was
-carried to such perfection by one of the most celebrated
-nations of antiquity, some thousand years ago, should be
-found to prevail among this people.” The whole of the
-circumstances attending the practice of this custom, and
-the curious ritual and the behaviour of the mourners, as
-described by Ellis, no less than the details of the process,
-in fact afford the most positive evidence of its derivation
-from Egypt.</p>
-
-<p>Ellis says “it is also practiced by other distant nations
-of the Pacific, and on some of the coasts washed by its
-waters.” “In some of the islands they dried the bodies,
-and, wrapping them in numerous folds of cloth, suspended
-them from the roofs of their dwelling-houses” (p. 406).</p>
-
-<p>Ellis notes the remarkable points of identity between
-the Tahitian account of the deluge and not only the
-Hebrew but also those of the Mexicans and Peruvians
-and many other peoples (p. 394).</p>
-
-<p>In Glaumont’s summary (<a href="#ref24"><b>24</b></a>, p. 517) five modes of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">[102]</a></span>
-burial are described as being practised in New Caledonia.
-The first is burial in the flexed position; 2nd, extended
-burial in caves; 3rd, exposure of the body in trees or on
-the mountains; 4th, mummification; 5th, the body erect
-or reposing in a dug-out canoe. With regard to the
-method of embalming, this is practised only in the case
-of a chief. The body of a chief soon after death was
-covered with pricks into which were introduced the juices
-of certain plants with the object of preventing decomposition
-of the tissues. Afterwards the body was suitably
-dried or smoked, then it was dressed in its best clothes,
-its face painted red and black, and then the body was
-preserved indefinitely. A hole was made at the top of
-the hut, and by means of this they haul up the mummy.
-After it has been exposed in this way for a certain time,
-the body was withdrawn from the hole into the house,
-which was then carefully shut up and became taboo with
-all that it contained. Analogous customs are found in
-New Zealand and elsewhere in Oceania. A singularly
-strange custom is now in use in the New Hebrides and
-in the Solomon Islands. The father and son, for example,
-or the husband and wife, having just died, they smoke
-the head alone as in New Zealand, but they make (with
-bamboo covered with cloth) a mannikin, having roughly
-the human form; then they tattoo the whole of the surface;
-fastened upon each shoulder—and this is the
-strange part of it—is a piece of bamboo, to one of which
-they attach the father’s head and the other that of his
-son. [The account is not altogether intelligible here.]
-The heads are painted white and black. With reference
-to the placing of the body in a canoe, this is reserved for
-chiefs only. When a chief dies, messengers go in all
-directions, repeating “The sun is set.” This expression
-springs from the idea that the chief is a god, the supreme
-Sun-god.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">[103]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>These procedures afford a remarkably complete series
-of links with the “heliolithic” cult as practised elsewhere
-in the west and east. The account of the curious attachment
-of the heads to the shoulders of the dummy figure
-throw some light upon the custom (to which I have
-referred elsewhere in this communication) in Mallicolo
-(<a href="#ref61"><b>61</b></a>, p. 138) and in America of representing human faces
-on the shoulders of such models. It is a remarkable fact
-that in certain of the Mallicolo figures the phallus is
-fixed to the girdle in a very curious manner, exactly
-analogous to that recently described and figured by
-Blackman from an Egyptian tomb of the Middle Kingdom
-at Meir.</p>
-
-<p>Embalming was a method rarely employed in New
-Zealand.</p>
-
-<p>“After the extraction of the softer parts, oil or salt
-was rubbed into the flesh, and the body was dried in the
-sun or over a fire; then the mummy was wrapped in
-cloth and hidden away.”</p>
-
-<p>“In some parts of New Zealand the skeletons of
-mummified bodies are found in the crouching or sitting
-posture” (Macmillan Brown, <a href="#ref7"><b>7</b></a>, p. 70).</p>
-
-<p>In Schmidt’s <i>Jahrbücher der gesammten Medicin</i>, 1890,
-Bd. 226, p. 175, there is an abstract of an article on Samoa
-by P. Burzen in which, among other things, the three
-Egyptian operations of circumcision, massage and mummification
-are described as being practiced.</p>
-
-<p>The embalming is done by women. After removing
-the viscera, which are buried or burnt, the eviscerated
-corpse is then soaked for two months in coconut oil,
-mixed with vegetable juices. When the body is fully
-treated and no more fluid escapes from it, the hair which
-had previously been cut off, is stuck on again with a
-resinous paste. The body cavity is packed with cloth<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">[104]</a></span>
-soaked in vegetable oil and resinous materials: then the
-mummy is wrapped up with bandages, the head and hands
-being left exposed.</p>
-
-<p>The body so prepared is put in a special place where
-it is preserved indefinitely.</p>
-
-<p>“In Pitcairn Island 1,400 miles due west of Easter
-Island carved stone pillars or images of a somewhat similar
-character to those of Easter Island” are found (Enoch,
-<a href="#ref16"><b>16</b></a>, p. 274).</p>
-
-<p>“Another 1,400 miles to the north-west takes us to
-Tahiti. The natives of Tahiti buried their chiefs in temples;
-their embalmed bodies, after being exposed, were interred
-in a couching position. Mention is made of a pyramidal
-stone structure, on which were the actual altars, which
-stood at the farther end of one of the squares.”</p>
-
-<p>“There are many close analogies between the sacrificial
-practices and those of Mexico” (p. 275).</p>
-
-<p>In their extensive migrations the carriers of the
-“heliolithic” culture took with them the custom of circumcision,
-and introduced it into most of the regions
-where their influence spread. In some of the areas
-affected by the “heliolithic” leaven the more primitive
-operation of “incision” is found. This consists not of
-removing the prepuce, but merely slitting up its dorsal
-aspect (<a href="#ref69"><b>69</b></a>, p. 432). It was the method employed in
-Egypt in pre-dynastic times, when it was the custom to
-hide the phallus in a leather sheath suspended from a
-rope tied round the body. The practice of “incision”
-and the use of the pudendal sheath persists in some parts
-of Africa until the present day (see <i>Journ. Roy. Anthropol.
-Instit.</i> 1913, p. 120).</p>
-
-<p>Rivers claims that “the practice of incision arose in
-Oceania as a modification of circumcision” (<a href="#ref69"><b>69</b></a>, p. 436):
-but I think the possibility of it having been introduced<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">[105]</a></span>
-from the west along with or before the practice of circumcision
-needs to be considered.</p>
-
-<p>Another remarkable practice which probably formed
-part of the equipment of the heliolithic wanderers was
-massage. It was employed by the Egyptians as early as
-the Sixth Dynasty, as we know from the representations
-of the operations in a Sakkara <i>mastaba</i> (Capart, <a href="#ref11"><b>11</b></a>).
-Piorry (<a href="#ref57"><b>57</b></a>) has given an account of the wide range of the
-practice of massage, from Egypt to India, China and
-Tahiti, and the high state of efficiency attained in its use
-in ancient times in India and China. The Chinese manuscript
-<i>Kong-Fau</i> contained detailed accounts of the
-operation. Piorry remarks, “it is clear that for us its
-development did not originate from the practices described
-in the books of Cong-tzée or the compilation of
-Susrata.”</p>
-
-<p>From Rivers’ interesting account of massage in Melanesia
-(<a href="#ref67"><b>67</b></a>) it is evident that the method must have an origin
-common to it and the modern European practice, and
-that it could not have arisen amongst a barbarous people
-like the Melanesians, who have the most extraordinary
-conceptions as to why and how it serves a therapeutic
-purpose. Although we have no evidence to prove that
-massage spread along with the heliolithic culture, the fact
-that it has a similar geographical distribution, and certainly
-was extensively practised in Egypt long before
-the great migration began, suggests that it may represent
-another Egyptian element of that remarkable culture-complex.</p>
-
-<p>In his masterly analysis of the cultures of Oceania (<a href="#ref69"><b>69</b></a>)
-Rivers has given a useful summary of the evidence relating
-to the practice of preserving the body, and has drawn
-certain inferences from these and other burial practices,
-which I propose to examine. “In some cases, as in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">[106]</a></span>
-Tikopia, interment takes place either in the house or
-within a structure representing a house, while in Tonga and
-Samoa the bodies of chiefs are interred in vaults built of
-stone. Often the body is buried in a canoe or in a hollowed
-log of wood, which represents a canoe” (<a href="#ref69"><b>69</b></a>, p. 269). From
-the evidence to which reference has been made in the
-course of the present memoir it is unnecessary to insist at
-any length on the importance and obvious significance
-of these facts. But I question the inference Rivers draws
-(p. 270) from the burial in boats. He says “the practice
-can be regarded as a result of the fact of migration, and
-does not show that the use of a canoe was the practice of
-the immigrants in their original home.” The practice is
-so widespread, however, and in Egypt and elsewhere had
-such a deep-rooted significance that it is difficult to believe
-this custom was not brought by the immigrants with them.
-I am willing to admit that the special circumstances of the
-people of Oceania naturally emphasized what may be
-called the “boat-element” in the funerary ritual; but the
-association of the use of boats with burial is so curious
-and constant a feature of the “heliolithic” culture where-ever
-it manifests itself (<i>vide supra</i>) as hardly to have
-arisen independently in different parts of the area of
-distribution.</p>
-
-<p>“A second mode of treatment is preservation of the
-body, either in the house or on a stage often covered with
-a roof. Some kind of mummification is usually practised
-in these cases, by continual rubbing with oil, drying by
-means of a fire, and puncture of the body to hasten the
-disappearance of the products of decomposition.”</p>
-
-<p>“In some parts of Samoa there is a definite process of
-embalming in which the viscera are removed and buried.
-A body thus treated lies on a platform resting upon a
-double canoe, and in many other places a canoe is used<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">[107]</a></span>
-as a receptacle for the body while it is undergoing the
-process of mummification” (p. 269). This association of
-the use of a canoe with a method of preservation
-obviously Egyptian in origin naturally provokes comparison
-with the use of boats in the Egyptian funeral
-ceremonies. An instance is the boat found in the tomb
-of Amenophis II. (<a href="#ref81"><b>81</b></a>). The platform is probably a type
-of bed found elsewhere in the region under consideration
-(see, for instance, Roth’s account of the Queensland
-sleeping-platform) and represents the bier found so often
-elsewhere (<i>vide supra</i>). This is in no way inconsistent
-with Rivers’ view that “exposure of the dead on platforms
-is only a survival of preservation in a house”
-(p. 273).</p>
-
-<p>Earlier in this memoir I have explained why the
-Egyptians came to attach special importance to the head,
-and how the less cultured people of Africa, when faced
-with the difficulties of preserving the body, saved the
-skull (or in some cases the jaw). When it is recalled how
-widespread this custom is in other parts of the “heliolithic
-area,” and how deep-rooted were the ideas which prompted
-so curious a procedure, Rivers’ independent inference in
-regard to this matter is fully confirmed. “Many practices
-become intelligible as elements of a single culture if we
-suppose that a people imbued with the necessity for the
-preservation of the body after death acquired ... the
-further idea that the skull is the representative of the
-body as a whole; if they came to believe that the purpose
-for which they had hitherto preserved the body could be
-fulfilled as well if the head only were kept” (p. 273). This
-is unquestionably true: but I dissent from Rivers’ qualification
-that this modification happened “perhaps in the
-course of their wanderings towards Oceania,” because it
-has already been seen that it had occurred before the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">[108]</a></span>
-wanderers set out from the East African coast. There
-is, of course, the possibility that Africa may have been
-influenced by a cultural reflux from Indonesia, such as
-has been demonstrated in the case of Madagascar; but
-there are reasons for believing that the facts under consideration
-cannot be explained in this way.</p>
-
-<p>In thus venturing upon criticisms of Rivers’ great
-monograph I should like especially to emphasize the fact
-that these comments do not refer in any way to his attack
-on the “orthodox” ethnological position. On the contrary,
-the views that I am setting forth in this communication
-represent a further extension of Rivers’ own attitude
-that the Oceanic cultures have been derived mainly from
-contacts with other peoples. A series of practices which
-he has hesitated to recognise as having been introduced,
-but inclined to regard as local developments, I hold to
-be part of the immigrant culture. The use of boats for
-burial, the custom of regarding the head as an efficient
-representative of the whole body and the practice of
-“incision” as well as circumcision (<a href="#ref69"><b>69</b></a>, p. 432) are examples
-of customs, which he regards as local developments in the
-Pacific: but all three are equally distinctive of Ancient
-Egypt and occur at widely separated localities along the
-great “heliolithic” track. The linking-up of sun-worship
-with all the other elements of the “heliolithic cult” also
-compels me to question his limitation of such worship to
-certain regions only in Oceania (<a href="#ref69"><b>69</b></a>, p. 549); even though
-I fully admit that the data used by Rivers are not sufficient
-to justify any further inference than he has drawn from
-them.</p>
-
-<p>My aim is then, not an attempt to weaken Rivers’
-general attitude, but enormously to strengthen it, by
-demonstrating that each culture-complex was brought
-into the Pacific in an even more complete form than<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">[109]</a></span>
-he had postulated. Nor does my criticism affect his
-hypothesis of a series of cultural waves into Oceania.
-Here, again, I am prepared to go not only the whole way
-with him, but even further, and to seek for additional
-cultural influences which he has not yet defined.</p>
-
-<p>Most modern writers who refer in any way to the
-preserved bodies which have been found in vast numbers
-in Peru and in other parts of America assume that these
-bodies have been preserved not by embalming or any
-other artificial method or mode of treatment, but simply
-as the result of desiccation by the unaided forces of
-nature. Although in the great majority of cases there are
-no obvious signs of any artificial means having been employed
-to preserve the bodies, yet a not inconsiderable
-number of examples have come to light to demonstrate
-the reality of the practice of mummification in America
-(<a href="#ref3"><b>3</b></a>; <a href="#ref37"><b>37</b></a>;
-<a href="#ref58"><b>58</b></a>; <a href="#ref63"><b>63</b></a>;
-and <a href="#ref106"><b>106</b></a>). Yarrow’s classical monograph
-(<a href="#ref106"><b>106</b></a>) established the reality of
-the practice of embalming in America quite conclusively. Moreover
-the fact that practically every item of the multitude of
-curiously distinctive practices found widespread in other
-parts of the world, in the most intimate association with
-methods of embalming certainly inspired by Egypt, puts
-it beyond all reasonable doubt that the variety of American
-practices for preserving the body is also to be attributed
-to the same source.</p>
-
-<p>In his book on the “History of the Conquest of Peru,”
-Prescott makes the following statement:—“When an
-Inca died (or, to use his own language, was called home
-to the mansion of his father, the Sun) his obsequies were
-celebrated with great pomp and solemnity. The bowels
-were taken from the body and deposited in the Temple of
-Tampu, about five leagues from the capital. A quantity
-of his plate and jewels was buried with him, and a number<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">[110]</a></span>
-of his attendants and favourite concubines, amounting
-sometimes, it is said, to a thousand, were immolated on
-his tomb....</p>
-
-<p>“The body of the deceased Inca was skilfully embalmed
-and removed to the great Temple of the Sun at
-Cuzco. There the Peruvian sovereign on entering the
-awful sanctuary might behold the effigies of his royal
-ancestors, ranged in opposite files—the men on the right
-and their queens on the left of the great luminary which
-blazed in refulgent gold on the walls of the temple. The
-bodies, clothed in princely attire which they had been
-accustomed to wear, were placed on chairs of gold, and
-sat with their heads inclined downwards, their hands
-placidly crossed over their bosoms, their countenances
-exhibiting their natural dusky hue—less liable to change
-than the fresher colouring of a European complexion—and
-their hair of raven black, or silvered over with age,
-according to the period at which they died. It seemed
-like a company of solemn worshippers fixed in devotion,
-so true were the forms and lineaments to life. The Peruvians
-were as successful as the Egyptians in the miserable
-attempt to perpetuate the existence of the body beyond
-the limits assigned to it by nature. [Note—Ondegardo,
-Rel. Prim., M.S.—Garcilasso, Com. Real., parte i., lib. v.,
-cap. xxix. The Peruvians secreted their mummies of
-their sovereigns after the Conquest, that they might not
-be profaned by the insults of the Spaniards. Ondegardo,
-when corregidor of Cuzco, discovered five of them, three
-males and two females. The former were the bodies of
-Viracocha, of the great Tupac, Inca Yupanqui, and of his
-son, Huayna Cupac. Garcilasso saw them in 1650. They
-were dressed in their regal robes, with no insignia but the
-llautu on their heads. They were in a sitting position,
-and, to use his own expression, ‘perfect as life, without so<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">[111]</a></span>
-much as a hair of an eyebrow wanting.’ As they were
-carried through the streets, decently shrouded with a
-mantle, the Indians threw themselves on their knees, in
-sign of reverence, with many tears and groans, and were
-still more touched as they beheld some of the Spaniards
-themselves doffing their caps in token of respect to
-departed royalty. (<i>Ibid.</i> <i>ubi supra.</i>) The bodies were
-subsequently removed to Lima; and Father Acosta, who
-saw them there some twenty years later, speaks of them
-as still in perfect preservation]” (<a href="#ref58"><b>58</b></a>, pp. 19 and 20).</p>
-
-<p>Later on in the same work Prescott, relying again
-on the somewhat, questionable authority of Garcilasso’s
-works, makes a statement which in some respects may
-seem to be at variance with what I have just quoted:—</p>
-
-<p>“It was this belief in the resurrection of the body
-which led them to preserve the body with so much solicitude—by
-a simple process, however, that unlike the
-elaborate embalming of the Egyptians, consisted in exposing
-it to the action of the cold, exceedingly dry and
-highly rarified atmosphere of the mountains. [Note.—Such
-indeed seems to be the opinion of Garcilasso, though
-some writers speak of resinous and other applications for
-embalming the body. The appearance of the royal
-mummies found at Cuzco, as reported both by Ondegardo
-and Garcilasso, makes it probable that no foreign substance
-was employed for their preservation.] As they
-believed that the occupations in the future world would
-have great resemblance to those of the present, they
-buried with the deceased noble some of his apparel, his
-utensils, and frequently his treasures; and completed the
-gloomy ceremony by sacrificing his wives and favourite
-domestics to bear him company and do him service in
-the happy regions beyond the clouds. Vast mounds of
-an irregular or more frequently oblong shape, penetrated<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">[112]</a></span>
-by galleries running at right angles to each other were
-raised over the dead, whose dried bodies or mummies
-have been found in considerable numbers, sometimes
-erect, but more often in the sitting posture common to
-the Indian tribes of both continents” (p. 54).</p>
-
-<p>In the light of the information concerning the practices
-in other parts of the world, which I have collected in the
-present memoir, there can be no doubt of the substantial
-accuracy of these reports, and that they refer to real
-embalming and not to mere natural desiccation.</p>
-
-<p>Hrdlička has adduced positive evidence of the adoption
-of embalming procedures (<a href="#ref37"><b>37</b></a>).</p>
-
-<p>In his report, “Culture of the Ancient Pueblos of the
-Upper Gila River Region, New Mexico and Arizona,”
-Walter Hough (<a href="#ref36"><b>36</b></a>) publishes excellent photographs of
-two mummies of babies, but he gives no information as to
-the method of preservation.</p>
-
-<p>There are four Peruvian mummies in the Anatomical
-Museum in the University of Manchester, three of which
-are adults, and one of them a baby. In only one of them
-is there any positive evidence of artificial measures having
-been adopted for the preservation of the body, and in
-this case the condition of the mummy was a most amazing
-one. The body was clad in woollen garments in the
-usual way, and was wearing a woollen peaked cap, the
-apex of which was furnished with a bunch of feathers.
-The body was placed in a sitting position, and a large
-wound extending across the trunk had been covered with
-cloth strongly impregnated with resinous material. The
-legs were sharply flexed upon the body and the arms
-were bound up in front. But to my intense amazement I
-found the shoulder blades on the front of the chest, and
-on examination found that the thorax was turned back
-to front. As the head was already separate there was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">[113]</a></span>
-nothing to show what position it originally occupied; and
-it seemed impossible to explain how it had been possible
-to twist the vertebral column in the lumbar region as to
-bring the thorax back to front. In order to solve this
-mystery I removed the resin-impregnated cloth, which
-was firmly fixed to the abdominal wound, and found that
-the body had been cut right across the abdomen and
-packed with wool after the viscera had been removed.
-Then the abdomen and thorax had been stuck together
-by means of the broad strip of cloth with resinous paste
-as an adhesive. But for some reason which is not very
-apparent, or probably through mere carelessness, the
-thorax had been placed the wrong way round, and it had
-become necessary, in order to restore some semblance of
-life-like appearance to the monstrosity, forcibly to twist
-the arms at the shoulder joints in order to get them into
-the position above described. [Since this was written I
-have learned that in certain American tribes it is the
-custom to dress the corpse with a coat turned back to
-front. This seems to suggest that the curious procedure
-just described may have been dictated by the same underlying
-idea, whatever it may be.] In the cranium of this case
-the remains of the desiccated brain were still present, and
-although there was a quantity of brownish powder along
-with it, the evidence was not sufficiently definite to say
-whether or not any foreign material had been introduced
-into the cranial cavity. In the case of the other three
-bodies, as I have already mentioned, there was no evidence,
-apart from the excellent state of preservation, to suggest
-what measures had been taken to hinder the process of
-decomposition.</p>
-
-<p>In his account of the obsequies of the Aztec kings,
-Bancroft (<a href="#ref3"><b>3</b></a>, Vol. II., p. 603) tells us that “the body was
-washed with aromatic water, extracted chiefly from trefoil,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">[114]</a></span>
-and occasionally a process of embalming was resorted to.
-The bowels were taken out and replaced by aromatic
-substances.” “The art was an ancient one, however,
-dating from the Toltecs as usual, yet generally known
-and practised throughout the whole country” (p. 604).
-He then proceeds to describe “a curious mode of preserving
-bodies used by the lord of Chalco,” which consisted
-of desiccation; and adds a singularly interesting
-reference to libations, not only curiously reminiscent of
-the ancient Egyptian practice, but also described in
-language which might be regarded as a paraphrase of the
-Pyramid text expounded by Blackman (<a href="#ref5"><b>5</b></a>). “Water was
-then poured upon its [the mummy’s] head with these
-words: ‘this is the water which thou usedst in this
-world’—Brasseur de Bourbourg uses the expression
-‘C’est cette eau que tu as reçue en venant au monde’”
-(Bancroft, <a href="#ref3"><b>3</b></a>, Vol. II., p. 604).</p>
-
-<p>It is altogether inconceivable that such a curious
-practice, embodying so remarkable an idea, could by
-chance have been invented independently in Egypt and
-in America. This can be no mere coincidence, but proof
-of the most definite kind of the derivation of these Toltec
-and Aztec ideas from Egypt.</p>
-
-<p>Bancroft further describes (<a href="#ref3"><b>3</b></a>, p. 604 <i>et seq.</i>) a whole
-series of other ritual observances, many of which find
-close parallels in the scenes depicted in the royal
-Egyptian tombs of the New Empire.</p>
-
-<p>I have already referred to Tylor’s case (<a href="#ref102"><b>102</b></a>) of the
-adoption <i>in toto</i> by the Aztecs of the Japanese Buddhist’s
-story of the soul’s wanderings in the spirit-land. In the
-case recorded by Bancroft almost the same story is
-reproduced, but with the characteristic Egyptian additions
-relating to parts of the way guarded by a gigantic snake
-and an alligator respectively [in the Egyptian ritual it is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">[115]</a></span>
-of course the Crocodile; see Budge, “The Egyptian
-Heaven and Hell,” Vol. 1, p. 159]. This is a most remarkable
-example of syncretism between the Egyptian
-ritual of the New Empire with Buddhist practices on the
-distant shores of America.</p>
-
-<p>As the connecting link between the Old and New
-World, it may be noted that in Oceania “everywhere is
-the belief that the soul after death must undertake a
-journey, beset with various perils, to the abode of departed
-spirits, which is usually represented as lying towards the
-west” (<a href="#ref61"><b>61</b></a>, p. 138).</p>
-
-<p>Reutter (<a href="#ref63"><b>63</b></a>) gives a summary of information relating
-to the practice of embalming in the New World and particularly
-amongst the Incas. The custom of preserving
-the body was not general in every case, for amongst
-certain peoples only the bodies of kings and chiefs were
-embalmed. The Indian tribes of Virginia, of North Carolina,
-the Congarees of South Carolina, the Indians of the
-North-West Coast, of Central America and those of Florida
-practised this custom as well as the Incas. In Florida the
-body was dried before a big fire, then it was clothed in
-rich materials and afterwards it was placed in a special
-niche in a cave where the relatives and friends used to
-come on special days and converse with the deceased.
-According to Beverley (1722) the tribes of Virginia
-practised embalming in the following way:—The skin
-was incised from the head to the feet and the viscera as
-well as the soft parts of the body were removed. To
-prevent the skin from drying up and becoming brittle oil
-and other fatty materials were applied to it. In Kentucky
-when the body had been dried and filled with fine sand it
-was wrapped in skins or in matting and buried either in a
-cave or in a hut. In Colombia the inhabitants of Darien
-used to remove the viscera and fill the body cavity with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">[116]</a></span>
-resin, afterwards they smoked the body and preserved it
-in their houses reposing either in a hammock or in a
-wooden coffin. The Muiscas, the Aleutians, the inhabitants
-of Yucatan and Chiapa also embalmed the bodies of
-their kings, of their chiefs, and of their priests by methods
-similar to those just described, with modifications varying
-from tribe to tribe. Reutter acknowledges as the source of
-most of his information the memoirs of Bauwenns, entitled
-“Inhumation et Cremation,” and Parcelly, “Étude Historique
-et Critique des Embaumements”; but most of it
-has clearly been obtained from Yarrow’s great monograph
-(<a href="#ref106"><b>106</b></a>). Alone amongst the people of the New World who
-practised embalming the Incas employed it not only for
-their kings, chiefs and priests, but also for the population
-in general. These people were not confined to Peru, but
-dwelt also in Bolivia, in Equador, as well as in a part of
-Chili and of the Argentine. Mummified bodies were
-placed in monuments called Chullpas. According to De
-Morcoy these Chullpas were constructed of unbaked brick
-and were sometimes built in the form of a truncated pyramid,
-twenty to thirty feet high, in other cases simple mausolea
-of a simple monolith. The burial chamber inside
-them was square and as many as a dozen mummies might
-be buried in a single one. The bodies were sharply flexed
-and were placed in a sitting position. An interesting and
-curious fact about these mummies, or at any rate those
-from Upper Peru, was that all of them presented on the
-forehead or on the occiput a circle composed of small
-holes through the wall of the cranium, which had probably
-been used for evacuating the brain and for the introduction
-of preservative substances.</p>
-
-<p>Yarrow (<a href="#ref106"><b>106</b></a>) refers to the fact that the Indians of the
-North-West coast and the Aleutian Islands also embalm
-their dead. This, like the practice of tattooing (Buckland,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">[117]</a></span>
-<a href="#ref10"><b>10</b></a>), serves to map out the possible alternative northern
-route taken by the spread of culture from Asia to America
-(<i>vide supra</i> the account of Aino embalming; also <a href="#map2"><i>Map II.</i></a>).</p>
-
-<p>In his account of the Araucanos of Southern Chile
-(<i>Journ. Roy. Anthr. Inst.</i>, Vol. 39, 1909, p. 364) Latcham
-describes how, when a person of importance dies of disease,
-these people believe that some one must have poisoned
-him. They “open the side of the deceased” and extract
-the gall-bladder, so as to obtain from the bile contained
-in it some clue as to the guilty person. “The corpse is
-then hung in a wicker frame and under it a fire is kept
-smouldering till such time as the perpetrator be found
-and punished.”</p>
-
-<p>This confused jumble of practices suggestive of a
-blending of the influences of Egyptian embalming and
-Babylonian hepatoscopy is also obviously linked to the
-customs of Oceania and Indonesia.</p>
-
-<p>Scattered in certain protected localities along the
-whole extent of the great “heliolithic” track the ancient
-Egyptian [also Chaldean and Indian] practice of burial in
-large urns or jars occurs. In America also it is found;
-but, according to Yarrow, it is restricted to certain people
-of New Mexico and California, although similar urns have
-been found in Nicaragua.</p>
-
-<p>After the coming of the first great “heliolithic” wave,
-Asiatic civilization did not cease to influence America.</p>
-
-<p>There are innumerable signs of the later effects of
-both Western and Eastern Asiatic developments. For
-instance, there is the coming of the practice of cremation.
-The fact that such burial customs are spread sporadically
-in the islands of the Pacific suggests that the custom may
-have been carried to America by the same route as the
-main stream of the “heliolithic” cult; but against this is
-the evidence that cremation was practised especially on<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">[118]</a></span>
-the Pacific slope of the Rocky Mountains, and in Mexico
-rather than in Peru. It seems more probable that the main
-stream of the later wave of culture, of which cremation is
-the most distinctive practice, took the northern route
-skirting the eastern Asiatic littoral and then following the
-line of the Aleutian Islands.</p>
-
-<p>In the account of the method of mummification
-adopted by the Virginian Indians (<i>supra</i>) it was seen that
-the whole skin was removed and afterwards fitted on to
-the skeleton again. Great care and skill had to be used
-to prevent the skin shrinking. Apparently the difficulties
-of this procedure led certain Indian tribes to give up the
-attempt to prevent the skin shrinking. Thus the Jivaro
-Indians of Ecuador, as well as certain tribes in the western
-Amazon area, make a practice of preserving the head
-only, and, after removing the skull, allowing the softer
-tissues to shrink to a size not much bigger than a cricket
-ball (<a href="#ref44"><b>44</b></a>; <a href="#ref52"><b>52</b></a>, p. 252, and <a href="#ref61"><b>61</b></a>, p. 288).</p>
-
-<p>According to Page (<a href="#ref52"><b>52</b></a>), who has described one of the
-two Jivaro specimens now in the Manchester Museum,
-desiccation by heat was the method of preservation. He
-adds, “‘Momea’ and ‘Chancha’ are the names commonly
-given to such specimens by the natives.” Surely the
-former must be a Spanish importation!</p>
-
-<p>A comparison of this variety in the methods of preserving
-the body in America with the series of similar
-practices which I have been following from the African
-shore, makes it abundantly plain that there can be no
-doubt as to the source of the American inspiration to do
-such extraordinary things. The remarkable burial ritual
-and all the associated procedures afford strong corroborative
-evidence.</p>
-
-<p>But the proof of the influence of the civilizations of
-the Old World on pre-Columbian America does not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">[119]</a></span>
-depend upon the evidence of one set of practices, however
-complex, bizarre and distinctive they may be.</p>
-
-<p>The positive demonstration that I have endeavoured
-to build up in this communication depends upon the fact
-that the whole of the complex structure of the “heliolithic”
-culture, which was slowly built up in Egypt during the
-course of the thirty centuries before 900 <span class="smcapuc">B.C.</span>, spread
-to the east, acquiring on its way accretions from the
-civilizations of the Mediterranean, Western Asia, Eastern
-Africa, India, Eastern Asia and Indonesia and Oceania,
-until it reached America. Like a potent ferment it
-gradually began to leaven the vast and widespread
-aboriginal culture of the Americas.</p>
-
-<p>The rude megalithic architecture of America bears
-obvious evidences of the same inspiration which prompted
-that of the Old World; and so far as the more sumptuous
-edifices are concerned the primary stimulus of Egyptian
-ideas, profoundly modified by Babylonian, and to a less
-extent Indian and Eastern Asiatic, influences is indubitable.
-Comparison of the truncated pyramids of America,
-of the Pacific, Eastern Asia and Indonesia with those of
-ancient Chaldea, affords quite definite corroboration of
-these views. It would be idle to pretend that so complex
-a design and so strange a symbolism as the combination
-of the sun’s disc with the serpent and the greatly expanded
-wings of a hawk, carved upon the lintel of the door of a
-temple of the sun, could possibly have developed independently
-in Ancient Egypt and in Mexico (see especially
-Bancroft, <a href="#ref3"><b>3</b></a>, Vol. IV., p. 351).</p>
-
-<p>But it is not merely the designs of the buildings and
-their association with the practice of mummification (and
-later, in Mexico, with cremation), but the nature of the
-cult of the temples and all the traditions associated with
-them that add further corroboration. Thus, for example,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">[120]</a></span>
-Wake (<a href="#ref103"><b>103</b></a>, p. 383), describing the geographical distribution
-of serpent-worship (the intimate bond of which with
-sun-worship and in fact the whole “heliolithic” cult was
-forged in Egypt, as I have already explained), writes:—“Quetzalcoatl,
-the divine benefactor of the Mexicans,
-was an incarnation of the serpent-sun Tonacatlcoatl, who
-thus became the great father, as the female serpent Cihuacoatl
-was the great mother, of the human race.” “The
-solar character of the serpent-god appears to be placed
-beyond all doubt.... The kings and priests of ancient
-peoples claimed this divine origin, and ‘children of the
-sun’ was the title of the members of the sacred caste.
-When the actual ancestral character of the deity is hidden
-he is regarded as ‘the father of his people’ and their
-divine benefactor. He is the introducer of agriculture,
-the inventor of arts and sciences, and the civilizer of
-mankind.”</p>
-
-<p>Writing of the Maya empire, Bancroft (<a href="#ref3"><b>3</b></a>, Vol. V.,
-p. 233) says:—“The Plumed Serpent, known in different
-tongues as Quetzalcoatl, Gucumatz, and Cukulcan, was
-the being who traditionally founded the new order of
-things.”</p>
-
-<p>Even the most trivial features of the “heliolithic”
-culture-complex make their appearance in America.
-Thus, for example, Harrison tells us that:—</p>
-
-<p>“The artificial enlargement of the lobe [of the ear]
-appears originally to have been adopted in India for the
-purpose of receiving a solar disc” (<a href="#ref29"><b>29</b></a>, p. 193).</p>
-
-<p>“The early Spanish historian mentioned that an
-elaborate religious ceremony took place in the temple of
-the Sun at Cuzco, on the occasion of boring the ears of
-the young Peruvian nobles” (p. 196).</p>
-
-<p>“The practice of enlarging the ear lobes was connected
-with Sun-worship” (p. 198).</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">[121]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>So also in the case of circumcision, tattooing, and
-almost every one of the curious customs I have enumerated
-in the foregoing account. Then, again, all the
-characteristic stories of the creation, the deluge, the
-petrifaction of human beings and of spirits dwelling in
-rocks, and of the origin of the chosen people from an
-incestuous union make their appearance in Mexico, Peru
-and elsewhere.</p>
-
-<p>The peculiar Swastika symbol, associated with the
-“heliolithic” cult by pure chance in the place of its origin,
-which the people of Timor, in Indonesia, regard as the
-ancient emblem of fire, the Son of the Sun, also appears
-in America.</p>
-
-<p>Even so bizarre a practice as the artificial deformation
-of the head (<a href="#ref48"><b>48</b></a>, pp. 515 to 519), which seems to have
-originated in Armenia, became added to the repertoire
-of the fantastic collection of tricks of the “heliolithic”
-wanderers, and was adopted sporadically by numerous
-isolated groups of people along the great migration route.
-For some reason this strange idea “caught on” in America
-to a greater extent than elsewhere and spread far and
-wide throughout the greater part of the continent.</p>
-
-<p>Many other curious customs might be cited as straws
-that indicate clearly which way the stream of culture has
-flowed. For instance Keane (<a href="#ref42"><b>42</b></a>, p. 264) states that “like
-the Burmese the Nicobarese place a piece of money in
-the mouth of a corpse before burial to help it in the other
-world”; and Hutchinson (<a href="#ref38"><b>38</b></a>, p. 448) supplies the link
-across the Pacific:—“Men, women and children [in
-ancient Peru] had frequently a bit of copper between the
-teeth, like the obolus which the pagan Romans used to
-place in the mouth to pay ferry to the boatman Charon
-for passage across the Styx.”</p>
-
-<p>This reference to Charon reminds us also of the widespread<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">[122]</a></span>
-custom, apparently originating in Egypt and
-spread far and wide, right out into the Pacific and America,
-of the association of a boat with the funerary ritual, to
-ferry the mummy to the west.</p>
-
-<p>Certain distinctive aspects of phallism in America
-might also be mentioned as evidence of the influence of
-Old World practices.</p>
-
-<p>In the appendix (part 1) to his “Conquest of Mexico,”
-Prescott (<a href="#ref59"><b>59</b></a>) summarises fully and fairly the large and
-highly suggestive mass of evidence available at the time
-when he wrote in favour of the view that the pre-Columbian
-civilization of Mexico and Peru had been inspired
-from Asia. In view of the apparent conclusiveness of
-his statement of the evidence it becomes a matter of some
-interest and importance to enquire into the reasons which,
-in the face of the apparently overwhelming testimony of
-the facts he has summarised, restrained him from adopting
-the obvious conclusion to which his whole argument
-points.</p>
-
-<p>Referring to the numerous islands of the Pacific as
-one means of access of population to America, Prescott
-quotes Cook’s voyages to illustrate how easily the Polynesians
-travelled from island to island hundreds of miles
-apart, and adds, “it would be strange if these wandering
-barks should not sometimes have been intercepted by the
-great continent, which stretches across the globe, in unbroken
-continuity, almost from pole to pole.</p>
-
-<p>“Whence did the refinement of these more polished
-races [of America] come? Was it only a higher development
-of the same Indian character, which we see, in the
-more northern latitudes, defying every attempt at permanent
-civilization? Was it engrafted on a race of
-higher order in the scale originally, but self-instructed,
-working its way upward by its own powers? Was it, in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">[123]</a></span>
-short, an indigenous civilization? or was it borrowed, in
-some degree, from the nations of the Eastern world? If
-indigenous, how are we to explain the singular coincidence
-with the East in institutions and opinions? If Oriental,
-how shall we account for the great dissimilarity in
-language, and for the ignorance of some of the most
-simple and useful arts, which, once known, it would seem
-scarcely possible should have been forgotten? This is
-the riddle of the Sphinx, which no Œdipus has yet had
-the ingenuity to solve.”</p>
-
-<p>In the light of the facts brought together in the
-present memoir, it requires no Œdipus to answer the
-riddle. For the only two objections which Prescott raises
-in opposition to the great mass of evidence he cites in
-favour of the derivation of American civilization from the
-Old World can easily be disposed of. Rivers has completely
-disposed of one by his demonstration of the fact
-that people—moreover those on the direct route across
-the Pacific to America—do actually “forget simple and
-useful arts” (<a href="#ref65"><b>65</b></a>). The other objection is equally easily
-disposed of, when it is remembered that it requires only
-a few people of higher culture to leaven a large mass
-of lower culture with the elements of a higher civilization
-(see also on this point, Rivers, <a href="#ref68"><b>68</b></a>). Moreover, if language
-is made a test, the affinities of the various American
-tribes one with the other would have to be denied. Thus,
-the language difficulty cuts both ways. But when we
-have disposed of his objections, the whole of his
-admirable summary then becomes valid as an argument
-in favour of the derivation of American culture from
-Asia across the Pacific.</p>
-
-<p>Since then it has become the fashion on the part of
-most ethnologists either contemptuously to put aside the
-probability or even the possibility of the derivation of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">[124]</a></span>
-American civilization from the Old World (characteristic
-examples of this attitude will be found in Fewkes’ address,
-<a href="#ref18"><b>18</b></a>, and Keane’s text-book, <a href="#ref41"><b>41</b></a>). On the other side the
-discussion has been seriously compromised from time to
-time by a wholly uncritical and often recklessly inexact
-use of the evidence in support of the reality of the contact,
-which has to some extent prejudiced the serious
-discussion of the problem. Perhaps the least objectionable
-of such unfortunate attempts are Macmillan Brown’s
-(<a href="#ref7"><b>7</b></a>) and Enoch’s books (<a href="#ref16"><b>16</b></a>). The former has been led
-astray by grotesque errors in chronology and the failure
-to realize that useful arts can be lost. Enoch, on the
-other hand, has collected a large series of interesting but
-incompatible statements, and has made no serious attempt
-to sift or assimilate them.</p>
-
-<p>But from time to time serious students, proceeding with the
-caution befitting the discussion of so difficult a problem, have
-definitely expressed their adherence to the view that elements of
-culture did spread across, or around, the Pacific from Asia to
-America (<a href="#ref8"><b>8</b></a>; <a href="#ref9"><b>9</b></a>;
-<a href="#ref10"><b>10</b></a>; <a href="#ref15"><b>15</b></a>; <a
-href="#ref20"><b>20</b></a>; <a href="#ref21"><b>21</b></a>; <a
-href="#ref29"><b>29</b></a>; <a href="#ref30"><b>30</b></a>; <a
-href="#ref38"><b>38</b></a>; <a href="#ref48"><b>48</b></a>; <a
-href="#ref49"><b>49</b></a>; <a href="#ref50"><b>50</b></a>; <a
-href="#ref51"><b>51</b></a>; <a href="#ref60"><b>60</b></a>; <a
-href="#ref73"><b>73</b></a>; <a href="#ref102"><b>102</b></a>; <a
-href="#ref103"><b>103</b></a> and <a href="#ref105"><b>105</b></a>).
-Among modern demonstrations I would especially call attention to
-the evidence collected by Dall (<a href="#ref73"><b>73</b></a>,
-p. 395), Cyrus Thomas (<a href="#ref73"><b>73</b></a>, p. 396),
-Tylor (<a href="#ref102"><b>102</b></a>) and Zelia Nuttall (<a
-href="#ref49"><b>49</b></a> and <a href="#ref50"><b>50</b></a>),
-and of the older literature the remarkable statement of Ellis (<a
-href="#ref15"><b>15</b></a>, p. 117). [In Mrs. Nuttall’s monograph (<a
-href="#ref49"><b>49</b></a>) there is a great deal, especially in the
-introductory part, to which serious objection must be taken: but in spite
-of the strong bias in favour of “psychological explanation” with which
-she started, eventually she was compelled to admit the force of the
-evidence for the spread of culture.]</p>
-
-<p>For detailed statements concerning the discussions
-of this problem in the past the reader is referred to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">[125]</a></span>
-Bancroft’s excellent summary (<a href="#ref3"><b>3</b></a>), which also supplies a
-wonderfully rich storehouse of facts and traditions wholly
-corroborative of the conclusions at which I have arrived
-in the present memoir.</p>
-
-<p>I find it difficult to conceive how there could ever
-have been any doubt about the matter on the part of
-anyone who knows his “Bancroft.”</p>
-
-<p>It will naturally be asked, if the case in proof of the
-actual diffusion of culture from Asia to America is so
-overwhelmingly convincing, on what grounds is assent
-refused? One school (of which the most characteristic
-utterance that I know of is Fewkes’ presidential address,
-<a href="#ref18"><b>18</b></a>) refuses to discuss the evidence: with pontifical solemnity
-it lays down the dogma of independent evolution
-as an infallible principle which it is almost sacrilege to
-question. I can best illustrate the methods of the other
-school of reactionaries by a sample of its dialectic.</p>
-
-<p>No single incident in the discussion of the origin of
-American civilization has given rise to greater consternation
-in the ranks of the “orthodox” ethnologists than
-Tylor’s statement (<a href="#ref102"><b>102</b></a>):—</p>
-
-<p>“The conception of weighing in a spiritual balance in
-the judgment of the dead, which makes its earliest appearance
-in the Egyptian religion, was traced thence into a
-series of variants, serving to draw lines of intercourse
-through the Vedic and Zoroastrian religions, extending
-from Eastern Buddhism to Western Christendom. The
-associated doctrine of the Bridge of the Dead, which
-separates the good, who pass over, from the wicked, who
-fall into the abyss, appears first in ancient Persian religion,
-reaching in like manner to the extremities of Asia and
-Europe. By these mythical beliefs historical ties are
-practically constituted, connecting the great religions of
-the world, and serving as lines along which their interdependence<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">[126]</a></span>
-is to be followed out. Evidence of the same
-kind was brought forward in support of the theory, not
-sufficiently recognised by writers on culture history, of the
-Asiatic influences under which the pre-Columbian culture
-of America took shape. In the religion of old Mexico
-four great scenes in the journey of the soul in the land of
-the dead are mentioned by early Spanish writers after
-the conquest, and are depicted in a group in the Aztec
-picture-writing known as the Vatican Codex. The four
-scenes are, first, the crossing of the river; second, the
-fearful passage of the soul between the two mountains
-which clash together; third, the soul’s climbing up the
-mountain set with sharp obsidian knives; fourth, the
-dangers of the wind carrying such knives on its blast.
-The Mexican pictures of these four scenes were compared
-with more or less closely corresponding pictures representing
-scenes from the Buddhist hells or purgatories as
-depicted on Japanese temple scrolls. Here, first, the
-river of death is shown, where the souls wade across;
-second, the souls have to pass between two huge iron
-mountains, which are pushed together by two demons;
-third, the guilty souls climb the mountain of knives, whose
-blades cut their hands and feet; fourth, fierce blasts of
-wind drive against their lacerated forms, the blades of
-knives flying through the air. It was argued that the
-appearance of analogues so close and complex of Buddhist
-ideas in Mexico constituted a correspondence of so high
-an order as to preclude any explanation except direct
-transmission from one religion to another. The writer,
-referring also to Humboldt’s argument from the calendars
-and mythic catastrophes in Mexico and Asia, and to the
-correspondence in Bronze Age work and in games in
-both regions, expressed the opinion that on these cumulative
-proofs anthropologists might well feel justified in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">[127]</a></span>
-treating the nations of America as having reached their
-level of culture under Asiatic influence.”</p>
-
-<p>One might have imagined that such an instance,
-especially when backed with the authority<a name="FNanchor_18" id="FNanchor_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> of our greatest
-anthropologist, who certainly has no bias in favour of the
-views I am promulgating, would have carried conviction
-to the mind of anyone willing to be convinced by precise
-evidence. But not to Mr. Keane! In endeavouring to
-whittle down the significance of this crucial case, he incidentally
-illustrates the lengths of unreason to which this
-school of ethnologists will push their argument, when
-driven to formulate a <i>reductio ad absurdum</i> without realizing
-the magnitude of the absurdity their blind devotion to
-a catch-word impels them to perpetrate.</p>
-
-<p>In Keane’s “Ethnology” (<a href="#ref41"><b>41</b></a>, pp. 217-219) the following
-passages are found:—</p>
-
-<p>“It is further to be noticed that religious ideas, like
-social usages, are easily transmitted from tribe to tribe,
-from race to race. [Most of my critics base their opposition
-on a denial of these very assumptions!] Hence
-resemblances in this order, where they arise, must rank
-very low as ethnical tests. If not the product of a common
-cerebral structure, they can prove little beyond social
-contact in remote or later times. A case in point is
-[Tylor’s statement, which I have just quoted].</p>
-
-<p>“The parallelism is complete; but the range of
-thought is extremely limited—nothing but mountains and
-knives, beside the river of death common to Egyptians,
-Greeks, and all peoples endowed with a little imagination.”
-“Hence Prof. E. B. Tylor, who calls attention to the
-points of resemblance, builds far too much on them when
-he adduces them as convincing evidence of pre-Columbian
-culture in America taking shape under Asiatic influences.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">[128]</a></span>
-In the same place he refers to Humboldt’s argument
-based on the similarity of calendars and of mythical
-catastrophes. But the ‘mythical catastrophes,’ floods and
-the like, have long been discounted, while the Mexican
-calendar, despite the authority of Humboldt’s name,
-presents no resemblance whatsoever to those of the
-‘Tibetan and Tartar tribes,’ or to any other of the Asiatic
-calendars with which it has been compared. ‘There is
-absolutely no similarity between the Tibetan calendar
-and the primitive form of the American,’ which, ‘was not
-intended as a year-count, but as a ritual and formulary,’
-and whose signs ‘had nothing to do with the signs of the
-zodiac, as had all those of the Tibetan and Tartar calendars’
-(D. G. Brinton, ‘On various supposed Relations
-between the American and Asian races,’ from <i>Memoirs of
-the International Congress of Anthropology</i>, Chicago,
-p. 148). Regarding all such analogies as may exist
-‘between the culture and customs of Mexico and those of
-China, Cambodia, Assyria, Chaldæa, and Asia Minor,’
-Dr. Brinton asks pertinently, ‘Are we, therefore, to transport
-all these ancient peoples, or representatives of them,
-into Mexico?’ (<i>ib.</i> p, 147). So Lefevre, who regards as
-‘quite chimerical’ the attempts made to trace such resemblances
-to the Old World. ‘If there are coincidences,
-they are fortuitous, or they result from evolution, which
-leads all the human group through the same stages and
-by the same steps’ (‘Race and Language,’ p. 185).</p>
-
-<p>“Many far more inexplicable coincidencies than any
-of those here referred to occur in different regions, where
-not even contact can be suspected. Such is the strange
-custom of <i>Couvade</i>, which is found to prevail among
-peoples so widely separated as the Basques and Guiana
-Indians, who could never have either directly or indirectly
-in any way influenced each other” (<a href="#ref34"><b>34</b></a>).</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">[129]</a></span></p>
-
-<p>It is surely unnecessary to comment at length upon
-this quibbling, which is a fair sample of the kind of self-destructive
-criticism one meets in ethnological discussions
-nowadays. Talking of the “limitation of the range of
-thought” when out of the unlimited possibilities for its
-unhampered activities the human mind hit upon four
-episodes of such a fantastic nature, Keane taxes the
-credulity of his readers altogether too much when he
-solemnly tries to persuade them that such ideas are the
-most natural things in the world for mankind to imagine!</p>
-
-<p>Surely it would have been better tactics frankly to
-admit the identity of origin, and then, following the
-example of Hough (<a href="#ref35"><b>35</b></a>), minimize its importance by indicating
-the variety of possible ways by which Asiatic
-influence may have influenced America sporadically in
-comparatively recent times.</p>
-
-<p>But instead of this, Keane insisted upon pushing his
-refusal to admit the most obvious inferences to the
-extreme limit and invoked the practice of <i>Couvade</i> as the
-<i>coup de grâce</i> to the views he was criticizing. But it was
-singularly unfortunate for his argument that he selected
-<i>Couvade</i>. His dogmatic assertion that the two peoples
-he selected are “so widely separated” that they could
-“never have either directly or indirectly in any way
-influenced one another” is entirely controverted by the
-fact that, although <i>Couvade</i> is, or was, a widespread
-custom, all the places where it occurred are either within
-the main route of the great “heliolithic culture-wave” or
-so near as easily to be within its sphere of influence.
-Thus it is recorded among the Basques,<a name="FNanchor_19" id="FNanchor_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> in Africa, India,
-the Nicobar Islands, Borneo, China, Peru, Mexico, Central
-California, Brazil and Guiana. Instead of being a “knockout<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">[130]</a></span>
-blow” to the view I am maintaining, the geographical
-distribution of this singularly ludicrous practice is a very
-welcome addition to the list of peculiar baggage which
-the “heliolithic” traveller carried with him in his wanderings,
-and a striking confirmation of the fact that in the
-spread from its centre of origin this custom must have
-travelled along the same route as the other practices we
-are examining.</p>
-
-<p>After the artificialities of Keane and Fewkes, it is a
-satisfaction to turn back to the writings of the old ethnologists
-who lived in the days before the so-called
-“psychological” and “evolutionary explanations” were
-invented, and were content to accept the obvious interpretation
-of the known facts.</p>
-
-<p>More than eighty years ago, Ellis (<a href="#ref15"><b>15</b></a>, p. 117) with
-remarkable insight explained the relationships of the
-Polynesians and their wanderings, from Western Asia to
-America, with a lucidity and definiteness which must
-excite the enthusiastic admiration of those familiar with
-the fuller information now available. On p. 119 he
-cites an interesting series of racial factors, usages and
-beliefs in substantiation of the cultural link between the
-Pacific Islands and America.</p>
-
-<p>Quite apart from the mere evidence provided by the
-arts, customs and beliefs in favour of the transmission of
-certain of the essential elements of American civilization
-from the Old World, there is a considerable amount of
-evidence of another kind, consisting no doubt to a large
-extent of mere scraps. For instance, there are not only
-the stories of Chinese and Japanese junks arriving on
-the American shore and of American traditions of the
-coming of pale-faced bearded men from the east,<a name="FNanchor_20" id="FNanchor_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a> but<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">[131]</a></span>
-there is also a certain amount of evidence from the
-physical characters of the population themselves. It has
-been raised as an objection by many people that if there
-had been any considerable emigration of Polynesians into
-America they would have left a much more definite trace
-of their coming in the physical characters of the people
-of America than is supposed the case. But this argument
-does not necessarily carry very much weight, for the number
-of such Polynesians who reached America would
-have been a mere drop in the ocean of the vast aboriginal
-population of the Americas. Moreover, there is a certain
-amount of evidence of the presence of people with Polynesian
-traits in certain parts of the Pacific littoral. Von
-Humboldt stated the people of Mexico and Peru had
-much larger beards and moustaches than the rest of the
-Indians. But there is a more striking instance in substantiation
-of the reality of this mixture of Pacific people
-in America which raises the possibility that a certain
-number of Melanesians, whose physical characters, being
-more obtrusive by contrast than those of the Polynesians,
-were more easily detected. In Allen’s memoir (<a href="#ref2"><b>2</b></a>, p. 47)
-the following statements are found:—</p>
-
-<p>“Sir Arthur Helps tells us in his ‘History of Spanish
-Conquest in America’ that the Spaniards, when they first
-visited Darien under Vasco Nunez, found there a race of
-black men, whom they (gratuitously as it seems to me)
-supposed to be descended from a cargo of shipwrecked
-negroes; this race was living distinct from the other races
-and at enmity with them,”</p>
-
-<p class="noindent">and on page 48,</p>
-
-<p>“Perhaps other black tribes may be discovered upon
-a more careful enquiry, and if the theory of Crawford be
-accepted, which represents the inhabitants of Polynesia
-in Ante-historic times as being a great semi-civilized<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">[132]</a></span>
-nation who had made some progress in agriculture and
-understood the use of gold and iron, were clothed ‘with
-a fabric made of the fibrous bark of plants which they
-wove in the loom,’ and had several domesticated animals,
-a new and unexpected light may possibly be thrown upon
-the origin of primitive American culture. It is certain
-that massive ruins and remains of pyramidal structures
-and terraced buildings closely analogous to those of India,
-Java and Cambodia, as well as to those of Central America,
-Mexico and Peru, exist in many islands of Polynesia,
-such as the Ladrone Islands, Tahiti, Fiji, Easter Island
-and the Sandwich Islands, and the customs of the Polynesians
-are almost all of them found to exist also amongst
-the American races.”</p>
-
-<p>“Perhaps here, then, we have the ‘missing link’ between
-the Old World civilizations and the mysterious
-civilizations of America.”</p>
-
-<h2><span class="smcap">Summary.</span></h2>
-
-<p>Between 4000 <span class="smcapuc">B.C.</span> and 900 <span class="smcapuc">B.C.</span> a highly complex
-culture compounded of a remarkable series of peculiar
-elements, which were associated the one with the other
-in Egypt largely by chance, became intimately interwoven
-to form the curious texture of a cult which Brockwell has
-labelled “heliolithic,” in reference to the fact that it includes
-sun-worship, the custom of building megalithic
-monuments, and certain extraordinary beliefs concerning
-stones. An even more peculiar and distinctive feature,
-genetically related to the development of megalithic
-practices and the belief that human beings could dwell in
-stones, is the custom of mummification.</p>
-
-<p>The earliest known Egyptians (before 4000 <span class="smcapuc">B.C.</span>)
-practised weaving and agriculture, performed the operation
-of “incision” (the prototype of complete circumcision),<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">[133]</a></span>
-and probably were sun-worshippers. Long before
-3400 <span class="smcapuc">B.C.</span> they began to work copper and gold. By 3000
-<span class="smcapuc">B.C.</span> they had begun the practice of embalming, making
-rock-cut tombs, stone superstructures and temples. By
-the mere chance that the capital of the united Kingdom
-of Egypt happened to be in the centre of serpent-worship
-(and the curious symbolism associated with it—Sethe, <a href="#ref74"><b>74</b></a>),
-the sun, serpent and Horus-hawk (the older symbol of
-royalty) became blended in the symbol of sun-worship
-and as the emblem of the king, who was regarded as the
-son of the sun-god.</p>
-
-<p>The peculiar beliefs regarding the possibility of animate
-beings dwelling in stone statues (and later even in
-uncarved columns), and of human beings becoming petrified,
-developed out of the Egyptian practices of the
-Pyramid Age (circa 2800 <span class="smcapuc">B.C.</span>).</p>
-
-<p>By 900 <span class="smcapuc">B.C.</span> practically the whole of the complex
-structure of the “heliolithic” culture had become built up
-and definitely conventionalized in Egypt, with numerous
-purely accidental additions from neighbouring countries.</p>
-
-<p>The great migration of the “heliolithic” culture-complex
-probably began shortly before 800 <span class="smcapuc">B.C.</span> [Its influence
-in the Mediterranean and in Europe, as also in China and
-Japan, is merely mentioned incidentally in this communication.]</p>
-
-<p>Passing to the east the culture-complex reached the
-Persian Gulf strongly tainted with the influence of North
-Syria and Asia Minor, and when it reached the west
-coast of India and Ceylon, possibly as early as the end of
-the eighth century <span class="smcapuc">B.C.</span>, it had been profoundly influenced
-not only by these Mediterranean, Anatolian and especially
-Babylonian accretions, but even more profoundly
-with Eastern African modifications. These Ethiopian
-influences become more pronounced in Indonesia (no<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">[134]</a></span>
-doubt because in India and the west the disturbances
-created by other cults have destroyed most of the evidence).</p>
-
-<p>From Indonesia the “heliolithic” culture-complex
-was carried far out into the Pacific and eventually reached
-the American coast, where it bore fruit in the development
-of the great civilizations on the Pacific littoral and
-isthmus, whence it gradually leavened the bulk of the
-vast aboriginal population of the Americas.</p>
-
-<p>[When this communication was made to the Society
-my sole object was to put together the scattered evidence
-supplied by the practice of mummification, and other
-customs associated with it, in substantiation of the fact
-that the influence of ancient Egyptian civilization, or a
-particular phase of it, had spread to the Far East and
-America. Since then so much new information has come
-to light, not only in confirmation of the main thesis, but
-also defining the dates of a series of cultural waves, that
-it will soon be possible, not only to sketch out in some
-detail the routes taken by the series of ancient mariners
-who spread abroad this peculiarly distinctive civilization,
-but also to identify the adventurers and determine the
-dates of their greatest exploits and the motives for most
-of their enterprises. In collaboration with Mr. J. W. Perry
-I hope soon to be ready to attempt that task.</p>
-
-<p>I have deliberately refrained from referring to the
-vexed question of totemism in this communication,
-although it is obvious that it is closely connected with
-the “heliolithic” culture. I have used the expression
-“serpent worship” in several places where perhaps it
-would have been more correct to refer to the serpent-totem;
-but so far from weakening, the consideration of
-totemism will add to the strength and cogency of my
-argument.</p>
-
-<p>When I assigned (p. 65) a comparatively late date for<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">[135]</a></span>
-the extension of the “heliolithic” culture to the western
-Mediterranean and beyond I was not aware that Siret
-(<i>L’Anthropologie</i>, T. 20 and 21, 1909-10) had arrived at
-the same conclusion.]</p>
-
-<hr />
-
-<div class="footnotes">
-
-<h2>FOOTNOTES</h2>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_1" id="Footnote_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1"><span
-class="label">[1]</span></a> These figures refer to the bibliography at
-the end.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_2" id="Footnote_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2"><span
-class="label">[2]</span></a> Tylor (“On the Game of Patolli,” <i>Journ.
-Anthrop. Inst.</i>, Vol. VIII., 1879, p. 128) cites another certain case of
-borrowing on the part of pre-Columbian America from Asia. “Lot-backgammon
-as represented by tab, <i>pachisi</i>, etc., ranges in the Old World from
-Egypt across Southern Asia to Birma. As the <i>patolli</i> of the Mexicans is
-a variety of lot-backgammon most nearly approaching the Hindu <i>pachisi</i>,
-and perhaps like it passing into the stage of dice-backgammon, its
-presence seems to prove that it had made its way across from Asia. At any
-rate, it may be reckoned among elements of Asiatic culture traceable in
-the old Mexican civilization, the high development of which ... seems to
-be in large measure due to Asiatic influence.”</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_3" id="Footnote_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3"><span
-class="label">[3]</span></a> See also <a href="#ref2"><b>2</b></a>;
-<a href="#ref3"><b>3</b></a>; <a href="#ref7"><b>7</b></a>; <a
-href="#ref8"><b>8</b></a>; <a href="#ref9"><b>9</b></a>; <a
-href="#ref10"><b>10</b></a>; <a href="#ref16"><b>16</b></a>; <a
-href="#ref20"><b>20</b></a>; <a href="#ref21"><b>21</b></a>; <a
-href="#ref24"><b>24</b></a>; <a href="#ref29"><b>29</b></a>; <a
-href="#ref30"><b>30</b></a>; <a href="#ref38"><b>38</b></a>; <a
-href="#ref48"><b>48</b></a>; <a href="#ref49"><b>49</b></a>; <a
-href="#ref50"><b>50</b></a>; <a href="#ref51"><b>51</b></a>; <a
-href="#ref61"><b>61</b></a>; <a href="#ref73"><b>73</b></a>; <a
-href="#ref103"><b>103</b></a>; and <a href="#ref105"><b>105</b></a>.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_4" id="Footnote_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4"><span
-class="label">[4]</span></a> For proof that it was reached see
-<a href="#ref3"><b>3</b></a>; <a href="#ref8"><b>8</b></a>; <a
-href="#ref9"><b>9</b></a>; <a href="#ref10"><b>10</b></a>; <a
-href="#ref20"><b>20</b></a>; <a href="#ref21"><b>21</b></a>; <a
-href="#ref38"><b>38</b></a>; <a href="#ref49"><b>49</b></a>; <a
-href="#ref50"><b>50</b></a>; <a href="#ref51"><b>51</b></a>; <a
-href="#ref73"><b>73</b></a>; <a href="#ref102"><b>102</b></a>; <a
-href="#ref103"><b>103</b></a>; and <a href="#ref105"><b>105</b></a>.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_5" id="Footnote_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5"><span
-class="label">[5]</span></a> Dr. Fewkes’ discourse is essentially a
-farrago of meaningless verbiage. Later on in this communication I shall
-give a characteristic sample of the late Professor Keane’s dialectic;
-but the whole of the passages referred to should be read by anyone who
-is inclined to cavil at my strictures upon such expositions of modern
-ethnological doctrine. The obvious course for any serious investigator
-to pursue is to ignore such superficial and illogical pretensions: but
-the ethnological literature of this country and America is so permeated
-with ideas such as Fewkes and Keane express, that it has become necessary
-bluntly to expose the utter hollowness of their case.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_6" id="Footnote_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6"><span
-class="label">[6]</span></a> For if any sense whatever is to be
-attached to this phrase it implies that man is endowed with instincts
-of a much more complex and highly specialised kind than any insect or
-bird—instincts moreover which impel a group of men to perform at the
-same epoch a very large series of peculiarly complex, meaningless and
-fantastic acts that have no possible relationship to the “struggle for
-existence,” which is supposed to be responsible for the fashioning of
-instincts. </p> <p> But William McDougall tells us that the distinctive
-feature of human instincts is that they are of “the most highly general
-type.” “They merely provide a basis for vaguely directed activities
-in response to vaguely discriminated impressions from large classes
-of objects.” (“Psychology, the Study of Behaviour,” p. 171.) There is
-nothing vague about the extraordinary repertoire of the “heliolithic”
-cult!</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_7" id="Footnote_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7"><span
-class="label">[7]</span></a> It is a curious reflection that the idea of
-stone living which made such a fantastic belief possible may itself have
-arisen from the Egyptian practices about to be described.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_8" id="Footnote_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8"><span
-class="label">[8]</span></a> How insistent the desire was to make a
-statue of the mummy itself is shown by the repeated attempts made in
-later times; see the account of the mummies of Amenophis III. (<a
-href="#ref86"><b>86</b></a>) and of the rulers and priests of the
-XXIst and XXIInd Dynasties (<a href="#ref78"><b>78</b></a> and <a
-href="#ref87"><b>87</b></a>).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_9" id="Footnote_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9"><span
-class="label">[9]</span></a> For an account of the geographical
-distribution of serpent-worship and a remarkable demonstration of the
-intimacy of its association with distinctive “heliolithic” ideas, see
-Wake (<a href="#ref103"><b>103</b></a>).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_10" id="Footnote_10"></a><a
-href="#FNanchor_10"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> Sir William
-Thiselton Dyer informs me that in all probability it was not <i>cedar</i> but
-<i>juniper</i> that was obtained by the Ancient Egyptians from Syria [and
-used for embalming]. The material to which reference is made here would
-probably be identical with the modern ‘huile de cade,’ and be obtained
-from <i>juniperus excelsa</i>. </p> <p> I retain the term “oil of cedar” to
-facilitate the bibliographical references, as all the archæologists and
-historians invariably use this expression.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_11" id="Footnote_11"></a><a
-href="#FNanchor_11"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> Since this memoir
-has been printed Dr. Alan Gardiner has published a most luminous and
-important account of “The Tomb of Amenemhēt” (N. de Garis Davies and
-Alan Gardiner, 1915), which throws a flood of light upon Egyptian ideas
-concerning the matters discussed in this communication.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_12" id="Footnote_12"></a><a
-href="#FNanchor_12"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> Mr. Crooke has
-called my attention to a similar practice in India. Leith (Journ. Anthr.
-Soc. of Bombay, Vol. I., 1886, pp. 39 and 40) stated that the <i>Káší
-Khanda</i> contained an account of a Bráhman who preserved his mother’s
-corpse. After having it preserved and wrapped he “coated the whole with
-pure clay and finally deposited the corpse in a copper coffin.”</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_13" id="Footnote_13"></a><a
-href="#FNanchor_13"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> Jackson refers
-the suggestion to Curzon’s “Persia and the Persian Question,” 1892, where
-I find (Vol. II., pp. 74, 79, 80, 146, 178 and 192) most conclusive
-evidence in proof of the fact that the body of Cyrus was mummified and
-all the Egyptian rites were observed (see especially Mr. Cecil Smith’s
-note on p. 80). In Persia, under Darius (p. 182), the Egyptian methods
-of tomb-construction were closely copied, not only in their general
-plan, but in minute details of their decoration (see p. 178)—also the
-bas-relief of Cyrus wearing the Egyptian crown (p. 74). Cambyses even
-introduced Egyptian workmen to carry out such work (p. 192).</p>
-
-<p>There are reasons for believing that India also was in turn influenced
-by this direct transmission of Egyptian practices to Persia, but only
-after (perhaps more than a century after) the Ethiopian modification of
-Egyptian embalming had been adopted there.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_14" id="Footnote_14"></a><a
-href="#FNanchor_14"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> See, however,
-p. 69. At some future time I shall explain what an important link is
-provided by the ancient culture of the Black Sea littoral between Egypt
-and the civilizations of the Western Mediterranean on the one hand and
-India on the other.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_15" id="Footnote_15"></a><a
-href="#FNanchor_15"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> Reutter (<a
-href="#ref63"><b>63</b></a>) quotes the statement from Tschirch that
-Neuhof has described the embalming of bodies in Asia. In Borneo camphor,
-areca nut and the wood of aloes and musk are used; and in China camphor
-and sandalwood.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_16" id="Footnote_16"></a><a
-href="#FNanchor_16"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> For this and
-certain other references I have to thank my colleague Professor S. J.
-Hickson, F.R.S. So far I have been unable to consult the full reports of
-Lorenz’s expedition.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_17" id="Footnote_17"></a><a
-href="#FNanchor_17"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> A curious
-feature of these models is the representation of faces on the shoulders.
-Similar practices have been recorded in America (Bancroft, <a
-href="#ref3"><b>3</b></a>).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_18" id="Footnote_18"></a><a
-href="#FNanchor_18"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> For the whole
-driving force of the so-called “psychological” ethnologists is really a
-reverence for authority and a meaningless creed.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_19" id="Footnote_19"></a><a
-href="#FNanchor_19"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> Recent literature
-has thrown some doubt upon its occurrence in Western Europe.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a name="Footnote_20" id="Footnote_20"></a><a
-href="#FNanchor_20"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> It is quite
-possible this may refer to the relatively modern incursion of Norsemen
-and other Europeans into America by the North Atlantic.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-</div>
-
-<hr />
-
-<h2 id="BIBLIOGRAPHY">BIBLIOGRAPHY.</h2>
-
-<p class="center">Many other bibliographical references have been added in the text
-while this memoir was in course of printing.</p>
-
-<div class="hanging">
-
-<p id="ref1"><b>1.</b> <span class="smcap">D’Albertis, L. M.</span> “New
-Guinea.” London, 1880, Vol. I.</p>
-
-<p id="ref2"><b>2.</b> <span class="smcap">Allen, F. A.</span> “The
-Original Range of the Papuan and Negritto Races.” <i>Journ. Anthropol.
-Inst.</i>, Vol. 8, 1878-9, p. 38.</p>
-
-<p id="ref3"><b>3.</b> <span class="smcap">Bancroft, H. H.</span> “The
-Native Races of the Pacific States of North America.” London, 1875.</p>
-
-<p id="ref4"><b>4.</b> <span class="smcap">Bent, T.</span> “The Bahrein
-Islands in the Persian Gulf.” <i>Proc. R. Geograph. Soc.</i>, 1870, p. 13.</p>
-
-<p id="ref5"><b>5.</b> <span class="smcap">Blackman, A. M.</span> “The
-Significance of Incense and Libations in Funerary and Temple Ritual.”
-<i>Zeitsch. f. Ægypt. Sprache</i>, Bd. 50.</p>
-
-<p id="ref6"><b>6.</b> <span class="smcap">Breasted, J. H.</span> “A
-History of Egypt.” London, 1906.</p>
-
-<p id="ref7"><b>7.</b> <span class="smcap">Brown, J. Macmillan.</span>
-“Maori and Polynesian.” London, 1907.</p>
-
-<p id="ref8"><b>8.</b> <span class="smcap">Buckland, A. W.</span> “The
-Serpent in Connection with Primitive Metallurgy.” <i>Journ. Anthropol.
-Inst.</i>, Vol. 4, 1874-5, p. 60.</p>
-
-<p id="ref9"><b>9.</b> <i>Ibid.</i> “Ethnological Hints afforded by the
-Stimulants in use among Savages and among the Ancients.” <i>Journ.
-Anthropol. Inst.</i>, Vol. 8, 1878-9, p. 239.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_136"
-id="Page_136">[136]</a></span></p>
-
-<p id="ref10"><b>10.</b> <i>Ibid.</i> “On Tattooing.” <i>Journ. Anthropol.
-Inst.</i>, Vol. 17, 1887-8, p. 318.</p>
-
-<p id="ref11"><b>11.</b> <span class="smcap">Capart, J.</span> “Une Rue
-de Tombeaux.” <i>Brussels</i>, 1907.</p>
-
-<p id="ref12"><b>12.</b> <span class="smcap">Crooke, W.</span> “Northern
-India.” 1907.</p>
-
-<p id="ref13"><b>13.</b> <i>Ibid.</i> “The Rude Stone Monuments of India,”
-<i>Proc. Cotteswold Naturalists’ Field Club</i>, Vol. XV., May, 1905, p.
-117.</p>
-
-<p id="ref14"><b>14.</b> <span class="smcap">Davids, T. W. Rhys.</span>
-“Buddhist India.” London, 1911.</p>
-
-<p id="ref15"><b>15.</b> <span class="smcap">Ellis, W.</span> “Polynesian
-Researches.” Vol. I., London, 1832.</p>
-
-<p id="ref16"><b>16.</b> <span class="smcap">Enoch, C. R.</span> “The
-Secret of the Pacific.” London, 1912.</p>
-
-<p id="ref17"><b>17.</b> <span class="smcap">Fergusson, J.</span> “Rude
-Stone Monuments in all Countries.” London, 1872.</p>
-
-<p id="ref18"><b>18.</b> <span class="smcap">Fewkes, J. Walter.</span>
-“Great Stone Monuments in History and Geography.” Presidential Address
-delivered before the Anthropological Society of Washington, February
-20th, 1912.</p>
-
-<p id="ref19"><b>19.</b> <span class="smcap">Flower, W. H.</span>
-“Illustrations of the Mode of preserving the Dead in Darnley Island
-and in South Australia.” <i>Journ. Anthropol. Inst.</i>, Vol. 8, 1878-9, p.
-389.</p>
-
-<p id="ref20"><b>20.</b> <span class="smcap">Fox, A. Lane.</span>
-“Remarks on Mr. Hodder Westropp’s Paper on Cromlechs, with a Map of the
-World, shewing the Distribution of Megalithic Monuments.” <i>Journ. Ethnol.
-Soc.</i>, Vol. 1, 1869, p. 59.</p>
-
-<p id="ref21"><b>21.</b> <i>Ibid.</i> “On Early Modes of Navigation.” <i>Journ.
-Anthropol. Inst.</i>, Vol. 4, 1874-5, p. 389.</p>
-
-<p id="ref22"><b>22.</b> <span class="smcap">Frazer, John.</span> “The
-Aborigines of New South Wales.” Sydney, 1892.</p>
-
-<p id="ref23"><b>23.</b> <span class="smcap">Gardiner, Alan H.</span>
-Article, “Life and Death.” <i>Hastings’ Dictionary of Religion and Ethics</i>,
-1915.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_137"
-id="Page_137">[137]</a></span></p>
-
-<p id="ref24"><b>24.</b> <span class="smcap">Glaumont, M.</span> “Usages,
-Moeurs, et Coutumes des Néo-Calédoniens.” <i>Revue d’ethnologie</i>, 1888, p.
-73—Summary in Cartailhac’s “Materiaux pour l’histoire de l’homme,” Vol.
-22, 1888, p. 507.</p>
-
-<p id="ref25"><b>25.</b> <span class="smcap">Haddon, A. C.</span>,
-and <span class="smcap">Myers, C. S.</span> “Reports of the Cambridge
-Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits.” <i>Funeral Ceremonies</i>, Vol.
-VI., Cambridge, 1908, p. 126.</p>
-
-<p id="ref26"><b>26.</b> <span class="smcap">Haigh (Miss).</span> “Some
-Account of the Island of Teneriffe.” <i>Trans. Ethnol Soc.</i>, New Series,
-Vol. 7. 1869, p. 112.</p>
-
-<p id="ref27"><b>27.</b> <span class="smcap">Hamlyn-Harris, R.</span>
-“Papuan Mummification.” <i>Memoirs of the Queensland Museum</i>, Vol. I., 27th
-Nov., 1912.</p>
-
-<p id="ref28"><b>28.</b> <i>Ibid.</i> “Mummification,” <i>loc. cit. supra</i>.</p>
-
-<p id="ref29"><b>29.</b> <span class="smcap">Harrison, J. Park.</span>
-“On the Artificial Enlargement of the Earlobe.” <i>Journ. Anthropol.
-Inst.</i>, Vol. 2, 1872-3, p. 190.</p>
-
-<p id="ref30"><b>30.</b> <i>Ibid.</i> “Note on Phœnician Characters from
-Sumatra.” <i>Journ. Anthropol. Inst.</i>, Vol. 4, 1874, p. 387.</p>
-
-<p id="ref31"><b>31.</b> <span class="smcap">Hartman, C. V.</span>
-“Archæological Researches in Costa Rica.” Stockholm, 1901—a Review in
-<i>Nature</i>, March 16th, 1905, p. 462.</p>
-
-<p id="ref32"><b>32.</b> <span class="smcap">Hastings’</span> <i>Dictionary
-of Religion and Ethics</i>.</p>
-
-<p id="ref33"><b>33.</b> <span class="smcap">Hertz, R.</span>
-“Contribution à une Étude sur la Représentation Collective de la Mort.”
-<i>L’Année Sociologique</i>, 1905-6, p. 48.</p>
-
-<p id="ref34"><b>34.</b> <span class="smcap">Hodson, T. C.</span>
-“Funerary Rites and Eschatological Beliefs of the Assam Hill Tribes.”
-<i>Third Internat. Congress Hist. Religions</i>, Oxford, 1908, Vol. 1, p.
-58.</p>
-
-<p id="ref35"><b>35.</b> <span class="smcap">Hough, W.</span> “Oriental
-Influences in Mexico.” <i>American Anthropologist</i>, Vol. 2, 1900, p.
-66.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_138"
-id="Page_138">[138]</a></span></p>
-
-<p id="ref36"><b>36.</b> <i>Ibid.</i> “Culture of the Ancient Pueblos of
-the Upper Gila River Region, New Mexico and Arizona.” <i>Bulletin 87,
-Smithsonian Institution</i>, 1914, p. 132.</p>
-
-<p id="ref37"><b>37.</b> <span class="smcap">Hrdlička, A.</span> “Some
-Results of Recent Anthropological Exploration in Peru.” <i>Smithsonian
-Miscellaneous Collections</i>, Vol. 56, No. 16, 1911.</p>
-
-<p id="ref38"><b>38.</b> <span class="smcap">Hutchinson, T. J.</span>
-“Anthropology of Prehistoric Peru.” <i>Journ. Anthropol. Inst.</i>, Vol. 4,
-1874-5, p. 438.</p>
-
-<p id="ref39"><b>39.</b> <span class="smcap">Jones, F. Wood.</span> <i>In
-Report on the Archæological Survey of Nubia</i> for 1907-8, Vol. II., p.
-194.</p>
-
-<p id="ref40"><b>40.</b> <span class="smcap">Junker, H.</span>
-“Excavations of the Vienna Imperial Academy of Sciences at the Pyramids
-of Gizah, 1914.” <i>Journ. Egyptian Archæol.</i>, Vol. I., Oct., 1914, p.
-250.</p>
-
-<p id="ref41"><b>41.</b> <span class="smcap">Keane, A. H.</span>
-“Ethnology.” Cambridge, 1896.</p>
-
-<p id="ref42"><b>42.</b> <i>Ibid.</i> “Man, Past and Present.” Cambridge,
-1900.</p>
-
-<p id="ref43"><b>43.</b> <span class="smcap">Lorenz, H. A.</span> “Eenige
-Maanden onder de Papoea’s.” 1905, p. 224.</p>
-
-<p id="ref44"><b>44.</b> <span class="smcap">Lubbock, J.</span> “Notes on
-the Macas Indians.” <i>Journ. Anthropol. Inst.</i>, Vol. 3, 1873-4, p. 29.</p>
-
-<p id="ref45"><b>45.</b> <span class="smcap">Mace, A. C.</span> “The
-Early Dynastic Cemeteries of Naga-ed-Dêr, Part II.” 1909.</p>
-
-<p id="ref46"><b>46.</b> <span class="smcap">Moll, Hermann.</span>
-“Modern History.” Vol. I., Dublin, 1739.</p>
-
-<p id="ref47"><b>47.</b> <span class="smcap">Myers, C. S.</span>
-“Contributions to Egyptian Anthropology: Tatuing.” <i>Journ. Anthropol.
-Inst.</i>, Vol. XXXIII., 1903, p. 82.</p>
-
-<p id="ref48"><b>48.</b> <span class="smcap">Nadaillac De.</span>
-“L’Amérique Préhistorique.” Paris, 1883.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_139"
-id="Page_139">[139]</a></span></p>
-
-<p id="ref49"><b>49.</b> <span class="smcap">Nuttall, Zelia.</span> “The
-Fundamental Principles of Old and New World Civilizations,” Archæological
-and Ethnological Papers of the Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Mass., 1901, p.
-602.</p>
-
-<p id="ref50"><b>50.</b> <i>Ibid.</i> “A curious Survival in Mexico of the
-Purpura Shell-Fish for Dyeing.” Putnam Anniversary Volume, 1909.</p>
-
-<p id="ref51"><b>51.</b> <span class="smcap">Oldham, C. F.</span> “The
-Sun and the Serpent.” London, 1905.</p>
-
-<p id="ref52"><b>52.</b> <span class="smcap">Page, H.</span> “Post-mortem
-artificially-contracted Indian Heads.” <i>Journ. Anat. and Phys.</i>, Vol. 31,
-1897, p. 252.</p>
-
-<p id="ref53"><b>53.</b> <span class="smcap">Partington, Edge.</span>
-“Ethnographical Album of the Pacific Islands.” 3rd series, August, 1898,
-p. 94.</p>
-
-<p id="ref54"><b>54.</b> <span class="smcap">Petrie, W. M.
-Flinders.</span> “Tarkhan.” 1913 and 1914.</p>
-
-<p id="ref55"><b>55.</b> <span class="smcap">Perrot</span> and <span
-class="smcap">Chipiez</span>. “History of Art in Phœnicia.” London,
-1885.</p>
-
-<p id="ref56"><b>56.</b> <span class="smcap">Pettigrew, T. J.</span> “A
-History of Egyptian Mummies.” London, 1834.</p>
-
-<p id="ref57"><b>57.</b> <span class="smcap">Piorry.</span> Article
-“Massage,” in <i>Dictionnaire des Sciences Médicales</i>. 1819.</p>
-
-<p id="ref58"><b>58.</b> <span class="smcap">Prescott, W. H.</span>
-“Conquest of Peru.”</p>
-
-<p id="ref59"><b>59.</b> <i>Ibid.</i> “Conquest of Mexico.”</p>
-
-<p id="ref60"><b>60.</b> <span class="smcap">Quatrefages, A. de.</span>
-“Hommes Fossiles et Hommes Sauvages.” Paris, 1884.</p>
-
-<p id="ref61"><b>61.</b> <span class="smcap">Read, C.
-H.</span>, <span class="smcap">Joyce, T. A.</span>, and <span
-class="smcap">Edge-Partington, J.</span> “Handbook of the Ethnological
-Collections” (British Museum), 1910.</p>
-
-<p id="ref62"><b>62.</b> <span class="smcap">Reisner, George A.</span>
-<i>Bulletin of the Boston Museum of Fine Arts.</i> Vol. XII., No. 69, April,
-1914, p. 23.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_140"
-id="Page_140">[140]</a></span></p>
-
-<p id="ref63"><b>63.</b> <span class="smcap">Reutter, L.</span> “De
-l’embaumement avant et après Jésus-Christ.” Paris, 1912.</p>
-
-<p id="ref64"><b>64.</b> <span class="smcap">Rivers, W. H. R.</span>
-Presidential Address to Section H. <i>Report Brit. Assoc.</i>, Portsmouth,
-1911, p. 490, or <i>Nature</i>, 1911, Vol. LXXXVII., p. 356.</p>
-
-<p id="ref65"><b>65.</b> <i>Ibid.</i> “The Disappearance of Useful Arts.”
-<i>Report Brit. Assoc.</i>, 1912, p. 598 [Abstract of a memoir published
-in <i>Festsscrift Tillägnad Edvard Westermarck</i>, Helsingfors, 1912, p.
-109].</p>
-
-<p id="ref66"><b>66.</b> <i>Ibid.</i> “Survival in Sociology.” <i>The
-Sociological Review</i>, October, 1913, p. 292.</p>
-
-<p id="ref67"><b>67.</b> <i>Ibid.</i> “Massage in Melanesia.” <i>Report of the
-17th International Congress of Medicine</i>, London, August, 1913, Section
-XXIII., History of Medicine.</p>
-
-<p id="ref68"><b>68.</b> <i>Ibid.</i> “The Contact of Peoples.” Essays and
-Studies presented to William Ridgeway. Cambridge, p. 474.</p>
-
-<p id="ref69"><b>69.</b> <i>Ibid.</i> “The History of Melanesian Society.”
-Cambridge, 1914, Vol. II.</p>
-
-<p id="ref70"><b>70.</b> <i>Ibid.</i> “Is Australian Culture Simple or
-Complex?” <i>Report Brit. Assoc.</i>, 1914; also <i>Man</i>, 1914, p. 172.</p>
-
-<p id="ref71"><b>71.</b> <span class="smcap">Roth, W. E.</span> “North
-Queensland Ethnography, Bulletin No. 9, Burial Ceremonies and Disposal of
-the Dead.” <i>Records of the Australian Museum</i>, Sydney, Vol. VI., No. 5,
-1907, p. 365.</p>
-
-<p id="ref72"><b>72.</b> <span class="smcap">Roscoe, J.</span> “Further
-Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Baganda.” <i>Journal of the
-Anthropological Institute</i>, Vol. XXXII., 1902, p. 44. [Also his book
-entitled “The Baganda.”]</p>
-
-<p id="ref73"><b>73.</b> <span class="smcap">Semple, Ellen C.</span>
-“Influences of Geographic Environment on the basis of Ratzel’s System of
-Anthropo-Geography.” London, 1911.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_141"
-id="Page_141">[141]</a></span></p>
-
-<p id="ref74"><b>74.</b> <span class="smcap">Sethe, Kurt.</span>
-“Zur altaegyptischen Sage vom Sonnenauge das in der Fremde war.”
-<i>Untersuchungen zur Gesch. u. Altertumskunde Aeg.</i>, Bd. V., Heft 3, 1912,
-p. 10.</p>
-
-<p id="ref75"><b>75.</b> <span class="smcap">Smith, G. Elliot.</span> “On
-the Natural Preservation of the Brain in the Ancient Egyptians.” <i>Journal
-of Anatomy and Physiology</i>, Vol. XXXVI., pp. 375-380. Two text figures.
-1902.</p>
-
-<p id="ref76"><b>76.</b> <i>Ibid.</i> “The physical characters of the mummy
-of the Pharaoh Thothmosis IV.” <i>Annales du Service des Antiquités de
-l’Égypte</i>, 1904, [and in Carter and Newberry’s “Tomb of Thothmosis IV.”
-London, 1908].</p>
-
-<p id="ref77"><b>77.</b> <i>Ibid.</i> “Report on four mummies of the XXI.
-dynasty.” Ibid., 1904.</p>
-
-<p id="ref78"><b>78.</b> <i>Ibid.</i> “A Contribution to the Study of
-Mummification in Egypt.” <i>Mémoires presentés à l’Institut Égyptien</i>, Tome
-V., Fascicule I., 1906, pp. 1-54, 19 plates.</p>
-
-<p id="ref79"><b>79.</b> <i>Ibid.</i> “An Account of the Mummy of a Priestess
-of Amen.” <i>Annales du Service des Antiquités de l’Égypte</i>, 1906, pp.
-1-28, 9 plates.</p>
-
-<p id="ref80"><b>80.</b> <i>Ibid.</i> “Report on the Unrolling of the Mummies
-of the Kings Siptah, Seti II., Ramses IV., Ramses V., and Ramses VI., in
-the Cairo Museum.” <i>Bulletin de l’Institut Égyptien</i>, 5ᵉ Série, T.I. pp.
-45 à 67.</p>
-
-<p id="ref81"><b>81.</b> <i>Ibid.</i> “Report on the Unwrapping of the Mummy
-of Menephtah.” <i>Annales du Service des Antiquités</i>, 1907.</p>
-
-<p id="ref82"><b>82.</b> <i>Ibid.</i> “Notes on Mummies.” <i>The Cairo
-Scientific Journal</i>, February, 1908.</p>
-
-<p id="ref83"><b>83.</b> <i>Ibid.</i> “On the Mummies in the Tomb of Amenhotep
-II.” <i>Bulletin de l’Institut Égyptien</i>, 5ᵉ Série, Tome I., 1908.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_142"
-id="Page_142">[142]</a></span></p>
-
-<p id="ref84"><b>84.</b> <i>Ibid.</i> Account of the Mummies of Yuaa and
-Thuiu, in Quibell’s “Tomb of Yuaa and Thuiu.” Catalogue Général du Musée
-du Caïre, 1908.</p>
-
-<p id="ref85"><b>85.</b> <i>Ibid.</i> “The History of Mummification in Egypt.”
-<i>Proc. Royal Philosophical Society of Glasgow</i>, 1910.</p>
-
-<p id="ref86"><b>86.</b> <i>Ibid.</i> “The Royal Mummies.” Catalogue Général
-des Antiquités Égyptiennes du Musée du Caïre, 1912.</p>
-
-<p id="ref87"><b>87.</b> <i>Ibid.</i> “Egyptian Mummies.” <i>Journal of Egyptian
-Archæology</i>, Vol. I., Part III., July, 1914, p. 189.</p>
-
-<p id="ref88"><b>88.</b> <i>Ibid.</i> “Heart and Reins.” <i>Journal of the
-Manchester Oriental Society</i>, Vol. I., 1911, p. 41.</p>
-
-<p id="ref89"><b>89.</b> <i>Ibid.</i> “The Earliest Evidence of Attempts at
-Mummification in Egypt.” <i>Report Brit. Assoc.</i>, 1912, p. 612.</p>
-
-<p id="ref90"><b>90.</b> <i>Ibid.</i> “The Ancient Egyptians.” London and New
-York, 1911.</p>
-
-<p id="ref91"><b>91.</b> <i>Ibid.</i> “The Influence of Egypt under the
-Ancient Empire.” <i>Report Brit. Assoc.</i>, 1911; also Man, 1911, p. 176.</p>
-
-<p id="ref92"><b>92.</b> <i>Ibid.</i> “Megalithic Monuments and their
-Builders.” <i>Report Brit. Assoc.</i>, 1912, p. 607; also <i>Man</i>, 1912, p.
-173.</p>
-
-<p id="ref93"><b>93.</b> <i>Ibid.</i> “The Origin of the Dolmen.” <i>Report
-Brit. Assoc.</i>, 1913; also <i>Man</i>, 1913, p. 193.</p>
-
-<p id="ref94"><b>94.</b> <i>Ibid.</i> “The Evolution of the Rock-cut Tomb and
-the Dolmen.” Essays and Studies presented to William Ridgeway. Cambridge,
-1913, p. 493.</p>
-
-<p id="ref95"><b>95.</b> <i>Ibid.</i> “Report on the Physical Characters of
-the Ancient Egyptians.” <i>Report Brit. Assoc.</i>, 1914; also <i>Man</i>, 1914, p.
-172.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_143"
-id="Page_143">[143]</a></span></p>
-
-<p id="ref96"><b>96.</b> <i>Ibid.</i> “Early Racial Migrations and the Spread
-of Certain Customs.” <i>Report Brit. Assoc.</i>, 1914; also <i>Man</i>, 1914, p.
-173.</p>
-
-<p id="ref97"><b>97.</b> <i>Ibid.</i> “The Rite of Circumcision.” <i>Journ.
-Manchester Egy. and Oriental Soc.</i>, 1913, p. 75.</p>
-
-<p id="ref98"><b>98.</b> <span class="smcap">Smith, Percy.</span>
-“Hawaiki.” London, 3rd Edn., 1910.</p>
-
-<p id="ref99"><b>99.</b> <span class="smcap">Talbot, P. Amaury.</span>
-“Some Ibibio Customs and Beliefs.” <i>Journ. African Soc.</i>, 1914, p.
-241.</p>
-
-<p id="ref100"><b>100.</b> <span class="smcap">Taylor, Meadows.</span>
-“On Prehistoric Archæology of India.” <i>Journ. Ethnol. Soc.</i>, New Series,
-Vol. I., 1868-9, p. 157.</p>
-
-<p id="ref101"><b>101.</b> <span class="smcap">Thurston, E.</span> “The
-Madras Presidency,” 1913.</p>
-
-<p id="ref102"><b>102.</b> <span class="smcap">Tylor, E. B.</span> “On
-the Diffusion of Mythical Beliefs as Evidence in the History of Culture.”
-<i>Report Brit. Assoc.</i>, 1894, p. 774.</p>
-
-<p id="ref103"><b>103.</b> <span class="smcap">Wake, C. S.</span> “Origin
-of Serpent Worship.” <i>Journ. Anthropol. Inst.</i>, Vol. 2, 1872-3.</p>
-
-<p id="ref104"><b>104.</b> <span class="smcap">Weeks, J. H.</span>
-“Anthropological Notes on the Bangala of the Upper Congo River.” <i>Journ.
-Roy. Anthropol. Inst.</i>, Vol. XXXIX., 1909, pp. 450 and 451.</p>
-
-<p id="ref105"><b>105.</b> <span class="smcap">Wilson, Thomas.</span>
-“The Swastika.” <i>Report of Smithsonian Institution</i>, 1896.</p>
-
-<p id="ref106"><b>106.</b> <span class="smcap">Yarrow, H. C.</span> “A
-further Contribution to the Study of the North American Indians.” <i>1st
-Report, Bureau Amer. Ethnol.</i>, Washington, 1881.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-<pre>
-
-
-
-
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